The Sun. — London, England, 1866-10-17 00:00:00

Reform Demonstration at Glasgow. GLASGOW, Tuesday, Oct. 16. The greatest public demonstration that has occurred in Glaa'gow for a long series of years took place here this morning. During the Reform agitation of 1832 a large assemblage of Reformers, numbering about 70,000, met together on Glasgow-green, and this morning a similar meeting, only one of twice the size, estimated to contain about 150,000 persons, as sembled on the same spot, under the auspices of the Reform League, to pass resolutions in favour of an other Reform Bill. A large trade procession, con taining, according to the most accurate estimate, from 28,000 to 30,000 persons, was formed on the green at 11 o'clock, and from thence walked through the principal streets of Glasgow and back again to the starting-point, where, from various platforms, meetings were held s imultaneously and resolutions in favour of Parliamentary Reform adopted. Some better idea of the size of the procession than can be obtained from any vague estimate of the numbers it contained may be formed from the fact that, march ing four abreast, at a fair speed, it occupied two, hours in passing any given spot, and although its ranks were kept pretty close together it extended over a length of from four to five miles. When the main body of the procession was threading its way through the principal streets of the town, and before the tail end had left Glasgow-green, the head of the line had actually completed its journey and returned to its old place on the green. Fortunately the wea ther, upon which the success of out-door demonstra tions so much depends, was tolerably fine ; although there was no sunshine until late in the afternoon there was no rain, and a nice cool temperature, best suited for large open-air gatherings, prevailed dur ing the morning. Mr. John Bright, MX., who had accepted an in vitation to address the inhabitants of Glasgow upon the subject of Reform at an evening meeting, wit nessed the progress of the procession from the win dow of the Cobden Hotel in Argyle-street. He was accompanied by Mr. IPLaren, - M.P., Mr. Dalglish, M.P., Mr. Graham, . M.P., and a number of others, including among them a daughter of the late Mr. Cobden. As the procession and the immense crowd which accompanied it passed by the hotel re peated cheers were giveufor Mr. Bright, who bowed his acknowledgments. The line of the procession presented a very animated appearance. Many of the houses within the route taken by the procession seemed dressed for a holiday, and flags and banners of the Glasgow colours floated from the windows on every side, while at some points lineswere suspended across the streets, and so thickly adorned with flowers and . leaves that they assumed something of the appearance of triumphal arches. Business in the town was almost entirely suspended throughout the day, and almost every shop was closed, either from a wish to give greater impressiveness to the pro ceedings, or from a wholesome dread of smashed windows—a dread which the size and densely packed character of the gathering in the streets sufficiently warranted. The procession itself was headed by a large body of carters mounted on horseback, and well adapted to clear the way. These were followed by bodies of workmen from various trade establish ments in the town, and representing already every branch of manufacturing industry carried on in Glasgow. There were cabinetmakers, foundrymen, coppersmiths, shoemakers, trunkmakers, builders, pipemakers, goldsmiths, and shipwrights. There were also ironmoulders, puddlers, tinplate-workers, miners, potters, glassmakers, wireworkers, cloth lappers, and boilermakers. There were dyers, ropemakers, engineers, warpers, handloom weavers, factory operatives, coachmakers, tailors, and brass founders ; and there were printers, lithographers, bookbinders, blacksmiths, bakers, edge-tool makers, whitesmiths, irondressers, and nailmakers. Each trade carried multitudinous flags and banners, and was headed by a brass band, and each exhibited specimens of the productions of its own particular craft. The shipbuilders, for instance, carried a variety of shipwrights' tools, and bore aloft on high poles series of miniature ships in various stages of construction. 'l'lle carpenters and joiners carried models of all descriptions of carpentering, among the rest a small pulpit, with the orthodox crimson resting upon the desk, an ob ject which attracted considerable curiosity. In the same way every trade represented in the procession carried something or other indicating the peculiar nature of its own work. Banners and mottoes were distributed iu the greatest profusion along the whole procession, most of the mottoes protesting against the withholding of manhood suffrage and the ballot from the working classes. One of the mottoes ex cited considerable amusement, the cabinetmakers of Glasgow marching under the inscription, " The people should be the Cabinet-makers." One of the flags bore a huge coloured portrait of Gladstone, with the words " Reform," " Retrenchment," in scribed beneath, and a sort of companion picture, representing Mr. Bright, was shown on another flag, with the curiously-worded motto, " Honour Bright," " Stick to your colours." Another banner told the people, "Reform, if 'twere done, 'twere well it were done quickly.' " Borne high upon a pole was a de vice emblematical of the Cave of Adullam, with a figure, supposed to reptesent Mr. Lowe, sitting dis consolate at the entrance. Immediately behind came another representation of the cave of more question able propriety in the shape of an inverted household utensil. This gave rise to great merriment along the whole line of the procession. Among the banners there were several moth-eaten and battered, which figured in the Reform agitation of 1832. The following among other towns were represented in the procession by deputation :—Paisley, Dum barton, Greenock, Brechin, Stirling, Govan, Ren frew, Kilmarnock, Rothesay, Rutherglen, and Port Glasgow. The scene upon the green after the re- turn of the procession was of a very animating de -- - - scription. It was really impossible to form au-esti mate of the number present, but it far exceeded the attendance of any previous demonstration of the same character. Every portion of the green was crowded, and flags and banners by thousands lent an additional attraction to the scene. There were six platforms, at each of which the following resolu tions, for the English of which the gentlemen of the local committee are responsible, were adopted : "Ist. That this meeting protests against the continuance of the present system of representation, whereby the people are compelled to obey the laws in the making of which they have_no voice, which is opposed alike to the spirit of the ancient Constitution and our sense of justice. This meeting further pledges itself to support the Scotch National Reform League in its efforts to obtain by all lawful means registered residential manhood suffrage, as the only just basis of re presentation, and the protection of the ballot. 2d. That this meeting tenders its most grateful thanks to the Right lion. William Ewart Gladstone, John Bright, John Stuart Mill, and all the other true friends of Reform, who throughout the late discussions in Parliament vindicated the character of the people and vindicated their cause. 3d. That this resting also returns its thanks to Edmond Beales and the other members of the Reform League in London, for their deie— of the right of public meeting and of the true prin ciples ot !rage. , Reform, residential and registered manhood suf- Bef -or e leavi ng the subject of the morning demon stration, it is only possible to conceive just to say it would be hardly e more defective arrangements than those made i n con Reform demonstrations which with it. At all the great which the present recess has produced, the arrangonesni ents have been far better planned and carried out than has been the case with those organised in Gl asgow The evening meeting wa; held in the City Hall, Candleriggs, which was crowetl pronihdalil ence. Mr. Bright, on entering Zen to inconveni ,lalnd among cheered. Mr. Daiglish, AI.P., , was loudly those on the platform, in addition to: were Mr. Graham, M.P., Mr. T. B. Bright, Potter, Mr. Duncan .MI Laren, M.P., Mr. H. E r 'e .l l . l ,T" j Ewing, M.P., Mr. J. Merry, M.P., Mr. E. B e - a T e l; 1 Provost Macfarlane (of Paisley), Provost Mackay ' .Bailie Hay (of Dundee), &c. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings, briefly congratulated the city of Glasgow on the demonstration that had lately taken place. -Mr. PROUDFOOT moved the first resolution :-- 7 " That this meeting, while recording its indignation at the resistance offered in Parliament to the work ing classes and their advooates, calls upon the peo ple of this country to insist that the question of Reform be no longer trifled with, and to ral l y round those men who uphold their cause." Mr. G. NEWTON seconded the resolution, which was supported by Mr. E. BEALES, and unanimously adopted. Mr. G. Ross then read the following address to Mr. Bright : "Honourable Sir,—Those who have invited you to Scot land on this occasion may venture to assure you that the great mass of her people are not wanting in gratitude to those who have toiled and suffered in their cause ; they re joice at your presence amongst them, having earnestly marked your lifelong labours for the good of the entire nation. They have heartfelt pleasure in knowing that the genius and eloquence conferred on you by nature—first em ployed by you in teaching to prize virtue, knowledge, and temperance, and in raising the moral standard and material prosperity of those among whom your lot was more imme diately cast—have been exercised in later years in the wider sphere of statesmanship, till your name and influence have become appreciated and honoured throughout the world. We honour your incorruptible integrity, and recognise in you a statesman wise to foresee dangers, and capable of discerning the benefit to be gained by doing justly to all, and speaking the truth without fear of man or desire of earthly regard. We shall never forget your free trade labours in fellowship with one whose memory is embalmed on our hearts as your friend and ours. While we receive our daily bread for ourselves and our children, we remember those who secured to us that the bounty of God should be freed from the tax of men. We are thankful that while others have been taken to their great re ward, you have still been spared to be the advocate of those among your countrymen who, unjustly deprived of politi cal liberty, have no voice in the council of the nation. Your presence in Glasgow to-day inspires us with profound gratitude. We are here to give expression to that gratitude, to offer you our heartiest thanks ; but also thanks for some thing more. We are alive to the crisis in our affairs. The wrongs you have so long denounced must needs be re dressed. We again point the opponents of Reform to the great evils in our midst, imperilling society, for the removal of which the present system has been tried and found want ing. We dread that gulf, pauperism, the scandal of the world, amid unparalleled wealth, which is swallowing up our aged and infirm, and in which so many of our youth are abandoned to misery and crime. We protest against the domination of sectional parties, who, professing to go vern for the people, have failed to provide education for the nation, which popular Governments in other lands have secured, leaving us far behind. - We point to the wasteful expenditure which has produced and fosters our dangerous national debt, sapping the energies of the coun try, and burdening it in the race of nations. In the city from which Smith taught, we point to the unsatisfactory laws of banking, and the attendant paralysing of our trade. We denounce that system of misgoverment in certain colo nies, where different races come into close contact, which has culminated in the recent vindictive punishment of a political opponent under the plea of ne cessity. We protest against the present sectional representation, its restricted basis, its gross inequalities, audthe interference with tenant voters and the shameful bribery and corruption. Through ng y s ou pe , n w th e e c se all s a n t d te e n t t h io e n r t m o a t t h te e r u s n w rl i g th h i t rt u h s e po S l t i a cy te, p a r nd eoni evaili pelling the flower of our populat ion to seek freeholds and freedom where entail and primogeniture are un known. We seek not to retaliate, as an injured class, by desiring special privileges for ourselves, or by imposing restraints on others. We seek rather, by asserting our rights as men, to assist in the solu tion of those great problems on which the future of our country depends. Freedom and union are to-day the ideas which inspire and control the peoples of the world. The Great Ruler among the nations has been overturning the I barriers in the way of these ideas, and has signally frowned ' on those, both in Europe and America, who sought empire with division and slavery. We seek union for all classes, on the broad basis of political liberty. What has been ac complished in other lands by means of war we fervently pray may be accomplished here by means of peace ; but we warn our rulers against tile continued breach of the greet charter, wrung from reluctant hands at Runnymede, which provides that the rulers "shall not deny nor delay justice to any one." We, the sons of Wallace and Knox, join the men of England and Ireland in taking up the• words of Richard Cobden, addressed to you at the outset of your former victorious struggle—" Come with us, and we will never rest till we have abolished monopoly." Signed in the name and by appointment of the Scottish National Reform League." Mr. BRIGHT, who was received with enthusiastic cheering, said—Mr. Chairman and citizens of no mean city, I accept this address, which has been read in your hearing, and presented to me, with the feeling of deep gratitude to those who have expressed such friendly feelings towards me, but with a deep anxiety when I consider the intent and purport of the document. .I am consoled by regarding it as, in some degree, a compact or covenant entered into to-night by you and those whom you represent, with me and those whom I may be supposed in some de gree to represent, and that we covenant together that whatsbever is moral for us to do we engage to do in the prosecution of that great cause which has stirred the hearts of Glasgow to-day. _(Cheers.) I can do but little—any one man can do but little, but you, in your vast numbers, can do much, and, uniting with numbers not smaller in other parts of the kingdom, I have a strong sense that the day is fast approaching which will see the triumph of our cause— (cheers)---and I think he must be blind and fooliSh indeed who is not willing to admit that it is a great issue which is now sub mitted to the people of the United Kingdom. (Hear, hear.) Gatherings of scores of thousands of men, extending from south to north, must have some great cause. Men do not leave their daily labour, the necessary occupations of their lives, thus to meet, unless they believe there is some great question submitted to them in which they have a deep and an overpowering interest. (Hear and cheers.) And the question is this—whether, in future, the Government and the legislation of this country shall be conducted by a privileged class in a sham Parliament, or on the principles of the Con stitution, by the nation, through its representatives, fairly and freely chosen. (Cheers.) Now, there are persons who will think that I am speaking harshly of the existing Pvrliament ; some, probably, in this meeting might think that Mr. Beales was indiscrimiaate in the term which he used when he spoke of our representation being steeped in cor ruption ; but I am certain that if the representation of this country existed in any other country, and that its details were explained to Englishmen, there are not five Englishmen within the boundaries, or i five Britons within the bounds of this island— (hear, hear, and cheers)—who would not:admit that the language we applied to the Parliament was cor rect. (Cheers.) Now, what we charge against Parliament is this, that it is chosen from constitu encies not only so small that they do not and can not adequately represent the nation, but from con -1 stituencies so small as to be influenced by corruption i and by all ki n d s of mot i ves t h at are ne i t h er nat i ona l nor patriotic. (Hear, hear.) In our boroughs, for example, the numbers, for the most part, are very small. There are, I think, 254 boroughs in the United Kingdom, but there are only 54 of them that possess a constituency of 2,000 electors and upwards; and large and fair constituencies are indeed the exception. In Scotland your borough consti tuencies, though not generally very large, are larger than those in England ; and to your honour it must be said they are far more incorrupt than English constituencies. (Cheers.) In the counties the free holders—those who own land for cultivation —ar e constantly diminishing in numbers ; and that por tion of the constituencies which is not composed o f freeholders is composed of tenant farmers—the most dependent class of occupiers probably in the nation. (Cheers.) But now let me point to one or two facts )d— King_ t „s e h iJ am ni e t , e , w hi c h should sink deep in the minds of all men. dom 84 have no vote s Out of every 100 grown — (cries m e of men in the 84 might just as well, for all purposes of constitu tional government, so far as they are directly con cerned—those 84 might as well live in Russia, wher e there is no electoral system of g overnment, or in • those other countries, now very few indeed, iu which parliaments and representation are unknown. If it be the fact that only 16 men out of every 100 have votes, it is also the factthat those 16 are so arranged and so placed that the representation is in reality almost entirely destroyed. (llear, hear.) If the electors were fairly divided amongst all the mem i bers there would be nearly 2,000 electors to every 1 member, but what is the state of things ? Why, I that one-third of the House of Cominons, or 220 members of the House of Commons, are chosen by a number of men scattered over the country who are fewer b y a l most one -h a lf t h an t h e num b ers o f grown men in this city of Glasgow alone. (Cries of ,‘ Sh aine. " ) And further, one-half of the house of Commo ns i s chosen by ' about 180,000 electors, being only one-seventh of the whole number of elec t tors, and very much below the number of men who are to be found in the cities of gow. (Cries of " Shame.") A Edinburgh and Glas nd if we come to that great event which excit es go much interest, but which is generally of so little value, a general elec tion —(laughter) —we find and believe that not more than ten in a hundred—not more than 10 per cent. 1 THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 17, 1866, of the whole grown-up male population of the United Kingdom —ever come to the poll, and give their votes for the election of a new Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to a general elec tion, some of you have read, and many of you know, something of the cost and corruption of a general election. I will give you one instance, and one proof of it. It has been my opinion all along that it was the duty of the Government of Lord Russell, after the defeat of their Reform Bill, during the last session, to have dissolved the Parliament. (Hear, hear.) I have no reason to disbelieve what is as serted, that Lord Russell himself was of that opinion, but a general election had passed within the year, and another general election was a burden which members of Parliament did not wish to bear. I was speaking to a member of the Government on this question about the time when the resignation of the late Government was just about to be submitted to the Queen, and I was telling him that I thought the true policy—the corstitutional policy—of the Government was to dissolve the Parliament. (Hear, hear.) A portion of his answer was this—a mem ber who sits on our side of the house had spoken to him about it. He said, "My election has already cost _me £6,ooo"—(cries of " Shame")—and he added, " I have besides £3,000 more to pay." (Laughter.) He said further, what was very reason able, that this was a heavy burden ; that it was too grievous to be borne—(laughter) —that it put him to exceeding inconvenience—(laughter)—and that if the Parliament were dissolved he could not afford to fight his county or his borough, as the case might be, but would be obliged to retire from the field and leave the contest, if there should be a contest, to some one else. (Laughter.) You will believe, then, that the Government were greatly pressed by this consideration, and this consideration, added, it may be, to others, induced them to resign office rather than to dissolve Parliament. Thus you have a proof that whereas general corruption and putridity are the destruction of most bodies which they effect, the corruption of the present Parliament was, and is, the cause of its present existence. (Cheers.) Now bear in mind that this state of things which I have been describing exist at the present moment, 34 years after the passing of the great Reform Bill. What the Government must have been before that bill was passed it is scarcely possible to describe or to imagine; but I have no doubt of this, that it was one of the worst Governments in civilised countries and in Europe, and I think this may be fairly argued from the fact of the incessant wars in which the country was engaged for 150 years before that re form, from the enormous debt that was created, from the crushing taxes that were fixed upon the people, and worse almost than that, from that most infamous law which ever passed a Parliament of civilised men—the law which limited the supply of bread to the people. (Cheers.) Now if the clerk of the House of Commons were placed at Temple-bar, and if he had orders to lay his hand on the shoulder of every well-dressed and apparently clean-washed man who passed through that ancient bar until he had numbered 658, and if the Crown summoned those 658 to be the Parliament for the United King, dom, my honest conviction is that you would have a better Parliament than now exists. (Loud cheers.) Now, this assertion will stagger some timid and some good men, but let me explain myself to you. It would be a Parliament, every member of which 'would have no direct constituency, but it would be a Parliament that would meet and act as a jury that would take some heed of the facts and arguments laid before it. It would be free, at any rate, from the class prejudices which weigh upon the present House of Commons. It would be free from the over shadowing pressure of what are called noble families. It would owe no allegiance to great landowners, and I hope it would not] have fewer men amongst it, seeking merely their own gains by entering Par liament. Why, with the Parliament which we have now, and have had, facts and arguments go for very little. Take that question to which I have referred of limiting the supply of bread to the people. The corn law was on the statute book for 31 years— sixteen years before the passing of the Reform Bill, and fifteen years after the passing of that bill ; but from the first hour of its enfranchisement until the hour of its destruction the facts and arguments against it were equally clear and equally conclusive,__They would not be convinced though one rose from the dead, and that which convinced them at last was the occurrence of a great famine in Ireland, which de stroyed or drove from the country hundreds of thousands of the citizens of the empire. I maintain ' with the most perfect conviction, that the House of Commons, representing, as it now does, counties and boroughs such as I have described, does not repre sent the intelligence and the justice of the nation, but the prejudices, the privileges, and the selfishness of a class. (Cheers.) Now, what are tke results of this system of legislation ? Some of them have been touched upon in that address which has been so kindly presented to me. You refer to the laws affecting land. Are you aware of a fact which I saw stated the other day in an essay on this subject —that half the land of England is in the possession of fewer than. 150 men ? Are you aware of the fact that half the land in Scotland is .in the possession of not more than ten or twelve men ? (Cries of" Shame.") Are you aware of the fact that the monopoly in land in the United Kingdom is growing constantly more and more close, and the result of it is this—the gradual extirpation of the middle class as owners of the land and the constant degradation of the tillers of the soil (Cheers, and cry of "False," followed by counter cries of "True." Take a matter about which many Scotch farmers know something—take the perpetual grievance of the game laws. In the House of Commons that ques tion can scarcely be discussed. The landed interest, as it did in the late cattle plague debate, trample down Government and borough members and everything that thwarts their inclination. Take the general—l am sorry to say too general—•subserviency of the tenant farmers in the matter of elections. In your country—in Scotland—l entertain the hope that you will lead the way to the deliverance of the farmers from this slavery. In the last elections for Kincardineshire and for Aberdeenshire the tenant farmers have taken the politics of those counties into their own hands. I hope, and I believe, that the tenant farmers of Scotland, the most enlightened agriculturists that live on the face of the earth—l hope they, with perfect deference and perfect cour tesy to their landlords, will still exert their legiti mate and right influence in the election of members for the counties in Scotland. But take—what some of you cannot comprehend—take the helpless poverty of the farm labourers in the southern counties of England. I know not whether there has been much improvement in their . condition for two or three centuries past. Their wages are very low—their, help lessness is extreme—their power to deliver them selves—their power to combine, seems at the lowest ebb. Look at their ignorance. A friend of mine, a member of the House of Commons, who lives within six miles of the royal town and castle of Windsor, told me only the other day that he knew the case of a family near his house inwhich there had grown up 11 children, not one of whom could read or write in the least degree—(shame)—and he said that he had lately had in his employ upon his property seven men, of whom four could neither read nor write, two of them could read most imperfectly, and one of them could write about as well as the other two could read. (Laughter.) Bear in mind that all this exists within six miles of the royal castle of Windsor. It exists in a neighbourhood where lords and squires and established clergymen swarm. (Laughter.) Such is the state of ignorance of that population at this moment. Iss the county from which I come girls of the age of from 15 to 21 are earning, many of them, I believe double the weekly wages of the able bodied farm labourer, the head and father of a family, in some of the south-western counties of England. But what must be the ignorance of that population, with such wages offering to them in Lan cashire and Yorkshire; they seem to have no aspira tion to better their condition, and there is no sensible emigration from these wretched counties to the more prosperous counties of the north ? Your address refers to pauperism—the gulf of pauperism in the United Kingdom. At this moment there are more than 1,200,000 paupers. The pauperism of the United Kingdom last year— and it will not cost less this year cost the ratepayers, those who pay taxes for the relief of the poor, more than seven and a half millions sterling ; and this does not include many thousands of vagrants, who also come occasionally under the name of paupers. Now look, I beg of you, at this mass of misery. It is so great a mass that benevolence cannot reach it. If benevolence could do it there would be no pau perism in England, for in no country, I believe, is there more benevolence than in the United Kingdom. (Cheers.) The kindness of the women of England is beyond all mea sure, and beyond all praise. There does not exist among created beings beneath the angelic ranks those who are more kind and charitable than the women of the United Kingdom ; but benevolence can touch scarcely the fringe of this vast disorder. There is another virtue we could add, and that virtue and that quality is justice. (Hear, hear.) It is not benevolence, but justice, that can deal with giant evils. It was not benevolence that gave the people bread 20 years ago, but it was justice embodied in the abolition of a wicked and a guilty law. (Cheers.) But justice is impossible from a class; it is most certain and easy from a nation ; and I believe we can only reach the depths of ignorance and misery and crime in this country by an appeal to the justice, the in telligence, and the virtue of the entire people. (Cheers.) That address has mentioned another question—the question of your national expenditure on your army and navy. I will state only one fact with regard to the navy. I believe since the great war, since 1815, that the navy of this country has cost more than £400,000,000 sterling. I believe that during the last six years it has cost as much as the United States navy during the same time. We have been in a condition of profound peace—the United States have had to build or buy 600 ships, to man them, to furnish them with muni tions of war, and to fight them during the greatest strug gle that any nation ever waged—(cheers) —and yet at this moment, after spending so much, we have Sir J. Peking ton, the great reconstructor — (laughter) —coming into office, and promising not to extend the liberties of the people, but to reconstruct a navy on which such enormous and countless sums have already been sunk. (Cheers.) Then take the taxes. Well, something has been done to make the taxes more equal ; but take the taxes which are levied under the name of probate and legacy succession duties, and I will give you a case which it is just possible you have before heard from my lips. A member of a House of Commons—at least he was when he gave me this fact, though lam sorry to say he is not one now—a member of the House of Commons told me he had had left to him, by a person not related to him by blood, an estate in land worth £21,000 ; the timber upon it was worth £ll,OOO altogether £32,000. The tax when the property is left to a person who is not a relation of the man who leaves it is 10 per cent. The tax therefore on £32,000 would be £3,200. And if any one of you received a legacy like that in cash, in shares, in ships, in stock in trade, in any of those things which are not lands and houses, he would pay £3,200 ; but my friend, receiving his legacy in land arid timber upon it, paid just £7OO. And why ? For this reason only, that the law was made by a landlord and propertied Parliament, and the owners and inheritors of lands and houses were considered specially worthy of their regard. (Hear, hear.) But I may be asked—and no doubt some man who will take up his pen to write a criticism upon my speech at this meeting will ask—how comes it, if Parliament is so bad, that so many good things have been done by Parliament during the last 30 or 40 years ? I acknowledge that good things have been done, and I ought to know, because I have been concerned in the doing of some of them. (Loud cheers.) But by whom were they done? Mainly by that force in Parliament which is sent there by the great and free borough constituencies of the kingdom. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The members for the great towns, although but a minority, and not a very large minority, aro the moving force by which these good things have been done. (Renewed cheers.) It has not been the, policy of the Tories to do good things, and 1 have seen the time when the Whigs have been much less zealous about them than could have wished them. (Laughter.) They have sprung from the people, and the people have carried them. What there has been of I'ol representation in Parliament has urged these measures forward. What there has been of sham representation has uniformly opposed these measures (Cheers.) Now I am of opinion that the rich people of a country invested with power, and, speaking generally, of rich people alone, cannot sufficiently care for the multitude and the poor. They are personally kind enough ; but they do not care for the people in the bulk. They have read a passage in the Holy Writ, that " The poor ye have always with you "—(laughter)—and, therefore, they ima gine that it is a providential arrangement that a small sec tion of the people should be rich and powerful, and that the great mass of the people should be hardworking and poor. (Laughter.) It is a long distance from castles and mansions, great houses which abound in luxuries, to the condition of the great mass of the people who have no property, and too many of whom are almost on the verge of poverty. We know very well, all of us, how much we are influenced by the immediate circumstances by which we are surrounded. The rich find everything just as they like it. The country needs no Reform. There is no country in the world so pleasant for rich people as this county. (Laughter.) But I deny altogether that the rich alone aro qualified to legislate for the poor, any more than that the poor alone would be qualified to legislate for the rich. (Cheers.) My honest belief is, that if we could be all called upon to legislate for all, that all would be more justly treated, and we should be more happy than we are now. (Cheers.) We should then have an average ; we should have the influence' of wealth and high culture an( of those qualities that come from leisure, and the influence of those robuster qualities that come from industry and labour. (Hear, hear.) Suppose now, that without arguing for this or that particular• measure of Reform, we could add another million to the existing constituencies, what would be the result ? We - should modify the constituencies. - In stead of the people coining to the hustings at the nomina tion and holding up their hands for this candidate or that; and having for the most part no power in the elections, the inhabitants of the town would have a much greater power than they have now. The constituency would be less open to management than it is at present. Majorities _ _ _ _ _ on the one side or the other would be larger and lass open to corruption, and we should have members whcse opi nions and whose conduct would be modified by this infu sion of new and fresh blood into the constituencies which send them to Parliament. (Cheers.) We should do this further—we should bring the rich and the great more into contact with the people, and into a better acquaintance with human wants and with the necessities and feelings of their countrymen. (Renewed cheers.) What other thing would happen ? I dare venture to assert this, that Parliament then would not revile and slander the people as it does now—(hear, hear)—nor would it jeer with frantic violence when their countrymen are described in hideous and hateful colours. Probably what I call the Botany Bay view of their countrymen would be got rid of, and we should have a sense of greater justice and generosity in the feelings with which they regard the bulk of the nation. (Loud cheers.) And if there was more knowledge of the people there would as suredly be more sympathy with them ; and I believe the legislation of the house being more in accordance with the public sentiment would be wiser and better in every respect. (Loud cheers.) The nation would be changed. There would be amongst us a greater growth of everything that is good. (Cheers.) I should like to ask if there am any ministers of religion in this audience ? (Several voices " Yes yes.") I have sometimes thought that I should like an audience of 4,000 or 5,000 of them, to whom I could preach a political sermon, and to whom I could tell something which I fear their theological schools have failed to teach them. An eminent man of your country, the late Dr. Chalmers, speak ing of the question of free trade, and particularly of the struggle for the abolition of the corn laws, uttered these memorable words. lie said he thought there was nothing that would so tend to sweeten the breath of British society as the abolition of the corn laws. I believe now that there is nothing which would so tend to sweeten the breath of British society as the admission of a large and generous number of the working classes to citizenship and the exercise of the franchise. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) Now, if my words should reach the ears and reach the heart of any - man. who is interested in the advancement of religion in this country, I ask him to consider whether there are not great political obstacles to the extension of civilisation, and morality, and religion within the bounds of the United Kingdom? We believe, these ministers, you and I—we believe in a Supreme Ruler of the Universe. We believe in His omnipotence. We believe and we humbly trust in His mercy. We know that the strongest argument which is used against that belief by those who reject it is an argument drawn from their misery and their helplessness, and that their darkness could not be touched or transformed. I myself should be driven to admit the almost overwhelming force of that great argument ; but I am convinced that just laws and enlightened administra tion of them would change the face of this country. (Loud cheers.) I believe that ignorance and suffering might be lessened to au incalculable extent, and that many an Eden, beauteous in flowers and profuse in fruit, might be raised up in the waste wilderness which spreads before us. .But no class can do that. The class which has hitherto ruled in this country has failed miserably. It revels in power and wealth, whilst at its foot, a terrible peril for its future, lies a multitude which it has neglected. (Cheers.) If a class has failed, let us try the nation. (Loud cheers.) That is our faith, that is our cry—let us try the nation. (Cheers.) This it is which has called together these countless numbers of the people to demand a change; and as I think of it and of these gatherings, sublime in their vastness and their resolution, I think I discern, as it were, above the bill tops of time, the glimmering of the dawn of a better and a nobler day for the country and for the people that I love so well. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Bright then resumed his seat, having spoken for nearly an hour. Mr. GnAlitm, M.P., proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Bright for the great service he bad rendered to the cause. He said—Fault has been found in many quarters with these great demonstrations, and they have been denounced as mischievous and uncalled for. Specially has the propriety of joining in these meetings of those who, like myself, do not profess the extreme opinions of the Radical school of politics been questioned. It seems to me, however, to be the plain duty of all who desire political progress - however much they may, as I do, consider universal or manhood suffrage to be impracticable or undesirable iu this country at present—to join heartily in testifying to the necessity of union and co-operation between the various sections of the Liberal party in expressing their sympathy with and confi dence in the working classes of this country, who have been so unjustly maligned; and in sustaining and encouraging in their arduous task thosewho, like Mr. Bright, are bearing the burden and heat of the day in this struggle. I witnessed with astonish ment the division amongst the Liberal party in the House of Commons last session, and the insincerity and unfaithful ness of those who, professing themselves reformers on the hustings, fought against Reform, inch by inct, in the house. I witnessed with pain and shame much that was spoken in regard to the people of this country, and the tone and temper of a large section of those towards them and their advocates. Especially I listened with indignation to those memorable words, in which one of the very ablest men in the House of Commons seemed to me to proclaim what was only, I trust, an aberration of judgment, the wreck of a great reputation, and the ruin of what might have been a noble career. But if there was one thing more shameful and offensive than another to my mind it was the persevering bitterness with which Mr. Gladstone was attacked, and the rabid and inso lent enmity that yelled upon all occasions at the heels of Mr. Bright. It is true it did not seem to ruffle him much. I arn not a professed disciple of Mr. Bright. I have not sat behind him in the House of Commons, and I do not intend to so. I think it much more likely he will one of these days, when we get back to our old places, change his seat in front of me, and I believe it will be an excellent thing for himself and for the country when he assumes the responsibilities of a seat on that front bench. It has been a common taunt on the lips of those who are opposed to all reform, that the extension of the suffrage is regarded with indifference by the very classes in whose behalf we demand it ; and they have pointed to the absence of agitation in the country, and to the tone and temper of the press in proof of this apathy. That taunt has been answered triumphantly to-day in Glasgow, and we are here to repeat the reply to it to-night. The countless thousands of the north of England, the most stalwart, industrious, and intelligent of her people, have answered it already in unmistakable tones ; and from these rugged northern hills of ours, the cradle and the battle field of civil and religious liberty for centuries, we will echo back the denial. The working people of this coun try are not indifferent to a claim with which they believe the best interests of themselves and their children are bound up. They are sensible of evils affecting them in regard to questions of religion, of education, of social condition, of national expenditure and the taxation to which it leads, and to which they contribute so largely ; and they claim as a right a larger share in the councils of the House of Com mons, by whom alone these things can be legislated for. I believe that throughout this country there is one unani mous feeling of regret and disappointment at what took place last session. 1 believe that the Tories themselves are startled and alarmed at their own folly. I saw no later than Saturday last a new work advertised by Messrs. Longman, " Speeches in favour of Reform." By whom, do you suppose ? The great wizard of Buckinghamshire, the Right Hon. B. Disraeli himself—fit magician, doubt less, "to ride the whirlwind and direct the storm." I believe that the country is very much puzzled to know how, after it sent a large Liberal majority to the House of Commons, it finds itself saddled with a Tory Government. We have little faith in a Reform Bill prepared by the Con servatives; still if they bring in a bill I am willing to give it fair play and honest consideration. If it offers an ex tension of franchise equal to or in excess of our own of last session ; if it delivers us from pocket boroughs and corrupt constituencies; if it redistributes fairly to the great centres of population, and does justice to Scotland; and if it does not juggle away in the counties what it offers in the boroughs, I shall certainly give it a helping hand. Mr. BRIGHT in reply, said—Only for one moment, while I rise to tell you how deeply I am sensible of your, what shall I say, your unanimous kindness to me to-night. Still I beg to join in the warning, which you have heard from my learned friend, Mr. Ernest Jones, that you should not fall into the danger and the error of hero-worship, but that you should rely mainly upon yourselves for fighting your own battle ; and in order to fight it out, let me beg of you to unite as much as you can all the people of Scotland with you. Organise Reform Associations in every town. Be prepared, if need be, with funds ; be prepared with all your influence, in case there should early be another dissolution of Parliament. And if it should happen that during the next session of Parliament there should stand any man —to be received with frantic enthusiasm by the Ministerial party—to revile you as you were reviled last year, then it may be necessary for the working men to assemble in their thousands and scores of thousands to deliberate what fur ther measures are necessary for the maintenance of their rights. (Loud cheers.) The proceedings then terminated with a vote of thanks to the chairman. THE PUBLIC HEALTH. (From the Registrar-General's Return.) In the week ended on Saturday, Oct. 13, the births registered in London and 12 otherlarge towns of the United Kingdom were 4,216 ; the deaths re gistered 2,999. The annual rate of mortality was 25 per 1,000 persons living. In London the births of 1,052 boys and 1,021 girls, in all 2,073 children, were registered in the week. In the corresponding weeks of ten years, 1856-65, the average number corrected for increase of population was 1,955. The deaths registered in London during the week were 1,353. It was the 41st week of the year ; and the average number of deaths for that week is, with a correction for increase of population, 1,222. The actual number exceeds the estimated number by 131. Zymotic diseases proved fatal to 459 persons, the corrected average being 348. Thera were 24 deaths from smallpox, 21 from measles, 36 from scarlatina, 5 from diphtheria, 27 from whooping-cough, and 47 from diarrhoea. Two hundred and seven deaths from cholera, and 47 from diarrhoea, making 254 deaths from the two forms, were registered during the week-38 in the west districts, 41 in the north, 44 in the central, 82 in the east, and 49 in the south districts. The mor tality is lowest, taking population into account, in the south and north, highest in the central and in the east districts. Many of the deaths occur in the various hospitals. The places in which the patients were attacked are printed in the notes when regis tered, with the particulars of each death either by cholera or by diarrhoea. The mortality of epidemic cholera and diarrhoea has only yet attained high proportions in the East London water field from known causes, and in the last six weeks the deaths all over London have been 289, 292, 248, 244, 251, 254. In the epidemic in the year 1854 the deaths by cholera and diarrhoea in the corresponding weeks were 2,326, 1,781, 1,474, 919, 509, and 351. The deaths since the first week in September, 1866, have been 1,578; in the corresponding six weeks of 1854 the deaths from cholera and diarrhoea were 7,360. At the cholera rates of 1854 the deaths in the six weeks, corrected for increase of population, would have been 8,929 ; the deaths have been 1,578. Here are 7,351 lives saved: This is encouraging. Incessant attention should be given to the disinfection of the sewage of towns on the Thames and the Lea above the intake of the London water companies, and it would be exceedingly satisfactory to learn that the engiueers see some was, such as Dr. Franklin suggested, to the effectual filtration of the London waters. To facilitate the extirpation of cholera the daily return of deaths will be continued, and if the health officers will report what proceedings are taken in each case, the weekly summary will show. the vigi lance of the local authorities, and the use they make of the information placed at their disposal. Experience proves that destruction of the cholera poison is rarely ever effected in bad districts, unless it is carried out under the eyes of medical visitors ; and in the same way premonitory diarrhcea, is neglected. The annual rate of mortality last week was 23 per 1,000 in London, 24 in Edinburgh, and 38 in Dub lin ; 14 in Bristol, 20 in Birmingham, 39 in Liver pool, 25 in Manchester, 28 in Salford, 19 in Shef field, 30 in Leeds, 25 in Hull, 35 in Newcastle upon-Tyne, and 27 in Glasgow. The rate in Vienna was 94 per 1,000 during the week ending the 29th ult. when the temperature was 8.5 deg. Fahrenheit higher than in the same week in London, where the rate was 23 per. 1,000 ; the 1,007 deaths included 672 from cholera. No more recent official return from this city has yet been received. At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean height of the barometer in the week was 29.998 in. The reading decreased from 30.35 iu. on Sunday to 29.76. in. on Saturday. The mean temperature of the air in the week was 52.4 deg., which is 0.8 deg. above the average of the same week in 50 years (as determined by Mr. Glaisher.) The highest day tem perature was 66.0 deg. on Monday. The lowest night temperature was 35.6 deg. on Saturday. The range in the week was 30.4 deg. The difference between the mean dew-point temperature and air tem perature was 4.8 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air was 87, complete saturation being represented by 100. On Saturday the humidity was as much as 96. The wind, which until Friday blew from the north-east and east-north-east, on Saturday changed to south-west. No rain was measured during the week. A TINY STEAMER.—A little screw steamer, named the Augusta, has just left Liverpool for Pernambuco. The Augusta is only 4 tons burthen, and proceeds to Pernam buco under sail (fore and aft rig), the screw being stowed away on deck. There are only two men, a boy, and a dog in charge of the vessel. SPIRIT OF THE PDBLIO JOURNALS. TIMES.—This visit of more than a thousand of our Volunteers to the Belgian capital, and the splen did reception given to them, are incidents so pleasant and natural that it is strange they should be novel. We are now boasting a universal brotherhood of nations ; a universal humanity ; universal principles of free trade, philanthropy, independence, and self government ; and, of course, a universal science and art. Governments are established, if not on these maxims, yet admitting and comprehending them. So why should there not be interchanges of national hospitality, besides the international Exhibitions once in ten. years—besides the miscellaneous and aimless excursion train—besides the vagrant crowd of summer tourists, moving in a current of its own, and communicating only with people of its own nation ? Upon dny principles whatever worthy to be called principles, we ought to hail any return to that freer intercourse of nations that we read of in history. It is true there is, no longer one religious communion, one metropolis of the Church, or one language spoken by all learned men. The Crusade no longer takes myriads through Europe, and pil- g rimage in s are confined to certain classes and locali ties. Ibis would account for the Englishman not only retaining, but even increasing, his old insular character. Commerce, it is true, leads to a certain degree of intercourse for certain purposes. But it cannot be denied that the Englishman generally has very little to say to any foreigner, or the foreigner to him; and, from want of habit, the v ery topics on which they might " fraternize " are only touched on to become bars of separation. Our clergy and our lawyers are utterly alien to those of any other country. Our diplomatists are a peculiar class, and socially a caste. There is, then, a want, which it may take ages to satisfy, but which it is something to feel and recognise. The feeling finds its vent where it can, and one of the first results of the Volunteer movement has been to discover chat a few hundred men can go as well to a neighbouring capitalasthey can to Brighton, and that, while a run to the coast is only a day's outing, there is a much higher meaning in the international visit. There is something really expressed and actually done in it. When our Volunteers find themselves enthusiastically received and magnificently feted by the authorities of a foreign capital and by brothers in arms, and when they find themselves taking part in the national trials of skill, they must feel that it is a matter of European and world-wide import. '.They have not taken their uniform, submitted to drill and parade, and devoted precious time to the irksome toil simply and solely to be prepared to defend our shores and cities from the supposed invader, when he comes. They are taking a part in the history of the world, and defending not only a country, but principles and a cause. This, too, is the ground on which they are exchanging civilities and pledges with their foreign hosts. Our Volunteers, it seems, were taken by surprise. " They had no idea it would be this sort of thing," and that they were to be welc3med at once as important personages and bosom friends. They had hoped to make a passable display, just to pass muster, to see as well as be seen, and to re ceive indulgence, if not kindness. They find them selves, on the contrary, the heroes of a city, of a populace, of a nation, of an army, of a Court, each vying for precedence in giving them due honour. When they are released from the review they are seized one by one and carried about the city by volunteer interpreters, whose 4uccess, we hope, has been equal to their kindness. But, in the midst of an ovation which modesty already suggests to be hardly deserved, there occurs the pai▪ nful thought that it is impossible to make a return. There is every possible difficulty in the bare imagination of such a thing. There is not even any equivalent force to that of our Volunteers. Could that difficulty be got over, and could there be found or created a proper representation of Belgian patri▪ otism to make the return visit, then the heart sickens at the bare idea of London being its scene. Our Court, our Go vernment, our Horse Guards, and our "City" mo ve too much in ways of their own for us ever to hope that they will join so harmoniously to entertain or to review the foreign visitors. Where are the festi vities to be given that shall adequately return those described in the " historic halls" where was heard afar the first cannon of Waterloo ? Even Hyde Park, or the Parade in St. James's, would not bear comparison, for the purpose, with the Park at Brus sels, where, on an elevated site and under a clear sky, are combined a deep grove with broad prome nades, surrounded by spacious thoroughfares and magnificent public buildings. We do, indeed, pity from our hearts the chiefs of this expedition if they hold themselves bound to make an adequate return, and are racking their invention for place, means, persons, and things. We presume there is a way to do it, but we don't see it yet; and when it comes, the most moderate success will be a far greater triumph than the British progress to Brussels. But such an, occasion, we have observed, must open the eyes and the heart of the Volunteer to something beyond the safety of his own shores. It suggests that the politi cal position of a country must ever depend very much indeed on the temper and resolution of the people themselves. Even if a compaiatively small people are resolved to be independent, and to prefer an honourable independence to any advantages they might gain by a truckling policy or by avoiding sacrifices, they stand a fair chance of success. It is quite unnecessary to regard Belgium as the most apposite instance of this moral, for the truth is Eng land herself is quite as apposite. In the face of a good many conquests recorded by history, it is ridi culous to maintain that England is a difficult coun try to invade and to conquer. The difficulty, or rather the impossibility, consists in the fact that the English are ready to fight to the last in defence of their soil ; that they show this by a large army and navy maintained without conscription, by a Militia easily embodied when wanted, and by a large force of Volunteers. The world knows that whoever invades these isles or challenges us on any other ground will at least have to pay man for man, and sacrifices far be yond common treasuries. Every people that is resolved to have life for life, and only to be conquered at a cost utterly beyond the worth of the acquisition, is practically safe. This is our safety. It has for many years been a greater security than the Alpine passes for the independence of Switzerland, and it is the best security of the Belgians. In private life, the powerful and the aggressive abstain from en counters and quarrels with smaller and weaker men, if they know that, whatever the chance of final suc cess, they would have to suffer a long interval of pain, misery, and disquiet. No body would like a festering sore in his side, even if he were sure that it would one day be healed by the slow extinction of the cause. Of course , that is not an agreeable prospect for the weaker members of eith er th e p u bli c or the private community; but, -if we unde r stand r i g htly such demonstrations as the visit of our Volunteers to Brussels, the two peoples concerned in it are prepared for the stakes. They are resolved to be independent or to die, for it is this, and not the mere form of a Constitution or a Government, that makes a nation and a people. HERALD. —The ancient saying that half the world knows not how the other half lives is likely to be quoted a good many times before we are tired of its practical wisdom. And not that only, but also the other proverb, which consoles us with an assurance that rogues are generally fools. In every great and populous city, of course, where riches seem to burst through the walls and windows into the streets, there are birds of prey, more or less organised into communities, whose lives are obscure, who exist in the light of dark lanterns, whose ostensible voca tions only serve to conceal the actual nature of their dealings. It has been a favourite artifice of romance writers of the lower order to depict the haunts and homes of felons, and especially of those master criminals, the receivers of stolen goods, whose cellars and attics are full of wealth, whose shipments to the colonies are vast, who buy property at a tenth of its value, whose furnaces burn by day and by night, and who keep the thieves poor while they fatten upon their guilt. We have no desire to prejudge the charge against Mr. Moses Moses, of Houndsditch, who is under remand for having in his possession an ex traordinary number of articles, evidently pilfered, but his character is not one to be damaged, since lie has been a convict and a ticket-of-leave man, so that any particular tenderness about , his personal feelings might be wasted. He appears, however, in addition to being a "fence," to be a simpleton also. A mouse might as well h ave i nv it e d a cat upon a visit, as he to have soli c ited an inspection of his pre mises by a City detective. Having accused two men, now discharged from custody, of robbing him, he allowed the officers to examine his premises in Black horse-yard, Aldgate, and there they hit upon the secret of a great local mystery. The dwelling bad a squalid exterior ; but within it was a small Palace of Aladdin. A trinket dropped upon the floor ; then were discovered gold brooches, ear-rings, and lockets in profusion. Next, behind tons of rags, holes in walls, 'niches of brickwork, a massive service of sil ver plate, and Mr. Moses Moses had brought the police, by his own act and deed, within scent of this damnifying discovery ! Valtiable widths of Brus 'sels carpets, sets of new harness, saddles of the cost liest description, gold watches and chains of recent make, and other valuables, turned up as if by sur prise, and the lucky officers thought that they might as well get an inkling of what was at their prisoner's private residence. Thither, accordingly, they pro ceeded. It was a perfect treasury. There were gold watches, chains, n ecklets, bracelets, studs, bales of costly cloth, ivory tusks, sets of chessmen—enough to load eight cabs. It will be remembered that, a few weeks ago, a similar den was discovered, like wise accidentally, in the Waterloo-road. We It how many of them remain undetected. tis a disagreeable fact that in both instances the exposure has been 'due less to police supervision than to for- 1.. ---' tuitous circumstances. li the thieves of London hal not these markets ready at hand wherein to trade the constant danger to property would be far less • serious. They themselves incur all possible risks ; they are vigilantly watched ; they are followed and tracked, and have no longer a class of men to deal with who can " wink hard" for a bribe. Yet their industry flourishes ; and although the malefactors generally linger out miserable lives upon precarious gains, which are reduced to nullities in the course of their bargains with the receivers, these latter amass fortunes, and contribute only in a slight pro portion to the number of convictions at the sessions. It was calculated by Mr. Colquhoun that a million and a half's worth of property is:stolen in London every year, and that there are 3,000 professional receivers, not, to speak of rogues in the pawnbrok ing trade. We must always accept such estimate°, with reserve. They are difficult to arrive at and impossible to substantiate. Still, they at least sug gest the amount of crime perpetrated—and they do more. They point to the extreme perplexity which must beset the police when they endeavour to track the disposal of stolen goods. Plate can be melted ; trade marks can be obliterated ; the numbers 00 watchcases can be effaced ; and, as a rule, these accumulations of valuables are periodically exported to the colonies. How irksome the task of watching where every stolen article goes. We have about 7,000 police in the metropolis to keep guard over about half a million of houses. Say what we will they cannot be turning on the hull's eight light for ever over a hundred square miles of densely-buil t territory, upon 8,000 reputed thieves, and nobody knows how many thieves' agents, upon every door and window of every alley, street, and square for 15 miles in a circle around Charing-cross. It is true that they often get a hint and a scent, and mark a special locality with a suspicion, and thus reach to the bottom of a criminal mystery ; butthel would be more frequently baffled than they are were it not for the spontaneousoo-operation of the public/ of servants, of children, and, in a peculiar degree, 01 cabmen. How else could they, under the best de vised system, understand the character of ever); house in dense city labyrinths, in long reticulate ( ' suburban lanes, in lonely and in crowded neigh' bourhoods, where things wear an aspect of secrecy which may turn out to signify nothing, or wher e they seem so aboveboard as to delude the most critical nature ? What becomes of all the stolen bank notes? They are stopped, and never' theless they are turned into money on the Continent and in America. The traffic has been elevated into a regular system. What of the enor mous quantity of silks and other fabrics purloinel, from vans and carts loading or unloading in the City The houses of Mr. Moses Moses, in Houndsdit ch and Gravel-lane, enlighten us a little on this subject' But the important fact is that the police, while they know the thieves, do not known the receivers. Tho r , can pick out the men they suspect of being concern ed in robberies, and oftener than not are right ; it 1 s comparatively rare, however, that they lay hold t Fagin, who trains the young criminal, or Rud e ' who buys, as an egregious bargain, the prodnee his felony. We cannot but think that here is a d e .' partment of police business which has, to a ° cern° extent, been neglected, and the remark may apPel justifiable if we remember how seldom the officers justice strike upon the right trail to the caverns at dens of metropolitan brigandage. In' former Ye e ':, nothing was more difficult than to ensure a convict io " against the miscreants who bought bandanas of you n g pickpockets in Field-lane. They flaunted their stolen stock in the light of day and defied investigati on : And, in our own days, does any one believe that gold-dust, bank, or jewellery burglary is perpetra te ; without a clear scheme being laid beforehand of perpetrate; way in which the plunder is to be disposed of, Of tt e e crucible for the melting of gold and silver, and 0 , 1 workmen who are to " re-christen " the watch es? Many a boat steals by night down the Thames, be tween the bridges, carrying freights of theft to wa re houses perfectly well known to the moonlight fr% ternity, and many a market cart of simply innece u . ", appearance is conveying, under mountains of es ', bage and carrots, such treasures as Mr. Silas expected to find in Mr. Boffin's dustheap• would be unreasonable and unjust to blame the constabulary, who cannot be expected to ou tT V although it is their professional duty to attempt 1,•„' all other men in vigilance and subtlety ; becan habitual crime is in itself a profession, is fe ll 1, 1 secrets and surprises, has a language of its 0101_ for ever studying new devices, is devious and des' " 0 rous beyond conception, commands an organisa c u s , of the most complicated character, has its age", l 4 and, if we may so express it, its police, an d P a ,, trained itself into a dark, elaborate, stealthy sy ste which may well be expected . to defeat, more or IfieTi't the efforts of the best-trained detective body. when a discovery is made, then we look for the at:, o plication of that principle of the law which dec lar° e that the receiver is worse than the thief- 10 1; since he , is the instigator, the schoolmaster, "f tempter of the criminal, who enjoys four-fifths ,`:0 his wicked gains, who has him in his power , him makes a slave of him, who goads and drives !n t from one act of guilt to another. It is no easY to ferret out these scoundrels in their haunts t W"" o • they live in such confidence as to invite the insp,viip tion of City detectives ; yet, when they do 0 3 7 to themselves, in the interest of society they °ug h be memorable examples. • COUNTRY MARKETS. LYNN—TUESDAY. The market was moderately supplied with wheat to-610 Dry parcels were in request, and changed hands at more money. Best barley found buyers readily al '" late prices. Oats realised extreme rates. Beans Ker® favo New of the seller. hit°t wheat, 45s to 50s ; new red, 40e to 4 8s ; old W- fo r 54s to 61s ; old red, 50s to 52s per 36 stone. 8ar1 e 1., 0 ,1 , 4 malting, 46s to 48s ; secondary, 28s to 30 s. Oatsto'oo, 23s to 25s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 47 s to 495. -1- 36s to 40s per 28 stone. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. irOrl The supply of wheat at our market to-day w , '.0 0 fair, and the . attendance good. The business duo'', yi p more extensive than for some time past. Wheat Ine':doll a good demand, at about 3d per cental advance on 9 3 00 0 rates, Flour in fair demand at is per sack dearer. rather dearer. Oats unchanged. Oatmeal firmer. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TursDAY . With a small supply, prices had au upward tendelie9,o day. Barley was firm in value. Other kinds of were scarce. ef 36 Old white wheat, 54s to:688 ; new red, 50s to 56s PO al. stone. Barley, fine, 45s ; other kinds, 33s to 37s P er ,,. old' Oats, new, 22s to 34s ; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Do „— 53s to 545; new, 46s to 48s per qr. LEEDS—TUESDAY. ,a l eat We have a fair show of grain this week. T ll° ~- l itieB trade has ruled very healthy to-day, the best clu-rias realising is to 2s per qr. over last Tuesday's rateS.,..o 10 barley quite as well sold, while inferior sorts a re ''' quit. All other spring corn in favour of sellers. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. k t t n d cr We had a pretty large supply of wheat at our raa:?.. e go-„ day 2 the demand for which was more active, an d : o f P i business done in the best descriptions at an a-dvan, c h - 0 DO; to 2tic perkir. Barley was a moderate show, and " - j oioll' sorts moved off at late prices ; other descriptions Iv change. Oats and flour at previous prices. Os °I Rea wheat, per load of alrup. bushels 208 Od to , 40 0 u White do do „,„2 8 Od .2 08 New red .do do ..„19s Od os Oci New white do do ,„,,218 Od 20 Oi Beans do do „ 39s OA 40$ ,°,' A Peas, per qr. Grinding bet , ley, per qr 34s Od ,i3O 01 Malting barley, .'o 3BB Od 's*.° 0 - Oats, do 278 Oil F10ur....1s 10d to 2s 5d per 141 b. - THE EASTERN FISHERIES.—Fair deliveries o,ifabriic rings have been made by the Great Yarmouth boats -,0050 the past week. Prices have ranged, according to fts 6 ; ro ta and quality, at from £9 to £2O per last ( 13 , 200 fish). B,do Lowestoft it is stated that one Kessingland bo at bsB/33 nearly £2OO, while others have made good Births. f wif e ° ARKWRIGHT— 0 n the 14th inst., at Gladwins, t , —e Of L. W. Arkwright, Esq., of a son. B E VAN—On the 15th inst., at Weston-grove, Southalilt°o the wife of F. R. Bevan, Esq., of a son. 14 G OSC REN —On tho 15th inst., at St. Loonard's - o n-Ses" , G. J. Gosehen, of a son. pe r h Jo, W A LKER —On the 15th inst., at Formossa, Coolall 1.05" the wife of Captain A. Walker, of ILM:s 791-- landers, of a son. Marriages. s ejel COOPER—BROMLEY —On the 15th inst.,_ . at S t :.d Church, Gravesend, Samu e l Cooper, Esq A. tI V11 9 '1" the late Major-General George Cooper, Benge .. , — t 9; e' E B l t i o z m abe ley th , E C sci la „ ra, and on n ly iece sur o v f iv t i h n e g l c a h te i 3 ld si o r f E t . ll .::l3 ° r e o lP K.C.B. 0 11 , 4 ROY—CARTWRIGHT—On the 13th inst., St Led .'• Church, Notting'-hill, Richd. Roy, Esq.ef a l 1 °' t "" • ICCaerntswinrgigthoz of w -park, Sussex.eldes t daughter of Deaths. j gl ,l COLES —On the 13th inst., at 4, Ryder-street, t ' li te I'. Lieut.-Colonel J. It. J. Coles, eldest son o f the 5 1 elJ e T. Coles, of Ditcham, Hants. the CROCKER On the 16th inst , in London, He nr y' son of the late Henry Cro . cker, Commander f s q, ° FOULGER—On the 15th inst., 4 11, Bruce House, Highbury New -p B a a r m k, u a el ge F d 7ll ' s°l.' D. P i HILL— On the 16th inst., at 22A, Sussex-equar°' a i" Esq 0.., aged 8 HOPKINS —On the 13th inst , Wm. liophies , 3 F.R.S., of St. Peter's College, Cambridge, ev e ,„t. L ea ROBINSON—On the 15th inst at 15, Charlotte-etre— ington, James W. Robinson,O Esq., aged 66. var itig dol3l WINTLE —On the 13th inst., at West Lodge, W. W. Wintle, Esq., aged 70. 6 „; f AND 1 0 11' London : Printed and Published by WILLI 43 tro, kw. e s of No. 112, Strand, ranter, at THE. SCN ° Coa l° Strand, in the Precinct of the SaveY, in th hliddlesez.—Wednesday, October 17, 18d RES This Dublin It is some. Sold by the irbolestF R. G.] Obsel " final -5113 14, kim From tree oil co L FUR: Partic Month P - A N. 8.. inf orrni The g tered u 11° Robert Joh n c Mark - 41 war Th ri VcMai Alexar Predk. Chace Rivera, P_ran c i itobc. Prlt: vantag Th e form r No , Stam p, PAR of Stea The ' ItVe Equi P aYabl The Life. Any • This A' Ifp r FIJR , p„, t , corr e , compi In teN .r eue What, Goo TL, Ti le i Th eir I( , cv .41, by side, i ste ad tabl e ' s Potle th e ve F loor Daru a! Is Wel eons° ‘N rts--6 ta ry T hE the ca sh L lges t BE] btsid e 5 , Ag (Leta ]