The Sun. — London, England, 1865-01-06 00:00:00

THE CONFEDERATE STATES. (From the Times' Special Correspondent.) RICHMOND, Nov. 27, 1864. There is no branch of international law with which the treatise of Wheaton, the well-known American publicist, deals so frankly and unreservedly as that delicate question, the right of intervention by one Power in the affairs of another, which he de- dares to be "an undefined and undefinable excep- Lion to the mutual independence of nations." De served compliments were paid to Mr. Wheaton upon the first appearance of his " Elements of Interna tional Law" in 1836 by writers of authority in Lon don and Paris, in regard to his frankness about a subject on which his predecessors had equivocated or maintained profound silence. It is impossible even to glance at the works of Phillimore, Twiss, Hautefeuille, Masse, Ortolan, and Heffter, who are justly esteemed the ablest modern European expo nents of international jurisprudence, without assign ing to 'Wheaton's work the very highest authority, by reason of the respect with which it is always named by the above distinguished publicists, and of the frequent citations they make from it. Never theless, it is still more impossible to read Mr. Wheaton's remarks about the interference of neu tral nations between belligerents, or to study the precedents set during the last 80 years by the prac tice of the Government at Washington, without coming to the conclusion that neither Wheaton nor a ny of the many American Secretaries of State who have deftly wielded the pen ever contemplated the possibility of the.application of their words to a war upon the American continent between two sections of the late American Union. This is not the place for an essay upon those topics which were so Voluminously treated a few months ago in the columns of the Times by " Historicus" and others. Neither is there much credit to be gained by pointing out (than which nothing is easier) the glaring inconsistencies between the professed code of the Washington Government when it is a neutral and its practice when it is a belligerent. But I cannot forbear briefly noticing a few of the axioms Mid down by great American authorities, when justifying the action of their Government to wards belligerents whose position in reference to the Washington Cabinet was analogous to that now oc cupied, by the Federal and Confederate States in re- ference to the Governments of England and France. Read by the light of their axioms, the recent seizure of the Florida in neutral waters by a Federal cruiser and Mr. Seward's arrogant interdicts against any comments on the part of European nations in refe rence to this colossal family quarrel in America, may well provoke indignant surprise. It may be stated without fear of contradiction, that there has never during the last half century been an open in surrectionary movement or change of Government in .Europe which the American Republic has not been swift to encourage by recognition, or (as in the case of Hungary in 1849) by investing an agent in Europe with power to declare the Republic's wil lingness to recognise the new State in the event of its ability to sustain itself. I have not space to cite in this letter the record of the great Republic's po licy,. and of its public expressions of opinion in refe rence to the Spanish American Republics, Greece, Bqgium, Portugal, Poland, and the sepoy mutiny in Hindustan, though I may mention, par parenther, that in American journals there was much more commendation of the sepoy insurgents as of men re belling against; intolerable tyranny, than abhorrence of the enormities which they stained humanity by committing. But I will detain your readers by . briefly noticing two precedents set by the Washing ton Government, which will suffice to show the prin ciples which have guided its action in all analogous CA STS. I may premise that the first of these instances, inasmuch as it refers merely to a change of Govern ment, and not to the dismemberment of a State, is quoted solely with a view to - giving the principle laid down by three American Secretaries of State. Some of your readers will. remember that upon the expulsion of Louis Philippe from the French Throne upon February 24th, 1848, and upon the simultaneous establishment by the French people of a Republic, the new Government was recognised by the American Minister in Paris, Mr. Rush, upon February 28. It is needless to state that Mr. Rush acted on his own responsibility, and without instruc tions from Washington. Those of your readers who are interested in reading an entertaining narrative of the French Revolution of 1818, and of the mo tiveS which impelled Mi. Rush to such swift action, may turn with profit to a book entitled " Rash's Occasional Productions." Approbation of Mr. Rush's action on the part of. the Washington Government wits not long. delayed. Upon March 31, 1848, Mr. Buchanan, the American Secretary of State, wrote to,Mr. Rush as - follows It vias ' right and proper that the Minister Plenipoten tiary 'of the United States should be the first to recognise Oi s e Provisional' Government of the French Republic. In the intercourse with foreign nations the Government of the United States has from its origin always recognised de facto Governments: We recognise the right of all nations to create and reform their political institutions according to their - omin will and pleasure. We do not go behind their existing Government to involve ourselves in questions of legitimacy. It is sufficient for us to know that a Govern aunt exists capable of maintaining itself, and then its re cognition on our part inevitably follows. This principle of action, resulting from our sacred regard for the indepen dence of nations has occasioned some strange anomalies in our history. The Pope, the Emperor of Russia, and Presi dent Jackson were the only authorities which ever recog nised Don Miguel as King of Portugal." The alacrity displayed by Mr. Rush and Mr. Buchanan in recognising the: transference of the French Government from a monarchical to a repub lican form is easily intelligible. But in the case of the change in the French- Constitution which. pre ceded the 'elevation to supreme power of the Empe ror Napoleon 111. the following instructions, betray. ing less empressement, though affirmative of the same principle as Mr. Buchanan's, was sent in Jan., 1852, by Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State, to Mr. Rives, the American Minister in Paris : " From President Washington's time clown to the pre sent it has been a principle- always acknowledged by the United States that every nation possesses a right to govern itself according to its own will ; to change its institutions at discretion; and to transact its business through what - ever agents it may think proper to employ. If the French people have now made substantially another change we have no choice but to acknowledge that also ; and as the diplomatic representative of your country in France, you will adhere to what appears to be settled national autho- ri,ty, Writing upon the same subject on Feb. 17, 1853, Mr. Everett, who succeeded Mr. Webster as Secre tary of State, thus instructs Mr. Rives : " It is the fundamental law of the American Republic that the will of the people is the ultimate principle of go vernment ; and it seems quiet evident that the people of France have, with a near approach to unanimity, decided the restoration of the Empire." The other instance to which I desire to call atten tion bears more analogy to the position now occu pied by the Federal and Confederate Governments in relation to European Powers. Your readers will remember that in 1848 a provisional Govern ment was formed i n H u f o llowed in 18 49 by an effort to dissolve n-arY, and the Austrianconnection between that king dom Empire. The assistance given to Austria b y p u • ia brave exertions of therevolutionaryrendered nugatory the but its failure was no t dueto Government, encou ragement from the great American Republic. "With a view to enabling first to welcome Hunga r y into States t o b e t h e the family of na tions, Mr: A. Dudley Ma nn ( now a confederate official in Europe] was sent as an agent to - Hungary to watch .the struggle and t o d ec l are the v,illingnese, of his Government to recognise th e new State if able to maintain itself. I may remark i n pass i ng that it is affirmed by Mr. Bancroft and others that the American Government has never been a propagand ist in advocating its own forin of polity. How does Mr. Bancroft explain the eager and importunate presence of American officials wherever a revolution is going on, and the welcome offered by their pre sence to the struggling insurgents to enter the com munity of nations? Is not this a direct invitation to the insurgents, if successful, to assume a Republican form of Government? How does Mr. Bancroft ex plain such passages as the following, which abound in the pages of his countrymen? I quote from Mr. Lawrence's Preface to " Wheaton's International Law," prefixed to the edition of 1863. He speaks thus of the war now raging in this country An internecine war, in many cases literally between children of the same family, is not only destroying our 1 national resources and the best blood of the land, but threatens to dissolve that Union which philanthropists and publicists have regarded as the precursor of a C ,nfi deration that, by combining under Federal institutions a 1 nations of the earth, would obviate every motive fo: future war, and thus perpetuate universal peace." But to return. The mission to Hungary of Mr. Mann having been referred to in President Taylor's Message, the Austrian Charge d'Affaires at Wash ington, Mr. Hulsemann, addressed a Note to the Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, protesting against certain expressions in Mr. Mann's instructions, and complaining of the steps taken by the United States to encourage the Hungarian rebellion. An angry answer to Mr. Hulsemann's note emanated from Mr. Webster. Your readers, if any of them care to investigate the case, will find a full narrative of it in the sixth volume of Webster's works. Mr. Web- ster says Questions of prudence arise in reference to new States brought by successful revolutions into the family of na tions ; but it is not required of neutral Powers to await the recognition of the parent States. If the United States had formally acknowledged the independence of Hungary, it would not have been an act against the law of nations, pro vided they took no part in her contest against Austria. . • • Nothing will prevent the people or the Government of the United States from exercising at their own discretion the rights belonging to them as an independent nation, and expressing their own opinions freely and at all times upon the great political events which may transpire among the civilized nations of the earth." Now I ask your readers, after perusing these two American precedents, to say whether it is conceiv able that such a revolutionary war as the Confede rate have waged against the Federal States, could have been carried on prior to 1861 in any other part of the world without the Washington Government having been 'swift to recognise and to welcome the new State into the family of nations ? For nearly four years war, waged with such reckless lavishness, sustained upon such a prodigious scale, and en forced by such a multitude of combatants as would long ago have been fatal to some , first-class Euro pean Powers, has dashed vainly against the rock opposed to Mr. Lincoln by the Confederate States. For nearly four years all the functions of Govern ment have been uninterruptedly exercised by Pre sident Davis over an area vastly larger than the whole of Europe. In spite of the promises of Mr. Seward, and the speeches of thousands of Yankee stump orators, no disloyalty to Mr. Davis has been perceptible in the ten States over which he claims sway. Not a pound of cotton finds its way to New Orleans, Vicksburg, Pensacola, or Key West, excepting such as has been forcibly carried there by Federal soldiers or sailors. In his circular of May 28, 1862, Mr. Seward announced that a servile war was about to be added to the horrors of which the slave States are the arena. I defy Mr. Seward to adduce to-day, two years and a half after his circular was written, one solitary grain of evi dence indicating the existence of a servile war in the Confederate States—one solitary instance of in fidelity or insubordination among the slaves plenti fully:scattered over the voiceless solitudes of the South, upon plantations occupied only by old men, women, and children. Again and again has the rebellion been crushed (on paper)—first, by the anaconda's strangulation; secondly, by famine; thirdly, by financial exhaustion ; fourthly, by in ternal insurrection ; fifthly, by exclusion from the outside world ; sixthly, by want of men, cannon, muskets, and gunpowder ; and seventhly (as is at this moment the cry of New York journals), by the cutting-up system of Sherman. But the rebellion lives and . thrives, and gathers force and increasing resolution day of ter day and year after year. It is possible (though I do not for a moment anticipate it) that Richmond may fall in 12 or 24 months ; it is possible that Sherman may carry fire- and sword into Georgia, as many of his associates have carried it into Virginia and into every other State which they have entered. But that it is possible either to resuscitate the Union or to exterminate five millions of Anglo-Saxons and three millions of slaves (all as bitterly opposed to the Yankees as are their masters) I emphatically deny. The harmony of feeling and interest, the idem sentire, (ague idem relic of the two sections is a thing of the past. Under these circumstances your readers will understthul that the following bold announcement which has just appeared in the Richmond journals is received with something, very much like a sneer : • "At the banquet of the Lord Mayor of London Lord. Palmerston said that he trusted that the contending parties in America would soon find it better to be reconciled than to fight, and that these disputes which have bedewed the American continent with blood will be settled by amicable arrangements between themselves." It is seldom that a voice from the outer world reaches Richmond ; but is it surprising that men with arms in their hands, with passions roused and intensified by four years of savage strife, should re gard such tame words as these, emanating from a man whom they consider unjust to themtelves as little better than an insult ? Intense interest continues:to be expressed here in regard to Sherman's progress in Georgia. Your readers have long been aware that upon the 12th inst. Sherman cut loose from Atlanta, setting fire, as is alleged, to the city, and darting with five army corps, and a large cavalry force, into the heart of Georgia. It is difficult to estimate each army corps as containing less than from 6,000 to 7,000 men, and thus, with a cavalry force estimated at 9,000, Sherman must have with him at least 40,000 men. His force is probably the finest army which the Federals have ever had in the field. He is said to carry with him everything . necessary for success in his hazardous expedition, such as indiarubber pon toons and all that science has invented to facilitate rapidity of movement in an army._ advancing in light marching order. - Nevertheless, it must be confessed that he has done hitherto wonder fully little harm, and effected almost nothing (luring i.the 15 days which have elapsed since he started. It is, of course, difficult to know where the whole of Sherman's army is, but it is believed that up to last night he was on the line of the Oconee River. The bridge which carries the Georgia Cen tral Railroad (connecting Macon with Savannah) over the Oconee Riveris long, and adjoining it there are five or six miles of high wooden' trestle-work, which carry the railroad over a vast cypress swamp to the west of the Oconee. The bridge and trestle work were attacked by a part of Sherman's forces on the 24th, 25th, and 26th, but up to the latest ad vices the Federals had been drawn off by the Georgia troops and by Gen. Wheeler, who is be lieved to he in the neighbourhood of Sandersville with 10,000 cavalry. It is believed that Sherman's main force was yesterday. near Milledgeville, where it is presumed that the State-house and other public buildings were burnt. And here I may remark that already the earnestness and zeal of the Georgians as Confederates have been wonderfully stimulated by the savage and ruthless spirit which Sherman and his men have everywhere exhibited. If there were much truth in the alleged disloyalty to President Davis of Governor Brown and Vice President Ste phens, it would have been easy for Sherman by ap plying to Georgia an antiphlogistic treatment to cultivate and encourage the Union sentiment of Georgians. But, with the fatuity which everywhere attends Mr. Lincoln's emisaries, Shermap has left nothing but embittered rebels in his track. Men are not to be coaxed back into the Union by burning their barns and houses, stealing their horses, cattle, poultry, hogs, slaves, provisions, and waggons. It is already seen in Richmond that there will be little occasion hereafter to complain of Georgian luke warmness. In the interest of the Confederates, nothing could be more desirable that the destruction of Governor Brown's house and barns in the neigh bourhood of C an ton, by Sherman. It seems Admiral Porter Sherman to be the general impression here that strike for the seaboard, and, in the words of the Northern 'ournals " exchange signals with A attacking an y f ortifiedllP°n haat Augu s t a very.uanypsa)osritlf,ahinlelt fore these words It is, towns, such as Macon or of course, he Atlantic coast," ° with out Augusta. against either of these tow e ris tsshieblebethmatayalbmeost be given to this impression by written his course after leavirv, Atlanta movement of Sherman h and such preparation gsfaorresome d the first instance on his r h igattiti;na:it he diverged from and left Macon on has been made to receive b inevitably detain him (pro ably seems ' C to attacks that town. Two thin to Sherman—time and ammunition. It me not improbable that Sherman may get to the coast, though not without the loss of many men ; but what will he do when he gets there ? Can any one pretend that if Gen. Lee had a fleet co-opera ting with him on Lake Ontario, and no great army before him in the first instance, it would not be pos sible for him to march with 30,000 men through the heart of the Northern States, and, without attacking any fortified town, to establish connexion with his fleet? It seems to me that Sherman's present ex pedition will end as unprofitably for the Federals as would such a move as I have imagined if it were possible for General Lee. The only disappointment which is at this moment felt in Richmond is in connexion with Hood's long detention on the Tennessee river. Shut off as is the Confederate Government from any communication with Hood, except of the most flimsy nature, it is impossible to know the causes which have retarded his advance into Tennessee ; but it was hoped, and . _ it is still hoped, that, relieved from any solicitude about Sherman, Hood might strike a daring blow in Tennessee, where General Thomas is believed to have little else than raw Federal troops to oppose to Hood's fine army. It was understood yesterday that General Bragg was at Augusta, General Hardee at Savannah, General Dick Taylor at Macon, and General Beauregard rapidly approaching the latter place from the West. There has been daily expectation of an attack upon General Lee's lines before Petersburg and Richmond, and never have I seen such an attack more ardently desired by the Confederate army than at present. There are indications that some such move is contemplated by Grant, and ample preparations have been made to receive him. Never since the commencement of the war was more serene confidence entertained about the safety of this city and Petersburg, be Grant's force what it may, than at the present moment. _ _ DECEMBER 5. Information has just reached me of a conversation held last week, in which the interlocutors were General Grant and a gentleman who returned to Richmond on the 2d inst. from the North, bearing a letter of introduction to be presented en route from Mr. Seward to General Grant. It is well known that the gentleman in question (who is a foreigner), is in intimate relations with the Confede- rate Government. He paints General Grant as a gentleman of eminent courtesy, tranquil and dig nified in manner, free from the proverbial bluster of his countrymen, and studiously conciliating in language. General Grant commenced the conversa tion by extravagant laudations of President Davis and General Lee, especially of the latter, whose equal morally and intellectually is not, according to the Federal General's professed opinion, to be found among eminent military men anywhere upon earth. He proceeded next to make the startling assertion hat' Richmond is a doomed city, and that Mr. Davis and General Lee are well aware of the fact. le pointed out with emphasis that slowly and in- sidiously the Federal army is constantly advancing a step, and that never since the 14th of June, when t crossed to the south side of the James, has it made a quarter of a step backwards. " The end," he continued, " must be the fall of Richmond. How long it will be before the end comes it is impossible for me to say. General Lee knows the position of my army to be impregnable on both sides of the river, and he will attack on neither. Ido not ex pect the city to be suddenly eVacuated, but some day little by little my guns will get within shelling distance of the capital, and from that hour it is merely a question of time. It is probable that if at this stage the resistance be obstinate and prolonged, the whole city will be burnt to the ground. Any how its evacuation by General Lee's army is in the end inevitable." While this conversation was in progress a telegram arrived from General Butler on the north side of the James, announcing to General Grant that the " Richmond Examiner of this morn ing anticipates that Sherman will get safe to the sea coast." I can assure General Grant that if he was in a position to arrive at the undisguised opinion of Pre sident Davis and General Lee he would come to a conclusion different from that which he last week expressed, but which it is difficult to believe that he sincerely entertains. It is the deliberate conviction not only of the two eminent men in question, but also of eighteen-twentieths of the inhabitants o, Richmond and of ninety-nine-hundredths of the army which defends it, that the city was never so safe since the war commenced as at the present mo ment. It seems to all men of sense that every time that Grant has made a tentative movement, either with cavalry or infantry, or by subterranean mines, or any other aggre.ssiiie device, and has been foiled with considerable loss of life, he has had more than a quarter of a step back ward, How many of these attacks have been foiled since June . ,last it is difficult to compute. But against all these failures, spread over the last five and a-half months, Grant has nothing to advance as a makeweight, except the slight but immaterial advance of his lines upon the Weldon Railroad, and the capture of Port Harrison on the 29th September. No one is probably better aware than General Grant that these two slight advantages have not brought him an inch nearer to the capture of Richmond. He is now confronted by a frowning line of earthworks, which stretches for 33 or 34 miles, commencing at the Chicahominy River, extending across the James, and running close , up to the Weldon Railroad on the west of Reams' Station. I may be mistaken, but, in common with every Confederate officer I have conversed with on both sides of the James, it is my belief that against any portion of these lines Grant's army, even if doubled in number, will never prevail. The difficulty and danger of attempting to get round either or both of General Lee's flanks at points where the Confederates are operating upon the inner circle is obviouSly very great. I anticipate that if Grant's army receives very material accession of strength before April and during next summer, the siege of Richmond will be protracted through the whole of next year. If he is not heavily reinforced by next spring, we shall see whether he will pass through 1865 without taking several quarter steps backward. But, be that as it may, it is already seen and felt that the advantages to the Confede rates of carrying on a defensive struggle so close to their heart as Richmond are obvious and mani fold. The blood propelled through the great aorta is far larger in volume than the blood which circu lates through the temporal artery, and the vigilance necessitated by the close proximity of the enemy is of eminent benefit to this brave, but careless com munity. In addition, the long-protracted struggle around Richmond gives the Confederates time to duplicate such establishments as the Tredegar Works, and to inagurate supplementary measures for creat ing munitions of war all over the country. It never seems to have entered General Grant's head that the capture of Richmond will be to him and his associ ates but the letting out of strife. But Gen. Grant's words are robbed of half their significance when it is remembered that they were addressed to a gentle man who would in three or four days be in commu nication with the Richmond authorities. It is diffi cult not to suspect that Grant shares with his wily countrymen the sentiment so admirably expressed in Milton's lines : • " Our better part remains To work in close design by fraud or guile " What force effected not." If Mr. Davis and General Lee could be cajoled by by flattery and undermined in faith by unscrupulously boastful anticipations, nothing but good could result to General Grant and his employers. As matters stand the Federals have to face or explain away the fact that the mighty host which Grant led across Rapidan last May has failed either to give him Rich mond, or even " to fight it out on the same line, if it took all the 'summer." Summer and autumn have passed away, and winter is upon us. In a few months the summer of 180 will be here, and on what line does General Grant then propose to fight it out ? There can be few Northerners gullible enough to believe that when General Grant began his advance against Richmond, nearly eight months ago, sup ported by between 200,000 and 300,000 men, he expected to find himself wintering on the James River, in command of a fifth of that force, and with Richmond as obstinately closed against him as ever. I can emphatically assert that be General Grant's anticipations about his prospects what they may, I remember no moment during more than 26 months THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 6, 1865. of intimate acquaintance with Confederate affairs when greater confidence and hopefulness were en tertained in reference to the present and future of Secessia than at present. If Gen. Grant could be induced to withdraw his eyes for a moment from the future of the Confederate States, and to contem- plate the future of his own country, I would ask him to reflect in what estimation he is himself likely to be held by the fickle, many-headed beast of the North if he fails to take Richmond in the next six months ? Many are the bitter Yankee haters in this town, who wish for their enemies no greater degradation than that, having failed to sub due the South, they should find themselves with such a satrap as Abraham Lincoln strapped on their backs for four years to come without hope of relief. Many are the vaticinations already heard in Rich- mond that the second lustrum of Mr. Lincoln, com- menced in sunshine and tranquillity, and welcomed by a slavish and sycophantic community, will go out in storm and whirlwind amid execrations and curses. There is in the " Arabian Nights" no tale so wild and startling as a comparison between the wealth, progress, actual and prospective prosperity of the United States in 1860, and the utter humilia. tion of the record which they will exhibit in 1865. I have just returned from passing several days in camp on the north of the James, and have watched with interest the progress of the Confederate lines northwards, until they have reached the bluff which overhangs the valley of the Chickahominy. It is _ _ curious to observe what an amount of labour the construction of these elaborate lines exacts. Your readers will remember that in my letter describing the abortive Federal attack of October 27 I stated that the new lines of the Confederates ran only to the Charles City-road, and that the Williamsburg and Nine-mile-roads (where the Federal attack upon that day was mainly delivered) were defended only by the old lines thrown up against General M'Clellan in 1862. But since the return of Gene ral Kershaw and his fine division from the valley. General Longstreet has extended his lines north wards across the Williamsburg and Nine-mile-roads to the Chicahominy river. One :of the strongest earth redoubts which I have ever seen is being con- strutted on the Nine-mile-road, and will be shortly finished. It is to mount 12 guns, and, although its construction is necessary as a prophylactic mea sure, it takes no prophet to predict that it will never be approached by the Federals. The war in Vir ginia during the last week has been diversified only by an attack of Grant's upon Stoney-creek depot (which is the furthest point northwards to which the cars of Weldon run), and by the destruction there of some stores and forage, inconsiderable in amount ; and, secondly, by a success of the Con federate cavalry, under General Prosser, against two stations on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. in which considerably greater damage was inflicted than was accomplished by Grant's force at Stony creek. It is needless to say that these little episodes, sometimes magnified by the journals on one side or the other into extravagant proportions, exercise an infinitesimal influence upon the fortunes of the war ; but, latterly, the Confederates, as regards the en terprise and success of their efforts, have certainly not had the worst of it. The main interest of the war centres more than ever at this moment in the operations of Sherman in Georgia and of Hood in Tennessee. Our information in this city of the true history o operations in Georgia is inconsecutive and incom plete, but it seems astonishing that with so large a force Sherman should have moved only 20 miles during . the last week, and that he should have effected so little in 23 days. Against no town of importance, with the exception of Milledgeville (which has no military value), has Sherman dared to strike a blow. From the rich counties of Georgia, which are adjacent to Milledgeville, a cry ascends to Heaven bewailing barns and homesteads burnt, cattle, homes, hogs, sheep, poultry, corn, wheat, and forage abstracted, and negroes carried away ; but -Sherman will find that he is creating in Georgia what his associates long ago created in Vir ginia—poverty and patriots. It is idle for me to undertake to comment upon the movements of General Hood in Tennessee, as these movements are known to us only through Northern journals ; but since the date of my last let ter a greatly increased feeling of cheerfulness, has been inspired by the knowledge that Hood and his army are in motion. If it were worth while to waste 20 words upon the ridiculous mendacity of the Northern journals, I might point a moral for the instruction of your readers, upon the text of their statements in reference to Hood's army, while lying inactively upon the Tennessee River. I continue to have the same confidence which I have often before expressed in . the character and tried courage of General Hood and in the morale and spirit of his army, but it is my sincere hope that he will not at tempt to march to the north of Nashville at this seasons of the year, but that he will be satisfied with descending along the railroad from Nashville to Chattanooga, and in repossessing himself of the lat ter stronghold, -which, if retaken by the Confederates (and resistance will hardly be possible if Hood de scends on it from the north), will necessitate the speedy, evacuation of Knoxville by the Federals. With:Knoxville and Chattanooga again in Con federate hands, with Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and four-fifths of Tennessee rescued from the Fede rals, can it be denied that my words, written at the commencement of October, will have been abund antly verified ? RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. METROPOLITAN AND ST. JOHN'S-WOOD, The first ordinary meeting of this edmi)any was held yesterday at the office, Duke-street, Westminster ; Mr W Austen in the chair. _ The CHAIRMAN saidthe first business they had to do was elect directors. At presentthey.had.four directors, and it was necessary the number should be increased to five. &solutions were passed increasing the number. of direc tors from four to five, and electing Mr W. Austen, Mr, m.p., Mr H. Mackin, and Mr. D. Harding, Mr. 'W. Lee, Nichol directors of the company ; and also Mr E. Bellamy an auditor. The CHAIRMAN then said that was all the formal business they had to transact on that occasion. Their undertaking was promoted under very favourable auspices. The Metro politan Railway, from which the company's line would branch off at Baker-street station, had already shown its great capability for carrying a large traffic. He believed that the number of passengers carried on it had exceeded per :mile more than was ever carried on any other line. During the past week 64,000 passengers per day ;were car wied over the - ;!,letropolitan line, and :the receipts averaged 7001. per mile per "week, Wtaccli - he believed was more than double the amount ever received on any other railway. The railway to St. John's-wood would partake of that char acter, as it would pass through as densely populated a dis trict as the Metropolitan. They were assured that the cost of constructing that railway would not exceed one-third of the cost of constructing the Metropolitan Railwiy, which of course would have a most important effect on the divi dend. The Metropolitan Railway Company would work their line when completed at 50 per cent. of the gross re• ceipts. It would be a single line, and pass under the Finch. ley-road. Being a single line, it would be less expense to construct it, and they would have an ample traffic. Their engineer was of opinion that 64,000 passengers per day could be conveyed over it without danger to the company. In working the traffic they would adopt the principle of not allowing more than one train to run at the same time between any two stations on the line. There would be a station on the Finchley-road, close to the Hampstead Rail way, and in communication with the Midland Railway at I that, point. It was also intended to make an extension line from the Swiss Cottage station to the centre of the town at Hampstead, which would be a great convenience, and Sir T. Wilson was in favour of the project. There would be a great traffic on the line, and he trusted that their efforts would be crowned with the success which they. all hoped for. (Hear.) A vote of thanks to the chairman concluded the proceed- FAL3 , IOUT II DOCKS. inns, A special meeting of this company was held at the offices, Falmouth, on Tuesday, Mr. E. B. Tweedy in the chair, for the purpose of obtaining the necessary sanction to the issue of 80,0001. preference stock, in addition to the 50,0001. authorised at the last half-yearly meeting, in order to the more speedy completion of the dredging and surface works, as laid down by Mr. Abernethy, the engineer. The motion, authorising the issue of the preference stock, was put by the Chairman, seconded by Mr. J. Freeman, and carried unanimously. The Secretary, in reply to a question, stated that the re venue of the company for the half-year would approximate 1,700/. in the present crude state of the works ; and the Engineer said that in legs than one year the additional ac commodation and deepening to 18 feet at low water over the entrance, and the outer basin of 50 acres area could be completed. Professor Goldwin Smith in America. (From the Quebec Chronicle, 23d Dec., 1864.) Mr. Goldwin Smith has gathered no laurels in America. He has simply made a fool of himself, and brought discredit upon the University in which so much ignorance and pretension is permitted to fill a Professor's chair. He might, as the World puts it, have remained in England, picking up.scraps of more or less accurate information about American affairs from. his correspondents on this side of the Atlantic, and transmuting them into essays, ar ticles, and pamphlets, without particularly imperil ing his reputation either for candonr or for capa city. But this would not suit the radical Professor ; he has an idea that he is a heaven-born reformer, and with the true instinct of his tribe obtrudes his spoke into every one's wheel, under the full convic tion that his intuitive genius will be everywhere ap preciated according to his own measure. It is some what strange that your old-world republicans don't find the American stripe exactly of the same tint which they have been accustomed to regard as the true pigment. Nor does our western democracy take kindly to the . doctrines of European repub licanism. Our cousins of the United States are the most self-reliant people in the world. They believe themselves capable of understanding their own affairs, and have as little re spect for Professors as for Princes. They will play with and lionize either for the time, but only on condition that their own matters are not interfered with, and that their prejudices be flattered. But the amusement and the novelty of a celebrity, with a handle to his name, once over, there ends the intimacy ; and if Jonathan's particu lar corn be subsequently trodden upon, woe to the transgressor. Let all who visit Yankee land govern themselves by the Thackeray rather than the Dickens rule. Spout as much abuse of Britain as you will, but not one word of criticism upon American pecu liarities, or down you go in the category of that most contemptuous of all American superlatives, "aristocrat." But let us do the Americans justice. They have as little respect fore. birds that are prone to defile their own nest as any people on earth. They may have their national vanity tickled by hear ing Englishmen talk treason or vilify their native land and its institutions, but we have never known these vagabond dispensers of their own unworthiness command any permanent respect among the Ame rican people. They may love to hear the country, with which their greatest pride is to compete, run down by one of her own treacherous children, but . the native shrewdness of the American tells him that the country which he would rival is neither base, nor its institutions despicable—if he loves his republic he does not necessarily hate all other coun tries. Yet such is the mistake these old-country republicans invariably make and as invariably repeat when they visit America. Such has been the case with Mr. Smith. He, like less pretentious men, has hoped ake the good-will of the people he was visiting by storm. He was a species of pedagogue, and assumed the air of a teacher. The consequence has been a lamentable exposure of ignorance, and elimination of general contempt. He has chosen to take upon himself the character of a political parti san, and for his pains he is justly visited by the in dignation alike of the Republicans and the Demo crats. Mr. Goldwin Smith has scarcely deigned to visit Canada ; but England in general, and the University of Oxford in particular, will, no doubt, be enlightened upon the great question which now now agitates the British Provinces. Let us fore warn our friends at home, that the Professor is now as ignorant upon colonial matters, as far as experi ence leaves him, as he was when he formerly penned his stupid and unpatriotic letters upon that subject. We shall now leave Mr Smith in the hands of the New York World:— Mr. Goldwin Smith, boldly crossing and recrossing the Atlantic, will find himself subjected, on his return to his native land, to a similarly severe ordeal. He will no longer be permitted to talk twaddle unchallenged. Coming here as a confessed admirer of the Republican party, and openly committed to the advocacy of the Republican policy, scholars and gentlemen in England will expect him to bring back to them some evidences that has mingled with the opponents of the Republican party in America, and has sought, at least, to ascertain the reasons of the political faith by which more than two millions of American citizens were led to record their votes, at the last presidential elec tion, against the party and the policy of President Lincoln. A professor of history, like a married man, has "given hostages to fortune." He is not at liberty to be a domestic partisan ; still less at liberty to be the attorney of a foreign party. It were better for such an one "that a millstone were fastened about his neck, and that he were cast into the sea," than that he should be forced, as Mr. Goldwin Smith, if he'opens his lips on American affairs after his return to England will be forced, to confess that he brought to America a set of opinions in respect to American affairs —that he associated in America exclusively with those who held the like opinions, and that he returns to his own country under a commercial contract to supply political disquisitions to an accredited organ of those opinions in the United States. This might answer - well enough with political adven turers like Mr. George Thompson. But we mistake the character of academical England if such an exhibition of himself can be advantageously made by a person holding a respectable position in a great English university. The disgust which such a spectacle, it strikes us, must excite in the breast of every educated Englishman will not be lessened by the circumstance that Mr. Goldwin Smith, almost ere the ink was dry with which he had re corded his impertinent exultations over the defeat of the Democratic party in America, as the "escape of England from a great danger of war with the United States," has been compelled to take back with him to England the stinging insults offered by Mr. Seward to Great Britain in his letter on Lord Wharncliffe's correspondence with Mr. Adams. Mr. Goldwin Smith goes back to England branded by his friends of the " Loyal League" with the pleasing informa tion that we in America possess the power, without taking away a single soldier now facing the rebels, to brush away Canada like gossamer; and without taking a single ship from our blockade squadrons, to sink every ship in the British navy as if they were cockle-shells ;" and that if we forbear to exert this power under a Republican administration, it is only because "we quietly reserve for a future settle ment" those English outrages which it suits us not just JOURNALS , earth. His time has come, and his system shall be in the ascendant." And Mr. Bright illustrates his position by references to the great mercantile cities of other days. We own to having been sur prised. Of which is it that Mr. Bright is ignorant ?—of the history of those times, or of the condition of his own country ? Those cities, almost without exception, were cities of depot rather than. centres of manufacture, and their riches were con stituted of the gains of merchants, not of the pro fits of manufacturers. Venice, and other Powers like Venice, decayed till decay ended in extinction partly from ill government, but mainly because: commerce took to a highway that did not lead. through her, just as a street, or one side of a. street, in London falling into desuetude involves the ruin of those who keep shops in it. Venice died away because she had no territorial system to fall back upon. Circumstances diverted the stream of trade, and she died of inanition ; as we should have died when the cotton famine came upon us had_ the spirit of Mr. Bright administered the affairs of England from the time of Queen Elizabeth to the days of Queen Victoria. How is it that we have escaped such a fate? Why is it that, notwithstand ing the great disaster, notwithstanding the loss of the raw material which sustained the staple indus try of Lancashire, we are wealthier and stronger, and more completely armed for attack or defence, than we have ever been since we took a place in the system of nations? It is because we are not mere merchants, because the great bulk of our manufac tures are intimately connected with, originate in, and are supported by our territorial produce. It is because our land at home and in our colonies pro duces not only corn and wool alone, but minerals beneath the surface of the earth. We are a great central depot for trade ; trade centres in us, and radiates from us because we have, with the excep- SPIRIT OF now to chastise. These are the sentiments not of an ordinary Republican journal, but of the New York Times, the accredited organ of Secretary Seward and President Lincoln. The editor of this journal is the leader-elect of the Republican party in the House of Representatives. He has " assisted" at Repub lican festivities in honour of Mr. Goldwin Smith, but has never yet, that we know, committed himself to foolish gushes of fraternity toward that misguided individual, who may possibly soon learn to regret that he should have been tempted into exchanging the assured poSition of an unobtrusive scholar who minds his own busi ness in his own country, for the ephemeral successes which an astute and unprincipled faction can so easily and so pro fitably offer to the foreign tools of its policy. Mr. Goldwin Smith's denunciation of the English nation before a Boston audience as having made a supreme effort to reach "social justice and religious freedom," and in that effort having failed, merely impeach his patriotism and his self-reipect. The compliments which he pays New Eng land for having produced a Patrick Henry and a Washing ton, and the sympathy which, in the same breath, he ex tends to Massachusetts for having been " blended by the necessities of the Revolutionary war under equivocal .con ditions with other colonies of a wholly different origin and character which then held persons to service," merely im peach his knowledge of American history and his capacity of political thinking. But his indorsement of the Republican party as friendly to England will convict him in the eyes of his own coun trymen, whom alone happily it concerns, either of a wilful perirersion of the truth, or of travelling through the Union with eyes as closely shut as his mouth has been liberally open. The toll dues, including the half of the tonnage duties given up by the Government to the town of Havre for the works of the port, produced in December last the sum of 53,453 f., making, with the previous months of the year, a total of 692,036 f. BREAKFAST BEVERAGE.—HomceopVhic practitioners, and the medical profession generally, recommend cocoa as being the most healthful of all beverages. When the doc trine of homoeopathy was first introduced into this country, there were to be obt fined no preparations of cocoa either at tractive to the taste or acceptable to the stomach ; the nut was either sunned is the crude state, or so unskilfully manufactured as to obtain little notice. J. Epps, of London, Homoeopathic Chemist, was induced in the year 1819 to turn his attention to this subject, and at len,4th succeeded, with the assistance of elaborate machinery, in being the first to produce an article pure in its composition, and so refined by the perfect trituration it receives in the process it passes throt•gh, as to be most acceptable to the delicate . stomach. For general use Epps's Cocoa is distinguished as an invigo rating, grateful breakfast beverage, possessing a most deli cious aroma. Dr. Missal, in his wo.k, "Food and its Adulteratio-_: s," says -"Cocoa contains a great variety of im portant nutritive principles—every ingrecliqa necessary to the growth and sustenance of the Cody." Again: "As a nutritive, cocoa stands very much higher than ether coffee or tea." Directions—Two teaspoonfuls of the powder in a breakfast cup, filled up with boliing water or milk. Secured ie tin-lined Alb., Alb., and ilb. labelled packets, and k:nl.l by 417 flroon•s, sonfectionErs, and chemists,- rtk avr TIMES.—The question of " La Liberte des Thea tres" has in due time migrated from French to English soil. After having agitated the Parisian public for a season, and given its name to a play which attracted crowds to the Varlet& almost throughout the year 1864, it has paid us a New Year's visit. This is as it should be. We borrow our plays from the French, and in the principles of theatrical legislation we must be content to follow the lead of our neighbours. But we fear that the question of theatrical liberty will not be studied in England with the passionate zeal which it evoked in Paris. In France the theatre is a part of the national culte. It receives its dotations and subventions from the State without a word of opposition. We talk much about the edification of our churches, and the Church rate question is supposed to be one of the most important subjects upon which opinion can be divided among us ; but in France the Emperor re builds Opera houses and theatres in the capital and the provinces, and every one approves the outlay. " La Liberte des Theatres" is believed to have oc cupied the attention of the Conseil d'Etat, and our, humble parallel is transacted before Mr Tyrwhitt at the Marlborough-street Police-office. It is some what anomalous that in 1865, nearly 20 years after the formal adoption of Free Trade, such proceedings as those instituted against Mr. Strange, of the Alhambra, should be possible. The lessees of the licensed theatres who have set them on foot appear to . have no other objection to Mr. Strange than that he is a rival to themselves. He is providing amuse ments for the public which compete with the theatres, and the opposing lessees are banded together to put him down, as if they had never heard of the monopoly of the patent houses under which they themselves so long suffered. It is not pretended that the amusements at the Alhambra are immoral, or that the lessees are acting in the interests of the Revenue. It is enough for them that there is a law which forbids t k tie representation of plays in unlicensed houses, and if they can get Mr. Strange within its operation they will be satisfied. This is the secret of the summons heard before Mr. Tyrwhitt at Marlborough-street, the decision upon which has been reserved by the magistrate. It was admitted, or appeared in evidence,. that Mr Strange had recently taken a lease of the grotesque building on the east side of Leicester-square which was once a Panopticon, is now an Alhambra, and has been at different times a circus, a concert-hall, the place where Rarey tamed horses, and where Leotard swung and gymnasts exhibited. The building, as the coun sel for the prosecution pointed out, is one of consi derable size, and, if not in all respects like a theatre of the present day, it is extremely like the primitive theatre of the days of Elizabeth. There is a stage almost as large as Drury-lane, in front of it an orchestra, and in front of that a pit, which is a real pit, differing from that of the Globe in Southwark only in being covered over and in having within it tables of various sizes, at which visitors can sit, smoke, and refresh themselves. A double row of boxes surrounds the pit, and completes the part de voted to the audience. The stage itself was pro vided with wings, flys, a drop-scene, foot-lights, and the other usual accessories of a theatre. The entertainment provided by Mr. Strange for his visi tors, and which in the view of the prosecution brought him within the operation of the law, consisted of a ballet danced by some 60 or 70 performers, who, according to Mr. Horace Wigan, of the Olympic, " went through the pantomime of attack and defence and putting to death an imaginary enemy, who appeared to be on the floor." Mr. Wigan was cross examined upon his statement that pantomime had been introduced -in the ballet, and he drew distinc tions which are unknown to ordinary mortals. There are, according to his authority, two kinds of ballet—the " ballet divertissement" and the "ballet of action," the latter of which does not require dancing • but pantomime is indispensable to both. Mr. Bonham Donne, the examiner of stage plays at the Lord Chamberlain's Office, who was another witness for the prosecution, acknowledged that this distinction of two dames of ballet was unknown to - him, and .he also ingenuously confessed that he never could understand a ballet in his life. The importance of accurately determining the nature of the dancing on Mr. Strange's stage is apparent when we turn to the law on the subject. Places of public amusement are, in fact, subject to two Acts of Parliament, the one passed in the reign of George 11., and the other in the reign of Queen Victoria. Mr. Strange has obtained a licence under the first Act, but not under the second. The Act of George 11., which is entitled "An Act for the better preventing Thefts and Robberies," forbids the keep ing of, places for public dancing, music, or other pub lic entertainment of the like kind without a licence ; while the Act of the present reign forbids the public performance of stage-plays without a licence, and defines a stage-play' to include tragedy, comedy,_ farce, opera, burletta, interlude, melodrama, panto mime, or other entertainment - of the stage. It would follow that if the dancing on the stage of the Alham bra constituted a pantomime within the meaning of the later Act, Mr. Strange has offended against the law, but if it were no more than public dancing he is protected by the licence he has obtained under the Act of King George 11. It can scarcely be denied that a mere exhibition of dancing might be given under the sanction of the older Act ; for though a place for public dancing might by itself be construed as no more than a place at which visitors might assemble and dance, yet as the public dancing is associated with music or other public entertainment, and an exhibition of hired and trained musicians has always been held within The Act, it would seem that an exhibition of hired dancers must also be within it. It is more difficult to determine the meaning of pantomime in the Act regulating theatres ; the words with which it is associated all imply the mimicry of sentiment and feeling, and it is possible that the dancing of a troupe becomes a pantomime when the pirouetting and saltation are not so much efforts of grace and agility as expressions of passionate motion —when, in a word, motion is subordinate to emotion. It would, however, be almost impossible to draw this distinction except in extreme cases. We may say that the dancing of Egypt is pantomime while the waltz ing of Germany is not; but when Mr:Wigan calls " Sir Roger de Coverley" a theatrical entertainment want ing the stage, few would agree with him, and still fewer when he puts " The Lancers" in the same category. The question of law—what is a panto mime, and the question of fact—what was the cha racter of the dancing at the Alhambra, are, how ever, matters which Mr. Tyrwhitt has to decide, and it would be improper to anticipate his decision. We may, nevertheless, hope that he will pay due attention to the important evidence of Mr. Wigan and Mr. Maclean that there was real water at the back of the stage. In these days, when acting is quite subsidiary to real water and real smoke, and a good player is less esteemed than a real horse and a real cab, we look upon the presence of real water on the stage as the surest test of a theatre, and this piece of evidence the worst point against Mr. Strange. Whatever may be the result in the prosecution of the proprietor of the Alliambra, the case serves as an illustration of the piecemeal and irrational cha racter of English legislation. It is impossible to feel any sympathy for the efforts of the lessees to vindicate a law which rests on such arbitrary prin ciples as that which regulates theatres. Even if Mr. Strange is convicted, and the Exchequer is enriched by the fine which may be imposed upon him, the only consequence would be that he would apply to the Lord Chamberlain for a licence for the Alham bra. The functions of that official certainly ought not - la 'involve any restriction on the number of places of legitimate amusement, and the application would probably be granted as a matter of course, upon due security being given for the propriety of the entertainment provided for the public. In other days the Lord Chamberlain might probably consider whether there was a demand for an additional place of amusement, but it would now be allowed by all that that is a question for the theatrical speculator alone. The gain of a successful prosecution by the lessees would, therefore, be that they would have to meet a direct instead of an indirect competitor. POST.—It is singular that those who advertise themselves, as being especially continuous propoun ders of some new thing and the apostles of progress, are, above - all others of their time, reactionary. It is so, however ; and the new lamps which they cry are only old ones rubbed up, whether they be. the lamps of house decorators or of professed and pro fessing politicians. The house decorator and the jeweller go back to Egypt and to Tuscany for their models, and Mr. Bright reverts to the feudal age for his social schemes and his political ideas. If there be one theory more absolutely recognised than any other, we should have taken it to be that theory which endeavours to rest political organisation upon distinction or antagonism of classes. Such a pro position, whether put forward by a Conservative or a Radical, is absurd in conception and retrograde in tendency. Developed in action, it involves a return to the feudal system territorially, and to the guild system commercially. Yet such is the character of the policy which Mr. Bright endeavours to induce this country to accept and push to completion. The attempt was made in France to secure to what were termed the middle classes a preponderance of poli tical power, involving ultimately a monopoly of executive government. Its immediate consequence was the organisation of a military dictatorship ; the final result has been the re-establishment of an im perial dynasty. But, says Mr. Bright, " the time is gone by when nations were moved by the shout of the warrior and the enunciation of the statesman. Sift the elements of the living world through my sieve, the manufacturer will be the gold dust that the digger will gather out of the cradle. The war rior and the statesman will be the refuse washed down the -trc,9i,• Ih ti ThQ man tion of cotton, all the materials for manufactuie• within our own boundaries. We are the market We are in addition the greatest manufacturers of the world, not because our people congregate in huge towns, and that huge towns have political in fluence, but because our manufacturing system rests upon our territorial system. Those great towns, Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield, and such like, are the sons of the soil of England, and they flourish. Man chester had its roots in the soil of a foreign country, and she has faded away. Lancashire has been sick unto death, and if she recovers it can only be by striking roots in new earth. Is it possible that a man of such considerable intellect as Mr. Bright can only see one side of this shield, and can only look at this. great subject from one narrowed point, of view ? There is no territorial class such as that which he appears always to have before his eyes— no class of nobles such as created and administered the feudal system. Great manufacturers, wealthy bankers, eminent engineers, successful lawyers, each and all enter largely into the composition of the existing territorial class of this country, and the in evitable consequence of this state of things is that it, has become impossible to constitute all these people; into separate sections with antagonistic, or even dis tinct interests ; and equally impossible, of course, to. build up a political system upon this imagined and hoped-for basis. It is somewhat curious that Mr. Bright should have put his ideal manufacturer upon the stage just at the moment that all classes, of whatever politics, are in accord upon this one point, that they will entrust it to one man only to govern the country under the Crown who is especially and peculiarly a pure territorial noble. Curious too that he should broach his theory that hero-worship turns away from warriors and statesmen to kneel before spinners and nailmakers, when we have Scarcely rested from devising tributes of honour and regard to our Havelocks, our Clydes, our Law rences, our Elgins, and to the Consort of our Queen. But if Mr. Bright is not satisfied with illustrations taken from society at home, let him look abroad. What has the supremacy of towns done for Federal America ? Is America a free trader ? Is it the manufacturer who is in the ascendant in the model Republic, or the soldier ? Singular that the great Republic, by whose light we were to walk hence forth, is taking up all the worn-out devices that even the most extreme of our Protectionists dis carded long ago, is bent upon raising everything within her owrt boundaries, and is endeavouring to create revenue by duties upon raw produce ; singu lar that Mr. Bright says nothing about these pheno mena to his friends in Birmingham. COUNTRY MARKETS. •e ----- - - BIRMINGHAM-THURSDAY. During the present week prices, have been readily paid for wheat which could not previOusly be obtained. Bar ley only saleable in limited quantities. Oats tending up wards. Beans dull. Peas taken in retail at full prices. Currencies :—English. wheat, white, 40s to 448; red, 388 Co 41s per 36 stone. • Malting .barley, 28s to 34s ; grinding, 22s to 258 per qr. Oats, 248 to 30s ; Irish, 19s to 24s per 30 stone. Beans, 38s to 428; and peas, 38s to 428 per qr. BURY ST. EDMUND'S-WEDNESDAY, There was a good show of wheat and barley at to-day's market. The former met a free sale at an advance of is to 2s per qr. Fine qualities of the latter were also is to 2s per qr. clearer ; other kinds unaltcred in value. MANCIIES TEIZ-T i LURSDAY. Our market this morning was moderately attended. For English wheat sellers generally asked-1s per qr. advance, but there was not much desire to buy. Foreign was fully as dear, but without demand. - Flour was in limited request at the extreme prices of last , week. In other articles no change was observable. EDINBURGIL-WEDNESDAY At our market there was a good supply of country wheat, which met a good sale at an advance of 9d to is per qr. Wheat on the top, 5s Od up average, Os ,7d up. Barley on the top, Os 4d up average, is 4d up. Oats on the top, Os 6d up average, Os 1d up. Beans on the top, 1s Od down • average, -Os 9d down. Average prices. Wheat, 3752 d 1 Barley, 26s Od Oats, 18s9d Beans, 31s 6d . , . , .... ~ Total supply and sales. Wheat 671 qrs sold 443 Barley 1459 qrS sold 1568 Oats 2473 qrs sold 1799 Beans l2O qrs sold 109 Town-made flour sell.; as follows :—White, 36s ; extra superfine, 355; superfine, 33s 6d; fine, 325. GLASGOWWEDICESDAY. This day's market was tolerably well attended. Wheat was in fair inquiry, at an advance of about 3d per 2401 b. Flour and barley in sellers' favour. Fine oats 3d dearer per 26-11 b. Oatmeal dull. Beans, peas, and Indian corn firm. Foreign Mail Packet List. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton.. —Jan. 18. - Ditto, via Marseilles Jan. 12. Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet Fa. 3. Ditto, by British packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Feb. It. thina, Penang, and Singapore, via Sou hampton Jan 18. Ditto, via Marstilles Jan. 12. Falkland Islands Jan• —. Gibraltar, iis Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton..., Jan. 18. Ditto, via Mar, cities India (Bombay), via Southampton Jan. 11. Ditto, via i rseilles .. Jan 5. Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseil e . ..Jan. 5. Newfoundland Jan. 18. Portug .1 Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... United States and British North America, by Bri- fish packet . America, by British packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp t'n Ditto, via Cuik Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry.. Jan. 6. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Ttneriffe ..Jan. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, and Mexico Jan. 9. Bahamas, ria New 1 ork. Jan. 12. Bermuda, ditto Jan. 1 2 . Cuba and Mexico J.in 29. Births. AmirgsoN.—On the. 2d inst., at Longsight Rectory, Man chester, the Hon. Mrs. J. Augustus Atkinson, of a. daughter. DoumAN.—On the sth inst., at The Firs, Lawrie-park, Sydenham, the wife of Charles Dorman, Esq., of a son. LESLIE.—On the sth inst., at 22, Charles-street, Berkeley. square, Mrs. John Leslie, of a daughter. Marriage& Urns—Kim —On the 4th inst., at Madingley, near Cam bridge, the Right Rev. George Hills, D.D., Bishop of Colombia, to Maria P. Louisa, eldest daughter of the late Sir Richard King, Bart., K.C.B. NORGATE—BRADLEY.--On the sth inst., at Saint Peter's, Pimlico, Charles Bladwell L e • (drys Norgate, of East Dereham, solicitor, to Eliza, eldest daughter of Henry Bradley, Esq., of the Temple, and Blackheath. Deaths. Fox.—On the 4th inst., at Norwood, Miss Fox, of Medina Cliftonville, Brighton. GRIFFITH.--On the 3d inst., at Dublin, Lady Griffith, the wife of Sir Richard Griffith, Bart., aged 80. GOItDON.—On the 2d inst., at Chatham, William Gordon, Esq., aged 74. • SHAW.—On the 4th inst., at Brighton, .Charles Shaw, Esq• of Birmingham, aged 73. STONE.—On the 4th inst., at Bexley-heath, Kent, James Stone, Esq., aged 69. VIONOLLES.—On the 3d inst., at Foulis-terrace, Brompton, Mary, wife of the 11ev. Olinthus J. Vignoles, Anerley. WIIITAXEII.-011 the Ist inst., at Bratton, Wilts, Anne, widow of the late Philip Whitaker, Esq., aged 91. London : Pri fed and Publibhed byWI L LIAM - AN DR itIWS , of No. 11?, tr Printer, at !Fur, F,111 , / (411:e, No 11 1 : Strand, :t; l'rk-cir,ct of the Savoy, 72j(id PT VW Pft(