The Sun. — London, England, 1866-06-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT ROUSE OF LORDS.-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal consent was given by commission to the fol lowing bills :—Divorce and Matrimonial Causes, Land Drainage, Supplemental Cattle Assurance, Contagious Dis eases, Poor Persons' Burial (Ireland), Hop Trade, Customs and Inland Revenue, and 43 private bills. The Royal Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Argyll, and the Earl of Bessborough. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Maryport Improvement and Harbour, Severn Junction Railway Greenock Harbour, Glasgow and South-Western Railway (Ayrshire lines), London and North-Western, and Cocker mouth and Wokington Railway Companies, London and North-Western and Whitehaven Junction Railway Companies, Bristol and North Somerset Railway (addi tional capital), North Walsham and Dilham Canal, South Devon Railway, London and South-Western Railway (ad ditional powers), Edg,eware, Highgate, and London Railway, Bannock-Chase and Wolverhampton Railway, Bodmin Roads, and Greenwich and Woolwich Lower Road. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Canterbury Gas and Water, Huntley Mitcheldean, and Elton Roads, Cefu, Acrefair, and Khosynadre Water (with amendments), and Walker and Wallsend Union Gas (with amendments.) THE EMPLOYMENT OP CHILDREN. In reply to the Earl of SHA.FTESBURY, Earl RUSSELL said it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce a bill for the purpose of bring ing within the protection of the Factory Act children employed in various trades who were not now protected by law. THE LECTIONARY OF THE CHURCH. Lord EBITRY moved that an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty for the appointment of a commission to revise the lectionary of the Established Church, and also to consider what steps should be taken to obviate the evils complained of arising from the compulsory and almost indiscriminate use of the burial service. The Archbishop of CANTERBURYresisted the motion' not because he was opposed to reform in the Church, for he had supported many reforms, but because he doubted whether any real good would follow the appointment of a Commission. With respect to Liturgical revision there was much diversity of opinion, but the balance of petitions to Parliament had been greatly against such a course. The language of the Burial Service did in some cases occasion difficulty, but he thought that by the exercise of charity and discretion clergymen could conscientiously obey the present law. Lord COLCHESTER supported the motion, chiefly upon the ground that any inquiry must take a wider range than the two questions now specified, and that such changes might be made as would conciliate and bring within the Church many who felt that at present thoy could not 'adopt her formularies. The Bishop of LONDON could not support the motion, as, even admitting, the grievances complained of, the pre sent was not the proper time to re med y them. 'lle vindi cated the Church of England from servile adherence to old forms. Lord RUSSELL did not think it advisable that the Crown should interfere in the manner proposed, as in tho divided state of opinions tho result of a Commission would certainly be to provoke angry controversies, and was not certain to effect much good. After a few words from Lord REDESDALE, and from Lord EMMY in reply, The House divided, and rejected the motion by 66 to 40. The Charitable Trusts and Deeds Enrolment Bill was read a second time. Other bills were advanced a stage, and their lordships adjourned at 20 minutes past seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Mr. ESMONDE took the oaths and his seat for Water. ford. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Glasgow Bridges ; Glasgow Corporation Water ; Middles brough Extension and Improvement ; Montrose Harbour ; and Perran Railway, Pier, and Harbour. EXTRADITION OF CRIMINALS. Mr. HUNT moved for a return of list of crimes forming the subject of extradition enumerated in treaties between Great Britain and foreign countries which aro in opera tion, showing the date of treaty.—Agreed to. ECCLESIASTICAL ESTABLISHMENTS (WEST INDIES). Mr. MILLS moved for a return of the names, officers, And salaries, respectively, of the parsons who participate in the payments out of the Consolidated Fund in respect of the ecclesiastical establishment in the West Indiesovith any additional sum paid to any of them out of the Colo nial revenue, and for what service.—Agreed to. EAST INDIA TELEGRAPH. Mr. CHEETHAM moved for a copy of a letter from Capt. If. Spryo to the Secretary of State for India, dated Jan. 15, 1866, and of the maps attached thereto, referring to commerce with the Shan States and west of China from Eangoon, and extension of the Indo-European Telegraph by land from Pegu to Ilong Kong and the Chinese open ports. Ordered. NE W Col. TAYLOR moved that a new writ be issued for the election of a member for Nottinghamshire, in the room of Lord Stanhope, called to the House of Peers. The writ was ordered. • STRAND UNION. Mr. J. SIMEON asked the President of the Poor Law Board whether the inquiry into the treatment of the sick poor in the Strand Union Workhouse was completed ; and whether he would lay a copy of the evidence and the re port founded thereupon upon the table of the house ? Viscount ENFIELD said the inquiry had taken place, and ho hoped to be able to lay the report on the table with the least possible delay. AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, AND ITALY. Mr. KINGLAKE said he was anxious to ask a question of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and it was, if possible, to elicit the advice which her Majesty's Government had given to some of the disputing States. He had reason to fear that the peace of Europe had been broken at that moment, especially as the Austrian commander had deter mined to convoke the estates of Holstein, and the Prussian commander had determined to prevent it, and under these circumstances he thought the house of Commons should have an opportunity of expressing its opinion. Tho great difficulty appeared to him to be Venetia, and Italy was placed in a peculiar position, because in consequence of her relations with France she was enabled to threaten a greater power than herself, and therefore Italy was acting as a dis turbing State with impunity. Italy had had no quarrel with Austria ; but her object appeared to be to wait until Austria was involved with another power before she made her move. That moment had now arrived, and it was said that Italy, to enable her to gain her ends, had entered into a treaty offensive and defensive with Prussia, and she was thus enabled to take her part in the dispute. He could not believe that her Majesty's Government had given any direct advice to either of the parties which might lead to a disturbance of the peace, yet rumour, with her busy tongue, had asserted that her Ma jesty's Government had advised Austria to give up Venetia, and, if such advice had been given, nothing, in his opinion, was mote calculated to bring about a terrible war. True it, was that the advice of the English Government had not b een taken, and he, for one, t hou g ht it most unlikely that it ever would be taken, but he contended that if they h a d given it, it was a matter wh i c h tended to involve matters in greater difficulty than any other matter that could arise. If the proposal to Austria had been made to give up such a vast province, then he thought i t extravagant. It was extravagant in principle, because she had been asked to give it up on a principle, which for the want of a better word, he must call a Fenian—(hear, hear) —principle, because she was advised to give it up on the ground of nationality. With respect to the Conference, Austria said before she could consent to go into con ference she must know there was no attempt on the Pa rt of any of the Powers to aggrandise their estates, and the proposal therefore at once collapsed. The Government of France was first of the opinion that a Conference on ouch terms would be useless, and the English Government agreed with them . R e was certain that the maintenance o f peace was inconsistent with a change of territory, and therefore he concluded by asking whether the Govern-. rant were in a position to c ommunicate any further infor mation with respect to the failure of the Conference at Faris. gßiatEleQn R Th e CHANCELLOR of the EX UE said he did not contemplate that tho h„, his question would travel over so Wide eta.fineildn askin g he could not enter into a full ex planation at the: beca use conjuncture of af fairs, and because he co uld not present good purpose could arise by a debate on the subject talV, place. The hon. gentleman said the Gorman quarreli would have been arran g ed had t not been for Italy but that was not so, at least as far as the information' in the possession of the Government . allowed th em to form an opinion.. The question o f the Duchies, just as much as Venetia, formed the ground for quarrel, and the convocation of the States of Holstein was the subject which would lead to war, and not Venetia. There were, how ever, othor questions involved. The honourable gentle man said that Italy was a disturbing Power, and that that was brought about by the protection sho received from France. It was not his duty to defend the Government of France; that was beyond his province, but not stopping there the hon. gentleman had said that it was rumoured that her Majesty's Government had given encouragement to Italy, and advice to Aus tria. He had, however, acquitted them of giving advice ; he might have done more and acquitted them of giving encouragement to Italy. The hon. gentleman bad said the Government had expressed its opinion that Austria ought to give up Venetia. He did not know where the honourable gentleman had obtained his information, but ho might say that that being the opinion of her Majesty's Government it was no secret to Austria, as she was well aware th at that opinion prevailed seven years ago. it was the opinion of Lord Palmerston in 1848, and notwithstanding the most friendly feeling entertained by Great Britain to wards Austria, her Majesty's Government felt that they ought not to recede from that opinion. He thought it was most unkind and uncalled for to cast this matter in the teeth of Austria when she was involved in another and distinct misunderstanding with another Power. While entertaining a good feeling towards Austria on the first point, he could not say that their sympathy extended to her second position. With respect to the question of the hon. gentleman as to the preservation of peace, he regretted he could entertain no solid opinion that such a state of things existed, and with respect t o th e f a il ure o f th e Con ference it arose from the assurance denianded by Austria that no territorial aggrandisement was intended not being given. Re could only express his de e p regret that the meeting of the conference was prevented by obstacles that it was impossible to remove. Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked whether any compensation for Venetia had been suggested to Austria in the Danu bian Principalities ? After some remarks from Mr. B. CocRRANz and Mr. SANDFORD, Sir G. BOWYER regretted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had expressed an opinion on the part of the Government that Austria had better give up Venetia. He wanted to know, not only whether the Government or any members of the Cabinet had in any way intimated that opinion to Austria, but whether the Government, in the private or surreptitious manner of which they were so fond, or in any public manner, had intimated that opinion to the Court of Florence, or given that Court to understand that they would use their influence with Austria to give up Venetia. (Hear, hear.) He feared that this was the case, and that there were private letters which would not be laid before Parliament, but which, like the postscript in a lady's letter, contained things l lsf more moment than the public despatches. He regretted to observe a disposition to throw upon Austria the blame of the Conference not being held, but nothing could be more unjust. Austria could not, with any sense of dignity or justice, accede to any Conference in which the affairs of Venetia and the demands of the Court of Florence could be entertained. The Government itself must see that to entertain such a question must be subversive of the law of nations, because it would imply that the Government held that the Court of Florence had some right to Venetia. He contended that the Court of Florence, or rather the King of Sardinia—for he would call him so still—(" hear, hear" and a laugh) —had no more right to Venetia than to Middle sex. To recognise such a principle would lead to the utmost confusion of all notions of right or wrong between nations. Did they suppose that Austria could give up the Quadri lateral with any regard to her own safety ? The Quadri lateral was one of the bulwarks, not only against the en croachments of the Court of Florence, but also against the possibility of tho encroachments of France. They all know that Italy was now a province of France. Italy had no real unity, for it was composed of discordant elements that would not be held together except by force of arms. If the cession of Venetia ought to be considered at the Conference, why not, also, the case of the Danubian Principalities ? What had Venetia to do with the question of Schleswig- Holstein ? The peace of Europe depended upon Schleswig Holstein and not upon Venetia. Why were the rights of Austria sought to be compromised by a question not rele vant to the matter at issue ? Tobring the question of Vene tia into the Conference must be the greatest obstacle to the settlement of the Holstein difficulty. That question was troublesome enough of itself without bringing in the ces sion of Venetia. He was afraid it would turn out that it was her Majesty's Government who were responsible for the failure of the Congress, and not Austria. The noble lord (Earl Russell) when he was at the head of the Foreign Office was always fond of giving advice to other nations how to manage their own affairs, and his policy was very well described by the noble lord in the other house as a meddling and muddling policy. The present seemed an other instance of this policy. (Hear.) If her Majesty's Government must give advice, why did they not advise the Court of Florence to be quiet? They were ruining them selves by the course they were pursuing, although he (Sir G. Bowyer) cared very little for that. (A laugh.) Their finances were a disgrace to Europe, and they were approach ing a state of national bankruptcy. The Government ought to have advised them tolook at home, and especially tolook at the south of Italy. If it were for the good of Austria to give up Venetia, it was ten times more desirable for the good of the Court of Florence that they should give up the Two Sicilies. If hon. members would look at the correspondence of the Times of that very day, they would find it plainly asserted that what had been thought to be brigandage was not brigandage, but reaction ; and that a guerilla warfare was being carried on. In the south of Italy there were actually committees of private persons whose busi ness it was to hunt out people who were in any way sus pected, and to accuse them to the authorities. They were then arrested and thrown into prison, where they suffered greater severities and hardships than were inflicted upon Poerio, the friend of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The King of Sardinia governed by force of arms in the south of Italy, where, according to the Government, he had been welcomed as a deliverer. If that were so, tranquillity would long since have been restored to the country. Year after year greater disinclination was displayed in the Neopolitan provinces to submit to the dominion of a people and a King whose language they did not understand. The people of that country had always been greatly attached to their native princes, they wished to see those native princes restored (" oh, oh !"), and by the progress of events they would be brought back again. Charles 111., an ancestor of the present King of Sardinia, was still remembered and celebrated as a patriot because he had delivered his country from the rule of the Spanish Viceroys. Tho condition of Naples at the present day was calculated to awaken sym pathy. With a population of 400,000, and properly the fourth capital in Europe, it was reduced to the position of a country town,with a decaying market place. (Laughter.) So visible, indeed, was the decay that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, were ho dealing with it in a Reform Bill, would surely take away its members; and it might be said to have been " grouped " already. (Cheers and laughter.) Plainly, the King of Sardinia could never keep his present territories. He should therefore advise him to give up the Two Sicilies and the Papal dominions, which he bad acquired contrary to the law ofinations, and restrict him self to the limits of his ancient monarchy. The people groaned under the pressure of taxation, and exceptional laws were necessary to make them submit to his govern ment. If, then, he could not govern what he had got, how was it possible that he could hope to govern Venetia ? The transfer of that province would only con summate its ruin ; and the Government in stimulating the Italians to look forward to its acquirement was doing its friends anything but a service ; it was encouraging wild hopes and undermining those rights and laws without which the peace of nations could not exist at all. Sooner or later a break up was inevitable. The:people of Italy wanted their native princes. (Oh, oh.) Ho was not surprised to hear that cheer from hon. gentlemen oppposite, sitting below the gangway, for he knew many of them held principles utterly subversive of the law of nations. The Royal family of Naples were at one time French, no doubt, in the same way that our Royal family were originally Germans ; but we no longer spoke of them as Germans,—we always called them our native princes. (Hear, hear.) It was true that, while they still reigned at Naples there were, as there always would be, discontented people in the country. (Hear, and laughter.) Yes, he repeated it. Look at the history of the Old Testament. (Laughter.) When the Jews were governed by God Almighty himself—(laughter, fol lowed by loud cries of " order, order ") —they were discon tented and called for a King. It could not, therefore, be matter of surprise that discontent should exist in any State. clarevethparit He would tell the Gov ernmen t w h a t wou ld h appen if th e n it ce w s a d s id ne n c o e t ss r ay ertutfmortothltealy. preservation France o would optalladesdien the south of Italy that she should march an army of occu pationin_t? .t . h o e so coun r try . . She would thereupon take pos sessionsienies of those hepeozinces. The Kingdom of the Two a French Princ e . The Chancellor of the os Was a Frencb, probably be governed by Exchequeree attained? (Hear, hear.) this a result which her Ma jesty's Government wished t this question of Italian policy st.tf had arrived upon part of his disposition, conclusion, and they all knew it to be once made up his mind, he was reckless of of theconsequences. that having ;tthat (Cheers and laughter.) The ChancelloriEj.chequer would allow him to say as an old friend—(laughter} —that he was so clever he often deceived himself ; by self-persuasion he arrived at a belief to which he thenssex pected everything to give way. With regard to Reform, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had plainly determinedto listen to no remonstrances, but to force the measure upon the house. (Cheers, and cries of " Question.") He was bent on carrying the bill, though he believed if the votes of members could bo taken by ballot it would be rejected by a very large majority. (Cheers and laughter.) In the same way, with regard to the affairs of Italy, the right hon. gentleman began by deluding himself with the fable about Poerio, invented by clever men at Turin, and he had since encouraged the Italians, not merely to the brink of ruin, but to actual ruin itself. To ask Austria to give up Venetia peopl e Chancellor wh was a monstrous iniquity and absurdity. Were she to do SO, it could only consummate the final overthrow of the ofo were th e t h E e x particular and friends c o a l u le d a g creatures . o f the against the present Sir R. PEEL concurred with the hon. baronet in the was one of those belief that a strong cnuseof the Ringof , o at first 1).-A, fooling of discontent existed in Southern Italy wh Government. He (Sir R. Peel) in which h© had buineeticial to Italy, strongly aclvor•AtJ.l the until he bad seen the treachery e d x o p u e b e t t w at h io e u ti sle:o 4 :l: :_ :. , o oi a : rked, and then be had begun to this country nfally failed. government of Italy, and o w f o l u ta ld ly P h: ho n a : e s o i f ,g t o h o e d lionse of Commons and of ofth esthOeplpitiositiYtion.) He had y. He believed the information which assured him (Hear, hear, from that in Naples and other parts no a things existed far worse than before the union of thasttaimtepoofrtant "province with Sardinia. He entirely dissented from Chancellor of the Exchequer in c r l oin th(3 ep noticer 14 fe cat t i oh n fa g t h h; discussion bhi.oocutsew bays 'view taken by the of the subject brought under the hon. member for Bridge water. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAr 'EVENING, JUNE 12, 1866. not to be discussed now that war was overhanging Europe, when, in God's name, was it to be discussed? It was rea sonable to be supposed that in the present state of Europe questions would often be put on the momentous subject whether peace would be maintained by the ministrations and advice of her Majesty's Government. The right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had not an swered the question of the hon. member for Bridgewater, whether her Majesty's Government had given any expres sion of opinion, official or un-official, to Austria, to induce her to cede Venetia to Italy. He quite concurred with the hon. member for Bridgewater that the cession of the Quadrilateral to Italy, and consequently to France, would be of the utmost importance as regarded the future inde pendence of Austria and of a great portion of Germany. He should like to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer what traditions of tho past could possibly give the Venetian States to Italy ? Ho had risen merely to express the wish that her Majesty's Government would not, for the future, decline to give information to the house on a subject of infinitely greater importance than any Reform Bill. (Conservative cheers.) Ho did not wish the house to suppose that ho was in any way opposed to the Reform Rill; but he be- lieved it was of infinitely greater importance that the power of England as represented by the Government of the day should place itself before Europe in a manner to conciliate the sympathies and feelings of Europe. He hoped that no opportunity would be lost by the Govern ment in endeavouring to divert the terrible calamity which appeared to be impending over Europe. (Hear, hear.) He concurred with the statement that the sym pathies of this country were strongly marked as against Prussia—(hear, hear)—because every one knew that it was the overweening ambition of Prussia, under the influence, he might almost say under the hoof, of a most unscrupulous Minister, that had brought the present state of things about. Lord B. MONTAGU next addressed the house, and ex pressed his gratification that at all events there was to be no conference, for in conferences this country, whatever her successes in the field might have been, was generally worsted. Mr. LAING deprecated the continuance of the discus sion, and urged the Government to adhere to the resolu tion at which every sensible man must arrive that if war unfortunately broke out ,this country would not be a party to it. Major WALKER called attention to the telegram pub lished in tho evening papers, that General Garibaldi had left Caprera, landed at Genoa, and was about to proceed to Como, the scene of his successes in 1859, the headquarters of one of the divisions of the Garibaldian Volunteers, and in immediate proximity to the Austrian frontier, and in quired whether this information was authentic. Mr. H. SEYMOUR approved of the policy adopted by the Government, and reminded the house that Austria had been in possession of Venetia for only 70 years. Lord CRANBORNE remarked that when Lord Russell quitted the Foreign-office and Lord Clarendon took his place he thought they had heard the last of despatches calculated to stir up war. But the noble lord was irrepres sible, and when he could no longer kindle war bymeans of despatches he tried to do it by private letters. The house would observe that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not denied that Lord Russell, with his incurable habit of meddling for evil in every foreign dispute, had given advice which encouraged Italy in the dangerous course she was now pursuing. Mr. LAYARD said the advice which her Majesty's Go vernment had uniformly tendered to Italy was that she should consolidate herself, develop her relources, establish good government, and not turn her attention to territorial aggrandisement. Until Austria sent a large force into Venetia not a step was taken by the Italian Government to increase their armaments. With regard to the move ments of Garibaldi, no official information had reached the Foreign Office upon the subject. The debate was continued by Colonel P. Herbert, Mr. C. Bentinck, Mr. Powell, Lord C. Hamilton, Mr. White side, Sir J. Hanmer, Lord J.Manners, Sir H. Verney, SirJ. Walsh, Mr. Hibbert (who protested against the course pur sued by the Opposition as intended to obstruct the debate on Reform), Major Knox, and Mr. Earle. At five minutes to ten o'clock the motion was withdrawn; and the Princess Mary of Cambridge's Annuity Bill was read a second time. THE REFORM BILL. The house went into committee on this bill a few minutes before ten o'clock. On clause 4, Mr. HUNT moved as an amendment that the following words be added to paragraph 2, which was under discus sion : " Such clear yearly value to be the value of the pre mises as ascertained for the purpose of the poor-rate." His right hon. friend the member for the University of Cambridge had intended to follow up his amendment for a ,Z2O occupation franchise by a similar proposal, but the rejection of his amendment rendered such a course im possible. In point of fact, therefore, the question whether the county franchise should depend upon rental or rating had never been brought under the notice of the house. Supposing this amendment carried, its effect would be to put the county franchise at a higher figure. [An Hos. MEMBER—How much higher?] 17 or 20 per cent. higher than was set down in the interpretation clause of the bill. And beyond that there remained the question whether every person exorcising the county franchise might not be required to discharge the duties which fell upon the rate payers. Under this bill he believed it would be perfectly possible for a person to possess the county franchise, and not to be on the rate book at all. A man might enter into an agreement with his sub-tenant to pay the rates, while he himself might exercise the franchise. He was at a loss to conceive why the principle of rental instead of rating had boon adopted. If they wished to have followed the Irish plan, why not adopt a rating franchise? Tho hon. member then contended at considerable length that the plan of a rating franchise afforded great facilities for regis tration, and concluded by moving his amendment. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon. gentleman has without notice brought forward an amend ment of very great importance. (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial side.) I am merely stating a matter of fact. (Renewed cries of "Oh, oh.") The hon. gentleman is too well informed to contra dict what 1 am saying. Mr. HUNT—I sent private notice to the right hon. gen tleman. (Cries of " Chair, chair," and " Order," and cheers from the Opposition.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon. gentleman sent me this afternoon—(loud cheers from the Opposition and counter cheers from the Ministerial side.) Mr. HUNT rose amid loud cries of "Explain," "Order," and " Chair," and endeavoured to obtain a hearing, but the noise was so great that his remarks were inaudible. He continued standing for some time, during which the various cries increased to an uproar. Several times he essayed to speak, but the noise prevented his being heard, and he ulti mately resumed his seat. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon. gentleman, I have no doubt, so far as ho was concerned, did everything ho could to—. Mr. HUNT again rose to explain, and the uproar was renewed with greater violence than before. After lasting for some time, and showing no prospect of abatement, Mr. Gladstone sat down amid triumphant cheers from the Opposition. Mr. HUNT—I rise to order. (Cries of " order," and "chair.") When it is stated as a fact that which within my own knowledge is not a fact—(loud cheers from the Opposition)—am I not in order to correct that fact before any argument is founded upon it ? (Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. DODSON—The rule is that when an bon. member is speaking, if another hon. member rises to explain some thing, he is not at liberty to pursue his explanation unless the member who is in possession of the house voluntarily gives way. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The reason why I did not give way to the hon. member was simply this : When I said he had brought forward his amendment without notice, I did not mean that I had suffered any in convenience. (Derisive cheers from the Opposition.) I merely wished to state a matter of fact, that his amendment embodied an important and complex proposition, and had been brought forward without notice being given to the house. Mr. HUNT again rose, but ho was received with such a storm of " chair" and " order" that he immediately returned his seat. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I think would be really desirable to allow me to finish my sentence. I say the hon. member has brought forward his amend ment without giving notice to the house in the regular way by placing it upon the votes. I have not the least doubt that he gave me the earliest notice that— Mr. HUNT—I sent it this morning. (Opposition cheers and cries of "order.") The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I refer to the matter merely as exhibiting the difficulty we are placed in by having t i l h d e iscuss a complex proposition without due preparation. proposition of my hon. friend involves three questions of great importance. First, whether the occupation is to b e one by which the voter is rated ; second, whether he i s t o b e rated upon rateable value ; and third, whether the £l4 qualification is to be raised £l5 or £l6. With regard to the first, it appea rs to us that wherever the occupation is bona fide, there no object in requiring that the occupier himself should is These are so en tirely foreign to our constitutional history, that it is impos sible to know where to lay hold of e th ry e , (Oh, G oh, and hoar, hear.) The greatest charge against the has been that in order to keep up the amount of property voters, we enfranchised the leaseholders in boroughs, i l is but so far from that being considered an advantage, con sidered a most outrageous proposition. (Hoar, hear.) f this is So, it appears to me that when you talk about occu2 piers and proprietary voters, you use the words iu a sense of your own, being in view a distinction not known to the old Constitution, and which cannot be recognised in the same manner. Has the hon. gentleman forgotten that in 1859 he supported a bill — Mr. HUNT—No, no. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER —His Go vernment brought in a bill which on the one hand cut off 100,000 proprietary votes, because the owners of them lived in boroughs, and on the other hand brought the occupation down to £lO. (Cheers.) Ido not see myself anything to be afraid of. As well as I make out the matter, there are 426,000 proprietary voters against 287,000 occupation voters. If you can find more proprietary voters by all means get them. We will withdraw the proposal in order, if pos sible, to conciliate you. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) If that does not conciliate you we will persevere with the propo sal. Hon. gentlemen have drawn distinctions between " rural and urban" interests. The Constitution knows nothing of urban interests. The old constitutional fran chise is a proprietary franchise, whether it be in towns or outside, and the Constitution knows nothing of" urban and ruraL" I come now to the question which, I suppose, after all, the hon. gentleman looks upon as the main part of the amendment, that is to say, the object of establishing a rating franchise. No doubt he looks upon occupation as rather an incident of his motion than the object. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Hunt). Therefore let us consider whether the franchise ought to be a rating franchise. The hon gentleman says that from the form of the Government sta tistics it is perfectly obvious that the Government origi nally contemplated a rating franchise. There is some truth in that. (Hear, hear.) Before we were fully informed we did not think of a rating franchise. It was on careful exa mination of the whole case that we found the advantage of the rating franchise was outweighed by the great dis advantages. In the Irish system to which the hon. gentle man referred the case is entirely different from ours. Here, if there is an error in the rental, does the rating correct it? No, there is not a single error in the rental that is not car ried forward to the rating. We go further, and say the rating is full of errors which are not in the rental ; and so long as local government prevails in this country—and I hope it will continue—you cannot divest the assessment committee of power to fix its rateable conditions. Mr. HUNT—Do as you do in Ireland. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEUQER—In Ire- land there are no union assessment committees. The work there is done by a Government officer, and even the Irish system is a little unequal. The English sys tem is full of inequalities. Taking the counties, you might have two men paying the same rental, and one of them would be enfranchised, and the other not. In towns you would have the franchise asolutely different in ono to what it was in another. (" Hear, hear," by Mr. Hunt.) Take Greenwich, for instance. In one parish the reduction is 20 per cent., in another 25 per cent., and in a third 30 per cent. Recollect, these are in parishes, and not in classes of houses. Then, again, in Bury St. Ed mund's, though there is no very different class, yet in St. James's the reduction is one-tenth, while in St. Mark's the reduction is one-sixth. Take Exeter again. In every parish in Exeter there would be a different franchise ; for in three parishes there is a deduction of 33i per cent., in two a de duction of 35 per cent., in one a deduction from 20 to 50 per cent., in another a deduction of from 15 to 50 per cent. The hon. member thinks that ho makes a sufficient answer by saying that different classes of houses require a differen' class of deductions. That is perfectly true as a matter of fact, but it does not help this proposition in the least. The meaning of the law, when it says that a man at £7, or any other number of pounds, shall be enfranchised is to take the rent, subject to deductions of rates and taxes, as a test of his capacity to pay. It may be that one man lives in a house which is only kept habitable by an outlay of 25 per cent., while on another man's an outlay of 5 per cent. only is required, and the hon. gentleman thinks that justifies his motion. I say it does not. The rateable value indicates the value of the building to the landlord, with which we have nothing to do. The true test which we have to do with is the capability of a man to pay, and that we get from the column of gross estimated rental. The rateable value is a false test in principle, and it is further most un equal in its effect, because it would give a different fran chise according to the variations of those deductions, which depend upon local opinion and local authority, which we have no means of reducing to uniformity. Such inequality would not only prevail - in different parts of the country, but in a multitude of instances, as I have shown, it would be found to prevail in different parts of the same town. These are strong and practical reasons against the adoption of rateable value, irrespective of any question of the amount of the franchise. I object to altering the vote to which the house has arrived on the subject of the franchise ; but, indepen dently of that, the rateable value basis is wrong and inac curate, while the net annual value which is adopted by the Reform Act is the true and sound basis for the Parliamen tary franchise. (Hear, hear.) After some observations in explanation from Mr. HUNT, Mr. HENLEY gave reasons why ho thought the rateable value the best basis to be adopted. There was one thing of which he was quite sure, that if there were inequalities in the rating, the Court of Appeal would soon set them at The SOLICITOR-GENERAL wished to set the right hon. gentleman right with regard to the right of appeal, for there was a provision in the bill granting an appeal on the gross estimated rental to the revising barrister at quarter sessions. He wished further to point out that the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire objected to a similar proposition of rating in 1859, upon the ground that he saw insurmountable difficulties in the way of its adoption. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI admitted that ho felt the difficulties to be insurmountable, but it was in the year 1859. (Laughter.) Since that time two Union Assessment Acts had been passed, and the whole tendency of recent legislation was towards equality of rating, and therefore the remarks of the hon. and learned gentleman did not apply to the pre sent case. (Laughter.) Mr. BRIGHT wished to know whether the hon. member for Northamptonshire wished to apply the rating principle to the £5O voters, or whether he wished that two princi ples should be is force. Mr. HUNT did not propose to disfranchise anybody by his amendment, and therefore those who were new upon the register would not be affected by it. Mr. NEWDEGATE denied that the gross estimated rental was in accordance with the ancient principle of the franchise. Sir W. JOLLIFFE supported the principle of a rateable value in preference to a gross rental value. Mr. BEAUMONT opposed the amendment. Colonel GILPIN moved that the chairman report pro gress. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said tha bearing in mind how five and a half hours in the earlier part of the evening had been spent, it would be the duty of the Government to resist such a proposal to the utmost. (Loud cheers.) Tho committee divided. The numbers were— For the m0ti0n.........254 Against • ... 303 Majority „,. —49 Tho announcement was received with loud cheers from the Ministerial side. Major KNOX moved that the chairman do now leave the chair. Sir L. PALK wished to know how many agricultural labourers would be enfranchised by this clause ? Ho did not believe ono would be enfranchised. When Lord Derby was in office they sacrificed themselves to his views. (Laughter.) He meant they sank their individual opinions for the good of the country. (Laughter.) They were now prepared to contest this bill night after night—(hear, hear) —but they would not be hurried. Mr. NEWDEGATE said he had had no opportunity of examining the statistics, and it was not unreasonable to ask at least another day for that purpose. Col. EDWARDES backed this appeal, and announced his readiness to throw every obstacle in his power in the way of a measure which was opposed by every gentleman on the Conservative side of the house, and by nine tenths of hon. gentlemen on the other side. (Laughter.) The object of this bill was to destroy the Conservative party and raise the Radicals ; but if the latter succeeded in their object the time would come when they would have to go down on their knees to the small remnants of the Conser vatives to save them from the consequences of their own acts. (Laughter.) Sir J. TROLLOPE thought the discussion was about prematurely to close. He had had no means of expressing his opinions. The hon. baronet proceeded to do so by show ing reasons why a rateable value for the county franchise would in many respects be superior to a rental value. He then appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer for an adjournment. Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the committee wore quite prepared to hear anything which hon. gentlemen opposite might have to say on the subject. He pointed out the necessity of making some progress with the measure, and dwelt on the loss of time which had taken place in the early part of the evening by the irregular dis cussion on foreign affairs. Mr. DISRAELI appealed to the right hon. gentleman to accord more time for the consideration of a matter of so much interest to county members. He admitted that it was vexatious toMinisters to have a question like this stopped, yet when he considered that in an assembly like the House of Commons business could not be carried on with the re gularity that one's clerk would conduct it, he thought that more would bo gained by reporting progress. After some further discussion, in which Sir Geo. Grey, Col. Gilpin, Mr. Bouverie, and others took part, The committee divided on the motion that the Chair man leave the chair. The numbers were — For the motion Against it Majority --42 Mr. BAGGE then moved that the Chairman report progress. Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said ho did not intend to resist the motion. (Opposition cheers.) Government had taken the two divisions in order to mark their sense of the character of the cpposition which they had to encounter. He consented to the motion, but under protest. Mr. DISRAELI said the Chancellor of the Exchequer had commenced the evening by protesting against the de bate on foreign affairs, and ended by protesting against the debate on the Reform Bill. (Laughter.) The Chairman was ordered to report progress, and the house resumed. The Scotch and Irish Reform Bills wore fixed for Thurs day Week. responsible for all injuries done by them. The bill to apply to England, Ireland, and Scotland. The motion was agreed to. CHURCH RATES. Mr. BOVILL obtained leave to introduce a bill to amend the law relating to church rates. The house adjourned at 20 minutes to two. British and Foreign Bible Society. Yesterday the interesting ceremony of laying the foundation-stone of a new building, under the auspices of this society, was performed by his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales at Addlehill, Doctors'- commons, in presence of a large assemblage of persons, including the Lord Mayor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Winchester, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Dean of Westminster, the Rev. Dr. Binney, the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, Mr. Charles Reed, &c. his royal highness was received by the building committee—a detachment of the Hon. Artillery Company (of which the prince is colonel) forming a guard of honour on the occasion. A statement of the society's objects and opera tions was read to the prince by the Rev. S. B. Bergue, one of the secretaries. It conveyed the information that on this spot the British and Fo reign Bible Society proposed to rear an edifice which should be consecrated to the sole and simple purpose of promoting the widest practicable dis semination of the Holy Scriptures in our own and all other lands. The society during the 62 years of its existence had expended nearly £6,000,000 in the furtherance of its object ; and the receipts last year from all sources reached the munificent sum of £171,375. The foundation-stone bore an appropriate in scription, and underneath it were placed a bottle containing a copy of the last annual report of the society, a copy on parchment of the inscription, a Times newspaper, and several of the current coins, dated 1866. The Prince of WALES, having gone through the ceremony with the trowel in the usual form, made the following reply to the address which had been read by the secretary :—My Lord Archbishop, my Lords and Gentlemen,—l have to thank you for the very interesting address in which you so ably set forth the objects of this noble institution. It is now 63 years since Mr. Wilberforce, the father of the eminent prelate who now occupies so prominent a place in the Church of England, met with a few friends by candlelight, in a small room in a dingy counting-house, and resolved upon the establish ment of the Bible Society. Contrast with this ob scure beginning the scene of this day, and which, not only in England and in our colonies, but in the United States of America, and in every nation in Europe, will awaken the keenest interest. Such a reward of perseverance is always a gratifying spec tacle—much more so when the work which it com memorates is one in which all Christians can take part, and when the object is that of enabling every man in his own tongue to read the wonderful works of God. I have a hereditary claim to be here upon this occasion. My grandfather, the Duke of Kent, as you have reminded me, warmly advocated the claims of this society, and it is gratifying to me to reflect that the two modern versions of the Scrip tures more widely circulated than any others—the German and English—were both in their origin connected with my family. The translation of Martin Luther was executed under the protection of the Elector of Saxony, the collateral ancestor of my lamented father; whilst that of William Tyndale, the present authorised English version, was introduced with the sanction of the royal pre decessor of my mother the Queen, who first desired that the Bible " should have free course through all Christendom, but especially in his own realm." It is my hope and trust that, under the Divine guidance, the wider diffusion and the deeper study of the Scriptures will in this, as in every age, be at once the surest guarantee of the progress and liberty of mankind, and the means of multiplying in the purest form the consolations of our holy religion. Prayer was then offered by the Archbishop o York, and thanks to his royal highness was proposed by the Bishop of Winchester. The proceedings then terminated. Shortly afterwards a select company assembled at a luuchcon at the Mansion House to meet his royal highness, who was attended by General Knollys and Colonel Keppel. Amongst the company were : The Archbishop of York and Mrs. Thomson, the Bishop of Winchester and Mrs. George Sumner, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Dean of Westminster and Lady Augusta Stanley, Mr. Alderman Besley, the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, Mr. and Mrs. William Barnet, the Rev. Dr. Binney, Colonel Macdonald, Mr. Gregory, Mr. R. IL Roberts, Mr. Rockett, the treasurer of the society, Mr. Charles Reed, &c. The LORD MAYOR, having given " The Health of her Majesty the Queen " (which was drunk with the warmest acclamations), said he bad next the honour of proposing " The Health of their Royal guest his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales." (Cheers.) His royal highness was always a welcome guest, but as a citizen he (the Lord Mayor) hoped he might be permitted to assure his royal highness that upon this occasion the chief magistrate of this great and important city greeted him with a loving and a hearty welcome. (Cheers.) If in a society like this there could be anything that would for a moment mar the gratification and pleasure of the company, it was the absence of that royal lady, his royal princess, whose presence on all occasions lent a charm and shed a lustre over all society. He begged leave to offer to his royal highness his personal ac knowledgments, as well as the hearty congratula tions of the members of this society, for the unaf fected and very generous manner in which he had been pleased to officiate on that most interesting oc casion. He was sure that the good work to which his royal highness had that day lent his aid would long live as a lastingrecord in the memories of those who were permitted to witness it. He invited them to drink with him to the" Health of his Royal High ness the Prince of Wales and of her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales." He prayed that every earthly happiness might bless the promise of their dawning years—that that silent King—that " silent father of Kings to be"—might watch over them in spirit, and that the Great Giver of all good —the King of Kings—might guard and protect them through a long and honoured life. (Cheers.) The Prince of WALES, in returning thanks, said —I am indeed deeply touched and gratified by the toast which has just been proposed by the Lord Mayor, and by the very kind and feeling manner in which you have drunk to the health of the princess and to my own. It is to me a source of sincere gra tification to receive again the hospitality of the chief magistrate of the City of London. I can never for get, nor can the princess ever forget, the manner in which he was received on her first entry into Lon don; and although she is not here to-day—a fact which I deeply regret—l can bear testimony that she has never forgotten,and never will forget, the re ception given to her three years ago in this great city. The occasion which has brought me here to-day has afforded me sincere gratification. I shall be happy on all occasions to do anything that may tend (as the Lord Bishop of Winchester stated in the morn ing) to alleviate the sufferings of man. I feel sure that the work that I have been able to perform to day—small though it may be—will bear testimony to the great good done to the poorer classes by a society which has existed for so many years. Once more I thank you for the opportunity you have given me of coming forward on this interesting occasion ; and I beg again to assure you that 1 shall always be happy to render every assistance in my power to an institution which is calculated to ren der such important benefits to the world. I return my best thanks for the greeting accorded to me at the ceremony this morning, and also for the kind manner in which I have been received at this enter tainment. (Cheers.) Before I sit down I beg to propose " The Health of the Lord Mayor." The toast having been cordially responded to, The LORD MAYOR, in acknowledging the compli ment said that when he heard it said at the cere mony in the morning that the object of the society was to make the Bible the common property of mankind, he thought the Lord Mayor of London could not do better than lend his countenance DOGS BILL. Sir C. O'LOGHLEN moved the second reading of this bin, the object of which was to make the owners of dogs and assistance to so great an undertaking. He was sure that the citizens of London would re ceive with unmingled joy the sentiments which his royal highness had condescended to utter on this most interesting occasion. The company then separated. 'The dejeuner was provided by Messrs. Ring and Brymer in the most liberal and recherche manner. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.-At such a time as the present it cannot be said that the House of Commons wastes an even: inillW . devoting it to a conversation on the state of Europe, even though nothing more is elicited than a general expression of the views of Government, and though the final judgment of the house is that nothing can be done. It is impossible that war should rage within 48 hours' journey of our shores, between some of the most civilised communities of the earth, with out involving, more or less, our interests, and im posing on us important duties. We may have to protect some right menaced by a belligerent, or it may be necessary at some time to offer once more our counsels or our mediation in behalf of peace. Let us then know how we stand as a nation with regard to these turbulent neighbours, whether we have committed ourselves unduly to either party or cause, what her Majesty's Ministers have done, and what, as far as can be judged at present, it is their intention to do. The course of this country has been so cautious and dignified during the present troubles that neither the Ministry nor the nation has reason to fear inquiry. It may be that calamities are im pending over the Continent, that great political changes are at hand, but whether for good or evil, what is brought to pass will be independent of us. We are not sorry, therefore, that Mr. Kinglake gave the Government last night the opportunity of ex plaining its present opinions, and showing what the action of the country has been. He lucidly st; ited the strong case of -Austria, and was answered by Mr. Gladstone in a speech that became the Minh ter of a neutral Power. Mr. Gladstone, as might be expected, could give no grounds for a solid expE..c tation that peace would be preserved, and declined to express an opinion on the subject. But assuni ing that, unhappily, the present differences will terminate in hostilities, he successfully vindicate, d the Government from the charge of having in any way neglected the interests of peace. Mr. Kinglake was disposed to censure the Government for having accepted the principle of a Conference before having ascertained what were the views of Austria in the matter and accused them of encourag ing Italy by letting it be known that they approve the cession of Venetia. On neither point do we think that the Government is to blame. The Con ference to which the neutral Powers invited the three probable belligerents would have been a very different gathering from that at which it was pro posed to discuss European matters in general in 1864. The lately proposed Conference was an expedient to save the Continent from impending war, to settle questions which demanded immediate settlement. The Congress of 1864 was a scheme of much wider scope and very much less necessity. It would have opened disputes instead of closing-them, and might probably have hastened the very troubles we now deplore. As for ascertaining the intentions of Aus tria, this could only be done by an actual invitation, which, of course, could not be despatched by the neutral Powers until they themselves had accepted the principle and made out the plan of the Confer ence. We never had much faith in such a meeting, but at a crisis like the present a humane Government was bound to leave no expedient untried, and the most natural course was to call the European Powers together for a solemn consideration of the two de finite questions on which the hostile States were at issue. A more important matter, however, is the advice which the Government, or one or more of its members, is said to have given to Austria on the subject of Venetia. We know not why Ml'. Gladstone should protest against being called on to speak on this subject, for it is impossible to suppose that such a discussion as that of last night will add to the chances of war. Mr. Kinglake used forcible arguments to show that Austria could not yield Venetia, and his views were supported by Sir R. Peel and Lord Cranborne. No one who has thought On this question will make light of the reasoning of the Austrians. We have always thought it so cogent that from the legal point of view there is no answer to it at all. What was said in the house does not differ in substance from the contents of the despatch addressed by the Austrian Government to its re presentatives at the neutral Courts. An analysis of this document was published by us yesterday. The Austrian Government had no hope of good results from the Conference, for it felt that however care fully the programme might be drawn up, the dis cussion of the " Italian difference" could mean no thing but a demand for the cession of Venetia. To this demand Austria could only give a refusal, for to yield a province of such importance, military, maritime, and political, would be an act of suicide ; the Imperial Government could not in honour accept money for the province, and Europe had nothing else to give. Territorial compensation might be obtained as the conseauences of war, but it could not be given by a conclave of diplomatists round a green table. What, indeed, could these give ? Turkey they are not at liberty to dismember, and even if they were the provinces that would be given to Austria would be no real compensation to her for her loss of Venetia. The Danubian Principalities, Bosnia and the Herzegovina, are countries much less advanced than the rest of Europe ; their pro duction is small ; they would be a source of weak ness, and instead of furnishing Austria with new resources, would only serve to exhaust those she already possesses. Can, then, Austria seek for compensation in Germany ? She says t; NO," for in that country she only desires that each State should keep what belongs to it. In addition to these arguments Austria has also urged in her com munications with foreign Cabinets that she only desires to hold her own, to keep that which has been solemnly adjudged to belong to her by treaty ; that while other States have advanced their fron tiers in late times, she has gained nothing, and sought to gain nothing ; that she is still content with her present possessions, bu t is determined not to allow any part of them to be torn from her. We have never denied the strength of this position, which forms a sort of legal Quadrilateral not easily assailable by argument. Ita l y has no right that statesmen can take notice of to the possession of an undoubted Austrian province. Yet we do not the less think that the British Government is justified if, w h en called upon to express an opinion, it de clares sincerely that it would be better for Austria to rid herself of Venetia and its disaffected popula tion. It may be i:n advisable that the Premie r s hould s of the Foreig n S ecre t ar y, t a r n e d n con h make theknown fun c t t k i o 2 e v of the Government un officially by private letters, a2cl we trust that if such a practice has obtained of late it may be dis continued. But if the Queen's Governi2ent is to give its advice either at a conference or elseiZhere, it must form a definite opinion on this most impoi tant question ; and it is justified we think in agree ing with the French Government, and with the great body of the English people, that it is advisable for Austria to abandon Venetia. Even the Austrian Government itself seems to admit that its position is untenable, for it declares that:if victory were to bless its standards, and territorial arrangements could be effected with advantage, it might be induced in the interest of a general pacification to make conces sions. Venetia, in fact, exhibits a hopeless vari ance between the political or legal rights of the State and the natural rights of the people. Austria seems to say that such a difficulty can only be settled by war—and it may be so ; but it is not the less the duty of humane statesmen to try to dispense with such an ordeal, and to advise the doing at once that which every one seems to admit must be done some day. The tone of the discussion, which was friendly to Austria, shows the effect which the insin cerity and violence of the Prussian Government have produced on English public opinion. In Germany the Imperial power is at present the upholder of law and justice, and if war breaks out it will be through the machinations of its adversary, who is now said to have despatched an ultimatum to Vienna. If Italy were not in existence the peace of Europe would still be threatened by the policy of Count Bismark, so that Austria, whatever her policy concerning Venetia, cannot be charged with the whole blame of the war. If the Emperor should think fit to listen to the advice of this country he may be sure that it will be given in a spirit of sincerity and friendship. POST.—Fire and water are generally acknow ledged to be good servants but bad masters. The bursting of a reservoir or the loss of a ship with all hands are events which have of late years been lamentably numerous, and they cause a thrill of horror to pass through the national heart, besides bringing grief and ruin to many a home. A strife is threatened in Europe which, if it should begin, will light up the flames of conflagration the end of which not even those who remember the wars of Napoleon will be able to predict. Disastrous fires in this country seem to be unusually numerous of late. The town of Ottery St. Mary was almost utterly destroyed the other day by some accidental spark which ignited the thatch of a cottage and burnt down nearly all the houses inhabited by the labouring classes. British benevolence has, we are glad to find, supplied the immediate wants of the sufferers, and, as no lives were lost, in all probabi lity Ottery St. Mary will rise from its ashes reno vated and renewed, and in all respects be converted into a more substantially-built town than it was before. About nine o'clock on Thursday evening last a house at the corner of Westmoreland-street, Dublin, close to Carlisle-bridge, and within a few yards of the Liffey, was burnt down, and, sad to relate,, six persons met with an untimely end. The fire-e stapes and the fire-engines appear, according to all accounts, to have been utterly useless ; but we forbear to make comments on matters which must speedily form the subject of public investiga tion. The Dublin affair is a very sad business as far as the loss of life and the efficient means adopted to render assistance are concerned, but the catastrophe which happened early on Sunday morning in the Welwyn Tunnel, on the Great Northern Railway, about twenty miles from London, is extremely serious and remarkable, but fortunately it was attended with less loss of life than the fire in the Irish metropolis. From the circumstantial account ;which appeared in our columns of yesterday, it seems that an empty „ ,, ,00ds train was passing through the tunnel when, f r om some cause or other, at present difficult to ma ke out, the engine came to a stand. No means were 1 ;,1k en to signal up or down trains of the pre sence of .an obstruction, and the result was that two trains, one f.rlom the north and the other from the south, rushed successively against the engine and empty trucks, and a scene followed which can be more easily imagined than described. Ray, the guard of the train which first stopped, was killed ; a companion of was frightfully injured ; the guard of the northern up train has suffered seriously ; but, with these exceptions, no other persons seem to have been killed or wounded. The engines, car riages, and goods, however, which were hurled against one another in the tunnel, were not only scattered into, fragments, but were instantly set on fire by the ci.nders of the engine furnaces, and the tunnel instantly filled with smoke ; flames issued through the ventilators, while loud explosions were repeatedly heard, resembling those attending the blasting of rocks or the throbbing eruptions of a volcano. The conflagration raged throughout the greater part of Sunday. The officials and navvies who came to render aid were comparatively power less until the flames had somewhat expended them selves, and the traffic was diverted to another chan nel. We are glad to hear that the loss of life, though to be regretted, was not greater than it turned out to be. Under other circumstances, and on another day, a hecatomb of human beings might have been sacrificed in a manner dreadful even to think of ; and if all carriages are locked, as they generally are on most lines, the strongest efforts of men and women to get out of them, would, in all probability, have proved fruitless. This accident in a tunnel is somewhat unusual, but very alarming, especially when it is borne in mind that human b eings might have been roasted and burnt instead of Scotch meat and the debris of carriages. So many terrible events have happened oz' late years on railways, not only in this country but also in America, that we cannot wonder if the pu b lie should insist upon Parliament imposing even strict regulations than those at present in existeoce, in order to guard against loss of life. Serious accidents seldom happen on continental railvyay - s, because trains there proceed at a com paratively moderate rate of speed.. Our lines have been constructed at an enormous expense ; some Of them me not very profitable to the shareholders , though they rank favourably with collapsed banks ; but it may be doubted whether the salaries of drivers, firemen, guards, pointsmen, and others are sufficiently liberal to secure the services of the best men. Many of them work long hours. On the other hand, familiarity with danger breeds contempt, and often leads to .disasters. Tunnels are not pleasant subterranean apertures to pass through. The strong man breathes frec.sly when he is projected into the open air ; nervous women endure agonies when rushing through a confined aperture at the rate of fifty miles an hour ; yet we have heard of. an offer of marriage having been made and accepted in 5 train going through the Box Tunnel. The present catastrophe on the Great Northern line might have been more terrible than it has turned out to be. Many experienced persons are of opinion that the rate of speed of express trains is extravagantly high, and consequently dangerous. The anxiety to pal e dividends, though praiseworthy on the part directors, leads in some instances to the paring down of salaries, and to the employment of a num ber of men hardly sufficient to the performance 01 the duties imposed upon them. It is impossible, certainly, to prevent accidents either by land or sea ; but railway officials are bound, above all other men, to use the utmost vigilance and the greatest precautions, in order to ensure, as far as possible, the public safety, for they possess a virtual monopoly of the chief means of locomotion in this country. • COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—A;Nn 9. There was a small supply of wheat at market to-day, and farmers wanted a largo advance, but the business done Iva at 2s to 3s per qr improvement. Beans and peas continue scarce, and quotations are almost nominal. Wheat. white ses 58s Beans, Mazagan......4oe 410 red , i 46 t 2 , 1 Middle and small._42e 480 8ar1ey..... 34e 43s Peas, white. 3Ss 42° Oats.... gre y ...368 425 GRANTHAM—JUNE 9. There was a better supply of wheat at market to-cl* and prices 2s to 3s higher than last week. Grinding bar-- ley unaltered ; no nialting. Old white wheat, 52s to 555; old red, 48s to 525; _ne vf white, 498 to 52s ; new red, 44s to 47s per 36 stone. 0 '; ley for malting, 368 to 42s per qr.; grinding, 308 to Ws pit 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 30s per stone. Beans, old; 488 to 51s; new, 44s to 46s per 38. stone• Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. CIIELMSFO To-day's market was Lb good condition, and best sam week's prices; inferior sang; but the trade was dull. MD—Jui , TE 8. rly supplied with wheat, in iples brought 2s over the last les is up. Spring corn &Oh Wheat, old white...,4ss 54s new 4 is 53s Peas, Partridge ...... 36s ~3 , .9 °„ White „2911 "Boiling ........ 37e pun— s q l s , ditto, nevi.. - --13 Beans, Tick, 01d,.....3.511 gpe new. • A co Harrow ficks.3Bo new.... 366 :50 Hazagan. ..... 340 old red 39s 47s new. 36s 47s Barley... Chevalier 388 42s Grinding 9 88 34s lalt 5BB cOs Chevalier 608 62s Oats •• 2)s 26s NORTHAMPTON— -JusE 9. o e ld New white wheat, 49s to 52s ; new red, 4 4 s to 490; rol white, 48s to 53s ; old red, 46s to 50s per 36 stone. 30 for malting, —s to —s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 38s Per., e . ' stone. Oats, old, 30s to 34s • new, 28s to 32s per 24 $,Wl,' Beans, old, 46s to 508 ; new, 42s to 45s per 38 stone. 1-e — 36s to 40s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN—JUNE 8. ' were t ill- Little doing in the market to-day, and prices w of altered. Some foreign wheat and oats met with re purchasers. White wheat 40s Od to 45s Od Red wheat 40s Od to 45s Odi Potato oats 25s Od to 25s 6(l' Common oats 24s Od to 24s 6d Bere 30s Od to 31.8 Od Barley 32s Od to 328 6d Oatmeal 19s 6d to 20s Od . Flour, fine 36s Od to 37s Od G2lb V buslieL 401 b 1? 1)115116 53 b lb oll 1 : s19 - 81e° 0 1 ; 1". • sac k of 28 KIRKCALDY—JuNE Small supplies of all kinds of grain. 9. OW Wheat an if , is per qr dearer. Barley made the prices of last Wee'" Wheat. Barley. Oats. - First...... 46s Od ' 31s 6d 29s Od second.... Od I 36s 6d 308 Od Third..... 48s Od 38 Od 31s Od COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close Of the market. s. 8. a. d. . 8 3 Walls End Hetton lB 6 Tees ..............••••.. , 1 6 6 Hetton Lyons 16 6 Harton . ............... 9 Walls End Haswell 18 6 East Hartlepool ...... - 3 16 6 - Braddyell's Hetton 17 9 Wharncliffe ........... .6 6 9 Holywell Main South Hetton 18 3 Framwellgate .......... Ships at market, 32 ; sold, 32 Births. sie til e L AWSON —On the '9th inst., at Arkleby Hall , C°l—,;- ' wife of Wilfred Lawson, Esq., of a son. „tor• ROBINSON—On the 2d inst., at 10, lOrme- squ are, BAY,s" - 'i road, the wife of Lieut.-Col. D. G, Ito binson, of - son. f C . SKYTK—On the 9th inst., at Weymouth, the wife ° Henry Smyth, C. 8., of a son. ~,„ yore,,loo TuitToN—On the 9th inst., at Larpool Hall, W" the Lady Cecilia Turto, of a daughter. Marriages. I , 0 41 KIT SON —EDMONSTONE—On the 9th inst., at t- e -r.fltsetit church, Antony, Cornwall, the Rev. John F.-Dtl a ,r ol vicar of Antony, to Charlotte Henrietta, daugoi- Capt. Edmonstone, R.N., C. 8., A.D.C. to the ti C)en. o reb MACNAGHTEN -.- RUSSELL —On the 7th inst., at the C h h test of the ol (Roy mp, Lt.ol. F. Maeeag„, of Commanding . Bthal Irish) Hussars, eldest seuidest Sir.. E W. Macnaghten , Bait., to Alice idarY,, s um daughter of William H. Russell, LL.D., a 19, Pli piaci; Onslow-square. Glt bo lß r ß o LE ug — h, On ge t d ho s7. 4th t D us e t a ., Deaths. BB.arnstapig, Pe, banker, J.P. and A nf l , : su : gi r .ta ni bte a , : n ic : )00t. 0 1 O r e t V i s t Ru l s . s O FS ri Lb— b - l OennEthsciteh.e7ithBtf the MACIATRE late SE:B i Y ll —On the 7th inst., E WmAil 1 inst.,h iu inst., B l o 2 w:t u a e n e , tie are, Esq., of Harley-street. iensing ton, Win. L. Russell, • 7"d Beg ° John Selby, Esq., agd 76. SPriamta--On the Bth. inst., at Adelaide -road, l'Ll •I V W lii. IV-Alton -1v SWAINSON—On the 9th inst., at Cooper 10 1 7 - - 3 2. Spilling, Esq.rate of H.M.'s 14th Hussars. sacit'BlaotuegChtaorntago:chelsen, lelit' Dale, Preston, Oswald L. Swainston, Esq., aged,,,lnner, VA:omit—On the 10th inst., at Brighton, gr. John v ' of Stamford-hill, London, aged 66. fiend WILSON— D, On sc t i l:e ft :t e h d i 6 n B s . t., at Stowlangtoft, Suffolk, --- ---- tel , - 491{S" London : printed and Published by WIL LIAR A-- , 0. 02, of No. 112, Strand, Pilate'', at VIZ SUN &We, ty Ci Strand, in the Precinct of the Ssvoy, ia3 the Coh lliiddleses.--Tuesday, Juue 22, 1660.