The Sun. — London, England, 1848-07-22 00:00:00

7/1 1 tittton SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The House sat this afternoon, shortly after Four o'clock, for the purpose of giving the Royal Assent to the following 70 public and private Bills: Consolidated Fund. Poor Removal. Commons Inclosure. Game Certificate for Killing Hares. Certificate for Killing Hares (Scotland). Imprisonment for Debt (Ireland). County Cess (Ireland) Appeal in Civil Cases (Dublin). Truro Turnpike Roads. Dundee and Perth Railway (Dundee Junction). Drumpeller Railway. Arbroath and Forfar Railway (Additional Capital). York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (Deviation, and Abandonment of part of the Thirsk and Mahon Branch. Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Branch from Melrnerby to Northallerton, and Junction with the York and New castle Railway). Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Alteration of Level of Leeds and Hartlepool Railway on Eaglescliffe, Stockton, and Preston). Manchester south Junction and Altrinclaam Railway. Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway (In crease of Capital—(No. 1). Whitehaven Junction Railway. Waterford and Kilkenny Railway Act Amendment. Fast Lincolnshire Railway. • Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (June tion with the .Midland; Railway, via Barnsley, and Branches therefrom). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Station Approach at Manchester). South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment (Extension to Pennistone and Alteration of Dod worth Branch). ro-th Staffordshire Railway (Deviation at Wellington). Aberdeen Railway (Additional Capital). Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Harrogate and Pate!ey Branch). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Cross ing of Sheffield-street in Manchester). Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway (No. I—Amendment of At is and Branches). Leeds Central Baiway Station. Scottish Midland Junction Railway (Amendment and Branches to Birnam). Caledonian Railway (Branches connecting the Clydes dale Junction and Wishaw and Coltness Railway). Great Western Railway (Extension of the Barka and Hants Railway from Hungerford to Westbury with Branch to Devizes.) indsor and Staines and South-Western Railway Act (No. 1,:18 4 7—Deviation - O. bliiiland Great Western Railway of Ire'aad"(Devia lions on the Line from Mullingar to Athlone). 13.11 - 01: and Exeter Railway (Branch from Bleadon to Wilts, Glastonbury, and Street). Glasgo w,I Paisley, and IG reenecki Railway (Amendment ' and Branches). Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway (Relinquishment of L ne between Oma .h and Enniskillen). Whitehaven Junction Railway (Extension, Alteration, and Branches). York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (Great North of England, Clarence, and Hartlepool Junction). Bristol and Exeter Railway (Taunton and Castle Cary Branch). North Staffordshire Railway (Ashbourne Branch). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock and Ayr Railway (Revi sion of Maximum of Tolls). Exeter, Yeovil, and Dorchester Railway, and Branches. Manchester, Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway (Ashton Canal Purchase). Salisbury and Yeovil Railway, Midland Railway (Branch to Ripley). London and So itt -Western Railway Company, and Southampton and Dorchester Railway Company Amalgamation. London and Blackwall Railway (Improvements and Branches to the St. Katherine and London Docks). Chester and Holyhead Railway (Power to Purchase). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway. Humber Ferries Improvement at Hull and New Holland. Manchester, ShF Meld, and Lincolnshire Railway (Sta tion at Sheffield and Branches to Sheffield Canal). • Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Shef field Canal Purchase). Plymouth Great Western Dock Act Amendment. Mersey Navigation (Amendment of Acts). Dover Harbour. Burntisland Harbour Improvement. Hemadale, Little Ferry, and Leek Robio Harbour. Chester Cemetery. Manchester Water Works Amendment. Leeds Improvi meat Act Amendment. Patent Galvanized Iron Company. Middle Level Drainage Act Amendment. Lowe's Patent. Scottish Provident Institution. Dublin and Mullingar Turnpike Road. Tadcaster and Halton Deal Road. Philanthropic Society Charity Estate. Esdaile Orphan Working School Charity. Rawlin's Estate and Herrick's Estate. The Lords Commissioners were the Earl of Shaftes bury, Lord Campbell, and Earl Granville. At the conclusion of the Commission several Bills were brought from the Commons, the Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned shortly before five o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair Five minutes after Twelve o'clock. THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third time and passed : Exeter and Exmouth Railway Acts Amendment. Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (Amendment of Acts and Regulation of Capital). LORDS' AMENDMENTS. The Lords' amendments to Payne's Patents (Improve ment in Preserving Vegetable Matters) Bill was con sidered and agreed to. STATE OF IRELAND. Lord J. RUSSELL rose and said—Mr. Speaker, I never felt so deep a concern in bringing any question be fore this House as that which I now feel in proposing to this House to suspend for a limited time the constitutional liberties of Ireland. I feel, however, at the same time that the measure I em about to propose is not only necessary for the preservation of life and property in Ireland'—it is necessary for the purpose of prevent , ing bloodshed—but it is necessary to put a stop to in • cipient insurrection, and is eminently called for to secure the safety of the British empire.—(Elear, and cheers.) It is from such a conviction in my own mind that I pro pose to state to the House at once the grounds upon which I rest the proposition I am now about to make. It appears to me, Sir, that the measure I have to pro pose is absolutely necessary on these grounds. The ono is, that the present state of Ireland is fraught with evil—that it threatens danger—that we are on the eve of an outbreak if not timely repressed. The second is, that there are means sufficient to produce great injury and great danger unless some measures are adopted to prevent them. The third is, that the measure which I shall have the honour to propose is that remedy which appears most appropriate to the present cala mitous state of Ireland. With, respect to the first of these propositions, with regard to the present state of Ireland, I do not propose to rest my case on any secret information, or on any grounds known solely to the Government of this country, or upon information of a doubtful or uncertain character, but I propose to rest it upon facts patent, notorious, and flagrant. After the passing of the Emancipation Act there were various institutions established in Ireland under the di rection of Mr. O'Connell for the promotion of the repeal of the legislative union, and this House is well aware that while these associations were in progress—while at the meetings of its members which took place for the purpose of promoting repeal, where the most exciting • language was used—language that hardly fell short of sedition—there was on the part of the leader of that - movement one settled conviction that no polical change was worth one single drop of blood, and he held out to the ' 4 : multitude who followed him that it was by the force of • great collections of people, expressing their views peace ,. ably and deterruindly, that their object of the repeal of the union was to be attained.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I am not making any comment upon those movements ; I am not arguing whether they were lawful—whether they were wise—or whether they were just—l am merely recalling to the recollection of Hon. Members that which they have already known. Towards the end of that course of action, and towards the close of the life of Mr. O'Connell, there broke away from the Repeal Association a new party, which took a course different both in the object to be attained and the means by which it was proposed to effect it. The object that Mr. O'Connell and the Repeal Associa tion bad held out to the people of Ireland was, that the Act of Union might be repealed—that a Parliament might sit in Ireland consisting of Lords and Commons, and that as the Parliament sat in Ireland from 1783 to 1800, so likewise by the repeal of the union an ' other Parliament might be again summoned to sit in Dublin. As I have said, this declared object of the Re peal Association was to be obtained by a peaceful move ' rant, but although the second party held forth the same object,and counselled similar measures for its attain ment, yet I think it is quite evident to any one who exa mints their tactics, their true object was the total separation of Ireland from Englar.d.—(Hear, hear.) They held forth, with certain lax conditions, that Ire land was to be totally separated from England, that the councils of the Sovereign of this country were not at all to affect the course of legislation or of administration in to the separation of that country; they pointed entirely the two nations, and to the independence of Ireland un der some other form of government.—(Hear, hear.) • Sir, whatever might be taught—whatever I might think, as to one of the proposals for da isme repeal of t ent he uniof the on, as tending to lead to a mberm epapire—that was a matt er of reasoning and airgument but the separation which the second party contended for was obvious. It was clear and plain on • the face of their movement, the object, and the means by which they proposed to attain it. From the beginning the means they suggested were distinguished by phy sical force as opposed to moral force. That is to say, by the term physical force they intended no less' than a rebellion against the Crown of these kingdoms , and they bopell, by weans of that rebellion, if successful, to T II Eye establish a separate Government in Ireland.—(Elear, hear.) Sir, whatever there might be either in the disguise of their objects or the want of power to carry them into execution, a great stimulus has been given to the movement by the events which have taken place within the last few months. The misfortune tell upon Ireland of a blight in the potato crop and the want of food for millions of her people, and the artificial means which bad to be resorted to for supplying the deficiency afforded the leaders of the movement the means of fur thering their object, the procuring a separation between the two countries, and of exciting the passions of the people against the Government. As far as I know, they did nothing to appease the passions of the people or to supply their wants; while, on the other hand, eight mil lions were lavished by this House upon Ireland, and 400,0001. was contributed towards mitigating the suffer ings of her people by the charitably-disposed inhabit. ants of England and Scotland.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) All that was contributed on tho part of these persons was seditious harangues and inflammatory appeals to the passions, and by misrepresenting the motives of this country in voting the money, and the amount of the con tributions that were given.—(Hear.) But, Sir, when Ireland was in some degree, but very slowly, recovering from that great calamity—when the evils consequent upon it, though still very severe, were somewhat miti gated there occurred an event in a neighbouring country which has been productive of encouragement to all who wish to overthrow established institutions —to all who wish to promote rebellion —to all who believe that the Crown and Government of the empire may be overthrown by force. We cannot forget that immediately upon that event a deputation was sent to Paris, comprising among its number a Member of this House—(Hear, hear)—with a view of asking the assistance from that country which had first set the example of rebellion—with a view to obtain the means of resistance against the authorities of this country. That negotiation was unsuccessful. The Government of France, though springing out of revolution, felt its duties towards neighbouring countries paramount, and refused to lend its aid.—(Loud cheers.) But, Sir, although that event failed, the projects of these parties went on, and there was little or no disguise any further attempted as to what was in their minds. We may all remember that a newspaper was set up called the United Irishman, to whose articles I will not call the particular attention of this House, or make any ob servations with respect to the author of them, because he is now suffering the penalty of the offence which he committed; but I wish to call the attention of this House to the fact, because great sympathy has been shown for that person, and many have identified themselves with the sentiments which the author of those articles expressed, and which were found in Ireland to be articles tending to the overthrow of the Government of that country by the dispossession of the Queen from her throne and her dominions. It is notorious, I say, that every kind of sym pathy has been shown for the editor of that paper — that every sort of indignation has been expressed that a person who had enunciated such sentiments should have been punished. It has been declared that be is one of the best patriots of Ireland, and that so far from deserving:punishment, :he deserved the best thanks of his country. In the same sense another newspaper, which I now hold in my hand has spoken—l mean the Irish Felon, so called, because it succeeded the United Irishman, the proprietor of which had bean convicted of felony. I wish to read a passage from the writings of one of the contributors, James F. Lalor, who, in a few words, states the spirit of the sentiments of the party with whom he is acting. (The Noble Lord then read the letter, which was to to the effect that under the existing Government all the rights of property were mere usurpations and tyranny, whose sway it was their purpose to abolish entirely, or lose their lives in the attempt. The right by which they held the island was that of conquest, which was the right of the robber on a large scale. Ireland could not be bound to obey laws that were passed without her consent. The present salvation and future security of this country required that the English Government should at once be abolished and the English garrison instantly expelled.) The advice went on to urge the people to organise and take up arms in their own defence, and we shall set an example by arming and organizing our selves.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") Now, Sir, these passages contain in a few words the otject of this con spiracy, and the means by which that object is intended to be obtained. It is declared at once—first, that the Imperial Government, not of England alone, but the Government which represents England, Scotland, and Ireland, is to be utterly abolished—it purposes to take away from the Queen all her authority, and at the same time to abolish at once all the rights of property. Some, indeed, have made a sort of menacing salvo with respect to those whom they are desirous should join them in the rebellion; but with respect to the great body of those who hold property in Ireland—property which they have acquired by industry—they are to be de prived of their rights—in short, the right of of pro perty is to be altogether abolished. It is proposed that the means of effecting this object is by arming, and being . ready to encounter any force which may threaten to put them down.—(Hear, hear.) Here is another article written more lately, it is in the iVation of the 3d of July. I need not read it to the House at length, but it is called " The,Value of the Irish harvest." It is stated that there is growing upon the Irish soil 50, 000 , 000 /. worth of produce, and it will be for the Irish Government, or such Government as may be appointed, to consider in what manner that produce should be apportioned—what portion may be given to those who now hold rights of property, what portion to those who encourage industry, and what portion is necessary for the purposes of the Government; but evidently intending that none of the existing rights of property shall be acknowledged, but that the whole produce of the Irish soil, by one sweeping confiscation, shall be held by the muster of what the French called a Red Republic, men who have no regard for any rule in social states, men who wished that no society should be kept together but such as would satisfy the mind of those who wanted, that the whole produce of regular industry, property, &c., acquired by those who wished to see right enforced should by one desolating measure be distributed according to the de cree of those who would attempt to be the rulers of Ire land.—(llear, hear.) I will allude to ono passage more with regard to the objects of these confederates, because they were stated in a resolution passed evidently for the purpose of quieting alarm. It has been felt in in Ireland, and by none more than the Ro man Cath jlic clergy, that if such a confederation as has been formed should succeed, there would be an end of all respect for liberty and of all regard of what men had hitherto held sacred, and a code of brute force would be established. In order to repel these alarms, there was a meeting of what was called the Dublin Clubs, and on that occasion a resolution was moved by Mr. Smith O'Brien, and seconded. (The Noble Lord then read the resolution and proceeded) gtuhieseHtohuesier willob object, ea se tl e w th b a ia t b in wthaastnroetsoal.urtelpoenatlhoety the not —Now disguise umneinotn,tbheuytatrheeboonvnerdthtorootyg; tthbeatsnwoatybinotg t l h es e s. Gthoa.vnehtrehne dismemberment of the empire would satisfy their b w t s ke s n . So much then from their own confessions may obealie- believe to be the fact.—(Hear, hear.) You ma b r 'ect the g l that a w a it u h ld me, necessarily thatinLheovaecectohmropwlisthhme en s t w o a f y tl o i t a . t re o b j ion an y d , property it is the t r i a n i Ireland, toro a a that i u s s belies• intendede over throw the Government of the United Kingdom, an put in its place a government to rule over Ireland . (Hear, t o s o and to t oe(aHnearb,eliheeraer.)themThatto i w s isthhetolasotometeid._(tHo evsarh,ichheayro.u) I come now, Sir, to that which I have stated would be the second proposition that I should have to state to the House, namely, that there are formidable measures pre paring intended to produce rebellion, and only too likely to end in it.—(Hear, hear.) Because, Sir, although there may be practices the most injurious, yet if those practices are intended by few persons, or some insignificant associations, such are the free institutions of this country, which permitting every kind; of opinion, that we should be sacrificing the greater to the less if we were to interfere by any extraordinary law to crush an evil of small amount. But, Sir, although I hoped such might have been the case, I am sorry to • say all the accounts we have re ceived have tended to the conclusion that the organiza atinodn in p r m o p a o n s y e d partsby he persons these s th ecountry i s rapidly the clubs continuing, n r u e i a r d i g ;. passedandgfrseeaol vogv enen ) r r:e i the p ai b g e e y gnr p : ft o e o o h oa w r n i rt s s e r cw in wh i o: hoei insur rection . 0 : o r b k sr ww e r e w i e c e r i r i t ra n g i ees o i tnnlhpge. conspiringel levying before y m een Ao dg nf h g e w r a aa : rcifn in opposition e April,r t l o a w a justicent dhaw t t to the wasi t fe h hr e theagainst So conspirators Sov ereign, the as determined fr viewm ed by ot the of s en o d r a no i tf i o d t . it) he e A e n c ob o os n u, f n e at d nr e dy r , a i t tw i confederation gaii z s n i a o t l n i ors enpersu ad ingmis- sions persons in great towns, and even in small towns and villages, to adopt a similar system of organization. From this time their efforts did not suc ceed. The accounts received from the Lord-Lieutenant tended to induce the belief' that the organization would not become immediately formidable ; but soon after this the Lord-Lieutenant and the Lord Chancellor, on infor mation that they had received, announced the fact that confederate clubs were increasing in number, and were be coming more,fOrmidable,in their organization. Within the last month they assumed the character which I am now about to detail to the House. (The Noble Lord then read an extract from a letter which had been received, to the effect that the state of Ireland was such that the Go vernment would have either to determine whether they would ask fresh powers of the House, or make an immediate organization for civil war. The Noble Lord then read the accounts which had been received from Tipperary and from Carrick-on -Suit. At the latter admittedr object to the place no less than five confederate c lubs had been estab lished, and no one b ut members were meetings, which were kep t strictly private, thei apparently being to ascertain the strength of the organiza tion. Ihe Noble Lord then read accounts from Tuam, Dundalk, and Wexford, at which places large meetings had been held. At the meeting at Timm one of the speakers said he hoped to see the constabulary soon take the first rank in the Irish national guard. The Noble Lord continued)—l should say the method pursued by these confederates was in general to call a meeting fur some political object, and then to harangue the meeting in violent speeches, and immediately afterwards to form an association or club, which it was arranged should meet secretly. In the first place, in one instance, a public meeting was called, speeches were made of a violent character, and private meetings followed wee k after week , at which no person was admitted ex cept those bel o n g ing to the confederation, and desiro t u 'v s e o giving infor every person—everymationh2t.atlhe subject—who proceedings which was took place was carefully excluded. At Cork fifteen confederate clubs had been formed, and about two thousand names have been enrolled as members. At Wexford one of the constabulary was refused admit • tance to a meeting by a sentry at the door, who said he would rather allow him to walk over his dead body at the threshold than permit him to pose. Ur. blusher LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 2 , 1848. SUN, attended the different clubs, at which he made speeches. and had been appointed to go on a mission to America. On the 13th of July a meeting was held in the county of Cork, at which a deputation attended from the confe deration, and advised the people to arm and demand their rights. I now wish to state the occurrences which have taken place at Cork since the beginning of the present month. A meeting took place there which was attended by all the clubs, and the people walked in regular marching order, and underwent what was called by Mr. Smith O'Brien, a review. Three cheers were given for the King of Munster, meaning Mr. Smith O'Brien, and he replied—" No, not yet, not yet; no shouting." Now, Sir, it is to be remarked that there were meetings afterwards held at Drogheda and Dublin, and at both of these meetings Mr. O'Brien adverted in his speeches to what he said was his review at Cork, and stated that the numbers were very considerable, and that they were ready to act with determination whenever they were called to do so. The other event to which I wish to allude is very im portant. Mr. Meagher is well known for the exciting language he has frequently addressed to the people of Ireland. He was arrested in Waterford on a charge of sedition, and immediately afterwards a thousand people collected to procure his rescue, but Mr. Meagher told them that if they attempted a rescue it would produce no good. The Roman Catholic clergy used all their efforts to dissuade them from their object, and Mr. Meagher was conveyed away from the town without resistance. After his release, an assem blage of fifteen thousand met to give Mr. Meagher a welcome back to Waterford, and I have a letter from a gentleman residing in the neighbourhood that gives a description of the scene which took place, and which states that the writer has no hesitation in stating that unless Government takes immediate steps to put down the movement they might in the end get the better of these people, but that could not be attained before much life and property had been sac rificed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Sir, I can answer for the character of the gentleman who writes this letter, but the state of Waterford has been described to me by other persons, and I have seen many letters from persons who were in the neigh bourhood at the time the occurrence took place, who are all connected with the neighbourhood either by fa mily or property, who are well acquainted with the language and political feelings of the people, and who all concur in stating that although persons of property and station, both Protestants and Roman Catholics, are de cidedly against any outbreak, yet that no influence of theirs or of the clergy has any effect in deterring many thousands of the young men of every class, more especially the farmer and the peasant, to rise in insurrection.—(Hear, hear.) That is the evidence I have received, supported, as I think, by all the public prints, and entirely believed by the Lord Lieutenant.— (Hear, hear.) In the town of Carrick-on-Suir their oc curred acts which, although they were not very alarming they still afford us a melancholy warning of coming events.—(Hear, hear.) Three persons were arrested for a bailable offence. They were arrested not under the late Act, but for using seditious language, but their arrest lead to an immense collection of people who as sembled from all parts of the country. Va rious reports were spread amongst them ; some that a priest had been arrested ; some that these men were confined because the insurrection had begun. Many of them were armed with muskets and rude pikes, and they marched into the town in a most menacing manner. They went up t o the authori ties, and on their declaring that the prisoners must be liberated, it was thought, that the offence tieing a bailable one, it would be much better to liberate the prisoners on bail. They were accordingly let out of prison, and the crowd quietly dispersed, but if there had been cause to retain these prisoners, if their offence had been such that they could not be bailed, or if for any other reason it was not desirable that they should bet held to bail, the beginning of an insurrection must have followed.—(Hear, hear.) There was not wanting the desire, there was not wanting the will, there was.not wanting the intention of rebellion. All that was wanting was the particular occasion, those who meant to rise being satisfied that such a step would render the object complete. No rising, however, took place, but no man can doubt that had these persons not been liberated, an insurrection was then and there to be begun.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the accounts from these various places are not only now, but have been for some time past most alarming. The confederate clubs have been making great progress in forming; they are in fact secret, and no person is admitted who is not a member of these clubs. The general object which has been held out to them is that they are to overturn the Government—that they are to procure arms for that purpose—that nothing is wanting but the day and the hour to be fixed by their leaders in order to carry into effect that fatal and dreadful revolution.—(Hear, hear.) In the beginning of a letter which I have received from theLord-Lieutenant to-day, he says,"he has nothing satis - factory to say; the accounts from the country are as bad as they can be, short of open rebellion; everybody concurs in saying that an immense change has taken place within the last few weeks in the opinions of the Irish people upon the subject of repeal." What was not formidable two months ago has now become formidable, and I agreo with the gentle man whose letter I have read, that we may put down these people in the end, but before that could be effected much life and property would be sacrificed, and we shill have cause to reproach ourselves if we take nut some measures in order, if possible, to prevent an outbreak from taking place, and preventing the leaders from taking means for the purpose of opposing the authorities. Sir, I come now to the measure which I think it my duty to propose in order to meet this state of things. 'I he Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, in concert with the Lord Chan cellor, has pointed out the dangerous character of the clubs, and we may think it necessary to introduce a measure for the purpose of meeting the organization of these clubs, but it is to be remembered that the organization is directed, and the whole proceedings carried on by per sons who al e well acquainted with the law, and if a new law were passed, they would not be found unsuccessful in their endeavours to evade its provisions. At all events, they have shown themselves to be skilful hands in evading the provisions of the present law, and again, I repeat, it may be necessary to introduce another measure besides this one.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") I have received to-day a further letter from the Lord Chancellor of Ireland with respect to the mode in which the law has been hitherto evaded, but with respect to the clubs there is no doubt, he says, that they are in themselves unlawful. Clubs established for the purpose of procuring arms, and raising resistance against the Crown and against the law, are clearly illegal.—(gear, hear.) But when the law officers of the Crown came to advise the G overnmentas to the means of putting down these clubs, it was found that although their general object, as the pub lic well knew, although it is well known to every Member of this House, and to all people who read the news papers in this realm, yet the means of procuring evi dence as to what passed in their clubs, in con sequence of the secret nature of their deliberations, are not such as to enable the Government with any facility to put down those clubs. I say with any facility, because, though a measure might be adapted towards that end, yet we should soon find that by some means the law would be evaded—some new form of proceeding would be adopted, which, though it would violate the law, would not legally lay the violators open to punishment, and these clubs would continue in greater force and in as powerful a state of organization as ever. With respect to marching and drilling clubs, I think they who have read the accounts of what recently hap pened at Cork and elsewhere , must be of opinion that the law was evaded, and that it could not be made ap plicable, owing to the policy the parties adopted, to the punishment of such marching and drilling. But with respect to that, again, there is this difficulty : everything like a military word of command, and all that is mentioned by the law as constituting an offence, is carefully avoided. In order to obtain their ob ject these conspirators have acted in a way which would not render them amenable to the law ; but Sir, I think, after what I have stated, and after that information which the House has heard —the open notoriety of the fact — there can be no doubt that there is an association in Ire land which intends to subvert the authority of the law, and of the Crown of this country, and which means to effect its object by force of arms.— (Loud cheers.) If such is the e, then its I kn ect, so ow no remedy so straightforward, so direct obj clear in its purpose, as that of securing the persons of those who are at the bead of this movement, without in any manner endangering the persons or of even putting the innocent to inconvenience, by what is commonly known as the suspension of the Act of Habeas Corpus. —(Prolonged cheering.) Whatever other measures we may pray tor—and measures may be necessary to meet particular events in the special shape which the y ma y assume from time to time —l sa y the remedy which is above all necessary at this time is a Bill to enable the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to secure the persons of those who are suspected of high treason.—(Loud cheers.) I come forward, then, to ask this House of Parliament to grant the Executive Government thi fees Bill.—(Loud cheers.) I ask it now. I l that I might have been justified in asking for it at an ea rli e r period.—(Loud cheers.) But, Sir, in weighing that question as I have anx iousl y weighed it during the last few months that have passed —(Cheers) ---it has seemed to me that any extraordinary law, sus rence passed amid so pending the libertie • f f who would doubtless Kingdom, passed merely by a majority of the Members of this House, and without a very general concur rence passed amid co r p t o th it e — p d e we o b p oa l u e tled o s f the United loco n n m i a t o e t d lrye than half its value and i) e importance, and would be in a majoritymerely of the lovers of ea nd he o p r o d r e s r oa o i l i 3 could Pce no a t felt in Ireland as an expression of feeling of men of undoubted integrity, emanating ed secie large minorit •thatty ,anwyhislsotcha necessity existed. I say, Sir, that a law so passed would, to my mind, lose a r”t part of its efficacy, and would not tend, as I should wish, to the complete paciii • .cheers.) cation of the country .—(Loud (Loud I have, therefore, within mymind, and the same exists in the minds of my colleagues—for tho evidence so clear, so notorious—a sense of the was eces n a sity of such a measure, and so satisfied of obtaining the universal conviction of the two rewe Houses of Parliament to t he necessit y th at the powers we ask are absolutely necessary , and that they will be acceded to—(Chars) —but, Sir, likewise I wish to say that if it is the coevietion of this House that such a measure s h o uld be passed, I tru st t hat the House will lose no time in passing it.—(Prolonged cheerin g .) The arming e of the Lord - L ieutenant with these powers which I now ask for him , a nd which we declare it is necessar y that he should possess if he is to possess any means of stop i ng insurrection—(Cheers) —a hen I ask for these powers I ask for that which I think it is to the interest not merely of those who would uphold the constitution of this country—of those who would defend and maintain the integrity of the nation ; but I ask it on behalf of those persons who would be sure to be the sufferers by insurrection.—(Cheers.) I have no doubt myself that ' any retracted debates will take place %lima this subject, The measure passing ,as it is sure to pass, and with the means of which the G over n men t o f a n empire like this has at its disposal, will effectually put down the attempt which these wicked me n are c onceiving—(Hear, hear)—but, Sir, if we were to exercise that power, we should put it down at a loss of life—at the hazard of the permanent peace of the country—at the hazard of depriving many of her Majesty's subjects of the means of obtaining a livelihood.—(Cheers.) We should put it down after an outbreak and a convulsion, and would not be able to prevent that outbreak from taking place. I say, then, it is the interest of all that such a measure should be passed. If there are Gentle men, and there may be many, w ho, a lthough they think this measure necessary, are yet of opinion that the whole duty of the Government has not been performed —(Same ironical cheering)—that we have not in this session produced and carried into effect those measures, whatever they may be, which are useful, and perhaps, as they state, necessary for the well-being of Ireland, I put forward only this. An Hon. Gentleman has given notice of his intention to bring forward the whole ques tion of the state of Ireland. I shall be most ready after this Bill shall have passed this Howe to give every facility for such a debate—to meet any such charge, and to submit, if the House thinks tit, to any censure which they think the conduct of the Government has deserved —(Hear, hear)—but I do beg those who are of that opinion to preserve till that time the expression of those views—(Hear)—and not let a debate which should be con fined to this one subject—whether this measure is neces sary or no—extend into various matters of opinion that cannot but lead to a conflicting and prolonged debate, and thereby prevent and delay that which it is essential to do. Sir, I ask, therefore, that the House will permit me to introduce this Bill; and I ask it likewise that, if they do sanction it, they will have that sanction speedily giver. —(Hear.) No man can say what may be the conse quence of the want of those powers for a short time. — (Hear.) And I ask those who are of opinion that this measure should be passed—who are of opinion that those powers are necessary —nut to render themselves respon sible for any delay, and thereby save life in Ireland. — Hear, and cheers.) I b e li eve, i n m y conscience, that this measure is calculated to prevent insurrection — to preserve peace in Ireland —to preserve the dignity of this empire, and to secure the throne and the established institutions of this country. If there are other ques tions, let them be brought forward and considered upon another occasion, and in a different mode. For myself I stand here responsible for proposing this measure. I stand here responsible for not proposing it earlier. —(llear, hear.) I stand here responsible for not de laying it now.—(Hear hear.) I and my col leagues are responsibl e . W e h ave accepte d t h e responsibility, and however painful, however odious, the powers may be whi c h w e , as k, h av i ng accepte d the re sponsibility, I confidently ask the House to accept theirs, to be mindful of the blessings which they now enjoyed, and to be mindful of the risk which by any other course they may incur. The Noble Lord sat down amid the most deafening cheers, which lasted for some minutes. Mr. F. O'CONNOR then rose to ask the indulgence of the House while he stated his opinions on this measure. The Noble Lord had requested that the House would let this measure go to Ireland as an unanimous measure of the House. That had been invariably the argument and the request of a Whig Government when they were asking for coercion for Ireland, and the moment they got it, and it produced tranquillity in Ireland, they refused to have anything to do with remedial measures. The Noble Lord had goaded the people of Ireland to re sistance, and he now came down to the House to taunt and punish them for their resistance. The Noble Lord had shown that he was determined to govern Ireland by patronage, and that alone. The Noble Lord had shown that the law a►s it at present existed, without superior powers, was strong enough, and why, therefore, should he come down and propose the present measure? The object of this measure was to defeat Mr. Smith O'Brien and Mr. Meagher, and put them into custody. His feelings, hopes, and aspirations, were that Ireland would one day rid herself of the yoke and dominion of England. He trusted the House would not allow the measure to pass without debate. For his own part he was determined to give every opposition in his power to it, and he trusted every Irish Member would do the same. He had no doubt the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, would vote for this measure, but be (Mr. Feargus O'Connor) believed if the Right Ho nourable Baronet was at the head of the Government, there would be no necessity . for the measure. —(Hear.) But when they treated the Irish people like barbarians and savages, he asked how they could expect to attach them to the Crown? Why, if the tithes were taken away from the bishops they would soon lose their loyalty, and if the landlords were deprived of their rent they would all become Chartists.—(Laughter.) He would conclude by this observation, that to be forewarned was to be forearmed. Ho under , stood his country better than the Noble Lord did, and he now told the Noble Lord that the effect of the Bill would be to create an immediate re volution in Ireland. The Noble Lord might hope to suppress it by the ability, energy, and courage of my Lord Clarendon, but he would tell him that he was mis taken. Instead of arming Lord Clarendon with these excessive powers, he would have done more real good to Ireland by carrying out the suggestions made by Lis Lordship, for recovering waste lands, but he supposed such a course was too mean and too vulgar for a Whig Government. He would tell the Noble Lord not to lay the flattering unction to his soul, strong as he might fancy himself, having united all classes in that House in favour of a measure for the suspension of the constitution, and at the close of the session in which so much was promised, but in which nothing had been done—he would tell the Noble Lord not to lay the flat tering unction to his soul that any vote of that House, or of the other House, could mach longer keep the starv ing people of Ireland in a state of quiescence. He would prophecy, that so far from the measure putting down disturbances in Ireland, the effect of it would be to hasten that rebellion with which it was proposed to deal. Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose and said—l am, Sir, gratified by the anticipation of the Hon. Gentleman, when ho said that I should give the measure proposed by her Majesty's Governm en t my decided and cordial sup. port.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, m y support is not qualified by reminiscences of past contentions —my support is not qualified by party recrimination ; but, looking at the state cf Ireland—but looking at the combinations which exist but looking to the parties who head those combinations; and I give them credit for their veracity; and, gibing them credit for their veracity, I beli eve t h e t a e xists in Ireland at this moment a wicked conspiracy to deprive the Queen of her rightful dominions in that country —(Great cheers)—and that being my impression, and trust in g to the avowal of the parti es , I amwilling at once to take my part with the Crown of this United Kingdom against the conspirators, who are endeavouring to wrest that power by unlawful means.—(Hear, and loud cheers.) I won't qualify the value of my suffrage by a long speech, neither will I blame her Majesty's Government for delay in not having brought forward this measure before. My impression is, that Government ought to be most for bearing and slow to propose measures calculated to impose great restrictions upon the liberty of the subject. I dare say that at an earlier period a case might have been made out for placing the liberty of in dividuals at the discretion of the Crown ; but I agree with t he Noble Lord opposite that when a proposal of this nature is made there ought to be a strong impression in the mind of the House, and a strong impression in the mind of the public, that there is no opportunity of further delay, that a necessity has arisen to justify extreme measures, and that the measure must insure for itself the general support of all well disposed persons.—(Hear, hear.) And here, Sir, I must say that in my mind the question at issue is really not whether there should be a repeal of the union or not. —(Hear, hear). I believe if you do nothing, during the recess you will have a desolating warfare in Ireland. I believe that the authority of the Crown will be ulti mately successful after great devastation of property and loss of life to many innocent persons, and also after great loss of life to many who might have joined in the rebellion from a doubt as to the policy and sincerity of your measures of relief for Ireland.—(hear, hear.) But this I believe, that if the Crown should fail in ultimately re establishing its authority, you will have substituted for the Government under which you now live by far the most cruel, by far the basest, and by far the most san guinary despotism that ever disgraced the annals of a country.—(Hear, hear.)• But what is to be the nature of the new power to be established? There is no con cealment as to the instruments by which it is to be esta blished. Have we not seen reference made to the value of the standing crops, and a distinct encouragement given to the masses of the people, to the physical strength of the country, to combine with men superior in int elli g enc e and education, not Crown, or to furtively to undermine the a uthori ty of the repeal the legislative union , but at once to resort to pil be divided —ass lage and to plunder, in ord er that th e spoil may among the successful insurgents. fir ear, hear.) S uc h is the mode by which the power of t h ese men is to be wielded.—(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into other questions of general government. I believe that the danger is imminent, and if there has been too much delay in the passing of the measure, that circumstance constitutes a reason far immediate action, and I for one am perfectly prepared to insist that no ordinary forms of the House shall prevent its immediately Passing into law.—(Hoar, hear.) I think the Gove rnment is justifi e d i n as ki ng f or the measure, and I believe that the power sought—consi dering that the spirit is not an agrarian one—not a conspiracy of assassins, but the avowed determination of open traitors —considering this, I 4 say, that in my opinion the measure of the Government is justified.— (Hear, hear.) It is possible that other measures may be necessary, and I hope there will be no delay on the part of the Government in, asking for further powers, whether to be directed against the clubs or against those persons who have openly avowed their inten tion to commit assassination, and who scr u pl e no t to recommend t he heart of the L or d-Li eutentant as th e butt to whic h their bullets are to b e di recte d . — (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") If furth er measures are required for t he su ppression of crime, I hope th a t additional powers will be sought_ at th e h ands of this House, and I hope th e r e will be no delay in:stating to what be. It would be unbecoming extent they are to tug to urge upon the Government the adoption .of sidditiolial:tneasures, as the responsibility re sts with them. I will not therefore urge them upon the Gove.rnm::nt. But I say th a t t h e question being one that nothing.butTinecessity can justify, the suspension of th e Habeas Corpus A ct , t h at i mmediate action is desirable , a nd I ho p e that th ey w ill consent to the suspension o f any iorms of th e H ouse i n order to obtain the Act.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.) With respect to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Nottingham, I tell him without hesitation that I am prepared to protect the Crown of England against those mock Kingslof Munster, who, when royal authority is offered to them, say—" Not yet, not yet."— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I tell the Hon. Gentleman that. I am not prepared to shout out fur the King of Manster yet—l am not prepared to e x c h ange the a u "pronacy of Queen Victorie for that of this new King of Munster.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman says he fir one is a friend "of s4-pars lion. Well, the Ruble Lord showed him the oath by which he swore to bear true allegiance to her Majesty Queen Victoria, upon which the Hon. Gentleman said, ‘• Am I not Fulfilling the oath of allegiance when lam trying to insure for her Majesty the loyalty of her faithful subjects in Ireland?" That Mr. O'Connell might have said who was the enemy of separation, and who wished to maintain the golden link of the Crown. But I believe the Hon. Gentleman declared for a separation between Ireland and England, and in that re spect he differed from Mr. O'Connor. Now, if the Hononourable Gentleman means that by a separation Ireland is still to remain connected with the United Kingdom, and is to form an integral part of it, whyllwas he scared by the oath of allegiance when it was produced by the Noble Lord? The Hon. Gentleman's declaration in favour of a separation was unanswerable. But then, on seeing the oath, he declared that he was faithfully discharging his obligations by preserving for her Majesty her rightful dominions. Mr. O'CONNOR—Her English dominions. Sir ROBERT FEEL—Oh' Her English dominions. Let me remind the Honourable Gentleman that the oath was taken without equivocation or mental reservation. That allegiance which was pro mised was an allegiance on the part of Ireland as fully and completely as on the part of England, and if the Hon. Gentleman took the oath with a secret reservation to be a faithful and; loyal subject of this part of the United Kingdom, but reserved to himselt a latitude with regard to Ireland, and a perfect right to sever Ireland from her Majesty's dominions then I say that ho possesses a latitude of consideration so large, that there can be no value in his oath of allegiance. Ile asks whether it is possible to maintain a restrictive monarchy after the example which has been shown in France, Italy, Germany, and other European states. Sir, I will say not a word with respect to the internal administration of foreign states. I have done all I could during the period of these revolutionary move ments on the continent humbly to discourage any any reflections upon them; but when the Honourable Gentleman holds up what has taken place in other coun tries as an - example, and as a reason why I should dis trust the advantage of maintaining a monarchy in this country, I then think I may claim a right to speak on the subject. And looking at what has taken place on the chief arena of these revolutionary movements (Paris and France for instance)—looking at the Government which existed before February, the securities for the public liberty, the state of tise revenue, the condition of the manufacturing classes, the principles which were acted upon with respect to the reward of labour—look ing at what passed in February—looking at what passed in the interval of three or four months until June, when the new Government, which was founded upon the barricades of February, was exposed to the most violent attack by those whose hopes were disappointed — looking at all those circumstances, avoiding any reflection upon them, and only drawing an example for the guidance of the people of this country—l say so tar from what has passed inducing me to distrust the advantages of a ilmited monarchy—to believe its foundations are less secure—to believe that there was less affection for the person of the Sovereign, or less rational conviction in favour of the advantages of a limited monarchy—l look to the experience of the last six months and retain an increased conviction that the monarchy of this country is secure, and is endeared by numerous consi derations and associations to the affectionate support and devotion of the people of this country. (The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers from all parts of the House.) Mr. B. OSBORNE deprecated the speech of the Hon. Member for Nottingham, but it was consistent with the acts of his latter life. He had heard with regret the notice given by the Noble Lord of his intention to move for leave to bring in this Bill to-day, and he at first thought of stopping away, and giving no vote on this subject. But, upon consideration, he felt it to be his duty manfully to come down to the House and state the reason why he should not oppose the introduction of this Bill. He could not believe that the object of the men against whom this Bill was directed was repeal, he believed their object to be murder and pillage—(Hear, hear)—and he thought it a measure of mercy to lock up those men who wished to occasion it, is order to prevent the deluging of Ireland with blood.—(Hear, hear.) Of one of these men he would say, if it would not be considered profane and irreverent, that he had taken the lower orders of the people of Ireland to the mountain top, and showing them the broad land of Ireland had said, all these things will I give you, if you will only fall down and worship me. Although, however, he would not oppose the introduc tion of the Bill, he could not give his vote in favour of its being continued to the Ist of March, 1849, because he thought, in the event of this measure being passed, it would be better that the House should not be prorogued, but sit from month to month, and that hand in hand with this measure should go forth some remedial measures for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He thought there ought to be some modification of the Act of Union; but, being of that opinion, he would sooner lose his life in support of order than have anything to do with men whose object was pillage in order to enrich themselves. lie would not taunt the Government now with their omissions or mis deeds, as it was not the time when the House was on fire to prevent the engines from going to endeavour to put it out.—(hear, hear.) Ho believed the state of things in Ireland to be most alarming; and he had received a letter that morning, stating the houses in Tipperary and Clonmet had been stripped of their lead in order to make bullets. Under these circumstances he should not oppose the in. troduction of the Bill. Mr. SADLEIR apologised for interfering at this early stage of the debate; but as one closely connected with Ireland he could not withhold his support from the course the Noble Lord now proposed to pursue. It was quite true that sedition in Ireland had outstepped the legislation of that House ; but when he re membered that the victory of the revolutionary party in Ireland would be the greatest calamity that could befall Ireland, he thought it was high time the movements of the revolutionists were inter rupted. There no longer existed in Ireland but two parties—the party who stood by the then existing Con stitution, and the party opposed to it. Something must be done to remove this state of things, and upon the un derstanding that remedial measures were to follow this Bill, he for one should give it his decided support. He had ventured to tell the Noble Lord, in the words of Lord Bacon, that unless he adopted a better course to expel the " matters of sedition," Ireland would soon come to the state she was now in. Also, that the people of Ireland were deceived by the large promises of the Government, and disgusted at the small per formances. He quoted the case of Tipperary to show that the people were not by any means represented. He would refrain from. discussing those measures by which he considered they might secure the safety of life and p ro p erty .—(Ch ee r s .) He should cordially support the Bill of the Noble Lord, because he believed it was the only step open to him to adopt in the present emergency; but at the same time ho might be permitted to say, no such disaffection could exist in any country in the world except by the conduct of its rulers. Mr. S. CRAWFORD never addressed the House under more painful feelings. He was a lo) al subject, and wished to see the continuance of the union, and life and property respected. But they should inquire what was the cause of the condition of Ireland. No one could disavow more strongly than he could the conduct of the agitators who had brought Ireland to her present excited state. No change could make Ireland worse, and the people in consequence of prolonged suf fering and undue taxation were:almost reckless as to the exact nature of any change. The force at the disposal of the Executive was quite sufficient to put down any insurrection. Unless remedial measures were adopted, no coercive measures would be effectual.lf the Felony Act were properly carried out, ho considered that the machina tions of the persons for the capture of whom this mea sure was proposed would be put an end to. He begged to propose as an amendment, " That the present dis tracted state of Ireland arose from misgovernment and the want of remedial measures, without which no coer cive measure can have effect." Mr. FAGAN seconded the amendment. He said that if this measure passed the political position of Ireland would be thrown back half a century; but, at the same time he considered, that separation would be destructive of the interests of both countries, yet was be in favour of repeal of the union in this sense—namely, giving Ireland a domestic legislature. Ample opportunities bad presented themselves this session of passing reme dial measures, which the Government had not availed themselves of. Believing that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would not mitigate the evils of Ire land, he should support the amendment. The manner in which Mr. Mitchel's conviction was brought about had only tended to increase the march of insurrection in Ireland, and it appeared to him that there were parties now in Ireland struggling to place themselves in Mr. Mitchel's shoes. He doubted whether the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would improve affairs. It might remove the leaders of the movement in Ireland, but it would not cure the disease. Coercion had always failed in Ireland, and as he did not think the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment had made out a case for this Bill, he could not con sent to continuo this system of coercion. Why did not Government rather attempt to mitigate the evils which pressed upon Ireland. They were of a social character, and if they could be removed; the House would hear no more of those insurrectionary movements. The Government could not longer keep Ireland by the force of arms, and in order to put an end to the expense of maintaining an extensive armed force, he called . upon Government to delay no longer the settlement of the two great questions of the union and the church.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI wished to take that opportunity of stating the reasons which would induce him to support the propositions of her Majesty's Government. If he thought the origin of this impending revolution arose from these social and political grievances, of which they had hears SO much from the sister isle—if he thought this measure of Ministers would prove an obstacle to those remedial measures which were necessary to remove those social and political evils—he should for one view it with jealousy and distrust. Its character was flagrant; it was invested with no hypocritical gar ment;t it was avowedly an assault upon the conetlu; tional liberties of the subject, and the only justification the case. He thought the necessities of the case fur such a proposition must be the necessities of did not indeed Minister had referred.—(Hear, hear. e ) it L l o t rd to impress those circumstances to which the Noble Lord the First require the exposition isotled or the country, which Minis for the Noble Lord was not in the position e that conviction upon of th t e he H N o i u ib se l Noble Lord did not come there with a s filled and numerous ters in similar circumstances had found communications,thereseenlvbeasog. with anonymous or with which would not solely be The Noble Lord, without Senate or the country. and . statements made to the Minister unrdeerreaclierdcumstotantchets iffeettitioh e with a frankness simplicity which did him honour, referred only to those circumstances which they were all familiar with, and which were daily and hourly occurr►ng, as his justifica tion fur the policy which he recommended to be adupied, and the responsibility of which he did not shrink from. (Hear, hear.) It he thought that this impending revo lution was founded upon these social and political evils, he should hive taken this proposition with great jealousy and distrust; but he was bound, in giving his unvarying support to this measure, to state that it was his opinion that this im pending insurrection did not in any way partake of that character. It was not an agrarian movement. It was, in his opinion, no movement arising from any sentiment of perverted nationality. It was neither more nor less than an external continental mo►e ment. It was neither more nor less than a Jacobin movement, and looking upon Jacubinisrn to be nothing more nor less than a system of universal plunder and unmitigated ♦iolence, he thought it was their duty to grapple with the evils in which they recognised such features with a power greater than their violence, and with a determination to maintain every social principle and every social right with a courage equal to their audacity, which had . been so much encouraged by events which had untortunately occurred on the continent; but hap pily nut in England, nor yet in Ireland.—(hear, hear.) It was for that reason that he thought they ought not to hesitate to invest the Government with these. great and extraordinary powers, and he for one protested against the social and political evils of Ireland being in any way mixed up with this the question which was before them.—(hear, hear.) He protested against it being assumed in argument that thoz,e who had origi nated this movement; had, in fact, any desire to remedy these social and political grievances in any way which the common sense and feeling of the country could re cognize or approve of. Nor did ho believe that this im pending insurrection was either now, or in its origin, an insurrection for the repeal of the union, and the chief reason which had induced him to take that opportunity of making these few observations was to protest against its going forth throughout Europe that the question before them was a question between the Government of England and the people of Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) He (IA not believe that even numerically the traitors bad ,he advantage ; for he could not for a moment suppose— ndeed, he had every reason to disbelieve that the Roman Catholic priesthood looked with any face upon a Jacobite movement.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the great body of the peasantry of the south of Ireland at first looked with no favour at this movement, although the neglect with which it had been treated, and the pitch it had now attained—as must al ways be the case in a country like Ireland, with a half•ted population—had naturally tended to induce those to rally round who took a leading part in the movement. It might, he repeated, have produced a great effect upon their opinions, but he was still of opi nion that the great body of the peasantry were not heart and soul in the movement, which was so menacing. It was a movement, he repeated, organized by a party that was stimulated by foreign example and inspired by foreign successes—(Hear, hear)—who on pre vious occasions, in the history of Ireland, had adopted the same cuurse, and met with the same results. But he for one was anxious that their overthrow this time should not be attended with the terrible expenditure which had attended their previous defeats—not an expenditure of the treasure of this country only---not an expenditure merely of the lives of Englishmen, but of the destruction of all that . harmonizing and good feeling between the two countries which had taken now ball a century to cherish and foster; and if the Government could quell this impending insurrection without that bloodshed— without those scenes of spoliation, ravage, and disorder, and without exciting the feelings and passions of one people against the other, the Minister would, in his mind, deserve well of his country, and be entitled to the hearty and lull countenance and support of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Mr. D. CALLAGHAN was anxious to say a few words upon this all-important subject. lie was not one of those who blamed the Government for endeavouring to stop the progress of insurrection in Ireland, but he doubted whether this Bill would effect that object. He entertained as much loyalty to the Crown and affection for the people of England as any man in that House, but he could not consent to sit qui et ly i n hi s place and allow Ireland to be be made the dupe of every party in or out of power. Let tho House apply remedial measures to Ireland, and they would do more to sow the seeds of contentment amongst her people than, all the coercion Acts put together. If it was intended to apply the Bill at once to Mr. Smith O'Brien and one or two others, what would be the result? Why others %ould arise to fill the places of the arrested leaders, and the feeling in favour of repeal would be greater than ever. He considered that the measure would perpetrate a political suicide, and considering that so many remedial measures were required, he could not consent to be a party to the introduction of a measure which would have, in his opinion, a contrary effect to that anticipated. Sir DEN HAM NORREY S said the time had c, me when a measure like this was absolutely necessary. This was no time to inquire whether the Government had kept its promises or not. His country was on the verge of civil revolution. God forbid that he should occupy the time of the House when a measure i like this was so imminently required; for they could not tell at whut moment the spark would burst into flame. He did not need the statements and arguments of the Noble Lord to induce him to accede to 1 the 13111, for ho had read his information on the market croiE.—(llear, hear.) Whatever consequences might come frogs this measure, he was sure the house would at once grant the Ministers a Bill of Indemnity. He besought the House to pass thisr Bill at once to seize the heads of the conspirators, and save the lives of his coun trymen, who, only tor this Bill, would perish.—(Cheers.) Mr. DRUMMOND supported the Bill because he be lieved it would be, to a great extent, efficacious in sup pressing the rebellion about to burst upon them, and because civil war was no child's play.—(Laughter.) The Usher of the Black Rod here entered, and sum moned the Speaker and the House to the House of Lords, to hear the Royal Assent given by Commission to several Bills, which will be found in our report of the House of Lords. During the absence of the Speaker, many of the Members formed themselves into groups, and appeared to discuss the principles of the measure with much animation. Mr. DRUMMOND resumed—He was prepared on a future occasion to discuss with the Irish Members the grievances of which they complained. They had now before them a particular measure brought forward for a particular purpose. He denied that the press of this country was profligate, as the Hon. Member for Nottingham had stated : it needed no defenders in that House. He had yet to learn that the respectable portion of the press of this country would publish a list of books, with the titles of which he would not offend the ears of House, as fit for the perusal of the people. A man must either publish books of the kind because he agreed with their prin ciples, or because be wished to derive some paltry gain. (The Hon. Gentleman then read passages from the Northern Slur, stating that the time was coming when the land would be divided among the people, from whom it had been filched.) The use o f an un- bridled tongue had been the curse of the clever people of Ireland, and believing that this Bill would tend to go far to stop this, he should support it. Mr. HUME said the paper from which the Hon. Gen tleman had quoted was no credit to any one .—(A laugh.) Thank God, there were but few newspapers that pro mulgated the dangerous doctrines of the paper in question—the division of property among those who would not obtain it for themselves.--(Bear, hear.) They would willingly believe him when he said that he gave a reluctant consent to this Bill, because remedial measures were much required, and he had always fairly and openly advocated them. Catholics had been arrayed against Protestants. The state of Ireland arose from the people being deprived of their civil rights, and whilst they were not treated like the people of either England or Scotland, how could they expect them to act like freemen? The people were discontented, and easily excited by clever demagogues, who possessed a great share of influence, and was it a wonder that Ireland was in the state she was? This measure may put down rebellion—nay, it might act kindly to many—it might quiet for a time ; they might crowd their prieons, but disturbances would continue. As ' the Government were now a second time about to be allowed to suspend the constitution, ho implored them to look the evils of Ireland strongly in the face. Ire land was now held as a garrison, and that expense fell as a punishment upon England, by which they were running the risk of bringing England to the state of Ireland. Let them sit from to day day, and devise measures for Ireland—improve the state of the Church, and extend the franchise, which was far too limited. He asked the Government to tura their attention to the grand jury cess and the municipal corporations. He for one would cordially support her Majesty's Mi nisters in bringing forward this measure. Judging from the last speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth before he went out of office, it was his opinion that great social improvements were necessary, and he (Mr. Hume) now only regretted that the mea sures which the Hon. Baronet had in view to a meliorate it n the condition of that country had not been carried (-) effect.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide.") Mr. NEWDEGATE gave her Majesty's Government his his most unqualified support. lie would not terrupted the progress of the debate, except t that he felt It necessary to say that the measure of th Government t was absolutely required for the Pce prese r r e v a a t tio m n e o a Ireland. He looked upon i t as a g mess ur e e a , and one which was entirely unexcept iona ble. —(Loud cheers, and cries of" Divide.") Mr. GROGAN said, in thanks the namelof the laborious the city of Dublin, he begged a nd industrious c lasses in to the Government, for having at to return his to length deterw i„ e d grapple with this monster agita • Lion, which had kept the whole . country in a state of uneasiness and apprehension, winch had paralysed trad e , put a stop to emp l o yment, and brought thousand s t o a state o f poverty and bankruptcy. — (Hear, hear.) Ile regretted that the Government had delayed so long be fore bringing in the measure, but b e wou ld say better late than never." It was on the ground of humanity to the humbler classes, those poor deluded persons who had become members of clubs, and of a revolutionary army who would unfortu nately- be punished for their misdoings, that he regretted that the measure had not been intro duced earlier. He would conclude by making one observation. There were a great number of Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants of Irish counties at present in thi s country, and he trusted that the Government would call upon them to return to their respective counties, in order to aid the Government in their endeavours to suppress disturbances. Mr. REYNOLDS said he re present d eanother por tion of the inhabitants of Dublin, he h beggedieh hadto enter his entire dissent to the ea:sure been introduced to the House. Although w not dis posed to puma s venting course, ho was prpared to vote against it in all . its stages, and he hoped the might be long and t - sunous.—(Laughter.) If the Bill were passed, as no doubt it would. he would prophecy that it would be inoperative and altogether a failure. It would increase the discontent and dissatisfaction which now existed, multiply the number of Repeaters, and convert risen to the doctrine of repeal who had previ ously held entirely aloof from it. He disclaim, d off the part of the Repeaters of Ireland, that they participated in any of those doctrines which had been imputed to them. He could not conclude his address without recalling to he recollection of the house to the declaration of the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tam worth upon going out of office,, but Ireland could no longer be governed by coercion, and if the bight Honourable Baronet were sincere in that opinion he now called upon him to come forward and assist in governing Ireland by conciliation.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ rose to ask the Honourable Gen tleman the Member for Rochdale to withdrew his amendment.—(Hear, hear.) It could do no good to the people, God knew they were in a dreadfully miserable state, and he wit tredle could find an excuse for opposing this Bill. The truth was, however, the present disturbances in Ireland were crippling her trade, and he felt bound to give this additional power to her Ma jesty's Ministers. It would be however upon the condition that they at once set about considering what remedial measures could be applied to Ireland. Two years ago he suggested to them the propriety of setting the poor to work upon the waste land, but his suggestions had never been adopted by Government. He must therefore tell them now that, if after the passing of this Bill, they did not apply conciliatory measures to Ireland, he would never give them his support again. Sir H. W. BARRON regretted that this measure had been so long delayed, but upon the principle of better late than never. Be bailed the introduction of this Bill with the utmost satisfaction, and he could assure the House that feeling was participated by the majority of the inhabitants of the south of Ireland.—(Hea.) Nay, more, he would venture to say that many of the parties who had joined in this movement would rejoice at the passing of this Bill. They wanted something to enable them to back out, for they felt they had gone too far; and he was quite sure that they, as well as the great mass of the Irish people, would hail this Bill as an act of mercy. After a few words from Colonel DUNNE, who sup ported the Bill, not, however, upon the case made out by the Government, but upon the strength of informa tion he had received from Ireland, After a few words from Mr. SCULLY, The House then divided, when there appeared— , For Mr. Crawford's amendment... 8 Against it Majority against the amendment -263 Dave was then-Oven to bring in the Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then brought in the Bill, which was read a first time. The Noble Lord expressed a hops that the House would allow the Bill to go through all its stages and pass it immediately. After some short discussion, the standing orders were suspended, and the Bill was read a second time. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in Committee on the Bill, stated that the only alteration from the Bill of 1822 was the omission of the clause with respect to Members of Parliament. The House went into Committee on the Bill. Mr. BERNAL moved that the Bill should only ex tend to the Ist September, 1848, and not Ist March, 1849. The motion after some discussion was withdrawn, and the Bill passed through Committee, and was read a third time and passed, and The House then adjourned shortly before Seven o'clock. BRISTOL. SUGAR MARKET, JULY 21.—The opera• tions in our sugar market have been quite suspended this week, and prices must be considered nominal. The business of the refiners will be seriously interfered with by the proposed admission of Dutch refined sugar at a duty of 245. Bd., instead of 635., under the law of 1846. Bristol Mercury. TRoors FUR IRELAND.—The second battalion 60th Rifles and 89th Regiment are under orders to proceed from the Northern District to Dublin, and to be relieved by the 33d from Edinburgh, and the 90th Light Infantry ►rom Chatham. The 17th Regiment is to leave Ports mouth for Chatham. Four Companies of the 62d, under the command of Major Goode, passed through Loudon this morning (Saturday), en route for Manchester, having received an order late last night to leave Portsmouth. No orders have been given for a battalion of the Guards to beheld in readiness to embark for Ireland.—lbid. ROYAL MILITARY ASYLUM, CDElSEA.—Assistant Surgeon Balfour, M.D., of the 3d Battalion Grenadier Guards, is to succeed Surgeon Lawrence in medical charge of that establishment, the latter officer having aetired from the duties of that appointment on account of ill-health. Dr. Balfour's services are well known as the able assistant of Lieutenant-Colonel Tulloch, in his compilation of the Statistical Tables of the Army.— Mid. - - LIEUTENANT GOVIENORSIIIP OF JAMAICA.—Major- General McDonald, C. 8., is not to proceed to that inland in command of the troops, and, therefore, the appoint ment of Lieutenant• Governor has again become vacant.— Ibid. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. DOUSE OF LORDS, July 21. IRELAND. The Earl of GLENGALL, in continuation said— Another great evil was w jib reference to the evi dence. On all such occasions it was d iflicult to obtain juries Ind witnesses. Special commissions were so fre quent that they almost became regular assizes ; and if a witness in Ireland told the truth, it was necessary that he should at once expatriate himself and his family. Whether these commissions succeed or not depended on the sheriff, for if he did not return the first persons in the county, they would have no juries at oh ; and in consideration of those persons. the Government ought to putdown the agitation which existed. How was it possible with so much division of opinion that evil results could be avoided ? Until this agitation was put down, until these clubs were put down, and such meetings as those at Conciliation-hall were put a stop to, proclamations would be vain. The far mer and labourer did nothing but think and talk of politics, and persons now were progressing through the country to sow dissension in every quarter. People were obliged to take part in these proceedings or they became marked men. The Roman Catholic gentry, he believed, were as well affected as their Protestant bre thren, but their case was far different. If a Roman Catholic gentleman actedagainst agitation, he was imme diately singled out and termed "an Orange Catholic," and when a person received that appellation, the sooner he made his will the better. He had received most frightful accounts from many gentlemen in districts which had not been proclaimed. Their own tenants they said had come to them and stated that the day of insurrection was coming on the Bth of August, and they were obliged to join these traitors—they dared not re sist them. Tumultuous assemblages and most sedi tious acts were committed in proclaimed dis tricts, and the parties who committed those outrages in some instances had but just been charged with misdemeanors. Mr. Doheny ought to have been prosecuted under the Crown and Government Security Act. The moment he was liberated on bail he put on certain uniform worn in 1782, and proceeded to Cashel, where he advised the people to arm. He also met between ten and twelve thousand men last Sunday. A man who had been tried, but not found guilty, of sedition, had also attended a meeting, and so serious was the demonstration made that the military was held in readiness to act. At Carrick-on-Suir a most serious disturbance had occurred. It was not true that a prie s t h had been arrested; but three other parties t o the gaol, moment, however, that they were arrested, bells were rung, and a largo party proceeded t bow where bail was taken for the prisoners. That showed the tocsin ready the people wore for rebellion. When the town de wheree.chapel sounded the whole population rushed intot d not been termined to pull down half the town, theyand ha broken open the gaol doors if the men told them to go re leased. The Rev. Mr. Byrne, however, told a r night or two home for the present; and what occur Clonmel fires also would have ago ? Upon a fire being lighted near . aye y. Under oclamations fident that pr these circumstances he felt be appeared in many other places 11 11 cit Govern• were not sufficien t and determina te act with energy ment had determined 1" hpeople would, he was h r ) The Eng is p tion.—alese, -ea • t and aid them in main ' t • and he wag glad that the sure, go With (Hear, hear.) Ile had intended Jaw and order. — as the Government twining the subject, but on to sa y much mer© sus the Governmen , suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, hi h a d:determined people of Ireland and England content himself by at once moving for would c on the fact, and preventti. i h os tildsiscdblubi of bich be had given notice.—(Cheera.) the papers a of LANSDOWNE had not sought to The congratulate the ported to have stated on a former night 3tliserfruoible Earl from giving notice of his motion. on the st . ate . of Ireland would be attended it n c en re orentence , u, on e con rary, he bad b t th t with pu whether he concurred in the motion of the or not he thought it a desirabl e o pp ortun i ty sfaori.d that b, d i rs a_ cu ssing the subject and hearing the opinion of the House upon it. He considered, however, that it might be desirable for the Noble Earl to withdraw his motion, although he concurred in the propriety of the attention of the House being called to the subject ; and he was not prepared to deny the statement which had been made in any particular; on factsconducthe wc o ti n iwi t c r hh a i r e y wh , etrhe t e h e kp naru Noble twieustthoe raaslEarlthemselves lt had vhees wh h a d dr lfoundeddi;n andno di t i e t gwr o a se e n attempted to dissemble. It was unnecessary to state in what degree, in an ordinary state of society, clubs might be more or less permitted, and when they were danger ous and when they were not. It would be difficult to take the precise gauge and dimensions of clubs, and point out under what circumstances they might be per mitted; but, a t t hi s moment, the clubs referred to had reached a pitch in Ireland which he would affirm to be, on the authority of the Lord-Lieutenant, and on the au thority of all the servants of the Crown, subversive of public peace and the prelude to civil war.—(hear.) Their proceedings were before the public. Their secret move ments he could not attempt to discover, but when he looked at the systematic formation of these clubs, and at their increase, and when he regarded their language, and looked at their objects—when he also observed the military array by which they sought to attain those objects —they had all the elements of insurrection before them, and they only wanted an absolute declaration of war.--(Hear, her.) When he saw this military array directed by a person who went to Paris with the avowed object of seeing the clubs there, and, having been rejected by the Government of that country, went about knocking from door to door to seek out the enemies of his own country—(Hear, hear)—and, when returning from that mission, be was placed at the head of these clubs in Ireland, there could 'be no doubt of the object.—(Hear, hear.) When that person was engaged afterwards, not in a conflict with the Government, but with his own countrymen, and talked of abandoning - _ at% 9 1 j `: