The Sun. — London, England, 1866-09-01 00:00:00

au— The Philadelphia Convention. NEW YORE, Aug. 17. The papers publish extended accounts of the pro ceedings of the National Union Convention at Philadelphia. The convention finally adjourned on the 16th, after the adoption of the following de claration of principles : " The convention now assembled in the city of Phila delphia, composed of delegates from every State and terri tory in the Union, admonished by the solemn lessons of the last five years, which it tuts pleased the Supremo Ruler of the universe to give to the American people, profoundly grateful for the return of peace, desirous as a large majo rity of their countrymen in all sincerity to forget and for give the past. revering the constitution as it comes to us from our ancestors, regarding the Union in its restoration as more sacred than ever, looking with deep anxiety to the future as of instant and continuing trial, hereby issue and proclaim the following declaration of principles and pur poses, on which they have with perfect unanimity agreed : 44 1. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of the war, and the return of peace to an afflicted and beloved land. "2. The war just closed has maintained the authority of the constitution with all the powers which it confers, and the restrictions which it imposes upon the Government, and it has preserved the Union, with the equal rights, dignity, and authority of the States, perfect and unimpaired. " 3. The representation in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral College is a right recognised by the constitution as abiding in every State, and is a duty imposed on its people, fundamental in its nature, and essential to the existence of our representative interests, and confers no authority or power to deny this right to any State, or to withhold its enjoyment under the consti tution from the people thereof. " 4. That we call upon the people of the United States • to elect to Congress as members men hitherto known to admit this fundamental right of representation, and who will receive the loyal representatives from every State in allegiance to the United States, subject to the constitu tional right of each house to judge of the election qualifi cation and returns of its own members. "5. The constitution of the United States and the laws made inpursuance thereof are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or law of any of the States to the contrary notwithstanding; all powers not conferred by the constitution or the general Government are re served to the States and the people unrestrictedly. Among the rights thus reserved to the States is the right to pre scribe the qualifications for elective franchise therein, which right Congress cannot interfere with. No State or convention of States has the right to withdraw from the. Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, any State or States from the Union. The Union of these States is perpetual. " 6. Such amendments to the constitution of the United States may be made by the people theoreof as they may deem expedient, but only in the mode pointed out by its resolution, and proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or Convention ; and in ratifying the same all the States of the Union have an equal and indefensible right to a voice and vote thereon. "7. Slavery is abolished, and for ever prohibited ; and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States ; and the enfranchised slaves in all the States of the Union should receive, in common with all their inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person and property. " 8. While we regard as utterly invalid, and never to be assumed or made of binding force, any obligation incurred or undertaken in making war against the United States, we hold the debt of the nation to be sacred and inviolable, and we proclaim our purpose in discharging this, as in per forming all other national obligations, to maintain unim paired and unimpeached the faith of the Republic. "9. It is the duty of the national Government to recog nise the services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the nation, and by extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen the most gracious and considerate care. "10. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who in his great office has proved steadfast in his devotion to the constitution, the laws, and interests of his country, unmoved by persecutions and undeserved reproach, we tender to him our cordial and sincere support." After a vote had been taken on the adoption of the fore going Declaration of Principles, it was found that . the seventh one had been omitted by accident, and this fact was announced by Senator Doolittle.- It was then read, and adopted with great applause and unanimity. The Declaration of Principles was then adopted, with enthusiastic cheers. THE ADDRESS. Mr. Raymond then proceeded to read the Address, which was received with continued applause, and at the close of the reading, Ex-Governor Perry, of South Carolina, rose and moved its adoption. The motion was declared carried unanimously,. amid prolonged cheering. The following is the address:— TO THE PEOPLE OP THE UNITED STATES. Piecing met in Convention at the city of Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, this 16th day of August, 1866, as the representatives of the people in all sections, and all the States and Territories of the Union, to consult upon the condition and the wants of our common country, we addres:s to you this declaration of our principles, and of the political purposes we seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in the year 1860, events have occurred which have changed the character of our internal politics, and given to the United States a new place among the nations of the earth.' Our Government have passed through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war—a war which, though mainly sec tional in its character, has nevertheless decided political differences that from the very beginning of the Govern ment had threatened the unity of our national existence, and has left its impress deep and ineffaceable upon all the interests, the sentiments, and the destiny of the Republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole country severe losses in life and property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of national courage in the presence of national dangers— a capacity for military organisation and achievement, and a devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, and to the principles of liberty which that government was de signed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the nation in the perpetuity of its Republican institutions, and command the respect of the civilised world. Like all great contests which rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations, this war has given new scope to the ambition of political parties , and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chaos of conflicting sentiments inseparable from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all the passions that can sway the public judgment and affect tbepublic action ; while the wounds of war are still fresh.and bleeding on either side, and fears for the future take unjust propor tions fr om th e memories and resentments of the pas t , it i s difficult but an imperative duty which on your behalf we, a who are here assembled, have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long years of alienation and of conflict, we have come together from every State and every section of our land, as citizens of a common coun try, under that flag, the symbol again of a common glory, to consult together how best to cement and p 6rpetua l e , that Union which is again the object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. In the first place we invoke you to remember, always and everywhere, that the war is ended and the ns again at peace. (Loud applause.) The shock of con ation i tending arms no longer assails the shuddering heart of the republic. The insurrection against the supreme authority of the nation has been suppressed, and that authority has been again acknowledged by word and Act, in every State and by every citizen within its jurisdiction. (Applause.) We are no longer required or permitted to regard or treat each other as enemies. Not only have the acts of war been dis continued, and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentiments, the passions, the relations of war, have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad domain. We are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of one country, bound by the duties and obligations of a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor in terestsapartnon ' from a common destiny. The duties that de volve pon us now are again the duties of peace, and no o lono.e r the duti es o f war We have assembled here to take counsel concer n i ng th e interests of peace ; to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have is the work nct of sprung up in its fiery track. This passion, but of calm and soberjudgment ; not of resentment for offences prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason w r a e t scribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates t cannot prevent, and builds its plans and its hopes for the . uture rather upon a community of interest and ambition than f upon distrust and the weapons of force. (Great applause.) In the next place, we call upon you to recognise in their full significance, and to accept with all theirn just titimate consequerces, the political results of the war Tfn two most im p ortant particulars the victory achieved 8 1 th e national Govern ment has been final and de c i s i ve. Fi rst, b it has established beyond all further controversy, and L the highest of all hu man sanctions, the absolute Supremac y of the national Government, as defined and limited by the Constitution of the United States, and the permanent integrity and indissolubility of tho Federal Union as a necessary consequence ; and second, it had put an end finally and for ever to the existence of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. Both these points became directly involved in the contest, and controversy upon Loth was ended absolutely and finally by the result. In the third place, we deem it of the utmost importance that the real character of the war and the victory by which it was closed should be accurately understood. The war was carried on by the Goverment of the United States in maintenance of its own authority and in defence of its own existence, both of which were menaced by the insur rection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accomplished that result. The Govern ment of the United States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territories, and over all the States and people within its jurisdiction, which the Con stitution confers upon it ; but it acquired thereby no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights either of terri- tonal possession or of civil authority which it did not possess before the rebellion broke out. (Applause.) All the rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either in express terms or by fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the Federal arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. The Government . _ of the United States acted throughout the war on the de fensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war nor the victory by which it was closed changed in any way the Constitution of the United States. The al ar was carried on by virtue of its provisions, and under the limitations which they prescribe, and the result of the war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or release that Government from the restrictions which it has imposed. The Constitution of the United States is to-day pre cisely as it was before the war, the "supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding ;." and to-day, also, precisely as before the war, all the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the general Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are "reserved to the several States, or to the people thereof." This position is vindicated not' only by the essential nature of our Government, and the language and spirit of the Constitution, but by all the acts and the language of our Government, in all its departments, and at all times from the outbreak of the rebellion to its final overthrow. In every message and proclamation of the Executive it was explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain the authority of the Constitution and to preserve the integrity of the Union ; and Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance that, whenever this object should be attained, war should cease, and all the States should retain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since the war has ceased that other rights have been asserted on behalf of one department of the general Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress that, in addition to the powers conferred upon it by the Constitution, the Federal Government may now claim over the States, the territory and the people involved in the insurrection, the rights of war, the right of conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions, and laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations, and deprivations as the legisla tive departments of the Government may see fit to impose. Under this broad and sweepipg claim that clause of the Constitution which provides that "no State shall without its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate of the United States" has been annulled, and ten States have been refused, and are still refused, representation altogether in both branches of the Federal Congress. And the Congress in which only a part of the States and the people of the Union are repre sented has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from representation, and from all share in making their own laws or choosing their own rulers, until they shall comply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress thus composed may itself prescribe. That right has not only been asserted, but it has been exercised, and is prac tically enforced at the present time. Nor does it find any support in the theory that the States thus excluded are in rebellion against the Government, and are therefore pre cluded from sharing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the Government, and of sworn allegiance to the Constitution of the United States. In no one of them is there the slighest indication of resistance to this authority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding obliga tion. This condition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognised by solemn proclamation of the executive de partment. The laws of the United States have been exsi tended by Congress over all these States and the people thereof. Federal Courts have been re-opened, and Fede ral taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except that they are denied representation in Congress and the Electoral College, the States once in rebellion are recog nised as holding the same position, as owing the same obligations, and subject to the same duties as the Other States of our common Union. It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgment that we can bring to the Subject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrow of the authority of the Constitution, and as complete a destruction of the Government and Union, as that which was sought to be effected by the States and people in armed insurrection against them both. It cannot escape observation that the power thus as3erted to exclude certain States from representation is made to rest wholly in the will and discretion in the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon any specified conditions or cir cumstances, not to be subject to any rules and regulations whatever. The address then recites the course adopted by the pre sent Congress towards the States recently in rebellion, and proceeds to discuss the Constitutional questions in volved, claiming that because of the connection of its people with rebellion, no State forfeited its Constitutional right to representation—which representation the address declares is imposed as a duty essential to the existence of the Government and the maintenance of its authority. The act of withdrawal of Southern representatives from Con gress was an act of rebellion committed when the insurrec tion was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor the duty to be represented was in the least impaired by the fact of insurrection ; but it may have been that by reason of the insurrection on the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty for the time depended could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. An insurgent Power, in the exercise of usurped and unlawful authority iu the territory under its control, had prohibited that allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States which is made by the fundamental law the essential condition of representation in its government. No man within the insurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and, as a necessary consequence, no man could lawfully represent those States in the councils of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the enjoy ment of the right and to the discharge of the duty —it did not annul the one nor abrogate the other; and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by which it was created had been overthrown, and the States had again resumed their allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States. The right of Congress to exercise the power of conquer ors where a domestic insurrection has been suppressed is next discussed. The functions of the Government during the rebellion are shown to have been in full operation, hence its lawful jurisdiction was complete, thereby pre serving and defending the Constitution,.which can only be enlarged or abridged by the words prescribed in that instru ment, and is not made contingent upon the party or sectional exigencies or forbearance of the hour. We need not stop to show that such action not only finds no warrant in the Constitution, but is at war with every principle of our Government, and with the very ex istence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical practice which has rendered fruitless all attempts hitherto to establish and maintain free government in Mexico and he States of South America. Party necessities assert _ . . . themselves as superior to the fundamental law, which is set aside in reckless obedience to their behests. Stability, whether in the exercise of power, in the administration of governments, or in the enjoyment of rights, becomes im poss!ble ; and the conflicts of party, which, under consti tional government are the conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the conflicts of arms to which they • directly and inevitably tend. The claim that the suppression of an insurrection against the Government gives additional authority and power to that Government, especially that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from representation in the national coun cils, without which the nation itself can have no autho rity and no existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principles of the Constitution and with the public safety. The address next discusses the power of Congress to prescribe amendments te b to e the mostConstitutiony ff eeesl a wi e t c h t o e u d t tbhye suchcon currence amendments, and declares suclianbyeaxneyrctibseing in of power, past a usurpation not justifi ed or palliated th l e t fi fu u n d d s i n tna ° eta war rantbis toinry the ethose Constitution. mostaffecltte isd by at s iv u e c r h w ac itu t b s. • • les of our form of government.principtolerated in one liberty nstailw a , n i d t c be o n co s t m i t e u s t i t o h n e a pi r ri e g ced bt e d n e t for pen future ions e i l n y v t aio ip s ee n sof the be directw ill of andtpartyhenec enecessary e ! ,r y n ee possession cieen ee, to ef the po mostwer, an f a d te t h l a u e s leads, by :aspebleesoifblaellpetlyitraienanl e tyrannies— the tyranny of shifting and irre sponsible It is against this, th formidable effreegev o e f re al e l le t n h t e , tb da et ng t e b r e s wceheicehtitmeteine yeefthtebestability d States was intended most carefully to provide. We de mand a strict and steadfast adherence to its provisions . In this, and in this alone, can we find a basis of permanent Union and peace. Fourth—But it is alleged in justification of the usurpa tion which we condemn, that the condition of the Southern States and people is not such as renders safe their read mission to a share in the government of the country; that they are still disloyal in sentiments and purpose, and that neither the honour, the credit, nor the interests of the nation would be safe if they were readmitted to a share in its councils. This plea rests upon a complete misappre hension, or an unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm, that there is no section of the country where the Constitution and laws of the United States find a more prompt and entire obedience than in those States, and among those people who were lately in arms against them; or where there is less purpose or dan ger of any future attempt to overthrow their authority. It would seem to be both natural and inevitable that, in States and sections so recently Swept by the whirlwind of war, HIE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 1, 1866. where all the ordinary modes and methods of organised industry have been broken up, and the bonds and influences that guarantee social order have been destroyed—whore ,housands and tens of thousands of turbulent spirits have been suddenly loosed from the discipline of war, and thrown without resources or restraint upon a disorganised and chaotic society, and where the keen sense of defeat is added to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a time the imperfect discipline of law, and excite anew the fears and forebodings of the patriotic and well-disposed. It is unquestionably true that local dis turbances of this kind, accompanied by more or less of vio lehce, do still occur. But they are confined entirely to the cities and larger towns of the Southern States, where different races and interests are brought most closely in contact, and where passions and resentments are always most easily fed and fanned into outbreak; and even there they are quite as much the fruit of untimely and hurtful political agitation as of any hostility on the part of the • people to the authority of the national Government. But the concurrent testimony of those best acquainted with the condition of society and the state of public senti ment in the South—including that of its representatives in this Convention—establishes the fact that the great mass of the Southern people accept, with as full and sincere sub mission as do the people of the other States, the re-esta blished supremacy of the national authority, and are pre pared, in the most loyal spirit, and with a zeal quickened alike by their interest and their pride, to co-operate with other States and sections in whatever may be necessary to defend the rights, maintain the honour, and promote the welfare of our common country. History affords no in stance where a people, so powerful in numbers, in resources, and in public spirit, after a war so long in duration, so de structive in its progress, and so adverse in its issue, have accepted defeat and its consequences with so much of good faith as has marked the conduct of the people lately in in surrection against the United States. Beyond all question this has been largely due tothe wise generosity with which their enforced surrender was accepted by the President of the United States and the generals in immediate command of their armies, and to the liberal measures which were afterwards taken to restore order, tranquillity, and, law to the States where all had for the time been overthrown. No steps could have been better calculated tocommand the respect, win the confidence, revive the patriotism, and secure the permanent and affectionate allegiance of the people of the South to the Constitution and laws of the Union than those which have been so firmly taken and so steadfastly pursued by the President of the United States. (Great applause.) No people has ever yet existed whose loyalty and faith such treatment long continued would not alienate and im pair. And the ten millions of Americans who live in the South would be unworthy citizens of a free country, dege nerate sons of an heroic ancestry, unfit ever to become guardians of the rights and liberties bequeathed to us by the fathers and founders of this republic, if they could ac cept, with uncomplaining submissiveness, the humiliations thus sought to be imposed upon them. Resentment of in justice is always and everywhere essential to freedom ; and the spirit which prompts the States and people lately in insurrection, but insurgent now no longer, to protest against the imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all the more worthy to share in the Govern ment of a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer assur ance of the future power and freedom of the republic. (Immense applause.) [This demonstration of applause induced the Hon. Reverdy Johnson to move a request that Mr. Raymond read the foregoing paragraph a second time.] For whatever responsibility the Southern people may. have incurred in resisting the authority of the national Government and in taking up arms for its overthrow, they may be held to answer, as individuals, before the judicial tribunals of the land, and for that conduct, as societies and organised communities, they have already paid the most fearful penalties that can fall on offending States in the losses, the sufferings, and humiliations of unsuccessful war. But whatever may be the guilt or the punishment4f the conscious authors of the insurrection, candour and common justice demand the concession that the great mass of those who became involved in its responsibility acted upon what they believed to be their duty, in defencd of what they had been taught to believe their rights, or under a compulsion physical and moral, which they were powerless to resist. Nor can it be amiss to remember that, terrible as have been the bereavements and losses of this war, they have fallen exclusively upon neither section and upon neither party—that they have fallen, indeed, with greater weight upon those with whom the war began; that in the death of relatives and friends, the dispersion of families, the dis ruption of social systems and social ties, the overthrow of Governments, of law and of order, the destruction of pro perty, and Of forms and modes and means of industry, the loss of political, commercial, and moral influence, in every shape and form which great calamities can assume, the States and people which engaged in the war against the Government of the United States have suffered tenfold more than those who remained in allegiance to its Consti tution and laws. These considerations may not, as they certainly do not, justify the action of the people of the insurgent States ; but no just or generous mind will refuse to them very considerable weight in determining the line of conduct which the Government of the United States should pm sue towards them, They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without sullen resentment, the defeat and overthrow they have sustained. They acknowledge and acquiesce in the results to themselves and the country which that defeat involves. They avow their willingness to share the burdens and discharge all the duties and obligations which rest upon them, in common with other States and other sections of the Union ; and they renew, through their representatives in this Convention, by all their public conduct, in every way, and by the most solemn acts by which States and Societies can pledge their faith, their engagement to bear true faith and allegiance, through all time to come, to the Constitution of the United States, and to all laws that may be made in pursuance thereof. Fellow-countrymen ! We call upon yon, in full reliance upon your intelligence and your patriotism, to accept, with generous and ungrudging confidence, this full surrender on the part of those lately in arms against your authority, and to share with them the honour and renown that await those who bring back peace and concord to jarring States. The war just closed, with all its sorrows and disasters, has opened a new career of glory to the nation it has saved. It has proved to us beyond controversy or doubt, by the course pursued towards both contending sections by foreign Powers, that we must be the guardians of our own independence, and that the principles of republican free dom we represent can find among the nations of the earth no friends or defenders but ourselves. We call upon you, therefore, by every consideration of your own dignity and safety, and in the name of liberty throughout the world, to complete the work of restoration and peace which the President of the United States has so well begun, and which the policy adopted and the principles asserted by the present Congress alone obstruct. The time is close at hand when members of a new Congress are to be elected. If that Congress shall perpetuate this policy, and, by excluding loyal States and people from re- presentation in its halls, shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative powers of the Government are now exercised, common prudence compels us to anticipate aug mented discontent, a sullen withdrawal from the duties and obligations of the Federal Government, internal dis sension and a general collision of sentiments and preten sions which may renew, in a still more fearful shape, the civil war from which we have just emerged. We call upon you to interpose your power to prevent the re currence of so transcendent a calamity. We call upon you in every Congressional district of every State to secure the election of members who, whatever other differences may characterise their political action, and unite in recog nising the right of every State of the Union to represen tation in Congress, and who will admit to seats in either branch every loyal representative from every State in allegiance to the Government, who may be found by each House, in the exercise of the power conferred upon it by the Constitution, to have been duly elected, returned, and qualified for a seat therein. When this shall have been done the Government will have been restored to its integrity, the Constitution of the United States will have been re-established in its full supremacy, and the American Union will have again be come what it was designed to be by those who formed it, a sovereign nation, composed of separate States, each like itself, moving in a distinct and independent sphere, exer cising powers defined and zeserved by a common Consti tution, and resting ipon the assent, the confidence, and t is .caannd ean teeor co-operation of all the Statep and all the people subject authority.m intomT 0 : a u sf interestr atorfraternal a Ituhs reorganisedpepoir andenlargement wh at whatever e e va s et commonor r reformse o d f t popular o theirpur pose the • constitutional relations, the States anctthe general Govern mentls bceurrtiyt and of the personal rights, perfection of our Republican institutions may yd emand. The several Committees appointed by the Chair were and Com m for t t e New the members then announced. Of the UnionNaisitieolnvajlersey; n Exec ut Johnive Com mittee, York o T r k . Crowell, are, Robert of H Orwyn andh Tilden. For New Jersey—John T. C rowe ll and Tre el o J. . F. Randall. The following compose the Resident Executive Com mittee at Washington : —Hon. Montgomery Blair of Mary land ; lion. Charles Mason, of lowa ; Ward B. Lamon, of the District of Columbia ; John F. Coyle, of the District of Columbia; A. E. Perry, of the District of Columbia; Samuel Fowler, of the District of Columbia; Cornelius' Wendell, of the District of Columbia ; Colonel James It. O'Beirne, of the District of Columbia. lion. iteverdy Johnson was appointed by the Committee to wait on the President. After some further proceedings of an unimportant nature, the President of the Convention then said:— Gentlemen of this Convention, —For the kindness and courtesy by which you have sustaine d the chair in the efforts to which, by your resolution, you have been pleased to allude, I return you my most sincere thanks. Before putting that motion wh ich shall terminate the _ pro ceedings of this Convention, I sh all ask you once more to- join in prayer with the Rev. Mr. Elliott, invoking the beziediction of Almighty God, by whose support we are sure of success, but without which w e should inevi tably fall. The Rev. Mr. Elliott thereupon made an eloquent prayer. The Chair then, at half-past twelve o'clock, put the question,7: and announced that the Convention stood ad journed elm die. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. MONIIOUTHSHIRE. The directors of this company have determined on recommending to the shareholders a dividend at the rate of 6 per cent. per annum with 61 per cent. in the previous and corresponding half-years. The decrease in the dividend is mainly attributable to a large outlay for relaying. BRISTOL AND NORTH SOMERSET. The haly-yearly general meeting of this company was held yesterday at Bristol ; Mr. J. Colthnrst in the chair. Air. J. Bingham, secretary, read the report, which expressed regret that in consequence of the unexampled financial crisis they were seriously hin dered in procuring the funds necessary for proceed ing with the works, and accordingly the contractors, with the consent of the directors, stopped them in the early part of the summer. The directors anti cipate the early resumption of operations, and hoped that the railway might be opened for traffic early in the ensuing summer. Zhe report referred to the working agreement with the Great Western Com pany, by which the latter undertake to work the rail way at a favourable proportion of the receipts, to guarantee a fixed sum towards the deben ture interest, and to lay down the nar row gauge over the Wilts, Somerset, and Wey mouth Railway to the south. In consequence of the illness of the accountant of the company the preparation of the accounts had been delayed until too late to enable the auditors to complete their labours in time' for the present meeting; but they would be placed in the hands of the shareholders shortly. _ _ The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the re port, referred to the agreement made by them with the Great Western Company, and expressed his be lief that it would be beneficial to both parties that the line would be opened early in the summer, and that it would ultimately prove a remunerative un dertaking. Mr. T. SMITH seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously. A resolution was also unanimously passed to in demnify those directors who bad incurred liabilities in the construction of the line. The meeting was then made special, to consider the agreement made between the two companies ; and it was unanimously agreed to. A third resolution, authorising the directors to ex ercise borrowing powers, was unanimously agreed to. Thanks to the chairman terminated the proceed ings. EAST SOMERSET. The report states that there has been a steady in crease of the traffic. The gross earnings for the half year ended June 30 last amounted to £3,287, which after deducting the fixed sum of £1,032 applicable for interest on debenture debt and rent charges leaves £1,353, or 60 per cent. of the balance, to the Great Western Company, and £902, or 40 per cent., to this company. The directors recommend that a di vidend be declared on the preference shares at the rate of 31 per cent. per annum, free of income tax. They anticipate that the receipts of the next half year will entirely extinguish their liabilities, and meantime they propose the continued application of dividends towards such extinguishment, and to credit the account of each preference shareholder with the amount of his dividend, for which a preference share will be issued in his name when the sum so credited shall amount to £lO. The capital account shows a total receipt of £158,004, and a total expenditure of £158,728, leaving a balance of £724 due to bankers. MANCHESTER AND MILFORD. The half-yearly meeting was held yesterday at the office, Cannon-row, Westminster; Mr. J Barrow in the chair. The Secretary read the report, which stated that a further "portion of the line, about 15 miles, from Lampeter to Strata Florida, had been opened for passenger traffic since the last meeting. Arrange ments had been made with the Carmarthen and Cardigan Railway Company for goods and mineral traffic being worked by this company on the narrow gauge on a new line which had been completed from Carmarthen to Pencader Junctions. Great pro gress had been made in the works authorised by the act of 1865, and this part of the line would be so far completed as to allow of the whole line being opened to Aberystwith for goods and mineral traffic at an early period. The CHAIRMAN moved, and Mr. MOON seconded, the adoption of the report, which was agreed to. A resolution was then adopted empowering the ' directors to raise £15,300, in addition to the pre sent capital of £550,000, by the issue of 1,350 pre ference shares of £lO each, and the proceedings ter minated. BRIDGNORTH AND WOLVERHAMPTON. The first ordinary meeting of this company was held yesterday at the office, Bank-buildings, Loth bury; Sir J. Acton in the chair. The CHAIRMAN said the directors had no report to present, but he might inform the shareholders that the object of this company to have a line in connection with the "„Shropshire system had been accomplished. The state of the money market had prevented any progress being made. Things were now taking a turn, and the work would be pro ceeded with. Mr. PIERCY said that this line would form an im portant link in the Welsh railway system and work ing in conjunction with the Cambrian on the south, and the Bracon line on the north, the success of the undertaking was insured. Sir J. Acton, and Messrs. J. Everett, E. Perry, J. W. Johns, Watkins, and H. Gartside were elected directors, and the remuneration was fixed at £750 per annum. The 'beefing was adjourned to the 26th October ; when a report will be presented. WHITEHAVEN, CLEATOR, AND EGREMONT. The half-yearly meeting was held at Whitehaven on Thursday ; Mr. A. B. Steward in the chair. The report stated that the receipts for the half year had been £20,619 and the working expenses £8,466, being only 41 per cent., inclusive of rates and taxes. There was £9,940 available for dividend, out of which the directors recommended the payment of 10 per cent. The extension from Egremont and Sellafield was passed last session, and the directors had instructed the engineers to proceed at once with the plans. The Marron branch had been opened for traffic during the half-year, from which a favourable return on the capital expended might be expected. The Bigriggbranch had been proceeded with, and the directors expect a remunerative traffic on that branch. The CHAIRMAN moved the adoption of the report, which was agreed to. A dividend at the rate of 10 per cent. less income tax on the capital paid-up to the 30th June last was declared, payable on the 15th September next. Mr. Lindow, Mr. Stirling, and Mr. Dees, the re tiring directors, were re-elected ; and Mr. Jobling auditor. A vote of thanks to the chairman con cluded the proceedings. MERTHYR, TREDEGAR, AND ABERGAVENNY. The 15th half-yearly meeting was held at Aber gavenny on Thursday ; Captain Hill in the chair. The directors' report stated that all points of dif ference with the lessees (the London and North- Western Company) had been settled; and the Bill for merging this company in the London and North- Western had received Parliamentary sanction, and took effect on July 1 last. The shares of the Mer thyr, Tredegar, and Abergavenny would shortly be exchanged by the London and North-Western for 5 per cent. perpetual preference stock in that com pany. The rent charges for the half-year ending June 30 would be received in a few days, and a dividend was recommended at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum, less income-tax, payable on Sept. 14. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, said this would be their last meeting, and he congratulated the shareholders on having arrived at such an arrangement with the London and North- Western. The report was unanimously adopted, and the dividend, as recommended, declared. _ _ A vote of thanks to the chairman brought the' proceedings to a close. SOUTH YORKSHIRE. The Thorne Extension of the South Yorkshire Railway was inspected on Thursday by one of the inspectors of the. Board of Trade, who was accom panied by Mr. J. B. Renton, the secretary, and Mr. Swettenham, the engineer. The line was approved, and the directors have fixed the opening for Sept. 10 next. A new route will be opened by this route, via the Trent and Ancholme Railway, between Liverpool and Manchester and Grimsby, and it will also connect the West Riding line with that port by a junction at Barnby Dun, near Doncaster. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMES.—There is a touch of Irish humour even I in the most desperate proceedings of the American Fenians. Untaught by experience, undismayed by their recent failure, they announce another inva sion in Canada. This new expedition, indeed, they promised at the time of their late repulse, but whereas they also promised entire secrecy in the business, they have been unable to redeem their pledges of discretion. They actually advertised their expedi tion all over the States as " a pic-nic, with military exercises," and the entertainment was to come off at Buffalo last Tuesday week. They even reckoned up their company for the better information of all whom it might concern, and announced that " 10,000 persons were expected to be present." There is, as we have said, something humorous about such a conceit, but the affair has its trouble some aspect also, and we read accordingly that three battalions of Canadian Volunteers, a battery of Artillery, a regiment of the Line, and the body guard of the Governor-General were ordered to the Niagara district to see that the " pic-nic" on the other side of the water went off quietly. "No hostile demonstration," as we hear, was made this time, but reinforcements, partially, at least, armed with breach-loaders, are nevertheless, to be despatched to Canada, in anticipation of more serious proceed ings. This new invasion was threatened before the prorogation of the Canadian Parliament, and measures were taken by the Assembly for the or ganisation of the colonial defences and the security of the menaced frontier. The votes made for these purposes were acknowledged by the Governor- General to be ample, the efficiency of the Volun teers will be promoted by improved armament and equipment, and the patriotism of the force has been encouraged by awards of compensation for losses in the recent raids. It is also especially satis factory to observe that the Colonial Government has now undertakken au obligation which should have been discharged by the late Admiralty, and has placed gunboats upon the lakes and rivers. A good flotilla of these vessels would furnish the colony with the best possible defence on the American frontier, just as the absence of such a squadron would provide an enemy with the greatest oppor tunities of mischief. The Canadians voted upwards of £25,000 for the establishment of this river patrol, and four boats, hastily equipped, but manned and armed from the Queen's ships on the station, are already engaged in this protective service. Three gunboats, too, from England have now, we are told, arrived at Kingston ; so that measures which should have been adopted long ago aro at last coming into operation. Nobody supposes that the Fenians are going to conquer Canada, but the " senseless movement," as the Address of the Cana dian Parliament termed it, is throwing heavy ex penses on the colony, and making some demands upon the Government at home. The colony is strong enough to give any such brigands a wholesome les son, but the conditions of the conspiracy are such that the trouble may be considerable. Fenianism is now a weed of eight years' growth. The whole of that time has been spent by practised agitators in organising a population instinctively disposed to plots, and _ in playing upon the confidence of the most credulous rage in the world. A secret oath which it was rather a pleasure to take, and a smal subscription which it was not difficult to pay, con. stituted all that was demanded of the novices o Fenianism. In return they received assurances of the conquest of Ireland, the humiliation of Eng land, and the triumph of a cause. Nor must it be forgotten that through a considerable portion of this period the Fenian agitation was treated with something more than connivance by a section of Americans who resented our attitude during the Cifil War, and who regarded a rupture with this country as no impossible occurrence. The Fenians, in short, were led to expect that the hour was at hand when they might play the part of Confe derates, with Americans for neutrals and English men for enemies. For the disappointment of these calculations we have to thank the loyalty and good faith of President Johnson's Government, bat the movement is still carried on by the impulse which it then received. Our readers are aware that the Fenians themselves are split into two factions on the question. All are sworn alike to the promotion of that conspiracy which is to subvert not only Go vernment but civilisation in Ireland, and inaugurate murder, confiscation, and pillage instead ; but all are not agreed upon the means most likely to con duce to these ends. Mr. James Stephens, the original " Head Centre" and undoubted chief of the whole conspiracy, maintains that the Irish Go- vernment can Only be subverted by an insurrection in Ireland, and that an Irish Republic must neces sarily be the fruit of a successful rebellion. This he undertakes, if adequately supported, to organise and conduct, pledging himself to be " fighting British troops in Ireland" before the year is out, if the American Fenians will but obey his instructions and conform to his plans. But this advice is de nounced as impracticable, and even traitorous, by the.opposite faction, which, with Roberts for its President and Sweeny for its military chief, advo cates the policy of attacking Canada, and organises the invasion of which we have already had a speci men. The Fenians of this faction have been per suaded to attempt a lodgment on colonial soil, in order that thus, having established a Government on territory in their own occupation, they may be recognised as " belligerents," enjoy the "neutrality" of their neighbours, and despatch Fenian privateers from the provincial ports to prey upon the com merce of Britain. This plan, probably from a com bination of reasons, has found the greatest favour with the conspirators in America. It reproduces with gratifying exactitude the alleged relations of this country and the United States during the civil war ; it is so far practicable that it has been once actually attempted, and, as we now see, is to be attempted again ; and it provides immediate occupation for such disbanded soldiers of the Fede ral and Confederate armies as look back with regret to the trade they have quitted. It might have been expected, perhaps, that the results of .the last expe dition would have discouraged the conspirators, but it must be remembered that they have only a choice of difficulties before them. Something or other, either in Ireland or in America, they must needs do, if Fenianism is to be kept alive, and subscriptions are to come in. If they will not follow Stephens, they must follow Roberts, or .give up the whole thing' together. That the latter course must be adopted sooner or later may be sure enough, but in the meantime, as money is still coming in and leaders are still boastful, the colony is once more put upon its defence. It is a serious infliction upon the Cana dians, but they have entered upon the necessary measures with excellent spirit. TIIE " ANGLO -AMERICAN TIMES." -- Lieute nant-General Sir William Mansfield K.C.8., is Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army. This officer is a man of proved ability—not so much as a soldier, as a politician and financier. During the Indian mutiny he served as Lord Clyde's Chief of the Staff, and from his admirable powers of combination, directed with extraordinary success the movements of numerous columns acting hundreds of miles apart, though all working with one object. He was given the Command-in-Chief at Bombay, where he distinguished himself by able speeches and papers on questions of great financial interest, and was soon recognised in that Presidency as the most able statesman there. From this scene early last year, Sir William being promoted to the Command-in-Chief in India, took up his residence at Simla. This great Himalaya sanitary station is a hot-bed of all the vices of Indian society, without one of the counteracting influences. In Simla are grouped for the greater part of the year the aristo cracy of the services, the wealth of .the ruling race on the Bengal side, all those who shirk work, who skirk exposure, who love pleasure, and who have money to spend. The Viceroy with all his court, the Commander-in-Chief with all his staff, Lieute nant-Governors, Generals of Division, Commis sioners, and Brigadiers swell the gay throng with innumerable young officers of both the civil and military services, and all the ladies, with or without their husbands, who can obtain the funds for their six months' sojourn on this fascinating height, backed by its giant chain of mountains covered with eternal snow. A person must have a strong belief in the ex cellence of human nature who imagines that such a society will " bill and coo" in the mountains with the innocence of doves. Billing and cooing there is to any extent; pecking, backbiting, intrigues, slander, and open war to an equal extent ; and when the multitude get hold of a promising case —as a boy rolls up a snowball, increasing in magnitude as it goes, so grows the scandal, till it rolls into the plains a perfect avalanche, the noise of which is echoed all over the Empire. A woman is generally the nucleus on which the ball is formed, and a wo man, we believe, was at the bottom of the present case. Captain Jervis had for years, as is usual with one of the aides-de-camp, superintended his Excellency's household affairs. The newspapers have condemned the practice of converting a mill- ' tary officer into a houSehold steward, but they do not understand the system established abroad in the houses of the great public functionaries. In all communities where a group of officers live at a com mon table, one of the members is elected to cater and control the expenditure, and in India part of that duty often consists in managing a mutton and poultry farm, to secure better meat for the table than can be procured at the bazaars. It :is usual, in a country where this meat keeps but a very short time, to send round a book, iu which certain jaints are specified—the surplus open—for the selection of those in whose hands the book is placed. Sir William directed Captain Jervis to form one of these farms, and the " Aide" proceeded in the usual manner. A number of lean sheep are bought from the grazier—folds are erected—a supply of gram laid in, two or three shepherds are engaged, and more lean sheep purchased as the fat ones are con sumed. An average of the expense is struck, and the cost of the animal when fit for table is ascer tained. This is the price charged to those residents to whom the surplus is sold. The aide-de-camp keeps in his Excellency's store pickles, preserves, hams, tongues, &c., which are generally ordered direct from England, together with the wines, which make up a formidable item in the expense of a large In dian establishment—the more so when far up the country, as at Simla. The whole system is familiar to all regimental messes, and it is considered no more degrading to carry out this work for the " Chief" than for one's brother officers. The story which follows is not rightly understood without this pre liminary explanation. It appears Captain Jervis went on a short leave, when his. Excellency's Eng lish butler, who probably did not understand the " manners and customs" of India, took advantage of his absence to bring charges of peculation against this officer. These charges were preferred through Lady Mansfield, and probably an undue influence brought to bear on the Commander in-Chief. The wise, the brilliant, the sedate Sir William seems to have lost his head. The officer was condemned in his absence, and no explanation allowed. He was placed under arrest, refused an interview, Sir William declaring he should not be permitted to come under his roof so long as he laboured under such grave imputations of theft. A Court of Inquiry was ordered, and Captain Jervis directed to appear before it. Enraged, however, at the extraordinary position in which he had been placed, and the powerful combination brought to bear against him, he foolishly refused, and demanded a Court-martial. The tendency of such disputes is to grow, and the case was a charming one for Indian society. All India rushed into the line of battle with a zest which those only can feel who have been subjected to the dull routine of Indian life. The Editors of the Mofussil papers would have paid a handsome sum for such a case. Here was matter for leaders—for letters—for sensational paragraphs. On one side was involved a great and renowned functionary, on the other the honour and rights of a member of a vast body. Was the Com mander-in-Chief to be permitted by his ipse dixit to blacken the fame and ruin the prospects of a British officer, who happened to be serving on his staff, because members of his household had taken a dislike to the gentleman and intrigued for his ruin ? As the dispute grew in its proportions the princi pals became envenomed. The Chief determined to crush the supposed culprit by the exercise of his official power. The culprit determined to make an example of the Chief by an appeal to the civil awe of the land. A Court-martial was assembled for the trial of Captain Jervis, on various charges of stealing wine, sausages, jam, and pickles ; and, on the other hand, two actions were commenced by Captain Jervis, in the Civil Court, against the Commander-in-Chief—the one. for money due to to him, the other for defamation of character. The Court-martial sat at Simla, and the members had the honour of being entertained by Lady Mans field at a dinner party—a curious proceeding, con sidering the circumstances for which they were assembled. Sir William was subjected to a cross examination by counsel, which extended over five days, an ordeal, from which his Excellency emrged with a bad grace. He repeatedly insulted the pri soner, who appealed to the Court for protection, and the Chief had to submit to the humiliation of a strongly implied censure from his own subo r di na t e s, sitting in their judicial capacity. The first act of the drama is closed, and we presume the proceed ings have been forwarded for submission to the Queen, through his Royal Highness ;—and the second act will come off at Calcutta. OCCUPATIONS OF EMIGRANTS.-It appears from the official returns that last year 1,856 agricultural labourers, gardeners, carters, &c., emigrated ; of these 235 went to the United States, 54 to British North America, 1,525 to Australasia, and 42 to "all other places." The number of bakers, confectioners, &c., amounted to 330 ; of these 251 settled in the United States, 21 in British North America, 56 in Australasia, and 2 in "all other places." Blacksmiths and farriers numbered 319 ; of this number 125 went to the United States, 10 to British North America, 180 to Australasia, and 4 to "all other places." Bookbinders and stationers, 27 ; 14 to the United States, 2 to British North America, and 11 to Australasia. Boot and shoemakers, 726-viz., to the before-named places respectively, 418, 135, 152, and 1; braziers, tinsmiths, whitesmiths, &c., 411-375, 13, and 23 ; brick and tile makers, potters, &c., 37-22, 4, and 11; bricklayers, plasterers, masons, slaters, &c., 1,272-956, 67, 245, and 4 ; builders, 126-102, 2, 12, and 10 ; butchers, poulterers, s&c., - 156 -89, 10, 52, and 5 ; cabinetmakers and upholsterers, 32 -6, 1, and 25 ; carpenters and joiners, 2,334-1,425, 487, 415, and 7 ; carvers and gliders, 47-38, 1, and 8 ; clerks, 1,619-838, 422, 196, and 163 ; clock and watchmakers, 152-88, 55, 10, and 2 ; coachmakers and trimmers, 19-viz., 6 to the United States and 13 to Australasia ; coal miners, 484-455, 26, and 3 ; coopers, 183-147, 24,11, and 1; cutler; 60, allto the United States ; domestic servants, 232-111, 24, 63, and 34; dyers, 52 -47, 1,3, and 1; engine-drivers, stoker; &c., 41-21, 3, 11, and 6 ; engineers, 339-207, 28, 67, and 37 ; engravers, 27-25, 1, and 1; farmers, 6,334-4,460, 1,073, 669, and 132 ; gen tlemen, professional men, merchants, &c., 6,195-2,960, 1,157, 1,258, and 820; jewellers and silversmiths, 79 -72, 3,3, and 1; labourers, general, 53,966-41,994, 3,449, 8,287, and 236 ; locksmith; gunsmiths, &c., 15-10 to the United States, 1 to British North America, 4 to Australasia, and to "all other places" 1; millers, maltsters, &c., 116-89, 8, ,and 19 ; millwrights, 51-46, 1, and 4; miners and quarry men, 5,643 - 3,962, 771, 821, and 89; painters, paperhangers, plumbers, and glazier; 440 -338, 37, 64, and 1; pen sioners, 11-5, 1 and 5 ; printers, 164-119, 18, 24, and 3 ; ropemakers, 6-viz., to the United States 3, and to British North America 3 ; saddlers and harness-makers, 73, 51, 3, and 19 ; sailmakers, 6-3 to the United States and 3 to Aus tralasia ; sawyers, 70-14, 8, and 48 ; seamen, 356-214, 91, 43, and 8; shipwrights, 36-9, 6, 18, and 3; shop keepers, shopmen, &c., 532-304, 72, 114, and 42 ; smiths, general, 903-778, 31, 92, and 2 ; spinners and weavers, 764-666, 79, and 19 ; sugar-bakers, boilers, &c., 49-viz., 46 to the United States, 2 to Australasia, and 1 to " all other places ;" surveyors, 13-3, 1,8,1 ; tailor; 2,619- 2,037, 525, 54, and 3 ; tallow-chandlers and soap-makers, 1 -viz., to Australasia : tanners and curriers, 55, 22, 4, 17, and 2 ; turners, 39-36, 2, and 1; wheelwrights, 51-12, 1, and 38 ; woolcombers and sorter; 4-viz., 2 to the United States and 2to Australasia. Trades and professions not before specified, 4,322-2,734, 611, 908, and 69. Not distinguished, 9,725,-viz., 4,493 to the United States, 421 to British North America, 2,149 to Austra lasia, and 2,662 to " all other places." As regards the other six, 9,900 were returned last year as domestic and farm servants, nurses, &c ; of this number 5,459 emigrated to the United State; 198 to British North America, 4,057 to Australasia, and 186 to " all other places;" 784 were returned as gentlewomen and governesses, viz., to the before-named places respectively, 369, 138, 197, and 80. Milliner; dress maker; and needlowomen numbered 919,-810, 15, 91, and 3 ; married women, 23,959,-15,725, 1984, 5,179, and 1,071. Shopwomen, 9,-viz., to the United State; none to British North America, 3 to Austrlasia, and 1 to "all other places." Trades and professions not before specified, 72,--50, 3, and 19. Not distinguished, 27,021,-21,608, -1,863, 2,880, and 670. The number of boys under 12 taken abroad last year was 15,719,-viz., to the United States, 11,009, to British North America, 1,285 to Austra lasia, 3,054, and to "all other places," 371. The number of girls was 14,307-viz., to the before-named places re spectively, 10,084, 1,055, 2,814, and 354; male infants, 4,036, 3,048, 321, 598, and 69 ; female infant; 3,836, 2,847, 338, 604, and 47. The number of male chil dren not distinguished as to age was 3,664, of this number 2,866 were taken to the Unaited States, 177 to British North America, none to Australasia, and 621 to "all other, places." The number of female children not distinguished as to age was 2,066, 1,825 were taken to the United States, 50 to British North America, and 181 to "all other places." The total emigration was 209,801 -viz., to the United States, 147,258 ; to British North America, 17,211; to Australasia, 37,283 ; and to "all other places," 8,049; 61,345 were English, 12,870 Scotch, 100,676 Irish, 28,619 foreigners, and 6,291 not distin guished. Tho Irish emigrants formed 47.91 per cent. of the whole emigration, and 55.74 per cent. of the emigrants who went to the United States. There were among the Irish who went to the United States 31,943 single men, being in the proportion of 38.9 to the whole Irish emigra tion. ANOTHER SHOCKING CASE OF CHILD-WHIPPING. —The Oswego Times reports the brutal whipping of a lad about 12 years of uge by his father, a man named Euphra tes Lake of that city. Lake is a Seventh-day Baptist, and whipped his son in a shocking manner because ho did not want to work on Sunday; when told to do so by his father. It is said that a short time ago the same man turned out of doors his daughter, to years old, because she would not work on Sunday. Adah Isaacs Menken is playing at Nashville, Tennessee. BMW ds in America. Last Friday evening Pierre Carme gave a second exhi bition of billiards at his rooms on Broadway and Twenty second-street, the first having been given two weeks pre-. viously. The attendance was very large, numbering not less than four hundred of the leading amateur and profes sional players of the city, and the entertainment one of tire finest ever vouchsafed the lovers of artistic billiards. It had been expected that Michael Phelan and John McDe vitt would likewise exhibit their surpassing skill in hand ling the cue ; but the former had to leave town in the afternoon, and McDevitt, though present early in the even ing, did not play. Hence the labours and honours of the exhibition fell to Carme himself and young JohnW. Mont gomery, of the Eclectic Billiard Room, Third Avenue. The entertainment opened with a game between Carme and Montgomery, which the former won in about forty minutes. Such playing as that done by Carme during these forty minutes was never seen before, and probably wil l never be seen again. In six innings, and while Montgo mery scored nine points only, Came made nearly seven hundred, averaging 106 points to the inning. His bes t "runs" were 133 and 434. This playing was done on 5 second-size carom table, it is true ; but the performan ce will lose nothing of its merit, especially in the minds of experts, when it is known that the incomparably service able pushing shot was ignored altogether, and also that the balls were never " crotched"—i.e., wedged in a corner of a table. In the course of his run of 434, which is th e largest ever made in public by strictly legitimate or un questionably skilful means, the player had to make about a dozen masse shots. At the conclusion of the game, Carme transferred his field of operations to a full-sized carom table, upon which he executed a variety of his fancy strokes, such as jumping the cue-ball over another ball and causing it to returnan" effect a carom without the aid of the cushion ; making carom by sending the cue-ball around a hat; caroming by jumping into, upon, and over the hat ; caroming upon * ball held between the fingers of an assistant and som e three or four feet above the table ; caroming upon balls placed on top of champagne bottles without breaking the latter; playing from one table, and by first sending his ball through two hoops crossed, and then through a cir" ens balloon, effecting a carom by causing the cue-ball to take four cushions upon an adjoining table, &c. His con" eluding stroke was far the most intricate and marvellou s of all ; and if it had been necessary to convince the audience that Carme is a thorough master of his art, and has more of billiards at his finger-ends than any other expert in the States, if not in the world, the proof was ample in the con" which closed this portion of the entertainment. Placing nine flag-bearing bottles at as many different points of the table, he propels one after the other with the utmost rapidity six balls around the table with such nicety of force and direction as to commingle them in a specified corne r and within a marked radius of nine inches. While this stroke is being developed the six balls are in motion, souls of them taking five, some six, and one seven cushioned and though they pass, repass, go between, around, an dangerously near the bottles, it Is seldom that one is str uc " , and none have yet been broken. From the fact of the bottles being dressed off with petite American flags, an d balls used being of the national colours, Carme has hom e ; rously designated this six-movement stroke "The Re"' White, and Blue, or Yankee Doodle Shot." These fantastic strokes having been gone through with, the second-sized table was again brought into requisition: and Messrs. Carme and Montgomery played the conclud ing game, 150 points up, push-shot loaned. Carme won .t easily, Montgomery making but 41 points.— Wilkes' York Spirit of the Times. COUNTRY MARKETS. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. New wheat rather lower than on Friday last, but not depressed as on Tuesday. Old unaltered. No change other articles. LINCOLN.—FnwAY. Our market to-day was well supplied with wheat, PT cipally of the new crop, prices for which must be quote shade lower. The quality of new barley was irregulcuil prices consequently varied. Other kinds of gra't'e middling show, and quite as easy to purchase as oa previous week. .3 6 New white wheat, 49s to 53s ; new red, 45s to 48 s Po le , stone. Barley for malting, 36s to 41s per qr ; grnr„, to 33s to 33s per 30 stone. Oats, 29s to 335. Beans , u"" 53s per 38 stone. LIVERPOOL.—FRIDAY. and We had a fair attendance at our market to-d* wheat met a fair demand at Tuesday's rates. Flour steto. co Indian corn in good , request at previous rates. Oats " Oatmeal unchanged. Beans steady, DERBY—FRIDAY. A tolerable supply of wheat, which met with a 131 ', e' mand for good old sorts. Grinding barley was in ftU. 0; quest at extreme quotations. A middling supply of ~ rd old sorts were unchanged in value, new had a dow n to Beans a heavy trade. r 3 6 New white wheat, 50s to 54s ; old red, 45s to 49s Pe,: n o stone. Barley for malting, —s to —s per qr. ; gria r ,tto 28s to 31s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 27s to 295; old, : 4 ' 1 '43 32s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 50s to 535; new, 46s to per :38 stone. S TAMF ORD—FRIDAY. 0 93 With a fair supply wheat sold at downward rates, No t demand being limited. Barley a tolerable show. that many oats on offer. Beans a heavy trade. The crops O tt have been secured are of good quality. Wheat will b e average yield. r S 6 New white wheat, 48s to 52s ; red do., 46 s to 520 P e op stone. Barley, malting, 86s to 40s • grinding, 2 78 to o per qr. Oats, new, 24s to 288; old, 28s to 32s per 24 S t Beans, 48s to 50s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. BRISTOL SUGAR.—FurDAY." 09 The demand for sugar is steady, and a fair busines s o re been done at full prices. Refined goods of fine clua ll 'ia about 6d per cwt. lower. Rum—There is but littlo d° Prices unaltered. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of .the market. 0. di s. d. 20 0 Walls End Hetton 2l 6 Kelloe ................. •21 Eden Main South Hetton Braddyell's Hetton 2O 6 Ships at market, 36—sold, 35. Foreign Mall Packet List. MAILS DUE. eP t 191 Austr.alla and New Zealand, via Southampton..•••.a -- I; , ' Ditto, via Marseilles S ept. ~ 3. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet S ept ot. Ditto, by French packet . • P S ' Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena....be t 0. China, Penang, and Singapore , via Southampton..SeP v. 11 Ditto, via Marseilles. Sa t " Falkland Islands ,SeP t ' I. Gibraltar, via Southampton ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... Se p t 0. Ditto, via Marseilles . ........ " t. I%' India (Bombay), via Southampton. S ep t 6 Ditto, via Marseilles .. SeP..... 0, S P t ' ' Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton ....... -e , 13. Ditto, via Marseilles sePt t. : 9 31auritius, via Southampton Sep t , (3 , Ditto, via Marseilles ' 1 1 sap' . iiePt' Newfoundland .•.. , ..... t, .. Portugal ••• • •seP I Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. .... ..... United btates and British North America, by Bri- t . 6. tish packet . ........... . SeP Ditto, by United States packet, via South:M: l r ton Ditto, via Cork ..... t. Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry • • 6eP t. ia• West Coabt of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerife .... S e p West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Sep t seP lionduraa) SeP, t ' . ;6 Cuba and Mexico .. ...... b . , Bermuda, via Halifax ,pot Bahamas, via New 1' ork. ........................... P" The American Government is receiving l ',, r ts ' rable applications from antiquarians, &c., in all P g -, O' the world, desiring to obtain specimens of the voxi°r ° rency notes which it has issued during the late ; rt >" Births. ra - I' c' lb BOVILL —On the 30th ult., at Broomfields, Da— r if ° 0 . ' , -. the wife of Jas. H. Bovill, Esq., of a son. las e, HAWKSHAW— On the 30th ult., at 45, Eaton - P - 13. John C. llawkshaw, of a daughter. f J' . LUTLEY—On the 30th ult., at Oxford, the wife ° ire, Lutley, Esq., of Brockhampton, Herefordsh c gr ' daughter. a.setet, STEVENSON—On the 31st ult., at 62, Clecerolgl3 Hyde-park, the wife of N. Stvenson, Esq., 't' Marriages. ~,p,011°"1, EDWARDS—SKEEN — On the 30th ult., at Sf., '`,,,,- jtite„t Bayswater, Charles Stuart, youngest son or of ASZedliwa,adrdaus,ghEtsger.,ofofthSetlaantetolin.L3safe.y,skSeeanlo,%, s t c l ., of l' ..cii, deen. ClOci POPHAM—GIBSON— On the 29th nit., at the Pri ri 1 o f51!,4 1 Christchurch, Hants, o Harcourt F. P. PoP i l i rA 3lll t e i / ' Stourfield, Hants, only surviving son of the t,°o ' P?pham to Annie Kate Gibson, only child Gibson, t'L Gibson, Esq., of Greenhithe, Kent. O r. Deaths. vt , • FRIEND—On the 29th ult . jat 13, Pier Hotel, T OP PI eh Win. Friend, aged 57. _ or for' . t FORSTER—On the 30th ult., at Ewell, Surren . Mg., late of the Mauritius, aged 73. EA" GAIN—On the 29th ult., at Portsea, Edwar d (33ii)' of aged 84. 1 036' . KING— On the 25th ult., at Margate, Mr. Chas . rr. gbh Sheffield-gardens, Kensington, aged 45. t0 135 ' LAW—On the 25th ult., at King Cliffe, Northaral) 9,, i'l efi i F. Law, Esq., aged 83. M A K N e N n I s N i G n t 0 0 1 I l l : t jhaerte2B9thmainnsntilign,t her p iti hi a l i l e ira st o y r ,: 49 A.a cie : ec to;i o t Sergeant-at-law, aged 85. deo WOOLNOUGH—On the 29th inst , at North" u dotte ° the Yen. Edward Woolnoug•h, M.A., Alc Chester. Of t il l ' London : Printed and Published by WILLIA g . o t of No. 112, Strand , P rinter. at Tun Slu rf C dr f e c ' so o , Strand. in the Prttlinet of the SavoY. t ' - hl.iddleses.-- Saturday, September 1, 180. APTM KIN 4111 13111 lin s D ecie t It •-• r ize , oro l p ure, Bola e • th' ln A g ° l *l 'olegat el ge t r k G r itE A l th I NU T TIJA It ee Pro Vt AD aPPlie LET for Partin uhi r abl e Third C°UXT] Nss P a p s . 4 th at the P i ell -gar-sti C( Contra i C trIsT.,.„„B OF D l / 4 V, E D " DO th e i„ Will .: . 1! to Ul Po rt lestv, eDzea 01 tlio e fol vot at Tel . ; ...11; j r °r INN ‘' th e totiena f o 4 1. 1'1111 Parts, riii; l l.4l Y be ble n ; or fr or at P 'gent.; th - e tßon g r44 l ,, n Peet; " e he PD( ''ere -""'ePt 1( CU tole COM Ni t lIIC 0 11 rp ai n -13 11 P, D, 14'Y Will be D O 'SCON r e - "yard' l ;l1 4 1 1) 1.4114 and 111 ,at trrng toaDtion f, O tr) ° b a•rt M enl hTe r o etY, node lent t o , cjr,7ll `.l:!;alty, e tri z n r t t o , accc C e'l 42 1 1 en 0444 q. \._____. e()1\T1 the tea Bl~h , a kt , u le7 11 j 1) (4 1. ' 111 1 tl ke t 4 aYe ‘J',l l t he t)j IP o ,,la a tabl i „ of o'clry'o: at i ?c, wi ; Dart Boa bei l "es ht : k ir , on en 'a p'!Ch ti It - f n o c font ',„ B to 4 ap eu a , dr t o '°Weat ~'