The Sun. — London, England, 1848-09-01 00:00:00

means of defraying the funeral expenses, and the President of the Board cf Control, in answer to a I question which I put to hlrn stated, that 50 ; 000 rupees had been offered for that: purpose, and had been re fused, because not accompanied by a pledge to con tinue to the family the ten thousand rupees, monthly allowance, niade to the late Raja. Sir j. C. HOBIIOUSE—He would not give a realipt. Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON—Such, I under take to say, are not the real facts of the case. The money, I admit, was offered and declined ; but not for the reason stated, but because the agent would not take a receipt in the name of the adopted son, who was the only perso n entitled to receive or to acknowledge the proffered sum. lam also informed that other moneys have been declined for the same reason. I can scarcely suppose the Right lion. Gentleman to be so ill-informed respecting the laws and usages of the Ilindoos, as not to know that neither the Ranee nor the Minister could receive the iraaney, except in the name and by the authority of the son ; or that he can fail to be aware of the fact that the youth who has been adopted stands in pre cisely the same position as a son born of the body of the late Raja. Sir, I see no reason why 800 persons should be left without the means of sub sistence, because those upon whom they depend re fuse to violate the immemorial and universal custom of their own country.—(Hear.) If I have been rightly informed, the sum of 2,500 rupees, monthly, has been offered to the Raja's widow for the maintenance of her establishment. This, if it be the case, cannot be re ceived, except on behalf of her son, and in his name ; and if it could, it would be utterly insufficient for the support of the family and their 800 dependents. But, Sir, why is this course of treatment adopted, while the company are accountable before man and before God for the whole of the private property of which I have been speaking, and are at this moment in possession of the territory and revenues of Sattara ?—(Hear.) It may be said tha't the Baja had no rights, or that having died, his rights have died with him. But, Sir, the pledge that he shauld enjoy the possession of his private property, was given before his deposal—it was part and parcel of the measure decided upon—his private property was guaranteed in the very document that described him as a guilty man, and directed that he should be dethroned, and there is not a lawyer, either in this country or in India, who would dispute the Raja's right to adopt a son as his heir to the personal property of which he died possessed, or to which he might be declared legally entitled. We ask, therefore— and we have -reason, and justice, and the solemn pledge of a British governor, and all law human and divine on our side—that the property taken from the father at the time of his deposal be accounted for to his son and heir.— (Hear.) We ask, too, that, pending the question of sueuebssion to the raj, the living and legal representative of the late Raja shall enjoy the stipend assigned to his father. To what purpose more just and lawful can the revenues of Sattara be applied? But we ask more, and we think we do not ask too much. We ask that the - adopted son of the late Raja be placed on the guddee, and succeed to the sovereignty of his father, according to the treaty of 1819, by which the territory of Sattara, as an independent sovereignty, was ceded to Pertaub Shean ; his " heirs and successors in perpetuity." What says one of the highest authorities on this subject, the late Chairman of the Court of Directors, Mr. Tucker : " . Admitting that the liaja was guilty of an infrac tion of the treat, it does not follow that it was such as to cause his blood to be attainted. If the Raja should have no legitimate issue, it was competent to him to adopt, and his heir might be perfectly itmo cent, awl be justly entitled to the inheritance under the treaty." And again he says : " The Government of Bombay seem to anticipate that the principality may escheat at no distant period to our Government by the demise of Appa Sahib ; ,but the principality is hereditary, and should the R aja leave no issue or natural hei7s, he may adopt, and adoption with a llindoo is not only a right but a duty. I have the highest authority for stating, that even in the case of a fief or dependency, a legal adoption cannot be barred by the Government or i t ord paramount." These opinions I know to be those of gentlemen profoundly versed in questions relating to adop tion amongst the Hindoos. Let me quote one other passage, taken from the petition presented by the Hon. Member for Montrose the other night, and signed by a number of respectable and influential East India proprietors. They say by their petition, " That the raj (kingdom) of Sattara having re cently become vacant by the death of Appa Sahib, the late Raja, they have heard with the greatest surprise and concern that the assumed guilt of the Raja Per taub Sheen is advanced as a pretext against the ad mission of the claims of the rightful heir under the treaty of September, 1819. But they trust and humbly pray that such member of the Raja's family as fills the character of heir' in the terms and ac cordiag to the true meaning of the treaty, may be re cognised and admitted as his successor, and that this House will not permit the violation of that treaty, by sanctioning any act, in contravention of the rights of such ' heir,' secured and guaranteed as those rights are by the faith of the British nation." Sir, I must now beg permission to trespass upon the attention of the Hi use for a few moments, while I attempt to show, as I believe I shall he able to do, that the dethronement of the Raja was a direct and flagrant violation of statute law, made and provided in such cases; and that the whole of the proceedings of the Indian authorities are null and void, when tried by that law. By the 33d Geo. 111., chap. 52. sec. 43, it is enacted, " that forasmuch as to pursue schemes of coequest and extension of dominion in India are measures repugnant to the wish, the honour, and the policy of this nation, it shall not be lawful, either for the Governor-General of India, or fur the governor of any presidency, to make or issue any order for commencing hostilities, or levying war, or to negotiate or conclude any treaty with any Indian prince or state (except in cases of sudden emergency, or imminent danger, when it shall appear dangerous to postpone such hostilities or treaty), unless in pursuance of ex eress orders from the Governor-General in Council, or from the Secret Committee, by the authority of the Board of Control." Had Sir James Carnac the " express orders," which by this Act he was required to possess, before he was competent to commence hostilities, or conclude a treaty ? He had nothing of the kind. He was sent out expressly to assure the Raja of the friendly feelings of the home authorities, and to treat him with the favour and re spect shown to him in former years, before the con spiracy against him commenced. There may be those in this House who are ignorant of the view taken of the proceedings against theßaja by the Supreme Go vernment of India, after the whole of the evidence had been laid before them, and I will therefore read a brief extract from one of the last dispatches on the subject, addressed from Calcutta to the Govern ment of Bombay, and leave Hon. Gentlemen to judge whether it points to the dethronement of the Raja and the seizure and confiscation of his private peo perty :---" His Lordship in Council would close the proceedings, apprising the Raja that, although several suspicious circumstances regarding his Highness had beefs elicited during the progress of this inquiry, yet the British Government is unwilling, without the clearest proof of guilt, to condemn any of its allies, especially one who has been so pre-eminently the ob ject of his favour and generosity; that further investigation is deemed inexpedient with reference to the general inconvenience it creates; and that the Right Hon. the Governor in Council is therefore pleased to close the ii.quiry, Kith the expressim n of his hope that the Raja will so conduct himself for the future as to avoid the predicament (no less painful to the British Government than to his High ness) in which he has been recently placed." Here, then, is the deliberate judgment of the Supreme Government, ignorant at the time, altogether, that the Resident at Sattara had in his possession the in dubitable and conclusive proof that the very evidence upon which this judgment was pronounced was a mass of perjury, and that the Raja of Sattara was as innocent as the Governor-General of India of the crimes laid to his charge.—(Hear.) After the dispatch already cited, we have one addressed to the authorities at the India House, expressing the Governor-General's pain at the proceeslings of the Bombay Government, and stating that he had ordered those proceedings to be brought to a close. In perfect sympathy with the Government of India, we find the Court of Directors writing a dispatch, dated the 22d of January, 1839 at a time, be it remembered, when the whole of the i evidence , was before them, save the proofs of the , ia !. nnocence, and of the plot to destroy him, which ere in the secret k eep i ng o f C o l one l O vens , i n w hi c h dispatch, they (the directors) say, that it is their " decided opinio n that it would not only be a waste of time, but se • their Government, detriment a l t o th e c har ac ter o f quiry int o the matter."-tc. carry on any further in- One of two things was want ing i l `o make the deposal of the Raja a legal act, an express command from the home a u th or iti es , or open and declared h os tili ty on the part of the Raja. Sir James Carnac hail no authority from home, and the Raja MI 'lever been charged even w ith anyt hi ng worse than a secret desig injure the Briti s h Go j a therefore, wag vevnment. The depose), of the Raja, in direct contravention of the Imperial p b re equally realm, and a violation of the unrepealelatutes of this ovieion s o f the charter, granted in 1793. It will la n a violation of the charter and the law of the should the local Government in Indi a p l ace d, any other Prince cn the throne, or make any disposition of the Sattara territory, without the express command of the home authorities."--(Hear.) Sir, I have before, ashen discussing this question, laid considerable stress, and I think properly so, upon the fact that the intercepted correspondence be tween the Raja and his most confidential agents and friends, for three years previous to the dethronement, was found to coctain. nothing. contrary to the letter or spirit of the treaty which placed tee Raja on the throne. It bas been. imputed, however, to the native gentleman who represents the family of the Raja in this country, I mean Rungoo Bapojee, that when at Bombay, in 1838, he wrote certain letters to his sovereign, which contained treasonable matter. Now, Sir, I hold in my hands the correspondence, ex tracted from the blue books which have been laid on the table, and I challenge the most skilful lawyer in this House to lay his finger on a sentence that can be made to show that a feeling of hostility towards the British Govern ment dictated the writing of any one of these let ters.—(Hear.) They refer, it is true, in some parts, to the political events then occurring, or anti cipated; but they merely convey the information which was furnished to the writer in conversation with two of the company's officers, Mr. Baber, a magistrate, and Dr. Milne, the medical superin tendent of Bombay. Yet, these are tl. jecuments and the only ones selected out of hundreds, to prove that the late Raja carried on a treasonable correspond ence. Sir, I shall not at any greater length trespass upon the attention of the House. My excuse for what I have said is, that I deemed it important to bring these facts, some of them new, under the atten tion of Parliament, and particularly of the Right Hon. Baronet, in the hope that it may receive at the hands of the Government the consideration to which I think it is fairly entitled.—(Hear, hear.) The present state of the affairs of Sattara affords the Indian authorities a favourable opportunity of setting at rest a question of deep interest to many beyond these walls, and to some at least who are within them.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The point which I would particularly urge on their attention is that of the succession and the claims, both by consanguinity and adoption, of the y oung Raja, now at Benares. Should I be told by the President of the Board of Control that there are many nice points of law in volved in this queetien, some of which might be ar gued and determined against the adoption of Shahoo £laharaj, I will observe in anticipation of such an ob jection that, admitting the question to be one that might be litigated, if there existed any rivals, there is really no impediment eel at ever in the path of the Right Honourable Baronet, or of the Court of Directors, since they have only to decide in favour of the adopted son, who is undoubtedly the nearest relation to both the deceased Raja', in order to enable that person to ascend the guddee with the consent and approbation of all parties concerned.—(Hear, hear.) I earnestly hope that this subject will receive attentive and generous consideration, and that no objections will be gratuitously urged by the Government in bar of the indisputable claim, on all moral and equitable grounds, of the young Prince on whose behalf I make my present appeal. A decision in favour of that individual would be one alike honourable to the Government and satisfactory to all those who have taken a view similar to my own of this question. It would heal remaining wounds, it would be regarded as some reparation of the wrongs that are complained of, and end those discussions which, unless such a decision be arrived at, are likely to go on, both here and elsewhere, until something like justice is ob tained.—(Hear, hear.) I know I shall be reminded of the small numbers who have voted with me at the India House, in comparison with the gross num ber of qualified holders of East India Stock. I do not deny the fact that I have al most invariably been in a minority; but the majority has been composed of the directors voting in their own favour, of tnc members of the Bye law parties implicated, and of those who attend and vote with the directors in the hope and expectation of sharing in the immense patronage which the Execu tive body have at their dispose!. —(Hear.) Sir, if I have been in a minority, I have only been treated as another member of that Court, Mr. John Poynder, who, though for many years a conspicuous and zealous advocate of an important religious question, has never been favoured with the support or presence of one of the hundred clerical gentlemen who are pro prietors of stock.—(Hear.) There are other and more impartial tribunals to be appealed to, and to these we must resort should we be compelled, sustained by the conviction that the truth is mighty, and must ulti mately prevail. Such appeals will, I trust, be ren dered unnecessary by the course shortly to be adopted by the Indian authorities. Happy shall Ibe to wit ness the final settlement of this long debated question, and to tender my humble but sincere thanks to those who havecontributed to b.ing it about. Grate ful to the House for its attention to my observations, I shall conclude by moving, "That in the opinion of this House it is required, by justice and good faith, that the private property of which his Highness Pertaub Shean, late Raja of Sattara, was possessed at the time of his deposal, in 1839, and which property was seized and confiscated in violation of a written pledge given by Sir James Carnac, the Governor of Bombay, should be transferred to Shahoo Maharaj, the adopted son and heir of his late Highness, or full compensation be made in lieu thereof." Mr. HUME seconded the motion. Sir J. HOBHOUSE, referring to the numerous discussions which had taken place upon this subject, and to the impossibility of stating a single fact with which the select audience whom the Lion. Member had been addressing (there were not more than a dozen Members present) was not painfully familiar, thought that he would stand absolved from blame if he were to abstain from making any observations on the present occasion. —(Hear, hear.) In order, how ever, that the Hon. Member might not have any ground of complaint he would, trusting that the House would bear with him, once more go over the ground which had been so often travelled before, and state the reasons which induced him to come to a conclusion respecting the Sattara grievance directly opposite to that at which the Honourble Member had arrived. The Right Honourable Baronet then proceeded to detail the usual statement of fat's ap pertaining to this case, drawing from it the same de duction as that which he formerly submitted to the consideration of the House. With respect to the private property,of the ex-Raja, the Hon. Member's observations were nothing but a continuation of the debate of the 11 th July. The real truth was that Pertaub Shean had no private property at all when he was elevated to the throne by Mr. Elphinstone. When he was deposed he left behind him several lacs of rupees, but the Government of India decided that this was state property, and not private property. A sum of not less than 3,0001. a year had been had been assigned to his family as a provisional allowance until a final arrangement could be made, and about 2,0001. a year had been settled upon his eldest daughter, who had retired with it to Benares, attended by a large number of the ex-Raja's followers. He (Sir John Hobhouse) could assure the Hon. Gentle man (Mr. Thompson) that there was no intention on the part of the Government of India to act otherwise than justly in the case. He might depend upon it, that every consideration would be given to the wants of the family. He was not now talking of the ques• tion of the succession of the Shahoo Maharaj to the throne, but respecting the wants of the family, and the Hon. Gentleman might take his assur ance that they should be properly attended to. With respect to the succession, he (Sir J. Hobhouse) was not prepared to decide the question off-hand. There were various opi nions respecting the rights of the adopted son to the throne. He admitted, with the Hon. Gentleman, that the boy adopted by Pertaub Sheen had been adopted according to all the Eindoo forms and cus• toms, and was entitled to any private property be longing to the adopting father; but the right to suc ceed to the throne was another question altogether. The Hon. Gentleman knew, also, that the brother, the reigning Prince, had adopted a son on his death-bed; but the British Resident was away at the time, and as the paramount power had not concurred in that adoption, it was not a political adoption; so that the two adoptions might be considered as on a par e ech other. Whether the young man adopted by the late Raja Appa Sahib, or. the one adopted by the deposed Raja, should succeed, was a great question, to which the Government would have to apply itself; as also whether one of these should be chosen at all, or whe ther it would be wise to set up any person whatever over the territory of Sattara as its future ruler—these were questions to be considered hereafter by the Go vernment of India. As he had told the Ron. Gen tleman (Mr. Thompson) the other day, no opinion had yet been given by Lord Dalhousie, who in a letter received by the last mail had expressed his regret that he (Lord Dalhousie) had not yet received the necessary information from the Bombay Govern ment, and had stated that when the expected dispatches arrived from Bombay, the subject would receive immediate attention by himself and council. If he might be permitted to do so, he would take the liberty of giving the Hon. Member a little advice. The Hon. Member was personally acquainted with India, and no doubt felt considerable interest in its welfare and, prosperity. The Hon. Gentleman could not be influenced by a few grains of personal advantage ^ 2 Let him then direct those abilities which he undoubtedly possessed, not to the detrac tion of the deed, but to the eulogium of the living. India afforded a field for the display of every virtue, and men were not found wanting when the occasion presented itself. It was only yesthday that the Government received the news of a great exploit performed by a British officer, young in years, and only a subaltern in rank, who performed it under every disadvantage, unaided, and it might be said alone, for he had not the assistance of a single f ellow -countryman, or even one of his own coleur. In one month, alone, and, as he had said before, quite unaided, with levies which raised be had himself only a month be fore, and which he had himself disciplined, under a burning sun, in countries inundated by great rivers, that young man overthrew a formidable foe, and by his own light heed end sagacious head saved, he might say, from great peril a distant part of our Indian empire. The Hon. Gentleman would, he was sure, find more satisfaction in adding to the praises which would be for ever, he thought, bestowed on Lieutenant Ed wardes—(Cheers)—than in finding fault with what he considered to be the misdeeds of Colonel Ovens. Mr. HUM cordially united with the Right Hon. Baronet, who had just sat down, in the eulogium which he had pronounced on the gallant and suc• cessful achievements of Lieutenant Ed wardes, and deeply regretted that the existing regulations pre- vented that officer from receiving the honours and rewards he so eminently merited. As that officer was only a subaltern in the service, he could not even receive the title of C.D. He hoped that some alteration would be made that would enable the Right Hon. Baronet to do justice to the claims of that gallant officer. Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE—It is already done. Mr. HUME said he was extremely glad to hear it. He (Mr. Hume) would now briefly refer to the question before the House. lie agreed in the desirableness as a general rule of not introducing Indian questions into that House, but when acts of oppression and cruelty were committed and appeals for redress were rejected elsewhere, it was then right that the matter should be brought before Parliament, and the present was a case of that description. As for the numerous decisions at the India House which had been referred to they were merely decisions not to re-open the case or to correct the original error— they were not decisions on the merits of case. In fact, for the most part they bad been votes of adjourn ment, and had no reference to the specific questions which had been debated.—(hear, hear.) There was much which might be urged in excuse for those who had in the first instance come to a hasty decision upon the subject. They were utterly unacquainted with the merits of the question wheri they so decided. Although the Right Hon. Baronet had expressed his opinion of the guilt of the Raja, be (Mr. Hume) begged to express his own honest conviction that Pertaub Shean was ruined by as foul a conspiracy as ever disgraced the annals of this empire.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet had spoken of persons advocating the cause of the Raja for hire; but he and others who had taken up that question could never be accused of any such motive ; they had only taken up the cause from a conviction that the Raja had been so ruined by con spiracy. With regard to the question of the Raja's private property, the Right Hon. Baronet was altogether under a mistake. Ile (Mr. Hume) had lately seen copies of a letter containing a list of the private property delivered to Colonel Ovans, to which private property the Raja's heir was actually en titled. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that it was not determined a hick was or was not the private property of the late Raja ; but he had forgotten that Captain Grant Duff, the first Resident, decided the question, and set aside what alight be called " the civil list" of the Raja, which was for his own private use, and had been sanctioned by Government, and it was out of that very civil list that he had saved the lacs of rupees which had been referred to. If any prince ever deserved the thanks of the British Government it was the Raja of Sattara, and it was unjust that his savings during his reign should be withheld from him while living, and from his family when dead. It had been said that if the Raja was guilty, he had no right to adopt a successor to the throne. That word "if ' involved the whole q • ues • for he contended the eja had never been question; R proved guilty, since he Lad not been permitted to be heard in his own defence—he had never had a hear ing. It had been said that this subject had been frequently before the directors, but that body had always been judges in their own cause, and he could not forget that the truth once leaked out in a dispatch sent home to Sir James Carnac, who said that should the Raja Appa Sahib die without issue the territory would revert to the company, and they would thus gain a revenue of 180,0001. or 200,000/. a year. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said he would, vt ithout hetitation, see justice done. He (Mr. Hume) would take him at his word, and wait to see him fulfil his pledge. After repeating his anxiety to see the ques tion fairly and equitably decided, the Hon. Gentle man resumed his seat. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY vindicated the character and motives of Sir James Carnac, who on his return to England had explained and justified his conduct. He contended that the Raja had broken the second and fifth articles of the treaty, which, whether right or wrong, he was bound to observe. The Raja as a sovereign prince could not have a formal judicial trial. The question was one of treaty, and a viola tion of the treaty carried with it a forfeiture of the sovereignty. With respect to the private property he trusted the Government would treat it in the most handsome and liberal manner. The Raja, according to the statements of the Honourable Member for the Tower Hamlets, had received during his exile 100,000 pounds, which was one-third of the private propel ty. He (Sir ii. Willoughby) agreed that it was inexpedient that Vakeels should come to this country, aril he thought the gentleman who sat under the gallery (llunjoo 13.ipogee) had broken a pledge to return to India, when money was advanced for the purpose. He concluded by repeating. the ex pression of his hope that the East India Company and the local government would take care that there should be a just settlement of the question of private property, and would see that those whom the Raja had left behind Lim were treated in a liberal and generous manner. He would not discuss the ques tion of the succession, but leave it to be considered hereafter if it was considered worth while to raise it. Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON—I have but little to say in reply to the Right Hen. Baronet, who, I must say, has not grappled with the two main branches of the question before the House, namely, the confiscation of the private property, and the ille gality of the dethronement. Ile has said nothing of the violation of the solemn pledge of the British Governor, nor even condescended to notice the official documents which . I placed before the House to prove the engagement which was entered into, and the ac tual existence of the property of which the Raja was deprived. I have now a letter before me, written by Colonel Ovens, describing his property, and the man ner in which it had been accumulated, and stating that there would be no difficulty in discriminating between what was public and state property, and what was private and personal. All this property was acquired by thrifty management of that part of his revenue which the Raja had, from the commence ment of his reign, set aside for his personal expenses. If I wanted further proof, I would quote the admission of the Right Honourable Baronet, that a large amount of treasure was left by the Raja, which was applied by his brother to certain purposes which he has described. In fact, there had been no defence of this act of spoliation. The existence of the property was proved by the Go vernor's letter and pledge, by his dispatch to the su preme authorities, by the letters of Colonel Ovans, by tke detailed inventory of the property which had been made out, and by the admissions of the Right Hon. Baronet himself. All that had been advanced went to prove the violation of as distinct a pledge as had ever been given by any British Governor in any part of the world; and unless justice was at length done, the transaction would bring inde lible disgrace upon all parties concerned in it. I will put this case to the President of the India Board. Suppose the Raja had taken advantage of the five days which intervened between the receipts of the written pledge of the Governor, and the hour of his deposal, and had employed them in bringing together all his moveable property in treasure, jewels, and other things, and had made them ready to ac company him on his departure from the capital, would not the letter of the Governor have fully authorised the Resident to consent to their removal, and would not the Raj.), thus have had the benefit of the engagement which had been voluntarily given ?—(Hear.) The Raja, however, had unlimited confidence in the word of the Governor and the honour and good faith of the British Govern ment, and his reward was to be deprived of every thing which he had intrusted to the care of the Bom bay Government. I was curious to know the views of the Right Hon. Baronet in reference to the opinion I ventured to express of the legal character of the act of deposal. Conversant, as he must he, with the statutes framed to regulate the affairs of India, he cannot have overlooked the Act of 1793, to which I so particularly referred, and which, according to my view, rendered it incompetent to the Indian authori ties to depose the Raja, or enter. into any treaty with his brother. On this subject the Minister of the Crown has been profoundly silent, although it is one of vital importance, and has nothing to do with the guilt or innocence of the Raja. I commend the matter to his serious consideration, both as re lating that hat futures oa t em o t sa p nn a yf s t tibr p re r e o Gl c e e nv e av d ne i rt n nt g n no s pe i a nc n st dnfa havesl n b de been ne r .e i n n g upon the a m sr r introduced y s i b n ae itedon deemed this respee debate,trespecting necessarysai n r e a especially eecsi revertael y a r that nt zoc w. h i it as should rnud h leed a ar l v d3l e ,, discover that I have b een l e d to make any statement detrimental to th e c h aracter of any living person, and above all to the memory o f any one upon false information, I can assure the House, there is not a person living who would be more ready than myself to offer the most ample reparation.—(Hear, hear.) Th e Right Honourable Gentleman will allow me to refer to the condition on which I undertook to make good my charges against certain persons, namely, that there should he a Committee before whom I might produce the wit nesses required to substantiate my allegations. I have never been able to obtain such a n inquiry either here o r at r t e f g or ard t negcmouynfsueltuhhe India H ousere e . h l a t s ha s t o dcthe kindly course in this House. I receive his advice in th e Righ t give n II m on e . to-night Baronet spirit in which it was conveyed, and shall follow it ' THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPT_EMBER l, RAIL as far as my conscience approves re - id toy score of duty will permit. I can assure him it is foreign from my dispoiition to he the accusers of tine,e who are employed in the public service. 1 wculi mach rather approve and applaud. But when flagrant injustice is committed, and while there is a legitimate appeal to this assembly, I shall continue to draw attention to rich cases, as I conceive deserve the consideration of Perliatnent. I have been advised not to agitate this question. I do not think the Right Hon. Centieman is-the person in this House who should direct his censures against agitation, remembering his own career for many years.—(Hear, hear.) For myself; I will only say, that when justice is denied by the executive authori ties, I do not consider it wrong to use those consti tu:ional means which have ben vo often found effec tual in obtaining the redress of grievances. I agree with the Hon. Gentleman (Sir H. Widoughby) that the case of the Raja was not strictly one for an orelheary judicial tribunal, but when he assumes the Reja to be guilty of an infraction of the treaty, I beg to remind him that he begs the question, and forgets that the Raja never had the means of contradicting the evidence on which his guilt has been made to rest. 1 bold in my hand the answer given in the Court of Proprietors to a question put by an eminent leg-II gentleman to the Court of Directors, who asked before he voted whether the Raja had had a hearing, and was openly told by a director that the Raja hail never been heard in his defence.--(Hear.) That answer was not con tradicted. To the hour of his death the Raja was denied every deposidon recorded against him, and his repeated pray r to be heard was syste matically refused. In conclusion, I beg to thank the President of the India Board for the glimpse. he has afforded us of a prospect, in the future, of a more cheering and satisfactory character, and 1 fervently wish him success in his efforts to terminate this business in a manner consolatory to the feelings of the late Raja's family, and satisfactotv to the minds of those who have so long been engaged in the present controversy. With the permission of the House I shall withdraw my motion, and say nothing further in justification of the course I have pursued than this, that I hold it to be the bounden duty of Parliament, from which the East India Company derives its authority, to see that the power they have delegated is neither transcended, perverted, nor abused; and that the millions of India, who are virtually un represented here, have the benefit of the interposition of this House, whenever their just rights are invaded, or their liberties and property endangered by their rulers.—(Hear.) The motion was withdrawn. ROYAL ASSENT. Mr. G. Thompson was interrupted in the course of his speech by a message from the Lords requiring the attendance of the House of Cominons to hear the Royal assent given by Commission to several public and private Bills (for which see Lords' report). The House then adjourned at Half-past Six. 13, Great Marlborough-str ee t. N 0T I C E.—VOL. 111. of PEP Y DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE. NEW EDITION, with the Omitted Passages Restored. Edited by LORD BRAYBROOKE. IS NOW READY for DELIVERY. Orders received by all Bookselhas. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Brent Marlborough- street. A ROMANCE OF THE RED INDIAN-. Now ready at all the Lrorarks, in 3 vols., post Bvo., T BE B HUN TL R Or, OAK OPENINGs, By J. FEN I Ni ORE COOPER. Author of " ThePrairic," The Last tile Mohicans," &c. Richard Bentley, Nov Lurlington-strect. SPAIN. Papers and letters have arrived from Madrid, dat, d the 25th and 26th of August. By the 27th the QUEEN and Court were expected to arrive at the capital. It is said that the Cortes are to be called together on the lath of October, and many suppose that before that peri..d a further change in the Ministry will take place. M. GONZALES BRAVO had left Madrid for France. The Carlists are becoming formidable in several of tee provinces, especially in that of Valencia. CA BRERA and his Lieutenants, GOMEZ, MARSAL, and BoN, continue in the province of Vich, collecting partisans and contributions from all points. Nothing can exceed the &ring of these leaders, according to the intelligence just received from Perpignan. Take the following incident in proof:—On the 20th the chief, MARSAL, and his band, attended mass at the hermitage of San Marcos, within half a league or . Vich. Intelligence of his presence there was itnrme diately carried to the Comniandant-General of the province, who hastened agai ns t hi m w ith a body of troops, ut, of course, on his arrival at the holy place he tcund the mass finished and MARSAL gone home to dinner. In Valencia and the Maeztrasgo the Carlists are on the increase. The garrison of the mountain force of MottELna, consisting of two battalions, is blockaded by them. An unfortunate affair for the Carlists, caused by their want of caution and vigilance, took place in a wood near Espinabesa, Upper Catalonia, on the 20th instant, at six o'clock r.si., when GIBERT and his band, about 150 strong, were surprised and surrounded by the column of Colonel LAFOY, consisting of 300 infantry and 30 cavalry of the regiment of &gun tum, and suffered a loss of sixteen men killed, twenty nine wounded, and nine prisoners, besides losing a number of muskets. It appears that the Government forces fell upon than whilst they were making a halt, contrary to orders, and half of them had laid their arms aside the better to take their ease. Col. LAFOY, for a wonder, did not lose a single man. MADRID I3OLSA, AUG. 26.—Three per Cents. 19f e paper ; after Bolsa, 19 k 19 cash. Five per C en t s ., 11 paper ; after 1.301za, 10' 4 1 cash. Passives,pr. 4 n paperltlk of ; after Bolsa, 34 cash. Coupons, 7 paper, St. Ferdinand, 54 cash. Discount of per cent. 43- cent. Exchange on London at 30 days, 47 paper.' THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. We have received the Paris journals of yesterday. A great crisis in reference to the press is evidently approaching. Even the most moderate newspapers are . not spared, the Executive Government having resolved to suppress the Constitutionnel. In yester day's impression of that distinguished journal ap pears an explicit declaration of the fact, signed by the two principal gerants, L. VEItON and CH. MER RUAU. "For fourdays," say they, " the Constitutionnel has preserved a profound silence upon political affairs. This silence has been remarked by our readers. Behold the motive of this constrained taciturnity— we ha•re learnt, though without being able to confirm the accuracy of the statement, that the question has been agitated among the members of the Government whether or not they should apply the Act of suspen sion to the Constitutionnel." Subsequently they an nounce their determination to resume their editorial comments upon the proceedings of the Legislature, and upon everything tending to the advantage or the disadvantage of the Republic. "The danger of sus pension," they exclaim, " will not change in the smallest degree the tone of our lucubrations ; we shall neither rise into violence, nor sink under the in fluences of fear." Upon this point, the Spectateurßepublicain, recog nized by every one as the organ of General CAVAIG NAc, has the following semi-official manifesto : " We have said that the protest addressed by a certain number of journalists to General Cavaignac was a useless act. This step, however, has at least had the effect of distinctly defining the policy of the Cabinet. The chief of the Executive Government is said on this occasion to have declared with energy his resolution not to give way to any retrograde ihflueuce, and to proceed towards an and against all, to the re-establishment of order and of respect for the laws and authorities.tat it is %V n e o a t p e p n la o u u d gh t f h o i r s firmness, adding, nevertheless, h a government, and particularly a ri publican government, to repress disorder whenever it may make its appear ance; but its first duty is to prey. li t i t. If we are well informed, the General said, in presence of t h e de putation from the journalists, " By the prosecutions or dered against MM. Louis Blanc and Caussidiece I have given pledges of my firm will to serv e on l y the interests of an honest and moderate Republic ; b u t reaction must nut deceive itself, and imagine that it can ever induce me to go beyond the limits I have fixed. Let the retie tionists, then, be cautious in their language and th e i r movements, for I am watchi ng them narrowly, repress tilt mseverely. I k now t h at the ri aenanisdawgiil-1 tilting in certain legions of the National Guard ; but I am ra (painted wilt these manoeuvres, and at the first demonstration, I will crush them." We observe, in the Dernocratie Pacjfique; that the Moniteur du Soir announces the publication , on Tues day evenin g , o f th e " L etter of M. DE LAINIARTINE to the Electors of the Ten Departments w h o selected him as their Repres en t a tive," - --a brochure in which the illustrious member of the Provisional Govery went gives an account of every- one of the ,005- - of his political life sh:ee the 24tn of February. General BEDEAU is now completely restored. r • health. " We are assured (says the Noniteur du $ O l l 2 . that M. TRELET, ex-Minister o f P u bli c Works, been appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Ce ts o :.. tral German Government a t F ran kf ort , i n placed l u t SAVOYE, who was only Ch arg é n'Affairea, and "°:: has been recalled." . _ Upon the subject of the joint mediation of :FrePell. and England, in the affairs of Lombardy, the I \ r a' tional has the subjoined observations : "The propositi o n o f m e di at i on mu d s b y France ao England has remained, thus fur, without respons e ' Austria maintains absolute mutism, or tether avoicls.o'; pluming herself, by alle g i ng p retex t s w hi c h we cannot longer consider as serious. Sometimes she says the.rr putlic must be recognized before entering into noPt ia : lion; sometimes she objects that th e a b sence o f the Mituste` of Foreign Affairs renders an adjournment necessary.. That these motives may have had a certain value, We admit; but at present it seems to us that they no longer exist. Let Austria speak, th en , or F rance , we aried With waiting, must consider this too prolonged 5 11911° as a refusal. Now in this case the republic, strong 1 the conciliating patience it has displayed, would only have to consult the interests of its P. Hey. It would not, however, enter into a " 41. - of conquest—it has said th a t, an d w ill p ro ve it. ‘" „, a secure the independence of Italy a l rea dy p ro claimed ' a fact at Milan, such is the only object of its interventio a in the affairs of Italy. It has desirtd, and still desires , that this intervention may be pacific ; but only on tha, condition that imprudent re s i s t ance on the part . 0 ' Austria shall not render it necessary to support by arW the generous principle procl a i me d by t h e revo lution 0 February. We will not yet renounce all hope of tilt solution which alone can conc ili ate t h e d ou bl e i n terest 0' Lombard nationality and European peace. If Anstria, influenced by we know not what blind obstinacy, should,. oblige us to make an armed intervention, there won not be reason, we hope, to fear a general conflagreti"' The action of France would be quite special, but once again, it would be better not to be required to supPorv„ our offers of mediation by an army. We repeat, 110* : ever, that the obstinate s il ence o f A ustr i a ten ds Wor e and more to remove this desirable eventuality. England and France submit to the disgrace of a Teruo" That is scarcely probable." At the reception of General CAYAIGNAC last even ; ing, there were pre sen t,_b es id es a large number °: Deputies, the Minist e rs o f a ll th e Power 3 which ha d, acknowledged the Republic. Among the c arriage, which were in waiti ng , a cons id era bl e num b e r 9 1 omnibuses were observed, which had conveyed officers of the National Guard and other guests to the soirie. Accounts are more warlike than hitherto-1 Government being evid en tly p repare d to sen d Genera OUDINOT across the Alps in the event of Austria re* fusing the Franco-British mediation; and such s refusal is not altogether impossible, seeing that tbe reply given at Vienna by Baron IVEssENBERG in tb presence of Lord PONSONDY is rather an evasion of the tendered interposition, and a reference of the whole matter to the Central German Power atFrank' fort. A Legitimatist insurr ec ti on t oo k p l ace at 181°11.'„ pellier on Tuesday la s t, b u t was a l most i mme diate) ! suppressed. The Prefect and two magistrates were wounded, and a gendarme killed ; six of the inst il ' gents were wounded. " The insurgents of June (says the Journal de la Manche), who are imprisoned in the forts of Cher' bourg, are well lodged and copiously fed. They are nearly all in posse ss i on o f money, an d t h ey are 0 4 prevented from spendi ng it i n t h e purc h ase o f vol., and food of a s u p er i or qua li ty to t h e i r rat i ons. They indulge in various recreations. Those in Fort Ht, met have convert e d one o f t h e i r rooms i nto a cid, e room, where they p ass th e i r t i me i n discussing '.1311 organization of labour. and other questions whi were discussed in the clubs of Paris, which th e y frequented." • BOURSE—PARIS, TIIIIRSDAY, AUG. 1. THREE o'CLocK.—The affairs of Italy, and the P r s bable armed interve n ti on o f E ngland and France in t L il o country, had again a d e p rec i at i ng effect on the rou,ed Securities, and on Rail way Sh ares. It was reP or: j at the Bourse to-day that Montpellier had been dada ,74 in a state of siege, and that th e movement ha d exten°_, to Avignon and Marseilles. The ILits du T i tor at 22f BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT TO LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, AUG. 31. Northern of France, s%—Orleans and Bourdeaux, 175 Paris and Lyons, GERMANY AND THE NORTHERN STATE AUSTRIA. News from Vienna is up to the evening of the 25th and 26th inst. _--- ----- The German Catholic movement is still agitati n g the metropolis. The Papal Nuncio seems to be under great tipto e ' hension lest his house or person should be endo' gered, and he has resolved upon the precautionsd measure of confiding all his archives to the Freact s Embassy. His MAJESTY has issued the following rescript:!, "In consequence of the prep: sitious of my Minist% of Justice and of my Cabinet Council, I have taken S I F follouing rt.soutions " 1. All cases of criminal investigation, or proced, ll - b in the Tyrolese Courts o f J ust i ce on c h arges of treason, the disturbance of th e i n t erna l p ea ce of `," O , State, sedition, or revolt, connecte d w i t h t h e re/%1 tionary excesses sshich took place i n the South TY r ., since the month of March last, shall be forthwith 01.4 charged, and the parties set at liberty. All foreigue; must, however, quit the domini ons , an d w il l no t b o e witted to return without my special permission. " 2. No person may henceforth be culled toena i l for the actions specified under the above article, r have any fresh investigation of the same, or of isiinL i acts committed prior to th e promulgation of this imps rial resolution."— Wiener Zeitung, August 26. PRUSSIA. Accounts from Berlin are of the 28th instant. ' The insurgent meetings of the preceding afterov" were characterised by much violence of language,. Ate In the current sittin g o f t h e Prussian National .`!si sembly, the Habeas Corpus Act, or law for persl security, was voted by unan i m i ty, and sent up for t o KING'S approval. The House then proceeded to the order of the n - t i on the Bur g h er G uar d l aw. Before entering 111 o 4 the discussi on , th e Mi n i ster of the Interior doer' t b e the object of the law, and its connexion wit h . o 4 Landwher, which admirable institution, the pri d e , "hi glory of th e country, would not be affecte d t f, it. M. S ACOLI spo k e against the project of the 1:0$ declaring it to be a provisional necessity only, an„d'uso worthy of p ass i ng i nto permanent law. The The then proceeded to discuss the articles of the BA e ti it h after a short discu ss i on , procee d e d as far as the to clause. Upon the last clause a debate arose as b whether th e Bur g h er G uar d s h ou ld swear fidelity to o `s the " King" as well as t h e Constitution. Cf,tbe REINENDACH propo se d t o str ik e out the words ,010 King," but the amend men t was re j ected, the Iv° Left voting in the minority. In consequence o f cer t a i n explanations betw,egli-a the KING and th e P r i nce o f P russ i a, the latte r D' o f determined for a long time to leave the Marc h Brandenburgh. DENMARK AND THE DUCHIES' IMPORTANT ARMISTICE. trio Intelligence h as b een rece i ved by the elec ts telegraph, from H u ll, yes t er d ay, by the Rob — ll %, steamer, Captain K NOCKER , w hi c h left Crons tadt: the 22d, and Cop en h agen on t h e 2 7 t h i ns t an t, tu o ba an armistice was sign e d a t M a l mo , on Saturday 26th instant, to continue until the Ist of March,' and that it has been sent to Berlin for ratificatioa•Ahe The view entertained by England in regard to Lf til attack upon Schleswig is entirely coincident that of the Russian Government. We doubt not that the as pi rat i ons so b e aut- , ir P t h tl e expressed towards Den mar k b y a sonneteer 111 current number of Black woo d wi ll b e reciprocate" by many thousands. DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES ' . t o Letters from Bucharest of the 12th ultimo s t ate that a delegation of ten inhabitants of JassY, hati h i 0 rived at the former city to request the Waluic — ti to join the Aloldavians with 10,000 men, to drive 00 the Russians, and to form in future one Conly principality. GALISEO had subsequently left Bti c e w rest for Giurgui to concert the preliminaries ()fa constitution with SULEYMAN PACHA. HOLLAND. The KING, on the 30th ult., in a private aud ie pt i vc i; received B aron DIRCKINK D'HOLSIFELD, whO pla c e d the hands of his MAJESTY the letters from hi 4 : h ° „,: g a REIGN, accrediti ng hi m i n hi s capac i ty of "7;14 d'Affair es o f D enmar k to the Court of the Net — lands forthwith. Count SC III MMELPENNINCK, Envoy Extraor(l--in . 0 and Mi n i s t er Plenipotentiary of thu Netherlands the Court of London, has arrived in this capital' it., His MAJESTY, by a royal decree of the 25th li has emp owere d th e governors of the different Fr°, vinces to summon th e S tates i n t h e i r respective d ' is . tricts. FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAI I °%, On the 28th ult. th e 11th 12th, and 1 3 th P P : graphs of the Constitution were adopted by the c' o f stituent Assembly. They guarantee entire libertithe religious opinion and public worship ; but, on art other band, establish legal respon s ibility for 01 1 '. rt moral or illegal acts that may b e perpetrated a s P' ot of a ritual. 'I hey declare th a t re li g i o us belief can % exclude from civil and political rights, but n either re ' it exempt from the discharge of public duties. rit Hungarian plenipotentiaries have presented to , letters of credence to the Vicar of the Ervin I TO ISIAC.I‘-TIZATES. lAUNDERS'SEdition of the ADMINISTRA TION of,JUSTICE ACT, with Introduction, Illustrative Notes, and Copious Index. Ily THOMAS W. SAUN DER Esq., 13:mis ter-at-Law, author of "The Now Magistrates' awl Pari,h Officers' Law," " The Practice of Summary Conv:ctions," &c. These Statutes, which come into oixtation on the 2d of October, are the cede which will henceforth re;ula'e the entire prom dings before Magistrates, and therefore wiil be in hourly rcquisitiot. by all Attornies and Magistrates.. . . . . Copies will be cent, post paid, to any Magistrate or Attorney trans , milling an order for it to the Publisher, price ss. Ga. boards, 7s. halt bound, Si. bound in law calf or circuit binding, and interleaved.— _ _ Orders should state which of them is dtsircd, Law Times Office, 29, Es..ics-tret, Strand, London. THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Under the Management of Mr. It. Webster, sole Lessee. THIS EVENING, Will be performed THE HARVEST HUME. To conclude with a Farce, called GOING TO TIIE DERBY TIIE DERBY DAY. Mr. Jeremiah Twiddle, Mr. Wright : Mr. John James Chucks, Mr. Paul Bedford ; Captain Nobble, Mr. Worrell ; Mrs. Chucks. Mrs. Matthews; Mrs. Twiddle, M:ss Woolgar. IttiYAL SURREY THEATRE. Under the direction .)1 Mr. Kerschner. Re-engagement or Mr. Rena At. Enormous success of the Tower et' Reslc. THIS EVENING Will be performed THE TOWEL: OF N Eurithm, 31r. G Bennett. After which, DID YOU EVER ? NO ! I NI,VEIt SAW SUC A 11-111 Y I To conclude with a New Melodrama, minted TIM PLAN ACROS§ THE STREET. Manager an. 4 Treasurer, Mr. U. Fairbruther, ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Proprietor, 11r. W, Batty. Revival of tie Popular Equestrian Spectacle of Mazeppa Unparalleled Equestrian Feats. THIS EVE ,1 Will be performed Lord Byron's Ilippo!ramatic Spectacle of IIAZEPPA; or, The Wild Horse. To be followed by the illimitable EQUESTRIAN and GYMNAS. 'no EXERCISES in the ARENA. To conclude with a Grand Pageant, clitith'il LADY GODIVA AND PEEPING TOM. OF COVENTRY; or, Clearing the Tell. Box-office open from Eleven till Five. Stage Manager, Mr. W. West. ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. Attraction unprecedented. M. JULLIENS BENEFIT THIS DAY. New Series of GRAND PROMENADE CONCERTS. Continuation of MISS SARA FLOWER. The DAYLIGHT VIEW of ROME, by Ranson. Superb and Uvique MENAG Grand Display of FIREWORKS, by the Messrs. Southby. No Extra ( barge. MONDAY, TUESDAY, WEDNESDAY, THURSDAY, and FR I D View of Rome —Promenade Concerts, Vocal and Tnitruinental conducted by Mr. GODFREY, the splendid Land of Solo Performer: includes Messrs. Ciotti, Collins, sen., George and Viutti Collins, Eger ton, Griesbach, Stevenson, Hardy, ;fie. —Several fitvourite Songs 1,, Miss Sara Flower—Also to be seen, luring the clay, the Menagerie--Shakspere's House—The Magic Bridge—and other no velties will be exhibited, the whole concluding with a most mag nificent and not to be rivalled display of Firewo_ ks, by the Messrs. Southby Gates open at Ten A.m., Feeding Time Five—Concert at Six —Fireworks at Nine. Admission, as usual, One Shilling. TILE WEATHER—SUN OFFICE, SEPTEMBER 1. THERMOMETER, Lowest, 48 , Highest, 61; Noon, 6 BAROMETER, 20.24.—W1ND N.N.E.; tine. HIG/I WATER AT LONDON TIIIS DAY. Morning .. G min. after 4 'Evening .. 22 tnin. after 4 , ; , :z -.! _14 . , A p . .-_,... 1 %lei , i - :" ---- lq 4....) =r - 7,_ - " t ,...„„.„.„0,.,, , .-„ ,,, .4, .r- . i•:-s • -,?. tzt,,;-..t .... - L4 'Aro - 1 41 ip ) ;;;T , 21 '4'lk-5.k r 1... s 4enti a„ LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1848. The postponement of several of the remedial mea sures that had been promised for Ireland, has been prominently put forward among the :Ministerial back slidings of the present session. Many important matters, by which the industrial resources of the country might have been developer', and its best in terests materially promoted, hare been withdrawn, and that at a time when any improvement was pecu liarly desirable. That unhappy country had indeed suffered most fearfully_ during the preceding year. Pestilence and famine had r:ged throughout the land. The resources of all classes had been tho roughly exhausted. Landlords, unable to obtain pay ment of their rents, were compelled to raise money at the most frightful sacrifices to pay even a portion of the rates imposed for the support of the starving peasantry, while occupiers unable to satisfy the various demands fur which they were liable, neglected the cultivation of the soil, and wasted in unavailing and useless complain!s the time that might have been more beneficially applied. A wide spread feeling of discontent and dislffection prevailed on every side, which was fostered and excited by mischievous men, who hoped to extort from the fears of the Legislature the concessions that could not b 2 obtained from its sense of equity and justice. The unfortunate condition of the country afforded pecu- liar opportunities to those aposth s of sedition to advance their objects. Destitute inn were ready to embark in any enterprise, however desperate, which gave a hope of better times. Persons unable to obtain honest employment were prepared for any alternative that their reckless leaders might point out. The great principle that the Liberator had, during his useful career, so powerfully impressed on the minds of his countrymen, and by a strict adhesion to which he had gained so many triumphs, was turned into ridicule, and the nnv leaders called upon the people to arm in order that they might op pose an open and armed resistance to the authorities. The great man, whose influence might have calmed the passions and assuaged the irritations of the people had been stricken with disease, and died at the very time when his exertions would have been more valuable than ever. Then, indeed, the last restraint was removed from the advocates of physical force, IA ho ran riot in ther folly, and ope=nly preached the mest fl o gi!j o u 3 lot:trines to the half-malleniel people. IA rol,heries, and crimes ef the most aggravated cha racter, were of daily occurrence. There• wes no ‘..t:'ety for life or property in tie disturbed districts. Sech vu.s the state of affairs when Peerlia• ment was convened in the month of November last, principally for the purpose of giving its sanction to the virtual suspension of the Bank Charter Act, v;l ich the Government had been obliged to grant, in deference to the universal demand, on the 25th Oe• 'toher previously. At that period something favour able to Ireland might have been carried, but that a measure of coercion was required in consequence of the disturbed state of the country. The Crown and Government Security Bill passed through the House with the general approbation of every right• minded man, who deplored, while he was compelled to acknowledge the necessity that existed for the strin gent enactments contained therein. fore then the first opportunity was lost. The time consumed in carrying that measure through its various stages would have sufficed to pass one of the most beneficial character; but Ministers could not justly be cen sured because restrictive enactments were called for upon every side, and the peaceable and loyal inhabi tants of the country demanded protection from the violence of habitual violators of the law. The operation of the statute to which we have just allui'.ed was at first most successful in tranquillising the country. The most disturbed districts were pro claimed, a special commission was issued, juries and witnesses discharged their onerous duties honestly and conscientiously, murderers were brought to justice, wrongdoers were terror-stricken, and a lull ensued, which, if it had continued fur any time, would have enabled Parliament to take the wants and exigencie s of the country into its anxious and attentive consideration. This calm was however, unfortunately, of short duration. The thrilling events that occurred in neighbouring nations, the spectacles of thrones overturned, mu. narchies subverted, republics constituted, and revolu tions occurring in so many continental states, led the Young Ireland party to suppose that the moment had arrived to strike a decisive blow for what they termed the liberties of their country." A treason press %vas organized, which put forth with apparent impu nity the most treasonable doctrines. Tie most approved methods of slaughtering and destroying her MAJESTY'S forces were freely discussed, and the liberty of the press degenerated into licentiousness. Juries would not convict in cases of sedition on the clearest and most unequivocal evidence. A new measure was de manded to check the growing evil, and by what has been termed the Treason Felony Act, the law of England and Ireland was assimilated As ith respect to open and advised speaking and writing. Here, again, the Irish agitators were the parties clearly 'responsible for the withdrawal of other measures that were actually pending and not the Government, who only pursued to the course forced upon them by those mischievous individuals. Need we allude to the manner in which the agitation was carried, the organization of clubs, the drilling, •of trained and armed bodies—that finally led to the passing of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the premature ou:break that so speedily followed its enactment, an uutbreak that was completely and , effectually crushed, but which however compelled the Irish Repre sentatives to return to their respective localities, to ' exercise their just influence in restoring tranquillity. During their absence nothing of any importance relating to the country could be transacted ; and. consequently, what would, in all probability, have passed into law, during the present session, was ne c-ssari!y postponed. For this the Government cannot be blamed, but the mischievous men who thus excited their ignorant countrymen, and brought matters to so tearful a condition. These persons are the real ene mies of Ireland, whom Irishmen may thank for the absence of remedial measures during the present session of Parliament. We have considered it our duty, as on former oc casions, to furnish our readers with an unabridged report of the proceedings in Parliament in the case of the deceased Raja of SATTARA. Ve think such a course is most likely to enable the public rightly to judge whether the Honourable Member for the l'ower Hamlets has obtruded on the attention of the Legislature a question unworthy its notice, cr wl - .ether he has laudably endeavoured, amidst much misrepresentation and many most unworthy at • t :cks, to obtain justice in a matter peculiarly d2manding the interposition of these who are the nritural guardians of the unrepresented millions of our Indian empire. The case brought forward by Mr. TIIOMPSON yesterday is so clearly stated, and so well supported by cfficial documents, that we may well leave it to speak for itself. Our readers, too, will be able to decide for themselves whether the Minister of the Crown for Indian affairs met the charge of spoliation and gross breach of faith brought against the Government of Bombay ; or whether he altogether evaded the question, and satisfied himself with uttering a few vague and common-place assurances of good intentions, and a desire to promote the future comfort of the persons belonging to the family of the Prince, who was not only deposed, but deprived of that which would have enabled him out of his own wealth to provide for the support of his relations. Their deci sion, we think, will confirm the truth of Mr. Tueur sox's remark, in the commencement of his reply, that upon the material parts of his speech, the Presi dent of the Board of Control was "profoundly silent." If such be the case, we think it is somewhat unfair to charge a Member of Parliament with un seemly pertinacity, in continuing to bring forward a case of so much importance to the character of the British rule in India, as that of the Raja of SATTARA. The charge made against the Indian authorities yesterday was this : that after a British Governor had given a distinct written pledge that he would re spect the private property of a Prince he was about by force of arms to depose, and after lie bad led that Prince to repose complete confidence in the sacredness and sincerity of th a t pl e dge, he did, with out provocation, and without even a pretext, seize and confiscate the whole of that property, amount- itz in value to 300,000/. sterling. This was the charge. The pledge was produced and read; other official documents were also exhibited, corroborating► the fact of that pledge having been given and received ; yet, the person bound to answer this charge, _ or to admit the perpetration of the outrage, v.nd to promise compensation, c oily observes that the RAJA was a despotic prince, and, as such, could possess nothing that could be called private property. We much mistake the cha racter of the people of this country if such a case of oppression and cruelty does not excite their indigna ptrheseerlyteigdhtanHuolni. broken siltnce was, the alleged violation of the n o o f t h t e h r e B s ui o l charter, by the dethronement of the late RAJA t P i° re ll s ' iden A t without the express command of the home . authori )a r e d et o f o n C o w n t h r i o c l h ties. The public are therefore left wholly without the views of the Government on this most important point—a point which we hope some Member will compel them to clear up at a n ear l y period of the ensuing session. Mr. THOMPSON'S view of the provisions of the 33 GEORGE 111. are of importance, not only retrospectively as applying to the Company's proceedings in 1839, but prospEc tively in reference to the conduct of the Com pany regarding the succession to the vacant throne, or the annexation of the territory to the Bri:ish dominions in India. Perhaps, how ever, enough has been said to induce the law officers of the Crown to turn their attention to the subject, and enough, we trust, to prevent the injury which might otherwise be done to those who claim the benefit of the decease of the late Raja, APPA Scum, without issue. Apart from the merits of the special ease, so long and so perseveringly brought forward in Parlia ment and the India House, we are of opinion, that the • discussion of Indian topics, instead of being deprecated, should be encouraged, con vi"ed, as we are, that too much attention can not be given to the affairs of an empire, so important in its present value and future destinies as that which has been acquired by the valour of the sword, aod the sagacity of British 4tatestnen on the plains of India. Latterly, in the instance of popular conspirators, the violence of democracy has been lingual, not actual. Insurgent leach , rs, v:llethr is Irchnti or Fr. nec, have 1.).,en fornlidabl e gunge, and mi..,trtaly i:.:4;[.ifielint in dt.cds. The red republicans, both in Paris and Dublin, have talkk d very big and done very little. Besides which they have invariably displayed remarkable skill in running away, from Tuom s /Jr:AGnEn to Lours BLANC, from WILLIAM SMITH O'BRIEN to Marie CAUS SIDIERE. While the Irish rebel escaped through a kitchen-garden _on Bcolagh Coalmen, the French demagogue evaporated through a ma gazin-de nouveautes in the Rue des Champs—the one managed.to decarrp on the railway at Gand, tho other managed to fall into the hands of his pursuers at the intermediate station at Thurles.. In both instances the details are too contemptible to assort with any dsgree of dignity with a CATALINE or a SPARTACUS. The circumstances that LOUIS BLANC missed the last train, and that WILLIAM O'BRIEN bought a second-class ticket are preposterously un heroic. They render not only the men but the cause ridiculous. They remind one of the two carpet bags of the Prince LOUIS NAPOLEON. Now that the celebrated author of the " Organiza tion of Labour" has fled beyond the frontiers of his country, he has, in a striking manner, deteriorated hi; political reputation. The brave people of France will ask themselves if the Provisional Minister of the Luxembourg has shown a courage befitting one of their most prominent leaders. They will remember the contempt which followed the fitful glory of DUNIOURIEZ into his exile—the scorn with which the rapid egress of Louis Ramirez from the French territories - was .- - vvatched=a contempt and scorn not one jot less profound than that experienced towards the recreant Moannu, when, in 1813, he tgok arms against his native land, and died in the midst of the suite and the soldiers of ALEXANDER the Russian Emperor. The people of Paris will ask themselves if DANTON would have so acted, if MraA.- BEAU, if even the gentle but heroic DESMOULINS? They will look henceforward at MM. Lours BLANC and MARC CAUSSIDIERE, as not precisely the kind of men to assume the responsibility of guiding the masses to a just government in times of extraordinary emergency. The former politician may now at his leisure culti vate the friendship of M. GUIZOT at Brompton, and M . CAUSSIDIERE may wander in the congenial society of M . Vinocg, amidst the sylvan retreats of Twickenham, For a long while, at least, the cause of both will be incapable of restoration 'within the dominions of the French Republic. As well might the ex- Minister of Lours PHILIPPE hope to return again to the precincts of the Tuileries, as the ex-Provisional Minister of Labour dream of revisiting the gardens of the Luxembourg. We cannot but look upon the facilitation of the escape of the accomplice of the in surgents of the 15th of May as evidence - of the wily policy of General CAVAIGNAC. Without striking a blow, without employing one link in the chain of imprisonment, without closing the door of a dungeon —the Government has effectually disarmed the most troublesome of its antagonists. The National As sembly has rendered those political fanatics incapable of inflicting any injury upon their country—by frighten ing them into a retreat. Neither Vincennes nor the guillotine were brought - into requisition against them by the L;-gislature—they have fallen through the means of the bathos of their own absurdity. Henceforth there will be not one homme de Gand, but two; not two, at this rate, but a dozen. We congratulate the lovers of quietude in Paris—whose number, by the way, we cal culate as rather approaching to the inflnites sitnal—upon the riddance of these hot•brained, 3 ellow-livert d, and white-feathered marauders of the Senate, who excite brawls in the tribune only to fly from the peril of the encounter when their con spiracies recoil upon themselves. If General CA VAIGNAC would only confine himself to these wholesome acts of austerity, without tampering with the liberty of the subject, through the medium of the liberty of the Press, there might be some chance of stability to his Government, and some hope of re generation to the glorious but abused Republic. • FOR NORTHERN TOURISTS. Now Ready, in 2 vols., 21s, hound, VOYAGE YACHT TO NORWAY, DENMARK, AND SWEDEN. - By W. A. ROSS, Esq. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great ,islarlborongh-street.