The Sun. — London, England, 1865-12-01 00:00:00

Mr. Bright at Blackburn. BLACKBURN, Thursday Night. A public banquet was given this evening on the occasion of presenting a testimonial to Mr. J. Pilkington, late M.P. for this borough. There was a large gathering of the most influen tial members of the extreme Liberal party con nected with this portion of the manufacturing dis tricts of Lancashire, including Mr. Bright, M.P., M. T. B. Potter, M.P., Mr. J. Cheetham, M.P., Mr. Barnes, M.P., Mr. Fenwick, M.P., Mr. Pender, M.P., and Sir John Bowring. Mr. Pilkington, however, was unfortunately not able to attend, in consequence of the serious illness of Mrs. Bilking ton ; Mr. Dugdale presided. After the usual loyal and constitutional toasts, shich were most enthusiastically responded to, the chairman presented the testimonial, which was re ceived and acknowledged on behalf of Mr. Pilking ton, by his brother-in-law, Mr. John Eccles. The testimonial consisted of a larg e handsome silver epergne. Sir JOHN BOWRING then proposed the toast of the " Commons' House of Parliament." He paid a warm eulogium to the memory of the late Mr. Cobden, and expressed an earnest hope that the good ship Reform, which was believed to be water logged by the cargo which the Conservatives, assisted by some timid friends of the Liberal party, had put on board, would now be relieved of the en cumbrance, and proceed with good speed on her des tined voyage. It was, however, for the people of England to give the impulse and to trim the sails, for there were many who talked about prudence, and others who found nothing more comfortable than rest ; but rest and prudence had never yet won a great victory. Mr. BRIGHT, on rising to respond, was very cor dially received, the cheering being again and again renewed. H e said—You will not be surprised when I say that I attend this meeting with feel ings of a very mixed character. I am very sorry that the opportunity should have arrived to give you cause to hold this meeting for the purpose of show ing that, although your late representative is no longer your representative in Parliament, you entertain for him an undiminished respect ; but I am very glad to be here that I may add my share to the general testimony of respect which we are pay ing to him to-night. You know Mr. Pilkington in Blackburn, and I have known him for 18 years in London, and 1 venture to say that I believe during those 18 years there has not been a man in the house who has more intelligently and faithfully fulfilled his duty to his constituents than has your late re spected representative. He had that peculiar qua lity which my experience has led me to observe is so often wanting in members of Parliament— the quality of an absolute and entire trustworthiness. (Cheers.) I regarded your late election as what I should call a blunder, but on the whole, probably men who did not mean to do so much mischief as they have done by bad management, have brought a temporary catastrophe upon the borough ; and although I have heard from Mr. Pilkington often that the state of his health made it very doubtful whether he could long remain in Parliament, yet I venture to hope that at some not distant period his health will still permit him to stand before you again as a candidate to receive almost an unanimous elec tion from his fellow-townsmen and those who know him so well. But whether your election was a blun der or not, I have asked myself how it happens that there can possibly be in a populous manufacturing town a Tory party strong enough to return two members to Parliament, and I find that in this county, which very ignorant people at headquarters sometimes fancy to be very democratic, we have three very great populations, each of which is repre sented by two Tory members—(hear)—the great commerciality of Liverpool and the great manufac turing boroughs of Preston and Blackburn. Now, if we did not know this to be the fact, we should scarcely believe it to be possible, for hardly any thing can be made more strange, hardly anything more discreditable, hardly anything which we can scarcely account for, than that these great manu facturing and industrial populations should per mit themselves to be represented in the Imperial Parliament by members of that party, whose whole career has been one of permanent and virulent hos tility to commerce—(loud cheers)—this Tory party; for it is extremely busy now, and has been for some years, in depreciating the great body of their coun trymen, and denouncing them as unfit to vote for members of Parliament. I shall take the trouble to look back for a little over what the Americans would call the rewards or awards of this party. The great charge which I have to make against this party is this—that it has been as long as it has endured in our history opposed to rights, to justice, and to mo rality in all legislation and administration of the affairs of this kingdom. We need not go back to 1760, when this party, as it now is, first took shape, and obtained possession of power, which it continued to hold almost uninterruptedly for about 70 years. The history of that Administration is the history of almost continuous war, of enormous debt, of crush ing taxes, of wide-spread pauperism, and during its later years especially, the later years of the war, and the years which succeeded that war, a period of al most the extinction of freedom in this country. It is not necessary to go back so far. We need only go back to the times which are clearly in the recollection of all of us, something less than 40 years. There is not a single question on which we now pride cur selves as an intelligent, an advancing country, there is not a single great question which has administered to the welfare of the great body of the people which bas not been systematically opposed by th eTory party. (Cheers.) Not 40 years ago there existed on the statute book of this country laws which were enacted in the time of Charles 11. laws which were intended to weigh with especial force on members of the Ro man Catholic Church, and upon all persons connected with the Nonconformist and Dissenting Churches. I allude to the acts called the Test Act and the Corpo ration Act. The objects of those acts were these—of the Test Act that no person should hold office, or re ceive emolument, orperform duties under the Crown of this kingdom except by taking certain tests, which neither Roman Catholics nor Dissenters could take. The object being absolutely to exclude them from the, rights of citizenship, from its duties, from its honours, and from its rewards. The Corporation Act was intended to exclude the same portion of the population from all participation in the muni cipal government of the various towns and cities of the kingdom; and yet when it was propos e d i n 1828, so short a time as that, that these Acts should I be repealed, and a bill for that pu rpose was pre pared by the present Prime Minister, the whole Tory party and the Tory Government of that d a y were opposed to the repeal. Then, if you com e t o the next year, there was another great measure touching on a similar question—the question of the relief of the Roman Catholic population, which being six millions in number in Great Britain and Ireland, was not permitted to have in Parliament a single representative a member of its own church ; and when it was proposed that that monstrous and iniquitous system should be abolished, it was done in the teeth of the Tory party, by what they call the treachery, but we call the inevitable concessions, of their leaders, who, as we all know, forfeited for a long p er i o d the confidence of their s u pporters b y the measure of justice which they accorded to the Roman Catholic population of the kingdom. (Cheers.) Three years after there came that other great measure, which gave a share in the represen tation to the t ow , of Blackburn, with its cotton factories, its steam e ng i nes, its large chimneys, and Its great population ; but at the time, as you well know, every Tory — l speak of th em as a party— every Tory yearned towards rotten boroughs, and denied the right of the peopletoheand heard resolutionin P liament, and with such persistency did they do this, that they drove this country to within 24 hours of a revolution. (Hear.) Indeed, it was not till there was a manifestation of opinion and of power, for which they say they are waiting n ow, that they consented that the Reform Bill should pass; and, if you have ever seen a picture—an engraving of which I have in my house—of the passing of the Reform Bill, and of the Royal assent being given to it in the [louse of Lords, you will find that the Ministerial tide of the House is full of Whig and Liberal peers, while the benches of the Tory and Opposition side are entirely empty. They did not give their countenance, their noble countenance, to confer on the people of this country the most plain and undoubted of all their constitutional rights— that of being represented in the House of Com mons. In 1835 the Bill passed which corrected the corruptions of our municipal and corporate system, and gave to all our towns and cities the power to become corporate boroughs for the, purpose of self government, but these measures, which I hold to have been of the greatest value and importance, were opposed by this party with the same determina tion, and I am happy to add with the same want of success. (Cheers.) In 1839 there was the ques tion of education, and the Tory party had great ob jection to voting the public money to be dispensed through other channels than those of the Estab lished Church, and , they almost prevented the establishment of the present system of national help to education on account of their differences with the Government of the day in particular. I am not here to defend the present system, which I think has many defects and may be easily improved. It shows the truly selfish, unwise, and anti-national policy, and the purely sectarian objects of the Tory party when they refused to allow Parliamentary votes to be distributed among the various denomina tions for the purpose of the improvement and edu cation of the people. We now come to the next great measure, that of 1846, which repealed a law that I venture to say was the most odious, the most obviously unwise that in modern times, and among modern nations, existed on any statute-book ; it was a law which condemned the people of this country to periodical states of famine. We all recollect perfectly well that in those times the population of the ma nufacturing districts after one or two bad harvests were plunged into a state of suffering more extreme and intolerable than anything endured during the last few years, until the wretchedness and necessity of Ireland compelled the Government of Sir Robert Peel to abolish the Corn Laws. The Tory party, cruel, selfish, and unrepentant to the last, quarrelled with that great statesman, inflicted upon him sum mary vengeance, and in their bitter animosity to a change so beneficial to the country even, in their desperate passion, shattered their own party. (Cheers.) The sugar monopoly came next. In 1840 the people of the country paid six millions ster ling more for their sugar than it was worth in the world's market, and they did not get nearly as much as half what they would have consumed had it been cheaper. The sugar monopoly wasmaintained forthe benefit of spendthrift and bankrupt West India pro prietors, and the sugar monopoly, of course, was always strenuously supported by the Tory party. The navigation laws, which were intended to make the transit of every article of your manufactures to the other parts of the world and of those things which you received in return unnecessarily costly, .—the navigation laws, of course, were supported strongly by the Tory party ; and when we come to those various tariff reforms, some of the most ex tensive of which were begun by Sir Robert Peel, and by which he greatly lost the confidence of his party, and others which have been carried out by the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, all those mea sures have received either a most reluctant and cold support, or a strong opposition from a considerable portion of the Tory party. (Cheers.) Let us take now another question, the question of newspaper taxes. There never was anything in this country that was intended to live so taxed as a newspaper. (Laughter and cheers.) Every advertisement paid a tax of Is. 6d., every newspaper paid a tax of one penny. Thirty years ago it was much higher, and the paper itself was taxed enormously by the Ex cise. You know the fight was hard in the House of Commons to abolish what were called the taxes on knowledge; the very last measure we carri ed, the aboli tion of the duties on paper, the Tories made a great party question ; they told you the finances of the country would be disordered, and the credit of the nation destroyed by the abolition. (Laughter.) They did not care one single farthing about the great question of education, nor did they understand their own position, for they did not know that there were not 500 men in the whole country to whom a cheap newspaper was more necessary than themselves. (Laughter.) When the House of Lords threw out the bill for the repeal of the paper duty, thus break ing in upon the recognised and undoubted privileges of the Commons, I saw many leading men of the Tory party stand up at the table of the house and express their thankfulness that the House of Lords had dared to take the step they had taken ; and then we come to that other great measure—the- French treaty. There could not be a measure more calculated to add power and influence to the cause of free trade than that treaty, and yet, as you all know, the Tory party, not quite unanimously, for some of them represented constituencies that would not permit it, but, on the whole, speaking of the bulk, they pertinaciously opposed: every measure that was necessary to enable the Government to carry that treaty into effect. Now the Tory party have opposed all these measures on principle, not as two men of the same party might differ as to whether the time was suitable to propound a certain measure, or whether it was the proper degree to which it ought to be carried ; they did not say that these measures should not be proposed now, but at some future time, but they opposed all, on the ground that their opponents were wrong, would continue to be wrong with respect to them, and that Parliament was not acting wisely in taking them into conside ration, with a view to the settlement of them. We may, therefore, now very fairly come to the conclu sion that if the Tories had been dominant during the last 40 years, as they were during the preceding 40 —if their policy had been sustained by Parliament and the country, everyone—certainly almost every one—of these measures would not have been car ried. To this, however, the Catholics and the Dissenters would have been, if not persecuted, at least, under the Test and Corporation Acts, exposed to continual insults and degradation. To be exposed to continual insult and degradation is, I think, the same as to be persecuted. Rotten boroughs have existed all over the country—there are some of them even now—but if these gentlemen had had their way, they would have been universal, not the excep tion, as in past times. The old corporations would have remained as they were in the hands of the lords of the manor or the half-dozen gentlemen who ma naged all the affairs of the town, and who did the jobbery and corruption of the neighbourhood. The Corn Laws would still have been on the statute book, we should have continually been in fear of famine, and no doubt, in every portion of the country, at periods of 'two or three years, we should have had conspiracies and insurrections which would have been from the state of things now existing, at least in Great Britain. If the newspapers had now sold for 6d. instead of Id., it is quite obvious that there would have been more ignorance, and where there are ignora nce an d su ff er i ng toget h er, t h ere i s muc h m the least co few nte y n e t a ; rs th and e 1 extension undertake of the newspaper press to say that n e w e(p during er press hasbeen of signal importance, and has explained to the great mass of the people when they have been suffering truly and distinctly the causes of that suffering. The newspapersha ve g i vent h em pat i ence, and the grounds of hope to look forward to better times, which, if they are not already arrived, we ma y believe will soon approach. If the F renc h Treaty had not been passed, our intercourse with France, as the intercourse of our forefathers had been, would have been one of suspicious hostility. Now it is one of constantly-increasing friendship. I may ask you if the Tory party—which is a super cilious and insolent party—(laughter and cheers)__ who is it that treats the masses, through the mouths of its orators and through the pens of its writers, as though we were not Englishmen, loving our country and anxious for its welfare ? Where should we have been now—where would this country have been—if that Tory party for the last 40 years had been dominant in England, and if the principles it has avowed had been continually sustained by Par liament and the Government ? Nothing can be more certain than this—that there is, and has been, no anarchy in Europe that could have matched the anarchy that must have existed in this country. (Hear, hear.) The people would have been by mil lions and millions in a condition of poverty and abject degradation. If your Queen had been pure and just, as one of the angelic order, her Throne would not have been safe under suchastateof things as I have pictured; and, as for the members of the House of Lords, in all human probability they would long ago have been emptied into theThaines. (Loud laughter and cheers.) I take upon myself to charge this great party, heretofore so powerful in the Go vernment of this country, with a general opposition to right, to justice, and to morality in the course they have adopted in public affairs. Would it have been just and right and moral thus to persecute the Catholics and Dissenters ? Would it have been right and just and moral to defraud the whole people of representation by the permanent maintenance of rotten boroughs ? Would it have been just and right and moral to have maintained wherever they existed the corrupt corporations which existed in this coup- try previous to the year 1835 ? Would it have been right and just and moral to raise the rents of the landowners for ever, by inflicting the sorrows and the sufferings of famine upon the great body of the working people of this nation ? Would it, I may ask, be right and just and moral to strangle the press with taxes that the people might be kept perpetually in ignorance ? I will say more, and I ask you, as almost their very last crime, would it have been right and just and moral to refuse to ratify the treaty with France, a treaty which, I will say, is one everlastingly honourable to the memory of him who made it, and blessed for ever as widen ing the circles of good which it has conferred on two great nations, and which it is destined to confer on all the nations of Europe ? (Cheers.) Well, if it was right, moral, and just to have passed all these things, then am I not correct in saying that the Tory party for the last 40 years have been continually at war with right and justice and morality? (Cheers.) Now there is another peculiarity connected with this party ; it never seems to learn anything, and no w they are equally disposed to evil, or, I leave them the option, they are equally ignorant. I look to their conduct. During the very last session they opposed a matter of such obvious justice as the repeal of the law under which church rates are collected ; they opposed the abolition of certain tests by which the universities, those great and noble institutions for the promotion' of learning, are made sectarian,when by right they ought to be really and truly national. (Cheers.) They opposed also a pro - position of great importance towards settling the affairs of Ireland by diminishing or abolishing all establishments of the Episcopal Church in that country. They won der that in Ireland there should be constant discon tent and constant conspiracy and insurrections. There is no part of this earth on which there has been put so gross and so scandalous an insult. (Cheers.) You may try batches of Fenians in Cork and in Dublin, but every few years there will be another crop of conspirators as long as universal discontent prevails, and that discontent is founded on such a just complaint. This Tory party is now opposed to any improvements in the representation of the people in Parliament. Sir John Bowring did not say much about his toast. His toast was " The Commons House of Parliament." I shall not say much about it, but I may confess that this is the first time that I ever was asked to return thanks for the House of Commons. (Laughter.) I have been a member of it for about 22 years ; I ought therefore to know a gooddeal about it, and I can say that a great many very good measures have passed that house since I was a member of it—l am afraid very few of them because they were good. (Laughter.) But they have passed, and I rejoice in their passing. At this moment there is a general impression that however much men may speak in favour of the Eng lish House of Commons it is an institution that might be in some degree altered, and in a very great degree improved. (Laughter and cheers.) One of the objects of this meeting, I take it, is this, that whereas we admit that the House of Commons is the great security this country has, among all its in stitutions, for its freedom, it is still its bounden duty to make that freedom more extensive, and, if pos sible, to lay down for it more enduring foundations. Out of about six millions of men in this coantry—l believe there are really seven millions of grown-up. men—only 1,300,000 have their names on the re gisters of counties and boroughs. Of these, 300,000 are down twice ; andprobably, even with the greatest expenditure, it would not be possible to bring to the poll more than one million voters. Then would there be much harm in permitting another half-million, or even a million, to exercise that privilege ? There would still be five millions left out. 1 hope they are not worthy of that depreciation and bad lan guage which we sometimes hear applied to the un enfranchised, but there would still be four or five millions left out. The Government scheme of 1860 proposed to bring down the franchise from £5O in counties to £lO, and from £lO in boroughs to £6. I have heard a good many members of the Radical party object to that bill as being a very small and unimportant one, as not being worth fighting for. Now, I entirely differ from such au opinion. We must bear in mind in this country that we can only go on in the manner the general opinion of the pub lic in the country will sanction ; and as I regard the Reform Bill of 1832 as a measure of prodigious value, so I regarded that of 1860, and I would regard now that proposition, if it were enacted by Parliament, as a measure of very large inportance and very large purport indeed to the object we have in view— namely, the fair and honest representation of the people in Parliament. (Cheers.) The Tory party oppose it, and their pretence is that they fear very much for the ignorance of the working man. You must bear in mind, however, that they always point to that most unfavourable specimen of the working man, who does not save any money, and who never works on a Monday. (Laughter.) If this bill had passed, and a portion of the working men had been let in, some of them might not vote very wisely— nay, even a percentage might vote for a Tory can didate, but if I were told, and if it could be demon strated beyond all dispute, that the class which we propose to admit would as systematically vote wrong as the Tory party have done for the last forty years, my anxiety to have them admitted would be much diminished. For forty years the Tory party have been always wrong. The State chariot, laden with good and evil, has been by them impeded at every step and every revolution of its wheels. Their deeds are so patent to all their countrymen and to the whole world that they never can be unwritten, and by Englishmen should never be forgotten. (Cheers.) This same party, who ai e deemed by every writer of ordinary intelligence to have been wrong on all these questions, are now coming forward with measureless effrontery, and asking us to refuse to admit the working man, who has never even had the chance of doing wrong, for fear, if admitted, he should not always support those measures which are for the true interest of the country. Take Lord Derby himself for an example. He is the eminent leader of this most obtuse, incorrigible party, and for the last thirty years his opinions, his speeches, and his votes have in the main been directed against all that policy, which the vast majority are tho roughly convinced has been for the true interest of the country. There is a great Italian writer, Machiavelli, who has expressed an opinion which, I think, applies very well to this particular case. He is, as you are aware, a very illustrious writer, but he is often very much abused, as all men are, I suppose, if they say something that is not pleasant. He says in the capacities of mankind there are three degrees. One man understands things by means of his own natural endowments, another understands things when they are explained to him, and a third can neither understand them of himself nor when they are explained by others—(loud laugh ter)—and he says, further, that the first class are rare and excellent, the second have their merit, but the last are worthless. (Great laughter.) Now, I should like to ask you, looking back at the annals worth o4 i f avr etel l ool ' f o fi r ta y htplaip p eti a l i p, t aof y rlotiry f t o ilet r iasol t t h thc e hiase l p a Ta s ce t ooiryn o tp y ryaa e nr a dt r i3,n s , , ti sh i w v en h ho a ipcl t vhol i ai s tthid t e le they the worth of the political capacity and the political career of that party to the country in which they live? happily for us this Tory party is now a de caying faction. It may seem an odd thing to say in a town like Blackburn, in which the Tory party are for the moment triumphant, but I, nevertheless, re peat it, that in this country the Tory party is but a decaying faction, and the Liberal party, composed of the most intelligent and just of the aristocrats, with the great majority of the middle classes, and the most instructed and advancing of the working becoming, and, indeed, has now be come, is rapidly e iy growing powers in the nation. (Cheers.) At this moment, perhaps, more than ever this is al principles. The ap parent.large majority e have pledgedjust hadto L an i e b l e e r c election, and there is a party will muster less in Parliament than they have mustered for many years past, and I believe it only I requires that we should have a really honest and liberal Administration to enable a Liberal Parlia ment to do liberal things. (Cheers.) Speaking of the Administration, which somebody has said is very much the same as it was, I venture to say that it is very different. I think that I know almost every member of the Administration, and many of them with that kind of intimacy which comes from long attendance in the House of Commons, and I should say that it is composed of men more en titled to confidence, probably, than any other Ad ministration of our time. (Cheers.) It is pledged to introduce a measure of Parliamentary reform and of extending the suffrage for the people, and I believe it will redeem that pledge. I believe, fur ther, that it will not introduce a measure of less dimensions or of less value—l speak now only of the suffrage—than the bill which was introduced and withdrawn in the year 1860. (Cheers.) I could easily suggest improvements in that bill, but I think the government would have a right to say that if their measure is as comprehensive as that they will have fulfilled their pledge, and have done that which was of service to the cause which in office they chiefly represent. I believe they will bring in a billfree from all tricks--(cheers)—from all childish propositions for representing minorities, from all those schemes which some have cleverly devised of giving something with one hand and taking it back with the other. My own opinion is—and I will not give up that hope and opinion until I see myself dis appointed—that the authors of the bill do not be lieve in the dangers which are ascribed to popular representation, but are willing to accept the power and authority which such a representation gives to the administration which it sustains. Now, I will say that I believe there has been a real change in the government, and in my opinion this change is a very auspicious event for the people of England ; but Earl Russell does not come into office without finding himself immediately in face of difficulties of no common order. It is rare that a minister imme diately on stepping into office finds himself con fronted with events such as those which have re cently occurred in Jamaica. I dare not trust my self to speak what I feel on this subject. I fear that the fame of England has never received a deeper wound or a darker stain than it has from the recent transactions in that island. I judge only from the statements made by those who are living and who are most concerned. Thedead can confess nothing of their offences, and they can make no complaints of the wrongs they have endured. I take my opinion only from the documents furnished here by those whose interest it is to put the most favourable inter pretation on their conduct; and I say that murderis foul, and there is no murder more foul than that which is done by men in authority under the pre tence of law. I say, if murder has not changed its name and be yet a crime visited with punishment in this Country, then I hope that the Governor of Ja maica and his accomplices will have to stand at the bar of justice for the murder of Mr. Gordon. No words of appeal or remonstrance to Mr. Cardwell, the Secretary for the Colonies, under whose depart ment these matters more particularly come, will be sufficient. It is not a question for a Secretary of State or for a department ; it is a question for the Crown—(cheers)—it is a question for the Prime Minister, for the whole Cabinet, for Parliament when it shall meet, and for the whole nation, whose character for justice and for mercy is at stake. (Great cheering.) I will not believe that Lord Russell in this matter, any more than in the matter of Reform, will disappoint the just expectations of the people. I believe he will honestly and thoroughly inquire into the matter, and until I see otherwise, I believe he will say, " Let justice be done ;" and, uniting as I believe with the bulk of the people of this country, may I not say that we are disposed to give a large measure of confidence to the new Mi nister? (Cheers.) I hope it may be justified by the courageous and honourable course of action which he will pursue in that lofty eminence to which he has been called by the favour of the Queen, and, I think I may say, no less by the general suffrage of the nation, and I trust that the last years of his life may be sweetened by the thought that God has twice enabled him to render signal service in the glorious work of building upon broader and more lasting foundations the ancient liberties of his coun try. (Mr. Bright resumed his seat amid loud and general cheering, having spoken for a little more than an hour.) Several other toasts were given, and the proceed ings were not brought to a close until a late hour. The Cattle Plague. There can no longer be a doubt about the for midable growth of the cattle plague during the pre sent month. During that brief period it has been so rapidly and fatally disseminated that the pro spect has become very different from what it was a few weeks ago. When the Commissioners issued their report at the end of October it was obvious to argue as it was argued, that the ravages of the plague, as then ascertained, constituted, upon the whole, a slighter infliction than would be created by the suspension of all the cattle traffic of the country. In the,four months comprised between the first outbreak of the disease and the report of the Commissioners, the total number of cases barely exceeded 14,000, while the deaths from plague and pole axe together were only about 12,000. This gave a mortality of only 700 a week upon an aggregate stock of horned cattle estimated at 7,000,000, and it was asked acecordingly whether such a loss would justify the application of such a remedy as was proposed. The question arose fairly enough out of the facts as they then appeared, and as hopes were entertained that we had seen the worst of the plague, at any rate for the season, the sweeping measures of precaution proposed by the Commissioners found no great favour. But the aspect of things has been seriously changed by the returns of the month now expiring. These four weeks have already doubled the losses of the pre ceding four months. The attacks have arisen from 14,000 to upwards of 27,000, and the deaths, de struction included, to upwards of 21,000. Between the 4th and 11th of the month the number of cases increased by 50 per cent. In the ensuing week things were not quite so bad, but there was a further increase still. At present it may be assumed that the deaths, instead of 700 a week, are at least four times that number ; and if winter does not tell in our favour, the losses may be 5,000 or 6,000 a week before Christmas.—Times. About five weeks ago two of the sheep which had been kept about three u eeks in the Edinburgh Sana torium in immediate contact with diseased cattle, but without taking the infection, were handed over to Dr. Smart for further experiment. The sheep were placed in a stall in which two cows had just died from the most virulent types of the disease, and they were also allowed to go about the cow house, in which several diseased animals were under treatment. Both the sheep remained perfectly well until about a fortnight ago, when one of them be came sickly. The animal, from showing loss of appetite, went through all the usual stages of rinder pest, though in a modified form. On the eighth day it showed the first signs of recovery, and has since made continuous advance in convalescence. The other sheep has continued quite well during the whole period. The result of the experiment would seem to support the opinion, that while the sheep do not enjoy an absolute immunity from the disease, they are liable to its attacks iu a much less dangerous form. In the present case the attack was a mild one, even after the sheep were subjectedto contagion for a protracted period. In Dr. Smart's opinion the disease is not likely to assume an epizootic cha racter among sheep, although during its prevalence among cattle, a few isolated cases may occur among sheep. We are informed that Dr. Smart continues his experiments in the treatment of cattle suffering from rinderpest, and with encourging results. He estimates the proportion of recoveries among the animals treated at about 70 per cent. A frightful attack of neuralgia in the face and mouth cured by a few doses of MORIION'S PILLS, the vege table universal medicine of the British College of Health, Euston-road, London, after other means had failed. sold by the hygeian agents and all medicine vtuctsra. Naval and Military Intelligence. The commodore superintendent and officials of Woolwich dockyard yesterday received instructions from the Admiralty Board to be in attendance. at Gravesend on Sunday afternoon next in order to direct the arrangements for the embarkation at that port, for the Continent, of the Prince and Princess of Prussia (Princess Royal of England) and family, who will take their departure in the royal yacht Osborne. The hired transport Ruth has 'commenced ship ping at Woolwich the remainder of the hutting materials prepared for use in Bermuda, a former cargo having been shipped in the Lady Milne. Instructions have been received at Chatham dockyard directing a mortar vessel to be fitted up and attached for training purposes to each of the training ships for boys and lads at the various ports, consisting of the Wellesley, 72, at Chatham ; the Boscawen, 70, at Southampton ; the Implacable, 24, and the Impregnable, 78, at Devonport ; and the St. Vincent, 26, at Portsmouth. The principal use to which the mortar boat will be applied will be that of teaching every lad on board the ships named to swim, which art will in future form a portion of the education of every boy entering the navy. The iron-cased frigate Favorite, 10, 2,094 tons, 400-horse power, Capt. F. IL Shortt, was yesterday completed by the shipwright department, and, in accordance with orders previously issued, will be re moved out of the steam basin to-day and placed at anchor near the west shore, near the Medway. She is fully complete in the various departments, and only awaits the reception of her guns and sea stores to be ready for active service whenever required. Some delay will, however, arise in consequence of no definite determination having been arrived at as to the character of the armament she will mount, no orders having been received at the Ordnance Department, Chatham, respecting the description of guns to be supplied to her. The Cornwallis, old 60-gun screw two-decker, had a number of shipwrights and other workmen employed up to a late hour last evening in cutting away her fore foot and a portion of her keel, in order that she might be in readiness for being floated out of No. 3 dock at spring-tide to-day. She is intended to be sunk n'ar the jetty at the entrance to the 1 Sheerness steam basin to facilitate the docking and ' undocking of ships, for which purpose she has been razed, her upper deck taken off, and the whole of her internal machinery and fittings removed. Her Majesty's screw steam frigate Bristol, 35 guns, Capt. L. E. H. Somerset, flagship of Com modore Hornby, left Portland Roads, for the West Coast of Africa, shortly after noon on Wednesday, the 29th inst. She had been detained since the Sunday previous by. - the heavy gales which have been prevalent in the Channel since she left Spit head. Garrison Serg.-Major Bailey, who has for some time past been under arrest on the charge of de frauding the non-commissioned officers' mess, of whichle was president, of the sum of £63 17s. 3d., has been examined by a court of inquiry at the Royal Artillery Barracks, Woolwich. He has been acquitted of fraud, but has been relieved of the pre sidency of the mess, and ordered to refund the amount in default forthwith. The half-yearly examination of the gentlemen cadets by the Council of Military Education will commence to-day (December 1) at the Royal Mili tary Academy at Woolwich, and will extend over a period of 12 days, after which arrangements will be made to prepare the classes for the usual duties preparatory to the visit of the Governor, the Coimander-in-Chief, for the distribution of the prizes, &c. The following appointments have been made at the Admiralty :—The Rev. Henry Glasson, chaplain, to the St. George ; Robt. H. C. Hebden, second master, to the Victory ; Charles N. White, mas ter's-assist., to the Tamar ; and William Stainer, master's-assist., to the Spiteful. Mr Baldin 11. Wake has been nominated a naval cadet. The Wreck of the Duncan Dunbar. Yesterday an official inquiry, instituted by direc tion of the Board of Trade, was commenced at the Greenwich Police-court, before Mr. Traill, the magistrate, and Captain Baker and Captain•ilun ter, as nautical assessors, into the circumstances at tending the wreck of the Duncan Dunbar, passen ger ship, on the 7th of October last, on the reef known as Les Roccas, on the east coast of Brazil, while on a voyage from London to Sydney, New South Wales. Mr. C. J. Cottingham, barrister, attended for Captain Swanson ; Mr. Peter Gellatly, of the firm of Gellatly and Son, for the owners of the ship ; and Mr. Worsley, barrister, for the second officer of the ship. Mr. O'Dowd attended to con duct the inquiry on behalf of the Board of Trade, and detailed the circumstances of the shipwreck, already reported in the newspapers. He observed that had a beacon been upon the island it was im possible but that it must have been observed on the evening of the wreck, and if the placing of such a beacon on the island situated in such a high road from Europe to the Antipodes, whether by the Brazilian Government or not, was the only result of the present inquiry, the inquiry would have proved most useful. He then called John Cooke, the first officer, who said that beholds a certificate of com petency as first mate, dated July 6, 1865, previous to which he had held a certificate as second mate four years. He had served one year as third and two years as second officer on board the Dun can Dunbar. Having given evidence of the vessel leaving London on her last voyage, he said that at noon, on the 7th of October, the ship's posi tion was lat. 256 S., and 33 10 W. The wind at five o'clock on that day was S.E. by S., and the ship, which was steering . a S.W. course, was going about seven knots an hour. About six o'clock the ship fell off a point, but came up again almost instantaneously, and she was kept on the same course. At this time, also, a seaman was sent up to the foretopsail-yard, looking out for breakers ahead and Les Roccas, although, according to his (wit ness's) working of the dead-reckoning of the ship, he believed they had passed 17 miles to the eastward of Les Roccas. About dusk the second officer was sent aloft. At 8 o'clock his (witness's) watch com menced, and the captain then ordered him, after stationing the seamen, to go aloft and relieve the second officer on the main deck, and he told him there was "curious water ahead," and he was going to tell the captain. Witness then went aloft, and when on the lower topsail yard he called out Breakers ahead." The ship, which almost imme diately struck, had gone of three or four points pre viously, and afterwards came head to wind. In answer to questions the witness said no cast of the lead was taken on the evening of the wreck. Ac cording to the chart produced the ship struck on the north-west portion of the reef, and to the northward of the spot where a beacon was marked as formerly being placed. He had made four voyages to Sydney, and had sighted Pernambuco, but had never before been so far westward as Les Roccas. There was an allowance made of two knots an hour for westwardly currents and lee way. He remembered making the alterations in the logbook, pointed out at the time the original entries were made, and which was entered in mistake. His opinion was that had the second officer sung out when he first saw danger, and the helm of the ship been put up or down, the vessel might have cleared the reef. After some evidence as to the course adopted with the view of saving the ship after the wreck, the inquiry was adjourned. BREAKFAST BEVERAGE.—Romaeopathic practitioners, and the medico profession generally, recommend cocoa a-. Le.ng t e most healthful of alt beverages. When the doctrine of homoeopathy was first introduced into this country, there were to be obtained no preparations of cocoa either attrac tive to the taste or acceptat le to the stomach ; the nut was either tinp2lied in the crude state, or so unskilfully manu factured as to obtain little notice. J. Epps, of London, homoeopathic chemist, was induced in the year 1839 to turn his attention to this subje.t, and at length suc•eeded, with the assistance of elaborate machinery, in being the first to produce an article pure in its composition, aid so refined by the pert et trituration it receives in the process it passes ,hrough, as to be most acceptable to the delicate stomach. For general use Epps' cocoa is distitu uished as an invigo rating, grateful breakfast beverage, with a delLious aroma Dr. Hassall in his work. "Food and its Adulterations," says—" Cocoa contains a great variety of important nutritive principles; every ingredient necessary to the growth and sustenance of the body." Again, "As a nutritive, cocoa stands very much higher than either coffee or tea." Direc tions : —Two teaspoon (tile of the powder in a breakfast cup, fitted up with boiling water or milk. Secured in tin-lined 1-Ib., i-lb , and llb. labelled packets, and sold at is. Od. per lb. by grocers, confectioners, and chemists. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The wide-spread Colonial Empire of England affords ample room for the contemplation of every species of climate, every variety of prospe rity or adversity, and of political well or ill doing. To-day we invite our readers to accompany us, not to the ice-bound lakes of Canada, nor to the blood stained forests and mountains of Jamaica, but to a happier land, where colonisation displays itself under its brightest colours and most alluring aspects. Extending from the frontier of New South Wales to the northern extremity of the Continent at Cape York, with a coast line of 1,500 miles, the colony of Queensland might be supposed to possess a very great variety of soil and climate. That, however, is not the case, since its southern extremity lies little below the Tropic of Capricorn, and its great length from north to south does not much interfere with the uniformity of temperature which p rvades the Torrid Zone. It might have been supposed that this region was too hot for any industry which could be carried on by Europeans ; and those who have been in the habit of defending or palliating negro slavery on the ground that the climate of the Southern States of the American Union is too hot for European labour will be surprised to hear that a colony the southern boundary of which is as near the equator as the Southern promontory of Florida is in course of being occupied most successfully by an industry carried on almost entirely by the labour of the natives of this island and their descendants. In the earlier timesof Australian colonisation it was supposed that the pastoral pursuits of the colonies which lie within the Temperate Zone could no longer be prosecuted with success in latitudes lying within the tropics, except in the case of some table-land raised a great height above the sea. This opinion continued to prevail until, all the southern country having been taken up, pastoral enterprise must have ceased to extend itself, unless the warmer re gions of the north were invaded. To this happy necessity are due the rise and progress of the Colony of Queensland, which has not only come into existence under circumstances unforeseen and exceptional, but may fairly claim to be at this moment the model colony among all our settlements. Originally a convict station, and afterwards a re mote dependency of New South Wales, Queensland was erected into a separate colony in 1859, was endowed with responsible Government, and fairly launched on its career. The statements of the in crease and progress of this new settlement, as ex tracted from the address of Sir George Bowen, the Governor, on proroguing his Parliament on the 14th of last September, are really surprising, accustomed as we are to the rapid development of new societies. Since December, 1859, the European population of Queensland has increased from 25,000 to nearly 90,000, —that is, it has increased nearly fourfold,—while the revenue and the trade, includ ing imports and exports, havebeen more than trebled. Cotton, sugar, and tobacco have been added to the list of staple products ; a line of new ports has been opened along the- eastern seaboard from Kep pel Bay to Cape York, a distance of 1,000 miles. While pastoral occupation has spread over a distant area at least four times the size of the United King dom, it has extended at least 700 miles to the west and a thousand miles to the north of Brisbane, the capital of the colony. The cattle stations now reach to the Gulph of Carpentaria, and there is yet no check in the course of onward progress. Singular and striking as these statements are, they by no means exhaust the catalogue of the exploits of which Queensland has to boast. Although possessed of re sponsible Government, the colony has presented a remarkable instance of concord and stability. While an Australian Administration conveys to the mind the idea of a perpetual crisis, Queensland has as yet known no chan g e of Ministry. The colony obtained responsibleGovnrnment in the same year as the Palmerston Administration acceded to office, and its Ministry has been equally durable; thus seeming to show that there is no inherent reason in the nature of things why a Colonial Government should be that perpetual see-saw, that wearisome vicissitude, that never ending exchange between " ins" and " outs" which we are accustomed to con sider it. Another circumstance, which an English taxpayer will perhaps consider equally gratifying, is, that this fine colony has been brought into its present state of order, prosperity, and good govern ment without the expenditure of a single shilling by the mother country. Compare it with New Zealand, a country with a much better geographical situation and a climate much more suited to European con stitutions. In the Britain of the South, as New Zealand is called, we have maintained for a period nearly as long as the Peninsula War an army of ten thousand British soldiers to assist an increasing population of 150,000 British settlers to defend themselves against 30,000 Maories, of whom not more than 2,000 probably were ever in arms against us, and we are not yet by any means at the end of our troubles. The phenomenon which we are re cording is so striking that it is worth while to men tion the causes to which, in addition to the goodness of the Government and the energy of the settlers, this great success is attributable. Notwithstanding the production of sugar, cotton, and tobacco, the in dustry of Queensland is mainly pastoral, and the European labourer, who would be unequal to the toils of tropical agriculture, is well able to watch sheep or ride after cattle. In a new country of boundless extent the profits of pasture are large and the capital required is small. Then the colony has not been peopled mainly from Europe, but from the older settlements of New South Wales and Victoria. It has undergone the trial of responsible govern ment, but the electoral franchise in Queensland is higher than in Victoria or New South Wales, and it is not impossible that the great stability and success of its Government are due to the fact that some of its inhabitants are, as Mr. Forster would say, " de prived of the rights of citizenship." How he who threatens us with a general emigration of our work ing classes to the colonies if they are not forthwith admitted to the franchise will explain this we can not tell. But we believe it will be found that a large number of persons have emigrated from New South Wales and Victoria, where suffrage is universal, to Queensland, where it still rests on a property qualification, and that there are persons mean enough to prefer‘the institutions of the latter to those of the former. HERALD.—The difference between Spain and Chili is not yet settled. It is now four days since we were gratified by the announcement, which was made with an air of authority by an influential print which claimed to have the best information, that the Court of Madrid had been prevailed upon by the representations of the British government to desist from further hostile proceedings in South American waters. The Times now retracts this statement, and it is needless that it should do so. The indignant utterances of the official press at Madrid, which pro claimed that Spain was the best and only judge of what her honour demanded, and that mere commer cial nations, like England, strangers as they were to her finer Castilian feeling, should not presume to dictate to her what course she should pursue, had prepared us for the attitude assumed by the O'Don nell ministry, and for the circular in which the Fo reign Minister, Bermudez de Castro, attempts to justify the high-handed proceedings of Admiral Pareja. The late change of Ministry in Spain, which has substituted a man of imperious temper, and whose policy it has always been to engage in little wars, which keep the people at work and flatter the national pride, for a politician of greater experience and greater knowledge of the world, has been the efficient cause of this altered position of affairs in South America. Under Marshal Narvaez, the Spa nish minister in Chili, Senor Tavira, had concluded an amicable arrangement, and accepted the expla nations of the government of Santiago. Under Marshal O'Donnell, Tavira is disavowed and re called, his settlement is repudiated, and Admiral Pareja is sent with a fleet to Valparaiso to demand fuller apology and reparation at the can non's mouth. It was hoped in Europe that Pareja would be in turn disavowed, as having exceeded his instructions, that the blockade of the coast of Chili would be raised, and the differences between Spain and Chili submitted to arbitration, as desired by the British and French governments. Such a concession on the part of Spain would have been both reasonable and graceful. This quarrel is such a paltry affair that any opportunity of get ting out of it with honour should have been gladly welcomed by the Government of Queen Isabella. Those, however, who knew anything of the character of O'Donnell could hardly have anticipated such a solution of the question. This statesman, whether rightly or wrongly, is under the impression that Spain is still a first rate Power, and able to assert herself as such in despite of the world. His cam paign against the Moors, his part in the intervention in Mexico, his attempt at regaining San Domingo, which for a time seemed successful; last, and aot least, his war with the Republic of Peiu, has con vinced the Spanish Minister that scarcely any task is too great for him; that the Spain of to-day re sembles the land of those proud hidalgoes who, under Charles and Philip, made distant peoples bow down to them, and the whole world tremble when their morning drum beat to arms. The puny Republic beyond the Andes has insulted Spain. So at least the Spaniard protests and believes, and is determined accordingly to bring Chili to her knees. Ten weeks have elapsed since Pareja sailed into Va lparaiso. Ere this the beautiful city may have been bombarded and laid in ashes. All this time the blockade of Valparaiso, Coquimbo, and Caldera has been more or less efficiently maintained by the Spanish fleet, with immense damage, doubtless, to the interests of English and other European mer chants. All this is very hard upon the industrious people of a country which for nearly 40 years has been at peace, and during that time has thriven to a remarkable extent. It bears hardly, too, upon Eng land and France, whose commercial relations with Chili have so vastly developed since her separation from Spain. But in such a matter it is not becom ing in us to consider our own interests merely ; we must have regard to the rights of the business and the duties which may devolve upon us with respect to it. As to the mere question of right between Spain and Chili, if we judge it by the laboured apology of the Spanish Minister, there can be no doubt whatever that Spain is in the wrong, and has no ground of offence sufficient to warrant her in making war on Chili. As to our own duty, two courses are open to us. We may maintain a strictly neutral attitude, giving plenty of good advice to both sides, as is the custom of our Government,or we may interpose by force of arms to protect Chili against Spain, as appears to be now recommended by the Times newspaper. The first of these courses would scarcely satisfy our merchants, but it is the course to which, in the absence of strong reason to the contrary, we should always incline. We certainly do not see our way to an armed in tervention. The very fact that we are powerful enough to make such interposition effectual should make us hesitate before we use our strength. It is a great thing, doubtless, to have a giant's power. It is tyrannous to use it like a giant. We have ourselves established a precedent against such intervention. The civil war in the United States was a far greater calamity than the war between Spain and Chili. The blockade of the Southern ports was infinitely more of a hardship to our merchants and an injury to our trade than the cessation of the commerce of Valparaiso could ever become. We did not attempt to intervene in North America. The very idea of such a thing was scouted by our statesmen as preposterous. With what face can the same men speak of in tervention in South America ? Moreover, our conduct to Brazil, dictated by our present Prime Minister, was every whit as over bearing and unreasonable as that of O'Donnell in Chili. The memories of Rio Janeiro tie our hands in Valparaiso. We live in glass houses and cannot afford to throw stones. Such grievances as those pompously regarded by Senor de Castro—that a Peruvian vessel had been fitted out in Valparaiso before war was declared between Spain and Peru ; that during that war the Chilian Government, in the exercise of its sovereignty, declared coals to be contra band of war ; that a Chilian newspaper had insulted the Spanish Government ; and 'that a mob, or an individual, had made an outcry in front of the official residence of the Spanish Minister—are per haps the slenderest pretexts on which one Govern ment ever declared war against another. To these imaginary insults Spain has already replied by real ones. The selection of Pareja—the son of her bitterest enemy—for the, purpose of humiliating Chili in her seaport of Valparaiso,: and his sailing into that port, and preferring his arrogant ultima tum on September 18th, a day sacred to Chilians as the anniversary of their proclamation of inde pendence, are injuries at least as grave as that Chili should have felt some natural sympathy for Peru, or that a small boy sang a comic song before the house of Tavira at Santiago. If the honour of Spain is easily wounded, let us hope that it may be as easily appeased. If Chili has insulted Spain, why Pareja has insulted Chili. The lex talionis has been satisfied, and we trust that, on a calm con sideration of the matter, Marshal O'Donnell may allow himself to be appeased. The Spanish squadron may retire from Valparaiso with all fitting dignity, conscious that it has duly discharged its lofty mission, and the cast-down Dagon of " Castilian pride " may be solemnly replaced on its pedestal, amid the congratulations of the world. COUNTRY MARKETS ------ - BRISTOL-THURSDAY. Our market to-day was fairly supplied with English wheat, which sold at fully last week's prices. Foreign firm, but not active. Malting barley quiet at last week's prices. Grinding less in demand, and gave way 6d per qr. Oats in small supply, but sufficient for the demand. Beans 6d to is per qr. dearer. Indian corn without change. BIRMINGHAM-THURSDAY. During the present week wheat has been firmly held for previous rates ; barley less in request ; beans is per qr. higher; peas neglected. At this day's market there was a short supply of English wheat, which sold at previous rates. Barley is per qr. higher ; oats scarce and firm ; beans is per qr. higher ; peas dull. Currencies :—English wheat, white, 45s to 50s ; red, 39s to 48s per 36 stone. Malting barley, 30s to 35s ; grinding, 22s to 25s per qr. Oats, 24s to 30s ; Irish, 21s to 24s per 30 stone. Beans, 42s to 45s ; and peas, 40s to 428 per qr. MANCTIESTER—THunsDAy, There was a good attendance at this day's market, and a fair inquiry for good conditioned wheats, both English and foreign, at last week's rates. Inferior sorts neglected, and sold irregularly. Flour slow sale, but unchanged in value. Oats and oatmeal steady ; beans firm ; Indian corn ,6d per qr. cheaper. BURY ST. EDMUND'S-WEDNESDAY. There was a good supply of wheat at this market to-day, and sellers had no difficulty in maintaining the prices of last week. Barley large supply, and prices maintained. Oats, beans, and peas not cheaper, Talavera wheat, 57s to 59s ; red ditto, 45s to 476 ; barley, 37s to 40s ; secondary ditto, 30s to 33s per qr. averages :--Wheat, 1,343 f qrs, 46s 3d ; barley, 2,754 i qrs., 34s ld ; oats, qrs, —s Od. EDINBURGH-WED'N'ESDAY. At to-day's market there was a small supply of country wheat, which sold readily at is over last week's prices. Average prices. Wheat, 49s 9d' Oats, 25s 8d Barley, 32s 7d 1 Beans 43s 6d Wheat on the top, 2s Od down average, Os 10d up. Barley on the top, is Od down average, is Od down. Oats on the top, Os 6d down average, Os 7d down. Beans on the top, Os 6d up average, Os 9d up. Total supply and sales. Wheat 623 qrs sold 425 Barley 2179 qrs sold 1423 Oats 1835 qrs sold 1379 Beans 96 qrs sold 75 Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 42s Od ; extra superfine, 40s Od; superfine, 38s Od; fine, 36s Od. GLASGOW-WEDNESDAY. This day's market was well attended. Wheat was in better demand, at an improvement of 3d to 6d per 2401 b ; flour altered ; barley stiff at previous rates; other spring corn the turn cheaper. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Deo. 19. _______ Ditto, via Marseilles Dec. 13. Brazil and Cape Verde. by British pam.et Dec. 4. Ditto, by French packet Deo. 2Z. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Dee. ,r. , 2 China, Penang. and Singapore. via Sou: hampton Deo. 2. Ditto, via Marseilles Dec. 13 . Falkland Island. Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... Dec. 2 Ditto, via Marseilles • ... Deo. 13. India (Bombay), via Southampton. Dso. 12. Ditto, via /I amities Dec._6 Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Mandl ei. Deo. 6. Newfoundland Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. United btates and British North America, byßri- tish packet .•..•.. ...Dec. O. Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork O •• •• • ➢itto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry.. Dec. 1. West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe .. Dec. 11. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, and Mexico Dec. '4. Cuba and Mexico Dec. 29. Bahamas, via New Y ork. Dec. 14. Bermuda, ditto Dec. 20. SUSPENSION OF ENFIELD CATTLE FAIR.—At this annual fair yesterday all cattle and sheep were excluded by order of the magistrates. • Births. CROOKE.—On the 29th ult., at 14, Talbot-square, Sussoc gardens, the wife of Douglas Parry . Crooke, Esq., of is daughter. FLINT.—On the 29th ult., at Pensile House, Nailsworth, . _ the wife of B. F. Flint, Esq., of a daughter. MEYER.—On the 29th ult., at 53, Gordon-square, Mrs. I• Meyer, of a daughter. Marriages. BLIGH BROWNLOW.—On the 28th ult., at Ardbraccan Rectory, Ireland, the Hon. Sir John Duncan Bligh, K.C.8., to Anne Julia, fourth daughter of the late Rev. Francis and Lady Catherine Brownlow. PRITCHARD—OSBORN.—On the 29th ult., at Saint Nicholas Church, Arundol, Edward Brace Pritchard, Esq., Captain Royal Marines (Lt. lnftry.), youngest son of Roar-Ad: mural Pritchard, to Margaret Rosamond, the youngest daughter of Wm. Osborn, Esq., Arundel. Deaths. BEcKWITH.—On the 26th inst., William Beckwith, Esq.,' J.P., of Seacox-heath, Hurst-green, in the county 01 Sussex, aged 54. CLARK.—On the 29th ult., at Canonbury, London, Frea-s- Clark, formerly of Bristol, aged 57. JARVIS.—On the 28th ult., at 42 , Commercial-road, Lam' both, Mr. J. Jarvis, aged 78. STANDIDGE.—On the 29th inst., Mr. J. M‘Pherson didge, of Plaistow, Essex, aged 49. USHER.—On the 27th ult., at King's-road, Chelsea, 1 161111 IL Usher, Esq., aged 33. WODEHOUSE.—On the 29th ult., at 10 , Green-street, Gros venor-square, the Hon. Mrs. William Wodehuuse. - ,r„: London : Printed and Pubiibhed by WiL ANT.,8.8 vY of No. 112, Strand, Painter, at Titz. SUN OiliCe. No. 11 ; Strand, in the Precinct of the Suvoy. in the Counti Uf lilicUluez.—Friday, December 1, 1845. .:4 v t~ s THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, - DECEMBER 1, 1865.