The Sun. — London, England, 1835-08-26 00:00:00

--.~...._.~.~~_3.w... L _--_ _.. exempt the Cif - v. l lle Ports altogether from the operation of the Bill, on the 2].cdertanding that another Dill for their regula tion, and founded on the same principles as the present Bill, whatever they might be, should be introduced early next Ses• sion. If such towns as Margate and Ramsgate were thrown into the counties, very expensive and complicated machinery wor.ld necessarily be incurred. Lord MELBOURNE said that the consequence of the Noble and Learned Lord's suggestion would be that another Bill would have to be prepared for then , alone. Lord LYNDI-lURST said he was willing to undertake to introduce the other Bill next year, if the Noble Viscount would trust him, Lou ) . BROUGHANI—Yes ; just as you have introduced the present 13i11.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Lord MELBOURNE understood that the jurisdiction over the towns subject to the Cinque Ports, so far from being de sirable, was considered onerous and inconvenient. He thought it would be more convenient if the larger of those Corpora tions were left-under the operation of this Bill, and the rest thrown into the counties. After a few words from the Duke of WELLINGTON and Lord LyNottras-r The clauses were then withdrawn, on the understanding, we believe, that they should be again brought forward at a later stage of the Bill. On clause 15 being. read, . , The Earl of DEVON proposed that in all corporate towns which under the present Act should be divided into four or more than four wards, all ti:xsons being possessed of real or personal estate to the e.mount of more than 1,000/., and in towns divided into than four wards, or which should not be divided into war:is at all, all persons being possessed of real or personal estc.ie to the amount of 5001. should be entitled to be placed upon the list of councillors. Lord BROUGHAM said that he had no objection to this qualification, if any qualification was to be adopted; but he ob jected to the principle of qualification entirely. Lord LYNDI-lURST said that he had copied his qualifi cation from a Bill brought in by the Noble Lord last y ear . Lord BROUG HAM—Yes, V but why take the only bad part of the Bill?—( Hear, and a laugh.) By a curious infelicity of selection, the only objectionable part of that Bill was taken.—( Hear.) But be did not object to the amendment of the Noble Earl (Devon.) He thought it a great improve ment upon the detestable clause proposed by his Noble and Learned Friend. Lord L YND HURST thought the qualification proposed by him a very moderate one. It should be remembered that to this Bill were appended eighty-eight Acts of Parliament for paving, lighting, cleansing, &c., the different towns, under which trustees were appointed whose powers were transferred to the Corporations created under this Act. Now, with the exception of four of the Acts, which he could not find, he had examined all those Acts, and found that there was not one of them which did not require a large pecuniary qualifier,ii or , from the trustees-4 Hear, hear)—some as high as ',1,0001., and some 4,000/., and there were only six in whiff.' the quali fication was under 500/. He, therefore, thought the qualifi cation very moderate. Lord BROUGHAM reiterated his former objection to the principle of the amendment introduced by his Noble and Learned Friend—namely, that he was not so strongly op posed to the requiring of a qualification in the shape of the possession of a certain sum as to declaring that the richest men shall only be crialified. He had previously stated why he thought it des:sable to have no qualification of eligibility ; but if they we;•e to have one, let it be the same as the qua lification for voting, or that which was adopted in the Scotch Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW alluded to the principle which had been followed only two years ago in the Irish Grand Jury Bill, and could not see on what ground it was not equally supported by his Majesty's Government on the pre sent occasion. Lord H ATHERTON said that the principle followed in that Bill was not the same as now proposed; that imposed as a qualification the possession of a certain sum, whereas this selected only a few of the richest individuals. The amendment was then agreed to. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE asked a question of the Noble and Learned Lord (Lyndhurst)on the subject of clause 25 ; as to whether he meant to apply the required qualifica tion of councillors to the aldermen whom it was proposed to retain under the provisions of the Bill ? Lord LYNDHURST replied that the existing aldermen would not be qualified to remain on the roll after they had ceased to possess the qualification of councillors. Lord BROUGHAM alluded to the instance of a borough in which the Mayor had taken the benefit of the Insolvent Act, and of the three remaining aldermen, two were also in solvent ; yet they would still remain in office under the pro posed arrangement for the rest of their lives. Lord L 1 7ND HUR ST said that it would be necessary for the party to have a continuing qualification ; a provision which would meet the case of insolvency. There was even a clause ia the Bill providing for the removal of mayors, alder men, or councillors, in the event of their becoming bankrupts or insolvents. Lord BROUGHAM said that the question was not as to what was technically called bankruptcy or insolvency—but as to the circumstance of a man being in point of fact insolvent. The election should be the test •f qualification—a declaration should be required on the part of the individual elected. Lord L YND HURST said that a party becoming insolvent and still remaining, could be removed by a writ of quo war ranto. He had no objection, however, to add a provision re quiring any Alderman, at the demand of a member of the Council, to make a declaration of qualification at any time. Lord LANSDOWNE was desirous that the Aldermen should make the declaration like as the other Councillors did at the time of election. On clause 39, requiring the County Magistrates to settle the wards in boroughs, The Duke of RICHMOND suggested that the duty should be performed by the Revising Barristers—they being of course paid for it. The arrangement of this clause would have the effect of imparting to the Magistrates of the county a political character. Lord WHARNCLIFFE saw no objection to the proposal. Lord LYNDHURST was not aware of any, if the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) would take on himself to make an ar rangement for giving Barristers compensation. Lord MELBOURNE was understood to assent ; and it was then arranged that the provision should be inserted in the Report. Lord ELLE NB OR OUG H suggested that it might be put in at once, and moved the insertion of words accordingly. The amendment was agreed to. Clause 40. Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved that the Revising Bar riSters, in assigning the number of Councillors to each ward, should be directed to have regard as well to the number of persons rated to the relief of the poor in such ward, as to the aggregate amount of the sum paid by the ward to the poor ; which was agreed to. Clause 50—The Town-couucil to appoint the town-clerk and other officers. Lord LYNDHURST said that in a great variety of in stances the town-clerks held their oF r :tees during good beha viour—others held them during pleasure —but almost every clerk holding office during pleasure, substantially held it during life. He wished to preserve that practice, and there fore begged to propc,se as an amendment to this clause the in sertion of words to the effect : " That the town-clerks should hold their offices during life, and as a consequence of this, that the present town-clerks should hold their offices during their lives, or, which was the same thing, during good be haviour." Lord BROUGHAM expected this, and was therefore not at all surprised. The new Bill of his Noble and Learned Friend would not have been in the least degree complete in all its badness without the preservation of the body corporate of town-clerks—th e two-score individuals who were the life and soul of these corporations. He only wished that this amendment had been g iven notic e o f th ree or f our weeks ago, for h e was morally certain if this worshipful body of town_clerks could have known that their offices would be preserved, their Lordships would have been saved all the trouble of hearing counsel and witnesses, and the many debr,tes that had taken place thereup , .m. By preserv itr; the aldermen and the town_clerks, their Lordships svere telling the people of this country that the whole af fair was a mere affectation of reform, and that in effect everything would remain substantially the same, with the exception of the periodical electron of three-fourths of the town-council. He had said tha.l the Bill was gone again and again ; but now the final Close of the measure appeared to lam to have arrived. If VA Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne) should still think . it right to go on with the Bill it would only show that his Noble Friend possessed greater patience than he (Lord Brougham) feel—that he had more power cf en durance, or a greater disposition to be sanguine than most. men. For his part, he felt it to be fruitless and vain to at tempt to argue the question any more. He knew that their Lordships would carry the amendment by the usual majority of three to one ; and he also knew this, that the people of this country would know and feel to whom they owed this Bill, and that it ivould be to them a lesson which they would never allow any time or any chance to erase from their memory. Lord .WHARNCIIFFE said, by the reform of the Scotch 13arg,hs Bill, not only were town-clerks allowed to hold office for life, but chamberlains also held their offices for life. If, therefore, tl,eir Lordships were to be held up to the people as caomi'Js to all reform because they allowed town-clerks to hold tli,eir offices for life, so also must his Noble and Learned Friend, for having adopted the same principle in his Scotch Burghs Reform Bill. Lord LYNDIIURST regarded the speech of his Noble ased Learned Friend more as an attack on the town-clerks than an argument against the proposed amendment. The Earl of WINCHILS EA, though still opposed to the principle of the Bill, was yet of opinion that the amendments that had been made by their Lordships would give satisfaction to the great body of the people. Viscount MELBOURNE conceived that the House had been pledged not to make any further alteration in the Bill. Even at present the change which herd been made in the measure, by which a fourth of the town-council were to hold -their offices for life, would have the effect of overwhelming the independent part of the council. The Earl of WICKLOW, adverting to the Scotch Corpo ration Reform Bill of 18.33, by which the town-clerks were to hold their offices for life, wished to know why his Majesty's Government had brought forward two Bills of a similar kind, but which were in that respect founded on such different principles ? Lord BROUGHAM believed that, by the Bill to which the Noble Lord alluded, the town-clerks were removable at pleasure, and did not retain their offices for life. He thought, indeed, that no mention was made in that Bill of town clerks, and he recommended a similar abstinence in the pre sent measure. Lord WHARNCLIFFE referre4 to a later measure for . Swma regulating the mayors and corporations of Scotland, 'n which the rights of town-clerks were di , itinctly reserved. The Marquis of LANS DO WNE remonstrated against the general inexpediency of enacting that the town-clerks shculd hold their ()Tees for life, and thereby rendering them pendent of the councils. Why free -: .uns, wko were tb.o servants of others, from controul Yrfe common sense yrtheir LercisiAir 'l,Vo'ula induce them,.ex'c'eo ;;me extraer.:l4*.ary case, to retain their privat'a 'solichrs, who yrcm, familiarly acquainted with ,all OAC.r attars, for life ; but would they submit to. solicitors imposed upon them for life by A-,!•.. of Parliament ? Would not that in a great rrae..:t.tYe be to render their Lordships' solicitors masters of their property ? Why should the House go out of their way to effect a change which must necessarily be injurious? Why create an independence that might be abused? Why enable the town-clerks to bid defiance to those by whom they' hid le2n appointed to theirsituations? Lord LYNDHURST observed, that in a great many bo roughs the town-clerks did now hold their offices during good behaviour. Why put them in a worse situation, by enacting that they should go out of office every year. The Earl of DE VON also stated, that according to the con stitution of many boroughs, the town-clerk might be considered as holding his office for life. The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE inquired who ought to be the judges of the propriety of the town-clerk quitting his office —the town-council or the town-clerk himself? Ought the latter to be permitted to retain his situation in opposition to the wishes of the governinr , body of the town ? The Marquis of SALISBURY said that many town clerks on their election had, in the full confidence that they would be allowed to retain their office for life, given up their profes sional practice. Lord BROUGHAM said that he had never seen or heard of such a phenomenon in natural history as a town-clerk who, on being made so, had given up his practice as a solicitor. On the contrary, a solicitor generally accepted the office of town-clerk, to add to what little practice he might have had before. Ilitherto, town-clerks had naturally been anxious to give satisfaction to their employers. If this clause were agreed to, they would be indifferent on the subject. Would that be likely to promote harmony in boroughs ? Such a thing had never been heard of as an office, held during pleasurt:, suddenly converted by a retrospective Act of i'ar liament into an office for life. The question would arise, what, under such circumstances, were to be a town. clerk's salary and emoluments ? tie presumed that his Noble and Learned Frier , 22s next proposition would be to tack a money clause to the Bill for the purpose of regulating that salary and 'nose emoluments; for nothing was more likely than gnat when a Town-council found that the Town clerk ris independent of them, they would be indisposed to dr d w their purse-strings and pay him liberally. What also was to be done with the Town-clerk, when he became old and superannuated ? The Marquis . of SALISBURY observed that the Town clerk of Bath had stated at their Lordships' Bar, that when he was appointed to the office he had, by desire of the Cor poration, given up his practice as a solicitor. Lord L YNDH UR ST repeated that in a great many bo roughs the office of Town-clerk was at present held during good behaviour. It was an office, the adequate discharge of which required great care and attention, and self-devotion, and therefore it ought to be held during good behaviour, or, in other words, for life. The clause which he proposed had been supported by a large minority in the other House of Par liament. Would their Lordships remove, without any impu tation upon them, those Town-clerks who now held their offices during good behaviour, merely that new ones might be chosen in their stead? He knew that they would not do so, because he knew that they would not be unjust. He had never known an instance of a Town-clerk having been removed, al though lie held his office only during good behaviour. Why place those individuals in a worse situation than that in which they were at present? The first object of his clause was to make the office a permanent one ; the next object was to pro vide that the persons who now filled that office should con tinue to hold it. Lord BROUGHAM asked why it was to be taken for granted that the members of the new Town-council were to be less capable judges of the persons whom it was their interest to appoint Town-clerks than the members of the old rotten Corporations? Lord LYNDHURST replied that the members of tho old Corporations were likely to be more steady than the members of the new Town-councils. Under the former it was most probable that the Town-clerk would hold his office for life, but that was not so probable under the latter. Their Lordships then divided— For Lord Lyndhurst's clause lO4 Against it Majority On our re-admittance to the gallery, we found Lord L YNDHLTR ST proposing an amendment, to the effect that the power vested in Corporations with respect to Church property should be confined to members of the Esta blished Church. Lord BROUGHAM observed that if, as was said, the members of the Established Church were nine to one in Eng land, surely there could be no real danger in vesting this power in the inhabitants of towns generally, without any distinction whatever. The Bishop of LONDON remarked that it was very true that the proportion of members of the Established Church to the Dissenters was as the Noble and Learned Lord had stated ; but the Dissenters were generally congregated in the towns, and usually belonged to that class of persons out of whom the members of the corporation would be chosen. lf, however, those selected to form a portion of the corporate body were invariably likely to be conscientious and religious Dissenters, he should have no objection to their proposed con troul over this property ; but the case was not an improbable one, that certain persons who might be considered not so much a political as a religious class, belonging to the dissenting body, would select a clergyman who would not be likely to win respect to the Established Church. Lord . ME LB 0 URNE could not see why, when Dissenters were admitted to be members of the Corporation, they should not nominate to the benefices under the controul of the Corpo ration those who were the best qualified, particularly when it was out of their power to select any other than a clergyman of the Established Church.—( Hear, hear.) The worst choice which they could possibly make, as members of a Corporation, would be to elect the person who bad the greatest leaning towards their opinions in politics. They must appoint a cler gyman whose faith is that of the Established Church—who is inducted according to the rites and ceremonies of the Church ; and supposing that they were men of a conscientious charac ter, he did not see why, if the patronage was to be vested in private individuals at all, it might not be safely vested in such persons.—( Hear, hear.) He should be glad to know what ciurse the Noble Lord would take in the case of a Corpora tion where the whole or the great majority of its members were Dissenters ? It appeared to hire that the apprehension of the Noble and Learned Lord on this head was a shadowy one, without any substantial foundation whatever.—( Hear.) Lord PL UNKETT said that the charge of the Right Hon. Prelate against the Dissenters was one which, if well followed, :Dust imply a degree of baseness and profligacy which would well warrant them in treading back their steps, and re enacting such laws as the Test and Corporation Acts.— ( Hear, hear !) It filled him with astonishment and regret that the Right Rev. Prelate should appear to look back with re gret on his support of every liberal measure which had received the sanction of the Legislature. Such an imputation as that which he had cast on the body of the Dissenters was an unjust, offensive, and odious one.—( Hear.) The Bishop of LONDON observed that he had not said anything against the body of the Dissenters. What he had stated WaFi that a considerable number of them should be con sidePed rather as a political than a religious body. That as sertion, he repeated, becarre every day's experience proved the fact.—( Hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord who ap peared strongly inclined to vent his wrath upon him, had stated also that his support of liberal measures was pretended, and that he looked back with regret and remorse to his sup port of those measures which had for their object the relief of his fellow-subjects from the restraints under which they laboured. All he could say in answer to that accusation was that he had given a cordial and sincere support to the measure for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts on political as well as on religious grounds.—( Hear, hear.) Although the consequences which he had expected to flow from that measure had not resulted from it, yet he could lay his hand on his heart and say that if the Act were now proposed he should urge the same reasons, and give the same vote in its favour. There was no act of his life which was intended to emancipate his fellow-subjects from thraldom to which he looked back with anything approaching regret . or remorse. There was only one measure for relief from what was termed religious thraldom, to whi c h h e was o pp ose d, an d th at was Catholic Emancipation ; and he need scarcely say that if that measure was again brought forward be would oppose it as strenuously and determinedly as he had ever done.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Lord. HOLLAND did not rise for the purpose of denying the prevalence of political opinions and feelings amongst any part, or even the whole, of the body of Dissenters. lie be lieved that they were actuated by political feelings, but they were political feelings entertained in common with all those who desired to uphold the free constitution of our country.— ( Hcar, hear.) They were political feelings to which their Lordships owed the freedom of the country—(Cheers)—they were political feelings which were mainly instrumental in securing. the House of Hanover on the Throne of these realms. They were foremost in their love of liberty, of the Constitution, and of the principles which placed the House of Brunswick on the Throne.---( Hear, hear.) He did not mean to deny the existence of these political feelings amongst the Dissenters • but their existence amon gs t th em was no reason why th e y should be deprived of rights which, even during the existence of the Test and Corporation Acts—during the time of persecution amongst them--they were allowed by the common law of England to enjoy.— ( Loud cheers.) The immediate clause which the Noble and Learned Lord moved might be a matter practically of very great importance ; but the principle involved in it was abhor rent to the constitution of the country; and he ventured to say, notwithstanding the quarter from which it proceeded, that it was contrary to all the principles and maxims of the law of England.—(Cheers.) If such amendment were agreed upon by their Lordships (which was not very likely)---if it were sanctioned by the Commons of England, the consequence would enevitably be that, after the abolition of the Test and Corporation Acts, a test might still be applied to all lay pa trons which would have the effect of depriving them of their rights. In the persecuting Acts against the Roman Catho lics, the right of patronage in their advowsons was abrvated ; but in no other instance was that right denied. 'd e recol lected a case which came before Lord Eldon, which the right of patronage was exercised by a Jew amongst other in habitants of a certain place. This right wa:, questioned, and Lord Eldon decided that he had the rigio, to rote, laying it 0.• down as a rule that the security of the Church was to be guarded only by preventing any man being annoint- 1 • did not subscribe to the Th;-. ' yr HU not incl.- - Articles • a'nd who was u.v the Dioce§an, There was slipped into this ciati..e viheipit , preglifttit Spe'ciips 4f !niolei z aitee and ht! hey. -relate sanction a • i• elaus'e.V..hichs, if a 6 reW le, would justify an inquisition into the rtegious creed of every man in the country.—( Hear.) Last night he heard, and certainly with astonishment, that . when the members of the Established creed were few, a pixtti and expensive Church Ftiblislunput 141. hp. '1 0. night be , .vo . ek.', it tkii4 11h c that when the number of Dissenters \vat atremely small—when they were hi CuF prOportiO4 to ni;:e as compared with the mernb‘?: 'ef fat ~'stablished Church, that was annoektA 'its; a strong ground of exclusion against the Dliknters, so that all was fish that came to the net 4 the Noble Lord opposite.—(Laughter.) fie would no longer detain their Lordships ; but he meld ef..r, ait riewti ,ut expressing it as his opinien that Uk greatest disgrace to and stain en (tie hi43tety 6r this country were that it kept up laws of exclunien too long, and he felt it to be the prendeSt lection of his life that he had done seme t6l'els the abo lition of laws, which (like the - ,•l;ricipie on which the present clause was founded) Were the sources whence flowed the bitter waters of exclusion and persecution.—( Cheers. ) Lord I'LUNKETT said that the erpee tie ells teA on the tendency of this clause, the melt justified he felt in applying to the argurecetn rr the light Rev. Prelate the observations which he had done. It was an imputation the most flagrant and a flagitious perversion of truth to assert that the Dl!!senters would exercise the trust reposed in the body to which they might belong, for the benefit of' the Established Church, in such a way as would overthrew the Church.—( Hear. ) The Bishop of LONDON said that when ho alluded to the Dissenters, not as a religious sect but as a political body, he apprehended that it was not unlikely in certain eases, where more than two candidates appeared for a living, that the political body acting upon principle, would choose the least efficient. The Noble and Learned Lord must be aware that there were in that body persons who could hardly be classed under the denomination of religious and pious Dissenters. He \vas the last man to say anything against the Dissenters as a religious body, but when it was proposed to vest them with new powers affecting the Church, he felt not only that he was right, but that he was in duty bound to take the course which had given rise to the Noble and Learned Lord's remarks. Lord BROUGHAM said that the argument used by the Right Reverend Prelate was calculated to make the Dissen ters appear odious in the eyes of the members of the Esta blishment. The Right Rev. Prelate took it for granted that there was among the Dissenters a large body who, if this power was given, or rather he would say continued—for it existed already—would exercise in it a base and flagitious manner. " Many of them," said the Right Reverend Prelate " are not conscientious and pious Dissenters, but poli tical Dissenters. These are the men I dread." Might not the same assertions apply to the members of the Established Church? Were there no impious and unconscientious Church of England men ; and had the Right Rev. Prelate no dread of them ? " Those political Dissenters," said the Right Rev. Prelate, " under the denomination of Presbyterians or Bap tists, or any other name they may choose to assume, may, in fact, be nothingarians, or anvthingarians—let us have none of them." Was the same objection wholly inap plicable to the members of the Establishment? Were there not numberless churchmen, who nominally conforming to the Established religion, in fact were nothingarians or anythinga rians—quite as impious as any of the political Dissenters of whom the Right Rev. Prelate stood in snch religious horror ? —( Hear, hear.) For his part he (Lord Brougham) was fully persuaded that those who were most anxious for the downfall of the Established Church were not the Dissenters, but the nominal Churchmen. His Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst) had moved a clause to which the substance of the Right Reverend Prelate's argument might be applied as a preamble. " Whereas, by the Bill now under the considera tion of this House, Dissenters are to be admitted as Members of bodies corporate, and thereby will obtain a voice in the distribution of Church patronage ; and whereas there is reason to believe that the said Dissenters will enter into a plot to ap point insufficient and unworthy clergymen to the livings within their gift, for the purpose of lowering the character of the Church, and of bringing it into contempt • for remedy whereof be it enacted— ; " an d th en wou ld follow the clause of the Noble and Learned Lord. Such, in fact, was the whole sum and substance of the Right Rev. Prelate's argu ment.—( Hear.) Lord WHARNCLIFFE thought it was the duty of the House to take care that the livings in the gift of Corporations should not hereafter be placed in the hands of a class of per sons different from that which the original donors intended. Lord LYNDHURST really did not understand the insi nuations thrown out in the speech of the Noble Baron. He had distinctly stated the object of the clause ; and it was in tended to effect no other object than that which he had stated. These advowsons belonged to the existing Corporations by right and law. It was proposed to transfer them to a newly constituted body; surely, then, he was at liberty to propose that of that newly constituted body none but members of the Established Church should vote in the distribution of Church patronage. If a Jew, or any other person not being a member of the Church, possessed an advowson which by law he might have a right to hold, of course he would be at liberty to ap point; but instances of that kind had nothing whatever to do with the present case. Lord PLUNKETT begged to ask whether Dissenters were excluded from the corporate bodies who exercised this patron age under the existing law. After a few words from Lord Ashburton, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Duke of Richmond, the,question was put and the clause inserted. Several amendments of a mere verbal nature having been agreed to, the House resumed. Lord MELBOURNE moved that the Report should be received on Thursday. Lord BROUGHAM suggested that it should be received to-morrow, and that they should take the third reading on Thursday. Lord LYNDHURST thought that Thursday would be the better day for the Report. It was necessary that the Bill as amended should be printed. Lord BROUG EIAM said, perhaps there would be no ob jection to the Report being received without discussion on Thursday, the understanding being that the debate should be taken on third reading on Friday. This arrangement was agreed to, and the Report was or dered to be received on Thursday next.—Adjourned. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Salop. North ftropshire Yeomanry Cavalry—The Hon. T. Kenyon to Major, May 6, 1834 ; th e H on . C. B r id gman t o b e C a ptain, vice Croxon, resigned ; J. Croxon, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Jun., Gent., ; Sir W. Cl ar k e , B ar t., t o b e ditt o ; W. S par ling, Gent., to be ditto, vice Edwards ; J. R. Kenyon, Gent., to be Cornet, April 3. DI CLARATIONC. OF INSOLVENCY. JOSEPH NOKES, hosier, Hinckle3 7 ,Leicestershire , WILLIAM HODGENS, merchant, Liverpool. BANKRUPTS. STEPHEN COX, horse-dealer, Hendon, Middlesex, to surren der Sept. 4, at one, a n d O c t o b er 6, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Groom, Abchurch-latie, Official Assignee; Egan, Water man, and Wright, Essex-street, Strand; Payn, Dovor. JOHN TIVITOE THRING, scrivener, Warminster, Sept. 18, at one, and Oet. 6, at eleven, at the Bath Arms Inn, Warmin ster. Helder, Clement's Inn, London ; Goodman, Warminster, Wilts. JOHN LEES, grocer, Bilston, Stafford;hire, Sept. 11, at three, and October 6, at eleven, at the Lion HotA,Wolverharopton, Staf fordshire. Philpot and Son, Southampton-street, Bloomsbury, London; Phillips, Wolverhampton. JACOB FELL, grocer, Glossop, Derbyshire, Sept. 14, and Oct. 6, at two, at the Rutland Arms Inn, Bakewell, Derbyshire. Rod gei s, Devonshire-square, Bishopsgate-street, London ; Vickers, Sheffield. MILES TURNER, bleacher, Haigh, Lancashire, Sept. 9.0, and Oct. 6, at eleven, at the Town Hall, Preston, Lancashire. Ad lington, Gregory, Faulkner, and Follett, Bedford-row, London ; Leigh, Wigan. JOHN RHODES, clothier, Huddersfield, Yorkshire, Sept. 10, and Oct. 6, at ten, at the George Inn, Huddersfield. Lake, Cateaton-street, London ; Battye and Clay, Huddersfield. GEORGE PHIBBS, wine -merchant, Blenheim-street, Bond street, Middlesex, 6eptember 3, at one, and October 6, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, Abchurch-lane, official as signee ; Bird, Lincoln's-Inn-Fields. JAMES MUSIIEN, innkeeper, Birmingham, Sept. 4, and Oct. 6, at twelve, at Dee's 'loyal Hotel, Birmingham. Woodroffe and Lewin, New-square, Lincoln's Inn ; Mole, or Stubbs and Hol lings, Birmingham. GEORGE SOWEIttIY, carpenter, Hibalastowe, Lincolnshire, Sept, 1 and Oct. 6, at eleven, at the Angel Inn, Glamford Briggs, Lincolnshire. Nicholson and Hett, Glamford Briggs ; Dyneley, Coverslale • Lee, Field-court, Gray's Inn. THOMAS EANE, lodging-house-keeper, Greenwich, Kett, September 5, at two, and October 6, at one, at the Court of Bank rtipxV. Edwards, Pancras-lane, official assignee; Kearns, St.:- I,le's DIVIDENDS. In the Country. J. Todd, printer, Sheffield, Sept. 15, at twelve, at the Town Hall, Sheffield—H. 13ullen, brewer, Liverpool, S pt. 22, at one, at the Clarendon-buildings, Liverpool. CERTIFICATES--SErT. 15. 11. Graves and W. S. Gooding, tailors, Strand—R. Trotter, far mer, Teignmoutb, Northumberland—S. Gribble, hatter, Derby— J. Ward, jun., victualler, Little Sheffield—T. Young, grocer, New castic-upor:-Tvne—W. T. Restell, India-rubber manufacturer, Budge-row, Watling-street—T. Tayler, carpet warehouseman, Fore-street. The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 10 minutes past 3 o'clock. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. Pighills and J. Stead, corn millers, A, perl'y-bridge, York shire—J. and J. Thomson, solicitors, Manchester—W. Wilson and Co., merchants, Liverpool—G. Kitching ani L. Fearnley, manu facturers of Britannia metal goods, Sheffield—J. Rimmer and Co., dyers, Salford—R. Hall and I'. Freeman, tailors, Maddox -street, Hanover-square--A. Thomson and T. Exton—A. Canney and M. E. Norris, schoolmistresses, Broadstairs, Kent—S. Smith and S. Newberry, warehousemen, Manchester—S. Thompson and W. Col linson, commission agents, Kingston-upon-Hull—J. and W. A. Benham, grocers. Strand—R. Scholes, sen., and R. Scholes, jun., corn dealers, Huddersfield—T. S. Lee and T. Howard, salesmen, Smithfield—W. G. Whitbread and C. H. Thompson, chinarnen, Whitechapel-road—J. and J. Anderton, saddlem, Walton-le -Dale, Lancashire—J. Hardisty and W. Beck, broketa, Liverpool —E. Stevens and H. Bartlett, commission agents, BngLton—J. Flather and M. Oakes, pawnbrokers, Sheffield—H. Crompton and J. Grif fiths, paper dealers, Liverpool—C. P. Chapman and F. W. N. Crouch, zincographic printers, Cornhill—R. Sharpe and Co., cof fee dealers, Liverpool. The Ulster Canal is proceeding rapidly. Ab out two thousand men are employed on it. 'The cut fras extex ded as far as Tullybrick Lake, near Middleton, Armagh. The locks, &c. are all ready, and it is expected that tl to eanal w 1:1 be completed in another year.--Irish Paper. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 26, 1835. A Morning Contemporary, by no means remarkable for steadiness or consistency of character, has put forth an elaborate article, the aim and end of which are to frighten Lord MELBOURNE into a resignation. " If," says our 'Contemporary, " he cannot enlist a larger force of the English . Aristocracy, the more seemly part for the Noble Viscount would be, to tell the KING he cannot carry on the Government; unless, indeed, he considers the time ripe for attempting to rule and make laws for the British Empire, by a small majority in the House of Commons alone, with KING and Peers against him." Now the very circumstance of his Lordship being unable to " enlist a larger force of the English Aris tocracy," is, we think, an argument that, so far from telling against him, tells strongly in his favour ; for it is proof positive that, in all his plans of Reform, he has an eye to the interests of the many, instead of the few. Were his measures to be such as an unre formed, irresponsible House of Lords could consis tently support, they would be no better than those glanced at by Sir ROBERT PEEL in his famous Tam worth Manifesto ; and we all know what sort of Re formers this Gentleman and his Tory colleagues were. In such a case his Lordship's resignation might very justly be called for ; but . certainly not when he acts, as he is now acting, in so manly and straightforward a manner as to subject himself to the interested hosti lity of the whole Tory faction in the House of Lords. This very hostility, we repeat, redounds to his credit, both as a man, and as a Minister ; and, instead of inducing him to resign, should supply hi m with fresh inducements to continue at the helm. So l o ng as he has a majority of the House of Com mons—which, after all that has been said about our h a ppily-balanced Constitution, is the really efficient GoN ernment of the country—to back him, he may treat the apposition of the House of Lords with con tempt ; for it is an oppositidi; however vehe ment, may ht.! neutralized in a variety of ways, among the most effectual of which we may locution a creation t beefs dna rt atoppage of supplies. While, there fore, his Lordship poSSeaacD this power of red uc i ng a refractory oligarchy to ohcdicnce, it is his d u t y t o re main at his post, whatever our Janus-faced Morning Contemporary May Allege to the e9)itrary. W e have reason to believe that it is the intention of their Lordships tO E.lft , matters with a high hand. At, a numerous gathering of the Tory Peers which teal~ place yesterday, the most inflammatory counsels were those which wei' received with the most appro bation by the majority of those who attended. Some few, tre tinderstand, had the good sense to recom mend moderation ; but their advice was altogether un heeded, the meeting being almost unanimously of opi nion that the "No Surrender line of conduct was the only line that they could now adopt with safety to themselves, and advantage to the community. Their Lordships, it is clear, are demented, or they never would have even dreamed of coining to a resolution so fatal to their own authority. The slightest reflection might have served to convince them of the folly of pro voking a collision with the House of Commons, in which, even under the most favourable circumstances, they cannot but be worsted. Let them look back to the last ten years, and sec what very little effect their opposition has had on all measures of rational Re form. Notwithstanding their vehement, uncompro mising hostility, they could not prevent the pass ing of the Bill for the repeal of the Test and Cor poration Acts—of Catholic Emancipation—and of Reform ; and if they could offer no efictual resistance to these measures, at a time when their influence in the House of Commons, and generally over the minds of the people, was full ten times as great as it is now, what resistance can they expect to make on the pre sent occasion ? They may indeed succeed in creating a temporary confusion, and embarrassing the move rnents of Ministers ; but this is the very utmost they can do. The Corporation Bill will be passed in spite of them ; for never were the minds of the people so fully made up as they are on this all-engrossing ques tion ; and their Lordships' amendments, so far from throwing a damp over this popular determination, has in reality supplied it with additional energy. Let the collision then come when it may, the People and their Representatives are prepared for it, and, firm in union, can afford to laugh at their Lordships' blustering threat of " No Surrender." The country must wait for another Session of Par liament before any improvements are made in the Law of Debtor and Creditor. The Imprisonment for Debt Bill—a measure of vast importance to the people of England—a measure which cost the country the ex pense of a legal Commission, and the Commons of England, aided by the first lawyers of the land, weeks of arduous labour and inquiry—this measure, so im portant in every point of view, must stand in abeyance for some months to come. It will be seen by referring to the debate in the House of Lords last night, on the postponement of the Bill, that Lord LYNDHURST declared it impossible that a Bill so complex in its details could be examined at so late a period in the session ; and that if it were allowed to stand over, he would " be prepared to attend to the details with a mind completely unbiassed." We quote from the Morning Post, and the expressions are too remarkable to be soon forgotten. No doubt the country will derive some satisfaction from learning that any Bill which affects its interests so nearly is likely to obtain his Lordship's " unbiassed" con sideration ; but still the acknowledgment of a bias so very strong on the part of a Noble and Learned Sena tor, as to disqualify him from approaching the subject now, will not tend to increase a respect for his opinions on the Municipal Reform Bill. His Lordship is a member of several Corporations, and with all re spect for the impartiality of a legal Peer, we must take the liberty of believing that the prospect of a close Corporation dinner and a gold snuff-box, is more likely to bias his judgment, than an apprehension of the disuse of Debtors' Prisons. It is singular that all Bills which have a tendency to improve our institutions reach the Lords either so late that no time remains to examine them, or in so crude a state, that they require to be entirely re-modelled. The Commons can frame no Bills to please the Lords, but such as are of a restrictive or coercive character. The Six Acts were all perfect—the two Coercion Bills for Ireland were patterns of legislative capacity. The Lords would have passed five thousand such Bills in a single week. But the Reform Bill, the Central Courts Bill, the Irish Church Bill, the Municipal Reform Bill, and the Imprisonment for Debt Bill--these all left the House of Commons in a state so imperfect, that the most illustrious Members of the Upper House have mistaken them for the composition of Revolu tionists. Why the Commons should be always right in their coercive policy, and always wrong in their measures of amelioration, are questions which we shall take some other opportunity of answering. At pre sent we only refer to the fact as illustrating the pro position that the principle of despotism—social, civil, political, and ecclesiastical—alone finds unanimity of response in the bosom of the House of Lords. We rejoice to learn„from the Paris papers of Mon day now before us, that France begins to be sensible of the treachery of her KING, and that the wretched tools of his apostacy and ambition in the Legislative Cham bers, will find it impossible to carry the projects of law for revoking the Constitutional Charter into operation, without encountering another revolution. The oppo sition in the Chamber of Deputies, though powerless in attempts to retard the passing of laws for revoking the Charter, is numerically strong enough to lead France to the achievement of a third victory over the enemies of her social and political freedom. The enlightened heads and gallant hearts who deli vered the nation from the iron yoke of CHARLES X., have not all become insensible to the wrongs of their country,--the stream of corruption has not saturated the entire soil of France. Even within the precincts of the Tuileries there are brave men ready to lay down their lives in defence of the Charter of 1830 now being revoked by command of the CITIZEN KING. We could, but shall not name these men, as we might expose them pretnaturely to the hatred of a Monarch, who secs an enemy in every per son opposed to the re-establishment of a despotism in France. It is among the most merciful dispensations of Pro vidence that tyrants are ever foremost in accelerating their own downfall, and that by some measure not ne cessarily connected with the upholding of a system of domestic despotism. Blinded by past success, they fancy themselves secure, when, in point of fact, they have only reached the brink of the precipice towards which they were madly hastening. They arc all eye when there is no danger ; but when the next step must be made in air, they close their eyes and dash forward, as if Nature was bound to accommodate itself to their pleasure. It is thus with the CITIZEN KING, who chooses the instant in which he is engaged in strangling the liberties of France to enter into a secret negocia tion with the Autocrat of all the ItusslAs. • The destroyer of the nationality of Poland, and the abro gator of the constitutional charter of France, have been too long strangers to the policy of each other. They are kindred spirits who have sought to accom -- plish the same end by different means. Loins PHILLYPPE is heartily tired of his connection 'vo l Great Britain ; and the quadruple treaty is a thorn in his side, of which he would be happy to get rid through the instrumentality of the Czar of Muscovy. He knows that to revoke the Constitutional Charter,,, and to retain the friendship of England at the same time, would be impossible ; therefore he throws him self into the arms of Russia, in the hope that by sanctioning the partition of Poland, and 07 tifying the present Government of the Lem bardo-Venetian Kingdom ; he will obtain the s upport of the Sovereigns of the North towards the establish ment c,f a Kingly despotism in France. We ore further inclined to attribute to Russian influence the delay which has taken place in sending the required aid to the assistance of the Queen of SPAIN. In fact, as we stated some days since, Louis PIIILLIPPE would rejoice were any circumstance to occur which would seelo to justify him in supporting Don CA It LOS. He was not aware at an earlier period that the Spaniards either understood the meaning of political freedom, or that they had any wish to obtain it. Ile supposed the collision was purely personal, though veiled under spe cious names, and that whether Don CA Rims or Donna ISABELLA reigned, the people would be equally king-ridden, priest-ridden, and passively obe dient. He now finds that he had quite mis taken the real drift and merit of the question that Spain will and must have a Constitution, and a really representative Government. This alarms him ; especially as he is prevented by the qua druple alliance from openly declaring against the Christinos. The revolutionary movements in Cata lonia arc conducted on principles so extremely rational, considering the popular excitement, that they offer rl O pretext for renouncing all connection with the IVladria Cabinet. The Messagcr of Monday evening has a long article on the state of affairs in the East. The writer states, on the authority of a letter dated 27th of JULY from Constantinople, that the SULTAN, at the insti gation of Russia, will not wait for the spring in order to commence hostilities against MEHEMET ALI. Th e Messager says that the real object of Russia is to provoke a war, which will so weaken the SULTAN Oa his vassal, that she may with impunity appropria te a few more provinces of the Ottoman Empire, an d asks—Will Western Europe tolerate such an outrage 7 The question may be important, but we greatly fea r that France will find herself in no disposition to air swer it, while LOUIS PHILIPPE is suffered to sway her destinies. If French Editors fear expatriation , we advise them by all means to steer clear of imputa tions against the justice and clemency of the Cza r of RUSSIA ; for be it known to them, that King Lours PHILLIPPE has entered into a bond of frater nity with that Imperial Personage. LOUIS Pll ll ' . LIPPE attempt to restrain the devastating course of th e Emperor NICHOLAS ! No, no : these Sovereigns have personally a common object—the slavery of mankind. The secret past between Lours PHILIPPE an d NICHOLAS, reminds us of the story of the On / and the dwarf who journeyed together, waging l'it` r against their mutual enemies. They were always sue' cessful, but unfortunately for the poor pigmy, th e wounds all fell to his share, and in the moment of in ° greatest triumph, he had neither a leg to stand upo n ' nor a hand with which to wield a weapon. LOO S PHILLIPPE will realise the fortune of the dwarf. fi e will annihilate the Orleans' dynasty in France, wh ile ( co-operating to trample down the last remains ° Polish independence ; and when NICHOLAS Pr °• nounces his ally a hero, Lours PHILLIPPE will re ' quire such a shelter as Russia may think worthy t h e grateful acceptance of a dethroned Sovereign. FRENCH FUNDS.—PARTS, Amin 24. Five per Cents 108 f. 90c. 95c. lU9f. Four and a Half per Cents., 101 f. 85c. Four per Cents.,9Bf. 25c. Three per Cent,. 7Sf. 60c. 55c. 65c. 60e. Bank Actions, 2,025 f. Rente de Naples, 90f. 9:c. Roman Pive per Cents., 101%. Heine oPEspagne, Five per Cents., 325; 34. liente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 21 22 21%. Royal Spanish Loan, 'dente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cent., 32% 33 34. Portugue:c Loan, Five per Cent., 87 Portuguese Three per Cents 51 M% 55. • EXCHANGE ON LONDON. One month, paper, —f. —c. ; money, 25t 52%c. Three months, paper, —f. —c. money, 2511 i . tb ° BOURSE, THREE O'CLOCK.—The stocks, partictuar.d -v Spanish, have sensibly recovered since last Saturday, the s ip counts given by the Government papers of the disturbose eg . Madrid having been deemed favourable by the speculators,. ee QUARTER TO FOUR.—Five per Cents., 1081. 95c. • ~,,1 1 ',.r e o per Cents., 78f. 60c. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, 34; 1 "„),, per Cents. Spanish, ; Cortes, 34; Coupons, ; G t 3; bards, 34; ; Differes, 144-; New Loan, 401- ; Actives, 3:3 ; Passives, Ducats, 96 90; Romans, 1011; PedroS, 60 Belgians, —; Dutch, —; lia)tians, —f.; Miffuels, Brab:Pt Bank, 11:1-. as , German and Brussels papers have been receive d ' A project has been set on foot for uniting the 0 1, 14 and the Danube by a canal passing through tll e Black Forest. Several speculators are preparing °I engage in it. General PALAFOX, who was arrested in Spain, bas been tried and acquitted. The Money Market is dull at Vienna. Little or l ' (I t business is done, and no reason is assigned fora f or so important to commercial Europe. Advices from Math id to the 18th inst. have be e' received. They state that the Marquis DE LAS A ~ f A t RILLAs has resigned the War department, and O r his place has been filled by General MORENA. Otbee accounts state that 2,500 British auxiliaries wil l b drafted to Madrid to protect the capital, and that an v equal number of Urbanos will be sent to join the al l in the North. No important communication has bee received from that quatter. Letters from Lisbon to the 16th inst. have been re : ceived. It was then generally reported that P ri g, SASE COBURG is to be the QUEEN'S second 11° band. The country was tranquil. SIIIPPING.-(TIIIS DAY.) FROM LLOYD'S. ;‘,O l Ill(' DEAL, AUGUST 25.—Wind N.W., variable.—Arti'• - f r o's' Duchess of Manchester, —, from Jamaica ; Selburn, Laing' j o r• Demerara ; Galatea, Anderson, from Trinidad ; Evergreen , , e (te gan, from St. John's, New Brunswick ; Hindostan Ilevier' fr olO Loup, Woodford, from North America ; and Ann, White, harll' Cadiz. Arrived from the river and sailed the Margaretta, B ar ,), for for Batavia ; Hunter, ----, for Trieste ; and Liberator, Angctif° Waterford. The outward-bound have sailed on their re 5 P" voyaes. "PO g RTSMOUTH, AI:G. 25.—Wind N.N.W. to S.S.W., b i°slivs hard.—Arrived the Apollo, Munden, from Leghorn. PLYMOUTH, A un. 24.—Wind S.E.—Arrived his Wiest) , " 0 0 1 " Spartiate, out nine weeks, from Rio Janeiro, last from Portsr%Dyst to be paid off at this port ; and Lord Melyille,Repath, out 4 f 4 from Quebec, with timber. In Hamoaze—The San Juf'; . . ; ' t • lades, Diligence, and Rochester. In the Sound—The SPar7:o 6l FALMOUTH, AUG. 24.—Wind N.W. to N.N.W, strong u and Pos squal k: N ly. n for Lo° l' TorFicocE.—H is Majesty's brig Scorpion mail of the 25th ; letters in time this evening. , Rio COWES, AuG. 24.—Arrived the Boreas, Walgehaven, 0°- Janeiro ; and Karta, Offerson, from Ban d ia. „ o ket , SOUTHA .741 I'TON, AUG. 24.—Arrive the Falmouth Ilager, from Cadiz. . tts h HASTINGS, AUG. 24.—Arrived the Cognac Packet , from Mauritius. 131115T01., AUG. 25.—Arrived the Minerva, Furlong , -r° maica; and Exeter„ from St. Petersburfh. Gt.oircEsrEit, Anc. 25.—Arrived the 'I homas an d Wardle, from Miramichi. 140' LIVE/IMO!, AUG. `24.—Arrived the Rolla, Wallace, frl c V. sau: and Robert Watt, Martin, St. Andrew's, New Bru nsvv viii ty SWANSEA, AUG. 24. —Wind W. S. W.—ArriVed the beth Clark, Alder, from Quebec; and Tom Cringic , - - ton, from St. Jagodo Cuba. a ke n The barque Louisa, from London for Quebec, era n , o - ' ° min' with, on the 7th inst. in lat. 48 N., long. 28 deg' "- W., by the Elizabeth ' Clark, Alder, arrived at Swanee n. of cl The British sloop of war Acteon, Lora Pu" 315 of Russell Commander, arrived at Buenos Ayres on the May, having sailed from Plymouth on the 22d of March. Tlanic s ,. P , R . U.E OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. 37 C gr , t" - . 111, 2 acd ,„90 FV4 Indi“Stocli 2r-3 . - . .3;icr Cent. Cons. 9014 % 3 ,,', 1.4 j Ditto Bonds 1.. 4 Per :'ca,; . •• !3,' Cto' iyi.F i South 5r;:?.'.frith,, , ,,,, , iii..:'' .-- liqtt , ittd ...•...!:.:••• ••••'' •. ',AI 4s ~1.,1 .A .„.4411,.0 ~,,,,,,, . ~, . ;:., . New 31, per Cent -'— ti a',,,,' i'l , NeVc 1.,'.1.t.i - - • - I ssente i —' 3 per Cent. Annuities, W. 1... 4 oer Cent ' ' ' • 1 - Dissented .... IE • I - rills, £ I ITO 2" ' - ' 1) Ine .. ... --- 1 xc i. , Bank LongAnnititiesto expire j Ditto - sfi4) 2? DI pm .lan. 5, ISM.. ...... 16 7-16 % 14 ,, Ditto Small - 22 1:0 pm. ' 0 , -1:10; liKgi --1 Ditto Cormwrc n ial — pm lan. 5, IFIne;::.;„,,. . •,,,', -:,;•:. Oittri-Aill'2i..igt•l... ...... it : 77, •,,,, I'M Jar.. 5, lß'tl Bank Stock for Account — April 5, IR' o .i. - •....... I India Stock for Account — 3 , 111, 5, 18711 -• . .. , . 74 , t -.• . ..,...1% for Aecount.,. FIFA 110 5:1 3 ,4 I OiiirirLiiii '. ............SL; - .. ..... ...._.......—. , PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS 'I'llIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCk. Austrian Bonds ' j Peruvian Boots ............27 t•il4 7„,, Belgian Bonds — j Dino Account — Ditto Account • Portugueseßonls 851•.; Brazilian Bonds ••= IIIII"' ,\""t-l:1 1. 1 , . '•111'• . •••••: ... -- iJii to I , :eiv rsotitg...... k. , .h , 4 .4 r,T, Buenos Ayres Bonds • • , Ditto Account • Ditto Account — Prussian Itondg — Cliiilian [nods';• •": • • =I ~ Ditto 1,30nd5,182' — Ditto 4a,iiillll --" " ••'l , .. • ! nrAii milihil 142-2 . ::: . , 109!4 ~ • Columbian Ilolids j tato Accoubi — Ditto Account Columbia': Bmids, 1821.-- 131 kji!i lii. - iiiish 80rid5...41 1 ,4 40'..; li 1 14 Ditto Account Dinish bonds - • ••+ -_I Qitto Bonds. 1934 ...,.... 118 11 14 DittO A 4 , 4 91'1 .1.11,, , • --,-: Ditto ACCohill....n.. .... ~,,,,, Greek Bonds... —j French, 5 per cunt. Dit? Bondi, 14,!5 I - ...... —l. —c. l'ittn Account Mexican Bonds, 5 ?er cent.... —! Exchange —f. —r Ditto Account - !I)iitch, 2.14 per cent. 5/1 .8 flit n, ti per (CIR. ... 1134 5I Ditto Account Ditt. , Account Neapolitan I Ditto Account ; PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, AUGUST 22 3 per Cent. Commll Stl% Grand Canal Delis. 6 per cent. 9014 Ditto Reduced 9(64 Ditto, 4 per cent VON 3!..; per Cc nt. Stock 9 B l /4 Hibernian Bank .. Ditto New, 1 5 30 - ' l,:, I City lif Dublin Steam Co 3 . .; per Cent. Debentures 9IN National Insurance Company 30 13 Ink Stock ''.23.', 1 City Debentures, 4 per cent... 80% Royal Canal Stock Grand Canal Stock PRICES OF SHA RE', THIS DAy AT ONE O'CLO('K. Paid. Per Shire. at W. pin.) 2n 52 41, Brazilian Imperial :+idting Co. (issue Cata Bran -a :kilning Company . Polbereu Consols Mining Company Re.il del Monte Mining Co., Register Ditto Unregistered United Mexican (is,tied at :Y. pm.) 631. 10s. 6tl. 41, SL; 5 COURSE OF EXCH AmsterdamC.F l2 S Ditto, at sight Rotterdam . U l2 5 Antwerp l2 Ii Hoinlittrg M. B. 11 0 ' Altana l4 0 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 '7O Ditto ....................:2 Us 26 0 Bordeaux F-ankfort ma Maine, Ex. M 151!4 Peterslmigh, ruble '3 Us. Pll,', Berlin Vienna, effective fl .MlO 12 Trieste ditto lO 12 Madrid 37 Cadiz 37 Bilboa Birc , lona 37 17 Gibraltar Nrih: t:Jl'l ItDAI Leghorn 625 (15 GCCioa Mi1an..,... Venice Naples 4O' Palermo per oz. 12: Li-bon 5 6 1, Oporto Rio .laneiro 36 Bahia ,, Buenos Ayres Dublin, 21 days' sight 1 Cork PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ. Portugal (told, 0 I) Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Doubloons Now Dollars Silver, bars. fitandard 0 0 0 MAILS. Due Arrived. 0 0 Lisbon &Jersey 0 0 Malta rg 0 0 Mexico 0 0 0 Ostend 0 0 0 Sweden 0 d Islands 0 I Waterford 0 Due. Armed. Due. Arrived. 0 America 0 I France 0 Brazil 0 0 Guern. fl Buenos Ayres._ 0 Carthagena. 0 1 Dublin 0 0 Hambu. Holland 0 Jamaica 0 Flanders ...... ... 0 0 Leewal HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TOMORROW. Morning ( minutes after 4. f Evening '24 minutes after 4 SALE of NATIONAL PROPERTY in Por tugal.=By authority of his Excellency the Minister of Fi nance in Portugal, Notice is hereby given, for the information of the British Public, that SALES of the NATIONAL PRO PERTY are proceeding according to the subjoined list. These sales will proceed regularly. Payment for the said Property will be received in the Bonds of the five per Cent. Stock, at par, or at 20 per cent., in money, and the remaining 80 per cent. by instal ments of five per cent. per annum during 16 years, the deferred Fayments being subject to an interest of two per cent. per annum. The Government will continue to publish the future series as their arrangements for sales are completed. Office of the General Agency for Portugal, No. 5, Freeman's-co ur t, C orn hill, A ug . 25, - 1835. Department of National Property. In fulfilment of the Carta de Lei of the 15th April last, it is an nounced that the following National Property will be Exposed for Sale from the 10th of August forward, before the Commission form ing the Junta of. Public Credit, with the view to the absolute sale, at 12 o'clock on the days hereafter named, and biddings which may be offered, according to the conditions of the said Carta de Lei, will be immediately received. List the 9th.—On the 11th Sept. next. Property of the Monastery of St. Bento da Sande, at Lisbon. Nos. ?20 to 225, 6 lots, together valned at 9,329,280 Property of the Convent of Our Lady of Grace of the Eremitas Calgados of St. Agostinho, of Lisbon. No. 226, 1 lot, valued at Property of the House of Beato Antonio, or the Regular Canons of St. John the Evangelist, at Beato Antonio. Nos. 227 to 229, 3 lots, together valued at 5,380,000 Property of the Monastery of St. Bruno de Laveirus, at Lisbon. Nos. 230 to 232, 3 lots, together valued at 5,872,000 List the 10th.—On the 12th Sept. next. National Property in Lisbon. No. 233, 1 lot, valued at Property of the Convent of Our Lady of Piedade of the Barefooted Carmelites, at bascaes. No. 234, 1 lot, valued at Property of the Convent of Our Lady of Grace of the Eremitas Calgados of St. Agostinho, at Lisbon. Nos. 235 and 236, 2 lots, together valued at Property of the House of St. Caetano dos Padres da Divina Pro videncia, at Lisbon. No. 237, 1 lot, valued at Property of the Convent of Boa Hora dos Reformados of St. Agos tinho, at Belem. Nos. 238 and 239, 2 lots, together valued at Property of the Convent of St. Rita of the Barefooted Augustins at Lisbon. Nos. 240 and 241, 2 lots, together valued at Property of the Hospicio of Our Lady of the Desert, of the Order of St. Bernardo, at Lisbon. No. 242, 1 lot, valued at Property of the Monastery of the Canons Regular of St. Agostinho in Lisbon. ... ..,....... No. 243, 1 l o t, va l ue d a t _.. 1,000,000 Property of the Convent of the Most Holy Trinity, in Lisbon. No. 244, 1 lot, valued at 2,000,000 Property of the Convent of Our Lady of Carmo, of the Carmelitas Calqados, at Lisboa. No. 245, 1 lot, valued at 2,650,000 Property of the Convent of the Order of St. Francis, of the Pro vince of Arrabida, at St. Jose de Riba Mar. Nos. 246 and 247, 2 lots, together valued at ...... 3,800,000 Commission forming the Junta of Public Credit, August 6, 1835. JOSE JOAQUIM DE NORONHA FEITAL. ELIGIBLE PARTNERSHIP. THERE is an opening for a respectable Gentle man, desirous of investing from 10,0001. to 12,000/. in AN ESTABLISHED, WELL CONDUCTED WHOLESALE CONCERN, IN A FLOURISHING CONDITION, in the management of which he may either take an active part, or otherwise, at his pleasure. Preliminary information, and particu lars (if by letter, post-paid), of Messrs. Battye, Fisher, and Lud low, 20, Chancery Lane. ~. .4", ) ... Z ' r s,.. ,t:_"• ~ \-^ g 7 ,-, ' 9- -* - ' , 9:".‘.'..e.1 V7' ,-Isf ' " • li--,t..- ' , _ .. -„ , - l• 0,, ~~r~~ ~~ ~~1; -~. ~_.~ ~., _~. _.~.j.._ ~~~~ I 1 zu ( a t tot be to. Ina !la' lot int th, am A 1