The Sun. — London, England, 1848-04-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Aprilll. The Loan CmaNcti.Lon. took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. NEW PEER. Lord ACHESON, who was introduced to the House for be first time by Lord . Milford and Lord Sudeley,took be oaths and his seat. ODD FELLOWS' SOCIETIES. Lord BEAUMONT presented petitions from several Odd Fellows' ;lodges, praying that they should be en titled to the same legal privileges as other benefit societies. The Duke of BEAUFORT and Lord LITTELTON pre sented similar petitions. ELECTION RECOGNIZANCES BILL. Lord CAMPBELL presented petitions against the Election Recognizances Bill. Lord MONTEAGLE requested their Lordships to keep their minds perfectly free from any bias with re spect to the meats of this Bill, which might be pro duced by the address of his Noble Friend, as he himself would be obliged to support the petilion which had been entrusted to him to present to the House. DESTITUTE FOREIGNERS. The Duke of BEAUFORT had received information that destitute foreigners had arrived in this country in considerable numbers from Italy, Germany, and the other states in which changes had been lately made; and be wished to know whether any changes had been made in the alien laws, by which the conduct of these foreigners may be regulated in accordance with the pro visions of British law? Lord LANSDOWNE said that in answer to the ques tion of the Noble Lord, it would be his duty to place on the table of the House that night, if their Lordships would allow him to do so, a Bill for the purpose of meet ing and obviating the objections of the Noble Lord. Iler Majesty's Government were aware many foreigners were in the habit of asking to:partake of the:secunty of this country for the ostensible purpose of having the kuarantee of the security of this country, but in reality that they might be empowered to aid in the disaffections that unfortunately prevailed in one portion of this )untry. He was aware that not less than 40,000 or .50,000 persons were prepared to aid these disaffections, and he would therefore ask their Lordships to allow the Lill to be introduced for the first time this evening, and to be taken on its further progress on Thursday next. Lord MALMESBCRY quoted from the speech of llr. Julian Harney, to show that there were one hundred thousand who were ready to march with the Chartists; but he (Lord Malmesbury) believed that there were very many foreigners who were anxious for the protection of foreigners, and he would quote two, namely. Prince Louis Napoleon and M. Gaudin, who were desirous of preserving the peace of this country. SARDINIA. Lord BROUGHAM, in moving for correspond ence between the British Minister at Turin and the Government of Sardinia, said that he hoped that the present unsettled state of Europe would never recur again in his experience. The peace , o' the continent and of Europe was exposed to perils which had not di s t ur b e d their peace during more h e than a s quarter of a century, and from nowhere did expect greater perils than that Court to which he referred iiithe notice now before the House. The treaty of Vienna had granted Genoa to the kingdom of Sardinia —she, one of the great republics of the world,ssihaardy state been stripped of her power and annexed as a sway of Charles Albert. The Noble Lord deprecated the course pur• sued by the King of Sardinia in holding out a • of assistance to the Milanese, a promise roue's°. fully borne out—one of the few promises ever f drilled by that admirable Monarch.--(L „h ter.) lie questioned if a parallel could be found in history of such bad faith being exhibited as had been exhibited by the King of Sardinia. He never heard a more monstrous doctrine than that which had been proclaimed by the King of Sardinia—viz., that when the people of a neighbouring sovereign, whose throne was more ancient, and was confirmed by the same treaty as that of Sardinia itself, chose to express discontent, the sovereign of Sardinia was entitled to step in and appropri ate to himself that portion of the territory ofhi3neighbour hich expressed discontent. Venice has declared her independence, but it does not necessarily follow—he eeula—he would predict that it would never recover its liberty ; for liberty was one of those delicate plants that had never yet flourished in a republic. The Noble Lord then reviewed the past transactions of Italy, and instanced the actions of Charles Albert's life in 1820, '2l, and '23, as affording no ground fur hope to the Milanese, that in 1848 he would be more resolved than he was in those years. He believed that if that monarch believed that he could get the Genoese to preserve their integrity when he himself was trying to subvert authority in Milan and Northern Italy, then he (Lord Brougham) thought he was much mistaken and he would venture to prophecy, without much risk cf being held an untrue seer, that the Genoese within nine months would de eland a separation from the thraldom of Sardinia. Unhappily, revolutions were of almost daily occurrence throughout Europe; and if the people of France, or a small part of France, preferred self-government to any other, that was no affair of ours ; but that advantage should be taken of the state of affairs in France by the King of Sardinia to invade the Austrian dominions, in violation of the rights of nations, and of a specific corn pact, was a matter that called for the serious attention of the British Government and the British Parliament. The Austrian Government had always been remarkable for its mildness, and it had bestowed many blessings on the Milanese, who he believed were most desirous of continuing under a constitutional monarchy.—(Hear, hear.) He must express his regret that the head of the Christian Church of the Roman Catholic persuasion hod been the very first mover in all the convulsions which at present shook Italy and the northern states of Europe, and which he greatly feared would shake the peace of the world. The Pope was placed in a highly responsible situation as the head of the Church of that religion which of all others was the religion of peace ; and before he entered such a field of action he ought to have remembered the insurmountable difficulties in which he had been pleased to place himself. It ap peared that he established a college of cardinals to sit as another House of Legislature, and yet, appearing to be acting upon the responsibility of advisers, he claimed the privilege of infallibility. If he could by the aid of inspiration overcome difficulties which appeared almost insurmountable, well and good ; but he (Lord Brougham) thought that the Sovereign Pontiff would ha ve acted more wisely if he ha, six or seven months ago, taken and acted upon the advice which was then offered to him. The course he had pursued, however, aided Charles Albert in his aggressive policy!. He (Lord Broug ham) had no doubt of the ability of our Minister at Turin, and he believed that remonstrances were duly made upon the occasion of an Austrian fort being cap tured by the Sardinian and Italian troops; but an event of such importance, involving as it did the violation of a treaty to which this country was a party, called for more special notice. It was far, be it observed, from his wish to interfere with the desire and the right of nations to make reforms or to place themselves under a new go 'vernment, but these results should not be sought by the 'violation of a solemn treaty. The Crowns of Great Britain and Sardinia had long been hound together by ties of f a i t hf ul and international alliance, and Great Britain could not therefore overlook this conduct of her ally. The acts of of Sardinianth Majesty not only in velved an infraction infraction of the treaty of e v public peace, but also an stances must be viewed wi t h le ßna, and such. circum vernment and the,English alarm by the English Go people'. He thanked God: that we had a' united events during _Heaven that the kingdom; he he thanked abundant proof ; the last three or four days, of the Govgeranovre themaUlti ehaapreserie' of the powers h© peace of the country, and to understood that of f rt t a h in i people to obey the law.H e parties had recently attempted to exact a promise foreign Government, or something which resembledraisefrom a Government, of assistance in the cause of Ireland, and a he was happy to see that the fulsome l anguage in tlae addresses of some Irish clubs—language used in the name of parties without their authority, was properly I - and judiciously treated. The Provisional Secretary for `"Foreign Affairs in France had given the Irish deputation a plain, but rough rebuke for their impertinence.—(H ear , hear.) They conceived that the French people and the - French Government would sympathise in their extra ' ordinary efforts. The deputation were received, but hav ing received them, the next best thing AL Lamartine could have done was to have asked them, " Do you come from the British embassy," and if they answered in the "neeative, to say, " Good morning to you. I can only know you through the British embassy; pray go back to Ire - land!" He did not blame M. Lamartine for the course he had taken, and for this reason, that he h couldai o not help hims e lf. It was God's mercy h pushed f ur th er; if th e interview had t t ak a e t n place w lace with e another man, whom he would not name , it would have be. -la a different thine. 31. Lamartine and all t he other m embers of the Provisional Government were in the I "Luele of the multitude; and if any one asked . him ( a L s o , r .. d . Brougham) • Ara go Gamier answe r (de l'Eure), that he had the most entire confidence had observedn'l.Z however, be truly said, as Denton Publicans?' 'T h roe have a republic, but we have no re tinue for any timePrveisent condition o f P ar i s , if it con that glori ous countr nuld in evitably effect the ruin of handful of t h e mob I D ., e 1-) that th e y would iivetn Paris. He hoped and trusted hoped th at w h at they now t s o tt "a better times. He —the general want of credit, Pa"ing trsnintooftr d • before their eyes utter before y of commerce going on,the cam 1 tl-1 which thetown' itselfr Pr"i a e in the capital sional Government findsx day by day to perpetuatet possession of the ytalolnihe poor_ ephemeral being laet—onelda"i'tet7' art(l to make r i se banks of deposit to the rob of taking7a third day stoppie stopping the supplies of the ri r ch their man ey another, travellers for the purpose them—(Hear, hear, and laughter r at the barriers, Upon in want of cash. H e the ground that the town was ) f uels an unsettled he said thatethey would soon hoped, give way to a more ') s state of things vernment. Ile knew some of those inclivrinduafill'srimewahoo had „ e y e eely suffered by these eircumstance3— laughter)—but he should inform their Lordships that r and e w as not here present.—(Continued laughter.)Althoul:;* it was a pity to spoil their merriment, he yet rejoiced: in being able to show them that there was not a shadow of foundation for the report which had been circulated rest ecting himself ; when he came to the barrier, the circumstance occurred which had no doubt given rise to the story. He was told that he should stop in order that his baggage might be examined. On requiring further explanation for this conduct, he was informed that the inquiry was sought for for the purpose of seeing whether be had , : ttpy ireeetay-=-(ReliCered laughter). I le had 4.9triis great so r es p ec ting the misgovernment of fiitter rureree t !lOirlere had never heard before of such a ficep as this beiniolorated, So know one person from whom they took 200,000 francs, giving him bank paper instead. The state of trade in that country was dreal ful, the funds falling suddenly from 70 to 32; the bank stopping, notwithstanding the order for the suspension of cash payments; the taking possession of one of the railways, with the proceeds, amounting to about 8,0001. a week, which were put into Louis Blanc's pocket to be dispensed again according to his peculiar theory. In the same way, it was said the Provisional Government intended to act with all the other rail ways. They had, no doubt, a right to do all this, if they pleased, and also, as it was rumoured they intended to do, to seize the bank, and to issue a paper currency to a very large amount. He only hoped that at the meeting of the National Assembly they would open their eyes to the necessity of taking such steps as to prevent that mischief to which such experiments as these were likely to lead.—(hear, hear.) He believed that the certain result of such a Government would be this—that they would be stricken down with imbecility, and would become too weak to perform the ordinary functions of a government. They might struggle on for a time, until some military commander would arise and destroy the republic, and perhaps plant iu its place a military despotism, which was one of the worst de scription. At this moment he was of ,opinion that any one general, with ten thousand men, marching into Paris, would have the effect of at once putting an end to the republic. No man could doubt it. The Belgian Ambassador the other day bad applied to M. Lamartine for protection ; the latter said in reply, ho admitted the full right of the am bassador to such protection, but he bad not really three men at his disposal. The people in Paris were as un easy as any persons could be at this state of things, but they have made up their minds to the fact that this experiment of a republic must be tried ; so that France must remain a republic for some time, whether it be for her advantage or not. When Louis XVIII. was re stored by the allied army, in 1815, commanded by his Illustrious Friend the Gallant Duke now at their Lord ships' table, it was the second time he performed the office for that Monarch; for he restored him first in 1814, when he was called " Louis Desit6." Instead of that title, his Illustrious Friend, on restoring him in 1815, designated him " Louis I'lnevitable," as it ap peared absolutely inevitable that he should rule. Having said so much of France, he wished he could view what was passing in the north of Italy with half as little dread. Ile regarded England as absolutely and perpetually safe against any such convulsions as they had reeently seen take place in other countries. He knew upon what foundation the security of this country rested. The constitution of this country was safe in the affections of the people—affections which they could only gain by constant good offices, and which they could only keep by entire good faith— Non arms neque thesauri regui prmsidia aunt, verum artnel. Such they would have all over the empire —such they would have amongst the Orangemen of Ireland, and even amongst the Catholics with the exception of a dis contented few. He felt that he should not be discharging his duty if he did not allude to many of the unfounded reports that were now in circulation. Some of theme reports spoke of the danger which surrounded the English residents in France, and the attempts which were said to have been made to expel them. These were all to his own knowledge utterly and absolutely untrue. He should say that an Englishman was as sate now in Paris as in any part of the kingdom. The Noble and Learned Lord concluded by moving for copies or extracts of the correspondence that had taken place be tween the British Government and the Government of Sardinia, haring relation to the recent events that had takesi place in the north of Italy. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, who was scare ly heard in the gallery, was understood to say that he ab stained from going into the details referred to by the Noble and Learned Lord, or from giving any opinion as to what the duty of the Government was under such cir cumstances. He was fully conscious of the falsehood of many of the reports that had been put recently into air culation. Even this day he saw a paragraph in the public papers stating that his Noble and Learned Friend had applied to the French Government to be naturalised —(Laughter)—and that such an example was likely to induce a great many other members of this House to settle in France.—(Continued laughter.) The speech which they had heard this night tram the Noble and Learned Lord was, however, of itself sufficient to remove all ap prehensions of this sort from the minds of the British public. He fully agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend that the steps taken by the King of Sardinia, in invading the Austrian dominions, were contrary to the terms of the treaty. He could assure the House that these measures of the King of Sardinia had not been contemplated with indifference by the British Government. He was not, however, prepared , o pronounce an opinion in respect to the peculiar circumstances which might have influenced that country, with which we maintain relations of amity, or to express himself in so unqualified a manner as the Noble and Learned Lord had done, in respect to recent events in that part of the world. Before those events had taken place, their Minister at Turin was directed to express the unfavourable opinion of this country to such a proceeding, and our wish that the King of Sardinia should observe a perfect neutrality. He was not pre pared to say that the British Government were called upon to repel that intervention. Although the advice given by the British Government to the King of Sar dinia was unsuccessful, he believed it was somewhat effective in delaying that intervention to a later period than it otherwise would have taken place. He should have no objection to lay upon the table of the House such copies or extracts from the correspondence, the production of which would not have the effect of incon veniencing the public service. PUBLIC BUSINESS OF PARLIAMENT. Lord STANLEY gate notice of his intention, on Friday next, to call their Lordships' attention to the mode in which public business was transacted in this and the other House of Parliament, and he would beg their Lordships' attendance on that occasion. He would at the same time, lay upon the table a Bill upon the subject. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 11. PROTECTION OF THE CROWN AND GOVERN MENT BILL. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) On clause 2, which extended the operation of the Bill to Ireland, Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to move that the Bill be amended by striking the clause out of it altogether, and also that portion of the preamble which related to it. He believed there was no necessity for thi4 Bill in Ireland; but if there was, it would be brought out on the trial that would shortly take place in Ireland. If the Government insisted that the clause should remain part of the Bill he should divide the House against it. Sir G. GREY did not see why that which was treason in England should not be equally so in Ireland, and he must, therefore, persevere in retaining this clause as part of the Bill. _ Mr. F. O'CONNOR objected to the Bill, because ac cording to its provisions one witness could prove the treason, whereas in England it required two. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that after the passing of the Act it would require two witnesses to prove the treason in Ireland the same as in this country. After a few observations from Mr. HUMS and Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, clause 2 was ordered to stand part of the Bill without a division. _ On clause 3, which takes away the punishment of death for treason and substitutes that of transportation, Sir G. GREY said that in this clause it had been thought necessary to ask increased powers with respect to those who made speeches calcu• lated to endanger the Crown. He admitted that this was a great alteration of the law, and he was willing to be guided by the wishes of the House with respect to the enactment. He, however, thought that some provision was necessary in order to prevent and Put a stop to speeches that were calculated to effect in calculable mischief. He was willing to adopt the pro viso of the st a t u t e o f A nne , b u t h e cou ld no t co n sen t t o take away the provision that made the offence felony. and F. O'CONNOR said he had repeatedly been tried, augurhead suffered under the present law, and ho could ' After ...,-. reuLIONBY wishedthe to have the opinion of that all parties who sho e the Attorney-Gene third clause. laducleompass or advise the depo- T T l a e l Upon the construction of the ireral name, or the rights of as it stood provided 'hietri"rooyfatlhCergowunee,neiothfehrue the i i , .. i .Tnited re ould be liable to trans of her colonies, or dominions who should advocate portation. Any person, thereto ' from these Kingdom or any the separation of a colony be subject to transportation; and ho ese kingdoms would as that would be mo s t un f a i r. thought suc h a law The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said thclause not bear the constructi on the Hon. M em b er The clause provided simply t h at those w r h o put adv Upon it. force of arms that the Queen should be deprived advise force of her rights should be liable to b e t ransp orted.(ollf e- s'g Mr. AGLIONBY said the expl anation of the eie4iun ' and Learned Gentleman was as intelli g ibl e as the l"s. itself, and he should move, as an amendment, that th e wording of the clause should be simply th a t any persoefl who proposed to depose her Majesty should be li a bl e to transportation. Mr. OSBORNE asked if the Right Hon. Baronet who had charge of the Bill would consent to the admission of the word " forcibly," so that the clause should pro. vide for the transportation of those p(rsons who sh ou ld deposition of her Majesty. Sir the forcible . . Sir G. GREY declined to accede to the proposition. Mr. opinion that, if the clause gave it as his it now stood, it would be felony clause were passed as to advocate the repeal o f the union. Mr. ANSTEY said the Ho n. and Learned Gentleman was mistaken. After a few words from Mr. R. PALMER, Mr. MOWATT said they were legislating under the influence of panic and fear, or the House never could ' think of passing such a clause as this. He therefore called upon the Government to amend it. it , tr , ll l. G. THOMPSON rotested that the clause as -°''' was, no doubt,dangerous and uncertain, and al though the Attorney-General might construe it in a manner favourable the views ofthe House, yet, as that II e to ". and I would not prevail in Learned Gentleman's opinion rendered intelliamzurt of law, the clause ought to be After some tiirti; to the meanest capacity. Mr. AGLIONirr discussion,_ meta to a division. said he would not press his amend- The CHAIRMA,N 3 clearly over. aid he would now read the clause The clause e having been read, ' en r ad "'G omit lam e-- " . I should be Omitted. - - ! ,, D°3A.:Ahat the word "utter" The ATTORNEY-GE NE RALconsent to the omis s i on . said h e cou ld tot Mr. F. O'CONNOR hop e d T-1 the - ....0A: Member for Cuckermouth would take the sense of the House on his proposal. After a few words from Sir W. CLAY, Mr. AGLIONBY said he would not divide. After a, short discussion Sir G. GREY naored—" That the Chairman do re port pr ogress, and ask leave to sit again to-morrow." The motion was agreed to. The House having resumed, the CHAIRMAN reported accoraiingly. The House then adjourned till Five o'clock. The SPEAKER resumed the Chair at Five o'clock. ALTTARATION IN THE LAW OF DEBTOR AND THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 12, 1848. CREDITOR. Mr.. Sheriff Hill appeared at the bar in his robes of office, and presented a petition from the Lord Mayor and Alden nen of the city of London, i❑ Common Council assembled, praying for an alteration is the law of debtor and crtAlitor. KINSALE ELECTION. The STEAKER stated that he had been informed by the etas niner of recognizance that the proposed sureties, with res Feet to the petition against the return for the borough of Kinsale, were unobjectionable. REPEAL OF THE UNION. Mr. J. O'CONNELL presented three hundred peti tions fro m various towns in Ireland, and one from Glssgow, praying for a repeal of the Legislative Union in Irelan, DIPL .014tATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME. Mr. CI DWAN presented a petition from the Inverness Presbytery of the Free Church of Scotland against the Bill for • establishing diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome GLASGOW WATERWORKS BILL. Mr. 7 ‘‘GREGOR moved that a petition of the chair man of a meeting of landowners and house factors of Glasgo , e and its suburbs, against the Gl asgow Water works .A ,cts Amendment Bill (presented 11th February), should i ia referred to the Committee oa the Bill. After a few words from Sir W. HEATHCOTE, who opposed it. the motion was withdrawn. SECURITY TO THE CROWN AND GOVERN- MENT. Mr. < VOOD gave notice that he should propose, as an amendrr rent to the 3d clause of this Bill, tho insertion of the foil awing words:—" If such public speaking should occur w' ithin two years after the_p - tssing of the Act." SMALL DEBTS. Mr. 13. COCHRANE gave notice that he should move for leas e to bring in a )3ili to repeal the Small Debts Act. BEWDLEY. Capt tin RUSHOUT moved that the Speaker do issue his war rant to the Clerk of the Crown to make out a new w iat for the election of a burgess to serve in this present Parliament for the borough of Bewdley, in the room of Thomas James Ireland, Esq., whose election has be an declared void. Sir X. HANMER moved, as an amendment, that the return -thr Bewdley having been declared void fur bri bery e aed corrupt treating, and other corrupt practices, stated to have prevailed there, it is necessary to consider the cc edition of the elective franchise in that place, with a view: to its reform, and in the mean time to suspend the writ. He said that the Legislature, after what had takes place at some of the elections, ought to adopt some course isy which corruption might be obviated, as such proce set egs brought the House into contempt and dis satisfeed. the people, as they were led to conceive, with some show of truth, that they were not fairly represented. H e ( 1: 3 1 not wish to deprive the House of its discretion, but lee was anxious that the House should he compelled to act according to its discretion. lie thought that some steps ought to be taken before they issued a new writ :for Bewdley in order to see if something could not so done to place the constituency of that homage upon a more sound and honest foundation. It wets seldom that these cases of bribery were properly sifted. - to the bottom, for it invariably happened, that when, enough had been proved to unseat the sitting Mersbe.r, the agent abandoned the further prosecution of the inquiry. With regard, however, to treating, he thoroglet the House was rather too prudish upoit that point. Members ought to be unseated for :deeply exercising the ordinary customs of hospitality. In this case, however, a bad practice existed of treatieg the voters to an extravagant extent, and con siderit-g the limited number of the constituency of the bcreeugh of Bewdley they could not well look over these .abuses.—(Hear, hear.) He moved this amend ment from no party motives whatever, but from a desire to have the evils which existed in the b&srough of Bewdley remedied. His motion did not speciey any plan by which that end could be accom piiehesd, but simply proposed that the writ should be de layed till some improvement could be made in the fran chises of Bewdley. Mae HUME seconded the motien. He bad upon a previous occasion brought forward a motion having for its object the delay of the issue of all new writs in cases where the Members had been unseated for bribery or corruption until a general committee had been appointed to inquire into the circumstances connected with the cases of every such city, borough, or county. With respect to the borough of Bewdley, it appeared to him that a most serious amount of demoralisation had taken place, and he should, therefore, give his most cordial support to the amendment of his Right Hon. Friend. He, hoped that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, who pr posed to bring in a Bill with respect to the borough of Horsham, would include the borough of Bewdley in the same measure. Mr. BLACKSTONE said, as the House had con sented to issue a new writ for Harwich, after the bri bery that had been proved to have been practised at the. last election, he saw no reason why they should not accede to the motion for issuing a new writ. Sir J. HANMEIt explained. Mr. C. WY NN was understood to support the suspen sion of the writ for a short time. Mr. EWART thought if any step were taken that should emanate from the Government. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, as he was the only member of the Committee who underwent the penance of sitting fourteen days upon the inquiry, he would merely state that, as evidence of bribery and treating at the last election had been ad duced before them, the representation of that borough should be placed upon an improved footing. He thought that strong ground, had been brought for ward for the House to consider well before they issued a new writ for the borough of Bess dley. He thought, however, the same measure of justice should be meted out to Bcw•dley that had been granted to linrwich. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For issuing the writ Against it ... • 3B Majority in favour of issuing the writ —42 The writ was, therefore, ordered to issue. REPEAL OF THE UNION. Mr. J. O'CONNELL after presenting a petition from a place in Roscommon, praying for a repeal of the legis lative union, moved that it should be read by the Clerk at the table. This being done, the Hon. Member said the petition contained the whole case for the repeal of the union. Its statements had often been put forward by the Irish people, and they were convincing reasons why the House ought to take the subject into considera tion. He was aware the subject presented itself under great difficulties; the House was already exhausted with the discussion of the new Coercion Bill; but he felt bound to proceed with his motion. Other difficulties were, the feebleness of the advocate, the prepossession of many Hon. Members against the motion, the love of domination,-and the feeling of self-interest. He would Dot attribute all, the opposition to the motion to the two latter feelings; the probability was that its, oppo nents were actuated by a fear of injuring the welfare of the United Kingdom by any change. Self-interest doubt less actuated many, who feared that their particular in terests might be weakened. Recent proceedings in Ireland had strengthened the aversion of the house to consider this matter, and no one deplored, on this ac count, more than himself the wild language and dange rous doctrines which had been promulgated in Ireland. He had always told the people that their appeal ought to be to this House, and was now prepared to lay their claims before it. He was convinced that repeal would not only benefit Ireland but England also, otherwise he would not support it. Many lion. Members, he under stood, were more disposed to entertain this subject than they were a year ago; and he hoped the recent proceed ings in Ireland would not deprive him of the support of these Members. While 'deprecating the menaces that had been thrown out, ho could not but feel that if he were prevented from simply bringing in this Bill, with the view to its further consideration after Easter, the effect would be most disastrous; the minds of the people would be inflamed, and the influence of those who sought to keep them peaceable would be greatly diminished. He trusted he was not mistaken in hoping that he should be allowed to introduce the Bill. That repeal was the demand of the people of Ireland themselves, few persons would be disposed to deny. Even when battling for Catholic Emancipation, the late Mr. O'Connell had been frequently urged to postpone that question to that of an Irish Parliament; but he thought that, until an equality of civil rights was gained, there was little chance of ob taining a repeal of the union. When emancipation was granted, he could not forego the struggle for repeal, without abandoning his duty and his appointed mission on earth. Had he done so, the people would have tthemionf for r n a t o n violent inde p e nde nt measures. legt, l a t Eari nre in ad 1833, atta i n t e h d e gone on without him, and other leaders might have led question flonrwalrBd34i met by granted, full a pledge height as to attract the the noticeLe Legislature; is l a o t f u r t e h ; e b A u l i t n he s e t e h r s a dsoaufg:ittehanea n promptly conceded. Crown, jtuti , ce that though repeal , Mr. O'Connell had brought the Act of the Legislature, for it was concurre c d ou i l n d i Housesgy fora and xl3 years,y the Monarchte ir . i r ev . ery other particular should be sacrifice of confidebynobtotbhe on the throne. Accord agitation ceased, at consider ablehis pledge had all the force of an affected him to the last hour ne° in Mr. ° ___ in of his life. In 1840, the 'Connell, which agitation was renewed 1843, those sublime demon strations were made, whic astonished the world, and thus the people irreversibly recorded their determina tionth etm to fu h l anvaelp.rme calamity of aThoughst year, a circumstances, including delayedpienol)ll:437—as(anseaPro,wehrerauriniotsTthreiui: v t_h o c ur fee o lin r g e s pe o e f l th a e s e n p o e vr ti de termination was not to be repressed byh.)ean)h, had that ; Posed to introduce the n it igh d t is p p r l e a s y e e n d ted i . tse T lf he in ßillh was one " the better to enable her Majesty to summon her Parliament in Irelend," which had been prepared by the late Mr. O'Connell. The preamble asserted the necessity of repeal of the union, on account of its injurious effects. The first clause enacted the repeal; the second secured the succession; the third related to the regency ; the f • ourth to the House of Lords; and the remaining clauses allocated the 300 representa tives to be given to Ireland to the different towns and districts. I 'This was in substance the whole of the mea sure. He was aware that technical objections might be raised as to the relative contributions of the two coun tries to the expenses of the state, the terms of commercial intercourse, and so on; but these were all matters which might be settled independently of the Bill, either before or after it was passed. As, ati the union, the articles were embodied in a separate treaty, so the articles of the repeal might be separately agreed on. In his view the Irish Parliament ought to be constituted before these tern's and treaties could be fairly entered into. But if it were held ' that the treaties should first be settled, some such Bill as this would be necessary as a groundwork. Therefore no technical objections of this kind ought to avail. support of the demand of Ireland for a separate legisla ture, he had to arraign the union, which now existed for forty-eight years, as unjust, injurious, and unwise. It began in injustice because Ireland was no consenting party to the union. It protested against that Act. He had the authority of Lord Plunket and the late Earl Grey for that statement. There were 707,000 petitioners against the union, and only 3,000 in favour of it. That measure was passed by means of the greatest corrup• tion and intimidation. There were forty peers, twelve bishops, and nine judges made with a view of carrying it. One person had 8,000/. fur his vote, and some be• sides the money had got other substantial advantages. He would not allude to the rebellion of 1798, although there was abundant evidence to prove that the Govern ment connived at and encourageu that rebellion, in order to effect the union.—(Hear.) But he denied that the Parliament had the capacity of voting the union. It was commissioned, in the words of lewd Plunket, to make laws, and not to supersede constitutions. There was no doubt that the union e as commenced in injustica, and that it was continued in injustice.—(Hear, hear.) Even at the time of the union Lord Castlereagh declared that Ireland was entitled to 108 Members, but there they were, even with the Reform Bill, with three Members short of that number.—(hear, hear.) The truth was, the Irish Members bad Do power in the House. Ali other interests were attended to in it. The West India interest had lately had a Committee granted to inquire into their grievances; hut there was no hope of a Com mittee to inquire into the grievances of Ireland. Another great disadvantage was, that the seat of Legislature was too distant from Ireland. Public opinion in Ireland bad too far to travel before it reached that house, and it was utterly weak when it had to contend with English pre possessions. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, and the Noble Lord, both declared that Ire lnnd should be placed on a footing of equality with this country. He believed that they were both sincere in that declaration, but the fact war, that they could not carry out their intentions in consequence of the difficulty of getting English Members to give their attention to the case of Ireland. They were too much afraid of an Eng lish majority to be able to do substantial justice to his country. Ireland was still subject to numerous anoma lies, electoral and municipal. And it, the poorest coun try in the world, was saddled with a rich church to which the great body of the people did not belong. If, accord. ine• to the maxim of the con s titution, representation was to be based on taxation and r opulation, Ireland was at least entitled to 230 Members, while England would be entitled to 419. The Act of Union had, more over, inflicted on Ireland the greatest financial in. justice. The whole expenditure of the government of Ireland had been defrayed since the Union from the revenues of Ireland, and a balance of 20,000,0001. had been moreover remi•ted to this country. He admitted that Ireland ought to pay her share of the Imperial burdens, besides her own expen. diture for local purposes, but she ought, also, to partici pate in the benefits arising from Imperial expenditure. That was not the case however. Ile thought he had shown that the union had been productive of continued injustice to Ireland. He would now come to the next point, and would show that the union had been injurious to Ireland. lie would first produce testimony of the state of Ireland before the union and after the union. The Hon. Gentleman then read statements of the late Lord Clare, the chief artificer of the union, and Lord Plunket, which represented the progress of Ireland in material prosperity before the union as unprecedented and astonishing. The Heineu ea bi a Gentleman then quoted the evidence taken before va rious Committees of that House, showing the misery which existed in Ireland since the union. She was never in so distressed a state as at the present mo ment. List year there were 4,000,000 of persons re ceiving alms; 1,000,000 had perished from the face of the earth; a quarter of a million had emigrated, and of these 30,000 had died. He hoped, therefore, that he would hear no more of the argument that the union had been productive of benefit to Ireland. Ho was prepared to show that the union was the cause of the wretched condition of that country, because it drained away its money which was the sinew and life blood of the body politic. It deprived her of trade and commerce, and left her population totally dependent on the land—the competition for which was one of the greatest evils of Ireland. Her outgoings in the shape of absentee rents, payments for manufactured goods, &c., amounted to 17,750,0001, whilst the value of corn, linen, manufactures, and cattle exports did not amount to more than 12,500,0001., 1 caving a balance against the country of more than 5,000,0001. He contended that the union had occasioned the drain from Ireland of her corn; and other articles of consumption, year after year, and this at times when in Ireland herself the people were famishing for want of the very food thus taken from her, The union, too, had occasioned the curse of absenteeism, which had inflicted such evils upon Ireland. Ile complained that Ireland was most unfairly taxed towards the expenses of the empire, considerine the limited character of her resources, as compared with those of England. Since the union the Imperial Parlia ment had relieved England of taxation to the extent of 31,230,0001., but Ireland only to the extent of 2,900,0001.; while during the same period the revenue of England had increased from 37,000,0001. to 54.000,0001., that of Ireland had only increased from 3,709,000/. to 4,600,0001. He admitted that England paid 12,000,0001. per annum of separate taxation, but this was less than the amount which, oven at the time of the union, its advocates declared that Eng land should fairly pay in the way of separate taxation. He contended that if the union were repealed the effect would be so great upon the condition of Ireland, her prosperity would so speedily and so largely be raised, that she would be able ere long to contribute a far greater amount of taxation to the resources of the empire than she ever would while she remained united. He was convinced that she would be able to contribute fully 7,000,000 to the general exchequer, and thus relieve the Right lion. Gentleman opposite from any necessity for new taxes. The fact was that Ireland was impoverished from having every acre of her land mortgaged for the enormous debt of Great Britain, which weighed down her energies like an incubus. In calculating the impo sition of taxes, it had been the custom of the Imperial Government to estimate the proportion of Ireland at one ninth of the whole, whereas, did the prosperity of Ire id, aa equal the prosperity of England, her n proportion be that of her pop u lation, one third. He contended, in the third pl ace , th a t th e u n i on was not only nationally injurious to both parties, but Ire land,it shou should should do, politically unwise, as a measure which kept Ireland in a constant state of excitement and discontent, and rendered her a constant source of anxiety and alarm to this country. He would admit his belief that the Go vernment would be able to put down the existing agita rion, which injudicious or mischievous men were but he would put it to th e Government e immense expenditure, no t creating, o r wellrather to wefomenting;g ht the simply:of blood, but of hard cash, which they must inevitably incur in the struegle. How infinitely better, by the timely concession of just claims, to avert this tearful crisis, and secure for ever the affections of the Irish people. That .people had no desire to evade the contribution of their fair 'Aare of the burdens of the empire; all they asked in this respect was to be enabled, to provide the means out of their own soil. He urged •hat England should take timely measures to se cure Ireland from throwing herself in her des-. peration into the arms of a foreign power. Such a course on her part—which might God avert— would, no doubt, prove her ruin; but it would also be a most destructive blow to England. He con tended that Ireland had a clear statutory right to de mand an independent Parliament. As to the argument that the restoration of the Irish Parliament would be an injury to the Irish people, from the corruption which past experience had shown to pervade an Irish Parlia• went—this, at all events, was a matter for the election of the Irish people, and they all p re f erre d a P ar li amen t o f their own, even were it a corrupt and boroughmongering one, such as that of former periods—which need not at all be the case—to an Imperial one, which paid no heed hatever to the natiomal interests of Ireland. As a Catholic, he would even add, that he would prefer the revival of the penal laws to the permanence of a system which forbade Ireland to legislate for her own affairs. It had been very unfairly urged that the Irish Perna meet had always been a truckling Parliament to the English Legisl a ture. True, it had been so; but never theless it had always protected the purses of the people, and had prevented the finances of Ire land from being unjustly burdened. In 1724 there was a surplus revenue, and the Irish Parliament, fearing that the English Minister would seize on it for the purposes of England, resolved to prevent this by expending it on works executed for the sole benefit of Ireland, in c ana l s , bridges, and public buildings. This had been th e cause of the charge brought against the memory of the Irish Parliament, that it had been corupt and extravagant in the disposal of the public money; but even admitting that such was the case, which he would not deny, still the cause arose out of good mo tives. Besides, if the old Parliament of Ireland had been ever so corrupt, why should it continue to be so? Why could it net be reformed? Was reform to be con fined to the present House? Notwithstanding, however, all its corruptness, he repeated ho was willing to have that Parliament again, rather than continue to submit to the united legislation, The old Irish Parliament, besides, rendered two of the greatest services that could be offered to the British empire, — that, namely, of repelling the French invasion of Noche, and of putting down the Irish rebellion of 1798. Those were services never to be forgotten. He thought he had estab lished the strong claims of that Parliament, corrupt es it was, to be re-established as a Legislature in Ireland. There now only remained the second objection to bo disposed of, namely, that urged on the supposition that future disag reements wou ld take place betwe en E ng l an d and Ireland i n case repea l were gran t e d an d carr i e d i nto effect. A s f ar as the most recent events which preceded the union cou ld show how little such a fear ought to prevail, he might refer to the regency que s ti o n on th e occasionof George 111., w h e n th e I r i s h P ar li ament took the the co nst i tut i onal course of vesting the powers of Crown in th e nex t h e i r, rat h er t h an i n t h e h an d s o f the Ministr y; and this fact showed that no apprehen sion of jealousy or dissension on questions of real mo ment to the empire could be fairly entertained. What were the rea l points of jealousy and mutual distrust be tawndeen England an d I re l an d? Chi e fl y commerc i al manufacturi ng quest i ons . I n th ese mat t ers, two countries, the re h a d ar i sen d i fferences b etween the cou ntries, they arose out of the conduct of England , who shut Ireland out of her colonial and carryi ng trade, as well as the trade between England and Ireland. But in 1792 colonial free trade f ri • Tt w h a ha s e a g nd r em a x n t ts t s e pi d on inn to to r onl e s n . hi , eph a r l n t o h db o nj u ea ca g ti oa n t n h d e t c d n: u ar t n i e e pu s of aa i cl m t ra o ed s a e b d i e n on n n n England were maintained for many years afterwards. raised was that of war; and on this he must say that he thought an Irish Parliament ought not to be bound to approve of a war with any foreign state, unless it was of opinion that such was just; but thi s cou ld never con stitute a subject of difference. He now came to the con sideration of the money contribution which Ireland ought in fairness to be called upon to make towards the expenditure of the empire. The same arrangements might be adopted in this respect that h a d b een en f orced in the fiscal contribution settled between the two coun tries. The policy of England in this, as in other re spects, had been distrust of Ireland. The enormous re sources of that country were not known to England. The resources of Ireland had been on the constant in crease during the last forty-five years; and the increased prosperity which would flow from the development of the resources of 'relatd, and the awakening of her internal riches, and the industry and manufactures of his country, would soon enable her to contribute in a much larger measure than at present to the wane- of the lm. perial Government. Many of the most eminent states men of England had scouted the idea that England could legislate better for Ireland than she could for herself. At a meeting of the Whig Club, May 7, 1800, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in London, Mr. Fox in the chair, supported by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Holland, tee., &c., Mr. Fox said—" The whole scheme (union) than that a t went upon that false and abominable presumption, that we could legislate better for the Irish than they could do for themselves—a principle founded upon the most governor, 11, rnnncnoe) ofa nTherepolitics that tat at ho ought was a morearrogant w clear axiom n ownt nna l n to legislate for himself. No other being could enter into his feelings, or have anything common in aympathy with i at a r thd his nature; and therefore the legislature of a people must flow out of, and he identified with, the people themselves. It was idle to talk to Ireland of the word union, since there could be no such thing as a real union, on an equal footing, between countries so disproportionate and unequal. Could the Irish believe that in this connexion they were to have an equal and availing voice in legislating fur England, as the English were in legislating for Ireland? There was no maxim more true in philosophy or in politics than the groat moral doctrine, Do as you would be done by.' Examine the measure by that rule. Can the Irish bring themselees to believe that they will have any share or influence in legislating for England? Take it on the other side. What Englishman would submit to se e his destiny regulated and his affairs conducted by persons chosen for Belfast or Limerick? He believed that even in the present temper of the people of England they would not submit to the project of the union, if hey thought that the Irish Members were to have any influence on the British Legislature. What, then, we could not suffer we ought not to impose. We ought not to presume to legislate for a nation in whose feelings and affections, wants and interests, opinions and prejudices, we have no sympathy. It can only be atteleipted on the principle of the most arrogant despotism. It was an attack on the pride of a gallant nation, and was calculated to reduce them to the state, as many of their own patriots had said, of a dependent province; and it was, in his ?pinion, a most audacious attempt, after all that appeared in that country, since it was adding insult to injury to call it a measure in which the Irish acquiesced." That great man's speech deserved to be written in letters of gold. Now, truly, had not the result of forty.eight years' experience of the legislative union proved Mr. Fox's prediction to be strictly and literally correct ? Ireland under her own Parliament had been prosperous and happy, and under the legislative union had offered the world an example of misrule and misery heretofore never witnessed among civilised nations. If the Parlia ment of England refused to restore her rights to Ire land, that country would shortly exhibit a scene of con fusion and anarchy unparalleled; whole armies would not suffice to restrain her within the bounds of moderation; and the consequences., if timely concession was not made, would be frightful in the extreme. The people of Ireland felt they were called upon to obey lae s which they had no hand in making, and which were odious to them. Ireland was as dear to Irishmen as England was to her own sons. The repeal party was anxious and willing to come to any arrangement that did not involve the continuance of the present system. Any concession would now he taken as a grace, and would for ever conciliate the people of Ireland. lie conjured them to be wise in time, to be just in time, and not alienate from them men who had as strong an interest in the welfare of the United Kingdom as themselves. Then they might use with truth those lines from the Latin poet which had been quoted in mockery et the period of the union— " Paribus se legibus ambie Invictx genies aeterna in fcedera mittant." _ _ The Hon. Member concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and to enable her Majesty to summon her Parliament of Ireland. Mr. S. O'BRIEN seconded the motion. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said he rose with consider able regret to oppose the motion of his Hon. Friend who had just sat down, because it was one which he felt con vinced had largely engaged the sympathies of the Irish people.—(Hear.) This was not the time to conceal facts, and therefore he freely and at once confessed that the question of the legislative union was one which largely engaged the sympathies of the people of Ireland. He was himself a living instance of the truth of that asser tion, for he believed that if it were not for the feelings of personal regard and affection entertained for him by his constituents, he would not at that moment have the honour of a seat in Parliament.—(llear, hear.) But he had this consolation in pursuing the course which he felt it his duty to pursue, that it was a course which he had always followed. He had always opposed any motion for dissolving the unio❑ between England and Ireland, not from his interest in the Imperial Legis lature, but because he believed that repeal would be most detrimental to the interests of Ireland. It was not his intention to dwell upon, or to follow, the long array of facts and figures which his Hon. Friend had introduced, neither should he discuss the means by which the union had been carried. He believed that the people of Ireland, if happy and prosperous, would never have wasted a thought upon those subjects; but being dissatisfied and unhappy, they readily laid the blame on bygone acts, which they were told had deprived them of their prosperity. Now, here he thought was the fallacy under which the Irish people laboured; and it was that part of the statement of his Hon. Friend, which he had listened to with the greatest surprise. His lion. Friend had detailed the condition of the people of Ireland pre vious to the union, describing them as happy and con tented, with no poor, their commeree flourishing, their artisans employed—in short, a perfeot picture of national prosperity. Mr. J. O'CONNELL—I said they were progressing towards those results. Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE was sorry if he had misrepresented his Honourable Friend; but ho thought a greater fallacy was never pronounced than the assertion that the people of Ireland were con tented and happy previous to the union. —(Hear, hear.) He :regretted deeply the state of poverty in which that people were sunk at the present moment ; but he believed that, leaving out the famine years, their condition had been worse before the union than ever it was since. He would read to the hcuse a few instances of the condition of the artisans and labourers of Ireland previous to the union, and let it be remem tiered that all his proofs were drawn from the period between 1780 and 1800, which his Honourable Friend had quoted as being the period of Ireland's growing prosperity. In 1781 a petition was presented from- Cork representing the artisans of that :city to be in the deepest distress, and immediately ratter a similar petition from Wexford. In 1783, the lord mayor and corporation of Dublin petitioned for restric tions on imports, to revive the drooping manufactures of the city. In 1786, Mr. Edwards of Oid Court peti tioned for Parliiamentary aid to enable him to bring over weavers to make finest cloth, and petitions of a similar nature were continuously presented between 1782 and 1800, with reference to the woollen, linen, and silk trades, all representing the ruined credit and impoverished condition of the parties concerned. Search through the whole records of the Irish Parliament and the same picture would be found.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps Hon. Members who advocated the repeal of the Union would think it hardly fair to go farther back than the period he had indicated; but he believed that the report of Lord Devon's Commission would be equally applicable, whatever period of Irish history was selected. He would further say, that if there was any thing for which the independent Parliament was espe cially to blame, it was the utter neglect with which they had treated the Irish poor.—(Hear, hear.) From that neglect they were now suffering, and would continue t suffer for many years. He blamed them on that account, lecause he held it, that the true mode of governing any c uatry was to provide for the prosperity and comforts of the poor, and in that material point both the inde pendent and united Parliaments had been lamentably deficient.—(Bear, hear.) It was not until within the last few years that this truth began to be impressed on the minds of gentlemen in that House, and it was only during the last year that any remedy for the national distress had been tried. He opposed the motion, be cause he thought it would be politically and socially detrimental to Ireland. His Hon. Friend had asserted that the union had reduced Ireland to the condition of a province. His (Sir W. Somerville's) notices was, that if' you repealed the union, he, as an Irishman, would at once become provincial.—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend had said that every Irishman came into that House as a slave, and in uttering that sentiment had put himself forward as the representative of the Irish people. He had said " we," as if those who differed from him had no right to have the feelings or the pride of an Irishman. Ile did not feel himself a serf; ho looked upon himself as being a Member as independent as any Englishman pre sent.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, his notion was, that if you repealed the legislative union, you would transform him from a Member of the Imperial Legislation into an Hon. Member of an Irish provincial parliament.—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend had said that an Irish w multi not be an independent parliament, and in tl: assertion his Hon. Friend was correct. Up to 1782, what with the help of Poyning's law, and other contrivances, the machine was somehow made to work, but after that it was no longer an independent machine, but one kept moving by the grossest and most extensive corruption. That being the case, provincialism would soon become intolerable. They must either take steps to become re-united, or they would be forced in justice to themselves, and in order to fulfil their own prophe cies, to attempt complete independence.—(Hear, hear.) The same arguments now brought forward for repeal would then be urged with equal ene r gy for se p aration. —(Hear, hear.) A fresh career of agitation would be commenced, disappointment would add fresh venom to that agitation, and the prosperity and tranquillity of the country would be indefinitely, postponed. He felt that these statements vv.suld be unpalatable in many parts of his country, but standing there in the position lie dio, he felt bound openly and honestly to state his sentiments. These were the salient points of objection; but further he would ask, would Ireland, if independent to-morrow, be able to stand alone?--(" Hear, hear," from Mr. S. O'Brien.) Could she undertake the functions of Govern ment, the maintenance of an army, or the payment of her share of the debt now chargeable on the consolidated funds—(" Hear," from S. O'Brien.) They had been told of what had been done, and what had been left undone, by the Imperial Parliament during the previous year, but he asked confidently, could an Irish Parliament have done half as much ?.—(Hear, hear.) What had they done in the terrible famine of 1748. when so many of the people perished ? They passed an Act for the more speedy recovery of rents.—(Hear, hear.) He said, then, that to bring about so vital a change at such a mo ment as the present, would be only to aggravate the miseries which even now oppressed the country. Not nithstanding what had been said by his Hon. Friend, ho helicsed Inland had made rapid strides towards prosperity, until the occurrence of the late famine. If any class were exempted from that prosperity it was the labouring' class, and it was the discomfort of that unfortunate class which had always been the great difficulty of Ireland—it had been the difficulty of former Goverrnents as it had been of the present. Complaints had been made that remedial measures had not been introduced. He did not undervalue that. A Bill had been introduced by his lion. Friend the Member for Rochdale, to extend the tenant right of Ulster ; that the Government had thought it its duty to oppose. They were, however, in no wise disposed to interfere with the tenant-right of Ulster, and he wished this to be distinctly understood; that they believed that rny en deavour to legal;ze that right would not be to confer a benefit on the country generally. The Hon. and Learned Member tMr. O'Connell) had said that the course of Government in this respect had indisposed the people of Ulster to the continuation of the union: he (Sir W. Somerville) did not believe one word of it. Then the Hon. Member Toren( d to the evils of absenteeism; but it was scarcely to be expected that men would remain in a country in which neither their properties nor their lives were safe; and it spoke but little for the sincerity of those wh o ma d e t hi s comp l a i nt, t h at t h e H on. Member for Kerry, one of the most determined denouncers of absenteeism, at the late election, had brought down to oppose him (Sir W. Somerville), who spent the greater part of his time on his property, a gentleman whose only recommendation was that he was an absentee.—(Hear.) Mr. M. O'CONNELL—I own the soft impeach ment.—(A laugh.) Sir W. SOMERVILLE had only referred to this to show that this was not a very practical mode of carrying out the denunciations which the Hon. Gentleman and others had indulged in against absenteeism. They had heard of the possibility —of the alternative should repeal be refused—of a Republic being established in Ireland. There was no . country in the world to which republicanism was so ill suited as Ireland.— (Hear, hear.) His belief was that ere long the pre sent storm would blow over. He believed there was more loyalty and a greater determination to uphold the Constitution and the connexion between the two coun tries in Ireland than was generally supposed.—(Hear : ) He relied much on the exertion of the Roman Catholic clergy—(Hear)—who had always been the advocates of peace, that they would be the mediators on the present occasion between the Government and the ex cited passions of the people —(Hear.) His Hon. Friend (Mr. O'Brien) hed held out a threat that the property of all Irish proprietors who did not join the repeal move ment might be confiscated.—(hear, hear.) Was not that threat made ? Was he to understand that if he should think it more advantageous for Ireland herself that the union should be maintained than that it should degenerate into a province, that therefore his property was in danger of confiscation ? Did his Hon. Friend consider the mischief and alarm that such threats occa sioned ?—(Hear.) Notwithstanding these threats he should continue to devote his exertions to the welfare of his tenants, and he had the gratification to believe that should those threats even be carried into effect his tenants would not thank the Hon. Gentleman for the change of masters.—(Hear.) He had at all times been the advocate of an extension of the liberties and fran chise of the Irish people, and had ever used his best e ff or ts to place them on an equal footing with the people o f E ng l an d —(hear)— and he was still prepared to use his best exertions to obtain for Irishmen every privi lege which Englishmen enjoyed. Further than that ho could not go. He could not on the part of Ireland, after she had assisted England to attain the height of pros• perity, consent to forego the advantage which she was entitled to, and hich through the union only could she obtain.—(Hear.) With these feelings he could not con sent to any proposition for repealing the legislative union between the two countries, nor to permit the question to ba tampered and coquetted with by consenting to the in troduction of a Bill for that purpose. He must, there fore, oppose the motion. MajOi• BLACKALL thought that in the present feel ing of Ireland it would not be safe to pass a Bill for re pealing the union of the two countries at this moment. At the same time it could not be denied that from the ignorance of the Imperial Parliament of the circum stances and wants of Ireland, laws were passed which did not tend to the prosperity of that country. This evil would be obviated if the Parliament met eccasion aly in Ireland. England derived some advantage from the presence of Irish Mc tubers in London during Parlia ment, and it was only reasonable that Ireland should be similarly benefited by the money which would be spent in Dublin were the Parliament occasionally held there. the reasons advanced by the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary for Ireland against the motion of the Honourable Member for Limerick did not apply to the proposition which he (Major Blackall) now submitted to the House in the shape of an amendment, namely, that an humble address be pres'ented to her Majesty, praying her to convene the Imperial Parliament in future for a certain number of months in each year in Dublin for the dispatch of Irish business. Mr. M. O'CONNELL opposed the amendment and supported the original motion. In reference to what had been stated by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secre tary for Ireland respecting his election for Drogheda, he explained that he had introduced Mr. L. Murray not as a stranger or absentee, but as a repealer, in compli ance with a request from the people of Drogheda, whose suffrages he had himself solicited 15 years ago. Upon the main question he contended that Ireland had gained nothing from her connexion with this country, and that instead of being a source of strength to her, she was an eyesore and a weakness. The Right Hun. Baronet had talked of the degradation of Ireland being a province, but what signified a name if the people were contented and happy, which they never had been since the union, and which he believed they never would be until their legislative independence was restored to them. He con tended that Englishmen were not fit to legislate for Ire lard, and cited in proof the fact that a . Noble Lord to whom he had spoken that evening did not know of the existence of such a place in Ireland as Bandonbridge. (Cheers and Laughter.)He besought the House to consider the prese nt condition of Ireland: the people there had made this ap peal to Parliament, and they were preparing another in the shape of an address to her Majesty. The Go vernment of Lord Clarendon, so much lauded here, had alienated the Irish people from this country. Fresh adhesions to repeal were continually pouring in; and if the moment for conciliation was not seized, the conse quences might be perilous to Ireland, and perpetually detrimental to the welfare of this great empire. He said this not as a threat, but as a warning; and he hoped the House would give the Irish people some ground to hope that their appeal would be listened to. The dis closures. with reference to the pike manufactures had created an immense sensation in Ireland, and had made many converts to repeal. A large force was concen trated in Dublin; regiments were marched in, and marched outeagain after a few days; and it was ru moured the reason was that repeal had found its way into the army. He had left Dublin the preceding night, and had been informed by a gentleman just before leaving that on Sunday evening last the troops were fighting amongst themselves in the yard of the Linen Hall—repealers against anti-repealers. On the same night a battle of the same kind took place between the troops on the quay, and some of the combatants were flung into the river. Let this be a warning to those who would not listen to the requests of the Irish people, who blindly and madly refused all concessions. Viscount MORPETII said, the long period during which he had filled the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland, the deep interest he felt in its welfare, and the strong gratitude he bore to it, induced him him to offer a few remarks on this question. He should deeply de plore the repeal of the legislative union, from the con sequences it would entail on Great Britain and the empire at large, as substituting for the present daily and hourly intercourse and interchance of commodities the establishment of jealous regulations, perhaps hostile tariffs, total prohibitions, or even hostile aggressions', between the two sister nations—perhaps, indeed, as had been hinted last night, a hostile republic on either side of us. Disastrous as would be such a separation to the unity, tranquillity, and safety of the glorious country to which we belonged, yet did he believe the repeal of the Union would be beneficial to Ireland itself, abate the fearful sufferings which there prevailed, or give any security for rest and contentment, he could hardly stand there and express his opinion, and give his vote, for a forced continuance of the legislative union.on._ He believed that a repeal of that union vv be most disastrous to the best interestse of Ire land.—(Bear.) Two of the darkest fea h t e u r r p s oo in r, that and country's history were the suffering%o e i r one who had the contentions of her inhabitants. known Ireland must be thoroughly sufferings of the poor. greatAlwa i s been seriously increased Every o n ns degreeconversant w i h andthe wide in extent, that distress had by the famine or dearth o e t a w a aa h a y d ears. been r N e V l i i h r o e d u , t r a a n i d s i ng laining of the want of gratitude whetherthequestion, —or of England might not have how t r h t a h t e d l i a s s tr t the fact that from the Imperial Exchequer done more with which the assista nce had been reccive d—he still recognised some of pounds had bee en_ ( u e contribute ,ar hear.) in two T o years tenfor m theilrelief w what other country could Ireland look in similar circum stancesn s o t Irish ffe ring fur the pitying look or the helping hand? If she established herself as a sore in our vitaki, she could not expect either the same disposition or the same means of relief 0) exist here. Would she look to France, whence it was said 50,000 men were to come to the assistance of Ireland? Ile thought it would have been extremely difficult to obtain from that country 50,000/.—(Hear, hear.) And he much doubted whether the million of dollars said to be promised from the United States would be readily forthcoming.—(Crie s of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Member fur Limerick alluded to the case of Sicily, but he did not think the analogy was complete, because in Sicily there were but little or no diversities of race, and there were no di st i nctions of creeds. The re volutions which were now taking place on the Continent w,.:tre of a social rather than of a political character. He would not take ill-on himself the task of critkising the landlords of Ireland. They had inherited great difficul ties, and had to cope with many disad rantages.—(llesrp hear.) Amongst them were to be found many of the brightest as well as of the worst of their class! but when they looked to the spirit that was rising there, and when they were told that on the eoming struggle property would be utterly powerless, it should be recollected that , if the English power were swept away, the wildest and the most subversive schemes would prevail, and property would be left a wreck amidst the heaving billows around it.—(Hear, hear.) During his political career he had always supported the rights of Ireland, and he bad been a party with his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn to the scheme for placing the great trunk railways of Ireland under Government superintendence. — (Hear, hear.) He thought much still remained to be done for that country—(Hear, bear)—and he would be always ready to promote those measures which he eon' sidered had been left imperfect and incomplete.—(lbe r ' hear.) Ile was ready to consider the question of land lord and tenant, the sale of encumbered estates, and All practical amendment of the poor law that could besug gested. He knew that his Noble Friend at the head of the Government would before that debate closed state the . views he entertained r es p ect i ng t h e f uture c ourse of policy towards Ireland, and o f th e man y ques ti o ns which pressed with so much weight and care on his attention, there were none which he was so unwilling to pestr" as those which related to Ireland.—(Hear.) But he agreed with the views which had been expressed in an article in the Journal des Dibats, that it was not repeal , or revolution that Ireland wanted, but regeneration-" (Hear, hear.) The people of that country pies ease many attractive and brilliant qua liti es ; an d he woula again repeat what had procur e d censure f or him Wei'? in Yorkshire, that he believed there was to be found a greater absence of theft amongst the males, and znere chastity amongst the females, of I re l an d th an in this country.—(Hear, hear.) There was :great kindness amongst them one towards th e o th er . B ut w hil e he po what was but a just tribute to their many virtues, h c e; could not shut his eyes to their faili ngs; an d th e y wanted the patient and persevering industry of the Saxons.-- (Hear, hear.) He had heard it said in America that" Irishman, when placed b e t ween a Sootchman One.' Yankee, was the perfectio n o f a se ttl er , b ecause on tue one side he learned from the sobriety and industry of the Scotchntan, and on the other h e was i nc it e d t o a ctivity by the go-a-headednes of the Yankee.—(Laughter) He believed much the same thing would take place by 0 ' cordial union between the three countries.—(Hear, hear) ere He need not remind th e H ouse th a t i n every fi e ld w here glory and credit were o b ta i ne d f or t hi s countr y, Irish' men contributed a more than proportionate contribution . He need not mention the names of Burke, Sheridan, Grattan, Plunket, and O'Connell—the laurel of Welling ton and the lyre of Moore. But the Hon. Member for Limerick told them that if they embarked in a contest with Ireland, and denied the repeal of the union, She would he successful. A m id st t h e shock of states which was going on around them far be it from him to calcu late to which side success would incline. The arbitration rested with him who sat in the circle of the heavens. But though the line of success might not be clearly marked, that of duty generally was.—(Cheers.) Bu t when those men in Ireland who were desirous of main' taining British connexion, and who asked this country for its countenance, guidance, and protection—when he felt persuaded that their cause was the cause of truth and right, and the cause which he believed to be essential not only to the permanent greatness of England, but to the real happiness of Ireland—he felt that it was one which they could not and would not abandon .—(Cheers) Mr. REYNOLDS moved the adjournment of the debate till Thursday, which was agreed to. SITES FOR CHURCHES IN SCOTLAND—FREE DOM FROM ARREST OF MEMBERS. —HOR SHAM ELECTION. Leave was given to introduce the following Bills on these subjects:— Bill to enable Religious Congregations to obtain Sites for Churches in Scotland. Bill to enforce and render more effectual the Laws re lating to the qualification of Members to sit in ! Us" House of Commons, and to provide for the exclusion therefrom of persons who shall be proved to be unable or unwilling to satisfy their just debts. Bill to promote further inquiry into Bribery and Cor ruption alleged to prevail in the borough of Horsham. The House then adjourned at Twenty minutes to 0 0 o'clock. 4) PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS• (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Common s ' ) TUESDAY, APRIL 11. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL: _ Order fur Committ ee rea d ; M ot i on made, an d Q te stion put, " That Mr. Spe a k er d o now l eave t h e Chair." 1130 llonse MAJORITY-AYES, 321. MINORITY-NOES, 19. Blewitt, Reginald Meagher, Thomas Thompson, Colonel Callaghan, D. O'Brien, W. S. Thompson, George Devereux, J. T. O'Connell, John Walmley, Sir J. Fagan, William Osborne, Ralph Fox, R. M. Reynolds, John TELLERS. Gardner, ilichard Schelefield, William Crawford, W. g. Grattan, Henry Scully, Francis 0 Connor, Feargui Greene, John Sullivan, Michael BE WDLEY WRIT. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That Mr. SPeak er . do issue his Warrant to the Cl er k o f th e C rown t o make ont a this a New Writ for the electing of a B urg e ss to serve i _ present Parliament for the Boro ug h o f B e wdley, in, the room of Thomas James Ireland, Eluire, whose election h as been determined to be void"—Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word " That" to the end of th e Question, in order to add the words " the Return for Bewdley haVing, been declared void for bribery and corrupt treating, and other corrupt practices stated to have prevailed there, it II necessary to consider the condition of the Elective Franchise in that place, with a view to its reform, and in the mein time to suspend the Writ," instead thereof .—Question put, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." The house divided:— MAJORITY—AYES, 80. Alexander, N. Farrer, James Morpeth, Viscount Bagge, W. Fellovves, E. Neeld, John Bagot, Hon. W. Floyer, John lieeld, Joseph Bailey, J., jun. Forbes, W. Newdegate, N. lialdock, E. IL Forester, G. C. ]'ugh, David Benbow, John Fuller, A. E. ltepton, G. R. J. Bennet, Philip Godson, It. Richards. Richard Berestord, William Goring, Charles Russell, Lord John Bernard, Viscount Graham, Sir James Rutherfurd, A. Blackall, S. W. Grey, Ralph W. Seaham, Viscount Blackstone, W. S. Gwyn, Howel Seynier, H. K. Boldero, 11. G. Hall, Colonel Shelburne, Earl of Bourke, R. S. Halsey, T. P. Smyth, John G. Brooke, Lord Hamilton, G. A. Somerset, Captain Buck, L. W. Hawes, Benjamin Somerville, Sir Vir. Bunbury, W. H en l ey, J. W. Spooner, Richard Castlereagh, Vise. Hudson, G. Stuart, J. Christopher, It. Ingestre, Viscount Tenison, E. K. Cocks, T. S. Jones, Captain Thesiger, Sir F. Codrington, Sir W. Keogh, William Thompson, Alderni al Cotton, W. IL Knight, F. W. Trollope, Sir J. Cripps, W m illia L lu y a g e o k r ~, n G o e n n : : ,. l Tynte, Colonel; Dick, Quinti n Mackenzie, W. F. Vyse, H. Drummond, Henry Willoughby, Sir ir• Buncombe, A. _pagan, W . H. Buncombe, 0. Manners,jLord G. Dundas, George 3larch, Earl of Elliot, J. H. Mlles, William TELLEILIS• Rushout, Captain Stafford, Augustus MINORITY—NOES, 38. Baines, M. T. Lacy, 11. C. Sandars, George Barnard, Yl. G. Lushington, C. Seymour, Sir 11. Clifford, Henry M. Macnamara, Major Tennent, .J. Cobden, Richard Meagher, Thomas Thompson, Colonel Cochrane, A. Martin, J. Thornely, T. I Iruinlanrig, Vis. Monsell, William Williams, John Duneutt, John Morris, David Wilson, Mattliovr Ewart, William O'Connell, John Wynn, C. W. Fagan, William O'Connor. Feargus Wyvill, Mannadttke Gaskell, J. M. Pinney, W. Yorke, H. It. Greene, John Plowden, W. H. Hood, Sir A. Power, Dr. TELLERS. Hutt, William Raphael, Alexander Hume, Joseph Kershaw, James itobartes, T. .k.,_ lianmer, Sir J. ~, • oti SHOT AND SHELLS FR O M RUSSIA.—A vessel, arr ive d the Russian port Odessa, has brought the large quantity of 554 tons weight of shot and shells, consigned to order. Although similar importations from the PIO port have taken place, the arrival of so large It quantity of these articles trom Russia is remarkable. /g [ADVERTISEMENT.]—THE VIRTUE OF HOLLOWALL OINTMENT AND PILLS EMELT ESTEEMED THROVEIIOCT IstrnA.- -1 1 16 Editor of the " Benares Recorder," publishes the following extra'' . dmary cure:—llcerah Lail, a cloth merchant, residing at NagPor e ' had suffered for more than eighteen months with dreadful uicerout cores all over his legs and body, totally disabling him (rem buslnes'• he had expended large sums in medicine from the Hakeems, out relief. when as European geitleman, who had proved the .L" - cacy of Holloway's Ointment and Pill's, recommended their t.' which advice he followed, and in the course of twenty days be perfectly restored to health, from a disease which had brought e down to death's door. Sold by all Druggists, and at Profcesor no loway's establishment, 244, Strand, London. BIRTHS. On the Bth inst., in Park-place, West, Regent's-park, Mre• George Alexander Osborne, of a daughter. . o a f t a C d h a f u to g n h , t A er n . nette, the wife of the Ref. C. Raffles Flint, of a daughter. Doctors'BC.,oil.l,eisgiee,rtshain commons, ,urrey : 0a the inst., at .I..orden Rectory, Surrey, th e wife Of theA Arthur h i n nt u e t t r l t h : .leei W. 8 8 s L , t t. h t u ic d i wife On the 9th inst., at the Parson?se, Amptield, Hants, th e wife of the Rev. Robert Francis Filson, of a so , O n o f t the e O R t 9th v . i I n v s t . . , On the 10th inst., at Eaton-square, the wife of Orraus Calvert,t n the Biadulph, Esq., of a . daughter. to E n s , se t x h , e of la a dy dau o g f h t t h e e r. non. Bryan On the 6th inst., Ellen H., wife of Richard D. Thurgood, Q. C., of a son. , 6 Saffron . , W a a t h c l e l n i f , Robinson,E o °l i t tu h l In. 6th ins t . , at Firby hall, Whitwell, Yorkshire, the at Park-place, St. James's, Lady wife of George Tomliee Gordon, Esq., of a son and heir. On the 7th inst., Geor giana Codrington, of a daughter. On the 26th ult., at Berlin, the lady of Henry Howard , Bsq., Secretary to her Britannic Majesty's Legatien, of a 50 13 ; On the 27th ult., at Chapel-street, Bedford-row, the wife of the Rev. Willi am St ow , one o f the Curates of 'Bherbonle, Dorset, of a daughter. MA ali/E.D. On the :".ith inst., at St. Nicholas, Brighton, Mr. Jame s Rice, of Islington, to Mary Anna Maria, youngest daughter of Mrs. Harrison, Brighton. On the Gth inst., at Gorleston, Suffolk, Frederick John Turner, Esq., barrister-at -law, to Caroline Grace, fourth daughter of John Sayers Bell, Esq., of Gorleston. On the 6:h inst., at St. Peter's, Walwarth, Mr. F. Hastert of Reading, to Miss Mecham, of Camberwell. On the 6th i nst., Leonard DlED Leigh, Esq., of St. Cross, nea r Winchester, .ged 74. On the 6111 inst., at Birch Rectory, Essex, the Rev. R. Waller, 53 years Rector of that parish, aged 78. On the 7th inst. Anne Elizabeth, wile of the Rev. Freda' rick B evan , of Carleton Rode. On the :id inst., at Rodney Villa, Cheltenham, Ann, the Wife of J. J. Durbin, Esq. On the 4th inst., at Gaston House, near Bishop's Stortforclt Henrietta, dati s hter of the Rev. Francis Pelly, late Rector of Siston, aged 24. On the 4th inst., at Highcliffe, near Christchurch, Janes Grerille, the infant ton of the Hon. Colonel and Lady Sarah Lindsay, aged 14 months. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, 81 No. 112, Strand, f'rinter, at The Sun Office, No. 0 :1 Strand, in the Precin c t o f t h e S avoy, in the county IlLiddWenn, Victim4day, April 12, 1848.