The Sun. — London, England, 1866-09-25 00:00:00

Reform Demonstration at Manchester. MANCHESTER, Sept. 24. • The Reformers of Lancashire have been highly successful this afternoon, despite bad weather, in getting together a great and imposing crowd of the working and middle classes to testify the earnestness which they feel towards the movement for a better representation in Parliament. The place fixed for the gathering was Campfield, an open square pur chased for the corporation upwards of 20 years ago from Sir Oswald Moseley, lord of the manor. From time almost immemorial it has been the site every Easter of Knottmill Fair, one of those monster pleasure fairs which attracted people from great dis tances, such as were formerly held in London and some other great towns, but which in most cases have been abolished as nuisances. It is a fine open plot of ground, well paved and drained, and near its centre stands a church dedicated to St. Matthew. The portion of the square behind the church is usually occupied as a hay and corn-market, but the corporation having consented to allow the present gathering it has been placed to-day at the service of the Reformers. The entire space open to the public on this occasion is about 220,000 square feet, in cluding Liverpool-road on the west and Towman , man-street, which bounds it on the east. The square began to fill early by townspeople who were anxious to secure good places, but the great procession did not begin to arrive till near upon the time of meeting, which had been fixed for 3 o'clock. The principal of these processions were one which had formed at New Cross, in the Ancoats district of the city, at half-past 1; another which had formed at All Saints', for Chorlton and Hulme, and a third, starting from the Town-hall in Salford. Other points for assembling were the Salford-sta tion of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway, the London-road station of the London and North Western and the Sheffield and Great Northern com panies, and Victoria-station, where the Liverpool and Yorkshire of the London and North Western and of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway companies converge. To the Salford station came Reformers mostly from Clitheroe, Colne, Blackburn, Burn ley, Accrington, Chorley, Bacup, and Bury ; on the platforms of Victoria station were discharged the thousands coming from Liverpool, Chester, War rington, Preston, Southport, Blackpool, and Bolton in one direction, and from the opposite direction people from Huddersfield, Todmorden, Rochdale, Heywood, Middleton, Ashton, and Stalybridge ; while to London-road station came Reformers from the Potteries, Macclesfield, Whaleybridge, Stock port, Glossop, Mottram, and Hyde. Bands of music had been placed near each of these stations to head ' the various processions forming from time to time as the trains arrived, but from Rochdale, Oldham, and some other of the larger add nearer towns great gatherings of Reformers came on foot in procession, with their own bands and banners. The Executive committee of the National Reform Union, co-ope rating with the Reform League, both in the open air 'meeting and in the meeting to be held at the Free went in , procession to Campfield from N e Walrs-buildings. Separate processions fOrmed in various parts of the city of trades and friendly societies, and came to the meeting. Among them were the temperance societies, and lastly there ay . as a procession of carriages from the Manchester Town-hall, at half-past 2, containing members of Parliament, merchants, manufacturers, and mem bers of corporations who had assembled in the Mayor's parlour to accompany Mr. Bright to the open air meeting. If anything could damp the ardour of Reformers, certainly the weather this morning was calculated to have that effect. From 4 o'clock to 1, nine hours, there was one incessant downpour of rain, gradually increasing in density. From Ito 2 o'clock the fall gradually decreased, but at 2, by which time some thousands of people had gathered in the square, um brellas were in use, though there were some symp toms that the weather might clear up, but they proved delusive. Six platforms had been provided for the speakers—four in the square in front of the church,, and two in the smaller area behind. The first procession entered the square by Gart side-street with its band and banners, and took up a position in front of the platform, under the walls of the Free Library. A second procession, with the banners of the National Reform Union, entered shortly afterwards by the Liverpool-road entrance from Deansgate, and took up a position before the platforms behind the church. Other processions followed in rapid succession by way of Towman street, Water-street, and St. John-street. Before 3 o'clock every part of the square appeared to be densely crowded, and from that time, as people entered from various directions, great numbers be gan to leave in consequence of finding their places untenable with any degree of comfort. The speakers arrived by the procession from - the Town-hall precisely at 3 o'clock, but were unaccom panied by Mr. Bright. The proceedings commenced at once, the following resolutions-being moved and, seconded simultaneously from each platform " That this meeting protests against the perpetuation of class government by the exclusion of the-great majority of the people from the franchise, refuses s to allow itself to be made an instrument to further the views of contending parties or the selfish interests of any class, and pledges itself to adopt all meansof organising and agitating for the only just basis of representation.—registered residential Manhood suffrage and the ballot." " That this meating rejoices in the formation of the northern department of the Reform,League, and pledges its support ,to the executiv:e,RPuecil in t, llO organisation ; of branches throughout the tiortn of England, and hereby de- dares confidence in Mr. Edmond Reales and the executive Of the Reform League in London." "That this meeting tenders its warmest and most grate;- fel thanks to the Right Hon. William , Ewart Gladstone,: -Mr. John Bright, Mr. John. Stuart Mill, and all friends of Reform who throughout the late discussions in Parliament' vindicated the character .and.protected the rights of the people ; and further expreeses confidence in the honesty and ability of Mr. John Bright to champion the people'i cause in Parliament during the coraing_Parliamentary struggle." Among, the Speakers were 'Ur* FdrUond Beaks,:`Mr. Mr. Wilfrid Lawson (Qarlisle), Lieut.-C o l Dick .son,naner, Mr. Ernest Jones , the Rev. W: H. B ' Mr. Lucraft, Mr. Od g ers, and. Mr. x; Langley. It would be difficult to form even an app i .,,, intte estimate of the numbers present. Perhaps at no , period of the meeting were ,there more than 80,006 to 100,000 in the square at once, but Liverpool road, Deansgate, Gartside-street, and other ap proaches were constantly filled "with people for up wards of two hours going and returning, and it would be no exaggeration to‘say that the total num ber present at various times did not fall much short of £200,000. . .‘ In the evening a meeting 'was-held in the Free Trade-hall, whidC wa crowded in every part long beforo the tiny , appointed. The adinis sicni. by tietet, which wire given away to the first applicants, but -so , great was the demand that a for and even two•guineas premium were offered admission to the platform. Mr. T. B. Potter,' ALP, presided, supported by Mr. Fildes, M.P., Mr. IV hitworib, MP , Mr. L,aWson (late MA ) : for Carlisle), Mr , !e ci o. ilson, Sir James Watt, Mr. Jacob Brig neighbourhood. Mr. ii‘zif.pt.h,eou and its citaygreat number, of the leading Liberals Bright, entering the platform,. was re-. ceived with a trenaendon: outburst of cheers, the whole of the assemblagevenrosiinng to welc ome hi m . The' CnAin 31" the Proceedings 're gretted the absence of Mr. IZazl this the rough their respected be memr, who was preventedbayiern uncontrollable cir cumstances that occasion. curnstances from taking th e oh ,g be evaded. The question of Reform could no longer t Recent events had roused the peo n l e ngth and breadth of the land, a P ia i c zecaetching and the demonstration of the, morning showed the wen of Lancashire were prepared to take theirat part in the coming struggle. They would no 10n,,-er be taunted, as he had been in the House of Cone_ mons, with the charge that the people Were indiffe rent and apathetic on this question ; they were met to discharge another most pleasingduty—to present an address to Mr. Bright, Whose name in the llinise of Commons was a terror to evildoers, and who, with the late respected Richard Cobden, had earned a name which would be for all time endeared to the people of England. They had confidence in hint that he would lead them to success, and this meet ing would strengthen his hands in Parliament. He could now no longer be regarded as merely the member for Birmingham, but as the expounder of the will of a free people. (Cheers.) Sir JAS. WATT proposed the following resoluton : " That this meeting, while recording its indignation at the insults offered in Parliament and by the Press to the working class and their advocates, calls on the people of this country to allow themselves no longer to be trifled with by an oligarchic few, but to rally round those men who have upheld their cause." Mr. ERNEST JONES, in seconding the motion, called upon the people to be no longer trifled with, but to wring a substantial measure of reform from a re luctant House of Commons, which to be of value and to satisfy their just demands must not only be substantial, but speedily conceded. The people were no longer to be satisfied with the crumbs which an exclusive oligarchy might consider sufficient to ap pease them, but would no longer be put off with the old excuses, being determined to have a full conces sion of their right, and that right was manhood suf frage and the ballot. The resolution was carried by acclamation. Mr. GEORGE WILSON moved that the following address be presented to Mr. Bright : "John Bright, —ln the name of the people of Lancashire, we welcome you back to the metropolis of the north. Man chester will henceforth regard this day as an auspicious one in her history, for she now pays homage to a life-long services rendered to the cause of popular rights. " Lancashire is proud to claim you as her son. Your public career has been unfalteringly devoted to the inte rests of humanity, and while other men have thought it politic to change the convictions of their youth, your life has been unswervingly true to Liberal principles and the advancement of freedom. Without fear of being charged with presumption, we may address you in the name of hu manity, for its claims have ever been paramount with you over the selfish dictates of party and class interests. We do homage to your forgetfulness of self, your enlightened pa triotism, your far-seeing statesmanship. As men we respect you, as Englishmen we honour you, as sons of Lancashire we are proud of you ; for your public career has cast unfad ing lustre upon the county which gave you birth, and the nation which points to you as an example of what an Eng lishman should be. " This is no ordinary occasion upon whichweaddressyou. Our beloved country is in a crisis of its fate, and we all look to you as the pilot who shall weather us through the storm. We remind you of what you have accomplished in the past, that we may pledge you to equal, if not greater exertion in the impending future. Schooled among that noble band of patriots who, led by the revered Richard Cobden, shat tered the barriers which hemmed in the privileged few from the oppressed many, placing an untaxed loaf in the huts and cottages of suffering millions, we call upon you to complete the work which you and your brother freetraders so triumphantly commenced. Crown the victory you helped to achieve in the cause of economic truth with the still nobler laurel due to him who helps to gain political rights for a whole people. " The country looks to you, the nation is with you. It calls upon you to hasten forward the work you have so bravely undertaken. The voice of the metropolis, of the empire, has echoed throughout the land. 'Hyde Park and Parliament-street to the venerable Abbey,' have been com pactly filled with law-respecting, freedom-loving multi tudes of your fellow-countrymen, solemnly resolved to re gain for themselves and their children those rightB which a proud and overbearing minority still presumes to With hold from them. Birmingham has taken up the appeal, 'and echoed it northwards with many times ten thousand voices. The cry for Reform resounds -throughout • the North, rolling in determined tones over the plains of Lan cashire,, rushing along her valleys, and echoing from hill to hill. Soon shall the great West Riding take up 'the loud refrain, and the long-suffering sister isle repeat the cry from her furthest Western shore. The voices of the three kingdoms are unanimous in demanding their political rights. They call upon you to be their standard-. , bearer in the approaching contest. It is a mighty responsi bility thrown upon you, but your countrymen feel confi dence in your judgment, courage, and devotion. You will not return to Parliament simply as the representative of a single borough, but as the elected tribune of a mighty people. Face to face you have seen this people. You have a right to speak for' the east and west, the north, and the south ; and when you are assailed with the taunts and gibes and sneers of a proud oligarchy, who use every weapon ' that slander and malice can suggest we pray you to re member that a whole nation stands at your back resolutely ! determined to support you while you battle with it for its liberties. Tell these opponents of freedom that the right denied millions of their fellow-countrymen must not, cannot longer be trifled with ; that principle must be the guiding star of men, and results be left to Providence ; that the broadest base is the firmest security of all authority, and that our country will achieve a still more glorious destiny among the nations when her Government depends for its strength upon the hearts and the arms of the entire people, and bases its freedom on the rights achieved by God." Mr. Hoosox seconded the mation, and the ad dress, after a few words from Mr. Beales and Mr. Armitage, who were listened to with extreme im- I patience, was adopted amidst tremendous acclania ' tions, which were renewed again and again as the chairman presented it to the hon. gentleman. Mr. BIND -11T, who was loudly cheered, then ad dressed the meeting. He said :—I was not aware when I was invited to attend this meeting that any thing different from the ordinary course of proceeding would take place. I was not informed that I should be honoured by the presentation of any address. I accept that address, however, with many thanks for the kindness which you have shown me : at the same time I accept it with something like fear and trembling - , because of the mighty responsibility which, by that address, you have thrown upon me. I have never had any ambition for leadership. I don't feel myself to have fitness for such an office. I have worked hitherto wheresOier I Chanced to be, whether in the ranks or in the front, and, without pledging myself to undertake all that this address asks me to- undertake and perform, I may, however, fairly pledge myself to this, that wherever I find men willing to work for human freedom and human happiness I trust I shall be ready to take my part with them. (Cheers.) And now, as my eye has rested upon this wonderful assembly, I have thought it not wrong to ask myself whether there is any queStion that is great, that is sufficient, that is noble, that has called us together to-night. I have come to the conclusion that great as is this meeting,: and transcendently great the meeting which was held in the middle of the day, - the question which has brought us together is worthy of our assembly and Of every effort we may make. (Hear.) We are met* for the purpose, so far as lies in our power, of widen ing the boundaries and making more stable the; foundation of the freedom of the country in which we live. (Hear.) We are not, as our fathers were 200 years ago,. called upon to do battle with the: Crown ; -we have no dynasty to complain of, no: Royal family to depose, in our day - the wearer of the Crown is in favour of freedom (cheers) ; and on, many, separate occasions, as you all know the Queen has strongly —as strongly -as became her• atation.—urged upon Parliament the extension of the f , r anel%lse of the. people. Parliament, however,: has 7en lean lib era l t h an the Crown, and time-after time th ose'reo mmendations have been disregarded, and the wish of the monarch have been rejected and denied. It T 1 KA our bu s i ness to n . ht t tot bt to as sail the other branch of the Legislature.--the House . of Peers. For my part, I.can think 'that if there are dangers ahead for' the- House of Lords they are dangers not sn mnelOro.n witho u t a ;, within. Its foes, in my opinion, are tli.of its own „household : it stands in the high pl ace a Senate, but too much it abdicates the duties of a senate_ It gives its votes, its powers, its proxies into thehands of one man, and he often, as at present, not by any means the wisest:of men. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) Unfortunately for that house it does al most nothing—it does not even debate freely—a session will pass and you scarcely hear any discus sion in,that houSe whichis calculated to instruct the people in political subjects. I sometimes fear that it is no longer the temple of honour, the path which leads through the temple of virtue ; it has become too much a refuge for worn-out members of the House of Commons. (Cheers and laughter.) It be comes every year more numerous, without, I fear, becoming more useful. If it cannot make itself up to the great duties, decay and darkness will settle upon it. Some of its members may read what I say. I beg to assure them that in these few observations I am speaking in no unfriendly spirit to the House of Lords; but we have a distinct purpose to-night, and our purpose is this—to restore the representa tion of the people—to make the House of Commons the house which professes to represent the people a reality and no longer a sham. (Cheers.) Now-the facts of our representation are simple. The import- 7 - ant facts can be stated in about two sentences. I think at every reform meeting they should be re stated, and th at they should fix themselves in th e mind of eve r y re f ormer throughout the country. I am charged with telling things that everbodyknows —(a laugh)--but if we tell them often enough body will know them: (L aughter and cheers.) This ' are is a fact which is worth knowing —tha t 1 7,000,000 of grown-up men, 7,000,000 of men re sponsible to the lawsin the United Kingdom of Great Britain andlreland; that of those but one million and a quarter are on the list of voters; that, exclusive of paupers and exclusive of criminals—though I am sorry to - mention those two classes in the same sen tence —exclusive of those to whom no man proposes to give the franchise, there are 5,000,000 of men in the United Kingdom who have no vote. ("Shame," " We will have them.") Of the million and a quar ter who have votes, the counties take up about 750,000 and the boroughs 550,000. Now, I shall say that which some men will contradict, but which I venture to say is true, when I declare that, for the most part, the county representation in this country is not a popular representation in any honest sense of that term. (Cheers.) We know that with a franchise of £5O occupation, and a freehold franchise added to it, that the great body of the people in every county is excluded from the elective franchise. Well, I regard the county representation to a very large extent as a dead body tied to the living body of the borough representation. I believe it will become less so. In Ireland there are some free counties. In Scot land there are some, and there will be soon more—but, still taking the county representation as a whole, it is in a most unsatisfactory condition. Well, but as to the boroughs where they are alive and where there is some freedom, what is their con-. dition? Let me give you only one fact. There are 145 boroughs with over 20,000 inhabitants each, and they return 215 members. There are 109 boroughs with over 20,000 population, and they return 180 members. But look at the difference in the number of votes, the number of the population, and the amount of the taxation. It is something startling and enormous. The boroughs under 20,000 have 79,000 electors. The boroughs over 20,000 have 485,000 electors. The boroughs under 20,000 have 1,350,000 people. The boroughs over 20,000 people have 9,305,000 people The boroughs under 20,000 pay £367,000 of income tax—the boroughs over 20,000 pay £5,240,000, and yet the boroughs under 20,000 have 215 members, as against 181 members for the boroughs over 20,000. (Cries of " Shame.") Now, I am sure you will agree with me in this— that a representation which as regards the franchise shuts out five millions of men, and which as regards the distribution leaves the state of things which I have now described, can only be fairly pictured when I call it a stupendous fraud upon the people. (Cheers.) As to the counties we have Lord Derby's own authority for it, that the counties are politically the hunting grounds of great landowners. Lord Derby said if you would tell him the politics of half-a dozen principal landowners in a county, he would tell you the politics of the county members and the boroughs. What are they? Manchester knows not bribery, nor Birmingham; but of the boroughs of 20,000 population and under, how many of them `are full of corruption ? There are small boroughs, such as Banbury and Tavistock, and Liskeard, 'where, I believe, great honour and great purity ,prevail, but the bulk of these boroughs are acces sible to the influence of any man who would go :there with plenty of money in his pocket and no :principles or morals in his heart. (Loud cheers.) In ;point of fact, without any exaggeration, we may ;say that all the evils which are possible to an elec toral system are amply provided for by the electoral system of England, comprising bribery, drunken : ness, and a lavish and disgraceful expenditure. All these not only exist, but are absolutely icevitable under the state of the law which now prevails. I venture to say, and I never said anything in my life which I would more easily undertake to prove, that there is no remedy for this state of things where ambitious, and unprincipled, and rich men come into contact with a small number of voters. There is no remedy whatsoever but in large constituencies ( and the security of the ballot. (Loud cheers.) Now if I have given a fair description of the stateof things, need we wonder at the difficulty which we meet with when we have any question before Parliament ? Look back at the question of the corn laws. Look back at the question of the paper duties. Look back, or rather look at present, on the question of our disgraceful expenditure, and you find on every occa sion when the people ask for any reform of any kind, they have to make a desperate fight for it, just as if they were wresting it not from countrymen and brothers, but from the representatives of a con quering nation. Take this last session of all, the session which has just passed over, a session ever to be remembered. The Government, headed by Lord Russell in the House of Lords, and by Mr. Gladstone —(cheers)—in the House of Commons, this Govern ment anxious to make a step in the direction of popu lar rights, brought in a bill more honest in character and more moderate in dimensions, and it was a binge moderate in its dimensions that some of us who think it would be wiser to grant much more found ourselves in some difficulty in tendering to the Government our cordial suport, to enable them to carry their bill which I hold every man who is in favour of any Re form at all had no kind of excuse in opposing. That bill, I may as well sayso at once; vim met by an opz position as malignant and discreditable as I have ever seen brought against any measure in the House of Commons; there was no artifice, there was no trick that was too mean and too base to be made use of to retard the progress of and ultimately to destroy that bill, and to such an extent did they go that.even Lord Stanley--(hisses)—was induced, I know not how or by what evil spirit of his party, to make a proposition, which, to my knowledge, emi nent men of his own party pronounced to be utterly discreditable. The •facts and arguments on which the bill was supported were not met and never could be met. Another policy was adopted, and, to get rid of inconvenient arguments and figures, they turned round and did not hesitate to slander the' whole nation. The name of a gentleman eminent in this matter has already been mentioned. If L mention his name, or if I quote what he said, under- i stand that I make no charge against him that he holds opinions •which Iso much deplore. Any man' may hold what opinions he likes, and the opinions, of any particular member of. Parliament are not of very greatimportance. But these opinions are im- : portant, because they , were addressed to 300 mem- ' bers of the party which is now in power, and because by that party they were received with uproarious and : universal enthusiasm. (Cheers.) I don't think that any meeting of the working classes held during this recess should pass off without some reference to 'these observations. Bear in mind that, not only were they received with enthusiastic cheers by the Tory party, but 'when the Queen sent for Lord Derby, and committed to him the charge of form ing a Government, he either directly, through his patron, the owner of the borough of Caine, endea voured, as is universally believed, and as I believe, to prevail on the man who uttered these senti ments to become a member of his Government. (Shame.) These are some of his sentiments : --," I have had opportunities of knowing some thing of the constituencies in this country, and I ask if you want venality, ignorance, drunkenness, and the, means of intimidation, if you want impulsive, unreflecting, and v i o l ent men, w h ere d o you go to look for th em, to the top or t o th e b o tt om ? I t i s . ridiculo us et great to corruptionbli nk has prevailedthefactthat a si m nc o e ng thetheßeform A voters of between £2O and £lO rental, among the £lO lodging-house and bee house rkeepers ; but it is said only give the franchise to the artisans, and then see the difference." lie went • • on, o m itting a sentence which is nothing to the argument, and said, " We know what sort of people live in these small houses; w e have long had experience of them under the name of freemen, and it would be a good thing if they were disfranchised altogether. They were dying out of themselves, but the Government purposed to bring them back under another name." This refers, of course, to the persons who live in houses of be tween £7 and £lO rental. Then, he said, "If thig bill passes, see what dreadful things will happen. I n the first stage an increase of corruption, intimida tion, disorder, and all those evils which happen usually at elections. What will be the second . The second will be that the working men of England, find ing themselves in a large majority of the whole con stituency, will awake to a full sense of their power. They will say, ' We can do better for ourselves ; do not let us any longer be, cajoled at elections Met us set up shop for ourselves ; we have objects to carry as well as our neighbours, and let us unite to carry those objects. We have the machinery ; we have our trades' unions ; we have our leaders all ready.' " THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING; SEPTEMBER 25, 1866.' There were loud Opposition cheers at that. •(Laugh ter.) He goes on, " We have the power of combin ing, as we have shown over and over again, and we have a prize to fight for ; we will bring it to bear with tenfold more force than ever before." Perhaps the hint that you have your trade unions and your machinery and leaders—a hint whichlofferedto you some years ago—may have some effect coming from such lips—(laughter) ; but you see the whole tenour of these observations, and there are men to whom I should attribute no blame for uttering them or for holding them, but the whole of these observations is to show that a great body of the working classes are in a degraded position, I find that the bill only proposed, according to Mr. Gladstone's estimate, which, in my opinion, was an exaggerated estimate, to admit 200,000 of the waking classes to the fran chise, and these observations rest upon the opinion that when the great body of the working classes are in that condition of ignorance and degradation, and also of hostility to the existing institutions of the country, it would not be safe to admit to the fran chise even 200,000 out of the 5,000,000 who are now excluded. Now, I said in Birmingham, and I say here, that in every workshop, in every room, in every factory, in every clubhouse of every trade, there ought to be a card hung up with these remarks, or rather slanders, upon the work ing men there suspended. (Cheers.) If those slanders be true, hang the card up there that you may see in that mirror what you are, and reform yourselves. (Cheers.) If the charge be false, as 1 hold it to be, then read what it is that is said of you by those who are hostile to your political rights ; then draw your ranks closer together, and make a more resolute and determined fight to change the state of things in this country. (Cheers.) Some of the newspapers have said since my speech at Bir mingham that it is very unfair to try and paste this upon the back of the Tory party. Why did they cheer it? (Hear, hear.) Why have their news papers said, " Here is a great man come down, as it were, from the clouds to tell us all about the con stitution of the country ?" I say that the doe trinces of Mr. Lowe uttered in that speech are in the main the doctrines upon which the Tory party have acted for generations absolutely, although there are not many men in the House probably of that party who would dare to say what he said, and I fancy there is hardly one of them who could Say it so well. Now, I want to ask you a ques tion. I don't know how many thousand people there are here to-night, and I don't know how many people have been attending your great demonstra tion in Manchester ; but I put the question to them - through the gentlemen below me to whom we give so much trouble, and to whom we are so greatly indebted—l put this question to them :—lf this argument of ignorance and drunkenness be true, what does it show ? There is t, newspaper in Lon don—the Morning Herald—which the other day, I 'am told, wrote some hints for me for my speech on this occasion. The Morning _Timid is a paper which proposes to be, in some sort, the organ of the Tory party ; but I have had it from the best authority that the leaders of the party very rarely read it. (Laughter.) The Morning Herald pointed to a fact which I stated with great amplitude at a meeting of the Sunday-school teachers in Rochdale, I think on Good Friday last, that a very large portion of the children of working-classses in Manchester, a poor and deplorable class, was growing up without any school provision made for them. The Morning Herahl states also that in Manchester there is a great deal of drunkenness, although I believe all the facts show that there is less drunkenness in Man chester probably than in any otter town of equal • magnitude in this kingdom. (Cheers.) I will as sume ignorance for a moment, I will assume the drunkenness, and I will assume the degradation to be true ; what then shall I say of the Government which has permitted it ? (Cheers.) What is that Government? What is that party which is supreme in this country ? It holds all the land or nearly so ; it holds the revenues of the riches; Church that the world has ever seen ; it has both douses of Parlia ment to do its bidding ; it has two ancient and noble Universities—in fact it his everything of power in this country, and yet, according to the showing of this writer, the people are ignorant and drunken and degraded—it must be to an extent far more than that of almost any other country, because in almost every other constitutional country the franchise is more widely extended than it is in this, and that without the slightest danger to dynasty or to order. (Cheers.) Why is it, I ask you now, that the Englishmen in England are not so well educated as the Englishmen in New England ? In the New England States of North America there have been seven generations of men who came originally from this country, who have been thoroughly and fully instructed; and now in every free State—in every State that was free before the late war—there is a wide suffrage too, schools are universal, and all the people have the fullest opportunity of being thoroughly instructed for the purposes of life. l (Cheers.) Why, in this countrywhat are we doing? (A Voice—" Gamekeeping !" and laughter.) No ; we are doing something beside that. The people, who have the matter in their hands, and who could settle it, are discussing questions of catechisms, the Thirty-nine Articles, and what they call conscience clauses. They are all engaged in worrying some dry bone of this kind, while the great' body of the people, and especially the poorest of the people, are left wholly unprovided for. (Cheers.) I venture, to say it, I would stake everything I have in the world upon it, that if the platform of the National, Reform League, or any platform which gave us aj substantial or real representation of the whole people, were embodied in an Act of Parliament, they would! not pass over three Sessions of Parliament but there( would be a full provision for the thorough instruc tion of every working man's child in *the kingdom.! (Cheers.) But there was another argument which; was very often used in the House of Commons, which is even more extraordinary coming from the! quarter whence we heard it, -and it was this— that the country is so prosperous (proving that it is so well governed) that really there is not only no occasion for anything more, but nobody has any right to ask for anything more. It was one of the argu ments, I believe, of the gentleman from whom I have quoted, that we have a right, of course, to be well governed, but that the right to govern us exists and rests much higher up. (Laughter and cheers.) Now we are assembled here in a building which recalls a good many memories if one had but the time and I had the voice to dwell on them. But, may I ask you why it is that we - are prosperous? You recollect many of you that are here, 25 years ago in the year 1841, this country was subject to desolation and to famine, and, it is only since 1846, since the abolition , of the corn laws, since the general change to a free trade policy, that there has been continually grow ing up that, prosperity which is now brought against us, and used as an , argument why there should be no further Reform in Parliament. (Cheers.) Suppose you had the corn laws now. What an August we have had, and what a Septem ber we are having I Gold would be going out of the country. The rate of interest would be rising, the wages of the people would be falling, the wages they received would be absorbed in the pur chase of dearer food, and generally over the country, there would come a state of things which would give the greatest alarm to the thoughtful in the higher classes, and the greatest suffering to the multitudes at the base of our social scale. But why is it? How comes it that we are not in that danger ? How is it that we are not now filled with confusion and dis may? Who was it that destroyed the curse of the corn laws, and who was it that fought desperately to maintain that curse ? Why, surely you know that we, who are accustomed to assemble in the Free , . Trade-hall, were largely instrumental in destroy ing, and you know that no man was more forward in its support than the man who is now Prime Mini ster of England. (Cheers.) if this be so, if we, the party that we represent on this platform to-night, if we did much to promote this prosperity, are we not fairly 'entitled to offer ourselves as advisers on the question• of the franchise? (Loud cheers.) What is called statesmanship is like no other profes sion. In other professions failure is acknowledged, and it shuts a man out from distinction and su premacy, but Lord Derby at this moment is Prime Minister of England, whose failures are in the annals of England for 30 years past. (Cheers.) In 1834 Lord Derby left Lord Grey's Government because he would not permit even an inquiry into the excessive revenues of the Irish Church, but the Irish Church is doomed to destruction. (Cheers.) In 1846 he left Sir Robert Peel and became the leader of the Tory Protectionists, because he would not consent to the abolition of the Corn Laws, and since then he has been foremost in opposition to all good things in Parliament. Lord Derby is not the leader of his party in a high sense. He is not its educator, he is not its guide, but he is its leader in all foolish con tests in which in its ignorance and its selfishness it involves itself with the people. (Great cheer ing.) Only three or four days ago I opened a I book which professes to be a history of the govern ing families of England, and which is composed of articles, interesting many of them, which appeared in the Spectator newspaper. There is one of them on the Stanleys of Knowsley, and they are certainly of the governing families, seeing that Lord Derby and Lord Stanley are both in the Cabinet. But on opening this book I found this curious fact, that during the agitation of the Reform Act, I believe in the year 1831, Lord Stanley, the present Lord Derby, is stated to have leapt upon the table at a meeting where there were a number of Reformers assembled to urge upon them the necessity of refusing the payment of taxes till the Reform Bill was passed, (Laughter.) Well, I was not there to see. I have heard the story several times before, but I see it recorded in this volume, and I there fore take it to be accurate. The same Lord Stanley ;came forward in 1852 to stem the tide of democracy, in 1859 he was the head of a Government which introduced a Reform Bill of a most fraudulent character, and in 1866 he is the head of a party which has destroyed an honest franchise bill, and overthrown an honest and patriotic Go vernment. (Cheers.) The newspapers which write for his party tell us that Lord Derby and his Go vernment are not in the least degree disabled or pre ' eluded from dealing with this Reform question. I hope no Reformer dreams of such things. If you like you may trust your life to your most bitter foe, but I will not do so if I know it. We had free trade from free-traders, for when Sir Robert Peel repealed the corn laws he was as good and sincere a free trader as if he had spoken free trade for the previous five or six years on this platform on which I now stand. Lord Derby is not a Reformer, nor will he introduce a Reform Bill in the character of a Re former. If he does introduce one it will be as before —it will be some juggle, some dishonest trick, some thing base, like the means by which they overthrew the bill of Lord Russell's Government. If that bill had passed, moderate as it was, I undertake to say it would have been received in every part of the :United Kingdom with the liveliest satisfaction. It *ould have given to the working men, and to num bers of them, a partnership in the State, and I believe that the nation would havebeen happier and stronger from the passing of that bill. (Cheers.) But now discontent is growing everywhere, and will con tinue to grow until that discontent becomes a great peril in the country, unless a satisfactory measure is 'introduced and passed through Parliament. I charge Lord Derby and his friends with this. I say that' they have brought class into conflict with class. say that they have done much to separate Parlia ment from the nation; that they have made the :House of Commons the reviler and not the pro tector of the people ; and, further, that they have ! frustrated the just and benevolent intentions of the Crown. In conclusion, I venture on something which may be deemed as foretelling what is to come. I say that the men who are now in office cannot govern Britain. The middle classes and the working classes will alike condemn them. They cannot govern Ireland. In that unhappy country their policy has produced a state of chronic insurrection which they can never cure. They will be expelled from power, and their policy will be re ' jected by the people ; for it is on broad and just and liberal principles alone that England can main tain her honest, but now unchallenged place among the nations of the world. (The hon. gentleman, having spoken very nearly an hour, sat down amid enthusiastic cheers.) A vote of thanks to the chairman, proposed by Mr. WILFRED LAwsoN, and seconded by the Hon. LTULPH STANLEY, brought the proceedings to a termination . All the resolutions were adopted at the afternoon meeting. This evening a large torchlight meeting is holding outside the Free Trade-hall simultaneously with the. one within. The Develoiment of American Resources. The TVashington Chronicle, under the above heading, gives the following description of a tempting site for a CENTRAL CITY. This is a city in embryo, yet one that is as certain to exist as Pittsburgh, and as sure to enrich its fortunate founders, whoever they may be, as Chicago did her landed proprietors. A simple glance at the map of our country will satisfy the sagacious man that,such may be, and that such will be, the future of. Central, if both enterprise and capital can ever come to terms with prejudice and pride. Follow up the course of the Great Kanawha from the waters of the Ohio through the dense forests and wide coal-fields of Western Virginia, via the New River, to the valley of Virginia in the South-west. This great " river of the woods" cuts a path through the mighty Alleghanies to their rocky bases, and connects the varied and wonder ful mineral wealth of the mountain , regions of the South with the plains of the Mississippi. Shortly after entering the limestore line, in the east of the Alleghany ranges, and penetrating the North moun tains—synonymous with our Blue mountains in. Pennsyl vania—the Kanawha, .n9w called the New river, is crossed by the Virginia and Tennessee railroad, leading from Richmond and Lynchburg through East Tennessee to Chattanooga, via the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad after leaving the Virginia line: , The point of intersection between this,, the Grapevine line and the New River, is known as Central Depot, and , here we place the site of the future. Central City. The! Little river, a branch of the New river, penetrates the Blue; Ridge ranges, and heads in North Carolina; while Smith's! river, a branch of the Dan, enters the mountains of Vir-! ginia ; and along these streams we find a practicOle route; for a railroad, connecting the present railroad system oft North Carolina with, the Western rivers and the Western! railway lines to the Pacific. It is singular that this most direct line should have been+ so long overlooked, while other and impracticable routes : aro proposed. This puts the seaports of North Carolina as near Cincinnati as those of Baltimore and Philadelphia, while it secures a better grade than any of the present lines possess, and would place the whole system of her roads in. practical connection with the trade 9f the West and the! great Pacific railroad, with nearly one hundred miles less; distance than that presented by the shortest proposed line: from East to West. "Central City" is at the spot where this North Carolina road would cennect with the proposed "trunk line" before mentioned from Hampton, on the Chesapeke, to the Ohio or Cincinnati as a centre. h e re it would unite also with, the Virginia and Tennessee ItailroaAl and the navigable waters of the New river, since a company are now improv ing it from Central to the mouth of the Greonbriar, and from that point the James River and Kanawha Canal Company aro preparing to improve the Great Kanawha for steam navigation to the Ohio. The site of Central City is therefore a central one, and on the great highways of trade and travel both from North to South and from East to. West. Within ten miles of the location are largo beds of both anthracite and semi-bituminous coals, and within fifty miles: exhaustless beds of bituminous coal. Around on every hand are immense deposits of the richest hematite iron ores. Perhaps no part of this great valley range is richer in iron ores than • this, while in the mountains on both sides aro exhaustless stores of the same material. The magnetic ores of North Carolina are also near, and may be judiciously used over rail transportation, with the hematites of the valley and the carbonates of the coal fields. Here, too, vast forests of timber exist, and here charcoal iron and steel may bo made when the timber for this pur pose has become exhausted in all the older districts. Within thirty miles of Central are the old Wytho lead mines, which have been productive and profitable for a hundred years, and have produced lead for three wars, be sides a long Indian warfare. Within the same distance are the rich copper regions of the south-west, which range through Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee, and which haveregularly-defined beds of copper, not subject to tho variations and uncer tainties of the Lake Superior mines. The copper mines of this region have been worked with profit, though the ores were carried over rough mountain roads from 20 to 30 miles, and then transported by rail and water 400 miles to the smelting works at Baltimore. The new river at Central may be made to yield thirty feet fall, at a small cost for dam and race, and give as great a water-power as the JAmes affords to the manufac tures of Richmond. Sheep may be raised in vast numbers and with small cost in the mountains of this region, where shade is every where to be found, and food is plenty nearly all the year round. The cotton of the South is in close proximity, and the markets of both East and West are within available dis tances. Here, then, is a site for a city having no superior, as far as natural advantages are concerned, and where enterprise and capital may make the greatest and most profitable de velopments. In this there is no speculation or blind ven ture, as in oil, stocks, " gold leads," or " silver ledges ;" but a great State to develop°, now languishing for want of energy and means; a people to conciliate and assist, now disheartened and poor. In this good work, every dollar invested prudently will not only return a hundred per cent. per annum, but will do more to protect free labour than all the Federal bayonets that our illustrious Grant could levy. The Visit of the Seventh New York. AN OPPORTUNITY TO STRENGTHEN THE AMERICAN ALLIANCE. Seldom has America offered an opportunity to England of meeting on a spot to which the sym pathies of both nations could be strongly drawn. We feel sure that no such opportunity has yet occurred as will offer on the arrival of the 7th New York Volunteer Regiment. The 7th, the Royal Fusiliers, were once, and are even now, a crack regiment of the British Army. But we wish to poi& out the difference between what is termed a " crack" regiment of the English service and a similar regiment in the American army. It is neces sary in both services that the battalion should be distinguished in the field. This really becomes the base on which the fame rests. There is po crack regiment in the English army which has not won high honour in the field, and if we take those corps, which for so many years formed pet preserves of the aristocracy, and were exempted from all disa greeable colonial service, the origin would be found in gallant field service. The Royal Fusiliers but a few years ago had no grade of second lieutenant or ensign. We are not aware how the peculiarity happened, though we feel confident that it arose from the second lieutenants being promoted on some distinguished battle-field. This led to the regiment at one time being filled with the scions of our aristocratic families. Not only was the corps renowned for its conduct on field service, but a commission granted in the 7th placed the officer in a grade higher than that of any other re giment. The 7th New York do not boast of aristo cratic officers, but they assert that the ranks are filled with the gentlemen of their great metropolis, sons of the leading merchants, and of all the learned professions who have attained the highest celebrity. This regiment, as our correspondent " T. R." states, is a volunteer force among the most distinguished in field service of the troops which carried the Northern arms to so successful an issue in the Four Years' War. It is proposed that the regiment, as a body, should visit England and France during the period of the Paris Exhibition. The opportunity is a rare one, and should not be lost on English Volunteers of giving a hearty and national welcome to their distinguished brethren in arms. The body may be regarded as delegates from the great United States' army. They should be invited to land in England complete in all their appoint ments. It would give us here an admirable oppor tunity of seeing and judging what the United States Volunteer army is, if their Royal Highnesses the Prince of WALES and the Commander-in-Chief were to review this regiment in Hyde -park. It would not be the first time our future King had seen this gallant body of soldiers. The British Volunteers might extend to these gentlemen an in vitation to become their guests during their stay in England, and meet in friendly rivalry on the parade ground, and as marksmen at the butts. We have a sample of what American sailors can achieve in the successful passage across the Atlantic of The Wee Craft; and in the 7th New York Volunteers we will have a fine specimen of what the American soldier is. Let us meet these gentlemen with the right hand of fellowship, and seize the rare oppor tunity of strengthening the entente cordiale offered by the proposed visit.—Anglo-American Times. CALIFORNIA. IMPORTANT GEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY--CALIFORNIA THE CRADLE OF THE RACE. SAN FRANCISCO, Aug. 5, 1866. California has claimed, among her remarkable productions, the most stupendous valleys, the largest trees, the biggest vegetables. She now appears before the world in the more ambitious character of being the oldest portion of the earth's surface, and, to use the remarkably fine language of the interior press, " the original cradle of the human race." The discovery of a human skull in the plio cene formation is the foundation of this startling assumption. It appears that an honest miner, named James Matson, digging in a shaft in Calaveras county, came across this osseous fragment at the depth of two hundred and fifty feet. The relic passed into the hands of Scribner, merchant, who transferred it to Jones, doctor, who, in turn, handed it over to‘ the State geological survey, where it exactly fitted a theory promulgated by the survey of the extreme antiquity of man on this coast. Professor Whitney has visited the shaft, and is confident that the posi tion of the skull justifies him in ascribing its intro duction to a period anterior to the lava deposits. This would make it antedate the mastodon, the pachyderms, and, indeed, most of the paleotheres. In fact, according to this theory, that which has been termed the pliocene formation is a comparatively recent deposit ; the world is really older by many million years than hitherto supposed by geologists— particularly that portion known as the Pacific slope, to which the Laurentian hills of Agassiz are crea tions of yesterday. Under what conditions of atmo sphere or climate our pliocene friend flourished is not known. From an unscientific view-point, which is the only one your correspondent would venture to take, the state of things must have been singu larly unpleasant for this earliest pioneer. With the whole range of the Sierras a series of active volca noes, with earthquakes by day, and eruptions by night, he must have passed a remarkably active. existence in dodging the scoria and volcanic stones—those unrefreshing showers of the period. Huge Saurians contended with him for the limited refection of muscles and shell-fish. Defenceless — for it is singular that no weapons, bows, arrows, or spears—have been found among the rude domestic implements which denote his presence, and place him in the " stone age,"—he must have been an easy prey to the lower order of his animal contempo raries. The skull, which is not perfect, has a facial , angle, not unlike a Digger Indian. The bones are somewhat thicker than modern specimens— doubtless a providential precaution to enable it better to resist the local showers previously alluded to. The discovery has occasioned consider able excitement in scientific circles, and some little stir among theologians. The pliocene skull hasbeen the text of some remarkable editorials in the up country papers. The provincial editors have gam bolled wildly in these geological " pastures new," and some theories have been advanced that would startle Agassiz, Lyell, and Austed. Doubtless the society of pioneers will claim the skull as a member. —The Springfield Weekly Republican. REPRESENTATION OF EAST NORFOLK.—The Libe rals of East Norfolk are endeavouring to retrieve their position. In 1857 they wrested both scats from the Conservatives, and on the death of Sir E. N. Buxton in the summer of 1858 they still succeeded in maintaining their ground. At the dissolution of 1859 the representation of the division was compromised ; but when Col. Coke, the Whig member, presented himself for re-election in 1859, it was found that he had become so unpopular that he had little chance of being again returned, and he was displaced by Mr. C. Read, a tenant farmer, who was supported by a number of the Liberal electors. Mr. Read has, since his election, almost invariably voted with the Conservatives, and his liberal supporters will probably not again record their votes for him. The Liberal leaders have resolved at any rate to endeavour to retrieve the severe disaster which they sustained in July, 1865, and they have hold several meetings for the purpose of securing increased attention to the registration. No positive announcement has yet been made on the subject, but it is understood that Viscount Bury, son of the Earl of Albemarle, will be brought for ward as a Liberal candidate. Lord Bury was first returned for Norwich in 1857, and sat for that city until the summer of 1859, when ho was unseated on petition. Ho was subse quently returned for the Wick burghs, from the represen tation of which constituency he retired in 1865. lie con tested Dover unsuccessfully last year, and has since not obtained a seat in Parliament. His lordship held a Court anointment under the Palmerston Ministry. COUNTRY MARKETS. CHELMSFORD-SEPT. 21. The wheat in the market to-day was rather a largo sup— ply, but the business transacted was quet, and the prices. of last week could hardly be realised for best samples ; in— ferior sorts is per qr. down. Spring corn of all descriptions . at late rates. -- ---- --- Wheat, old white....49s 62s Peas, Partridge 403 425: new .46s 588 White „325 3 6 5 , old red. 468 588 Boiling .......• - —l4 new. 498 54s Dun.... Barley... 258 338 dit , o, new....---8 Chevalier --s —8 Beans, Tick, old ......408 455. Grinding 25s 308 ne Malt 58s 60s Harrow t w 'iCk -e:4382: Chevalier 60s 62i new.. ..408 443. Oats 46 423. GRANTHAM-SEPT. 22. Wheat was in middling supply. Scarcely any barley at market, and high prices realised for good sorts, with iv , fair business. Oats scarce, and at full prices. Beans were in moderate demand. Peas as of late. Old white wheat, 57s to 60s1; old red, 50s to 56s ; new white, Ms to 58s ; new red, 49s to 54s per 36 stone. Bar ley for malting, 38s to 455 per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 34s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 30s per 2 4 stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s ; new, 44s to 46s per 38 stone. Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER--SEPT. 22. A moderato supply of wheat at market, which was sold slowly at is to 2s per qr advance for samples in condition. Barley was in large supply and extravagant prices asked' Beans and peas in good demand at late rates. Wheat, white 518 608 Beans, ilaza,gan...-408 421 red; 58s 62s Middle and 5ma11..44s 483 Barley 340 43s Peas, white. 38s 4 2 Oats .. ... ... —8 s grey............365 ik. NORTHAMPTON-SEPT A moderate supply of wheat, with a firm inquiry. Fai r show of barley, with a steady trade. Oats scarce. Beans firm. New white wheat, 51s to 56s • new red, 51s to 56s ; old white, 55s to 595; old red, 53s to 57s per 36 stone. Baley for malting, 38s to 44s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 36s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 22s to 31s ' • new, 28s to 30s per 24 stone . Beans, old, 46s to 49s ; new, 42s to 45s per'3B stone. Peas, 38s to 42s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN—SEPT. 21. There was again a comparatively small attendance at market to-day, the farmers being still busy with harvest. Bere and barley have advanced ls, but oats were at the rates of last week. Wheat is also rising. White wheat 50s Od to 51s Od> 45s Od to 46s OdC 621 b V b u shel. Red wheat Potato oats 2 2 4 7 5 s Od d d t 0 0 0 2 2 4 7 5 e 6 6 d d } 40Ib bushel. Common oats Bore 3os Od to 31s Od t 53/b V bushel. Barley 328 Od to 32s 6d) Oatmeal 19s 6d to 20s Od V boll of 280Ib• Flour, fine 40s Od to 44s Od V sack of 280 1 b V KIRKCALDY—SEPT. 22.- Small supplies of all kinds of grain. Wheat 6d to le and barley 2s per qr. up. Oats unchanged. Wheat. Barley. Oats. -51 s Od 31s Od —s Od itiecond.... 52s Od I 34s Od —8 Od • Taird..... 54s Od 37s Od f —s Od COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. s. d. 5 . d. Walls End Hetton ... 22 0 Holywell Main 2O 0 Tees South Hetton Wallsend Haswell 22 0 Pittington l9 0 East Hartlepool Hetton Lyons ........ 20 3 Byron Cassop Ships at market, 55—sold, 50. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southamptoa.....oet. 20• Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 1 4 - Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet ...... —Oct. 4. Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and di. ilelena Oct. 23 China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Oct 3. Ditto, via Marseilles Sept. 27 • Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton ........ . Sept. 2 1 . 'lndia (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... Oct. 3 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Sept. 27. Ditto, via Marseilles . ....0ct.7 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Sept. 27! Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 7• Mauritius, via Southampton • Oat. 2 0 Ditto, via Marseillei, Oct. 1.4 Newfoundland Portugal • ...... 4 Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. United States and British North America, by Bri- tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp- ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry Sept. 28. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe AO. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and lionduras) Sept. 28. _ _ Cuba and Druxico Sept. Bermuda, via Halifax ... Sept. 2 283 : Bahamas. via New York. Oct. IS [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and rins.-- l ip A Cure for Abscesses, Piles, Fistulas, and Sores.—T,h ° very satisfactory results arisi ng f rom th e use o f this Valu able ointment in eases where patients have been suffering from abscesses, ulcers, piles, or fistulas, have induced mail of the medical profession to inti'oduco it into the hospitals `and their private practice, and in many instances where the ! sufferer was considered curable: Holloway's ointment, la conjunction with his pills, healed the most desperat e wounds. They aro also unequalled for the cure of serf:" fula, scurvy, and other diseases of the skin. The balsamic , and healing properties of Holloway's ointment render i t invaluable in the nursery for healing cuts, scratches, and sores; and for allaying inflammations, reducing swellings, and cleansing unhealthy skin it is unequalled. " There is no shame to our manhood if we distrust our own ability to endure the anguish of the body. • • , It is no secret that of lat e l oca l anx tl i esia has been produced 1,0 such a degree that the patient, retaining his consciousnes s, can watch the surgeon's knife as it cuts to cure, and yet be without the slightest sensation of physical suffering."—Dail' 'telegraph, July 13, 1866. "To none is the public more in' debted than to Mr. Day."—lllustrated News, page 826, Jut e 9. "Mr. Day has succeeded in robbing tooth extraction of l''' horrors, and we think we are only fulfilling an act of duty 111 giving publicity to the fact."—Court Journal. p. 582, gal 26 ' Painful teeth, or diseased stumps extracted without pe ill i No chloroform, and perfectly safe. Every description 0 teeth, combining the latest inventions and improvemelllel dental mechanism, may be procured from Mr. DAY, dent' s , (late principal assistant to Mr. Eskell, of 8, G rosve nor-stree 4 W.), 291, Regent-street (3 doors from the Polytechnic). [ADvEnTisEmENT.]—Consumpt ion, and all nervous, bilious' stomach, and liver complaints, in every stage, are only ' l g . .; gravated and accelerated by drugs of every description • b' s perfectly curable by Du Barry's health restoring ReValell Arabica Food, as proved ,by thousands of cases which 115 d ,_ been considered hopeless ; such as indigest i on (dyspePf" s " cough, asthma, consumption. habitual constipation dbirt hcea, all gastric derangements, hceinorrholds, liver W u ; plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness' fevers, 00 % throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises ill this head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities. eruPti° l1 o, ~ hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, o' o. pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, d ro psy, crereP., spasms, nausea and sickness e ven i n pregnancy or at ile sinking fits, bronchitis, scroful a , tightness of the chest, pains in the pit of the stomach and between the should er '' Are. We quote a , few.--Cure, No. 46,270. Mr. James Iteb ers timber merchant, of Fri= l e y S urre y, o f thirty ye a rs' disea s e d lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial d elm e ness.—Cure, No, 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of eat s nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, l ow spi r it s , and Ilerr ii . I ancies.—Cure, No. 1,771. L or d St uar t d e D ec i es , Lord 4 -1,, z. tenant of Waterford, 'of many years' dyspepsia.—No• 49, 7„, Fifty years' indescribable agon y fro m dyspep s i a , nervous ou :4 asthma, cough, coast patio o, flatulency, spasms. sickness, AI% vomiting—Maria Jolly.-- Cure No. 54,816. The Rev. Jalue t y Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torp id l y , of the liver. which bad resisted all medical treatruen'o. In tins, 11b, 2s 9d; 21b, 4s 6d ; 51b, 115; 121 b, 225; 2 '__ . ios.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, Lou e also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; lik e ta .. at 6t, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopfig a d; street Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, S trsn , 54, Upper Baker-street; 103, Tottenham-court-road,; wee Upper-street, Islington, N.; Hervey, Notting-bill; ' t. Brothers, 65, High-street; and Stubbs, Queen's-terra ce ' e , John's-wood. London ; and all respectable grocers and u " mists.—Beware of spurious imitations. _.........!..: • Births. llAnnii.ox—On the 24th insi , at 35, Glouccster-crti n a Hyde-park, the wife of W. Harrison, L'sql "" daughter. LANKESTER—On the 21st inst. at at 90, Regent's-park-O A the wife of Arthur Lankostor., Esq., of a daughter' r of LAING—On the 22d inst., at West Dulwich, Mrs. Laing' a daughter. rfrde - MuNTz—On the 24th inst., at sq, Queen's-gardens, park, the wife of E. G. 111uutz, Esq., of a son. Marriages. PANE—DAVISON—On the 24th inst., at St. John's ( - 1 ",„ to Paddington, Charles Fane, of 35, Connaught-W ; e l.st Emma, widow of the late Captain W. Davison, of th Royal Bengal Royal Fusiliers. cl 4 RIDDELL—PenCELL —At the Catholic Church, Bia C f f r' county Dublin, John G. Riddell, Esq., second so n Ken' Riddell, Esq.. of Feltco Park, Northumberland, te rc ellt rietta Victoria Purcell, daughter of the late P. ru• Esq., of Ilalverstown, county.Kildaro, Ireland. Deaths. i dee ° COLEMAN. —On the 23d inst., at Liverpool, at the r es Aber of her son-in-law, 27, Bedford-street, North >to cromby-squaro, in her 82d year, Flora, relict DANIELS—a tu Sylvesterthe Coleman, Esq., o at Brighton, Danie l Da' f tha city. „OS! ' Esq., aged 56. drA r ' HUDSON—On the 21st inst., Lieut.-Col. T. W. itu unattached, late of the 39th Regiment, aged 48. El}" MonK —On the 16th inst., at 134, Avenue Chanr)P s ovt sees, Paris, the lion. Isabella Monck, sister to v'6 Monck. Wry RonissoN—On the 21st inst., at Swinton Park, P ° A 3 ' „ o9. choster, Robert It. W. Robinson, Esq., M.D. ag e ' `q °l REYNAL—On the 22d inst., at Denmark-hill, Camber G. T. R, Reynal, Esq., aged 92. STArNEa—On the 22d inst., at 25, Punlace-road , 1 1 6 ° 3 11 . (4 Clapton, Edward L. Stainer, Esq., of Trieste, age"' ce, Stmmv.A.—On the 22d inst , 47, Clavertoo - Pimlico, Thos. Sullivan, Esq . ., of Kneller Liall, fig° i ,gif Or London: Printed and Published by WILL I A M Ar 49— of No. 112, Strand, ranter, at Tug SUN Oiroc , I,,i''n Strand, in the Preoinet of the Savoy, in the COI.' Middleforit7Tueeday, September 250804 0 1 tertai there. Ti l NI)li som o , Sol by t 1 Whole ot,, ;r„v n[ 14 , it l'r o .re e 0 Cc FU Par room 8 0liej 4 6U PP( a rp m Ran ) altho . No. Sut gate A. °fa ce the 8 ford lag p 1 • 0 2 .r 3. E 4. 5. 11 R 6. g 7.E set kent 1111 rnt Poi Of c 'istr the O'eloc Tex an d t at th, 20 T th en Co: C' T E PAT' mg . . II AN Oltol Withi Pat Thy less t enntr of 11 fra ud able Thi Will I ducti, in Sul ratel 3 bo na last taine, betty, fo rm , 1 118 he Thi Whol( ,Ter Y, Cot TI tTVI I„A . N DAy th ey 'witlit her A Ports: cure th e tx or foi Rreat onlin Ev Vhot meat Te -411101 Pe: B ePar Pe: each no tic iron with Na tiere( Tl, stain] IY