The Sun. — London, England, 1835-09-14 00:00:00

111 DAY.) , but not much of _ ;s of Monday to Vlseat and Brani' of Corn, oc' de : rniddling, and the terms of hiS • good quality was the same rates as .ntiful ; they are ter lower than las sir late quotations. s mall, and for r t e l ! ; disposed to re reported • new).., i 1d).... ............ W. . ....... ...... . 305 ....... ....... :335. 241 ....... s._ . ...... ...... ....... 21e. ....... 1;`'255 ........ ........ ..... ....... 265..73. ....... ..... ....... ....... ;r2,. ......... 7, 8., ~.18s. sack) ,untry . ST G LA I s Q" - 3 33 7 9 0 11Si 1 c o 85 '27 "r 240 I 1.25'5 oil '9l . 4o 50 =I Is' -8- 1 12° eil 10 1 ... ..0 I ,1 - 16 ,1-214 _I - ~l gl ~ 2023 - - )S OF PULS E ,' • JO. e trade Was sonic' E OFFAL: d • 2 2 4 g 3 3 4 4 4 0 : 3 0 4 51 0 3 8 :s each, 10 0 Id. litto. ..... ditto .... tilers ... ;ENT. Pig! 45u 00 nP 0 road ; about lied Ii) from theZ:s ol ; rlk, Essex, a" DiCle . ost of the WO A R K ETS. s d to 0 a . a 2 0 9. 6 4 11 6 :s 10 r ...... rig ..... ept. r v ei ( . som e of ou, 5014 ondition O u ife re Old Wh eats 0 0 in value. v et ice of full ,s ' f be alt free sab ot t. Ship 4 ;::4 1 ▪ 40.. 41 • -s. 3 8 ..-F. • •::: - --s• 5 :: -..-s• F. :••• • --8 - S. 25,. DAY•) o' CL o o lie a tw o osteni f . illiao 1, by the A , et receiv e % the 'era Cruz e' 3rl mail, b ri ne, of then the tant, and " t 010 ' gs a rell f t ber e , t h e arrival - 0 0 had been ' °- 'fb e sanction. , )f i n surrecroti , that tlic u t Badajoi 01 : e o f re on the c t its i ts are t ita- Con' v, and til e tic e srntters by Santa:tn a wing to t " bA ce dollars ant, mining 3 e were g r- t roc' vessels, 24 A na - for 310 11e Y' ll iog , es this ono 10 c 0 17 19 ; 1i g oer 116; E %6 n Sat u"a l; " a a v ii . sed by c los e , Dish Ben"' at N O morning es, Portug ti c o it l . :l s. er t 2 e nts., 1 of $ morning th is a n ,nd-hel dv r n ubl a f lo the Pu b ) a be zabel a t which ";° we' insure ad the las a . 0 , s 0 th m ei °rnl'e2 t t l:: re' tike; to o , 0# rn as a P Car' )ng I‘' • r• , at them°. n gOi" ds ~ rese t . 13 ' 0 0 16 ' 113 d a 5 ,ot so g °o r t at Pr ese e 6 13 5./. "?ortug ues- 36 Mexi can 00 0' Ci 13 15 the I li g b r elO ch westr a h o ,r p;; l ; • his b r°t re ' ce 9 i t o it He has cup a: 3 the ' C h bC ' n d %Ole 0' d States. cu rred sh o ac i:e if of Mr. do t e vas wP r , boil% fron 00 i0 t31 1 ;',, be sca s w orP. l '; trc ot - f f er c,s co pe of 1105 " the ho ' . e d to es heti - 11 o tol tha ta ut d o th e a °tonco ,°t c° ° ' t abt, tha . 4 sti n what C little . to then. One ° 0 P la i. e ap e ae ile tif !ider't /-i - 7 , R. O'CONNELL IN MANCHESTER In our last we noticed a letter, announcing the intention of hMerly. aos:Chootzeevllrt,o be in M anc h ester l ast M on d ay even i ng ; prevented by his Parliamentary duties from arrivi ng _ b efore Wednesday evening. He brought with him Mrs. O'C onne l l, and we believetw-o of his sons, and took up his quarters at the York Hotel. A number of the lower classes of his countrymen, having heard of his arrival, went at a late hour to the house of Mr. Thomas Potter, at Buile Hill, to request t hat gquest he would deliver his public address in Steven ts.noe;square, on Thursday at noon, instead of yesterday, as pre viously announced. To this request Mr. O'Connell, on its 'subsequently communicated to him, acceded, and accord irtiiyngon Thursday morning a large number of his countrymen assembled, and proceeded to Pendleton for the purpose of es. ceiling into the town. The Hon. Gentleman, after break fasting, as we have been informed, at Buile Hill, joined the procession in a carriage and four. He was very enthusiastically received. The procession was headed by Mr. Thos. Oates, and two other persons on horseb ac k, an d cons i ste d o f a num b er o f Peelole bearing wands h ea d e d w i t h s h amroc k s, &c., and wear c, green and white favours ; they had also a band of music O Connell a nd a variety of flags, one of which was inscribed " Daniel Ireland's pride, the regenerator of his country." Another, " The friendly sons of the Emerald Isle ;" a third, ``Roderick O'C onnor, monarch of Ireland, " &c. We ought, in justice t o all parties, to state, that the procession was entirelygot up by t h e operatives and Irishmen, and that the iNo.namitee for conducting the arrangements of the dinner to I r. O'tConnell had nothing whatever to do with it. Although numbers of persons betook themselves to Stevenson's-square at early as twelve o'clock, the procession, winding its way the throughrey the p r i nc i pa l streets o f the town, did arrive till about a qua r t er b e f ore t h ree . A s t h e carri age, on the ben t of which were seated Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Thomas Vctter, could not make its way through the then very dense erowd , Mr. O'C onnell proceeded on foot with some difficulty to the hustings (which were erected in a timber yard near the "ler le of Spear -st reet an d the square), am id st the cheers o f tee of He wore a m ili tary cap an d c l oa k , and appeare d Iri 4 geed health an d sp i r i ts. With or near him to the hustings, Il e saw Mr. C . J . S. Walker, Mr. Thomas Potter, Mr. James 4111 . 13 5 en, Mr. G. H. Winder, and others. Mr. Thomas Pot ter . in troduced hi m t o t h e meeting, which, at this time, and P __Prig the greater part of the proceedings, must have corn rised betwee n sit and seven thousand persons. d r M r. O'CONNELL. as soon as the cheers had subsided, ad eased the multitude nearly as follows: I wish my voice seed by to my inclinations—for if it were it would be by every human being here, and a glorious sight it is to such myriads congregated in the multitude which I be hold before me, to see so many of God's goodly creatures language of my feelings into that species of utterance, which Lie it commands silence, would be rewarded by the lan guage I should utter. But I fear I shall hardly be able to deaveY to y ou t h at which makes it my duty humbly to en a our to unite this enormous multitude in the struggle that great British and Irish nation have now to make, to consoli date their liberties, and to secure good government and cheap oyernment.—( Cheers.) We are come to a crisis in the af airs of this country; end I rejoice much to see that the Presenc e dit tell of so insignificant an advocate of the great cause of human liberties, has brought together so many and such ap i,,.ucling multitudes. I wish you could all hear my gratitude. You how you shall see it. You shall see it in le efforts for the common good.—( Hear.) But princi readY, and above all, what brought me here is just this. I ° T i e as a missionary. I see that the people of England neces sarily will achieve their objects. The House of Peers, at : ) .r f es ent organised and arranged against the progress flsocial improvement, must necessarily yield to the oral influence by which they are surrounded—they must encede to England—(to be sure they will do it bit by bit only, ndd with a bad grace)--all that England can desire. And .haps it is more desirable that political changes should be fltra.ardtijeonby degrees ; because, when made in that manner, they ire° Perfectly free from all the crimes of revolutionary vio l:" ; and though it may be less satisfactory to receive but by portion as it is granted, they at length become per 4;et'Y useful by the aggregate of small and detailed improve °Lilts. Yes ; England is safe ; and Scotland has already Zuleved more than England or Ireland has obtained ; for kcfcoitland has got corporation reform . as well as parliamentary 14 A r m. England has got only an instalment of that reform, ." Ireland has got of it just nothing at all.—( Laughter.) th l.ld the Lords, they would not give us that same, namely no if they cou ld h e l p i t . W a i t aw hil e, b oys.—( L aug h ter .) 4 l nn coming round to obtain your sympathies in support of 1 ,1 8 1 Englishmen and Scotchroen to do justice at length to A Ireland. I am come to tell you that my heart and my ta - ns , too—for although I am a grandfather, I have strength in .rtn still —are British to be bound u in the great cause of e liberties of the empire. All . I ask is justice for zr e i it, al ld• I'll never take less, nor will I be satisfied till I get Cheers. ) I tell the people of England we would not u s :. for that sympathy, if they bad found us shrinking from L e ir contest when we could assist them in the battle 1 4. t huir liberties. I would remind every man who is here to jj a r me. in this assembly, I would call to his recollection the ti f n stu i rY osr the last four years, and would ask him, " there a division in Parliament, on any measure, that went to s `j s eri the burthens, or to increase the franchise, or to procure ti - 41n elioration of institution for the people of England, that h e i ., l rish Members were not found in the majority, voting for ? nOt an imaginary thing, nor any false statement of mine 4 13 It literal. truth ; and I am proud to say that even in the c o nrefer med Parliament, when the Reform Bill was read a se snd tim e in the Parliament of 1831, there were a majority of ti. c°t ell Members against it, nearly 10 to 1, because at that time teleifeB,e:oteit people had no voice in the . choice of their repre ke„ves; there were even majorities of English and Welsh robe but the Bill was read a second time, because the IC I4 , I tY of Irish Members put down the English, Scotch, and 4 - ` B [ l major ties. I would remind every Englishman who ki l t s : Me, that during the present session of Parliament, the ay of the Irish Members have contributed in the same 0, - Y t o English _freedom. In the great battle for the Speaker IP, there was a. majority of 2 7 English Members against the la e a , le, and for :Manners Sutton and the aristocracy ; there 1 4. 1 1 c ;_i majority of nine Scotch Members on the other side, t4lO reduced tbe English majority of 27 to . lB and . then in +if l e , the Irish majority of 33, leaving the ultimate majority - I ,"' including- the two tellers, by which we triumphed i t l "e Etat battle this session over Wellington and Peel. he s 3 ;; do dwell upon these things ? Is it of any vain she a v , -0 g ? Oh, no. I only speak of them in order to l br others in England that we deserve a participa tt-" 4 1 their .rights, because we were ready for their fight, so li e - s v ould h e . f or our own ; an d I say t h a t we are doubly closer trilar it, be cause if we consented to take less than Great tiff t e . -41 agreed .to take, we should be unworthy the fellowship eent,,,,-" . r a en. Vile insist upon as much, and we will never be of with less. What is it that I would animate the people ter w i tgland to 9 I would animate them, one and all,—no mat taks."'ether a visa .n has a franchise or not, he is a man, and selves Part in public opinion,—to insist upon justice for them larld-; a nd justice :for us, because Parliament will despise Ire -14.; d the English do not assist her; and I tell you, I, who that a t V e mg the d ,tided advocate for the Repeal of the Union, En glis h o_nly.rea• tn why I looked for repeal, was Hear.) the t as l oa " Farliamenz was not doing us justice.—.( justice . B tiet• k g Its we have , the hope of obtaining that from ) a f I la" P arliament, so long shall I be content to look to them Let 11 7 ellington and Peel shut the door of hope 41 1 1 ?' Me, arid then shall look again for Repeal ; and Heaven l e ti d I should ev a. be contented till Ireland is as well go- Lea rn ,. as any oth.n- part of the British dominions.—( Hear, vi e r but how do I seek to achieve it? Not by force—not by exice-- -not by secret and illegal] associations.—( Hear. ) very ere i s nothing . w.orse than a secret society. It must in its Public be illegal, and it is my duty as a lawyer and a ever ic Mau to pro nounce to you distinctly my abhorrence of Y illeg a l soc i ety. Why, do you remember the s i x poor t'ovoilirers from Dorchester? They thought they were doing of t h e and uninstructed, they did not know Act of Parliament that made this thing illegal ; and e i th or them were t ern from their families, and sent to the er extremity of the globe, leaving their wives, and chil dren and mothers, and sisters, in poverty and distress. 11 4. Prosent Govornment will bring back four of them im- ZrlatelY ; and tb,e remaining two will be brought back in inclthker Year or ve ar and a half. But if Peel and Welling seven "ad remained in office, these men would have been for NZII d og l years transported from their native country. y I mention that case? To put you on your guard, 3 , 04 am incitin g y o u t o C ons tit ut i ona l exert i ons, b y s h ow i ng that no man can ever be safe who belongs to a secret I , t 3 r . I may be told, perhaps, th at O rangemen are sa f e . thn You they won 't b e so long.—(Chcers.) I tell you that oe ? be prosecuted and p ut d own b y t h e l aw. O n l y b e thin be would enable them to con ti nue , an d t h at wou ld t h e Peo oppixite and counteracting ill ega l soc i ety . I h ave t o ld Z s ple this in Ireland ; and in the County Meath in one ech I put clown forty-three ribbon societies, and made the ta O give them up, because they were illegal, and only encou • e r e ct and gave an excuse to Orangemen. That is always the I t o f Mega.' societies. In the county of Tipperary I Rib it. In Kerry I got the men who were swearing in butdismit.sed from the county in disgrace. I tell you Only that you ought not to belong to any secret society, f that you are great fools, besides being criminal, if you do; .21 . o no man is safe for five minutes against a spy. Why the man m Went to Armagh pretended to be not only a Catholic, but h devout Catholic. He went to communion, the miscreant ! • any mo rning he sa w th e peop l e ' s bl oo d flow i ng. How could One guard aga i nst them ? What did he do ? He swore Wesson .2s° ll against them though they were o n ly in an ill ega l iety ; and if w e had not blown up his character, he would 4 ye ha nged twelve innocent men. He accused but ten of nlr sparing t wo to be witnesses against the others ; but th i n, the se two were put into the box, the judge asked the 'tn % ", Were y ou present 2 "—" Yes."—" Then go into 150r _ noc,t---you c an ' t b e w i tnesses. " So that no mem tai,' of a' secret society going to give evidence can ndi whether they m ayn ' t b ecome i nc l u d e d i n t h e t c tment, and, instead of witnesses, find themselves prisoners. i mes this t o t h e peop l e of Ireland ; for Paddy is shrewd some n, and ILT bit his lip s an d I saw a d eterm i nat i on upon hi m :tv!! to allow miscreant i n t hi s way to s k ew hi s bl oo d . S o j 0 ° man go a,liroad, as they have done there, pretending that I r o v i e not spoke, n to the people on the subject. I did there ; e nutl u ere ; and h ere and there I denounce as an enemy to his having t rY the man who belongs to an illegal society. And, ever g done that, denounce as the enemies of this country, exe4 a t , a n possesses leisure and intelligence, that does not himself in forming a moral and public combination, join . a n g d Itlpub/ic combinations of every kinl, in the eye of the law of prest !ne e o f t h e mag i stracy, to forward the great cause 11 4 , le iihe rty. Wo have arr i ve d at a cr i s is. Sir Robert More shame n the on e s id e as t h e advocate o f t h e ar i s t ocrac y. 'e shame co. for him ! His father was a respectable operative, , and worked at a cotton factory ; he rrade a noble fortune by honourable industry,—one of the finest things this country ever produces and arising out of its great wealth : he realised this with credit and integrity, and making every one happy around him. He was truly an honour to England. Is it not a shame then, for the son of this man, for the present Sir Robert Peel, to forget the people? He ranges himself at the side of the aristocracy. Now, though compared. to him, as a states, man, I am insignificant—(" No, no ! ")—I am counsel on the other side, I am for the people, and I am struggling for good government, and especially to take the burdens off the peo ple, to look especially to economy, to see that every branch of the general government shall be administered with as much parsimony as a miser takes care of his household to save every penny he can.—The Government ought to be miserly, be cause it is the money of the poor after all that they spend. Cheap government is necessary for the poor : good govern ment is doubly necessary for the poor,—because if we had good gvernment, nothing would be taxed but property in its masses, and the articles which the labouring classes consume would be totally free from taxes, as they ought to be ; and I never will he content while one farthing remains of the taxes upon malt, beer, or upon any other article which the people in general consume.—( Cheers.) The same with the bread tax. Why, all the property I have in the world is land. They say that the corn tax is of use to the landlords of Ireland. I don't care twopence whether it be or not. It is unjust to prevent bread being cheaper than it is; it is unjust to prevent the poor mother from getting a loaf two-pence cheaper for her hungry children; and I am there fore the decided enemy of the corn laws. lam more. lam of opinion that you will never have good government till the duration of Parliament is shortened.—( Cheers. ) Why, if you give a man a lease of his employment for seven years, he will neglect it probably for the first four or five, in the hope of getting a remission for the two or three last years. He may be a rogue in the beginning, though he will promise to be good in the end ; but, like other late penitents, the devil may take him unawares.—( Laughter.) lam for short accounts. lam ready to go before my constituents once in six months ii they choose; but as the old law was for Parliaments to last three years, I shall never be content till we get that. You'll know the faces of your representatives then, as you ought to do. But are they your's? The bulk of the working class want protection, for they have no representatives at all. Nothing can be more absurd than giving the franchise only to those who pay a certain amount of rent. lam for giving every man a vote.—( Cheers.) It is not proper that a house should consti tute a vote. There is not a man of you that is not bound to serve in the militia ; and every one, therefore, ought to have somebody to prevent the militia being called out improperly or too often.—( Cheering.) There is a story that Benja min Franklin tells of a man in America. No person could vote there who was not worth five pounds ; and this man made up 4/. in money, and his ass was worth I/. He voted two or three times; but just before one election his ass died, and his vote was rejected, the returning officer saying " Oh ; you can't vote : the ass made part of your qualifiation ; and he is dead !" The man exclaimed " What !is it then the ass that voted after all ? If I had known that, I would have brought him to the hustings, and he should have polled dead or alive."-- Now in this country, though the ass does not make a part of the vote, there are some who have thought that asses had a vote once in the House of Lords, and you will probably join with Beniamin Franklin in thinking that the ass has a vote there still. Above all, my friends, I am decidedly for the vote by ballot. Then a man can vote for whom he chooses, and no one will be aware how the vote is given ; and no man will bribe another, for if a man is rogue enough to take a bribe, he will be rascal enough not to earn it afterwards. lam afraid I am detaining you—(" Go on")—but as I am retained as counsel for the people against Peel and Co., I thought I would show you our side of the bargain first. What, then, do the Lords want? To fasten their sons and sons-in-law, and cousins and nephews upon the public purse, and in stead of giving them an estate to give them the public money. That's the thing that has invoked England in debt. And Peel stands up for that system ; and the people of Eng land, Ireland and Scotland, have already condemned him once, and condemn him again they will as sure as ever he puts him self upon his trial. He talks of " the aristocratic principle in the constitution." It does exist, certainly ; but how much the better for it are we ? The Lords had the management of Par liament for 140 years after the revolution. What did they do for the people of England ? They accumulated the entire of the national .debt. They made all the taxation. Of what va lue to the people of England were the wars in Hanover ? Yet they added 200 millions to the debt. What use was it to the people of England to put down the people in America? Yet the attempt to do that added 200 millions to the debt. What had the people to do with the contest against France ? Nothing : but it added 600 millions to the national debt. The national debt is the legacy the Lords have left us ; and burthens of ' taxation almost innumerable, is what we owe to the House of Lords, who managed the House of Common:: as they pleased before the Reform Bill. Sir Robert Peel is with them. I think he is mistaken. Well, lie makes a set speech at Tam worth, and rails against the House of Cammons. He says we reformers are only for one house of Legislature. Now lam for two. We have one that is honest and one that is not honest. I want two honest houses. I want not one white and one black ; that goes for nothing ; but we want two whites, and throw the black out altogether. I want another house—of Lords, if you please ; but let every county with 200,000 inhabitants—(and where counties have not that num ber, put them together till they have)—elect one man, a lord, if you please; I have no objection at all, provided he be ho nest ; but let him be elected only for three or for six years, and let him be responsible to the people.—( Cheers.) I throw back from these hustings upon Sir Robert Peel the calumny that we reformers want 'out one house of parliament. lam as opposed to it as he can be, because if there were only one house of legislature, a majority of that house, perhaps a faction, would become the ruler of the entire nation. There is there fore a safety in a second house, on the simple principle of act ing as a check to the other against such undue power ; and I am for two houses, but they must be two honest houses. But Peel in his speech says that democracy has not flourished in America. Why they began their war the year I was born, and that was sixty years ago, and they have gone on prospering ever since. And what could Sir Robert Peel find against them ? Horrible outrages ; a murder committed on five gamblers who came into a town and cheated its in habitants. They deserved to be ducked and sent away. The people wanted to send them away ; they resisted, and in the attack upon their place a physician was shot. The people got hold of the five men and hung them. There they committed murder, and for such proceedings I am as little the advocate as Sir Robert Peel can be. But what does he do ? Ile attri butes that murder to their Government. Arc there no mur ders in this country ? Did Sir R. Peel never hear of Peterloo, of what has been called the Manchester massacre'?—( Cheers.) Why the actors in the hangings in America by what they call Lynch law will be, as they ought to be, punished for their crime ; and I'll warrant the American Government will do all it can to punish them ; above all, I am sure it will never ap plaud or thank or reward any of them. But what did Sir Robert Peel's Government do to the authors of the Manchester massacre ? They gave them thanks and rewarded them and honoured them.—( Hear.) I throw Peterloo in his teeth, when he talks of outrages across the Atlantic. But is that all? Did he never hear of Rathcormac, and Rathangan, red with the blood of the gran d-d aug ht er o f a bli n d an d aged man? Did he never hear of Walls cour t? W as it the democratic principle that for 4s. 6d. slaughtered nine men in Rathangan? Did he never hear of the widow Ryan, who breakfasted in the morning with her two sons, fine youths, one 18 and the ether 22, neither of th em marr i e d, nor even t hi n ki n g of it till their sister should be provided for, and their mother taken care of. One of her sons left her in the morning. A demand for 4s. 6d. was made upon her for tithes. The military fired. She ran out wild—" Where are my sons?" She found a dead body. She took it up to see the face. It was not her son ; and she laughed—the poor woman laughed aloud, forgetting there was another woman to weep for that boy. She took up a second body. She laughed again a frantic laugh. It was not her son. She went to the third. It was her boy : the boy who had left her a few hours before, blood-bolten, stiff and dead. As she said herself, " I did not cry; I never shed a tear; but my eyeballs are coals in my head, and I shall never have them quenched on this side of the grave." Did Sir R. Peel never hear of Mooncoyne ? Were there any clergymen engaged in the Lynch law in America? No. There were two parsons at Rathcormac ; and I believe you had some cler gymen at your massacre here.—(" Aye we had.") I stand here the advocate for democracy, and I say that it was a paltry taunt of Sir Robert Peel against that great principle to speak to an English public of a crime committed in America by a mob, forgetting the outrages committed here and in Ireland by military licence, authorised by the magisterial power, and sanctioned by Government authority. —( Cheers.) Well, I have talked long and upon many topics, and shall I express to you my principal motive of action? It is to get England to join with me in putting an end to the Walls courts and the Rathcormacs, and the Rathangans,----to put an end to the system of forcing one set of people to pay for the religion of another. Nobody comes up to you and says, lam going to law—(a very foolish thing for any man to do if he can help it)—and you say, " Well, what is that to me?" " Oh," he replies, " I'll employ a lawyer, and you must pay for him." If any man came to another in that way he would laugh at him, or if he was surly perhaps knock him down. If a sick man sends for a doctor, he does not order his neighbour, who does not need his advice, to pay for him. Why should I pay, then, for spiritual doctors whom I don't want? The right principle is, Pay for all you want ; and let others do the same." It is said that in England common sense prevails; and that is a principle of common sense. There is another which may be applied to the lords. What title have they to legislate for us ? They have two ; the present law, and the constitution. But they have been changed, and why should they not be changed again ? That is therefore no argument. What are the lords ? Here ditary legislators. Because the father was supposed to be a good legislator, the son is to be so equally. Why, if a man applied to you to make you a coat. " Are you a tailor ?" " No, I am not ;. but my father was a tailor."—( Laughter. ) Is there a single man amongst you who would employ an here ditary tailor of this kind ? That principle of common sense will go abroad about the Lords. Whether hereditary legislators or tailors, we'll have none of the botchers at all.—( Laughter.) Who is sending this principle abroad ? The Lords themselves ; because they are showing themselves to be the arrantest botchers that ever spoiled a job of work.—( Cheers.) They attempted tb spoil the Reform Corporation Bill. We of the Commons put as many good ingredients in it as we could ; but like greedy children they spit in the cup, for fear any one else would share it. We have cleansed it again, and strained the liquor, and made it as good as we could. We believe it will be a salutary draught, even in its present state, and next year we will help them to quench their thirst with a good deal more of it. ( Laughter.) But to quit metaphor. I have been reproached for tot kicking out the bill altogether, because, forsooth, the Lords spoiled a part of it. I don't believe the English would dui mono, . sixpeneL first instal.— the rest, when the. te.. paid ? The real national debt improvement. We have taken ten and sixpence in the pound from the botching Lords, and we will make use of it to to get the other nine shil lings and sixpence which they owe us.—(Cheers.) They shall never get a receipt either upon a stamp or without, till they pay the debt to the last farthing ; and if they delay too much, they may have to pay a little interest upon Cheers and laughter.) This is a mission, my friends, that lam upon. I am going round amongst the people of England and of Scotland, to call upon them to act with common sense, to avoid violence ; becaase, besides strengthening their enemies, that is essentially wrong in itself. lam come to that time of life that it has been my duty to look into the history of great popular changes and alterations; and in the history of the world from the earliest period to the present, I defy any man to shcw me any good change brought about by violence or fraud. I defy him to spew me any revolution achieved by blood that did not make the country infinitely worse than before. And of all the nations in the world, there is none that can so little afford a scene of violence and bloodshed and revolution, as this. It is not that I care for Lords or great men—that they may be pulled down from their high station by great changes, and I should pity their misfortune—but I look to the humble part of the working classes. Suppose, that by any convulsion in this country, the Manchester manufactories were to stop working for ten days, what would become of the wives and children of the operatives? A manufacturing and commercial country can never afford a revolutionary change. But, thank God, information spreads amongst you. The operative classes are now better informed (I do not exaggerate in saying so), than the Lords. I have seen letters from five and-fifty Lords, and I would take out of any Mechanics' Insti tution in the British dominions, six men by lot, and there is not one who would not write a letter better than any of those Lords. By the information which is spreading amongst the operative classes, they will see that the revolutionary violence would be destructive to them and their families ; and they will see also that all the burthens of society will press with equal weight upon the working man and the Peer, and they will, therefore, join me, peaceably and tranquilly, but effectually and determinately, to struggle with oppression, till they get what I set out with looking for, good and cheap government in this country.—( Continued cheering. ) There never was a revolution brought about by bloodshed that did not put upon a people some Cromwell or Napoleon, or am bitious soldier of that description, that became ten times a greater tyrant than the old ono they deposed. " Violence and bloodshed are far from us ; but to make up for the deficiency, I have been 35 years the advocate of the liberties of the peo ple—(my family are apt to live to the age of 96)—1 have 35 years to spare yet ; and in the mean time I will agitate the public sense and feeling to discountenance and put down all tyranny and oppression in this country. Oh, frown upon the man who would oppress you. Touch him not ; but look him as a mad dog and avoid his bite, lest he drive you to insanity. It is in that struggle I now address you—it is that every man who hears me may become an apostle of the sect to which I belong—the sect that requires of and preaches to tha people peace and peaceful exertion, and that asks for amelioration in the way in which no good man would condemn it, and in which God will smile upon it. Let every man who hears me carry with him as much as he can of the moral sermon which I have preached from this pulpit. But above all, let Irishmen set an example of peace and order, and then we shall get England with us in the fight of peace, as Irishmen have ever stood by Englishmen in the fight of battles against the ene mies of their country.—(Cheers.) Let me conclude, then, by imploring you to remember what I have been saying to you. Avoid secret societies, every man of you. Let every man discountenance in his neighbourhood those who are the enemies of popular rights. Recollect that you have now a House of Commons struggling for the people of England, and that, while you have such a Parliament, and a Ministry that are leaders of the people, believe me that with the exertions that good men are making happier days will smile upon this land ; and this great and glorious country that has in every era of its history, shone transcendantly above the nations of the earth, will arise from the present struggle, not " like a giant refreshed with wine," or any figure of a violent nature ; but like the bird of Paradise, refreshed from a period of repose, and shedding from its wings peace, content, prosperity, and happiness, to all nations.—( Immense cheering.) Immediately after concluding this address, Mr. O'Connell returned to the carriage, amidst the cheers and hand-shakings of the crowd, and proceeded to his hotel. The concourse, after giving several rounds of cheering for " Dan O'Connell," quietly dispersed. THE DINNER. At six o'clock in the evening, about 250 gentlemen sat down to an excellent dinner, in the large room at Hayward's Hotel. Numbers were also admitted after the cloth was drawn, and such was the desire to see and hear " the great agitator," that the dinner tickets were for a day previous at a conside rable premium. We have heard of two being sold for 51. the original price being 10s. each. C. J. S. WALKER, Esq., presided on the occasion ; at his right were Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Thomas .Potter, Mr. Bre nand, Mr. Daniel Lee, Captain Donovan, and Mr. Kelly, of the county of Tipperary ; on his left, Mr. J. C. Dyer, Mr. Morgan O'Connell, M. P., (the second son), Mr. Ebenezer Jacob, late the member for Dungarvon, and Mr. Caton, of Liverpool. The cloth being drawn, the Chairman gave in succession— the King (3 times three); the Queen ; the Princess Victoria —(3 times three) ; the Duke of Sussex and the Royal Family—(3 times three) ; Earl Grey (3 times three) ; and " Lord Melbourne and his Majesty's Ministers ; and long may they continue to be supported by the general voice of the nation, and to merit the good opinion of the people." This toast was drank with the most enthusi astic cheering. After " the people, the source of all legiti mate power," had been toasted with three times three, the Chairman gave " the health of our honourable and learned guest, Daniel O'Connell, Esq., thanks to him for his distin guished and patriotic services, and may he long continue to promote, by the exercise of his great talents, the cause of civil and religious liberty." The toast was drank with three times three, - and " one cheer more," the company rising, clapping hands, waving handkerchiefs, &c. When silence was restored— Mr. O'CoNNELL rose and said—Gentlemen, your excellent Chairman has apologised for the shortness of his speeches by promising you a long one from me, and indeed if tediousness were the English name for gratitude, and that I were ten times as tedious as I can be, I'd have the heart to bestow it all upon you.—( Laughter.) But it is not the insignificant individual who addresses you that has elicited this applause here, or congregated thousands to-day. No ; it is the cause in which we are all engaged. lam but like the straw that floats upon the torrent's surface ; it shows the course of the current, and the rapidity with which it flows, but it no more leads the torrent than I lead the people. I am but an index of the popular mind, and I glory in being so. I never despaired of my own conntry ; and yet when I was born, the night of darkness and desolation was set upon her—the great mass of her people was marked with a brand of slavery of a darker dye than the sun ever burned upon a negro's visage. The faction was small, but virulent and spiteful, and malignant, and hating, and oppressing ; and all in the name of religion. But do you know what gave them strength ? I'll tell you that at once. The British government,.—for they had no strength in Ireland,—and the acquiescence of the British people. But why was the British Government mis guided; and why were the British people mistaken? Because they knew us not ; and they did not know that there glowed in the hearts of these Irish slaves as pure a spirit of freedom as ever bled with Sidney upon the scaffold, or with Hampden in the field.—{Cheers.) And why are we beginning to dike each other better? Simply because we are beginning to know each other better. And even I can proudly boast (and it may be called a boast that I take) that I, Irish, born a slave, hav ing broken my own manacle, I used the broken part of it in striking at the heads of our oppressors. I, even I, took share in that triumph which yoa have celebrated in your toasts to. night. (The Hon. Gentleman here repeated his statement as to the Irish Members carrying the second reading of the Re form Bill.) But though I boast of this, is it in the spirit of any instil - Ong or - presuming to call it saperiorify? Oh, no. I am using it as a petitioner making a claim—l am using it as a missionary of my country, going . - round to speak to strong good sense of the middle classes of England—and they are to independent to be Peers, :and too wealthy to be dependent upon anybody—to carrythe good senseof the middle classes of England with me .to farce the remaining House of the Legislature, for the House of Commons is well disposed already, to do justice to Ireland, and to give perfect secu rity to Great Britain.—( Cheers.) lam engaged in that mission ; I am labouring in that vocation ; I trust I may say it without profaneness, I am working out my salvation, by the single instrumentality of endeavouring to do good to my country and to my countrymen. I want that the advantages of your civil institutions shall not only extend throughout the remotest portions of the empire, but that they shall be ame liorated in their progress, and improved in the course of their extension. I want that you yourselves, for here we have common cause, shall lave that machinery of legislation which shall enable you to reform every abuse, to cut away every corruption, to ameliorate every portion of your institu tions, and to secure to you that progress, which you have secured to yourselves in arts, 111 science, in commerce, and industry and literature, I want to secure to you the same pro gress in the great arts of good and of cheap government. I will come to the point at once. You have one house of legisla ture, the majority of which is disposed to do its duty. You have another house of legislature avowedly against the people ; having an interest that ells them to stop the progress of im provement, and faithfully acting up to that interest you may be sure. Well, now, if any man can suppose the House of Lords ten times worse than it is (and Heaven knows he niust have a powerful imagination), what remedy have you.? How would you controul them? You cannot turn them out. Can you , without violenc e ari d revolution, have any species of redress? Are they not there, f rom father to son, fixed in their scats i n spite of you, without any species of correction but that which we should a bh or . I reme mb er some one asking at a meeting in Lond o n, " Wh a t d o y ou mean by cleansing the Augean stable o f t h e l oose o f L or d s ?" " Why t he Augean stable was cleansed by turning a river into it." ols, I have it now; but if, i nstea d of turning the river into the Lo rds, suppose we t urn t h e L or i s i nto t h e r i ver .—( Laughter. ) Now that's a pl an I tota ll y di sapprove o f. lam afraid, amongst oth er reasons , t h at t h ere i s so much lead in the upper region, and would therefore be so much alacrity in sinki ng , t h at t h ey wou ld st i c k i n the mud.— ( Shouts of L aug h ter. ) B ut, i n so b er sa d ness , is not this great country come to t h at po i nt ? D o you as k w hy have we not arrived tit long since ? Because the Lords were ma sters of thp H ouse of Cvmmora when old Sarum had represeuta. =--4 111 E' PTEMBER 14, 1835. Jr had not ; for the majority of the House e nothing but the nominees, stewards and the House of Lords. The machine went on per wetly well because there was but one locomotive powei to it ; but if you put an engine at each end of a train of your rail way carriages, and each engine pulls in a different d;rection, you would have first a stand-sti:l, as long as the two moving powers were equal, and when this ceased there would follow a subversion or a burst. It is so at present with the State machine. We have come to a rest. They will do nothing but pull their own way. See what a slaughter they have made of good measures in the present session ! There was a Bill brought in to give prisoners the benefit of counsel. Now, it is one of the " ancient principles of our constitution," as Sir Robert Peel calls them when he chooses to be a little rovish, that a prisoner may talk for himself, but no advocate can open his lips to say one word for him, except to ask a question. That Bill was brought into the House of Lords, having passed the House of Commons unanimously, and they cushioned it. I remember a man who once belonged to a so ciety of Odd Fellows ; and it happened in this society that somebody proposed they should have a treasurer, whereupon he said, " Don't have a treasurer till you have money to give him ; for a treasurer is of no use without he has money." He was instantly knocked down and kicked out of the room, hav ing been found guilty of talking common sense, and the Odd Fellows did not like that. Now the House of Lords is exactly a society of Odd Fellows, and the Prisoner's Council Bill hav ing been found guilty f common sense, it was accordingly kicked out of the House of Lords with all possible expedition. —( Laughter.) In a similar humorous strain, but of which our space precludes us giving a detailed report, Mr. O'Con nell proceeded to enumerate the bills rejected or mutilated by the House of Peers during the pressent session. Those he mentioned were Mr. Ewart's punishment of death abolition bill, which the Odd Fellows found guilty of two offences, common sense and humanity, and so strangled it—so with the bill for amending the law of executors and administrators; with another to remedy absurdities in the execution of wills. That was pretty well for England. Then there was the Irish tithe bill; first the lie was spread that the surplus was to be given to Roman Catholics and Presbyterians, when the Bill merely enacted that it was to be applied to the pur poses of general moral and religious education. Then there was a cry of " spoliation," and it was asked, " Would you take away their incomes from ecclesiastics?" Why, it was the sur plus on:y that was to be dealt with, after finding a Clergyman for every Protestant. Next it was said that these Dissenters and Papists were blind and ignorant people. What have you Protestants to do, then, but to educate them and convert them ? Then it was next said that there was no surplus at all, and Sir Robert Peel had actually repeated it in that clap-trap speech at Tamworth, which was the sublimest piece of hum bug he (Mr. O'Connell) had ever read. " There is no sur plus." Well, then, what harm to pass an Act to dispose of a surplus, if there is none to be found ? It was the very ques tion of the treasurer in the society of Odd Fellows. Sir Ro bert Peel's odd fellows struck out that clause ; but they ac cepted that part of the Bill that gave the parsons 731. 15s. per 1001. upon their annual revenues, though last year they threw out a Bill without any appropriation clause, which would have given them 771. 10s. per 1001.—( Hear, hear.) He had a shrewd suspicion, that before this day twelve months they would make a worse bargain still.—(Loud cheers.) Now that Bill was calculated to do one especial good—to re concile thq people of Ireland to the British Government, and to consolidate the people of the two countries. In England, the majority of the people, he believed—though the Dissenters were yearly stealing a few of their numbers—were of the Established Church ; and so it was in Scotland, in regard to the Established Church of that country. But in Ireland there were only 800,000 Churchmen, while there were 6,500,000 Catholics and 600,000 Presbyterians. Mr. O'Connell then proceeded to say that he would put it to those present, who he presumed knew something of Cocker's arithmetic—he would put it to them whether so large a majority as the latter pre sented should pay the parsons of the former.—( Hear.) And what was it that these Presbyterians and " Papists" really wanted? Was it that the surplus revenues of the Irish Church should be given to them ? No, but that the surplus, if any, should be applied to the purposes of general religious and moral instruction.—( Hear, hear.) But he had not done with the Lords yet. Sir R. Peel had some years ago established a constabulary force in Ireland, which became an Orange and a partizan police instead of an elective police. A Bill was brought in and carried through the Commons to correct this abuse, and the Lords kicked that Bill out also. In the City of Dublin, (which he (Mr. O'Connell) had the honour to represent—(Loud cheers)—the sum of 48,0001., payable annually out of the consolidated fund, was applicable to the maintenance of the police of that city, the value of which was something less than three farthings in the pound. A Bill was framed to remedy that alone • and if any man present sup posed that the Lords passed that Bill, he was egregiously mis taken.—( Loud and continued cheering.) Then there was the present state of the marriage law (the evils of which, and its tendency to bastardize children, especially in Ireland, Mr. O'Connell described), a Bill was proposed to amend this, and the Lords threw that out also. He now came to the Corpo ration Reform Bill for Ireland : the Lords kicked that out also. "But we," continued Mr. O'Connell, "can wait; we are like the eels in the well-sanded fist of the cook-maid ; we are used to being skinned alive, and we can wait another year." But had they read Peel's speech at Tamworth ? He there said he had read the Report of the Commis sioners, and he now knew that Corporate Reform was necessary. Why be had been Home Secretary for ten years ; had he never heard of Leicester, of Yarmouth, of Bath, or even of Liverpool ?—( Hear.) What an innocent he was ; a's until he took up his primer, the Commissioners' report, he was quite ignorant that reform was wanted—he was as blind as a bat. But he now found that a kind of Corporation Reform was wanted. And what kind of reform ? That council men should have a qualification—but not that of intelligence, general fitness, integrity, or the confidence of his fellow-ley payers. No ; the humbug ! but he who ought to have stood by the people, as his father had sprung from their ranks, wished to have a money qualification. This clause was struck out by the House of Commons, but it was too absurd to keep out ; and the Lords, who had mismanaged the Bill to the best of their ability, re-introduced the clause, and among other im provements of the Bill, appointed the law-clerks for life ; so that any man who might live to the age of Methuselah might, towards the close of his days, hope to see honest Town-clerks. Well, after various alterations of the Lords, the Commons finally accepted the Bill, and he ( Mr. O'Connell) stood there before honest Reformers, and put himself on his defence for the conclusion he bad come to on that measure. He had urged Lord John Russell to accept the Bill with the Lords' amend ments. Now did he or did he not do wrong in that? This was the question for them to decide—not under the excitement of that night, but after the cool and calmer reflection of the morrow. They must decide by reason alone ; and not by the confidence they might have in him or other Members of Parliament, for they might have judged wrong, while acting on right motives. He would tell them briefly why he was for the Bill, altered as it was. It did away with the old self-elected corporators ; and all the machinery by which men elected themselves or their friends was also destroyed. All was turned out, stick, rap, and block, and not a rag of the old machinery was to be left remaining. This he conceived was of itself an excellent thing. Then he found those men replaced by others, elected by the ley-payers. It was true that the list of eligible per sons was limited ; but still those elected roust to that end have a majority of voters in their respective wards. In the next place, the proceedings of the former Corporations never came to light.—( Hear, hear.) They had " snuggeries " of their own, where they managed and transacted' all their business. But under the new Bill, all the proceedings must be open ; reporters of the press would be present, and public opinion would be directed towards the Corporations ; and he would venture to say, that public opinion was a greater cleanser of the Augean stable than the turning therein of a river would be.—( Hear, hear.) Another advantage would be, that whereas former Corporations had never kept any accounts, because it was easier to make transfers of money without making entries of the same in a book ; every rate payer would now have the right of inspecting the Corpora tion's accounts.—( Hear, hear.) Well, the Bill did all this, and there was a full expectation that we should procure a better Bill next year. See what the Lords had done for them to quiet the country, and put an end to political agita tion. They had given us a Bill conferring a power of sub stantial nivitcltion, and also imposing upon the people the ne cessity_ of dgitating, and here was he ( Mr. O'Connell) in the midst of then); agitating accordingly.—( Hear.) Sir Robert Peel, to be sure, told us in his Tamworth speech, that if he had remained in office he would have given us substantial reforms. Why he had often been in office before; and why did he not give us those reforms then ?—( Hear.) Or why had he not helped the Members of the lower House with their reforms du ring the present session ?—( Hear.) The only sort of help he had given was of the Irish sort—to spoil the job as much as he could.--( Laughter.) " Substantial reforms ;" yes, he had in sisted that Gatton and Sarum, and such other places, were parts of the constitution, and ought to have two Members of Parlia ment; while when Manchester, with upwards of 200,000 inha bitants, was talked of, he turned up the whites of his eyes, and called out for Protestantism, and the principles of the constitu tion. Had not he (Mr. O'Connell) called Peel a special hum bugger ?__( Hear.) And this was the man to declare that he was determined to have given us "substantial reforms," had ho and the Tories remained in office.—( Cries of" Hear.") Aye, they would reform, exactly as the crab walks—backwards.— ( Laughter.) Then a great part of Sir Robert's speech was taken up with declaring what a great friend he was to the Dissenters. But did Peel think the Dissenters had such short memories that they could not recollect his conduct on Lord John Russell's motion for the repeal of the Test and Corpora tion Acts—how he got up, like a spoiled and petted school boy, and walked out of the House when that motion was passed? Oh, what a " friend to the Dissenters !" Catholic Emancipation, too, he reluctantly conceded, in 1828 ; and yet he was an ardent " friend of the Dissenters."—( Loud cheers.) But he ( Mr. O'Connell) believed that there was sense enough in the Dissenters to know that one promise of Lord John Russell and his party was worth all that Sir Robert Peel and the Tories could make. He (Mr. O'Connell) would tell Sir Robert Peel—and perhaps what he was saying might be spread abroad on the wings of the press—he would tell them of this, that in spite of him and his party, and of their specious promises, the present Administration would remain in power.—( Loud cheers.) He would tell them that the Commons would send to his House of In curables a Bill for the relief of the Dissenters— (Loud cheers) —another for the reform of the Church ; another to allow Dis senters to baptize their own children, to enable them to cote brate their own marriages, and to pay the last honours to their departed friends, without being compelled to listen to ceremo nies in which they had no confidence.—( Hear.) He would tell him that the stain of spiritual inferiority which the law had put on Dissenters should be wiped out by the rough, but honest, hands of the Commons.—( Hear.) Let the perfumed and silken bands throw these Bills back from their receptacle of political filth ; but the Commons of England would eo ' justice to the Dissenters in spite of them, and in spite of Peel and his party.---( Loud cheers.) He felt what an im measurable trespasser he had been on the patience of the company—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Go on, go on !")__ and yet he had scarcely said one word respecting the first throbbings of his political heart. Attached as he was to the great principles of civil and religious liberty, still ten derer and dearer, and more heart-binding ties bound him to the land of his birth. He loved her with the enthusiasm of a child—with the tenderness of a parent's affection—and if he were to descend to his grave on the morrow, he would do so with a sigh of satisfaction, from the reflection that he left his native lanclbetter at his death than he found her at his birth. —( Cheers.) But in the course of his labours between this and the grave, where he should certainly arrive—in that pe riod of his existence which was to come, he should struggle for her on higher and more elevated ground, having purchased the good opinion of the people of England for her, not by vile adulation or base flattery, but by addressing their sense of justice and sympathy on her behalf. He need not tell those he was addressing—for they needed not such motives—that the richer Ireland was, the better customer would she become to England. He need not tell them that the more Ireland's agriculture flourished, the more freely would the tables of Englishmen be supplied with food. He would talk not to them of exchanges, nor of the varied and important questions of trade and commerce which were involved in the matter, al though all these were worthy of deep consideration ; but he would tell them that God had blessed Ireland with the chiefest of those benedictions that he had ever poured out on the na tions of the earth. She was fertile to profusion ; her vallies were productive to abundance in all the comforts dear to man. Her noble harbours, spacious and secure, wooed the mariners to take refuge in their ample bosoms, but wooed in vain. Her noble rivers, murmuring as it were with the voice of heaven, descended from her mountains into her plains, and ran into the majestic entrances of her seas. Commerce, ma nufactures, iridustry, and wealth were hers. No summer's sun burnt her field'; into sterility ; no winter's snow chilled them into barrenness • yet her lofty mountains and her wide spread plains spoke the voice of suffering. Her sons were the ' children of industry-- we h a d p roo f s o f this among us : they were laborious, patient, merry, even in their misfortunes, ge nerous —aye, and he would say 'a brave people.—( Cheers.) Why (continued Mr. O'Connell)—why have all these advan tages been taken away ? and why, while I have thus feebly traced the defective and fading images of the natural wealth of my poor but beloved country, why am I obliged to make the confession that amidst all these advantages there is not a peo ple on the face of the earth that has been so oppressed, and so wronged by a cruel aristocracy—who are so dependent upon, the variations of the weather and the atmosphere, that while Connaught has been starving last year, Munster may have a famine the next ? It is because men hath defaced what God bath made beautiful.—( Cheers.) Ireland has been misruled for seven centuries by the English Government, and the English people have acquiesced in the misrule from ignorance.—( Hear) But only let Englishmen understand this, and injustice is at an end —oppression is no more. —( Cheers.) Be this my excuse. I have pleaded for yourselves ; I have shown you that-you must better, not as dreamers, who say " Tomorrow, and to-morrow," and depend upon the exertions of others ; but you must better yourselves, and make use of the chambers of the Legislature —the other does already—respond to your feelings.— (Cheers.) England can never be free, and who dare call her slave? The glories of Waterloo, where the bravery of her troops achieved the glory which others enjoyed ; the sanguinary fields of Spain, where her valour won fame and honour for those whose only merit was that of having lucky soldiers ; Blenheim, Poicticrs —all assert the love of freedom of Englisdmen ; and I am glad to be told that she who has done so much in the cause of freedom, and fought so nobly—shall it be said that they shall be ruled over and enslaved by 200—nay, by not more than 170 men ? Why, let them indeed write themselves down slaves, if they allow 170 men to be their masters.—( Loud cheers.) What care I for the humbugging talk of "the principles of the con stitution." I tear aside the veil, reduce this fine language to plain terms, and find that it means that 170 men shall have sole dominion of the rest.—( Hear.) But it is impossible that this can be. You have made such triumphs in mechanical arts—inventing machines that seem to require the thinking faculties for the performance of their functions; you with such sub-divisions of labour carry on such a magnitude of operations, and by means of your steam-engines annihilate both time and space. Shall a people of this kind, who squander not their means ; but while they use them liberally, hoard up the excess for any exigencies which may arrive; shall they be told that they must remain the paltry slaves of 170 Lords ?—( Cries of " No, no,") What, twenty-four millions of " Voes,'—(Laughter)—or, making some little discount for the paltry Toryism that still remains—some five per cent. for those who have smacked their lips over the honey -pot— (Laughter)—of ill-gotten gains, and shared in the plunder of certain rogues in grain, and humbugs in principle.—(Loud laughter.) But Toryism will scon be at an end ; nay, the To ries are already ashamed of their name, and have assumed a much longer one—( Laughter)--but still the period of their rich plundering is coming to an end. We have broken the machine by which they used to extract the honey out of the pot.— ( Laughter.) We have taken away the ladle, and the Tories are now in the situatian of the fox which went to breakfast with the stork ; the stork brought a long-necked jar containing the provision for breakfast, by which the fox could just have a smell, but was unable to get at any of the food.— (Loud laughter.) Well, I will make a discount of some five per cent. for these foxes, which is as dirty a discount as can well be given ; and with that allowance you have all the British nation exclaiming against the domination of these one hundred and seventy Lords.—(Cheers.) You have Ireland trembling for her young liberties of yesterday ; and manfully she strove for them, her sons growing up to vote for honest and independent rep resen t a tiv es i n th e face of threatened ruin to their families. Scotland is also by your side ; but you need no allies. And I shall conclude this long—to me pleasing, and to you, I perceive, not wearisome speech—( Loud cries of " Go on")—by reminding you that you have arrived at a great crisis in the history of your great nation. lam glad to have arrived at such a time, to share in the contest ; it is a time when men ought to be glad to have come to such a crisis.—( Hear, hear.) When the royal power was too strong for the people, and ex ercised itself in attacks upon the subjects at large, the Lords then made common cause with the people, because there was, to a great extent, a community of grievance and suffering. The kingly tyrant was put down, but another equally great was set up. Cromwell, a special humbug—a sort of Peel in his way—he assumed supreme power, and set up as great a tyranny as that which had been abolished. The restoration came next, and James, the son of him whom the people had beheaded, afterwards mounted the throne, and was guilty of the most abominable treachery. But the people did not behead him ; they had become better instructed, and they left his foolish head upon his shoulders, allowing him to wander about Europe, a specimen of the folly of trying to make the people slaves.—( Hear.) And will not people tale a lesson from this? May not 170 other persons walk abroad in the same way with out any great damage to the interests of the country ?—( Loud cheering.) I will not dwell on the different results of a dif ferent policy in regard to Ireland. I will come back to your own case, and remind you of what your forefathers did in 1688. You are the descendants of those men whose graves raise the swarth in your own churchyards, and you are the most des perate of mankind if, with the present state of your know ledge, and power, and strength—you, the descendants of the patriots of 1688,—allow a paltry one hundred and seventy Lords to play the part which kings have in vain attempted to play.—( Loud cheers.) In the name of afflicted Ireland, then, I call upon every man who now hears me to be come an apostle of that new sect whose text is—" Reform the House of Lords."—( Loud cheers.) In the name of the honest and sensible people of Scotland ; but above all in the name of the people of Ireland, who for a thousand years have borne the banner of victory, and whose country has never been disgraced by the brand of slavery, I call upon you to reform the House of Lords. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheering. Mr. O'CONNELL again rose, and in a laudatory speech pro posed the health of the Chairman, whom from that moment he begged to call his excellent friend. TiI s () .' CIIATIZMAN returned thanks, and following the example of Mr. O'Connell, begged to call him his Hon. and Learned Friend. Several excellent speeches were delivered by other Gen tlemen present. About eleven o'clock, the Chairman, Mr. O'Connell, and the principal guest's, quitted the room ; and, we believe, Mr. O'Connell left the town yesterday. Mr. O'Connell arrived in Manchester on Wednes day evening, accompanied by Mrs. O'Connell and his son Morgan. On Thursday morning he delivered an open air address to an immense multitude, and in the evening a public dinner was given to him at Hayward's Hotel, Bridge-street, at which Mr. C. J. S. Walker presided. He spoke at gr eat length. His object in his present " mission" round the country is, briefly, to arouse the people of England to a sense of Ireland's wrongs, and to urge them to take measures for reforming the House of Lords. Mr. O'Connell has also re ceived invitations to public dinners at Newcastle, Edinburgh, and. Glasgow, all of which he has intimated his intention of accepting. He dines at Newcastle on Monday (this day) the 14th, and will arrive in Edinburgh on Thursday the 17th instant, when it is expected be will be escorted into town by a proces sion of the trades. He will then proceed to the King's Park, where hustings will be erected, and deputations with addresses from a number of places will be presented. In the afternoon the dinner will take place in the large Hall of the Portable Gas Company, which is fitting up for the occasion.—Liver_ pool Chronicle. ROBBERY , -AT BARON VAuGuAN's.—Saturday morning a gardner in the employ of Mr. Baron Vaughan, Haile Regent's Park, picked up on the lawn a small cabinet box, which it would appear had contained various articles of jewellery, together with cash, deeds, &c. It was then ascertained that some person or persons had entered, by forcing the laundry window, and proceeded to a chest in the library, f:om whence they extracted the box. No other part of the house, it would appear, had been plundered. Mr. Baron Vaughan has been out of town for some weeks, and his residence was left in the charge of two female domestics. ORNAMENTAL FLOWER - DRAWING.—This little work which has just appeared under the title of "The Lan guage of Flowers," will prove of material assistance to those who are practising flower-drawing. The designs which may be formed by the grouping of various flowers, arranged ac cording to the meaning or sentiment attached to each, are in numerable, and with the assistance of this little treatise per fectly intelligible. The custom of sending floral letters, it will be remembered is of Eastern origin, where, observes Lady Wortley Montagu, you may send letters of love, friendship, or even news, without ever inking your fingers, no fruit or flower being without its meaning. The work is dedicated by permis sion to the Puchess of Kelit. 4`. ~, SIIIPPIN (.-(THIS DAY.) •-,: I .; . FROM LLOYD'S. . DEAL, SEPT. 12 AND 13.—Wind W. N. W., mOderate.— Arrived the Hampton. Elder, from the Thames ;'. - Rei;jli4dea, James Ray, Grayson, Hector, and the M egan, from Greenock Lucker, from Jamaica; William Manning, - Guelph, from St. Kitts ; Kingston, Lamell, and the West Indian, from, An tigua; Tegri, Nellis, from Bathurst ; Achilles, Wetherlev, from Halifax; A.:!neoria, Mewson, from Mirarniehi ; Psyche, Gammon, from Seirra Leone; and the Factor, Cornell, from Belfast. • Arrived from the river and sailed, the Alexander Adam, Cargill, for Lisbon ; and the Hibernia, Gilles, for Calcutta. Six o'clock p.m—The Atlas, John Barry, Coromandel, and other outward bound, are getting under weigh. . PORTSMOUTIL—SEPT. 12.—Wind N. to N.N. W., fresh. STANGATE CEEEE, SEPT. 12. Arrived the. HoliesPont, Wayth, from Batavia; Oglivie, Adesta, and the Henry Smith, Kelly, from Malta; Richmond, West, from Trieste ; and the. Mauritania, Taylor, from Magalore. MARGATE, SEPT. 13.—Arrived the St. George, Livingston, from Grenada. DOVER, SEPT. 13.—Arrived port the To, Barnes, from Monte Video; and Portland, Ord, from Trinidad. HASTINGS, SEPT. 13.—Arrived off port the Thomas King, Williams, from Demerara; and Camc4ons, Mackay, Berbice. ISLE OF WIGHT, SEPT. 13.—Arrived off port the British Monarch, Lagbrce, from Jamaica. DAILTMOITTII : SEPT. 13.—Arrived off port the Fred. Carl, Christian, from St. Croix. Arrived the Mary Bains, Goss, from Hamburg, with damage and leaky, bound to Newfoundland. PLYMOUTH, SEPT. 12.—Wind W. N. W.—Arrived tile Wil liam Irving, Truscott, and Carele, Nevelle, from Prince Ed ward's Island ; and Hero, Hunter, from Dublin, lost foremast, &c., bound to St. Sebastian. FALMOUTH, SEPT. 11.—Wind N. W. to W., strong and squally. Sept. 12.—Wind W. to W. N. W., strong and squally. —Arrived the Pandora Packet, from Vera Cruz--sailed the 31st July, and Havannah the .Bth ult. ; William Fawcett steamer, from Lisbon—sailed the sth instant, and Oporto the 7th; and Elizabeth, Jenkins, from Lisbon. SWANSEA, SEPT, 12.—Wind N.W.-Arrived the Libra, Martin, from Chili. Sailed the John Hardy, Carr, for Lon don and St. Jago de Cuba ; and Venus, —, for Quebec. The Elizabeth, Smith, has put back to Falmouth dismasted, bound to Miramichi. The Plutarch, from New Orleans to Liverpool, iS totally wrecked at Holyhead; part of the cargo saved in a damaged state. The Sarah, Sims, from Liverpool to Demerara, is totally wrecked in Cardiff Bay; crew saved. The Royal Mail, Rossall, lam Jamaica to Liverpool, is on shore at Egremont. The Robert Francis, Cook, from Shields, sunk off South wold on the 11th inst. ; crew saved. The Anna, Miloro, from Cardiff to Palermo, grounded on leaving Cardiff, is very leaky, and must discharge. The Mersey, Fulcher, of Liverpool, bound to London, is off Holyhead leaky. The Plutarch (late Johnson) from New Orleans to Liver pool, off Holyhead lost mizen mast and abandoned, and it is feared will be a wreck. The Abberton, - , from Calcutta, is on shore at the Isle of Dogs, opposite Deptford. The Pratt,Spain, of Archangel, bound to Gloucester, is off Liverpool, with loss of mainmast, &c. The Ebeneza and Annabella, both of Jersey, were wrecked off Green Island, Labrador, 21st June. Crews saved. The Halifax packet, from Quebec, is supposed to be off the Isle of Wight ; and the Cleopatra, from Trinidad, is also sup posed to be at Dublin. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. BETTING IN THE COUNTRY. DONCASTER CUP. 11 to 8 agst General Chasse 3 to 2 agst Ilkley Moloch 7 to 1 a g st any other 7 to 2 agst Q. of Trump, and Gen. Chasse both winning —taken. Doncaster, Sunday afternoon. DONCASTER ST. LEGT.R. (TO-MORROW.) 3 to 1 agst Mr. Alostyn's Queen of Trumps—taken 4 to 1 agst Mr. Richardson's Hornsea—taken 6 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Ascot—taken 7 to 1 agst Air. Greville's Preserve—offered 8 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Mundig—offered 12 to 1 agst Mr. Johnson's Jupiter—taken No others mentioned. PONTEFRACT RACES, TmuitsnAr. Sweepstakes of 20 sovs. each, for two-years old ; colts, Bst. Sib. ; fillies Bst. 21b. Seven furlongs. Four subs. Mr. Gully's b. g. by Langar or Falcon Niehobson 1 Lord Chesterfield's Weighton A severe race, and won by a neck. sto 2 agst the winner. The Gold Cup, value 100 sovs. Sweepstakes of 10 sore. each, with 20 added, the surplus to be paid to the 'winner in specie, for horses of all ages; three-years-old, 7st. ; four, Bst. 31b. ; five, Bst. 101 b. ; six and aged, 9st. Mares and geldings allowed 31b. To start at the distance and go once round. Eight subs. Captain Taylor's ch. c. Ainderby J. Lye 1 Mr. Harrison's Miss Wilfred, 5 yrs General Sharpe's Matilde, 4 yrs Betting-2 to lon Ainderby. Well contested by Aiuderby:an Miss Wilfred. Won by a length. Fifty Pounds, given by John Gully, Esq., M.P., for horses, &e., all ages ; weights, &c., the same as Wednesday's Plate, and the winner of that Plate to carry 31b. extra. Heats, two miles. Mr. W. Crompton's Mayflower, 4 yrs... T. Lye 1 1 Mr. Simpson's Miss Ball, 3 yrs 2 2 General Sharpe's Matilde, 4 yrs 3 3 First heat —5 to 4 on Miss Ball, and 7 to 4 agst Mayflower. Second heat-5 to lon the winner. Won by a length. DOVER RACES ---FRIDAr. The Town and Visiters' Plate of 501. Heats, two. miles and a distance. Mares and geldings allowed 31b. The winner of the Corporation Plate to carry 41bs. extra of all other weights. Mr. C. Carter's Myrrha, 5 yrs C. Hornsby 1 ,3. • 11. Lord A. Conyngham's Festival, 4 yrs 2 2 2 Mr. Saour's Raven, 5 yrs 4 1 3 Captain Stracey's Glencairne, aged, 9st. 31b 3 3 dr The Hunters' Stakes by subs. of 3 soya. each. each, with 40 sovs. added from the Fund. The owner of the second horse to have 5 soya, from the winner. Heats, two miles and a distance. Mares and geldings allowed 31b. Four subs. Mr. Thompson's Agnes, aged. —T. Brown, jun 2 1 ' ' Mr. Minter's Parachute, 5 yrs 1 2 2: Mr. Pearson's Latitat, aged The Hurdle Stakes was won in two heats by Captain Stracey'l Protempore, beating five others. LEICESTER RACES, FRIDAY. ... _ . A Silver Cup, for ponies, was won by Mr. West's Ascot, beating three others. A Purse, for ponies, was won in two heats by Mt. T. 131ack'F. Sneak, beating three others. The Ladies' Plate, for ponies, was won in three heats by Mr. West's Ascot, beating three others. The Hack Stakes, with a Purse added (16 subs.), was won in two heats by Mr. Perkins's Montoagle, beating three others. The sport this day was admirable, and the meeting altogether so brilliant, as to place it in the first class of provincial races. , CARMARTHEN RACES, TuEsnAr. The Carmarthenshir• Stakes of 20 .11VS. each, h. ft., &c., with 20 added. Mr. Fuller's Nell Gwynne walked over The Ithydodyn Stakes of 5 sovs. each, with 50 added. Heats ___ . . Two miles. Fi ve su b s . • Captain B. Daires's Colubra, 4 yrs Davies 3 1 1 Mr. Thorn's Worcester, 3 yrs '2 2 2 Mr. Harris's Barney Bodkin, 5 yrs 1 3dr Major Rice's Young Tamworth, 3 yrs ... 4 dr Mr. Henderson's Banker, 4 yrs A Silver Cup, added to a Swoepstakes of 5 soya each. Heats, two miles. Colonel Gilbert's Lofty, 6 yrs Mr. Farmer's Timothy - , 4 yrs 2 dr Captain B. Daires's Glantivy, aged ... 3 dr The Ladies' Silver Cup was won in three heats by Captain Daires's Glantivy, beating three others • WEDNESDA Y. .. The King's Plate of 50 gs., for horses bred in the Principality. Hews, two miles. Major Rice's Young Tamworth, 3 yrs... Marlow 5 1 1 Mr. Thorn's,Woreester, 3 yrs 1 2 2 Mr. Reed's Creeper, 5 yrs Mr. Harris's Barney Bodkin, es yrq Captain Daires's Mopsus, 3 yrs 3 4de Mr. Henderson's Canova, 3 yri Mr. Curteis's Conservator, 4 yrs ... bolted The Dvnevor Stakes of 5 soya. each,with 50" added. Heats, two miles. Captain Daires's Colubra, 3 yrs Daires 221 . 1 Colonel Gilbert's Lofty, 6 yrs Mr. Fuller's Nell Gwynnc, 5 yrs 1 3 3 3 A Free Handicap of 3 scvs. each, with 30 added (7 subs.),` two miles, was won by Timothy, beating Runt and Lofty. CURRAGII SEPTEMBER MEETING, Moxn,tr. Match, 50 sovs. Conolly's Mile.—Lord Howth's Remnant beat Lord Miltown's Jungle Admee. Northumberlana Handicap Sweepstakes of 40 sofa., h. ft., with 100 added, was won by Lord Howtli s Stiff, beating Lord Miltown's Argirio and Mr. Pottinger's Emu. The Anglesea Stakes of 10 soya. was won by Lord Altamont's Wedge, beating Mr. Kelly's br. c. by Philip. TLIEsDAY.I The Claret Stakes (First Class) cI 10 sow. each, was won by Mr. Peter's Quicksilver, beating Mr. Kirwan's f. by Humphrey Clinker. The Mulgrave Cup, given by the Lord 'Lieutenant, was won by Mr. Knox's Emu, beating Mr. Dick - ',on's Conjuror and ten others. The Portarlington Stakes (Firs: Clas;) of 15 sous., 10 ft. were won by Mr. Watts's Blackfoot, beating Mr. Mansfield's el by Na poleon and Lord Sligo's Emmet. The Gold Cup lias been challer,ged by Mr. Pottinger. THE CASE OF THE. CHILD KEOGH—Saturday at the Brentford Petty Sessions, Alexander Woodward and Isaac Allum were finall7 examined, on the charge of carrying off the child Keogh &ram the Aslutn at Chiswick. The child was on Monday dellvered up by a person named co . of Tottenham, in whose custody she had been placcd. After witnesses had given evidence respecling the abduction, the girl was called in and questioned, and from her statement it ap peared that she had always looked upon Woodward and his wife as her father and moiliec, and was glad to be with them again. She was well used at the Asylum, but preferred living with Mrs. Woodward. After a lengthened examination, the Bench considered that the felonious intention wa3, not fully made out, but a most gross breach of the peace bad been com mitted. On the part of the prisoners it was stated that Wood ward and his wife were extremely' fond - of the child, and pot having permission to -,ee her it was resolved to get her on of the hands of the society ; but they would not offer any further opposition to her remaining in the Asylum, if they 'Were 'II_ lowed to see her. They were then held to bail to, keep the peace, and to answer av charge preferred against them., ,r