The Sun. — London, England, 1866-04-10 00:00:00

11......... 1.0. _„.[../...C.,........."-- THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.- Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Buckstone. THIS EVENING, A. ROMANTIC ATTACHMENT : Mr. Compton, Mr. W. Farren ; bliss Ada Cavendish, After which, T HE FAVOURITE OF FORVUNDie Messrs. ,So•hern, Bucltone, Chippendale, Rogers, dm ; sdames Chippendale, Saville, Moore, Fitzwilliam, Hill, Lindley, &c. Concluding with--A DAUGIITE aTO MARRY : Mr, W. Farren and sliss Helen Howarl. Commence at Seven. OY AL LYCEUM T REATRE.- Under the sole Management of Mr. Fechter. THIS EVENING, SIMPSON AND CO. Messrs. S. x mery, C. II orsman ; Mesdames Elsworthy, Henrade, Hors xnan, and E. Boyce. After which. TILE MASTER, OF RAVENSWOOD. Fechter ; Messrs. Jordan, Emery, Widdicomh, Vezin, J. Fitzpatricv, D. Evans ; liesdames Teman, E.sworthy, J,avenu, and C. Lcclercq. Box Office open daily from Eleven till Five. • EAV THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPHI. Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster. TIIIS EVENING, TIIROUG II FIRE AND WATER: lressrs J. L. Toole, It Phillips, Billin6ton ; Nliss Woolgar and Miss 11. Simms. After which, THE WRECK ASIIO 11E Messrs J. L. Toole, P. Been ord. Stull t, Biliingtur , Ashley ; Miss Woolgar ,and Miss 11. Simms. To conclude with LE IIIND TIME. Messrs. J. L. Toole, It. Eburne, C. J. S m ith ; Miss A. Seaman, Szc. --- - - ----- r - ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE. Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vininz. Tills 'EVENING, A. GHOST IN SPITE OF _HIMSELF. Atter which, at a quarter to , Eight, THE S I BEETS OF LONDON. Messrs. Vining. T. Mead, 1). Murray, shore -Micro; Ars. 11. Marson, Mlai E. Barnett, and Miss K. itodgers. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE. Sole Lessee and Manageress, Mrs. Swanborough. TINS EVENING, at Seven o'clock, PERFE ,TION. After which will be produced a grand Easter Burlesque, PARIS ; or, Vive Le mpiere : Mesfrs.tStoyle, '1 borne, James : Mesdames A. Swanborough, Raynham, Simpson, Johnstone, ,canoe, and dolt. To conclude with DEAF AS A POST : Mr. Belford. SADLER'S WELLS THEATRE.- jjnder the Sole Managem ent of Mr. W. HMI. Nation. T HIS EVENING, and during th e week, Dous Jerrold's adm i re d Comedy of TIME WORKS WONDERS : Messrs. T. Sw i n bourne, Barrett, Belmore , Bar sb y ; Miss Ada Dyai ,And Mrs. Poynter. Concludin with 7th, Eth, 9h, oth, 1 1 th. 12th Ni g hts of g: F. C. Burnand's Ever-green Burlesque of IwynneHarland XlON : Miettysses Li z zie Walt:lore, Hudspeth, Fanny G , , H Vakey, and G. Belmore. In active preparation, Dion Boucicault's beautiful Drama Di 1) 0 r • Commence at Soren. Acting Manager, Mr. NYE CHART. E "s E S AND SON'S LONDON HOUSES, • A • - 54,155, 156. 157, Mino ries ; 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, Alcipte 806, 507, 508, New Oxford--street; 1,2, 3, Hart-street; 137, 138. Tottenham-court-road; 288, Euston-road. Country Branch—Bradford, Yorkshire. MOSES AND S 0 N E. respectfully call attention to their large and well assorted stock of JUVENILE CLOTI - 11NU. 'file newest f Moles are combined with the latest and most fashionable designs, and the best workmanship. E. MOSES and SO N give particular attention to this important branch of their and they can with confidence affirm that the prices are such as must satisfy the most economical. This depart ment is in a distinct part of the premises, which will be found a great convenience for ladies and children. ______------- THE " SANDRINGHAM and " DANISH " WRAPPERS (fntroouced oy them) are the newest and most f ashiontWe styles of Overcoats for the season. EADY-MADE CLOTH] and all ages. or a asses BESPOKE CLOTHING for all classes and all ages. -u-NIFORAISOLU for NTE th ER SERVICE.e ARMY, NAVY, and V ADIES' RIDING HABITS. LIVERIES. 'FIE celebrated " INDISPENSABLF , " SUIT, from 30s. - HOSIERY and DRAPERY for all classes and all ages. ----- "EFTS and CAPS for all classes and all ages. BOOTS and SHOES for all classes and all ages. OUTFITS for all classes, all ages, and all climate±. EMOSES AND SO N ' S • Establishments are closed every Friday evening at Sunset until Saturday evening at sunset, when business is re sumed until 11 o'clock. All articles are marked the lowest prices in plain figures. Any article not apprived of will be exchanged, or the money will be returned. List of Prices with Rules for Self-measurement, Fashion ram sari ti nnr nPW namnlilPt " The Philosonhv of Dress." vt MOSES AND SON'S LIA• LONDON HOUSES, 154, 155, 156, 157, Minories ; 83, 64, 85, 86, 87, 88, 85, Aldgate ; 506, 507. 508, New Oxford-street ; 1. 2,3, Bart-street ; 137, 138, l'ottenh am-court-road ; 288, Euston-road. Country Branch—Bradford, Yorkshire. THE "SUN" NEWSPAPER.- G. R. GLEN LE, Sporting Library, 4, Connaught terrace, Edgware-road, is specially appointed AGEN to deliver the LATE EDITION of " THE SUN " at the earliest possible moment after leaving the press. He is able to deliver copies in Town, the Suburbs, and in many parts of the Country at a comparatively early hour the same evening, say 40 miles by 9 o'clock. THE "SUN" NEWSPAPER.- G. R. GLENIE delivers the LATE EDITION a' Chelsea, 7.40; Kilburn, 8; Starch-green, 8; Woolwich, 7.30 Uxbridge, 9.20; Walford, 8.45. THE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN " supplied, as soon as published every Evening, by W. ALEXANDER (late BROOKS), Newspaper Agent, 2t, Old Cavendish-street, Oxford-street. THE LAST EDITION of " TIIE SUN " supplied as suon as Published, containing all the LATEST NEWS and WI...OUTING- INTELLIGENCE, by W. FIAURIS, Newspaper Agent, 4, Illackiriars-road, London, S. TUE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN." .7. HOLMES begs to inform his friends, and the public G enerally. that he supplies the LATEST EDITIoN of •• THE SUN" as soon as published —so. 16, Hampstead road, N.W. QPORTING.—JOHN ROBERTS supplies the _ LATEST EDITION of "THg SUN" as soon as pub lished.—l, Bath-street, City-road, E.C. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. This DAY.—Morning, 9h. 14m.—Afternoon, 9h. 55m, T`3-Moßßow.-Mornbag, 10h. 32m.--Afternoon, 11h. 12m. .4 - ', 1 ...r. ...,...1,.. , ,,,,, • i At, o'Cr--5;ag' ,1 6., 4 ft•-• i it t , 11. 1 .. I TIVNeCANOPI II1 i t ') . -- --0 .:, ....1. - .2% . ; i 0 ......" _, LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 10, 1866. Nothing of much consequence took place in the House last night, but various subjects were briefly discussed. It was a satisfaction to all parties th a t the Speaker was able again to make his appearance after his recent severe illness ; the right hon. gentleman made a few remarks, thanking the House for the consideration he had received during hi s retirement, and expressing a hope that he should now be able to pursue his customary duties. The respect and esteem in which the Speaker is held has been fu lly proved since the commencement of this session, and the right hon. gentleman declared last night that he felt bound to the House by new ties of gratitude and duty of the i n consequence kindness he had received. It is always an advantage when such good terms exist between the h ea d of a representative assembly and its members, and it m ust tend to facil i tate th e transaction of public business, and render its cause m ore agreeable and effe c t ual. G. GREY in formed the house, in answer t o a ci h u . estion, that the " temporary provisions," those W the slaughter of cattle which were to expireL on the eh affected 15th of April, would continue inoperati on until 10th of May. This is as well, because th e the decrease in the ca t t le p la g ue w hich has been gr o e b at ob servable lately may, in all probability, be traced in a great measure to the stringent Legulations which have been made. It is a proof at much might have been done to abate the disease had the recommendations of the Royal Commissioners been carried out in the autumn as was advocated by many. The hesitation which the Government exhi bited, and the many delays which they interposed, have been productive of great evil, and a warning has certainly been given to all future Administra tions to deal more promptly and decidedly with such a calamity when it unhappily occurs. On the vote for the Holism of rarliament tving proposed, Mr. DARBY GRIFFITHS called attention to the great inconvenience now incu rred b y the faulty arrangements of seats. The hon. in forcibly declared that " it was a mo nstrous emb e t r hing ery to have a House not large enough for the members who were entitled to sit in it." It certainly seems very bad management to have had the House so constructed that there are only 170 seats in which members can really hear what is going on. The consequence is great loss of time, because those who are desirous of good places have to come down an hour before prayers, and differences arise that might have been prevented by better manage ment. As for the moral aspect of the question, Mr. GetrEnts complained that no provision was made for those who did not belong exactly to either party. " Members of Parliament now exercised an independent judgment, and they had a right to expect that there should be neu tral benches for hon. gentlemen who wished to maintain an independent opinion." A semi-circular form is that in which the seats are arranged in most of the legislative assemblies in foreign countries, and it removes many objections, besides offering advan tages. Mr. COWPE R, as usual, was against all improvements, and seemed to consider that things should remain in state quo. The right hon. gentleman was equally inexorable concerning the improvements that had been suggested for the Ladies' Gallery, and seemed determined to follow out the principle of doing with to-day the same as we did with yesterday. Mr. HORSMAN, in alluding to the subject, said that it was a satisfaction to hear the existence of independent members made men tion of, and that they deserved to be treated with the consideration formerly their portion. The right hon. gentleman made some amusing remarks on the real state of things, declaring that the division of the house into two parties is a proposition that can not be fairly established, and proceeded to carry the war into the enemy's camp. He observed that "it is the courtesy of the house which gives to the Government the undisturbed occupation of that bench, for I apprehend that any member of this house might go and sit where the Chancellor of the Exchequer is now sitting." Mr. HORS3IAN said that he did not think the house had become more tolerant since it had become more liberal. That is likely 1 enough, because it is always a distinguishing feature of those who profess Liberalism to a great extent that they have little or no sympathy with those who differ from them. The right hon. gentleman declared that it was a serious thing for those who, like himself, came down from taking part in the committees upstairs, and wished to speak in the debates of the night, if they were obliged to take their seats an hour before, or else lost their places. Mr. HORSMAN declared that he and his friends were not so small a party as some imagined, and those new arrangements did not suit conveni ence and comfort, and thanked the hon. gentleman for having made a " suggestion which brings back the house to the old courtesies and the old practices, in which there was always a great deal of good sense and good feeling, and much of which might be adopted without taking away from the efficiency of the House." Mr. GLAD STONE did not seem to pay much heed to the matter, but said that the existing arrangements worked well. Certainly the present juncture is not a very pro pitious one to choose for enlisting the services of the occupants of the Treasury benches on behalf of independent members. Mr. GLADSTONE ignored, or affected to do so, that there was a party to be classed under the name of independent, and said that members of such individual distinction as Mr. HORSMAN would, in courtesy, have a seat reserved for them, as the House had done in the L., C/ DV r...V: . ill - C ..0 EeJuilik.,A - made a more prietidai suggestion when he asked the First Commissioner of Works if the dining-room could not be enlarged, because it was too smali ; and it was of importance that this evil should be rectified, or else the House would be liable to be counted out over and over again. It is to be hoped that the remarks of Mr. LEEMAN will be attended to, for he drew attention to the bad state of the atmosphere in the committee rooms of the two houses, which is such as to injure health in the hot months of the year. A postponement of the bill for the Patent-office was moved by Mr. BAIRD, on account of the great inconvenience that existed in its arrangement, but the Attorney-General explained this provision was: only temporary until the general policy of the Patent Laws had been determined upon, so that the rule was agreed to. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in moving a string of resolutions on the Crown Lands Act, explained that, among other provisions, the bill would transfer the forestal rights of the Crown on Epping Forest to the Board of Works. It is to be trusted that in this case better care will be taken to preserve the place from the encroachments which have threatened to ruin it altogether and deprive the Londoners of it as a place of public resort. In the discussion of the Civil Service Esti mates Sir3l. RIDLEY mentioned that " many compe tent authorities believed that gas was most injurious to pictures, especially in London, where the gas was most impure, and truly said that the matter should be carefully considered, because it should be an object to preserve our national collec tion as long as possible, and not to expose the pic ures to the injurious influences inseparable from the ghting of the picture galleries by gas." The Easter festivities have come off with great éclat at the Mansion-house, and one or two little incidents served to give a variety to the ordinary form of a civic banquet. Royalty was represented by his Highness the Commander-in-Chief, and Parliament by Mr. GOSCHEN, who showed that however new to office he might be he had not failed to acquire the necessary art of speaking without a meaning. The ingenious manner in which he framed his discourse, so as neither to offend his hearers of any party nor commit himself, excited some amusement, though Mr. GOSCHEN is of course in reality an advocate of the Government measure. The most interesting feature in the evening's entertainment was not, however, in any way con nected with the all-engrossing political topic of the day. The presence of the United States Minister and the absence of that distinguished American to whose munificent liberality our poorer classes are te g c i l v , in ard giving utterance, the LORD M enhehalkfvoefß thean it in y d o eb f o so pp n or iu tu cl n i citizens of London, to those sentiments of so g grace fully ' and admiration which have - fully expressed by her MAJESTY as t the had b been oo representa tivehoped of the whole community. that Mr. PEABODY would have been among the hospitable table, guests at the L ORD MAYOR'S but with th a t mo d es t y a nd which especially distinguished him, Mr. PEABODY declined the honour, beinc , no doubt aware that it was intended to render him in some manner the guest of the evening. The LO RD M AYOR, i n re f err i ng to the great country whi c h cl citizen, commented upon the m sprovidential 0 manner in which a man had been raised up to occupy the chief post in the national councils, who was espe cially suited to the moment. It is gratifying, said the LORD Alaroß, to find in Alicia a position a man THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 10, 1866 with power of mind, with a spirit of con cili& -ion, and with a love of justice. Mr. ADAMS, his reply, naturally avoided any reference to Al nerican politics, but confined himself princi pally to the conduct and characteristics of Mr. PEADom: It was amusing to see how anxiously the Amerier an Minister endeavoured to combine the RepuJ ,licanism of his own country with his respect for tb ,e loyalty of his hearers ; but there are few Ames deans who would be inclined to resent the grate ful appreciation of a marked and personal tribtx to of respect paid to one of their countrymen. Mr. PEABODY'S ambition, said Mr. ADAMS with truth, has been a very remarkable one. lie has spent his life in accumulating money, without having an3r raizard for the mere possession of wealth, or the iselfish luxuries which it confers. But if there is ono characteristic usually more strongly marked than another in the possessors of great wealth it i s their reluctance to part from it, their un willingness to lose their hold over wealth, eve, , i if it should be productive of no direct bemefit to themselves. But Mr. PEABODY, with a nob le superiority to all such petty feelings, has made it the business of his life to see his vast means properly distributed, to apportion and divide his wealth among the different districts in which it has been mainly acquired, with no special regard to class, sect, or country, only disbursing it with a liberal hand in the true spirit of the Samaritan. To such a man the record of his own approving conscience is enough, without the acclamation of his fellows ; but it must be gratifying to him, as an American by birth and feeling, to know that he has not only brought health and comfort to many a poor man's fireside, and called forth the grateful thanks of a QUEEN who never fails to sympathise with her people, but has also done more than any other man of his day to draw closer the bonds of union and affection between two great peoples. We have now before us the full text of President JOHNSON'S Message to the Senate, giving at length his reasons against the Civil Rights Bill. His veto on this measure was confidently looked for, although, in the opinion of many eminent constitu tional authorities, there was nothing directly op posed to the principles of the Constitution implied in it. Mr. JOHNSON, however, thinks differently, and has very little doubt that its practical effect, if allowed to become law, would be most injurious to the public interest, and directly antagonistic to the ultimate welfare of both North and South. He dis cusses the bill clause by clause, giving his objections to each, objections which, as we have said, are alike creditable to his sagacity and his constitutionalism. In the first place, he shows that the terms of the Bill include the Chinese of the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, gipsies, as well as negroes and mulattoes. It may reasonably be asked, he says, whether it is necessary to constitute all these classes citizens of the United States, in order to secure for them the " civil rights" which it is proposed to confer ? " Those rights are by Federal, as well as by State laws, secured to all domiciled aliens and foreigners, even before the completion of the process of naturalisation, and it may safely be assumed that the same enactments are sufficient to give like protection and benefits to those for whom this bill provides special legislation." The Bill, in fact, proposes to discriminate between large numbers of intelligent foreigners who are, by educational experience, in some degree familiar with the national institutions, and the negro, who must of necessity " from his previous unfortunate condition of servitude," be less informed on such points. Further on in his analysis the PRESIDENT says that the great end forboth master fibvta3ll make a har monious adjustment of the terms of their mutual engagement. This Bill interferes be- tween capital and labour, and attempts to settle questions of political economy through the agency of numerous officials whose in terest it will be to foment discord between the two races, because that discord will preserve their occu pation. These officers andagents of the Freedmen's Bureau would possess an irresponsible power, which, as Mr. JOHNSON points out, might be made a terri ble engine of wrong, oppression, and fraud. The whole tendency of the Bill, whether its letter ac tually transcends the bounds of the Constitution or no, is undoubtedly to centralise the legislation of the country ; and one part of its seems especially to imply that a permanent military force is to be always at the command of the Government for the enforcement of the measure, and in fact the maintenance of a kind of martial law. If the civil power has to be propped by the sword, it is a doubtful project for the liberties of the people ; and the people of the United States ought to be thank ful that they have at the head of their affairs a man who is sagacious enough to detect the insidious danger, and resolute enough to resist its faintest approach. CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) PARIS, Monday Evening. The Pope, at a special audience, granted on the 3d inst. to a great number of Frenchmen, who had solicited the honour of presenting an address to him, expressed himself in these terms :—" I have not forgotten what the French Catholics have done for the Holy See. I shall not forget that in 1848 it was an Ambassador of France who favoured my departure for Gaete ; and that it was a French General who in 1849 brought me the keys of Rome. The proofs of sympathy which the Government of the Emperor has given to me will not pass from my remembrance." In spite of the letter of the Minister of Justice, giving his opinion that the Consistory of the Reformed Church of Paris had acted contrary to law in dismissing M. Martin Paschoud, the Pro testant pastor, that body has formally confirmed his dismissal. M. Paschoud has therefore sent the fol lowing letter to the Minister :—" Monsieur le Ministre,—The Consistory has just voted my dis missal. The motives assigned are exactly those which it alleged when it placed me en retraite. Your Excellency did not approve of that step, and will still less approve of the present. For this reason I will not add anything to the letter, which I had the honour to address to your Excellency on the 23d of February in reply to the memoir of the Consistoral Body, and I again rely upon your great wisdom and justice.—Martin Paschoud." I need scarcely add that this matter excites intense interest among the French Protestants of Paris, if not among the English Protestants, to whom M. Paschoud is well known. The Paris papers, including even the Moniteur, fall into strange confusion when treatini , of the affairs of Germany. They give news from Pesth under that head. It may be right to explain that Hungary never formed part of the Germanic Con federation ; and, indeed, the French Government, when it was proposed to incorporate the kingdom ' of St. Etienne with the Confederation in 1850 and 1851, protested against it, not only on the ground of its being contrary to existing treaties, but also in support of the principle of the balance of power. Hungary does not form part of the Austrian Em pire, at least legally. It is united to that Empire much in the same way as Norway is to Sweden— under the same Sovereign, but with a separate con stitution and Government. That is the construction of the union according to the Diet of Hungary, and all Hungary has the same view of it. " Don Juan" bads been revived with a .powerful cast and great attention to scenic effects. It is more attractive than ever. Its revival was marked by an incident worth mentioning. At the moment when Ottavio, Anna, and Elvira enter the ball room, Don Juan addresses them and gives them permission to wear their masks, saying Vive la Liberte, which is repeated by the chorus. The pit caught at the allusion and cheered vociferously. Even a portion of the orchestra joined in the cheers. Under former Governments such an in nocent manifestation would have been sup pressed, but the Government of Louis Napoleon rather encourages than checks all aspirations for real liberty. _ _ The following is the result of the races in the Bois de Boulogne yesterday :—Prix de Boulogne, 3,000 f., M. Delatre's Meli-Melo, 1 ; Le Menagere, 2 ; Castagnette, 3. Prix de Longchamps, 3,000 f., M. Delamarre's Victorieuse, 1 ; Stilton, 2. Prix de la Seine, 10,000 fr., Sultan, 1 ; Tourmalet, 2 ; La Magicien (Count Lagrange), 3. Grand Prix de l'lmp6ratrice, 15,000 fr., Gladiateur, 1; Fum6e, 2 ; Vertugadin, 3. Prix des Acacias, 6,000 fr, Fleu rette, 1 ; Etoile-Filante, 2. The Paris Spring Meeting attracted a very numerous assemblage. Besides the Emperor and the young Prince of Denmark, on the grand stand were Prince Joachim Murat ; Count de Nieuwer kerke, Minister of the Fine Arts ; General Fleury, Grand Equerry ; Baron Haussmann, Minister of Public Works ; M. Pietri, Prefect of Police ; also the sporting men of note and the leading fashion ables of Paris. The Constitutionnel, analysing the contents of the German papers, says it collects from them that the Cabinet of Vienna is determined to take an imme diate step in its character of a Federal Power, that is to say, it will demand the intervention and action of the Germanic Diet. Here is the comment of the Siecle upon the affairs of Germany :—" The journals of the secondary States continue to be of opinion that the attitude of the Cabinet of Berlin opens for Germany a per spective of interminable complications and troubles, unless, indeed, the Augsburg Gazette says, there should arise a dens ex machina." That journal also says it was in error when it announced that the Duke George of Mecklenbourg was the mediator proposed by Russia to arrange the difficulties be tween Prussia and Austria. I have never witnessed such an extraordinary storm of thunder and lightning as that which visited Paris and the environs last night, and I believe the " oldest inhabitant" will be disposed to confirm my opinion that it is unprecedented in modern times. The day had been fine but somewhat gloomy, with little sunshine and some slight April showers, but there was nothing to indicate a storm. Between six and seven in the evening, however, dark clouds somewhat suddenly concentrated to the south and north, and In half an hour the sheet lightning was seen on the south, and was so frequent and vivid as to excite some alarm in that direction beyond Paris. They were not mere flashes of light ning, but livid flakes of flames glittered forth almost continuously, or at all events for a time, after the interval of a few seconds only. For nearly an hour no thunder was heard, at all events in the vicinity of Paris, but at the expiration of that period it broke forth. It was " not loud, but deep." They were not sudden flashes of thun der, but for several hours there was almost an in cessant rumbling noise, which continued till mid night ; but after nine o'clock the thunder was not so frequent. At about nine o'clock the rain came literally " rushing like a torrent." I never before either saw or heard such rain. The country districts were inundated. In some of the lanes a boat of light draught would have floated. To-day, near the Champs Elysees, and elsewhere, there are deeper puddles than were perhaps ever seen there before. I have not heard of any loss of life, but there must have been considerable damage to pro perty. The Paris papers to-day have but a brief notice of this almost unparalleled thunderstorm, but they characterise it as remarkable. Within my own knowledge many persons were afraid to go to bed, and a sleepless night, I think, must have been the fate of thousands. There is a proverb in France to the effect that thunder in April fills the wine let it be hoped that good in this respect may come out of evil. Pre-historic Man. In the autumn of last year, in order to erect a new and permanent viaduct across the Der went Valley near Malton, the North-Eastern Railway Company commenced the formation of cofferdams on each side of the river. In the first formed, on the Malton side, as reported at the time, after 10ft. of the fluviatile post-tertiary clay had been exca vated, a three-feet bed of alluvial silt was entered, which abounded with water, and caused the cofferdam to burst. Beneath this sand was the Kimmeridge clay of the Vale of Pickering, and upon it, at a depth of thirteen feet, the femoral and pelvic bones of a human being were thrown out, the skull then being left within the piles forming the dam. An enlarged dam having been formed, operations were re-commenced last week, when the skull so much desired was fortu nately obtained, and isnow deposited in the collection of pre-historic crania of the Rev. - William Green well, of Durham. The bones, from long steeping, have become blackened and devoid of lime, re sembling leather more than bone, and are much im pregnated with vivianite. The body has been that of a male of small stature, apparently from 40 to 45 years of age. The teeth have all been present, and are not much worn, but the sagittal stature of the skull is almost obliterated, and so is the coronal suture. It has been supposed that the body was one of an early British race, but the skull is not at all typical, and not in the least like those obtained from either the long or the round barrows of the Britons. It is very broad in the occipital region, and rather narrow in the frontal ; but the main characteristic is flatness. Mr. Greenwell says the skull is very like some he has from a Kentish Roman cemetery, but is relatively broader in the occipital region. He can offer no conjecture as to race, but supposes the man may have been a dependent on the Romano-British camp at Malton, probably au auxiliary. This view is strengthened by the finding, in another excava tion, but on the opposite side of the river, and also below the clay and silt, a rudely formed vessel, up turned. This is about six inches higher, and is irregularly hand-made, entirely without ornament, but is not like British ware at all. The material is more like the ordinary bluish Roman pottery, and is hard-baked, but there is neither the form nor finish of Roman ware, nor any trace of the potter's wheel. The shape is that of the " food vessel," and if Romano-British is extremely rude indeed. Up to the present time no further object has been found. The skeleton and the pot seem to have reference to the same date, being both found at the same depth (loft. clay and 3ft. silt), both also being below the bed of the river Derwent considerably. Duringthe human period there has been considerable alteration in the geological deposits on the surface, as was re cently illustrated by the section of the cutting for the Norton drainage close by, where an ancient (supposed) British trackway was found beneath water-borne sand and gravel. Mr. Greenwell, Captain Copperthwaite, and other antiquaries and geologists, consider that the skeleton and urn mark the level of the British period, and that the super imposed beds have been left by the river accumula tions since that period. A look-out is being kept for any object likely to give further light. THE COAL EXCIIANGE.—A licence was granted on Saturday by the London Quarter Sessions to the re freshment rooms of the Coal Exchange SUSPECTED SUlClDES.—Yesterday morning, as some bargemen were proceeding down the towing-path of the River Lea, Essex, near the White House, Hackney marshes, their attention was directed to a large bundle floating on the surface of the water, and on getting it ashore they found it to bs the body of a gentleman. A shell was at once procured, and the body removed to Honierton work house to await the inquest. The deceased was about 45 years of age, sft. Gin. high, brown hair, dressed in black coat, trousers, and waistcoat, white shirt and stockings, and Wellington boots. The body of a well-dressed woman was also found in the Serpentine, Hyde-park. The deceased was dressed in black silk, aged about 50 years, sft. 3in. high . The body was convoyed to Mount-etreet workhouse. LA TEST INTELLIGENCE. (R,EUTER'S TELEGRAMS.) AUSTRIA. VIENNA, APRIL 10. The Austrian despatch, in reply to the Prussian Note, is short but moderate in its tone. It demands that the Prussian armaments should be discontinued, and declares that otherwise Austria will call upon the Federal Diet to interfere. The commission to settle the tariffs of the Anglo- Austrian treaty of commerce held a sitting here this morning. ITALY. FLORENCE, APRIL 9. It is stated that the Minister of Finance and the Financial Committee of the Chamber of Deputies have come to an arrangement based upon mutual concessions. Prince Napoleon has arrived at Naples. FRANCE AND THE POPE. The Moniteur du Soir gives the following as the text of the Pope's reply to an address which was re cently presented to him from a large number of French Catholics : " I have not forgotten what the French Catholics have done for the Holy See. 1 shall never forget that in 1848 it was an Ambassador of France who aided me in my departure for Gaeta, and that it was a French General who in 1849 brought to me the keys of Rome. The proofs of sympathy which have been extended to me by the Emperor's Go vernment will never be erased from my memory." FRANCE. BOURSE, April 9, Three :o'clock. —The market closed at the following quotations :- 4-} per Cents 97 50 Do. end month — 3 per Cents. 67 90 Do. end month 67 75 Credit Mobilier Do. end month Unis — Do. end month — Bank Shares 3520 Italian Loan 56 70 Do. end month 56 90 Mexican Loan 42 50 Do. Bonds 2BO Spanish Threes Home Debt Deferred rAYS. Cash. Orleans Northern Lyons and Mediterranean Southern Western Acct. ... 828 75 ... 1122 50 ... 875 - - ... 545 - - ... 533 75 Eastern Sardinian , Austrian Lombard North of Spain Saragossa Ditto to Barcelona Roman - - ... 540 - - - ... 102 50 - - ... 382 50 - - ... 393 75 - - ... 151 25 - ... 202 50 - - ... 88 75 PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S VETO MESSAGE NEW YORK, March 29. The following is the text of President Johnson's Message vetoing the Civil Rights Bill : TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. I regret that the bill which has passed both Houses of Congress, entitled "An Act to protect all persons in the United States in their civil rights, and furnish the means of their vindication," contains provisions which I cannot approve consistently with my sense of duty to the whole people, and my obligations to the Constitution of the United States. I am therefore constrained to return it to the Senate, the house in which it originated, with my objec tions to it becoming a law. By the first section of the bill, all persons born in the United States, and not subject to any foreign Powers, ex cluding Indians not taxed, are declared to be citizens of the United States. This provision comprehends the Chinese of the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, the people called gipsies, as well as the entire race designated as blacks, people of colour, negroes, mulattos, and persons of African blood. Every individual of these races born in the United States is by the bill made a citizen of the United States. It does not purport tot eclare or confer any other right of citizenship than Federal citizenship. It does not propose to give these classes of persons any status as citi zens of States except that which may result from their status as citizens of the United States. The power to confer the right of State citizenship is just as exclusively with the several States as the power to confer the right of Federal citizenship is with Congress. The right of Federal citizenship thus to be conferred in the several expected ttrblz: Wiii,VrVicaii is Claiiaeci by . Many, all persons who are native born already are, by virtue of the Constitution, citizens of the United States, the passage of the pending bill cannot be necessary to make them such. If, on the other hand, such persons are not citizens, as may be assumed from the proposed legislation to make them such, the grave question presents itself whether, when 11 of the 36 States are unrepresented in Congress at this time, it is sound policy to make our entire coloured population and all other excepted classes citizens of the United States. Four mil lions have just emerged from slavery into freedom. Can it reasonably be supposed that they possess the requisite qualifications to entitle them to all the privileges and im munities of citizenship of the United States ? Have tho people of the several States expressed such a conviction ? It may also be asked whether it is necessary that they should be declared citizens in order that they may be secured in the enjoyment of the civil rights pro posed to be conferred by the bill ? Those rights are by Federal as well as by State laws secured to all domiciled aliens and foreigners even before the completion of the pro cess of naturalisation, and it may safely be assumed that the same enactments are sufficient to give like protection and benefits to those - for whom this bill provides special legislation. Besides, the policy of the Government, from its origin to the present time, seems to have been that persons who are strangers to, and unfamiliar with, our in stitutions and our laws should pass through a certain pro bation, at the end of which, before attaining the coveted prize, they must give evidence of their fitness to receive and to exercise the rights of citizens as contemplated by the Constitution of the United States. • The bill in effect proposes a discrimination against large numbers of intelligent, worthy, and patriotic foreigners, and in favour of the negro, to whom, after long years of bondage, the avenues to freedom and intelligence have just now been suddenly opened. He must of necessity, from his previous unfortunate condition of servitude, be less informed as to the nature and character of our institutions than he who, coming from abroad, has to some extent at least familiarised himself with the principles of a Government to which he voluntarily entrusts life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi ness. - Y et it is now proposed by a single legislative enact ment to confer the rights of citizenship upon all persons of African descent born within the extended limits of the United States; while persons of foreign birth who make our land their home must undergo a probation of five years, and can only then become citizens upon proof that they are of good moral character, attached to the principles of the con stitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same. The first section of the bill also contains an enumeration of the rights to be enjoyed by those classes so made citizens in every state and territory of the United States. These rights are to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convoy real and personal property, and to have the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens. So, too, they are wade subject to the same punishment, pains, and penalties common with white citizens, and to none others. Thus a perfect equality of the white and coloured races is attempted to be fixed by a Federal law in every State of the Union over the vast field of State jurisdiction covered by these enumerated rights. In no one of them can any State exercise any power of discrimination between different races. _ In the exercise of State policy over matters exclusively affecting the people of each State it has frequently been thought expedient to discriminate between the two races. By the statutes of some of the States, North as well as South, it is enacted, for instance, that no white person shall intermarry with a negro or a mulatto. Chancellor Kent says, speaking of the blacks, that marriages between them and the whites aro forbidden in some of the States where slavery does not exist ; and they are prohibitedin all the slavehold ing States by law, and when not absolutely contrary to law, theyare revolting, and regarded as an offence against public decorum. I will not say that this bill repeals State laws on the sub ject of marriage betweenthe two races, for as the whites are forbidden to intermarry with the blacks, the blacks can only make such contracts as the whites themselyes are allowed to make; and therefore cannot, under this bill, enter into the marriage contract with the whites. I cite this, however, as an instance of the State policy as to discrimination, and to inquire whether, if Con gress can abrogate all State laws of discrimination between the two races in the matter of real estate, of suits, and of contracts generally, Congress may not also repeal the State laws as to the contract of marriage between the races ? Hitherto, every subject embraced in the enumeration of rights contained in the bill has been considered as exclu sively belonging to the States. They all relate to the inter nal policy and economy of the respective States. They are matters which in-each State concern the domestic condi- tion of its people, urging in each according to its own pecu liar circumstances and the safety and well-being of its own citizens. Ido not mean to say that upon these subjects there are not Federal restraints, as, for instance, in the State power of legislation over contracts there is a Federal limitation that no State shall pass a law impairing the ob ligationa of contracts ; and as to crimes, that no State elAall pass an ex post facto law ; and, as to money, that no State shall make anything bat gold and silver a legal tender. But where can we find a Federal prohibition against the power of any State to discriminate, as do most of them, between aliens and citizens, between artificial persons called corporations and nationalised persons in the right to hold real estate ? If it be granted that Congress can repeal all State laws discriminating between whites and blacks in the subjects covered by this bill, why, it may be asked, may not Congress repeal in the same way all State laws discri minating between the two races on the subject of suffrage and office ? If Congress can declare by law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a contract in a State, then Congress can also by law declare who, without regard to race or colour, shall have the right to sit as a juror or as a judge, to hold any office, and, finally, to vote in every State and territory of the United States. As respects the territories, they come within the power of Congress, for as to them the law-making power is the Federal power ; but as to the States, no similar provision exists vesting in Congress the power to make rules and regulations for them. The object of the second section of the bill is to afford discriminating protection to coloured persons in the full enjoyment. of all the rights secured to them by the preced ing section. It declares that any person who, under colour of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, shall subject, or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or territo:y to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, or to different punishment, pr.ins or penalties, on account of such persons having at any time being held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servi tude, except as a punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of his colour or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction shall be punished by fine not exceeding $l,OOO, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the discretion of the Court. This section seems to be designed to apply to some exist ing or future law of a State or territory, which may con flict with the provisions of the bill now under consideration. It provides for counteracting such forbidden legislation by imposing fine and imprisonment upon the legislators who may pass such conflicting laws, or upon the officers and agents who shall put or attempt to put them into execution. It means an official offence, not a common crime committed against the law, upon the person or property of the black race. Such an act may deprive the black man of his pro perty, but not of his right to hold property. It means a deprivation of the right itself, either by the State Judi ciary or the State Legislature. It is therefore assumed that under this section members of a State Legislature who should vote for laws conflicting with the provisions of the bill, that judges of the State Courts who should render judgments in antagonism with its terms, and that marshals and sheriffs who should execute processes sanctioned by State laws and issued by State judges in execution of their judgments, could be brought before other tribunals, and there subjected to fine and imprisonment for the perform ance of the duties which such State laws might impose. The legislation thus proposed invades the judicial power of the State. It says to every State, court, or judge, if you decide that this act is unconstitutional ; if you refuse under the prohibition of a State law, to allow a negro to testify; if you hold that over such a subject-matter the said law is paramount; under colour of a State law refuse the exercise of the right of the negro—your error of judgment, however conscientious, shall subject you to fine and im prisonment. 1 do not apprehend that the conflicting legislation, which the bill seems to contemplate, is so likely to occur as to render it necessary at this time to adopt a measure of such doubtful constitutionality. In the next place, this provi sion of the bill seems to be unnecessary, as adequate judi cial remedies could be adopted to obtain the desired end, without invading the immunities of legislators—always important to be preserved in the interests of public liberty; without assailing the independence of the judiciary— always essential to the preservation of the individual rights; and without impairing the efficiency of officers always necessary for the maintenance of the public peace and order. The remedy proposed by this section seems to be in this respect not only anomalous, but unconstitutional; for the Constitution guarantees nothing with certainty if it does not insure to the several States the right of making index ruling laws in regard to all matters arising within their jurisdiction, subject only to restriction in case of conflict with the Constitution and constitutional laws of the United States, the latter to be held as the supreme law of the land. The third section gives the district courts of the United States exclusive cognisance of all crimes and offences com mitted against the provisions of this Act, and concurrent jurisdiction with the circuit courts of the United States of all civil and criminal cases, affecting persons who are denied or cannot enforce in the courts or judicial tribunals of the State or locality where there may be any of the rights secured to them by the first section. T he construction which I have given to the second section is strengthened by this third section, for it makes clear what kind of denial or deprivation of rights secured by the first section was in contemplation. It is a denial of deprivation o f sucri It stands, therefore, clear of doubt that the offence and the penalties provided by the second section, and intended for the State judge, who, in the clear exercise of his functions as a judge, not acting ministerially but judicially, shall de cide contrary to this Federal law. In other words, when a State judge, acting upon a question involving a conflict between a State law and a Federal law, and bound accord ing to his own judgment and responsibility to give an im portant decision between the two, comes to the conclusion that the State law is valid and the Federal law invalid, he must not follow the dictates of his own judgment, at the peril of fine and imprisonment. The Legislative Department of the Government of the United States thus takes from the Judicial Department of the States the sacred and exclusive duty of judicial deci sion, and converts the State judge into a mere ministerial officer, bound to decide according to the will of Congress. It is clear that in States which deny to persons whose rights are secured by the first section of the bill any one of those rights, all criminal and civil cases affecting them will, by the provisions of the third section, come under the exe cutive cognisance of the Federal tribunals. It follows that if any State which denies to a coloured person any one of all these rights, that person should com mit a crime against the laws of a State—murder, arson, rape, or any other crime—all protection and punishment through the Courts of the State aro taken away, and he can only be tried and punished in the Federal courts. How is the criminal to be tried if the offence is provided for and punished by Federal law? That law, and not the State law, is to govern. It is only when the offence does not happen to be within the purview of the Fe deral law that the Federal courts are to try and punish him under any other law. Then resort is to be had to the common law as modifiedby the State Legislature so fa r as the same is not inconsistent with the constitution an d laws of the United States. So that over the vast domain of criminal jurispru dencecitizens,p provided e d for b t y h the each punishment State f or o t f h a e l protectionl persons w o h f o itsow violaten its criminal laws, Federal law, wherever it can be made to apply, displaces State law. The question naturally arises—From what source does Congress derive the power to transfer to the Federal tribu nals certain classes of cases embraced in this se ction ? The Constitution expressly declares that—" The judicial power of the United States shall extend to all cases in law and under this Constitution, the l aws o f th e U nq n n i i te ty d a S risi tat ng States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors and other public Ministers and consuls ; to all cases of Ad miralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another State ; between citizens of different States ; be tween citizens of the same State claiming land.under grants of a different State, or the citizens thereof and foreign States, citizens or subjects." Here the judicial power of the United States is expressly set forth and defined, and the Act of September 24, 1789, establishing the judicial courts of the United States, in conferring upon the Federal courts jurisdiction over cases originating in State tribunals, is careful to confine them to the classes enumerated in the above recited clause of the Constitution. The section of the bill undoubtedly comprehends cases, and authorises the exercise of powers that are not by the Constitution within the jurisdiction of the Courts of the United States. To transfer them to those courts would be an exercise of authority well calculated to cause distrust and alarm on the part of all the States, for the bill applies alike to all of them, as well to those who have as to those who have not baen engaged in rebellion.' It may be assumed that this authority is incident to the power granted to Congress by the Constitution, as recently amended, to enforce by ap propriate legislation the article declaring ceptas a that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. It cannot, however, be justly claimed that, with a view to the enforcement of this article of the Constitution, there is at present any necessity for the exercise of all the powers which this bill confers. Slavery has been abolished, and at present nowhere exists within the jurisdiction of the United States, nor has there been, nor is there likely to be, any attempt to revive it by the people of any State. If, however, any such attempt should be made, it will then become the duty of the General Government to exercise any and all incidental powers necessary and proper to main tain inviolate this great law of freedom. The fourth section of the bill provides that the officers and agents of the Freedmen's Bureau shall be empowered to make arrests, and also that other officers may be spe cially commissioned for that purpose by the President of the United States. It also authorises Circuit Courts of the United States and the Superior Courts of the territo ries to appoint, without limitation, commissioners, who are to be charged with the performance of quasi-judicial duties. The fifth section empowers the commissioners so to be selected by the Court to appoint in writing one or more suitable persons from time to time to execute warrants and other processes desirable by the bill. These numerous offi cial agents are made to constitute a sort of police, in addi tion to the military, and are authorised to pummon a .posse comitatus, and oven to call to their aid such portion of the land and naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as may be necessary to the performance of the duty with which they are charged. This extraordinary power is to be conferred upon agents irresponsible to the Government and to the people, to whose number the discretion of the com missioner is the only limit, and in whose hands such autho rity might be made a terrible engine of wrong, oppression, and fraud. The general statutes regulating the land and naval forces of the United States, the militia, and the exe cution of the laws are believed to be adequate for any emer gency which can occur intime of peace. If it should prove otherwise, Congress can at any time amend those laws in such manner as, while subserving the public welfare, will not jeopardise the rights, interests, and liberties of the people. The seventh section provides that a fee of $lO shall bo paid to each commissioner in every case brought before him, and a fee of $5 to his deputies for each person he or they may arrest and take before any such commissioner, with such other fees as may be deemed reasonable by such commissioner in general for performing such other duties as may be required in the premises. All these fees are to be paid out of the Treasury of the United States, -whether there is a conviction or not ; but in case of conviction they are to be recoverable from the defendant. It seems to me that under the influence of such temptations bad men might convert any law, however beneficial, into an instru ment of persecution and fraud. By the eighth section of the bill, United States Courts which sit only in one place for white citizens must migrate with the marshal and district attorney, and necessarily with the clerk, although he is not mentioned, to any part of the district upon the order of the President, and there hold a Court for the purpose of the more speedy arrest and trial of persons charged with a violation of this act, and there the judge and officers of the Court must remain upon the order of the President for the time therein designated. The ninth section authorises the President, or such per son as he may empower for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as shall be necessary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of this act. This language seems to imply a permanent military force that is always to be at hand, and whose only business is to be the en forcement of this measure over the vast region where it is intended to operate. I do not propose to consider the policy of this bill. To me the details of the bill are fraught with evih The white race and the black race of the South have hitherto lived together under the relation of master and slave—capital owning labour. Now that relation is changed, and, as to owner ship, capital and labour are divorced. They stand now each master of itself. In this new relation, one being necessary to the other, there will be a new adjustment, which both are deeply interested in making harmonious. Each has equal power in settling terms, and, if left to the laws that regulate capital and labour, it is confidently believed that they will satisfactorily work out the problem. Capital, it is true, has more intelligence, but labour is never so ignorant as not to understand its own interests, not to know its own value, and not to see that capital must pay that value. This bill frustrates the adjustment. It interferes between capital and labour, and attempts to settle questions of political economy through the agency of numerous officials whose interest it will be to foment discord between the two races; for as the breach widens their employment will continue, and when it is closed their occupation will terminate. In all our history, in all our experience, as a people living under Federal and State laws, no such system as that con templated by the details of this bill has ever before been proposed or adopted. They establish for the security of the coloured race safe guards which go infinitely beyond any that the General Go vernment has ever provided for the white race. In fact the distinction of race and colour is by the bill made to operate in favour of the coloured and against the white race. They interfere with the municipal regulations of the State, with the relations existing exclusively between a State and its citizens, or between the inhabitants of the same State ; an absorption and assumption of power by the General Govern ment, which, if acquiesced in, must sap and destroy our Federative system of limited powers, and break down the barriers which preserve the rights of the States. It is an other step, or rather stride, towards centralisation and the concentration of all legislative power in the National Go vernment. The tendency of the bill must be to re suscitate the spirit of rebellion, and to arrest the progress of those influences which are closely drawing around the States the bonds of union and peace. My lamented predecessor, in his proclamation of the Ist of January, 1863, ordered and declared that all persons held as slaves within certain States and parts of States therein designated were and thenceforward should be free, and further that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, would recognise and maintain the freedom of such persons. This guarantee has been rendered especially obligatory and sacred by the amendment of the Constitu tion abolishing slavery throughout the United States. I, therefore, fully recognise the obligation to protect and de fend that class of our people whenever and wherever it shall become necessary, and to the fullest extent compatible with the Constitution of the, United States. awou ovutirn.olliS, it only remains for me to say that I will cheerfully co-operate with Congress in any measure that may be necessary for the preservation of the civil rights of the freedmen as well as those of all other classes of persons throughout the United States by judicial process, under equal and impartial laws, or conformably with the provisions of the Federal Constitution. I now return the bill to the Senate, and regret that in considering the bills and joint resolutions, 42 in number, that have been thus far submitted for my approval, I am compelled to withhold my assent from a second measure that has received the sanction of both Houses of Congress ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, D.C., March 27, 1866. ELECTION COMMITTEE —This Day. NOTTINGHAM. The members of the committee re-assembled this morn ing shortly after 11 o'clock. The Chairman said that he had received a letter from a person complaining of having been exchided from the co mmittee-room by a policeman, and, in consequence, he would state that the inquiry was a public one, and none but unexamined witnesses should be excluded. Mr. Rodwell, Q. 0., handed a letter which he had re ceived to the chairman, which he thought right to submit to the perusal of the committee, but said that as far as he was concerned he did not attach any importance to its contents. The nature of the document did not transpire. James Lyon, the first witness called, was examined by Mr. Riodwell. He said he lived at Sheffield, and was a musician. During the Nottingham election ho,was em ployed by Mr. Milner as a paid canvasser for Messrs. Morley and Paget. Mr. Milner was secretaryof the Park Ward committee-room in Rutland-street, Nottingham. He was engaged canvassing for a fortnight before the elec tion, and ho was sometimes accompanied by Mr. Milner, who paid him as well as the other canvassers. He saw Mr. Heath at the Park-ward committee-rooms. He be lieved the money was brought to the committee-room by Mr. Milner, who paid him on two occasions with some other persons, but he did not know them. On the day of the election, he went with Mr. Milner to the house of man named Henry Murin, and they solicited him for his vote for Messrs. Morley and Paget. Muria said he did not know whether he should vote or not, but after some conversation with Mr. Milner he said that he and his father would sell their votes for .£4. Mr. Milner not having the money with him offered to give him an I 0 U for the amount, which he consented to take, on his (witness) signing it. The next day ho was in company with a person named Henry Walker, and he saw Murin, who told him that he had been paid. Witness then asked him to give him a stamped receipt, specifying for what purpose the money was paid to witness, which ho did on the I 0 U, writing at the top, "for two votes, F. and H. Murin." (The paper produced with the IOU in ques tion.) The witness was cross-examined by Mr. Mundell at some length, in order to show that he had been tampered with by Mr. Richard and Mr. Parsons, which, however, he positively denied, and nothing material was elicited calculated to affect his examination in chief. Other witnesses were called to prove bribery on the part of Messrs. Morley and Paget's agents. The committee will reassemble to-morrow at the usual hour. MARKETS.—This Day. HAY. SMITHFIELD.—Meadow hay, £4 4s to £5 12s ; clover, £s' 5s to £6 12s 6d ; and straw, £1 18s to £2 5s per load. Trade heavy. CUMBERLAND.—Meadow hay, £4 4s to £5 15s Od; clover, £5 5s to £6 12s 6d ; and straw, £2 Os to £2 5s per load . A moderate demand. WHITECHAPEL.—Meadow hay, £4 4s to £5 12s; clover, £5 56 to £6 15s Od; and straw, £1 188 to £2 5s per load. Trade slow. COLONIAL. TEA.--The market has remained very quiet, the trade having deferred their operations until the public sales, which commence to-day. &malt—Business has been inactive, and the few bargains recorded have been at barely previous rates. In the refined market there is little change to report. COFFEE—There has been a fair inquiry for both Planta tion and native Ceylon, and late quotations are in most instances fully supported. RlCE—Only limited transactions have been entered into; holders, however, still continue to demand full rates. SALTPETRE —The operations have been of quite a retail character, at about previous prices. T ALLOW.—Business.in the Tallow Market has been quiet, and some forced sales have reduced the quotation from 6d. to ls. per cwt. The trade demand has also been sluggish, and there is no improvement to report ; prices are 475. 9d. to 48s. ; on the spot, 475. 6d. ; April to June, 48s. 3d. ; June, 495. is offered for October to December. Town Tallow is in good supply, and 48s. is the net letter price ; Australian beef, 465. 6d. ; Odess a s h ee p, 475. 2d. to 48s. beef, 465. 641 5 South American, 50s. ; scare)).