The Sun. — London, England, 1835-04-28 00:00:00

iIIANCHESTER ELECTION. BY EXPRESS. ''MANCHESTER (YESTERDAY), MONDAY. NOMINATION OF THE CANDIDATES. This day h av i ng been appointed by the Returning Off i cer I:o4sritlienet, in nominati on of a Member to serve this borough in Par the room of the Right Hon. P. Thomson, who bed accepted the office of the President of the Board of Trade. , all early hour the whole town was in commotion. The tilaughreeve appointed nine o'clock for the commencement pe rtly 611 si ne as, but l ong b e f ore t h at per i o d S t . A nne - square was ad with people, whose numbers continued gradually ,lai_incre.ase, and shortly after ten o'clock the square was peo- I'ea with one dense mass. In the course of Saturday and Sunday Placards were plentifully distributed about the town olio e fri en d s ' of the two candidates, among which were the d ers i ng, which we have selected for the perusal of our rea -1 . 48 he ythe bear more mater i a ll y u p on t h e e l ec ti on an d qua cations the candid a t es : 411. BRAIDLEY'S RAT TRAPS AND PETERLOO SUPPORTERS. ELECTORS OF MANCHESTER! ' i tt ne Tor y M inistry has had the " fair trial " which it demanded ; 4 1 7, 1 ekery and hypocrisy have been exposed ; and the Reformed li'araent has just decreed its overthrow. whir' You are called upon to put your seal to the good cause for l'e apie ,YTl . hav e so long struggled, by the support of your own,. the tb oli , , Ministry. They who brought forward the Reform Bill— e(laed Sl avery -reduced Taxation Six Millions a year--abo -411% ati24l°Cid ten Bishoprics Law Reform—abolished Church Bishoprics in Ireland—planted Education in Ireland r!opoliorporation Reform in Scotland—destroyed Commercial Mo lautteL'and• in place of the despotic principles of the Holy Al -144 'Pursued by the Tories in our foreign policy, substituted con kekr,e and union for distrust and hatred, by which Peace has been Nir fle ki , 4 ' Commerce has been extended, and Constitutional Go-. It' ,s have been established in Spain and Portugal. tive k,: f or You, now, to choose between Tory Misrule, and progres aep 411 0. Of the political character of our late Right Hon. li te % :eritative, Mr. THOMSON, you have already had expe- Ne e . Re has never flattered your prejudices to obtain your 14,.,--but let every dispassionate man judge of his Commercial "*.ttre s , T he REDUCTION of the DUTY on RAW COTTON; loe ABOLITION of the DUTY on PRINTED SILKS and CALICOES; The REPEAL or REDUCTION of the DUTIES on upward of 400 A r ti c l es used in Manufactures, by which Industry has been relieved from the restraints of Mo ,.topoly and vexatious regulations kinallv : That great measure, the ABOLITION of the C azi EAST INDIA and CHINA MONOPOLIES. tt ard,„• l Parallel be found in our commercial history to the ex alt,f„-arZ effects which have resulted from these wise measures of taltr a H 4e t r : B Ministry? Notwithstanding the Tory predictions of the •,, which would follow from the partial adoption of the e. p . 'Jade princi les advocated by our late Representative, I' ll 'ati ti ,'„ l SON P , could the most sanguine have anticipated the :cres s ;" ~l ' aieli have followed the abolition of Monopolies, the 7 ata• t e) ° ' employment, and consequent comfort of our industrious It lt i - ,,..,' Is it not, therefore, an act of folly, as well as of base .', "Let,e, in those who have participated in these benefits, to lie re-election of him to whose exertions they are mainly Th u dfor them ? 1 1 44 1 :ries ' however, under the presidency of Mr. Thomas s ahoe u p, ' of Pitt Club and Peterloo notoriety, forgetting . their oPyi t ag . ainst those who factiously opposed the King's choice of tekk ' l usters, are endeavouring to deprive this great Trading i kete s t e l l i tY of the eminent services of the Minister of Trade, solely k at ," happe ns a l so t o b e the tried friend of freedom and good ' F i ' l t• They have found a willing instrument of this absurd 'IN: Mr. BRAIDLEY , an i gnorant , une d uca t e d bi go t, hold °W ,'"Meant arid exploded opinions on questioni of Trade, occupying 71ii,'"Meant station in society, and recommended to them solely Soi.zeal and activity in getting up Hole-and-corner Meetings . for i le d, iV r , Catholic Emancipation ; for indecently ordering into L•egrODY of a POLICE OFFICER, a CATHO- Zti 11 ' 1-8 S T, who dared to rebut calumnies uttered against his l : at one of these meetings • and for his opposition to Edu -1;,1 to t o Ireland, and the wicked ' purpose of Reformers to give no f l'at teh dlose Protestant Parsons in Ireland, who, having no ‘aeoli„" ov Protestant Congregations, have no occupation but hf r 'eaing of Tithes. L it 'lls a „,7„AlDLEY'S addresses are fine specimens of ignorance ~.".1 1 11,.',"tY ; but evince no deficient} of Tory cunning. He says Nl e „, 3 "*" address, " I will not repeat at length the principles which h ."'tly t t e my political conduct, because they have been so re -8,.148.0;',wed by me." Why, then, did he think it necessary to X te a Z i tenyth that he would support the repeal of the Malt Tax, ''at '''‘ a . l of the Poor-Law Bill, and the " frequency" of Flog- e Army ? Mr. Braidley may, for electioneering pur aloser,• r ,,_ es ide at Methodist Missionary Meetings, and may thus I;` 4 (f;vun a few weak minds . ; but does he think that this Ra.di ,.../1)oo.i' whom these baits are intended) are so blind to his canting. ''''les ap 'Y' as to be caught by rat-traps like these? No ; the ex kee- °f the Tories, who have assumed Radical clothing for the I. of betraying 1.1:c . i. dupes, has opened their eyes. Mr. el'ilat l D, a 'nvis that had he been clios:m your Representative at 74 ~..lectio' n he would have supported the Tory Ministry. tp -7 one then doubt, that, like another Sir Roger Uresley, t i°' l l(l, l og himself to vote for a repeal of the Malt Tax, he 7e, b. l a momentinspiration," to keep that Ministry in Or. BRA voted against it ? "'"AIDLEIr may, for electioneering purposes, pander to tait Nadie es to wh at ... of the ignOr ' ant by railing against the Poor-Law Bill ; t a t h ; light to he said of him, who, for such purposes, resorts a l lidl o ' sr aPresentation of its principles, which are not, as Mr. I ltP aa l says , to take away the management and expenditure of ,ZYP a ,, -r : !rom the Ley-Payers. Mr. Braidley's cant about Mill- Nte et - 'shment s is not less disgusting ;—he wishes to establish a k li eg for humanity, by conveying the idea that he disapproves it, t ary Flogging 'Why, then, does he not say he will vote heaoll.tbolition, instead of its being " considerably abated?" It tti e ,T_ l'reverb—" A Friar's hood does not make a holy man." N. l'o e , - 7 1 .' Put not your trust in Tories. "As the dog returns to jth -. 3'''' so do Tories return to their former ways. Notwithstand- Zt 4 - d lateetion and exposure of the Spy System, they have corn t again. Is there anything but the power wanting, to re lli --' to the p a lmy days of their idol—Castlereagh? No re- The of Tory Spies being planted in the Committee 418,0 the Reform Candidates for the last County Electi on, led to increased vigilance, on Monday last a Spy was de '4• 41 Mr • Th ' Committee Room, in the person of a Sal iit tas eet igYn;yi ; urusuu although s disguised, was compelled, before e elected, to who,pubish his own disgrace and infamy, by giving A tale and Address.Zsaitlerable part of Mr. BRAIDLEY'S Address is artfully N't for the admirers of the late HENRY HUNT. I too V °tie I , „ i• ord for them. Have they already forgotten the " reign Ag ti tah terror ?" The minions, the supporters, the encouragers Zaidi„„ er eagh despotism ? Let them look at the supporters of Mr. 'eet 3' and whom do they recognise? If those who are about to pia to the Victim of Peterloo be still determined to t i ", persecutors ; then, in justice, let the same marble Zik4eeords his fate, record also, that they who raised it to his bitt a ' e ndeavoured by their votes to raise to honour and power "pi :eat Oppressors. it e i t ex ert l lry Elector who loves Peace, Ecaonomy triumphant, and m ß a ef o o: lt m y: t te o e f t uill u o u t n i stf at this crisis to secure, by by h admission of his opponents 44aiiht:he Most dis v' tin u gu i!--e ished and efficient members of the Reform the e N oh ltati on, the Right Hon. C. POULETT THOMSON, is ke a Zerit expectation of , Sh n ,.," ea ter, April 23, 1835. AN HONEST MAN. ..lieZ t Y afte r n i ne o ' c l oc k Mr. Thomson and Mr. Braidley lved - L t he hustings ; the former on coming forward was re -1,l TTII tremendous cheering, but no notice whatever was I;ne t i i °, l kr. Braidley. Among those on the hustings we no , 'olonel Pell Grosvenor, Dr. Bardsley, B. Heywood, 1 1 0 , n ' G e„,orge Handfield, Esq., Colonel Shaw Kennedy, J. 4 V'sq., Mark Phillips, Esq., M.P., Mr. Brotherton, kt;',„,'davard Baxter Esq., and J. T. Foster, Esq. ‘ t tatia - ' 413 BUCKLEY:Esq., Boroughreeve, arrived on the . I ked et r at half-past nine o'clock, and immediately pro- Llife iv ,_ l ° state that the electors had again met to return ( 11 fZr for Parliament. After going through the neces trllttid.", he should then proceed to the nomination of the j:t t i7 t es ; and all that he requested from the Electors was, 'lt 0c., , -- eY 'would carry on the Election as they did on the 1 44 1.1 1; 114 °n, when their conduct was so peaceable, quiet, and 'At " that persons passing through the town, did not know 14 4:,,. 11 e lection was going forward. He was confident the 44 4, °°e d conduct would be followed on the present occa („ Q II II II E I that the Electors would condemn no person unheard. '44 ett s.) b, it a d _ H e saw many persons among the vast concourse ire i, e _assembled, whose presence he was sure would en "nti 1t .. 4 ,e and tranquillity.—( Cheers.) The Precept, the It t/ h r o .." Bribery Act having been read, and the other neces it ,Ws gone through, i.‘'lt ti..°RouonaEays again came forward, and requested itlr.%;goruelseuentors w u o ld uld be give all parties an impartial hearing. proposed by Mr. Hayward, and 11 ,ki detl f , b Y Mr. w G o re g and Mr. Braidley would be proposed e t ' ~,`Tardner and seconded by Mr. Haynes. '4. r. ""`l'wA ' amid great cheers, proposed the Right l 'ots °lll ett Ti l lason as a fit and proper person to serve the ti, h , et or oft tan in Parliament, and addressed the i'24 b 8 as follows:—Gentlemen, it is not more than three ' ll t L 'r a i, s ine I had the pleasure from this place of proposing - vt . t ai xorns:n as a fit and proper person to represent this k t, th, °. in Parliament, and since you placed him triumphantly "op e rad of the poll.—( Cheers.) I was not then without the t.i ''ui l i d 'aat no long time would elapse before Mr. Thomson L l etiCgalli come before you to solicit a renewal of your con- V t .,. - 7( Cheers. ) I rejoice to say that the months agog ;1 1 N o "' l 'ed when the Administration which three months ago, i t t i tt op Ylab'er last, was so abruptly dismissed, has happily been . L l kje fi e fb ci ,to the country.—( Great cheering.) Gentlemen, his N ; 'I ',, i 'i h as beer! pleased to call Mr. Thomson to the high ,I:;:elYtillel34°trittlaelith him office before held, with this additional dis- R 1 -"' Which Mr. Thomg9n's talents and public services so e a seat in the Cabinet.—(Tremendous 41111 ,.aja') It is for you now Gentlemen, to give (Criesct w 1 ' 4 , 11 ,, (1 sFiction to Mr. Thomson's return.— of NI Will. hope and expectations are, that I'l l Will d) My . earnest ow l os 0 co in a manner not only to show Mr. 4, 4 th a ; t he high estimation he is held in among you, 11 - , W h e - " a ,,, w i1l show his Majesty's present Government i,, 1 'a t -"V this vast community welcomes their . re irti . 4 ° Power—( Cheers, which lasted for some minutes)-- s ' e nc l e ! I s Tanner that will show to the country that your con& 41 1- di ti len who throughout their lives, through good and t l / 4 1 ' t el P°rt, have been the steady and consistent friends and ‘ lltl 4;. es of reform , and not in men who are only the re ileeeBs4b of yesterday—( Great cheering)—reformers from l es I,„' - ' - ( Cheers)—reformers, the greater part of whose v - ` 1 : r er , -le ,heen spent in resisting reform.—( Cheers.) I have ''eti e -Il tlY stated to the reasons that led me to the con- At. an that Mr you f le as t o _ • Thomson stands without equal in his ;Ilhav th em you, that I need not repeat the . m.—( Hear.) law b e th em On your own experience. Mr. 1 hompson 1105 a . e thi t : e ls n Your representative twice for more than two years, and t ‘ it tr lt e lt u c e ile sit e l r d . g u ed alon l e by ll his conduct and public services-. upon you on this occasion to bear ~..( N l , l Ini nd i , g a * nd to remember ca what he has done for you— Zind - t i , and cries of " What has he done ?")--and bear also in " h ieli is at Mr. Thomson is now placed in circumstances in th eran -e will have the power of acting more effectually in fur.- ee of those measures of reform so important to the best tly of !e- but !ople worn , u ld Mr. their Tans" istent ,se in ed to had foun d Lnd t Lou:. ri den. ,pt to )gre s' o rted , r e- ni !cool' d ccal thei r , le 1 0 .: Le n or atere a e for o _,' id o'" ,ithol cl i;'do a'jd `to th ° and 'll ) opP°. ~ cclle 0 ) c e 5 : 5 1,11 r o , rigP t to tee elstirio; Prv at' offe r to OPfp va ol. co job yo fe Da i . o u ric e u `' l ln fl u i r e, r isP, 01 ' t oo arty f 01 0 Lbarrietc o ar ,co r i op e as P,, p er ota ' I.lc- O r e, i l l- rs „ it (S 11)1)151 ade ;11d Are - ,eo' tdcl' ,nt• Lo rd o r ;1' f ij a c (1 0 01? s .s, b it; j . dn e titi , is l'e3 d g r. with interests of the country, and promoting those great commercial principles of which he has been so long the able, eloquent, and zealous advocate, and from which no persons have benefitted more than the inhabitants of Manchester.—( Cheering.) . I will not detain you longer, but conclude by proposing Mr. Thomson as the most fit and inproper person to represent this great and important borough Parliament.---( Great cheering.) Mr. GREGG, in coming forward to second the nomination of Mr. Thomson, was rapturously cheered. He said—l am most highly gratified in meeting the electors of Manchester once more under more auspicious circumstances, and a less in clement sky, to exercise the same duty they were called upon to perform a few months ago.--( Cheers.) In saying so, I cannot agree with or approve of that part of our Con stitutional law, which imposes a duty upon every Member taking office under Government, to return to his constituents. —( Cheers.) It gives a means of annoyance, but does not prevent the sending to Parliament of inefficient men.— ( Cheers.) Whether lam right or wrong in that is not, how ever, material to consider. We are met here to select a re presentative, and I trust we shall choose one who will reflect honour upon us.--( Cheers.) lam aware that comparisons are odious ; but as there are but two candidates, it becomes necessary, in some degree, to compare their respective claims. --( Cheers.) In doing this I would avoid, if possible, giving the slightest pain to any individual, and I will endeavour not to do so.—( Cheers.) I know little of Mr. Braidley's quali fications beyond what are contained in his public addresses. Here some little confusion was created in the crowd by an in dividual hoisting a flag representing the Manchester massacre, and underneath the words " Tory misrule." The boroughreeve ordered it to be taken away, but no attention was paid to his order, and it remained in the crowd during the tvhole of the morning. After the confusion had subsided,) Mr. GREGG proceeded.—ln referring to the address of Mr. Braidley, I see in them principles and opinions in many re spects erroneous, and which would be productive of mischief were they carried into practice. One principle pervades them, and that is to catch popularity, and entice your votes.—( Great cheering.) At our last meeting Mr. Braidley laid claim to our gratitude and regard for having settled the Great Man chester Tithe Cause.—( Cheers.) Without at all wishing to detract from Mr. Braidley in that respect, I must say, that I think he should have given praise to others, and not have taken all to himself.—( Cheers.) There was a Committee sitting for five-and-twenty years upon the subject, of which my father and myself were members—( Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh !")—and to the fund my father subscribed upwards of 1,0001., and we, together with the Committee, did more to bring the Wardens and Fellows to reason than any thing that ever Mr. Braidley did.—( Cheers and laughter. ) Now, as to Mr. Thomson, look at his address, and you will see there his opinions on commercial matters, not in a crude and uninformed, but in a sound state—( Cheers)—and he has carried Bills and measures into effect which have done great service to his country, and this town in particular.--( Cheers.) One thing we must admit—whoever is returned to Parliament, in one respect Mr. Thomson will be superior to Mr. Braidley in the power he will have to serve us.—(Cheers.) Strange to say, but I have heard from some electors that the very ad vantage is urged in opposition to his claim.—( Cheers.) I have heard electors say—we like Mr. Thomson, we approve of his principles; but we will not vote for him be cause he is a Minister of the Crown.—( Cheers.) However incomprehensible it may be, such is the fact. Now this ap pears to me to amount to this—l am glad you are anxious to do good, but I am sorry you have the means of doing so. —( Great cheering.) If it is necessary, and who can doubt it, that this town should have its representatives, how much more important is it, that those representatives should have the power of doing good by having a voice in the Cabinet. --(Tremendous cheers.) One objection to Mr. Thomson is, that he voted against the Irish Church Bill ; that is a very important matter, and as I have no doubt Mr. Thomson when he address you, will notice the subject, I will not presume to say any thing further upon it. There is one single fact, however, which I must mention, and not allow it to pass in silence. In my way to town last night I observed the town placarded to this effect—that O'Connell and the Catholic priests were exerting themselves in Mr. Thomson's favour, and calling upon the Churchmen and Dissenters to give their votes against Mr. Thomson for that reason. Now one word upon that score. I know not whether the allega tions made in that placard are true or false, but this I know, that Catholic Priests have as good a right to interfere in elections as Protestant Parsons—( Great cheering)—. and more, that Catholic Priests have as good a right to interfere on the side of reason, justice, ar.d sound legislation, as Protestant parsons on the side of intole rance.—(Tremendous cheering.) In short, they have as good a right to interfere on behalf of Mr. Thomson as the Protestant parsons have to interfere on behalf of Mr. Braid le%.—( Increased cheering.) As to Mr. O'Connell, what is the fact ? Why, it is the intolerance of the High Church party that has raised him to power.—( Renewed cheering.) It is that intolerance that has caused the Irish people to choose so eloquent and able a leader to release them from b,elr7e.—( Loud cheering.) That it was that Lad given Mr. O'Connell what I may call a left-handed power. Are there no means of reducing that power, which I must confess I should wish to see reduced—certainly there is one means, and that is by doing justice to Ireland.—( Great cheering.) If there be one means of securing the safety of the Irish Protestant Church, it is by removing abuses, curtail ing its monopolies, and giving it the sword of justice and the garb of charity.—( Cheers.) The placards call on the Pro testant Dissenters to vote against Mr. Thomson ; lam a Pro testant Dissenter, and I believe the majority of the electors are the same ; and I will say this, that it is dangerous for those who live in glass houses to throw stones.--( Cheers.) The placard says " Beware." I say beware—beware of the Protes tant, not the Catholic Church.--( Hisses and great cheering.) I tell the Protestant Dissenters this—all the insults they have endured, and all the persecutions they have suffered, come from the Protestants.—( Great cheering.) My father's ancestors were driven from their native country by the Protestant Church, as were the ancestors of my mother, in the time of Charles the Second.—( Cheers and laughter.) The electors may laugh, but this I will tell them, that though the power be now dead, the spirit of persecution only slumbers.— ( Cheers.) Not many months ago, the Rector of our parish forbade his curate dining with my father, because he was a Dis senter; and not many days after my father died, he sent to me, saying that if I wished to have a tablet put up in the church to his memory, he must see it before it was erected, as he denied that my father was a Christian.—( Hisses). If I was asked what, sort of representative Manchester should have, I should say this—that it ought to have a man who had some knowledge of business and comprehensive notions of commer cial affairs. The worthy Gentleman concluded by seconding the nomination of Mr. Poulett Thomson. Mr. GARDNER then came forward amid cheers and disap probation to propose Mr. Braidley, and addressed the electors as follows. Gentlemen, I shall say very little to you, and what little I shall say I hope you will hear with patience. I know that you wish to hear the addresses of the candidates, and therefore I will not detain you long. It gives me great plea sure again to propose my much respected friend Benjamin Braidley, Esq. as a proper candidate to represent this borough in Parliament. He is well known to most of you.—( Cries of Yes, too well known, and laughter.) I have no doubt that his ser vices are highly appreciated by every unprejudiced mind. (Oh, oh.) As far as he has been tried as a public man he has given unparalleled satisfaction, and in private life he is both moral and religious. (Cries of " Peterloo," and much confusion, which lasted for some time.) Gen tlemen, if you had not interrupted me I should have concluded before this. I say that Mr. Braidley is not ashamed of avowing his religious principles—( Cries of " He has no shame")—l say that it is of the most vast importance that men who are sent to represent this borough in the Commons House of Parliament should be of high moral as well as religious character. It is very frequently stated, what has a man's mo rals or principles to do with his political line of conduct? I think that it has a great deal ; if it is thought necessary to investigate the character of a servant in a most mi nute manner before you receive them into your house -( Cries of Don't say any more ; we have had enough ; and much confusion)—if that was thought of vital importance, of how much more importance was it to investigate the character of our representives in Parliament. Mr. Braidley has devoted much time and expense for the purpose of giving to the poor a religious and moral• education.—(Cries of " the Holy Alli ance," and "No bribery.") Gentlemen, I consider it of the most vital importance that our Members should be men of high mo ral integrity.—( Here considerable confusion prevailed, and Mr. Gardner finding it impossible to obtain a hearing, con cluded by nominating Mr. Braidley as a fit and proper person to represent this borough in Parliament.) Mr. HAYNES, in seconding the nomination of Mr. Braidley, said—l feel exceedingly indebted to the electors for the kind manner in which they have received the mention of my name. —( Laughter.) I shall occupy very little of your time—l shall merely second the nomination of Mr. Braidley. If I had sufficient power to express my opinions of the qualifications of Mr. Braidley to represent you inParliament, I should be proud to do so. —( Cheers and laughter.) Mr. THOMSON then came forward to address the electors amida the most deafening shouts of applause and clapping of hands, which lasted for shveral minutes. When silence was restored, the Right Hon. Gentleman spoke as follows : Gentlemen, most sincerely do I thank you for the kind recep tion you have gWen me to-day, an earnest I hope of the re sult of the struggle in which it seems we are once more to be engaged.—( Cheers.) As was justly stated but three short months ago, I had the pleasure of appearing before you here, , and of receiving at your hands the highest mark of confidence which you could give to any individual.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Gentlemen, the events of those three months are before you, and it is for myself, no longer your representative, but hoping to become so, to justify any acts of mine in the manner in which I have dis charged the trust reposed in me.—( Great cheering.) Gen tlemen, I listened with attention to what fell from the proposer and seconder of my honourable competitor, in hopes that I might hear some charges brought against me—some reasons adduced why, after the triumphant manner in which the sense of this great constituency had been declared on so recent an occasion—(great cheering)—the confidence which you then re posed was to be withdrawn from me, and grounds adduced why I was unfit again to obtain your suffrages.—( Cheers. ) Gentlemen, it is easier to attack by anonymous placards than it is to bring charges face to face.—(Tremendous cheering. ) It is easier to whisper slander than to bring forward ac cusation.—( Continued cheering.) It is less open to denial, for if charges, had been brought they would have been in stantly answered and shewn to have been false in themselves. Cheers.) Although I have not this day heard those charges repeated, I have seen myself, and those with whom I acted, accused of factious conduct,—(Cheers, and cries frorti Mr. Braidley's friends of—Yes, yes.) Gentlemen, I hear it confirmed—was it faction in the House of Commons to decide that they would' place at the head of their (mit body a Re former known and tried, instead of one oivosed constantly to• THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 28, 1835. Reform ?—(Loud and repeated cheering.) Was it faction in the representatives of the people to say that they were not satisfied with the measures which were indicated by the speech which the Ministers put into the mouth of his Majesty ? ( Continued cheering.) Was it faction in them to declare that they would—that they were determined to address his Majesty to carry out a more efficient measure of reform—( Cheers)--to bring more fully to bear those great principles which they have always considered necessary ?—( Cheers.) Was it faction in them to say that they regretted the unnecessary dissolution of a parliament which was occupied upon important measures, and by which the progress of public business and reform was impeded? —( Cheers.) Was it faction, allow me to ask, to address the King to be pleased to afford to those who differed from the doc trines of the Church of England access to some place where their youth might receive education, when they might start upon equal terms, and that at least if the doors of Oxford and Cambridge were closed upon them by what I shall always con sider bigotry—( Great cheering)—that at least the University of London should have the power of enabling them to obtain those honours and those distinctions which at the other Uni versities, those of the Church of England could ob tain ?—( Great cheering.) Gentlemen, was it faction to in sist upon an enquiry into the conduct of a public officer who was accused, whether justly or not I do not say, for enquiry was all that was asked—was it faction to demand that enquiry before a Committee of the House of Commons should take place as to the coniuet of a public officer, accused of using his influence unjustly, and to the prejudice of the rights of election ?--Cheers.) Last of all, Gentlemen, was it faction to insist that before an attempt, a vain attempt was made, to recover tithe property in Ireland, before a million of the public money was voted without return to be given to the Clergy there—was it faction to insist that the abuses of the Irish Church should be first looked into, and that what was not necessary for the support of the ;Establishment —what was prejudicial to its best interest, what tended to injure and not strengthen should be diverted from purposes that were injurious, and given to the moral and religious education of all classes of his Ma jesty's subjects ?—( Cheers.) If that be faction, Gentlemen, I plead guilty to the charge.—(Tremendous cheering.) But I can confidently appeal to any body of my countrymen, without alarm as to what their verdict would be.—( Cheers. ) The contents of that proposition so far from being factious, improper, or unecclesiastical, was calculated to serve the best interests of the country.—( Cheers.) The small share I took in these subjects I considered as the best ground upon which I had appealed to you with confidence for the future.—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the result of those events has been, that I now stand before you again to solicit your votes.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, my worthy friend who seconded my nomination has told you that he consi dered in principle the re-election of a Minister upon accept ing office as not being according to his views of abstract propriety. On that question I do not now enter, but allow me, with all deference to him, to say that I rejoice greatly in the opportunity—( Great cheering)—which brings me, a ,Minister of the Crown, to ask in the face of my late con stituency—to ask such a body as I see here now, for a re newal of their confidence.—( Great cheering.) Gentlemen, there were times—the times so much lauded by the Gentlemen on my right--those good old times of Tory rule—( Cheers) — those epochs of all our glories—those were times before the passing of the Reform Bill, against which they struggled might and main —(Cheers)—which they declared to be so heaven-born a work, that human ingenuity could never pro duce its equal—those times which constituted so happy an accident that human power never could hope to bring forth anythir ° s like it :—in those happy times a Minister of the Crown did not appear before a large assembly like the present to demand their suffrages—oh, no 1 in those happy times the portals of Gatton and Old Sarum were open to receive the man who took the Seals of Office.— ( Loud and long continued cheers.) In those times there was no need of conciliation, or of that mutual confidence which ought to exist between a constituency andtheir represen tatives.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, I hail, whatever they may do—the passing away of those times—and I rejoice that in the situation in which I am placed, I must appeal to you, and abide by your verdict.—( Cheers.) Give me leave to say that such an appeal and such a necessity is beneficial alike to the representative and the represented.—(Great cheering. ) It is good for the country, it is good for the constituency. Gentlemen, I had hoped then, I say, to have heard upon this occasion grounds adduced why I was to be considered un worthy of your confidence—why the peace of this town was again so soon to be disturbed, or why like Nottingham, Cam bridge, and Edinburgh, places in which I am sure the reform spirit does exist—why we alone were to find ourselves to be disturbed by an election. I had hoped from what had been stated—l have heard indeed nothing stated but vague charges with respect to my acts, and to them I have replied; but I have heard of anticipations with respect to the future, and to those I shall now come. I am accused, gentlemen, of intending to subvert religion, to attack the Establishment as an enemy to the Church, and I am stated to be a friend to confusion and the opponent of order.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, was it confusion to give you the repeal of the Test and Cor poration Acts, against which these self-named friends of order were always opposed 1— Was it confusion to give justice, as far as it regarded their civil rights, to seven millions of our countrymen in Ireland?—( Cheers.) The friends of order always opposed that. Was it confusion to give the great charter of your liberties, the Reform Bill? The friends of order were opposed to that. Was it confusion, gentlemen, to give two Members to Manchester? The friends of order opposed the Reform Bill. Was it confusion, gentlemen, to emancipate from the degrading bonds of slavery 800,000 of our fellow crea tures ? What said the friends of order to that ?—( Great cheering.) Was it confusion to give freedom to our trade with China ? What say the friends of order ?—( Cheers and laughter.) So much for the past. Will it be confusion to do away with the abuses which exist in that most rotten of all rotten systems, the Corporations ? Will it be confusion to endeavour —and this brings me to the most important part—will it be confusion to endeavour to restore peace to Ireland, to give at one and the same time stability, and a proper, perfect, and safe provision for all the wants of the Church, but at the same time to take care that abuses are eradicated, and the surplus divided for the moral and religious purpose of educating the people ?—( Great cheering.) Upon that question a few words. —Gentlemen, I don't know whether the Gentlemen on my right were not very strong opponents of a system of education which was introduced into Ireland by the Noble Lord your neighbour, ( Lord Stanley) which set aside the particular disputed points of creed, and satisfied itself and the people by giving general religious and moral education. I believe that they were, and if they were they were so in connection with many of their party ; and yet strange to say that party in Par liament within the last three months, the most strenuous oppo nents of that system, actually themselves proposed a larger vote of the money of the people to that very system, declaring their approval of it. ( Cheers.) I say this gentlemen, because I am anxious to draw your attention to the object which we have in view, with reference to the surplus of which you have heard, because I know that gross misrepresentations have been made on the subject. Then, Gentlemen, having explained to you what is the system of education which we propose, that which was opposed by many has been now advocated by them, I will tell you how we propose, and what we propose to appro priate. We propose to leave to the Church of Ireland all that is justly wanting, wherever Protestants are to be found.— ( Cheers.) We mean that the wants—the religious wants— of the Protestant population should be amply provided for, as well in the services of religion, as well as for the instruction that is required. I am myself a sincere mem ber of the Church of England, but that does not make me blind to its abuses—(great cheering) ; but when the state of the Irish Church is exposed to public view, I am satisfied that there is no man in existence, unless bigoted to an unheard-of degree, who will contend for the maintenance of the system in its present state, when we find whole parishes in Ireland with. out a single Protestant in it. When we find numbers of parishes where there are only 10 or 15 Protestants—when we find in numbers of parishes no places of worship, where the existence of the Church is only known by the circumstance of the tithe proctor coming round to collect the tithes—( Cheers) will ask, gentlemen, any man, whether it is for the benefit or the advancement of religion to have it heard that such things should be suffered to exist 2—( Great cheering.) Well, then, gentlemen, we ask this question—we propose, instead of promoting this sinecure incumbency —these clergymen without souls to cure—whether it is not more in accordance with those sacred truths which we have been taught in the sacred volume, to endeavour to diffuse moral and religious education among the people of the country—moral and religious, for the system itself renders necessary religious instruction—it teaches men the great principle of peace and good will, and to love their neighbours as themselves.—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, in entering upon this we are discussing a great principle ; but there still remains something yet quite as much of importance, namely, that the property about which you are disputing has bean for years in jeopardy. Every attempt has been made to recover it—each attempt has only made matters worse. Every attempt to enforce it bylaw, by military power, by foot soldiers and dragoons--every attempt made to recover that property has hitherto failed, and the only hope we have, a hope which we are assured, and I myself believe, may be converted into a certainty, is to show the people of Ireland that that property will be turned for their general benefit, and that they have no interest in allowing it to be converted merely to the purposes of those who receive the payments, in order to put it in their own pockets.—( Cheers.) Why this, Gentlemen, has been openly avowed by the very men to whom we were opposed in Parliament, and under whose banners the Gentlemen on my right fought.--( Cheers. ) They told them it was impossible to conciliate any longer ; that you could not recover tithe by military force ; that you cannot continue this harassing system of warfare ; your troops are unequal to it—the feelings of England revolt against you—we threw out your Bill last year in the House of Lords, which would or might have set tled the question—we were obliged to introduce it again ourselves—we have suffered grievous loss—the coun try has received serious injury, but still we were mistaken, and are bound to own our mistake. I say, then, unless you are prepared for a continuance of those scenes—unless you will have no more Rathcoi macs—you must adopt some mea sures that will secure the property ; and no measure can be adopted for that purpose, without introducing the principle to give what is not needed for the education of the people.— ( Cheers.) This is so important a question, that I have thought it right to detain you for perhaps too long a period.--( Cries of " No, no," and " Co on.") But now, Gentleinen, permit, me for a moment longer to ask you to consider a little the grounds upon which I stand, and the grounds upon which we are opposed. I make no promises —I give no pledges— I appeal to the c;rcumstances of the past, and tell you, that unless I have been convinced that the great principles upon which, during my political life, I have acted, were to be car ried out by those with whom I am associated, that I would not .now have been standing upon these hustings. I tell you, that I would not have been here, unless I th o ught we would forward the great measure of civil and religious • liberty—( Great cheering)-1-that we could give to the country that Municipal Reform which the Tories refused to admit in the Speech of his Majesty.—(Cheers.) What do I hear urged on the other side? They call themselves Conservatives, and not Tories. Upon one or two measures we are considered to be popular—clap-traps are held out for the purpose of catching a few stray votes. I see by the placards that the Malt Tax is put forward. Will any man be deluded by that? I think myself that the country rings from one end to the other with the Tory watchword of the repeal of the Malt Tax. What was the conduct of those Gentlemen in Parliament, those who pledged themselves to support its re peal ? Why, they pertinaciously voted with the ministry, and threw to the winds the promises to their constituents. Some as claptraps use the Poor Law Bill, though we know full well that that Bill received the support of the Tories, and the late Tory Government. Gentlemen, lam satisfied that no man to whom I am addressing myself, will allow himself to be deluded by any such attempts. I know there are many now below me who may differ from me in shades of political princi ple ; I allude not, therefore, to the Tories; they do indeed differ from me ; but I allude to those who have entertained more extreme opinions of what are called the Li beral candidates than myself; and it is in attempts to recon cile the two extremes that these claptraps are put forth. By a small quantity of sugar, plunged into a glass of vinegar, they hope to induce them to add to their numbers. I be lieve that the electors of Manchester will not be deluded, but be that as it may, I will truckle to no man, and to no set of opinions, to obtain a single vote. I will pursue my own honest course.—(Hear, hear.) I will offer you the past as a pledge, and I will offer you my principle as a guarantee for the. future.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have now done. I beg you will excuse me for having detained you so long ; your kindness and attention I regard as the surest pledge of the success which must attend our efforts. I rejoice to think, that now you have submitted to the inconvenience and an noyance of an election, that there should be every appearance of its being carried on in peace and good-will.—( Cheers.) I ask your exertions, not for myself only, but for the sake of the common principle which actuates us. If you should return me, I shall be proud of the high honour you will confer, but I shall be much more proud of the moral it will show from one end of the country to the other, in the strength that;it will give to the cause of Reform.--( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then withdrew amidst very loud cheering. Mr. ROE then came forward to put several questions to the Right Hon. Gentleman. The noise and confusion that took place at this moment is impossible to describe ; silence having been in some measure obtained, Mr. Roe asked if the Right , Hon. Gentleman approved of the Vestry Act, and if he in tended to bring forward any measures for its alteration. Mr. P. THOMSON said, that if any Gentleman would bring forward a Bill upon the subject, he would think what was best to be done. Mr. ROE—Do you approve of the clause in the Poor Law Amendment Bill which deprives tenants of five votes ? Mr. P. THosisorr replied that the same answer he had given to the previous question he gate to that. Mr. ROE—Do you approve of Members of the House of Peers voting by proxy ? Mr. P. THOMSON—If a Bill is brought in upon the subject, I shall be willing to declare the opinions I entertain. What the worthy elector asks is in the nature of a pledge. Mr. ROE—Are you favqurable to the Bastardy clause in the Poor Law Act? Mr. THOMSON-4 think the Bastardy Law, as it originally stood, was a disgrace to any Legislature, and I therefore ap prove of its alteration. Of the principle of the Poor Law Bill I approve. I believe it has done great good; but if it is found that amendments are necessary, I shall bekappy to consider those amendments.—( Cheers.) Mr. Roa—Will you vote for the repeal of the practice of flogging in the Navy. Mr. P. TIIOMSON—I am most anxious to introduce a mea sure which will do away with the necessity of that punishment altogether.--( Cheers.) Mr. ROE—Will you vote for a Bill to shorten the hours of labour in the cotton factories ? Mr. Tuomsorz—l have given great attention to the sub ject of the Factory Bill. lam anxious to consult the inte rests of both master and children. I will give the best con sideration I can to the Bill in order to its amendment if ne cessary.--( Cheers.) Mr. ROE-Will you vote for shortening Parliaments, and the vote by ballot? Mr. TnomsoN--I have always been favourable to the intro duction of the ballot. I shall, however, give no pledge, but be guided by the circumstances of the times. Mr. go r.--Do you approve of the continuance of the duty on malt? Mr. THOMSON—If the worthy elector will favour me with the means of supplying its place, I shall be happy to get rid of that and other taxes.--(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. ROE—Do you approve of keeping three Colonels to every regiment, and three Admirals to each ship of the line? (Laughter.) , Mr. TuomsoN—Every exertion in my power shall be made :o promote economy in all the offices of the State. Mr. Rog—Will you vote for the immediate repeal of the Irish Coercion Bill? Mr. Tnomsow--It is only for a year. Mr. Ras—Will you oppose its re-enactment then ? Mr. TnomsoN—l shall give no pledge, but I am anxious to do full justice to Ireland, and I hope by doing so to put the country in such a state as to render such an act totally unne cessary, and to bring peace and happiness once more to that unhappy land. —( Cheers. ) Mr. ROE—That is a sort of doctrine of fear, and then love. —( Laughter.) Why did you vote against the enquiry into the Manchester massacre ? Mr. THostsoN.--I tell the worthy elector, much as I de plore those unhappy events, I think it better for the comfort and happiness of the people, not to rake up scenes that took place 16 or 17 years ago.—( Cheers. ) Mr. ROE—Why did you vote against Mr. Attwood's motion for an enquiry into the distress of the labouring classes? Mr. THOMSON—Because I thought the enquiry would do no earthly good, and might be attended with mischief. Mr. Rou—Why did you Tote against Mr. Robinson's mo tion for a revision of taxation ? Mr. Tim:moll—Because I thought that my Noble Friend Lord Spencer, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer, was a much better judge of what taxes ought to be taken off than Mr. Robinson.—( Cheers.) Mr. ROE—Why did you vote against the Marquis of Chandos' motion with respect to the agricultural interest? Mr. THOMSON—Because I thought the motion would be attended with no good whatever. The Government were in clined to consider the whole state of the country, and they did not see that the agricultural interest ought to have an advan tage over the commercial.—( Cheers.) Mr. Ros—Why did you vote for a clause in the Reform Bill which deprived persons of voting, because they had re moved from one house to another, even if it was the next door. Mr. THOMSON—That is one of the minor details of the Re form Bill which requires alteration. Mr. ROE—Will you move the introduction of a clause to remedy that defect ? Mr. THOMSON-4 will give no pledge upon the subject. Mr. ROE—Will you vote for the continuance of that most infamous system, the impressment of seamen ? Mr. TuomsoN—No man is more anxious than myself to get rid of what I consider a blot on the marine laws of Eng land. —( Cheers.) Mr. ROE—Why did you vote for disfranchising the poor voters of Liverpool and Warwick ? There's a rub for you— what do you think of that ? Mr. THOMSON—SO far from regretting that vote, I only re gret that the measure failed. Mr. ROE—Will you vote for the removal of the Bishops from the House of Lords ? Mr. THOMSON—I will give no pledge. Mr. Ros—Will you vote for the separation of the Church from the State ? Mr. TmomsoN—l will give no pledge. My opinion is very strong that it would be unwise to separate them. Mr. ROE—Do you approve of Government employing spies? Mr. TuomsoN—l do not approve of Government employing spies ; nor do I approve of clerical spies at elections.—( Great laught6r, and tremendous cheering. Mr. ROE—Do y o u a pp rove o f the sentence on the Dor chester labourers ? Mr. THOMSON—I lament that through ignorance of the law men should be punished ; but ignorance of the existence of a law is no excuse ; if it was there would be an end of society altogether. Air. Ron—Will you support Mr. Wakley's motion for the remission of the sentence on those men. Mr. THOMSON—When the motion is submitted to the House, then will be the time to give my o pi n i on . Mr. RAE—Will you endeavour to reduce the army ? Mr. TuomsoN—l shall do all in my power to promote economy. Mr. - Ros--Will you vote for the repeal of all unmerited pensions?.__(" What do you think of that ?") Mr. TuomsoN—Again ' I repeat, I will do all I can to promote e conomy. An Act has passed, declaring that in fu ture no pension shall be given except for public services con ferred upon the nation. Mr. Rox--Will you vote for the repeal of the tax on news papers ? Mr. THOMSON-1 will give no pledge ; I have already de clared my opinion that if the claims of the country could dis pense with that tax, it ought to be repealed. Mr. RoE—On what ground do you maintain that the enor mous expense keeping up the metropolitan police should be continued ? Mr. THOMSON—An Act of Parliament has decided that such should be the case. Mr. RoE--In your proposed Corporation Bill, will you ap prove of Aldermen being Aldermen for life, or for a certain period ? Mr. Triolisox—ln the Corporation Bill, it will be my object to pursue that course most to the satisfaction of the people. Mr. ROE asked the Right Hon. Gentlernanmany other ques tions, but the noise and confusion preventedus from hearing question or answer. Mr. THOMSON then said—Now Mr. Roe I have answered you a great number of questions, and I am sure that in can dour you will not have any objection to answer me one. Who do you mean to vote for ?—( Roars of laughter.) Mr. ROE came forward to speak, but in consequence of the uproar it was impossible for him to gain a hearing; at last, amidst most discordant sounds, he stated that hd had examined the pretensions of both candidates strictly, and he could see little or no difference between them ; one came forward in a bold manner—and said I will have your money, and the other talked a good deal about liberality, and all that, but the effect was the same, for the electors' pockets were emptied ; he had, therefore determined upon voting for neither. Mr. ROE having concluded his questions, Mr. DIXON came forward and said he had some questions to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman. Did you not say that Mr. Braidley 's professions about the malt tax were claptraps ? Mr. TIIOMSON—God forbid that I should accuse any gen tleman of making claptraps. I did not accuse Mr. Braidley of it, and only said that the placard was a claptrap. I have no doubt that if Mr. Braidley says he will vote for a repeal of the Malt Tax that he will do so ; but I say that pledges can have no particular effect with regard to the repeal of the Malt Tax. This question seemed to give ♦ery great dissatisfaction to an immense crowd that had assembled. Mr. Dixox—Will you, either in place or out of place, move for an enquiry into the Manchester massacre ? Mr. THOMSON—I have already answered that question. Mr. DIXON—WiII you vote for any measure that will pre. vent me or any other person, when you come back again, from catechising you as we have done to-day? Mr. THOMSON, with the greatest good humour—l have no objection in being chatechised, if Gentlemen feel any satis faction in doing so.. Mr. DixoNLlWill you vote for a Bill to prevent Members of Parliament from vacating their seats, when they accept office. Mr. THOMSON—I shall give no pledge. Mr. DixoN—Will you vote to amend the Reform Bill, so that it will have the effect of taking the franchise from the poor ? Mr. THosssoN—l will give no pledge, but if any person will shew me any amendment that is advisable it shall have my attention. Mr. DIXON—WiII you vote for the extension of the suffrage to householders ? Mr. THOMSON—To that I shall return the same answer. Mr. DIXON asked some other questions, but they were of no particular import. Mr. BRAIDLEY then came forward to address the electors. He was very warmly received, but not in so enthusiastic a manner as his, Right Hon. opponent. He commenced by saying—My friends and townsmen, I perceive it is the case at this election as it was at the last, that a great number of persons are here with a view to prevent my being heard— ( Cheers, and cries of " No, no")—and if you give me reason to think that there is a sufficient number who are in fluenced by that feeling, I have sufficient knowledge of my own indepence to withdraw and not address you.—( Cheers, and cries of "No don't" and " Do.") I have no personal reason either to court the applause, or fear the frown of any man, and neither that, frown, nor that applause, shall tempt me to swerve from the path that I consider to be consistent with my duty. lam sensible of the disadvantages under which I labour in presenting myself at this late period of the meeting, and labouring, as I do, under a severe cold, I shall not de tain you long if you choose to give me a patient hearing.— (Great uproar, and cries of " Oh, oh 1") I was told, in one of the periodical papers last week, that I had come forward on this occasion without being invited. I deny that assertion ; for the same parties who gave me the invitation at the previous election, invited me to this. But whether it is so or not is a matter of little consequence, for I have as perfect a right to pre sent myself here in the situation Ido as any other person. An allusion has been made to part of what I stated at the last election in reference to the Manchester tithe question, and the worthy Gentleman who mentioned it, stated that I had taken more credit to myself than I deserved. I remember perfectly well what passed, and I will now take this oppor tunity of mentioning it, that although Mr. John Walker was one of the Committee, I never heard either of Mr, Gregg or his father having taken any part in the settlement of that question. Now, with respect to these rat traps or clap traps, as they are called in a certain placard which bears the signature of " An Honest Man"—Whether truly or not, I don't know, it is stated that in my address I had brought forward certain topics with a view of catching votes. —( Great cheering.) I was sorry to hear my Right Ho nourable opponent allude to them in the manner he did. I do not know whether he was referring to those matters in my public life to which he had been a witness, but he told you that some persons had said they would vote for a repeal of the Malt Tax, and did not, and that on his own side men could be found who one day voted for the repeal, and then against it.—( Loud cheering.) Judging me by that stan dard, he asserted that I meant to follow the same course : now I tell you plainly that I will not. The per son who wrote this paper says, " the Tories, however, under the precedency of Mr. Thomas H ar d ma n, f Pitt Club and Peterloo notoriety,"—this is false, for he is not the president of any committee, or had any thing to do with Peterloo,—" for getting their clamour against those who factiously opposed the King's choice of Tory Ministers are endeavouring to deprive the great trading community of the eminent services of the Mi nister of Trade, because he happens also to be the tried friend of freedom and good government, they have found a willing instrument of this absurd design in Mr. Braidley."— ( Cries of " True,") This honest man acts dishonestly, for he totally misrepresents my motives and feelings.—( Cheers.) I never have been, nor will be the instrument of any man. It is no part of my political conduct. In that conduct any course that I may choose to follow, I shall consult my own sense and judgment, and not be dictated to by any one. The placard then goes on to say that this " Mr. Braidley is an ignorant, uneducated bigot." I suppose he measured me by his own standard, " holding narrow and exploded opinions on questions of trade, occupying an insignifi cant station in *ciety," and then he states what he thought the great advantages of the Whig Ministry and the Reform Bill ; but you see 'his aristocratic feelings can be hidden under another name. He then goes on to say that I ordered a Catholic Priest into custody.—( Much confusion, and cries of " Tell us what you are going to do and don't keep us all day.) That was false, I never did order into custody a Catholic Priest ; then he goes on to say that for electioneering purposes, I attended, and took the Chair at a Methodist meeting ; it would be a wonder indeed if any man could take part in a public meeting for charity without some political motives—(hear, hear), — and I suppose they thought that the Methodists themselves had so little feelings of charity as to ask me to preside, knowing that I should do so for political purposes.--( Hear, hear.) I shall never be such a man. I shall always act on my own principles, and be dictated to by none.—( Cheers.) This same writer goes on to call me to account because I should vote for the repeal of the malt tax. I said though I gave no pledge, that I thought the malt tax ought to be repealed—(Hear)—and if the Minister of the Crown turned round on me and said that he could not spare the money, I would tell him that I was ready to vote for a less objectionable tax—and I think it is very likely if be laid on a property tax that he would have my support.—( Great cheering.) . The Hon. Gentleman then went on to say, that with respect to the Poor Law Bill, it would be a difficult matter to amend it ; the best way would be to repeal it altogether.—( No, no 1) With respect to the accusation of his pandering to their pas sions for electioneering purposes, he denied that alto gether.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") He would be the advocate for the abolition of the disgraceful practice of flogging in the army. In conclusion he said he should be happy to answer any questions that any elector might put, and in doing so he would assure them that he would not ask in return for whom they intended to vote.—( Cheering, and par tial hisses.) Mr. PRENTICR then put several questions to Mr. Braidley with respect to his conduct to Mr. Kaye, a Roman Catholic Minister, and the Placards. Also with respect to the appro priation of the surplus of the Irish Church, to which Mr. Braidley said he would not consent. He would, however, consent to a Bishop for Manchester ; and he also approved of Mr. Sturges Bourne's Acts. The Boroughreeve then put the question for a show of hands, when, a forest of hands and hats was raised for Mr. Thomson, and but very few for Mr. Braidley. The Returning Officer then declared the show of hands in favour of Mr. Thomson. A poll was then demanded for Mr. Braidley, which the Re turning Officer appointed to commence to-morrow (this) morn ing, at eight o'clock, and to be concluded at four o'clock to morrow. The vast multitude then quietly separated. We cannot conclude without returning our thanks to the Returning Officer, and the authorities generally, for the ex cellent accommodation afforded to the Press. The Duke and Duchess of St. Alban's have taken Sir George Seymour's seat, Norris Castle, in the Isle of Wight, for six months. The Marquis of Anglesea and the Ladies are daily expected, they having left Munich. Uxbridge House, Bur-. lington-gardens, is now quite ready for \ the reception of the family. Henry Parnell, Esq., second son of Sir Henry Par nell, Bart., is shortly to be married to Miss Bligh, the only child of the Hon. William and the late Lady Sophia Bligh. NAPLES, APRIL 4.—On the 2d, in the evening, there was another explosion of Vesuvius. The shocks were so violent that the five craters vanished, and all were united into one frightful abyss. Immense masses of rock were pro jected to a vast height, and fell like a tremendous shower on the sides of the mountain. At Torre Obel Greas and the environs great fears were entertained ; but the explosions were of short duration, and at one o'clock in the morning the mountain was quiet. RAGGETT S JUNIOR UNITED SERVICE CLUB.— This building has at length opened at the corner of Bennett: street, St. James's, and the taste no less than the liberality displayed in the:decorations does infinite credit to the venerable caterer for aristocratic enjoyment. We understand that no less than 4,000/. has been expended in the carving and gilding alone, and enormous as the sum is we give full credit to the assertion. Yesterday afternoon, at three o'clock, an inquisition was taken before Mr. Stirling, the coroner, and a jury assem bled at the Buffalo's-head, New-road, Marylebone, touching the death of a new-born female infant, whose body was found thrown on a heap or - rubbish in the yard of the Catholic cha pel now building in St. John's-wood-road, Lisson-grove.— John Phillips, police constable, No. 182, of the S division, stated that about half-past five o'clock on Saturday morning, while on duty, he observed a dog shaking a black bundle about in the chapel yard. The dog appeared to be eager to get at the contents, and witness suspecting that there was something particular about the occurrence, beat the animal off, and on opening the bundle, found it to contain the body of a new-born female child. The body was first wrapped in a piece of black silk, then a piece of coarse linen cloth, quite wet, and over that a piece of black stuff. The body was afterwards removed to Marylebone workhouse. John James Day, house-surgeon of Marylebone infirmary, stated that he had examined the body of the deceased child : the umbilical cord had not been tied, which was of itself sufficient to cause death ; there were no marks of violence about the body ; the appearance of the child was healthy, and it had come to its full time. Witness could not take upon himself to say whether it was horn alive or not. The jury returned a ver dict—" That the deceased child was found indecently and brutally exposed, but that whether it was born alive or not they had no evidence to prove." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Sir Edward Knatehbull, who still does the duty of Paymaster of the Forces, must have been somewhat asto nished to find in the Tory organ (the Times of Saturday last) that the blunder of one of his clerks had nearly occa sioned a national bankruptcy. " Three bills," said the - Times, " drawn from abroad on the Treasury in Downing-street, and duly accepted, were pre sented this (Friday) morning at the Bank, and refused pay ment, the answer of the clerk to the party presenting them being 'No effects.' In a few minutes noti c e wa s sent to the owner of the bills, that if again presented they would be paid, which was done in the course of the afternoon. This is all that has transpired on the subject ; but much conjecture has naturally been exercised on so remarkable an event as a stoppage of payment on the part of the Government, which is, according to mercantile usage, the true character of the affair." And then the Times reads a lecture to the Reformers on the evils of faction. See the danger of a factious op position to Government! What a narrow escape we h ave had ! It happens, however, that the " factious opposition"' had nothing to do with the affair. The ground of the delay of the Bank was altogether technical. The Paymaster of the Forces, on whom the bills were drawn, had actually a large balance at the Bank ; but he keeps two accounts there ; one on which the balance is large, and another on which there was also supposed to be a larger balance than actually proved to be the case, from a blunder of a clerk in the Paymaster's Office. The bills had reference to the account in which the the error was committed, but the mistake was immediately rectified. The state of the Sup plies voted by Parliament had nothing to do with the mat ter. The eagerness with which so trifling a circumstance has been laid hold of, is the only thing remarkable in the whole affair. We refer our readers to our City article for more ample details respecting this business. They will see that the Bank is expressly prohibited by Act of Parliament, under a penalty, from transferring from one account to an other any portion of the money held for the public service, or even to advance a single shilling beyond the balance to the order of the particular account drawn upon.—Morning Chronicle. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. The continuation of the easterly wind prevents us from arrivals this morning. We have only a French mail, with the Express from Paris, which are of little importance. The accounts from Madrid are not later than we had by the last arrival, but the French Papers received this morning state, from the above capital, that the Bank of St. Ferdinand did not answer its purposes, and a new Bank was going to be established on the principle of that at Brussels and Rome, under the direction of Rothschild's house, and its paper to be negoc iated at Paris and at London, and that Count Poreno had promised to it the protection of the Spanish Government. The troops which left Madrid with such haste did not pro ceed to Toledo, but went to Aranguez, where the Carlists had entered, being well received by the Monks of the Convent; but soon after were driven out by the militia and the troops, who murdered the monks, with the exception of those who made their escape. THE FUNDS. During the whole of yesterday, both the British and Foreign Markets were very heavy, but more particularly the latter, caused by the mania which has prevailed for some time past for speculating in South American Stocks. For instance, Co lombian Stock, which had reached a few days since 55k, re ceded yesterday to 46. Other South American Securities are also in a fair way of experiencing a similar fate. Spanish Bonds and Spanish Scrip also receded, but Portuguese Stock continued firm, and maintained their prices. Northern Stocks are steady. Coinsols, which left off heavy yesterday at 92i- I for money, and 92i I for the Account, opened this morning at 92i f for Account. Exchequer Bills, 35 36 ; India Bonds, 17 19; Bank Stock, 2171 218. The following are the opening prices of the foreign stocks this morning : —Spanish Stock, 70 to I f ; Spanish Scrip, 10 to i ; Portuguese, 99a ; Columbian, 47 to I. The express from Paris being of Sunday's date, we have no prices of the funds, but at Tortoni's they were done at 3 per Cents. 82 25. HALF-PAST ONE. The funds continue heavy, but more especially the Foreign Securities, owing to a prevailing opinion that the negociations with Don Carlos, for his leaving Spain, will not succeed. In deed a gentleman who has just arrived from the Peninsula gives it as his opinion, that if General Valdez does not strike a decisive blow soon, Zumalacarreguy will be in the course of the suminer at Madrid. There appears to be a great anxiety felt amongst the Spanish bondholders to receive some information respecting the operations of the above General, in consequence of which the Spanish Stocks are rather heavy. The speculations in South American Stocks have, as we stated, turned out to be a very dangerous concern, and those who have purchased in them now begin to find out that their capitals are in jeopardy. The Pertuguese Stocks maintain their prices. Consols have continued during the morning at 921 for the Account ; little doing. Exchequer Bills 35 36 ; India Bonds 19 ; Bank Stock 218. In the Foreign Market Columbian Stock receded to 44; a re-action took place, and it is now 46k. Spanish Bonds, 70 to ; Spanish Scrip, 14 prem. ; Portuguese, 99. 1 100 ; Dutch, 2- per Cents., 57k. Money is in demand for the Foreign Market, owing to its being settling-day to-morrow in the Foreign Funds. THREE O'CLOCK. Comb, for the Account, 02 THE FUNDS —C] BRITISH Bank Stock 2lB 3 per Cent. Red 91% 3 per Cent. Cons 9 2 54 '3 per Cent. 3% per Cent. Red com, New 3% per Cent 100% 4 per Cent. Assented Dissented Long Annuities to expire Jad 1560 l6 15-16 Oct. 1859 Jan. 1860 OREIGI, ,OSING PRICES. FUNDS. India Stock 260% Ditto Bonde l9 pm. South Sea Stock Ditto Old Annuities Ditto New Annuities Ex. Bills, 10' 0/. Ditto 5001 16 pm. Ditto WI/ 36 pm. Bank Stock for Opg. India Stock lor Act. Consols for Act. Austrian, 5 per cent Belgian, 5 per cent Brxzilian Bonds Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent — Chilian, 6 per cent 53!4 Columbian, 6 per cent. 42 Ditto, 1824 49 Danish — Greek. Bonds, 1325.5 per cent — Mexican, 5 per cent., 182.5 3334 Ditto, 1825, 6 per rent 48% Peruvian, 6 per cent k UNDS. Portuguese Bonds, 5 per cent. Ditto, New Ditto lOO Prussian. 5 per cent. — Russian Bonds, 5 per cent. Ditto, Metallic Spanish, 5 per cent 7l Ditto, 1b.14 69g, French, 5 per cent —l. —c. Exchange French, 3 per cent. —f. —e Dutch, 1: 1 percent. 57% Ditto, 5 per cent .101 n FRENCH PLAYS. —= OLYMPIC.--There were three highly-diverting pieces last night. La Anne, Pauline, and La Fille mal Gardee. Mademoiselle Jenny Vertpre, played in the two last mentioned with judgment, vivacity, and delightful archness. She was the original Pauline, and the success of this piece on its first appearance must have been in a great measure, if not entirely, owing to her exquisite acting. It is unnecessary now to go into any examination of the merits or defects of these vaudevilles, and the acting of Mademoiselle Vertpre is already known and appreciated as it deserves by that part of the public who have visited the Lyceum during the performances of the French company. The house was well attended, and the audience seemed highly pleased. FRACAS AT THE SURREY THEATRE.—(FrOM a Morning Paper. ) At four o'clock yesterday a notice was posted at the doors of this theatre, intimating that in consequence of Mr. Reeve's " absence," Mr. W. Smith would 'sustain the part intended for him in a new drama called The Skeleton Witness, and Mr. Honner Mr. Reeve's part in The Nun. At the commencement of the piece Mr. Davidge was loudly called for, to account for Mr. Reeve's absence ; the audience evincing a determination not to suffer the performance to proceed until this was satisfactorily explained. Mr. Davidge appeared, and said the fault rested not with him. Mr. Reeve had read the part and rehearsed it on Saturday, but at twelve o'clock on Monday had informed the acting manager that he (Mr. Reeve) did not know a line of it, and would not come. ( Here Mr. Davidge was interrupted by cries from the gallery of " He's—," and several allusions were made to Mr. R.'s deportment during the previous week.) Mr. Davidge replied, " Over Mr. Reeve's conduct he had no con trol ; if the public suffered themselves to be insulted by a performer, they forgot what was due to themselves. I have only to say, lest it should be imagined that Mr. Reeve's ta lent is inadequately rewarded at this theatre, that his salary is 301. per week.—( Loud cries of shame, shame I') Whilst you," continued Mr. Davidge " are anxious to see Mr. Reeve, I am willing to retain him at that sum ; but when he, without any cause assigned, absents himself, I have no alternative but stating the facts, and begging your indul gence for Mr. Smith who has undertaken the part at about four hour's notice." This address was received with marked applause, and some expressions respecting the absentee were uttered that we shall not give currency to,—the drama then commenced. RO UGE-E T-NO I n.—A subscriber calls our attention to the prevalence of low gambling-houses, inclosing a card of invitation which was given to him in the public streets by a fellow feigning a foreign accent. The existence of such dens of infamy is a fact but too well known. Does it not occur to our correspondent that the notice taken of them in a newspa per may act prejudiciously on the interests of the public, by giving to the miscreants all the advantage of an advertisement. It has been suspected, and not without reason, that some of the Sunday papers which devote their columns to the " Hells" have a direct interest in doing so ; and that the keepers of the one, and the proprietors of the other, in some instances, are all one firm. Another Correspondent,-writing on the same subject, suggests the expediency of laying a tax on all gam bling-houses. To this scheme we are decidedly adverse. A tax of this kind would be equivalent to a recognition of the legality of gambling, and the injury thus inflicted on the morals of the people would, we think, far outweigh any gain to the Exchequer. Perhaps the parochial authorities would be the most efficient agents that could be employed for the suppression of gambling-houses, if the costs of prosecution did not come out, of the pockets of the particular parish in which they may be situated. When a parish proceeds against gambling-house-keepers, the advantage sought is not parochial but national, and the costs should perhlips be paid out of the national funds. For the cure of the evil in question, as well as of many others to which the arm of the Legislature is so continually called, we can depend less on laws than on the growth of improved habits of thinking and acting amongst the great body of the people. Public opinion is in some cases the safest corrective of social evil. y as he ye im uli- 'ere ley, tour ople !ssel o be ;heir pre- le of Lrlia ct of L e ied coo-. r° th s j i y diate' roug b ' 0, an a woLd