The Sun. — London, England, 1835-06-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 3, 1835, of the election did not speak the opinions and principles of the inhabitants of Devon—that it did not speak the real opi nions of the people—but that it spoke only the influence exercised over the people by Tory Magistrates, Tory land lords, and a Tory Clergy.—( Hear, hear.) If this were the fact all he (Lord Stanley) wanted to know was, how all those people had been so changed since the previous elec tion. There were at the last election the same landlords, the same clergy, tke same Magistrates that there had been at the election that had taken place only a year before.— (Cries of " No, no, no" from the Opposition benches.) Did Gentlemen cry " No, no ?" What, then, in the interval had there been such great transfers of landed property in the county of Devon ?—( Cheers.) He believed that there had been at both elections the same clergy, the same incumbents of the same livings—the same persons in the Commission of the peace—and the same landlords, holding the same pro perties. Surely the different results of the two elections must have been occasioned by some change in the conduct, some alteration of policy in his Noble Friend—(Hear, hear) —for the clergy landlords and magistrates possessed no more influence at the last election than they had done at the pre ceding election. He (Lord Stanley) would throw overboard all that had been said about the Ballot being un-English, and he would consider' the question in its consistency and re lation to the practice and spirit of the Constitution, and to the Reform Bill of Lord Grey, who, in discussing that Bill, had laid down the principle that wealth and landed property should have, and ought to have their due influence.—( Hear.) In elections the elec tors doubly represent the non-electors as well as themselves, and the Constituency as well as the Member returned have equal and ascertained duties, and he as a Re presentative had as much right to know who his Constituency were, and whether they approved or disapproved of his con duct, as they had a right to know of him what his conduct had been in that House. He thought it not only a trust but a duty—he considered it not only a privilege but a duty ; and that it was essential to him as a public man to point out to the country and the people those electors who had changed their opinions, whether from private, public, or other motives. He claimed a right to that publicity as a Member of Parliament, as well as his constituency did to know his public conduct, and how he had represented them and the country at large.— (Hear, hear.) He had never disguised those views of the question from his constituents. Whether he had sat for places, as he had done, where such opinions were popular, or where they were unpopular, he had always stated openly that it was best for the Constitution that publicity should be given to the conduct of every man who had a voice in the State, whether he belonged to the higher or less humble classes.—( Hear.) It was said that vote by Ballot was un-English ; it was so with respect to the way public duties were discharged. America had been mentioned. Let them look to America, to which country he had paid a short visit ; and from what he saw of the Ballot he must say that he did not consider it an efficient pre ventive against bribery and corrupt practices at elections. At all elections in America the votes, though taken by Ballot, were as public, as notorious, and as much jobbed for as they were in this country.—( Hear.) He happened lately to receive a letter from a young friend now travelling in America, who was a gen tleman of a liberal family, and educated on liberal principles. As the letter was a private one he had no right to mention the name of the author, but he would read an extract from it, containing the opinions of the writer on the Ballot and universal suffrage. " What a pity," says the writer, " you cannot ostracise one of the followers of the doctrines of Mr. (he would say Mr. Blank, as he did not wish to mention names)—( A laugh)—and let him see the working of the Ballot and universal suffrage in this country. Under the former there is as much cheating, bribery, and jobbing as can be, and at elections scenes of tumult and violence arc consequent on the latter privilege." The letter then went onto say, That there was one thing common in America, which was not perhaps observable when he (Lord Stanley ) travelled in the country. I find all the lawyers and statesmen here leaning more or less to the Conservative side in England. —( Hear, hear.) Federalists, Nullifiers, Whigs, and Jack sonites all agree, and say that we must take care what we arc about in England. Though they had the Ballot and Uni versal Suffrage, the way voters voted was notorious" This letter was written by a good Whig, and it contained the fol lowing remarkable expression :—" Even though I had come here a Radical, I believe, from what I have seen, that I should return to England a Tory." ( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He had received this letter from Washington ; the writer bad been present at the sittings of Congress ; and the above was the view he conceived of the working of the Ballot and of Universal Suffrage. With respect to having the votes kept secret, the Ballot would be a simple and easy remedy, provided all parties were agreed on observing. se crecy. But the moment you had the Ballot, the elector would have set in against him all, the influence and scrutiny of family and other private connections ; he would have to conten.l against Conservative Clubs, and the prying of Reform Associations, all of whom would be inclined to dis cover how he had voted. Set all this against the Ballot and the elector, and, moreover, set all the violence of party at contested elections, and then tell him the vote would be as se cret as it was, or more so than it was, in America. Such an opinion he would laugh to scorn.—( Hear.) He would now come back to what his Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) said about trusting in the forbearance of landlords, and upon that point he agreed with his Noble Friend. If they had the Ballot, lie would say, as a landlord, that he would not only see whether the elector dependent on him voted ; but he would see him put . the ticket into the balloting urn.—( Oh, oh.) He did not mean to say that that was a desirable course of proceeding, or a course that ought to be adopted by landlords, unless forced to it by expediency ; but he. as a landlord, would be driven to that ex pediency if the Ballot were employed, in order to satisfy him self.—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend seemed inclined to adopt the amendment of the Hon. Member for North Derby shire ; but, 113 he knew there was always much misrepresenta tion out of doors as to putting or not putting the previous ques tion,lie was rather in favour of meeting . the motion by a direct negative. On the previous question he would prefer having an amendment for a direct negative moved, and perhaps he would have done so did not a feeling of prudence restrain him from increasing the numbers of the minority. He would ac quiesce in the previous question, and vote for it, inasmuch as it seemed to be supported by his Majesty's Ministers. Sir F. BURDETT did not. concur in the anticipations of good or evil that Hon. Mem,bers on both sides of the Hodse, interested in the question, expected from it. His opinion was, that the Ballot would cause none of the dangers those person's who opposed it said it would. At the same time that he made this avowal, he did not see that it would be attended by all the advantages expected from it by the Hon., Learned Mem ber for Liskeard, and by these Hon. Members who took the same view of the question.--4 Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Stanley) seemed to think that there was some understandinc , between the Ministers who carried the Reform Bill and the party who enabled them to carry that measure—that it was understood between them that it was to be a final measure ; and that, therefore, it was discreditable and dishonourable to propose any alteration in a question that was to be considered finally settled. The measure was expecially accepted, and was left open to future consideration.—( Hear, hear.) If that was true, there was nothing to prevent him now from giving an unbiassed vote on the question. The Noble Lord truly said there was no better time for disposing of the question than now, and if there was no bar of honour—no infringe ment of pledges—he thought that an argument for the mode the question was now met in.—( Hear, hear.) He was struck with the eloquence the Noble Lord ( Stanley) displayed on all subjects, but the determination he had come to that night did away with all the cogent arguments urged by the Noble Lord in the beginning of his speech. When the Noble Lord referred to America, he begged to say, that he ( Sir F. Burdett) was not one who looked to America, or to any other country for its institutions ; but looking to America with reference to this question, the way the Ballot was consi dered in this country and America was not the same, and the adoption of it here would not, of course, produce the same re sults. He confessod that the Ballot was not generally liked in this country, though some individuals, like the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard, set a high price on it ; but they were totally mistaken if they thought that the working of it would be exposed to no difficulties. The great objection to it was the habits and the feelings of the people of this country, who, if they had the Ballot, would not suppress their feelings, and conceal how they had voted. He who concealed his feel ings and his vote would be considered to have acted disre putably, while, on the other hand, he who did not conceal them would be thought to act a manly part.—( Hear, hear.) The whole thing would work badly, and would be defeated by the people themselves. He would vote for the motion, because if the measure should turn out not to be effectual, it would serve to take away the delusions under which the people laboured respecting it.—( Cries of " Divide.") Mr. O'CONNELL would protest against the assertion that there was any pledge of honour given on this subject by the Government who carried the Reform Bill, or by the indi viduals who voted for that Bill, that would now exclude them from voting in favour of the Ballot. There was- no pledge given by them that the question of the Ballot should not be introduced. The Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) had quoted a speech delivered by Lord Althorp, but that speech was made after the passing of the Reform Bill, and not whilst it was under discussion or before it. The Noble Lord (Lord Al thorp) had given no pledge that the Ballot should not be in troduced. On the contrary, it was understood that measures for shortening the duration of Parliament and for the Ballot should be introduced if found necessary. It was for that that the Radical Reformeis voted for the Reform Bill. They in tended to give that Bill a fair experiment, but said they would have the Ballot if that experiment failed ; and the Tories showed by their conduct that it had failed. If that Bill only took power out of the hands of one oligarchy to bestow it on another ; if it only took power from the aristo cracy of birth to give it to the oligarchy of wealth and pe cuniary property, it failed.—( Hear.) If no pledge had been given, why should they now hear of the honour of Go vernment and of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) being committed on this question. If that Noble Lord was bound by honour not to entertain this question, why did be not say that he acknowledged that he was ? Why, heard that Noble Lord say that the question remained open, and whilst the Noble Lord declared his opinions to be unfavourable to the Ballot, he allowed that it was a question open to the future consideration of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) An - anonymous letter had been produced from America, containing arguments ins t the Ballot. Might, not the copy of that letter have aga been manufactured in this etruntry and sent out to America to serve the prposes of deception ?—( No, no.) He did not say that such was the fact; but,'after all, what authority was an anonymous letter?--4 Hear.) The Noble Lord ( Stanley) had seen an open mode Of voting in one State of America; but that was not voting by ILl:at—it was no more the Ballot than open voting on the hustings wag' in this country. If every one knew:Nhat the ticket was that was put into the b a l lot-box, it was anyihing but voting by Ballot. Out of the 30 States of the American Union, in all but three voting by Ballot was adopted, so that there was a great majority in favour of secret voting. They were told by the Noble Lord that the Ameri cans had no faith in the experiment, and that they were all Conservatives in America, and that there was no country in which the democratic spirit was more tyrannical. The letter the Noble Lord had read contained nothing but a sneer against the institutions of America, If they were what that letter represented, then they were the most degraded of beings. He owned that the Americans deserved severe reprehension for continuing that most odious traffic in human slaves. The Americans Conservatives indeed They had not persevered in keeping up the national debt. They had at any rate got rid of that portion of Conservatism, for they had paid the debt to the last farthing.--( Cries of " Question.") The Ame ricans last year had made the power of France bow before them. And yet those were the people whose institutions were sneered at in the letter read by the Noble Lord. The Jacksons, and such men as he, were made light of, but he thought that there was something in the name of Jackson that ought to make him be treated with respect by the English people.—( Question.) He protested against taking any history of America from anonymous correspondence, and he protested against the statement which he had made as to the nature of the elective franchise. The Noble Lord called it a trust, and he (Mr. O'Connell) called it a right given to an individual, who was not responsible to any man for its exercise, and accountable only to his conscience and his God. The trust was placed in the Members of that House, who were supposed to be selected for those qualities on account of which the trust was given. The Members of that House were servants, while those who elected them were their masters. As masters they were en titled to know what their servants did; but what right had any one to call upon masters to give an account of their proceedings ? The Noble Lord had also stated that voters might be influenced in the discharge of their duty by public opinion. He would grant that, supposing public opi nion to be right ; but who was unacquainted with the fact that at present not only public opinion, but bribery and intimida tion, influenced the voter? Now if they intended that a man should have his vote as his property, he called upon them to allow him to vote as he pleased, the only way in which he could do that being the vote by Ballot. But if they did not intend that it should be a property, let them affix a settled price to its exercise, or else at once transfer the vote to the land lord. It had further been alleged open voting tended to a more easy discovery of bribery, while secret voting, though it might abolish bribery by detail, would leave bribery by whole sale, and render its detection almost next to impossible. But how could that be when, if you bribed 500 persons by whole sale, each and every one must be acquainted with the bribery, and when from the secret being in the possession of so many the corruption was so much more the likely to transpire, and so much the more easy to be proved ? Having made these ob servations in reply to the most material remarks of the Noble Lord he should not further detain the House.—( Cries of " Question," and " Divide.") Mr. E. L. CHARLTON complained that the Hon. Baronet, and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, had entirely mistaken the purport of the observations made by the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire.—( Cries of " Divide," and much uproar.) The Noble Lord showed that the Ballot had been tried in America, and had failed.—( The cries of " Di vide" completely drowned the remaining observations of the Honourable Member.) After claiming a hearing, and attempting to pursue his argument, the Hon. Member ad dressed some remark to Mr. Hume, who was seated just below the Hon. Member. Mr. ROEBUCK--The Hon. Member has applied lan guage to the Hon. Member for Middlesex, such as I never before heard made use of in this House. It is quite unpar donable. Mr. CHARLTON—Sir, I beg your pardon.—(Much laughter.) I heard the Hon. Gentleman below me contra dict what I said. An HON. MEMBER—NO. Mr. CHARLTON—I put it to the Hon. Member himself whether it was not so, and I then asked him to be goodenough to hold his tongue.—( Shouts of laughter, amidst which Mr. Hume rose.) The SPEAK ER said that before this proceeded further it would be for Hon. Members to reflect upon the serious in terruption which such disorderly scenes occasioned, and espe cially at that hour, to the despatch of business.—( Hear.) Mr. CHARLTON then renewed his attempt to gain a heating, but without success. The Hon Member said it was rather hard that he should be prevented from replying to the remarks of a preceding speaker. If he had seen any symp toms of reluctance to hear him in the body of the House—if those signs of impatience had proceeded from the respectable part of the House--(Laughter and cheers)—he would at once have desisted ; and now, rather than continue such a scene of confusion, and cause the character of the House to be lowered, he should resume his seat. Sir R. PEEL—I have recently heard the very able speech made on the principle of this measure by the Noble Lord, the Member for Devonshire—( Loud laughter)—the Noble Lord the Member for Stroud, which to my mind car ried complete conviction. To that speech I attach par ticular importance, because from his recent experience in a popular election the Noble Lord must have gained such information as to enable him to pronounce a judgment well entitled to the consideration of the House, and that speech accordingly, followed by the able and argumentative address of the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire com pleted the conviction which I entertained upon the principle of the Ballot. At the same time that my conviction was derived from the able arguments of the two Noble Lords who took the same view of the question, it was, if possible strengthened by the utterly abortive attempts of two subsequent speakers to weaken any one of their conclusions. One of those Gentle men has directed his attention to the subject, attaches great importance to it, and possesses considerable powers in debate, and sure I am that if the Noble Lord had taken up a false position there is no man more competent than the Hon. and Learned Gentleman to discover its weakness. Now I ask any impartial man who is not committed on this subject, and whose mind is not made up, whether the Hon. and Learned Gentle man did succeed in shaking any one of his positions ? I must say that on this subject I should hare been disposed to attach consi derable weight to what fell from the Hon. Baronet. I pay him a sincere compliment when I say that I am sure he delivered upon this question an opinion perfectly unbiassed by any party consi deration, and after the longest experience, perhaps, of any man living in popular election. Now what did the Hon. Baronet admit ? Why, that the speech of the Noble Lord bad nearly convinced him, and that he had consequently been on the point of taking a different course to what he at first proposed. The Hon. Baronet further stated that the anticipations of the dis advantages which would ensue from the introduction of the Ballot, and the apprehensions as to the evils, were equally delusive, and that in point of fact, we can neither gain nor lose anything by its establishment. Then, Sir, I ask why should we adopt a measure which is perfectly delusive 2—( Cheers.) If, after all his experience of popular elections, it be his deliberate judgment that we have nothing to hope or fear from the Bal lot, does he not also see the great evil of adopting securities which he admits to be delusive ? As to the argument of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman what was it? Why, in the first place, that no pledge was ever given on the subject of the Ballot during the discussion of the Reform Bill, that no such pledge could be quoted from the speeches of Lord Althorp, and that there was no pledge of honour to prevent its adoption by the Legislature. But did not the Noble Lord prove beyond the pos sibility of a doubt that the Government which brought forward the Reform Bill considered it as a final measure, and was de termined to resist all further changes in the representative system ? Could he bring forward a more cogent proof than that unanswerable extract from the speech of Lord Althorp— the leader of the House of Commons, and a witness the more unexceptionable, as in an unreformed Parliament, his own opinions were in favour of the Ballot ? The next ob jection of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was levelled at the quotation which the Noble Lord read from a letter in reference to America, and the operation of the Ballot system. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman says that in that case the Ballot was not secret, but open. But what is the conclusion which we draw ? That human nature overlooks all restric tions, and that the intention was to have a secret Ballot, but that the influence of party was stronger than the operation of the law, and that parties became so deeply interested in the result of the election, as to render all concealment impossible, and to put it to an end.—( Loud cheering.) The Honour able Gentleman has certainly, I must admit, brought for ward his motion in the spirit which has been so justly cha racterized by the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire, and delivered the speech introducing it not only with great ability, but with exemplary temper.—( Hear.) The Honour able Gentleman has, however, in the course of his able and eloquent speech, made one omission which, in my opinion, must prove fatal to the success of his proposition, for the Hon. Gentleman says that he would not—that it forms no part of the intention of his motion—exclude that which ho designates as the really legal influence of property. He says that he thinks a man of property—a man of character—a man in whom confidence can be placed, will exercise, and ought to exercise, the influence which his position gives him over those who are his neighbours, tenants, or dependants, even though the Ballot should be in operation ; but if he does think so, I ask him whether that is not directly contrary to the principle which is meant to be laid down by that motion ?—( Cries of " No, no," from Mr. Grote.) Yes, but I contend that it is.—( Cheers.) By the introduction of the Ballot it must be intended, or the argument of the Honourable Gentleman is worth nothing, that every individual character shall view public affairs for himself, and, having formed a certain opi nion, how he can deliver his vote apart from influence or per suasion of any kind. If, then, the influence of property be ad mitted, surely the Ballot must exclude that influence if it have any operation at all ; but if the Hon. Gentleman wishes to re tain the influence of property, as he says he does, is it not better to let it remain as at present under the controul of pub lic opinion than to resort to secret voting, which must defeat the acknowledged efficacy of the free influence of public opinion ?—( Cheers.) What now is the difference in point of principle between the functions of the constituent body and the functions which we, the representatives of that constituent body, are called upon to exercise? If the Ballot be good as regards the constituent body, why is it not also good in refe rence to the representative body? Are we inacessible to the force of influence, or do we not act, in the votes which we give on many of the questions that come before us, rather in conformity with party connexion than 'upon abstract principle, in reference to their individual merits ?—( Oh, oh.) What I will it be said by any one Member of this House, that, upon every question that comes before us, we act in accordance with the abstract merits of that question, without any view to party, or perhaps the very existence of the Government we wish to see in power ?—( Cheers and laughter.) If we are to try every question by its abstract measure, I, for my own part, can see no reason why, if the Ballot be considered good else where, it should not also be good for us—why we should not have the Ballot introduced into the House of Commons. No doubt a vote by Ballot might be given on purer principles than an open vote, but then you must, at the same time, take human nature into consideration, and make due allowance for its proneness to err. For my own part I must say that I think the Ballot would be, to say the least of it, inconvenient; that it would not afford the security for the proper exercise of the elective franchise which was given by acting in the face of day, and subject to the control of public opinion. The in fluence of public opinion is the greatest security the country can have for the conduct of the representative body, and why it should not produce the same effect in the constituent body I certainly have yet to learn.—(Cheers.) But the Hon. Gentleman admits, if I apprehend him rightly, that in certa in cases the Ballot would be inefficacious. Mr. GROTE—No, I did not. Sir R. PEEL—I say that the advantage of the Ballot could at least be only partial, and that the partial good it would pro duce would be absolutely nothing as compared with the in fluence of public opinion.—( Faint cries of " Divide.") I see that the House is impatient, but I assure Hon. Gentlemen that it is not my intention to detain them long.—( Cheers. ) I agree, Sir, with the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire in the first place, that we should not exclude that due and ne cessary influence which property ought to possess ; and in the next, I do not believe that the Ballot would have any such effect, even if it were adopted.—( Cheers.) Do what you will, I tell you that it is not in your power to exclude the influence of property, because, according to the constitution of human nature, it must always exist ; and, that being the case, I am desirous to let in the light of day upon its exercise, and leave it under the control of public opinion. Now, Sir, with respect to the manner in which it is proposed to meet this motion, I shall offer only a very few remarks. The Noble Lord the Member for Stroud is on principle opposed to the Ballot. His Majesty's Government intends to resist the motion, and where, then, is the necessity of not coming to a decision upon it at once 2—( Cheers.) By a direct negative all we affirm is, that our minds are unconvinced, and that instead of adopt ing a new experiment we think proper to adhere to the present system ; and this, I confess, appears to me to be the natural, the only course which we ought to take.—( Cheers. ) I come to the same conclusion as the Noble Lord ; and the inclination of my mind is, that we should not do that which is calculated to delude the public into supposing that our opinion on this subject is not made up. With respect to time—is this the fitting opportunity for entertaining such a discussion ? A number of questions remain to be disposed of, while others, and some of them of extreme importance, have been postponed until next season. We have, therefore, with out this question, enough of business on hand to occupy our time for a long period, and am I, consequently, unreason able when I ask the House to dispose of this motion at the present moment, and not to adopt a vote which must lead to an impression on the part of the public that we are un decided—that our minds are not yet made uv about the mat ter? Under these circumstances I hope the Noble Lord will act upon the impression with which he came down to his place this evening; that he will, as leader of his Majesty's Government in that House, so far set an example as to avow to the country what the opinion of the Government is on this subject ; that he will concur with us, who wish to meet the question with a direct negative, rather than agree to a proposition so inconvenient in its nature as that brought for ward by the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Derbyshire ; for that proposition *was alike inconsistent with the senti ments expressed by ilt4 Noble Lord himself, as it was ad verse to the principles entertained by the Noble Lord, the Member for Northumberland. I do, Sir, hope that they have over-rated the inconvenience which the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Derbyshire, had raised, and instead of voting for his amendment, they will now come to a negative or affirmative decision of the main ques tion.—( Cheers.) Sir, it would be idle to suppose that such a decision could be binding on this House, or that any vote to which we may come, can preclude Parliament, at any future time, from opening the question. The fact is not so, and, therefore, instead of voting for the previous question, I hope all those who are opposed to the principle of the motion will give it a decided negative, and that the Noble Lord will al low me to avail myself of his authority, by voting with me at once against the proposition of the Hon. Member for the City of London.—( Loud cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL had already stated to the House that if the motion came forward as a substantive motion he should give it a decided negative. The Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, seemed to wish that the question should be met by a direct negative, rather than the previous question, but for his ( Lord J. Rus sell's) part he must say that the Hon. Member for Derby shire moved the previous question without his knowledge. He should be glad if his Hon. Friend would withdraw his amendment—( Hear, hear)—but certainly if he did not do so, he (Lord J. Rnssell) must adhere to the intention which he had expressed, of supporting that Amendment, although, at the same time, he should prefer deciding the question by a direct negative, to voting for his Hon. Friend's motion. --( Hear. ) Mr. G I SBO RNE begged to confirm the statement of the Noble Lord, that his amendment was proposed without any concert with the either the Noble Lord or any other Mem ber of his Majesty's Government. At present he was unfa vourable to the question of the Ballot, and certainly unless he could be convinced that secret voting was more advantageous than open voting, he must give the resistance of his vote to the motion of the Hon. Member for the city of London. As the Noble Lord seemed to wish him to withdraw his amend ment, all he could say was, that he was perfectly ready to adopt that course. _ _ The amendment having been withdrawn, Mr. GROTE briefly replied, saying that, whatever the fate of his present motion might be, he should renew the pro position at all convenient seasons. The Gallery was then cleared, and the House divided, when the numbers were— For Mr. Grote's motion Against it Majority —.173 ACCIDENTS IN MINES. On the motion of Mr. PEASE a Select Committee was ap pointed, " to inquire into the nature, cause, and extent of those lamentable catastrophes which have occurred in the Mines of Great Britain, with the view of ascertaining and suggesting the means for prewenting the recurrence of similar fatal acci dents." The following are the Members : Pease, Joseph Davenport, J. Raines, E. Russell, Loid John Copeland, W. Mackinnon, W. A. Maule, Hon. Fox Thompson, Aid. Hindley, Charles Ridley, Sir M. W. Barclay, David H ,wkes, T. Ord, W. Don, O'Connor Brotherton, J. Lambton, H. Strickland, Sir G. Guest, J. Williamson, Sir H. Lowther, Viscount Bell, M. Trevor, Hon. A. lrton, S. Rippon, C. Harland, W. C. Biddulph, R. M. Gully, J. Bowes, T. Mostyn, E. Wrottesley, Sir J. B Young, G.' F. Trelawney, Sir W. Thornley, Thomas Vivian, .1. H. Durham, Sir 1. H. Mr. O'DWYER moved for some returns, of which we could not learn the nature ; but which being opposed by Mr. Shaw, the House adjourned at two o'clock. LIST OF THE MINORITY Of 146 ( Tellers included), who voted in favour of Mr. Grote's Mo. tion, for the Ballot. Against the Motion 319 / 173 Majority. For it Number Aglionby, H. A. Ainsworth, Peter Attwood, T. Bainbridge, E. T. Baines, E Baldwin, Dr. Barnard, E. G. Barron, H. W. Barry, G. S. Beauclerk, Major Bellew, R. M. Bowes, T. Biddulph, R. Bish, T. Blackburne, J. Blunt, Sir C. Bodkin, John James Bowring, Dr. Brady, Denis C. Brock lehurst, J. Brotherton, J. Browne, D. Buckingham, J. S. Buller, C. Bulwer, H. L. Burdett, Sir F. Callaghan, D. Chalmers, Patrick Chapman, M. L. Chichester, J. F. B. Clay, W. Codrington, Sir E. Collier, J. Couyngharn, Lord A. Crawford, W. S. Crawley, S. Dennistoun, Alex. Divett, E. Duncombe, W. Dundas, J. C. Dunlop, C. Dykes, F. L. Elphinstone, H. Evans, G. Evans:Colonel Ewan, - W. Fellowes, Hon. N. Ferguson, Sir R. C. Fielden, J. Finn, W. F. Fitzsimon, N. Fitzsimon, C. in the House ... 465 ' Gaskell, D. Roebuck, J. A. Gillon, W. D. Ronayne, D. Gisborne, T. Rundle, J. Guest, J. J. Russell, Lord C. J. F, Gully, J. Russell, Lord Harvey, D. W. Ruthven, E. Hawes, B. Ruthven, e. S. Hawkins, J. H. Scholefield, J. Heathcote, R. E. Seale, Colonel Hector, C. J. Sharpe, General Hindley, C. Shell, R. L. Hodges, T. L. Sheldon, E. R. C. Humphery, J. qiers, A, G. Hutt, W. Oaland, Sir G. Johnstone, A. S rutil, E. Kemp, T. IL Talbot, J. King, E. B. Talfourd, T. N. Langton, Col. G. Tancred, H. W. Leader, John Temple Thompson, W. Lister, E. C. Thorneley, Tlf as Lushington, Dr. Tooke, W. Lushington, Charles Trelawney, Sir W. Lynch, A. H. Tulk, Charles A. M'Cance, John Turner, W. M'Namara, W. Tynte, C. J. K. Maher, John Villiers, Charles P. Marshall, W. Wakley, Thilllias Marsland, H. Walker, C. A. Molesworth, Sir W. Walker, R. Mullins, W. F. Wallace, It Musgrave, Sir R. Warburton. H. Nagle, Sir R. Ward, H. G. O'Brien, C. Whalley, Sir S. O'Connell, J. Wigney, I. N. O'Connell, M. J. Wilde, Thomas O'Connell, 1). Wilks, J. O'Connell, Morgan Williams, W. A. O'Connell, Maurice Williams, W. O'Connor Don Wood, Alderman O'Dwyer, C. A. Parrott, J. Pattison, James Pease, Joseph Philips, M. Ponsonby, J. G. B. Potter, R. Power, P. Power, James Rippon, C. Roche, W. Roche, D. Wyse; T. TELLERS. Grote, G. Hume, Joseph PAIRED OFF. FOR. Simeon, Sir R. G. Bulwer, E G. E. L. AGAINST. Egerton, Lord Fran. Dssuliton, Lord Died on Sunday, the 31st of May, at his house in Blandford-square, William Smith, Esq., formerly one of the representatives for the . city of Norwi c h. Th e i ntegr i ty o f his conduct during forty - six years' service in Parliament, and his consistency in maintaining the principles of civil and re ligious liberty during a period so trying and eventful, will en title his name to an honourable place in the list o f t h ose w h o h a ve lived for the benefit of their country and mankind. Mr. Beardsworth is about retiring from his esta blishment at Birmingham. LITERARY NEWS. — During the present season a greater number of novels of real merit have been published than we recollect for a long period. Those most i n request at the libraries, and with reading societies, are the following Belford Regis," Miss Mitford's new and charming book ; " My Life," by the author of " Wild Sports of the West," and " Stories of Waterloo." Mr. Maxwell ranks as one of the most popular writers of the day. " Lodore," b y M rs . Shelley, a work which will raise still higher the reputation of this sucpessful novelist. " The Last D ays of Pomp e ii," b y Mr. Bulwer, a second and revised edition. This is confes sedly the finest work of this author. " Francesco Carrara," by L. E. L., thickly studded with beauties, this work is second only to Mr. Bulwer's " Pompeii." A second and re vised edition of Capt. Chamier's " Unfortunate Mau." This new production of the Smollett of our time abounds in amuse ment. " The Heir of Mordaunt," by Miss Cathcart. A domestic novel of great merit. " Village Reminiscences," by an Old Maid, (said to be the production of a distinguished leader of fashion), written with considerable ability and know ledge of the world, and " Sketches of a Seaport Town," by Mr. Chorley. Various and amusing, these vol umes are cer tainly destined to a longer existence than many works of the present day. PRICES OF STOCKS THIS Sank Stock 217 18 I !ler Cent. Red. 89% 90% 90 3 per Cent. Cnnt, ... 90%% 14 90% it', t , er Cent %MI 6 7i Ditto iced 98% 8 % • tiew :;X, per Cent 99% Xl4 % 4 4er Cent. f Assented -- /Dissented &ink Long Annuities to expire Jan. 5, MO 16% Oct. 10, 1859 - Jan. 5,186 C 16% an. 5, 1880 - April 5, 1880 -- Jan. 5. 1870 -, PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS ' Austrian Bonds — Belgian Bonds 994 V,i Ditto Account 96% Brazilian Bonds — Dittc Account — Buenos Ayres Bonds — Ditto Account — Chillian Bonds — Ditto Account Columbian Bonds --I Ditto Account Columbian Bonds, Int . 36 % 6 Ditto Account 36 Danish Bonds 76l 6 11% Ditto Account Greek Bonds — Ditto Bonds, 1825 Ditto Account — &lex man Bonds, 5 per cent — Ditto Account — Ditto, 6 per cent. Ditto Account — Neapolitan — PRICES OF SHARES THIS Bolanos MiningiCompany«. Brazilian Imperial Mining Lo. (Issue Redmoor Consolidated Mini g Comp, Real del Monte Mining Co., Registeri Ditto Unregistered United Mexican (issued at 21. pm.) Ditto New Scrip.. Provincial Bank of Ireland COURSE OF EXCH) Amsterdam C.F. 12 6V, Ditto, at sight l2 4 , 4 Rotterdam 2U. 12 64, Antwerp l2 Cy Hamburg M.B. 13 14', Altona l3 1454 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 65 Ditto 2 Us. 25 95 Bordeaux 25 95 F-ank orton Maine, Ex. M 152 4 Petershingh, ruble 3 Us. 10 1 A Berlin Vienna, effective fl 2 51. 10 6 Trieste ditto lO 7 Madrid 37 Cadiz Bilboa . Barcelona Gibraltar 4B NGE, YESTERDAY. Leghorn Genoa 25 95 Milan 3l Venice 471.; Naples 4014 Palermo per oz. 12: Lisbon s7►q Oporto 57% Rio Janeiro 37 Bahia Buenos Ayres Dublin, 21 days' sight ll4 Cork 154 PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ. Portugal Gold, coin £0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars.-- 3 17 9 New Doubloons ?Jew Dollars_ _ _ 0 4 r; Silver, bars, standard 0 4 iIIGH W A I'ER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. 'l(rning 36 minutes after 7. f Evening 3 minutes after S HAMBURG, MAY 1835. lIEINE BROTHERS, CONTRACTORS for the STATE of HAMBURG'S GREAT LOTTERIES, being requested to publish the Scheme of the approaching Sixty sixth Lottery in the English Papers, and to have Tickets on Sale, with Agents in England, beg to state that neither can be done, because it is illegal for,the English Newspapers to publish Foreign Lottery Schemes, and for any Agents in England to sell Foreign Lottery Tickets. On the other hand, they beg to state, as it is NOT illegal for any person in England to PURCHASE Foreign Lottery Tickets, that any person desirous to purchase, on addressing them by mail, will receive a full Sattme, and any desirable infor mation on the subject (Gratis), by return of post. HAMBURG, MAY 1835. FJEINE BROTHERS but to inform all those who have to remit to them Eight Pounds, that upon receipt of a Ten Pound note, Two Pounds will be returned in gold by re turn of mail. HAMBURG, MAY, 1835. HEINE BROTHERS beg to state that a Ticket of the Sixty-sixth Hamburg Great Lottery, costs, at the first price, Eight Pounds. The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this dai, at 15 minute* past 3 o'clock. ~ ~ _~ ~~~ ~~ ..<- ...- ~~3;Y} ~"~U 'T ~:% zcht DAY ATONE O'COLCK New 5 per Cent. India Stock 2BO Ditto Bonds 4 12 pm. South Sea Stock Old Annuities New Ditto 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1151... -- Exch. Bills. .£1,000......99 31 29 pm. Ditto .500 29 31 29 pm. Ditto Small Ditto Commercial — pm. Ditto Advertised 27 30 pm. Bank Stock for Account 217 18 India Stock for Account. Consols for Account 9l 903,, THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Peruvian Bonds. Ditto Account — Portuguese Bonds B5 Ditto Account — Ditto New Bonds .89 8% 9 7 Ditto Account 88 9 8 Prussian Bonds Ditto 80nd5,1822 — Russian Bonds, 1822 108 34 8 9 Ditto Account .. lO9 Ditto Metallic Spanish Bonds Ditto Account Ditto Bonds, IEIS Ditto Account French, 5 per cent. —f. —c. f. —c. 4 - per cent —! --3 per cent. —f. c. Exchange f. —c. Dutch, 24 per cent. 5.5 5 ,; W Ditto Account — Ditto, 5 per cent ION 4 Ditto Account .. DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share. 150 125 iat 5/. pm.) 20 35 my 2 NO, A 634 10s. 6d. 23% 4 3% 40 5 5 6% 25 49 THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. We have no arrivals this morning, with the exception of the French mail and express from Paris. No ship letters. Consols were during the morning of yesterday very buoyant, at 91 a for the Account ; in the afternoon the market became heavy, and closed at 91. At one period they were done at a declining rate ; but higher for Money than for the Account, owing to the great scarcity of Stock caused by the shutting of the Books for the pay ment of the approaching dividends. Consols opened this morning at 90 3 / 4 91 ; for Money 90% ; Exchequer Bills, 27 29 ; India Bo n d s , 9-11 ; Bank Stock, 216 218 ; India Bonds, 258760. In the Foreign Market several settlements of the Foreign Ac count were accomplished during the day, but numbers still remain to be adjusted; in consequence of which, the Stock Exchange Committee issued the following notice : " That under the distressing circumstances of the Foreign settling tling, which was fixed for the 29th May, by which persons are suffer ing who were net speculators ; and in consideration of the probability that many suspended accounts may yet be satisfactorily arranged, if the Committee forbear for a few days to declare such as are defaulters, " It is agreed to postptone he consideration of cases of default until Monday next. The above resolution it is supposed will have some effect to cause many of the principals to come forward, and make some kind of arrangement with tneir brokers. Money appears to be more easily obtained on good bills and other securities. The f o ll ow ing are the prices in the Foreign Market this morn ing : Belgian, 993 100 ; Brazilian, 82 83 ; Chilian, 48 50 ; Co lumbian, 3 6 37 ; Danish, 743 4 ; Portuguese, 89 90 ; New Por tuguese, 88 89, ex-dividend ; Three p er C en t s . 603 61 ; Sp an i s h Bonds, 48 50 ; Spanish Scrip 6 5 discount. It appears that the intervention of the French in Spain has not as yet been decided on at Paris. French prices :—Five per Cents., 107 f. 35c. ; Three per Cents., 79f. 20c. ; Cortes, 413 ; Coupons, 22. It is stated on 'Change that the answer given to the deputation who waited yesterday on Lord Melbourne was, that if required, the Portuguese troops who are on the frontiers of Spain, are ready to march to the assistance of the Queen. HALF-PAST ONE. The Foreign Market still continues at a stand still, without any business doing, and the prices at present are nominal. Belgian, 993 ; Columbian, 36 ; Danish, 763 ; Mexican, 363 ; Peruvian, 29 ; Spanish, not a price, all the morning nominal, 48 50 ; Spanish Scrip, 63 discount ; Portuguese New, 87. Consols may be quoted for the Account 90 / 1 913. Exchequer Bills 29 ; 134nk Stock 218 India Bonds 9 12 ; India Stock 260. Till= O'CLOCK. Consols for the Account, Poi. PARLIAMENTARY SUMMARY. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 3, 1835. The question of the Ballot was brought forward last night in the House of Com Mons by Mr. GROTE, and nega tived by a majority of 173 ! This result will be anything but satisfactory to the people, among whom the question has made surprising progress during the last few months' and who had every right to expect that the events which had flashed conviction on their minds, should have produced the same effect on those of their Representatives. Had Ministers acted with proper foresight, they would at least have affirmed the principle of Mr. GROTE'S motion, even though they objected to it on the score of its being inexpe. dient at the present juncture ; but to meet it with a flat negative, with the recollection of the South Hants, South Devon, and South Staffordshire elections staring them in the face—what is all this but to say, We are the same Whigs to-day, that we were last Session ; experience, that makes even a Conservative wiser, works no change in us ; we will just hoist sail, and set off again on the old tack : in other fords, we will do enough to keep ourselves in office, and trust to the Chapter of Accidents for escape from further annoyances. This may not be very palateable language, but at any rate it is the language of sincerity. We are no sycophants of Ministers. We walk side by side with them, only so long as they walk in the right path. When they show a disposi tion to stand still, or double, or retrograde, or sneak into Conservative bye-ways and labyrinths, then we part com pany. Lord Jour; RUSSELL'S speech last night was certainly not such as we were prepared to expect from him. It was not a manly answer to Mr. GROTE, but an evasion of a difficulty —a begging of the question. True, he met it af terwards by a direct negative, but not before he had tried the old Whig " neither this nor that" expedient of " vo ting for the previous question." Now, situated as Minis ters are at present, they should have adopted one of two courses. Either they should have affirmed Mr. GraoTE's principle, or at once have said to the people, " We will not grant you the Ballot." But instead of this, they adopted the shuffling manoeuvre of the previous question, and only assumed a bolder front when driven to it by the sneers of Lord STANLEY. This is an augury of ill omen for the peo ple, and still worse for the Whigs who, unless they redeem themselves by their Municipal and Church Reforms, will scarcely dine at the next Lord Mayor's Feast in the quality of Ministers of the Crown. There is no blunder so de structive to Government as a shuffle. This was the rock on which the late Ministry split. Their Tam worth Manifesto was an equivocation from first to last, and not all their subsequent acts—not even their resolute opposition to the Appropriation Clause—could convince the people of their sincerity. Surely the present Ministers should have been more sagacious, than to play the Tam worth-Manifesto game with the Ballot ! We hazard these remarks in no spirit of hostility, but simply to put Ministers on their mettle. They cannot, in periods of transition like the present, expect to continue at the helm, solely on the strength of having granted two or three popular measures. The Reform Bill has served them long enough. The Corporation and Irish Church Acts will carry them triumphantly through the session ; but these great questions settled, others will arise, and to these Ministers must give their attention, just as zealously—just as unremittingly—as if they had still their characters to establish. The man, whether author, statesman, soldier, or lawyer, who trusts to his past achievements for popu larity, leans upon the most treacherous and unsubstantial of props., Sir R. PEEL expressed himself strongly opposed to the Ballot, influenced, no doubt, by the recollection of his own snug pocket-borough of Tamworth, which might be apt to prove refractory, were such a measure to become the law of the land. He objected to it, he said, " because, if it were intended for any thing, it was intended to destroy the influence of property ;" but this objection Mr. GROTE had previously disposed of so triumphantly, that we won der the Right Hon. Baronet bad the hardihood to revert to it. _ The best speech of the night—though many able ones were made—was decidedly Mr. GROTE'S, who left the op ponents of the Ballot without a leg to stand on. But, in deed so unanswerable were all the arguments adduced in its favour, that had common sense been permitted fair play, the majority would have been 173 for, instead of against the Ballot. The proceedings in the House of Lords, last night, were enlivened by one of those not unfrequent exhibitions in which the Marquis of LONDONDERRY delights to figure. H a s the Noble Marquis no friend to tell him that be is getting rather too old for the cap and bells ? His friends are bound to do• this, for their own sakes if not for his ; for his freaks are infinitely more annoying to them than to his enemies. The Duke of WELUNGTON last night complained of the awkwardness of the situation in which he had been placed 0 by his irregularity, and expressed a hope that he would in future pay more attention to the usages of Parliament. The Noble Marquis promised he would. We fear, however, he is incorrigible. Wisdom, we suspect, is not to be acquired after a certain age ; for the very moment after he had been re buked by the Duke, he comes up with the old story of the Marquis WELLESLEY'S resignation, declaring that his only desire in bringing it forward was to " free the character of the Duke of CUMBERLAND from the slightest imputation." This very desirable object is no doubt quite in keeping with the Noble Marquis's chivalrous feelings, and we heartily wish him success ; but we have our fears. Lord LONDONDERRY next proceeded to present the celebrated petition from the Protestants of Downshire, and delivered a speech which we consider one of the most characteristic specimens of the Noble Lord's eloquence on record. His Lordship, as our readers are well aware, belongs to the rambling school of oratory, the ruling maxim of which is to introduce all manner of topics, provided they have no rela tion to the subject in hand. He may perhaps allege that there was not only no impropriety, but an obvious consistency in supporting a petition out of date, by arguments out of place, and in this we agree with him. It might indeed have puzzled a wiser head than his to find any thing of an ap propriate nature to say, in presenting on the 3d of June a petition agreed to on the 21st of October. There is, however, one topic that never can come amiss to the Noble Marquis and his compeers. Mr. O'CONNELL is a standing text—an inexhaustible fund from which to draw supplies when other sources have failed. To this permanent source of Orange eloquence the Noble Lord resorted on this occasion, but whether he did not draw rather too copiously, a little time will dis cover. We cannot help being amused at the indignation dis played by the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, at the term sect being applied to the Irish Church. What is the Irish or the English Church but a sect ? Accord ing to the Right Reverend Prelate's own definition, it is a sect, and nothing else. " The term," he says, " was with propriety only applied to a sect divided from that acknowledged to be the Church. The Roman Catholics were not a sect, they were a Church." Now, we would ask the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, if the Church of England itself—to say nothing of that of Ireland—did not separate itself from the Mother of all the Christian Churches, just as other Churches, in later times, have separated from it ? We have received the whole of the Paris Papers of Monday. The Court of Peers came to no decision during its sitting on Sunday. The Court continued sitting till five o'clock, when it adjourned till the day following at noon, when their Lordships were again to assemble. The KING has consulted several Marshals, in order to ascertain the number of troops necessary, in case of an armed inter vention in the affairs of Spain. The general opinion was, that an army of 25,000 men would suffice, but the KING declared that he was confident less than 60,000 men would be of no service to the QUEEN. The Bon Sens states that the Ambassadors of the Great Northern Powers are making the strictest inquiries as to what France intends doing. One of the most able of these diplomatists put the question directly to the KING, when his MAJESTY is re ported to have answered—" There will be no intervention but at the last extremity ; and then only if England will have it, and, in case of need, resolve to interfere without us !" This answer, if correctly reported, is plain enough. If England stirs, France will, because she must—not other wise. The following are extracts from the Journals : " General Valdez has entered Vittoria with 30 battalions ; the troops are said to be good, and only to want to be well commanded, but the staff of the army appears to be destitute of energy. It is said that the brave General Iriarte, and other distinguished com manders, have been removed, and succeeded by individuals the choice of whom is not approved. It is affirmed that 8,000 men have marched from Arragon to join Valdez. " No action has lately taken place. " Three Carlist officers having been taken, and carried into Lequeitia, the commander sent a flag of truce to the place, to notify the suspension of arms, concluded between the Generals and Chiefs of the contending parties, and. to demand that it should be respected. The three officers were however shot " Zumalacarregui being informed of the violation of the treaty, has demanded that the Governor of Lequeitia shall be given up to him ; threatening, in case of refusal, to have ten officers of the Christinos, now in his power, to be put to death by way of reprisal. The answer of General Valdez is not yet known."—Messager, June 1. FRENCH FUNDS —Yams, JuNE 1. Five per Cents., 107 f. 25c. 10c. Four per Cents., 98f. c. Three per Cents., 79f. 23c 78f. 95c. Rank Actions, 1,260 f. —c. Dente de Naples, 97f. 25c. 20c. 10c. Roman Five per Cents., 99. Rente ii'llspagne, Five per Cents., 4114 U. Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 28 VN. Rova‘ Spanish Loan, 44 1 W2% . Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cent., 42 4? 42. Belgian Loan, Five per Cents., —. Portuguese Loan, Five per Cents., 94%. Haytian Loan, 425 f. EXCHANGE ON LONDON. One month, paper, 25f. 40c.. ; money, 95f. 40c. Three months, paper, 25f. 25c. ; money, 2if. 25c. —t b,,ra Authentic rte. The German Papers state, that Sir CHARLES BAGOT has left Vienna for London. It is thought there that he will be succeeded by Sir FREDERICK LAMB, and that he will himself be sent to represent the English Government at St. Petersburgh. Advices from Belgrade of the 17th of May state, that Albania is in a state of disquiet bordering on insurrection. The absurd encomiums that are daily heaped upon tlse Emperor FERDINAND, by most of the German Journalists, expose the miserable state of dependence in which the Press of Austria is held by the Imperial Government. Slaves only could write, and tyrants only derive gratifica tion, from reading the most of these laudatory and adula tory panegyrics. We give the following conclusion of a long article, on the piety of his IMPERIAL MAJESTY, as an instance. It is from the Aligemeine Zeitung, dated the 28th ult. Speaking of the EMPEROR'S sanctity, the writer thus continues :—" His piety has long been known, and was manifested on a late occasion. As the EMPEROR was lately taking an airing, he met a priest carrying the Host to a sick person. The EMPEROR immediately ordered the carriage to stop,• alighted with the EMPRESS, and both their MAJESTIES kneeling showed their respect for reli gion, to the great edification of all those who witnessed this scene. The EMPRESS has given to the image of the Virgin, in the Church of Mariahilf, a valuable robe, em broidered by her own hands." Should the Holy See reward the petticoat-stitching piety of FERDINAND VII. of Spain with a bull of canonization, we earnestly beg that a similar post mortenz honour be conferred on her Imperial Majesty, the reigning Empress of AUSTRIA. The Austrians must, indeed, be a happy people, when an Empress could find no more destitute object on which to bestow her charity than a block of wood. Enviable Nations ! in which Kings and Empresses fulfil their high destiny, by becoming tailors and mantau makers to the carved representations of the Virgin. And so Austrian piety consists in stripping the living images of God, to clothe the wooden images of his Saints ! VIENNA, MAY 25.-5 Per Cents. 102 a; 4 Per Cents. 981; Bank Shares I,346.—Allgemiene Zietung, May 28. In the LORDS last night allusion was made by Lord Lori- DONDERRY to some correspondence between the Duke . 0 CUMBERLAND and the Marquess of WELLESLEY on the subject of the Lord-Lieutenant's public procession into Dublin. 9t l the presentation of a petition from the county of Down, "due' it appeared had been kept back by the Marquess of Lorivos' DERRY for several months, Lord MELBOURNE remarked with just severity on the extraordinary conduct of the noble Mar" guess. The Islington Market Bill was read a second time. In the COMMONS, Mr. GROTE brought forward his m otion for Vote by Ballot, with the discussion of which important question the House was occupied nearly the whole of the night. On a division the numbers, including tellers, we re 146 in favor of, and 319 against the motion. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDING HOUSE OF COMMONS. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY. 1. Entailed Estates ( Scotland) Bill—Further consideration of Report. 2. Bankrupts Estates ( Scotland) Bill—Committee. 3. Highways Bill—Report. 4. Lord's Day Observance Bill—Further consideration of 1 0 1 414. 5. Wills Execution Bill—Third reading. 6. Executors and Administrators Bill—Third reading. 7. Roman Catholic Marriages Bill—Second reading. 8. Inns, Alehouses, and Victualling Houses Bill—Second read in g . 9. Hull Merchant Seamen's Fund Bill—Second reading. 10. Limitation of Polls Bill—Second reading. 11. Capital Punishments Bill—Second reading. 12. Prisoners Counsel Bill—Second reading. 13. Sale of Bread Bill—Committee. 14. Wood Duties Bill—Second reading. 15. Supply—Committee. 16. Cruelty to Animals Bill—Committee. 17. Colonial Passengers Bill—Further consideration of RePe rt * IS. Ways and Means—Committee. 19. Merchant Seamen Bill—Third reading. 20. Consolidated Fund Bill—Committee. 21. Manure Toll Exemption Bill—Committee. NOTICES OF MOTIONS FOR THIS DAY. 1. Mr. Tooke,—Petition for better accommodation to the Jt"'" when sitting in Chamber. 2. Mr. Ewart,—Petition from Liverpool for repeal of the Stsall/ Duty on Receipts. 3. Mr. Maurice O'Connell,—Select Committee, to inquire into d r. conduct of General Darling while Governor of New SW' Wales, particularly with reference to the grants of the Crl Lamds made by him, his treatment of the Public Press, ton case of Captain Robison, and the New South Wales Vete thi Companies, and the alleged instances of cruelty toward s rg soldiers Ludds and Thompson, and other persons, and to reP ° thereon to the House. hoell 4. Mr. Wyse,—Committee relative to Diocesan and Royal S c-- in Ireland, with a view to extending their utility. at 5. Dr. Bo , ,vring,----Correspondence between his Majesty Cell s-- Tripoli and the British Government. 6. Sir Richard Mu _Bill sgrave, for the administration of Or° Civil Affairs of - a Local nature in Ireland. 7. Mr. O'Connell,—To call the attention of the House Osit! Breach of Privilege in the case of the Petition againt the k. ting Member, G. S. Barry, Esq., for the County of Co 8. Mr. A. Trevor,—To move for Papers relating to disturbanc''' at Ampthill, Chesham, and Eastbourne. f und 9. The Lord Advocate,—Bill for amending the Law of Seth— relative to instruments of Sasine. 10. Mr. Hardy,—Bill to prevent Bribery at Elections. 11. Mr. Potter,—To move additional Clauses in the Lord'. 1)4/ NOTICES OF MOTIONS GIVEN LAST NIGHT' WEDNESDAY, JUNE 10. I the Mr. Mackinnon,—Committee to inquire into the state 0. Roads under the Turnpike Trusts in England and We TUESDAY, JUNE 16, 1. Mr. 'Towel' Buxton,—Committee to inquire into the 0 00 d condition, and treatment of the apprenticed Negroes Colonies. 2. Mr. O'Dwyer,—Colonel Bradley's case. _ _ THURSDAY, JUNE 18. of Mr. Divett,—Resolutions for the complete Extinction Church Rates throughout England and Wales. FRIDAY, JUNE 19. a r uctina g Mr. Thomas Duncombe,—T o m ov e f or a Copy of the In,T h . late given to Lord Eliot and Colonel Gurwood upon Mission to to Spain. THURSDAY, JUNE 25. Mr. Bukkingham,—Bill for au th or i z i ng the constitution w Courts of Honour, as tribun a l s f or th e adjudication of t . h h disputes now commonly decided by an appea l to aruls;, it ur . view to provide a competent su b s tit u t e f or th e absurd , dcrous, and unchristian practi c e o f d ue lli ng . Of ELECTION COMMITTEES. (THIS DAY.) CORK. The Committee has been occupied, since it assembled, in helri r.,. l4 evidence as to the service of notices on the voters for Mr. OZ. nor—to the effect that, if they voted for that gentleman , tu he votes would be thrown away, inasmuch as he did not pesge's:".. requisite property qualification. Much conflicting evidence - brought forward. ENNIS. The scrutiny still proceeds, and, when we left, the reuiriber , f°' each party were alike. MONMOUTH. This Committee met at half-past One o'clock, in the Seesi°l House, Westminster, and after exchanging lists of witnesses, sou" arranging other preliminaries to their inquiry, adjourned till Eleven o'clock to-morrow. EXCHEQUER COURT.-(THIS DAY•) The Court was occupied the whole morning in the hearing v i arguments upon demurrers. Nothing of the slightest interest t ° the public transpired up till two o'clock, when our reporter left- THE MARKETS-(THIS DAY•) CORN EXCHANGE. A Of The arrivals of Wheat and Barley this week are short, an d trad . Oats good. The return of Flour is scanty. The ma t continues steady at last Monday's currency. Barley dull eel,. varied. Beans and Pease unaltered. Oats are heavy sale t4of:r and, in some instances, less prices have been submitted to• dull, at no alteration in price. - ARRIVALS. Wheat. I Barley. I _Oats. 1,930 qrs 20 gig'. 1 9,640 qrs. Floor. ._. 3,59 0 00' Irish . Foreign ......... 6:Z70 1,490 SHIPPING-(THIS DAY') FROM LLOYD'S. DEAL, Julys 2.—Wind E. S. E.—Arrived the J°hri publio Ash, from St. Petersburgh ; Two Sisters, Dyer, fro t Lop' Idea, Cooper, from Limerick; Iris, late Shaw, fromß e t es „ l — Fare; don, Petcher, from Plymouth ; Breadalbane, Morris , , " . n — ro t he St. Vincent's, Young, from St. Vincent's. Arrive d 'Maois t ' River and sailed, the Lion Noris, for Montserrat; rsnu t Y' 00. mond, for the Cape of Good Hope ; Mary, Saunderson, or PORTSMOUTH, JUNE 2.—Wind E. S. E. PLYMOUTH, Julys I.—Wind W.N.W.—The r Genera l e river, freight ship, of 960 tons burden, has arrived hies Ih nn .T,jtitie t° to convey a detachment of the 66th Regiment fro m Quebec. The detachment embarked from the Garris on " This ship will sail in a day or two. FAILMOUTH JUNE I.—Wind N. , fresh brews. rmo lf • ISLE OF WIGHT, JUNE 2.—Ar rived off port, the 0- ‘ 4 from Jamaica, and Charlotte, —, from Gottenburg • an d Car r ST. DAVID'S HEAD, JUNE I.—Arrived the Sarah line„ from Charleston. AIONTROSE, MAY 3l.—Arrived the Defiance, Large YARMOUTH, JUNE I.—Arrived the Audeley, Charente. Cohnnbil OFF THE ST..ART.—Arrived the Eagle, Davey, from River. STORNAWAY, MAY 27.—The Fortuna Bugye, from e tl sand to Croisie, put in here on th e 22d inst., with dam' -0 leaky, having been struck by a sea.. _ the POST OFFICE NOTICE.—His Majesty's brig Tyrian , mor relf American mail of this day, the 3d inst. Letters in time to evening. • of L i- The Harriet and Jessie, of Hamburgh, is supposed to b verpool. • at a TIVERTON ELECTION.—We received, 0..- a bicP hour last night, a report of the election for this borot#7,turne d ,, took place on Monday, when Lord Palmerston was without opposition. The chairing took place at three i e eft rot the same day, immediately after which his Lordship town.—Morning Paper. coal; THE ORDNANCE.----The new Board is 11°" Rich plete. It consi s t s o f Li eut .-G enera l Ri g h t Hon. Sir I.lolooe. Hussey Vivian, K. C. B. ( Master-General), Lieut. - Lletit'" Hay ( Clerk o the Ordnance); Surveyor-Gener al, efie r ' General Sir Rufane Donkin, K. C. B. ; Principal Storeiresoutb Lieut.-Colonel Hon. George Anson (the rejected ei r, o loo l Staffordshire); Secretary to the Master-Gener al, dea s- Fox ; ditto to th e B oar d, R. B y h am , E s q. • th e Is t ri . viee Camp to the M as t er -G enera l w ill b e e ither kale; „ r toiet it Capt. Gosset ; the duties of Treasurer of the usc, a ster•• have, it is understood, been transf e rred to the P t/- General, Sir Henry Parnell. , acke t ' The General Steam Navigation CompanY s ' hous e the Harlequin, from Boulogne, arrived off th e Custe re- e hs at half-past twelve P. M. this da y, having m a de the P 4 ' — ' A the extraordinary short ti me o f e l even an d a half - ho urs h i~Stlf gentleman who came passenger by this vessel expressed perfectly astonished at th e s h or t ti me i n which the a late sa d was made ; he stated th a t h e di ne d i n Paris at on Saturday, then travelled by diligence to Boulognie'food after spending five hou rs th ere , l e ft f o r London , anun 001 himself safely landed at half-past twelve, having been VP' thirty-nine hours performi n g th e j o u r ney from Par i lf e ivilit' don. The Attwood, from Antwerp, and the Lord from Calais, arrived shortly afterwards. c r. as t 1 The great Birmingham Meeting went 0.-7 a ble had anticipated, with the utmost tranquillity. M an i r e act speeches were delivered, but unfortunately we have no and for their insertion, from great press of Parliameetelawar other matters. Resolutions were passed unanitttesaslY I n of Ministers. Gane f** We have to announce the death of IVlajo- --- , rat het^ Sir John Dalrymple, Bart., which took place at big '& 0 44 in-law's residence, Bruntisfield House, Scotland, 01 • - 1790 , last. This officer got his first comm i ss i o n in Februa r Y' • the in the 40th F oo t ; he obtained his company in 17 93 ' In s. 19th Foot, and in th e same year exchanged into the 3d o°7 o . In 1794 he w e nt to Flanders, and served on the Co ntinet" ' ied til the return of the British in 1795. In 1805 he aecoliaPl es , the expedition to Hanover ; in July, 1807, he went t,°..0. land, and was p resent at t h e b om b ar d m ent of C01 3 .,"7y da He was appoint e d M a j or -G enera l i n June, 1511, an , " a short time, daring 1814, on the Staff in Scotlan d London : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, 0 10 14 1 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strang/ vi tilt of Middlesex. Ci 'RSUA/ , _ Chancery, rilt,Plaintiff, and IZ at q ll l l, the Crec ges'arking, in tl 4 - Castle, Afric &prove their : Zt ars of the said Chancery-lan I, 4beit or, in defat efit of the I i t JNO. W. 1 1 Y 1 2•......._ 2 2 .. 8 . 21_ tilSm GI A j RAL will OTI-lING for CRIERS, a m Years next ~:ri at the M a il 1 .itZttrity will b e k '','lle Tend ers SE e e l oek qt be delivered 0 fired.n Wedne: Ih,-....,__._ ECOND 4 1 THE ATEI ANIATEU Ur Her Most Her Royal Her Royal k• °D lernen, Gent . ets on Mown wi l t lY's Gold and to give notil k ti arieh or Tater] i t ,.., 11 6' the subject Lige for the re 4 ''',lttnittee-roon ~ Ju ~_ TRITE] Stingers 1 ieraeuts, supplic 1: 1 1 d SS, Lombax / 4 , sheets, hosie tr ke Pical and woc 4 , cabin fun ,! or purchas. kiZe line, &c., fo x ,(Iten foi SET Ni WIRES it TEETH FASI ONSIE 1 , 4 Dentists, .„ 32 , GREA' I*„r IX INCOI ICA A ',,Y .a) VIRES o . qti t. ; TEETI t ilti fill for the hig lts!Vlished then ii, t `;!fl Metropolis, itktublic in gene I)A x y z ED TE - ETI 114"„EUM, so un il,ratis. Th e c 1 5, A t ‘ 3 NDS witl l i l ,'lost excruciat ti t '4 , TEN LOOS. ki4j,r Disease in !t ej AATURAL l e ,,!ca, Pable of d NZ:prance of 11 use of Articul All c '..' GREAT R I . \...... j), HALT k FOR T 0 W 1 k titt WARRA t t .o coße ß rtN , I tt ' o r aduall y pro Iti kv even the I " 1 ' WHITE iki i • Whit 41 Parting a e° B lfully rend ' titlttiE koq mooxious, i b' Possessing b o f in c id en t a l "d t it ll th i exce Most unp in Half P T O Fars imp of Stamp s x..tved on the qtailk: ;t j tar il i t t P is u e b , iar comr . "sed excl I tta l lloster-ny leiji l treet, to; 114 Prict ;` P U