The Sun. — London, England, 1866-06-27 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAST EVENING. • The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at six o'clock. The appearance of the house testified to the deep interest that is felt at the present critical position of political parties. The house was crowded, and there was a large attendance of ladies in the gallery. THE RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY. Earl RUSSELL—I rise with feelings of the deepest anxiety to state to your lordships what has occurred with respect to the event to which I have referred on a former occasion, and the reasons which induced the Government to tender their resignation. But not to keep your lordships in suspense as to the statement I have to make, I may at once announce to your lordships that the Chancellor of the Ex chequer and 1 went to Windsor Castle to-day and had an audience of her Majesty, and that we re turned to London bearing with us her Majesty's permission to resign our offices. Her Majesty, on receiving the tender of our resignation in the first in stance, was pleased to say that she wished the Cabi net to reconsider their decision—that it appeared to her Majesty that the Government had only been de feated on a point of detail in regard to their measure; and further, that the present state of the Continent wade it very inexpedient to make a change in the Goverrunent at this time. Her Majesty meant by this that those who had communication with foreign Powers must necessarily have advantages over others, however able or experienced, who had been strangers to the negotiations which have been car ried on. Now, with regard to the first point, that our resignation took place on a point of detail. When I accepted office I found that pledges with reference to reform had been given by various ad ministrations—by my own in the first instance, by _that of Lord Aberdeen, and by that of Lord Palmerston. These pledges had not been redeemed, and in consequence of that, a reproach did exist, and would continue to exist, on every party who did not embrace every opportunity that might seem practicable to solve a question which, if left un solved, might be productive of serious evils to the country. It appeared to me not wise to bring for ward the question of Reform unless there was a disposition on the part of the people to entertain it ; but I believed, from what I heard, and from the speeches made at the last election, that the present time was propitious. I thought it necessary, in conse quence of the suspicion which had fallen on public men in reference to this question, to declare at the earliest period, that whatever might be the measure on which the Government decided, by that they would stand or fall. Having had a considerable experience in the introduction of the Reform Act, it seemed to me that Earl Grey was right when he declared, in reference to that measure, that he wished it to be large in order that it might be safe. We had to consider whether it was advisable to propose a measure which might pass easily through Parlia ment by a compromise between the views of diffe rent parties, or whether an attempt should not be made to produce a measure which should last undis turbed at least as long as the Reform Act had been undisturbed. It appeared to us that if we made only trifling amendments—if we enlarged the fran chise only a little—if we treated the question as a party measure, that we should incur the risk that in three or four years there would be a renewed agita tion on the subject, and that, therefore, we should not attain the settlement we desired. We thought it our duty not to bring in a Reform Bill unless we had reason to hope that it might endure for a con siderable time. That by the principle on which we acted, it seemed to us that we should make the bill sufficiently large to give contentment to the people who were asking for an extension of the franchise, both in counties and boroughs ; and the other was that we should so frame the measure that it need not necessarily give alarm to the numerous parties who are sensitively alive to the danger of any dis turbance of the balance of the constitution and of the settled institutions of the country. At former periods propositions had been made to reduce the county franchise to £lO, and the borough franchise to £6, clear annual value. The £6 borough fran chise, proposed by Lord Palmerston's Govern ment, would have enfranchised 260,000 persons; the £5 rating franchise, of 1852, would have en franchised 230,000 ; while the £7 franchise of the present Government would only have enfran chised 156,000. It appeared to me that our bill, therefore, afforded a fair compromise of the question, and, as such, it was accepted by the unrepresented people ; but, on the other hand, those who had objected to the bill of 1860, because it was too great a measure, were not satis fied with our bill, although it enfranchised 100,000 fewer persons. I will not enter into the mode the bill was received by the House of Commons, and the various amendments introduced to obstruct its progress. But feeling, I may say, that the course has been such as hardly to keep the promise made by the noble earl opposite that he would not countenance any attempt factiously to oppose the bill which the Government might bring in, but that he would treat it in a fair and straightforward man ner—if the noble earl had kept entirely aloof from the members of his pthty in the House of Commons, I should have had nothing to say but to lament that they did not follow his advice ; but I have constantly seen in the papers that there were meetings at the house of the noble marquis opposite (the Marquis of Salisbury), and that the Earl of Derby always ad dressed them atsome length. I do not wish'to enter into the particulars of the advice which the noble earl gave to those who listened to him with the de ference due to aperson of his authority ; but when the noble earl spoke to them of straightforwardness they must have been bad pupils, or he did not give them those lessons on straightforwardness which he pro mised to do. The fact is, that this bill was metwith every species of opposition ; sometimes by surprise, but always in the most unfriendly spirit. The result was, that th e secon d read i ng was carried, in fact, by a majority of only five votes. Many subsequent divisions took pl ace on points of detail. At last it came to a question on which there was a majority of 11 against the Government. That division was, her Majesty seems to have heard, a division on a point of detail. If it had been merely on a point of detail as between rating and rental the Government might easily have accepted it ; but coming after so many attempts to obstruct the bill and to defeat it, the Government could not but id that it was hopeless for them to Pursue the attempt to pass the measure. They therefore determined to tender their resignation, considering that the division on Lord Dunkellin's amendment was fatal to the bill. I cannot think that we pro posed too great an extension of the suffrage to the working classes. We considered, at all events, that the franchises we proposed for boroughs and coun ties were vital points in the measure we introduced, and seeing, therefore, that the question was one of detail, and that it was impossible to set right what had been done by other amendments, we determined to tender our resignation. The other ground on which her Majesty declined to accept our resigna tion without further consideration was the present state of foreig n • affazs. But, whatever may be the inconvenience of a change of Government under these circumstances, we thought that this would not justify us in forfeiting the pledge which we had given to stand or fall by the bill. I have only, further, to make two remarks. I trust th a t whatever Parlia ment may do, they will fairly consider t th e e el r a i i g m h s t of f the working classe s to be adm itted to voting. It is especially our duty to do this on this p r esent time. s We may all remember what an effect that which took place i n France in 1830 h ad n country in that year. Now we have seen but very lately a Minister in Germany proposing the election of a Parliament for Germany by universal suffrag e , while it must be recollected that the same suffrage prevails in the United States and in our colonies. Depend on it, these things are not unimportant. *lf you grant the suffrage freely and generously, the people of this country, attached as they are to its institutions, would rather accept the boon from you than look to foreign example. But if your lord ships alienate them from the Crown and the aris tocracy, depend on it that serious evils may arise. We have made the attempt, unfortunately, it seems, but sincerely and anxiously, to perform the duties of reconciling that which is due to the constitution of the country with that which is due to the grow ing intelligence, the increasing wealth, and the manifest forbearance, virtue, and order of the people. This attempt has failed, but our object is one which others should aim at. Depend upon it, however, that no agreement between political parties will produce a lasting state of things in regard to the representation of the people in the House of Commons. You must work in the open day, before the eyes of the people, and convince them that you are acting honestly in regard to them. The noble lord concluded by expressing his gratitude to her Majesty for the confidence she had reposed in him, and by bearing testimony to the sedulous manner in which she discharged the duties of her high station. The Earl of DERBY—I most anxiously hoped on entering your lordships' house that I should be able to listen with respectful attention to whatever the noble earl might say with respect to the grounds for the resignation of her Majesty's Ministers; and although the noble earl has certainly alluded to every possible phase of the subject, and also to some sub jects which were hardly matters for Parliamentary discussion, I do not intend to follow him into any one of them. I do not intend to discuss the merits of the Reform Bill ; I do not intend to discuss the judgment of her Majesty's Ministers with regard to the manner in which they have dealt with that bill ; I should have refrained altogether from challenging what the noble earl said in defence of the course pursued by himself and his colleagues, had he not thought fit in the course of his remarks to speak with considerable freedom of matters personal to myself and party. (Hear.) The noble earl has thought fit to impugn the course which has been pursued by the House of Commons acting, as he assumes, upon my suggestion. (Hear.) Now, my lords, these are the charges to which I cannot listen in silence, more especially when the occasion upon which these charges are made is of such importance as the present. (Hear, hear.) I concur with the noble earl that a change of Government from what ever hands into whatever hands, at a period when there is so much disturbance abroad, and when there are so many important subjects to consider, is and must be a misfortune ; but I venture to tell the noble earl that the change which it appears we have to contemplate is not the fault of those who are opposed to him, but the fault of her Majesty's Ministers themselves. (Cheers.) The noble earl has said that at the commencement of the Sessi on I assured him no underhanded dealing would be resorted to in opposition to it. What I really said was, that if the bill should prove to be a rea sonable and moderate one, such as the Con servative party could honourably and consistently with their conscientious convictions accept as a set tlement of a question which it was desirable to come to some conclusion upon, I would exert what influ ence I had with the Conservative members of Par liament to the end that the noble earl should meet with no unfair opposition ; on the contrary, I said I should be happy to further the progress of such a bill. I say that pledge has been kept, and kept to the letter ; and when the noble earl talks about private meetings of members of the Opposition, and speaking of such meetings as utterly unusual, makes it matter of complaint that the Opposition should meet and consider measures which the Government had submitted to Parliament, and receive an opinion upon them from those in whom the Opposition have confidence, I say the noble earl was at a loss tofind something wherewith to charge his political oppo nents. (Cheers.) My lords, I have upon several occasions met those with whom I have had the honour of acting politically for 20 years past, and, to the best of my judgment, I have expressed such opinions and given them such advice as I conscien tiously believed to be sound with regard to the measures submitted to them in Parliament ; and as long as I have the honour of being associated in public life with, and enjoying the confidence of, a party, I shall deem it one of the fundamental duties imposed upon me by that position not to leave the party, but to offer its members every means for con sultation, and frankly and fairly to bring before them, for the purpose of inducing political co-ope ration, the views which I entertain. (Cheers.) The noble earl spoke of the advice which he supposes I gave to the members of the Opposition. Idon'tknow how he became possessed of his information as to advice I gave. I don't know whether the noble earl employed any person to ascertain what took place at those meetings; but in whatever way he obtained his information, I say I never advised those with whom , I have had the honour of consulting to meet this bill with anything more than reasonable opposition. The noble earl has spoken as if it had been his poli tical opponents who defeated the Government in their intentions with respect to the Reform Bill ; but as a matter of fact every amendment, or ob struction, as he pleases to term an amendment, has been made not by his opponents, but by those whom he reckoned in the ranks of his political supporters. I will say to the noble lord at once that it is the in judicious and dictatorial course which has been pur sued by the Government (cheers) that has alienated from him men who might have been consulted, men who might have been led, but who could never have been driven, and to that he owes the position in which he now finds himself. (Hear, hear.) It is not usual to refer to proceedings in the other house, but as the noble - earl has made use of the phrase " factious opposition," let me remind him what were the amendments to which he referred. The noble earl came down at the opening of Parliament and announced to us that immediately after Lord Palmerston's funeral, that is to say at the latter end of October, her Majesty's Government sent out to obtain statistical information upon which to found a Reform Bill, and at the time that speech was made that statistical information was not in the hands of the Government. (Earl Russell had made a gesture of dissent.) I wish to be corrected if I am in error, but it was certainly stated in the Speech from the Throne that when that information had been ob tained (hear, hear), it should be placed upon the table of the house. When about a month of the Session had expired the Government brought for ward a partial measure dealing with the extension of the franchise, and with nothing else ; but giving out that other important propositions would be made in the future with regard to the representa tion of the people. A noble earl, who was a strong partisan of the Government, and who has proved his political opinions upon more than one occasion, proposed that the Government bill should not be pro ceeded with until the house had before it a complete measure of Reform. It was dismissed by a majority of five only. Was that a very unreasonable de mand to make. (H ear .) Wh en y ou are deal ing with a matter of such gravity—a matter which affects the balance of the Constitution, which alters the character of the House of Commons, and thus alters its relation to this House, to the Throne, and to the country say it is f a i r and reasonable, nay, absolutely necessary, that Parliame n t s h ou ld see th e whole measure upon th e subject before a sound judgment can be formed with respect to any part of it (cheers) . An d Her Majesty's Government admitted the reasonableness of this view of the case, for although they had expressesitheir determi nation to bring forward no Bill but the Franchise Bill this Session, and gained the point by a ma.. jority of five—a small majority it must be ad m it ted —they consented to do that which six weeks be fore they had declared impossible for want of time; and under pressure they brought forward a mea sure so crude, so unprogressive, and so meagre that it was at once, I will not say l aug hed out of the House, but it was certainly never a mat t e r of serious discussion : its clauses and provisions have been entirely condemned; and I am not using too strong a word when I say it was ridiculed by every person who considered it (cheers). The Govern ment, ho wever, b roug ht i t f orwar d h ast il y, i n ac cordance with the demands of the friends of the noble lord in the other House (hear, hear), and the result o f this haste was naturally displayed in the crudene ss and absurdity of its provisions. The next divisi on was u the enfranchising p o on the question as to whether the disfranchising clauses should be tak en first, r and this question the Government obt a i ned, majo rity that it has hitherto gained. .A largest next made to inco r p orate i A motion was n the Bill provisions having for their object the pre • vention of bribery. Upon the wisdom of incorporating such provisions in a Bill of this character I will give no opinion, but such a motion cannot certainly be regarded as brought forward for the purpose of defeating the measure. Her Majesty's Government on that occasion suffered a defeat, but they . did not appear to consider that defeat as one of sufficient im portance to induce them to alter their conduct in any way. They contented themselves with challenging the proposer to bring forward clauses in committee for embodying his propositions. The next question was, I think, the reduction of the county franchise. I should say, however, that upon the first reading of the first bill only was there a dis cussion. The second reading of that bill was passed without any division, and upon the second reading of the second bill, the Redistribution Bill, and upon going into committee on the consolidated bill there was neither discussion nor division. Nothing was done to impede the action of the Government. You speak about the county franchise ; but members of the House of Commons must, I presume, be per mitted to exercise their judgment on these matters without reference to the exigencies of any particular Minister, however old a hand he may be at dealing with a reform bill. (A laugh.) A £2O franchise was suggested instead of the Government proposal of £l4, and upon a motion for substituting a rating for a rental qualification in the counties her Ma jesty's Government were successful. To the last hour, indeed, that clause remained in the bill pre cisely in the form proposed by her Majesty's Go vernment. Now, unless you want to stifle debate altogether, you cannot maintain that there was any obstruction in the course that was adopted on that occasion. (Cheers.) May not the Home of Com mons have its own deliberate opinion as to the rela tive merits of a rating or a rental qualification, and as to the advisability of fixing the standard at £l4 or £2O, without at once being subjected to these accusations ? How could the business of any Go vernment be carried on if every question raised is to be turned into a vote of confidence, and if the House of Commons is to be told that every detail must be accepted in the form it is proposed, that it must submit to have all the opinions of the Govern ment thrust down its throat, and that if any objec tion is offered to such a proceeding Parliament must be prepared for the result? The noble lord talked a great deal about the rights of the vi orking man, but I have shown him that the county franchise was agreed to in the form he proposed, and that the question as to the amount of the borough franchise was never discussed and never divided upon. (Cheers.) When I say it was never discussed, Ido not mean to say that it might not have been a fit subject for discussion, but it never was discussed, and when the House of Commons, by their vote, determined upon accepting a rating instead of a rental qualification, it was perfectly competent for the Government to say that, as that proposition would raise the franchise above what they intended they wouldpropose a reduction in the figure. That would have been a fair and an obvious course to pursue ; but, after the defeat of the Government, when 44 of their own friends voted in opposition, the Chancellor of the Exchequer jumps up and says that as the Government regard that clause as an essential portion of the bill the vote was really one of want of confidence, and notwithstanding the inconvenience to the country, and, notwithstanding the state of foreign affairs, we will involve you in all the inconvenience attending a change of Govern ment because you dared to exercise your right of judgment in this way. The members of the Go vernment then determined upon tendering their re signations, with the:intention, I trust, of inducing the Crown to accept them, and not, I hope, intend ing those resignations to be fictitious. I pass over the remainder of the noble earl's speech ; I will not argue the question of Reform, and I will not even deal in any way with the warnings which the noble earl has uttered about conciliating the people of this country and keeping them on good terms with the Crown and with the aristocracy. I should not have said anything at all had it not been for the per sonal charges made against my friends in the other house. Those charges having, however, been made, I should not have felt that I was performing my duty either to myself or to my friends if I had not risen for the purpose of repudiating them (Cheers.) Lord GRANVILLE disputed the candour and fairness of the opposition that had been offered to the Government measure, pointing out that several vital amendments had emanated from the Opposi tion side in the House of Commons. Lord GREY agreed that after repeated declara tions the Government was bound to bring in a Re form Bill, but he condemned their doing so hastily and without due deliberation. Such a measure should have been prepared with a view to avoid ex citement of party feeling, and a measure simply altering the franchise did not possess that character, esspecially as it was believed to have been drawn up and approved by Mr. Bright. After referring to the denunciations passed upon the opponents of the bill by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his pro vincial speeches, Lord Grey expressed his opinion that the measure, as proposed to Parliament, was crude and unfair, and that the Government had acted unwisely in making their retention of office dependent upon its passing. Their lordships adjourned at 8 o'clock until Thursday. HOUSE OF C OII .IMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at six o'clock. The house was crowded in every part, and the most noticeable feature previous to the commence ment of business was the entrance of Lord Dun kellin, who was received on his appearance with loud cheers. Between one and two thousand persons assembled outside Westminster-hall this evening to witness the arrival of the different members of Parliament. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was loudly cheered as he entered the house. THE lIELSTONE ELECTION COMMITTEE. The members chosen to try the merits of this petition were called to the table to be sworn, when Mr. WALPOLE said Mr. Hibbert, who had been chosen as chairman, was too ill to attend. Dr. M'Cann, the hon. gentleman's medical attendant, was in waiting, and he begged to move that Dr. M'Cann be called to the bar. The motion was agreed to, and Dr. APCann ac cordingly appeared. The SPEAKER, asked Dr. 11PCann when he last saw Mr. Hibbert professionally. Dr. M'CANN—On the 21st of the month. (Loud laughter.) The SPEAKER—In what state did you find him ? Dr. I\PCANN—He was taken exceedingly unwell on his return from the Duke of Devonshire's party. (Loud laughter.) The SPEAKER—Is he now unable to attend to his duties in the house ? Dr. M'CANN—He is. The SPEAKER—You may withdraw. The swearing of the committee was then post poned until a future day. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 27, 1866. THE BALLOT.' Mr. BERKELEY postponed his motion with re spect to the ballot for a fortnight. THE RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then rose amidst a loud burst of prolonged cheering from the Ministerial benches, and addressed the house as follows :--Sir, the suspense which the house yesterday so kindly consented to prolong is at an end, and her e Maj ty has been pleased to a cc ept th e resignation of the offices which were last week ten dered by the Government. This house is aware that her Majesty thought fit in her wisdom to post pone the acceptance of that tender when the tender itself was first made. It appeared to her Majesty that upon.the first aspect of the vote machinery c ot i e which led to h P in er e i r 'a y rs and b e the tender of our resignatio n , it r m con sidered as a matter of n detail, susceptible of adjustment, rather than as one which tended to break up the framework of the bill; and her Majesty also felt —and I think the house and the country, without distinction of party, will agree in that senti ment—that in the present state of affairs on the continent of Europe there is necessarily a disad vantage in a change of Government. Without the slightest approach to any invidious preference or distinction, it may truly be said that at such a moment it is not easy for any incoming administra tion to step at once into the exact conditions of rela tions with Governments and Ministers abroad which was enjoyed by their predecessors, and the amount of that difficulty, whatever it may be, is in itself a public disadvantage. Her Majesty upon these grounds thought fit to postpone the acceptance of our resignation as the house has been informed, until she had had the opportunity of personal con ference with my noble friend at the head of the Government. This day I accompanied my noble friend to Windsor, and the opportunity was given to him of tendering those explanations which ap peared to us to warrant the course we have pursued, and of laying before her Majesty the full circum stances of the case. Upon receiving these explana tions the tender which had been postponed was accepted, and we now, by her Majesty's gracious command, only retain the seals of our offices until the time when our successors shall have been ap pointed. Having stated this much, I think it is due from the Government to the house, that they should not confine themselves to the dry recital of the results arrived at in the c3mmunication with her Majesty, but that in endeavouring to avoid con tested and controverted grounds, I should make some explanations. to the house of a nature to show that in the step we have taken, we have not acted unadvisedly or without deliberation. Sir, after the division which took place upon Monday, and during the interval which has since occurred, the alternative which the Government appeared to have principally before them as the most immediate and legiti mate subject of consideration in the present state of the country, was whether it was their duty at once to resign their offices, or whether, on the other hand, they ought to accept the vote which had been arrived at on the motion of my noble friend the member for Galway (Lord Dunkellin), and to endeavour if they could to adapt that vote and the operation of it to the frame work of their measure and the attainment of its essential object. Now, sir, let me state briefly the views which we took of the nature and effect of that vote. We did carefully examine it, in order to see whether it was in our power to effect such an adaptation as I have described. At the close of the debate of last Tuesday, the words which I ventured to use on the part of the Government did not amount to an absolute statement that if the vote was carried against us we should feel it impossible to conduct the Government of the country, but they did express the difficulty in which we found ourselves with respect to the possible conse quences of such a vote, 'and I was obliged to say that we could enter into no engagements in the event of an adverse division, but must be free to take such a course as the public interests should ap. pear to us to require. N ow, sir, when we came to examine the effect of the motion, and to consider whether it was possible for us to adopt it, we were struck with these difficulties. In the first place, the inequality of its operation in the different boroughs ; in the 2nd place, the inequalities of its operation in the same boroughs ; and in the third place, the almost insurmountable difficulties of choosing any formal figure of enfranchisement re lativeto rating which would express faithfully and exactly, and without material deviation on one side or the other, the scale of enfranchisement which we had contemplated and submitted to the house, and which we thought ourselves, not by any pedantic view of the case, but by considerations for the public interest, bound to adhere to. We found this to be the case as to the operation of a £6 rating franchise, because that was the sum indicated :by the noble mover of the amendment. With regard to the in equalities in different boroughs, the figures which I now give can be tested by any gentleman for himself, for he has no more to do than refer to the blue-book which has been laid upon the table of the house. We had stated to the house a plan by which a certain number of male occupiers would be enfranchised by an occupation fran chise of £7 in boroughs. We asked ourselves in the case of each borough, what amount of rat ing franchise would give the same numbers as would have been given by the occupation franchise which we proposed. We found these were the results. In 16 boroughs a number at least equal to what we proposed would have been enfranchised by taking a rateable franchise on the basis of £6. In 39 boroughs we should have required to take not merely those above a £6 rating, but those of £6 and upwards. In 112 boroughs we must have taken £5 and up wards ; in 21 boroughs £4 and upwaros ; and in five boroughs we should have been obliged to take those even under £4, to have the number of elec tors equal to what would have been given by our £7 occupation franchise. (Cheers from the Minis terial side.) I mention this as being the simple re sult of the sum. It is not for me to judge what weight they may have on the minds of others ; but on ours it had considerable. We then considered a matter on which I need not dwell, because it wag dealt with in the debate, but which we felt acutely, viz., the difficulties in which we should be involved from establishment of different rates of franchise in the same boroughs, owing to the great and frequent differences of rating which prevailed in different parts of the same town where those parts happened to belong to different people. Lastly, we had to consider if we proposed a £6 rating franchise, it in volved on the whole a diminution of the franchise, which in our view was inadmissible. (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) If, on the other hand, we proposed a £5 franchise, we should have been ex posed to the taunts and objections of which I do not stop to estimate the value, but which undoubt edly would have led to the statement that we had departed materially from the original framework and standard of our bill. These difficulties led us to the conclusion that the vote given on the motion of the noble lord the member for Galway went very much to break up the framework of the measure. But that was not the whole, nor nearly the whole, of our difficulty. We had to consider our position as a whole. We had to consider the previous history of the bill. (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) And undoubtedly, in our particular case, the issue was additionally grave and anxious, because of the pledge we had given in various forms, and of which we have been reminded from time to tune in the course of the debate—our pledge, viz., to stand or fall by our measure. (Cheers.) Now, these pledges, if they seemed to some to have been conveyed in rhetorical or inflated forms, were nevertheless advisedly and deliberately given. (Re newed cheers.) In my opinion we pledged, and in the opinion of the Cabinet the pledge to stand or fall by a particular measure is a pledge which should rarely be given. It is thelast weapon in the armoury of the Government. It should not be lightly taken down from the wall, and if it is taken downit should not be replaced until it has served the purposes for which it was intended. (Cheersfrom the Ministerial side.) That pledge was given by us under the deepest 'convictions, whether erroneous or not, of public duty. We looked back over fifteen years, and we considered what was the history of this question. We did not forget its inconvenient and itsmischiev ous operation during many of those years upon the character of public men, upon the character of par ties, and, permit me to say more, upon the charac ter of Parliament as a representative institution. (Renewed cheers from the Ministerial side.) We felt that the stake was a stake of the highest order; that the responsibility was great, and that it was our duty to use every effort in our power to avoid offence and conciliate support, and to unite instead of distracting the minds of men. (Renewed cheers from the Ministerial side.) We thought, however, at the same time, that it was our duty firmly and resolutely to adhere to whatever plan we might adopt, and that there is no such thing as firm and resolute progress with subjects of importance and magnitude like that except by attaching the life of the Administration to the life of the measures they propose. (Renewed Ministerial cheers.) Such, therefore, was the course we took, advisedly and deliberfitely—not for our own sakes, but for the sake of far higher and deeper interests involv ing that which is th e fi rst cond i t i on o f goo d govern ment in this or any o th er country, v i z ., th e confi dence of the publi c i n t h ose b y w h om th ey are d. with(Rentenwated anxiety cheers from t o r thepursue rs Ministerial such u cha course, o s side.) s e o . Along we also, as I have said, evinced a most earnest and sincere disposition to conciliate the minds of men— to conciliate those who were fastidious, or who might possibly be opposed to Reform, at the expense of those by whom Reform was ardently supported. (Cheers.) Now, what are the facts ? In 1860 a measure was proposed involving, as a basis, a £lO and £6 franchise, which would have brought about an extension of the suffrage of no less than 460,000 persons. For that £lO and £6 franchise we substi tuted franchises of £7 and £l4, the effect of which was to bring down the figure of 460,000 to about 300,000 ; or to sacrifice about one-third of the enfranchisement which the bill of 1860 would have effected. We thought that that was a very large concession. We thought it better to make it early than late, but, having made it, it is impossible not to see that it became our duty to give a stricter in terpretation to the pledges we had given to stand or fall by the bill. And, Sir, 1 may be permitted to say likewise—l say it without reproach to any one —I may be permitted to say that, in our own view, we likewise adopted and did act upon this inten tion, that no secondary difficulty or consideration should be allowed to interfere with our making progress with the bill. We accordingly consented to make changes in our mode of procedure upon the bill, as much as could be made in any Govern ment measure introduced and deliberately perse vered with by the Government. We agreed to pro duce a bill for the redistribution of seats; we agreed that that bill should be united with our own bill, conceding in both these points to the consideration of the majority of the house, and waiving our own convictions regarding them. We deemed that, however just we might think our own opinion, it did not warrant the serious public evil of a conflict with the House of Commons upon the question of the repre sentation of the people, especially after what had happened with regard to that representation in former years. In the same manner when provisions of the bill which appeared to us, even although valu able, and yet capable of being parted with, were objected to, we agreed to withdraw them. We agreed to withdraw the clause respecting leasehold votes from boroughs in counties, and we also agreed to modify the fourth clause in a point which was deemed of importance. These modifications were acceded to at the instance of gentlemen opposite, and the last of them excited lively expostulation from a large number of gentlemen on our side of the house —(Hear, hear, from the members below the gangway)—who thought it their duty to give expression to their sentiments by a division. , There remained then but one difficulty with regard to pro cedure, and that was our desire to pass some mea sure during the present session. With respect to that desire, when challenged to repeat in strong terms our expression of it, we deliberately waived any expression, because we felt it would be invidi ous, and might be disrespectful, to flourish such a declaration in the face of the House of Commons; and we covered even that subject by a general de claration made by me in words authorised expressly by my colleagues, that we should be loth to quar rel with the house, or that portion of the house which agreed with us, upon any question of pro cedure as to the bill. However, we found ourselves met with these proceedings on the bill : On the 27th of April my noble friend the member for Chester made a motion as an amendment, on the second reading,the effect of which would have been that we should have been compelled to produce the Seats Bill before the house had given any opinion what ever on the Franchise Bill. That motion, as is known to the house, was rejected in a house unpre cedentedly large by a majority of five, the numbers being 318 as against 323. The next step in the pro gress of the measure was on the 2d of May,when the ' hon. baronet the member for Northamptonshire made a motion to instruct the committee to include in the bill clauses for the repression of bribery and corruption. Our difficulty already was, that we had an overweighted measure, and that it was almost impossible to find time to consider it. We remonstrated—we pointed out that that course, at least, had not been pursued on former occasions ; but the house thought fit to overrule the view of the Government, and by a majority of 10 the hon. baro net carried his motion. I do not say whether he was right or wrong. I speak only of the amount of obstacles which we found besetting us on the road to the end which we had in view. On the 4th of June another motion was made by the hon. and gallant member for Wells, which certainly ended without a division, but which was debated for three nights, and which evidently must have had, and was intended to have, the effect of putting aside the consideration of the bill for this year. On the 7th of June the noble lord the member for King's Lynn made a motion for the purpose of postponing the enfranchising clauses to the clauses relating to the redistribution of seats. That motion was made without any public notice whatever. (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) But it was within the know ledge of the Government at a subsequent period, that, through channels which I am not able to point out, information had been conveyed that either that motion or some such motion should be made on that day and at that hour ; such information, however, being conveyed exclusively to certain gentlemen on this side of the house whose votes appeared likely to be favourable to the motion. Notwithstanding that information, the motion was negatived by 287 against 260. We were then met by the motion of the right hon. the member for Cambridge University, who proposed to raise the county franchise to £2O, and thereby to maim in our view —at all events greatly to alter —one of the funda mental clauses in the bill. The motion was rejected by a very small majority of only 14 ; and then came in another form a motion which was admitted to have for one of its objects the raising of the county franchise—l mean the motion of my hon. friend the member for Northamptonshire. That motion was rejected only by a majority of seven. Then came the motion of my noble friend the member for Gal way raising the very same point for the boroughs which had been rejected by only seven for the counties, and applying that principle to the bo roughs which had been refused for the counties, although it was within the knowledge of us all that whatever difficulty was connected with rateable value would be greater in the boroughs than in the counties. (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) That motion was carried by a majority of eleven, and it was upon a deliberate review of this series of facts, from the recital of which I have endeavoured to ex. elude every qualifying epithet—it was on a delibe rate review of this series of facts, combining that review of previous divisions and debates with what I have already stated as to the nature of the mo tion itself, that we arrived at the conclusion that effectual progress with the bill—progress such as would leave the relation and standing ground of the House of Commons relativelyto the bill sensibly different at the end of our labours from what they had been in the beginning—that such progress was impossible, and that consequently between the al ternatives of accepting alterations or resignation, our duty was in the first instance to offer, and finally, having had through the gracious kindness of her Majesty an interview, to persevere in the tender of our resignation. I hope that in convey ing to the house the motives which acted on our minds, I have been fortunate enough to make it understood that my sole desire was to present the subject matter with which I have dealt simply as we viewed it, and that I was not using it as a reproach or even an argument. It is the duty of a Government, especially in regard to questions of gravity, to place the House of Commons in pos session, as far as the public interest will allow, of the motives and considerations by which Ministers have been guided ; and I trust, therefore, that the house will excuse me for the time I have occupied its attention. (Cheers.) I have no more to say than simply this, that we hold our offices simply and solely until our successors are appointed. I propose to move that this house at its rising do adjourn until Thursday next. I believe that at so early a date no effectual measures can be taken in forming a new Administration ; but with the idea that on Thursday there will be some person with whom we shall be able to communicate, and at whose instance we may on that day propose a further adjournment of the house, I name that day. I am not aware of any rule that would prevent members whose names are upon the paper, or who have bills upon the order, from proceeding with the business, but I am sure the house will concur with me in thinking that such prosecution of business is inconvenient during a period when there is an absolute abeyance of the functions of Government, excepting in cases beyond dispute, when only formal business will have to be proceeded with. One vote will be taken to-day for the packet service, the amount of which falls due at the end of the month, and which will be reported on Thursday, and will be in time for the purpose in tended. (Cheers.) The motion for the adiournment of the house at its rising till Thursday was then agreed to. On the motion of Mr. CIIILDERS, votes amounting in the aggregate to £1,450,000 were taken on account for departments belonging to the Post-office Packet Service. The house then adjourned until Thursday. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Lord Russell's Government has breathed its last with more dignity and consciousness than some of its friends had expected. Another course was open to it ten days ago, .but the choice once made was not one to be spontaneously recalled, averted by officious interposition, or inflamed into the calamity of a dissolution. The Leader of the Commons has spoken his last words, if not quite in charity with all men, at least with a self-restraint which proves at once a sense of the occasion and the sweet uses of adversity. In the account he renders of himself and his Chief the Queen has to perform a part of unusual prominence, and every loyal subject will rejoice to find her Majesty taking decidedly a more sensible view of the matter than her late advisers. It certainly requires not only explanation, but apology, that with half Europe in arms, and diplomacy rapidly quickening its pace as well as widening its range, the Government of this great Empire should throw down the reins upon such a detail as the choice between rateable value and estimated rental. The simplicity with which Lord Russell describes the Queen's surprise at the question which has dragged her across the island, and broken up an Administration, will suggest to some innocent minds a wish that he could change places with his Sovereign for the nonce, and let her come to Downing-street, upon finding him com fortable quarters at Balmoral. After the Queen, the two topics on which Mr. Gladstone has spent a great occasion are a review of the history of the Re form Bill and an argument upon the special diffi culties arising out of Lord Dunkellin's success. Un fortunately, the two topics counteract one another, as in a bad composition the background of the pic ture is only seen to diminish and confuse the prin cipal object. Mr. Gladstone attempts a climax sub lime in its national import, and affecting in its personal consequences ; but, as the argument of the whole is that the last ounce has broken the horse's back, the closing catastrophe is reduced to that ex act weight avoirdupois—that much, and no more. It really comes upon us with the force of a foregone conclusion. The patient camel bore a good deal. As the burden was doubled and trebled, it groaned and grunted, and ground its teeth, but still stood up manfully. The brutal drivers heaped one thing on another. At last a feather, a rag, a dry stick brought the load beyond the pitch of endurance, and the poor beast lay down. No doubt, this view of the case has a certain foundation in fact, but it does not say much for the great saving principle of " esti mated rental." Mr. Gladstone cannot get over his astonishment and indignation at the treatment of his bill. It was meant to do so much good to his party, and in so clever a manner 1 Each successive division, either for or against him, is still, in his eyes, a fresh and gratuitous act of persecution. He cannot understand that others have their views of the right balance of political power as well as him self, and that others can think themselves as clever and be as obstinate as himself. Like his Chief in the other house, he refuses to believe that his opponents can have an opinion entitled to respect. He asks with surprise why Lord Derby, who had a Reform Bill of his own—a very good Reform Bill, lie re peats—allowed his friends to stand in the way of this bill, as if the question could not be retorted. Then, why on earth should the Opposition object to deal with one thing at once, as if one was not enough? With the sensitiveness of a saint he recounts the successive provocations to his temper and trials to his faith. As we cannot think that any of the objections were so utterly unreasonable and so purely malicious, we can only conclude that Mr. Gladstone had immensely underrated the difficulty of the task, and that he had overlooked the necessity of securing adequate support for his measure. The divisions, the small majorities, the concessions, and the downright defeats were heavy blows, but not unlikely, and not unexpected. Then, just as their cumulative effect has reduced to insignificance the last fatal blo w,so it becomes in its turn the•measure of them all. It has been a war of details, as it had a perfect right to be. Our Constitution itself is a mass of details. But if anything could have re deemed the last decisive question upon which Government has sacrificed itself, it would have been some attempt to prove that a principle is involved in the choice of " estimated ren tal." It would be a great relief to think that this crisis had the dignity of a principle at stake. But whatever principle there is or could be imagined in it is abandoned at once. It would not have given us the requisite numbers, says Mr. Gladstone ; and, besides that, the assessments are not equal ; whereas the rental must be fair. Thus the principle, like a stream sinking in the sand, disappears before a question of figures and an irre gularity of assessment. Even the question of figures is abandoned as soon as stated. The franchise, it is admitted, might have been put as low as £5, but, says Mr. Gladstone, it would have given different results in different towns. Why should it not ? Then, as for assessment, it is impossible to do in England what is done in Ireland and Scotland ? Such is the petty question upon which Government has elected to wreck itself and its party at a time when we have a good many other things to think of besides Reform. Is such an apology perfectly seri ous, and must we take it for granted that Mr. Glad stone is astonished to find seventy members defend ing their private interests, and an aristocratic class doing its best to secure its old place in our system ? Mr. Gladstone's great personal qualities will always secure for him a very high position in this country. So will Mr. Bright's. But the men these have to deal with in a battle for reform feel that they require all the aids and appliances which fortune and the actual state of things may give them. They are not the men to throw away a single chance; and whatever they find their own they will hold it if they can. No doubt their private interest must give way to the pub lic when necessary, but they will fight for it, and they are generally very determined, and very united in its defence. Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone were bound to foresee all this, for they certainly would not remove the danger by overlooking it. At the instigation of a General of Volunteers they have led their forces to the assault, not of a Quadrila teral, but of 50 ancient strongholds, all bound toge ther by the tie of a common interest. Was there no danger in this ? There was, and Mr. Gladstone knew it. The confessed difficulty, the impossibility of the task, was the excuse for postponing it, and even shrouding it in mystery. The reduction of the franchise, it is admitted, was only a siege opera tion, and the boroughs were the real object of at tack. There is, then, some real and substantial rea son for the resistance made to the bill ; and there is a little affectation in pretending not to see it. Jus tice to the measure itself requires that it should not be described as the poor innocent flouted and cuffed by a rude crowd. It proposed a great change. It was worth a great effort to carry it and an equally great effort to defeat it. Parliament has not been fighting about a shadow this session. It has been fighting about a new Constitution, to tell its tale for ages. That much is due to the authors and sup porters of the bill, and that much is due also to its foes, in whatever degree of hostility. HERALD.—In announcing in the House of Com mons the Queen's acceptance of her Ministers' re signation, Mr. Gladstone did his best to fulfil the promise with which he set out, that his statement of the facts which had compelled that resignation should be confined to uncontroverted points, and should throw no reproach upon those whose opposi tion, finally successful, had overthrown both the Reform Bill and the Government. Except one single significant phrase applied to Lord Stanley's motion, there was nothing hi the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech which could give occasion of complaint or hostile criticism. This was the tone suited to a time at which controversy and recrimina tion would have been out of place, and befitting the attitude of a Minister retiring from office with honour unimpeached and dignity unimpaired, on account of a hostile vote in the House of Commons. Lordßussell, unfortunately, behaved in a very different manner. Unable to imitate the reserve of a colleague whose irascible temper was on this occasion at least kept under perfect control, the veteran chief of the defeated Administration suffered his vexation to betray itself in every sentence of his address to the Lords, and to lead him into a violent and most in decent attack upon the successors to whom her Majesty is necessarily . about to appeal. He com plained of factious hostility, of obstruction, of de lays, as if it had been an unheard of and unconsti tutional thing for the Opposition to endeavour to defeat a bill introduced by the advisers of the Crown ; accused Lord Derby of having violated the promise he gave that the Conservative party would consider the question of reform with a candid desire for its settlement, and would offer no factious or underhand resistance to it; and went so far as to imply that the party meetings of the Conservatives, and the co-operation of the constitutional Liberals, were instances of faction and underhand dealing. Of course the only effect of this petulant outbreak was to call up Lord Derby in triumphant vindication of his; conduct and his party; but it was most unfor tunate for the reputation of a statesman who must be conscious that his career is now at an end, that it should close in such an undignified exhibition of un governed irritability and vindictive temper. The Op position has done exactly what it was its function as an Opposition to do ; it first endeavoured to induce the Ministry to make the Reform Bill one which could be accepted; it then endeavoured to amend it ; and being defeated in this attempt by the obsti nacy of the Government, supported only by the barest majority in the House of Commons, it then, in conjunction with those independent members who shared its Conservative and constitutional opinions, directed its efforts to defeat a measure which it could never have been asked, and never was honestly expected, to approve. No rational Liberal has ever pretended that the Conservatives could conscien tiously do anything else than resist the bill to the uttermost ; no experienced politician has felt dis posed to question the mode of their resistance, save in one doubtful and unimportant instance ; and this outbreak cf passion on the part of a veteran partisan like Lord Russell will but damage his own character, and leave a stain on his memory, without serving in the least to injure the adversary by whom it was so promptly met, and rebuked with so much severity and dignity. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS-TUESDAY. The arrivals this week are not largo. Factors are very firm, and demand an advance of 3s per qr over last Tuos day's rates, which millers reluctantly give, and the busi ness passing is not great at the advance. All descriptions of spring corn rather dearer. BRISTOL-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was about the usual attend ance. Best Hamburg and French wheat 3s to 4s dearer on the week. Inferior sorts 2s dearer. Maize, is ; oats, 6d ; barley, is dearer on the week. Little English wheat offer ing, and holders extremely difficult to manage. LIVERP 0 OL-T LTESDAY. At this day's market there was a fair attendance of the town and country trade, and rather a better tone and more disposition to buy was evinced than on Friday. Wheat and flour met with a good consumptive demand, at an ad vance on the week of 3d per 100 lb and 1s per barrel. Oats were dull and without change in value, but oatmeal brought 6d per load more money. In barley, beans, and pease there was little doing, and no change in value to note. Indian corn was in fair request, and prime mixed brought 29s 6d to 29s 9d per 4801 b. MELTON MOWBRAY.-TUESDAY. A moderate show of wheat, and sales were made at 3s over the quotations of the previous week, with a firm trade. White wheat, 60s - to _67s ; red, 56s to 61s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 36s to 39s per qr ; feed, 30s to 33s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 28s to 345; new, 22s to 30s per 24st• Beans, old, 50s to 535; new, 44s to 48s per qr. SHEFFIELD-TUESDAY. There was a moderate show of wheat here to-day. Tho tone of the trade was languid at an advance of 3s per qr. Grinding barley changed hands steadily at the extreme rates of last week. Oats were sparingly shown, and moved off at rather better prices. Beans a limited show, at is per qr more money. Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels 196 Od 22s 01 White do do 22s Od to 25s 01 New red do do —s Od —s Od New white do do — s Od —s Od Beans do do l9s Od 20s 61 Peas, per qr. . Grinding Dailey, per qr 34s Od 37s Od Malting barley, d o 3Bs Od 426 Od Oats, do 27s Od 32s Od F10ur....1s al to 2s Od per 141 D, GAINSBOROUGH-TUESDAY. Our corn exchange to-day was very sparingly supplied with wheat, and sales were effected at 2s to 3s per qr. higher—new white, 59s to 635; red and mixed, 57s to to 60s per 3G stone. For barley full prices were quoted. Oats were sparingly shown, and realised extreme curren cies. Beaus a scanty show and a steady sale, at prices against the buyers. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton July 20. Ditto, via Marseilles July 14. Brazil and Cape Verdes. by British packet July 4. Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Holena July 22. China, Penang, and Singapore. via Sou t hampton July 3. Ditto, yia Marseilles June 27. Faikland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Tune 27. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Sauthaaaptoa....July 3 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. June 27. Ditto, via Marseilles ...July 7. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton July 3. Ditto, via Marseilles June 27. Mauritius, via Southampton July !3 Ditto, via Marseilles, July 7. Newfoundland Portugal July 4. Ditto ; by private ship to Lisbon... United Estates and British North America, by Bri- tish packet .. June 28 Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry ..June 29. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ...,July 11. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Honduras) ....June 23. Cuba and Mexico° Bahamas, via New 'York. June 28. Bermuda, via Halifax RACING IN AMERICA.—By our latest advicos from Ame rica the Paterson Spring Meeting has come off with great eclat. At this gathering a race is run denominated " The Derby," after its parent institution in England. Tho stakes is between £7OO and £BOO, and, no doubt, in the course of a few years it will represent thousands. Tho American sporting papers have glowing descriptions of the glories of their Derby Day, much after the fashion that the English journals dilate upon ours, and, from the accounts which reach us, not only of this particular event, but of others, our Transatlantic cousins are evidently be cOming deeply imbued with a love of the sport. The American " Derby" was won by Mr. R. A. Alexander's ch c Merrell, by Lexington, out of Miriam, by Glencoe ; Mr. J. S. Watson's Remorse was second, and Mr. T. B. Road's Enchantress third. Nine horses ran. Distance, one mile and a half. Time, 2 min. 55 sec. Tho course was fetlock deep in mud. Merrell, with a stable com panion of his, was backed at evens against the field. An eminent American jockey, named Abe, rode the winner, who gained the judge's fiat by a length, amidst the ringing plaudits of the public. The meeting comprised three days' racing. Tho minor events were well contested, and the whole affair was most successful. It may be noted that two English-bred horses—Maid of Honour and Hampton Court—attracted great attention, and the former won a race in gallant style. VESUVIUS THREATENING AN ERUPTION.—News from Naples states that Vesuvius is showing signs of greater disturbance than has been the case for two years. The volcano is thundering and the crater omits an enor mous column of fire. [ADVERTISEMENT. —Holloway's Pills and Ointment. — Deranged Stomach, Sick Headacho.—Our comfort, happi ness, and security depend on the knowledge that most dis eases originate from apparently a trifling beginning, and that the large proportion of them spring from inattention to the state of the stomach. Professor Holloway bag turned his knowledge to useful account by discovering medicines which cure, without exception, the attendants on disordered digestion. They ward off likewise the tor turing sick headache. The ointment should be well rubbed, twice daily, over the stomach, liver, and bowels ; to thorn it penetrates, and, aided by the pills, immediately works such a revolution as establishes perfect digestion. Births. BROOKER—On the 24th inst., at Clifton House, St. LW' renee, Jersey, the wife of Captain G. Booker, )t.N., of a son. CHARLESWORTH—On the 25th inst., at Snaresbrook, the wife of J. T. Charlesworth, Esq., of a daughter. HESKETH— On the 24th inst., at Ewell, near Dover, the wife of Captain W. P. Hesketh, Adjt. Royal East Kent Yeomanry, of a daughter. SMITH—On the 25th inst., at 3, Orsett-terrace, Hyde-park, the wife of R. H. Smith, Esq., of Lincoln's-inn, barrister" at-law, of a daughter. Marriages. DUFF—PHILurs—On the 23d inst., at St. Paul's, Knights' bridge, Captain A. G. DUFF, Madras Army, Deputl, Commissioner, British Burmah, to Eliza, daughter 0 Mark Phillips, Esq., of Waddon, Wiltshire. HALLETT—BEET — On the 26th inst., at St. Marylebot le Church, London, Frederick H. Hallett, Esq., of Ashford' to Emma, only daughter of the Into John Beet, Esq., ° the same place. Deaths. BILERETON—On the 24th inst., at Camden-town, the D 3lr. John Brereton, aged 54. BAunox—On the 24th inst., at 66, Gloucester-place, Port' man-square, Wm. Barron, Esq., aged 72. CRAM —On the 25th inst., at 2, Chlorine-place, Belfast, a. ' L. Craik, Professor of History and English Literat ure, Queen's College, Belfast. DELMAR—On the 25th inst., at Guilton Rectory, Ash, 'Cent' Charles Delmar, Esq., aged 80. GARDNER—On the 24th inst., at his Lytham residence, 13• Gardner, Esq., J.P., of Chaseloy, Manchester, aged 86. WIGRAM —On the 25th inst., at 15a, Grosvenor -square, T;• L. Wigram, Esq., aged 75. YousGuusuA_ND—On tho 24th inst., at Elm House, Charl ton Kings, near Cheltenham, Major-General A. G. F. J. Youngliusband, Bengal Army, aged 53. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREW S, of No. 112, Strand, Punter. at Tits SUN Of f ice, No. 112. Strand, in the PrCCillet of: the Savoy, in the County of Bliddiesex..—Wednesday, June 27, 1866.