The Sun. — London, England, 1835-02-25 00:00:00

land, and even the constituents of that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, were not disgusted with the expressions then used, he (Colonel Sibthurpc) was much mistaken. On the present occasion, he thought commonjus tice demanded that they should give what the Right Hon. Baronet de- manded, namely—a fair trial. Mr. CLAY thought that if one duty was more incumbent than an other on the Members of the House a• the present moment, it was that they should openly declare their opinion on the circumstances which had recently occurred connected with the change in the Government of the country. His Majesty, in his Speech, had been pleased to allude to certain reforms which it was intended to propose, but in such words, and might be so diluted, that they could not, if granted, satisfy the just expectations of the people. It therefore became their duty to show by what principles they were actuated, and that they were determined to . . apply to the work of reform with energy and good faith, and whatever other changes might take place, that they would remain the same, and would continue to pursue a course of just reform. That was not the time for any ambiguity in the expression of opinions, and there fore he thought that it was the duty of the House to vote for the Amendment; and in doing so, he trusted that the House would ex. press respectfully to his Majesty the extreme disappointment they ex periencediat the recent exercise of the prerogative of the Crown—(Hear, hear)—in changing its responsible advisers, and in the subsequent dissolution of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Would it be denied by any Gentleman opposite, that the Melbourne Cabinet enjoyed a large share of the confidence of the House of Commons ? Would any gentleman deny that the late House of Commons was dismissed because it placed confidence in the late Administration ?--(Hear, hear.) The late disso lution was a most uncourteous dismissal of the Parliament, and no pre vious House of Commons had experienced such treatment from a Prince of the House of Brunswick. And upon what House of Com mons, he would ask, was this experiment made ?—(Hear, hear.) Was it a House containing a number of nominees of Peers and other persons ? Was it an assemblage composed of the re presentatives of rotten boroughs or corrupt constituencies ? Was it a Parliament possessing little of the confidence of the people of this country ? On the contrary, it was a House more truly repre senting the interests and hopes of all classes in the community, and en joying a greater share of public confidence, than any House that had existed in this country for the last two hundred years, or perhaps had ever assembled in this country.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Ea ' ronet (Sir R. Peel) in his address to his constituents, asked whether it was intended that himself and colleagues should be excluded from office for ever ? He (Mr. Clay) answered distinctly in the affirmative. —(Cheers and a laugh.) Were those men to be selected to manage the affairs of the country who had disgraced themselves by defending those monstrous abuses, Gatton and Old Sarum ? (Hear, hear.) He meant to say nothing personally offensive to the Right Hon. Gentleman and his colleagues; and he believed that he had abstained from doing so out of the House as well as within its walls; but their opposition to reform was too recent to enable them now ' •" to serve the Crown effectively.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.' He repeated that they did not possess the confidence of the people of England to an extent to enable them to be effective Ministers of the Crown.—(Cheers.) He believed that only one opinion prevailed throughout the country as to the late change in the Administration — namely, that the Ministers had been dismissed because they were de termined to bring forward an efficient measure of Reform on a great vital question—on a question on which the late Ministry and the House of Commons were agreed in opinion.—(Hear, hear.) It had been stated that the time had arrived to make a stand, He (Mr. Clay; - would give the party opposite some credit for making a stand, if they had ever shown a disposition to yield to the wishes of the people. They had been for nearly seventy years, with little intermission, in the pos session of power, and they had ever been making what they called stands. _ . and all their stands had been eminently unsuccessful. As the Repre sentative of the largest borough Constituency in the empire, he felt called upon to declare his opinions on the present occasion, and he had no hesitation in saying, that the large body of intelligent voters which he rTpresented were almost unanimous in their feelings against the pre. sent Government. Mr. CRSSLETT PELHAM addressed the House in a low tone of voice, and the greater portion of his observations were inaudible in the gallery. We under.,tood him to declare that he intended to vote for the Address, as he thought that it was a delicate and dangerous thing to interfere with the prerogative of the Crown. He considered it to be just as much a part of the prerogative to dissolve the Parliament as to dismiss the Ministers. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY denied that there was that concurrence of opinion amongst the supporters of the Government which they con tended ought to be found amongst its opponents. The present Admi nistration was framed of more discordant materials than any that had previously been formed. It was formerly the laudable custom to refuse to grant the supplies until a redress had been afforded to grievances ; and he trusted that the present House would not give any supplies until an ample remedy had been afforded to grievances.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the House would not listen to the question of supply— oud cries of " Hear, hear")—until ample redress had been afforded for the late outrage offered to the constituent body of the empire. Lord CASTLEREAGH said it was his bounden duty to one of the largest constituencies in Ireland to declare, that it was their firm deter. mination to give the Government a fair and impartial trial. Having ac cepted office, and gone back to his constituents, and been returned in the manner he had been, he was not only entitled, but bound to give the representation of their sentiments.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BARRY represented as large, and quite as intelligent a consti tuency as did the Noble Lord. It was certainly not a constituency which had entered into an unnatural coalition to force two Noble Lords upon that House, but pne of the most free in Ireland, not hampered by land lords, or any other extraneous influence--(Cheers from the Treasury benches)—but who voti` , l by right of their own property, freely and without coercion.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He gave them no pledge; but at the hustings he mode a simple declaration of his hostility to the men now in power, and that was enough to secure his triumph. ant return.—(Renewed cheers.) Mr. KEA RSLEY (as we understood), addressing himself directly to the Speaker, observed that it was probably expected that he rose to avail himself of the earliest opportunity to offer to the Right Honour able Gentleman those compliments upon his elevation to the chair which were so justly his due.—(A laugh from the Ministerial benches.) That, however, was not his intention. He rose to advert to what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Shaftesbury, (Mr. Poulter,) who had thought fit to bring up an angel from below to influence the debate. Now what he had to say was this : he would most cheerfully give his vote for that being upon the condition that he would take the late Pay master of the Forces and all his tag, rag, and bobtail away to sup with him that night.—(Laughter.) Dr. BOWRING denied that the representation made by Hon. Mem bers, in the course of the debate, as to the influence possessed by the pre sent Ministers upon the Continent, and the advantage of that influence to this c*PUntry, was a correct representation. This was a subject which had fallen within the sphere of his observation, and he could speak with confidence Won it. When the power of corruption was broken by the enactment of the , Reform Bill, amid the shouts of concurring millions, this country took up a new position in the civilized world. It was felt that she was identifiz4 with the progress of liberty throughout the world. The advent of the present Ministry to power had totally changed the prospect; and be feared that opportunities ha been lost of beaefitting the country whiclf never would be regained. When called upon for a vote of confidence in the present Government, he could only answer that lie was not ignorant enough of the past, or credulous enoligh as to the future, to place power in such hands. They were willing to recognize the Reform Bill. Doubtless they were as an historical fact ; but not as a living principle, from which it was intended by the advocates of that measure, and expected by the people of Eng land, that much benefit was yet to accrue. His Majesty had told them that the diplomatic relations between him and other Courts were unin. terrupted, and that the spirit of peace and harmony prevailed. He (Dr. M.) hoped that this country was looking to something better than mere relations of friendship and diplomacy between Kings, Princes, and Courtiers.—(Hear, hear.) Such alliances were not durable. He ven tured to tell the House that many hopes had been disappointed, and many !night prospects of freedom overcast, by the dismissal of the Reform Nnistry.—(Cheers, mingled with cries of " Question," and " Divide.") After a pause of some minutes, the Speaker proceeded to read the Address and the Amendment, and put the question. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the Gallery had been half cleared, when Sir ROBERT PEEL rose and addressed the House to the following effect :—ln the situation in which he stood, he thought it would argue great disrespect towards the House— disrespect totally alien to his feelings—if he could permit that debate to close, and a divisiotr to take place, without availing' himself of the opportunity of giving that explanation which was required of him—(hear, hear). However his opinions might occasionally differ from the opinions of those whom he then had the honour of addressing, he could never entertain the disposition to show any disrespect to the House, and be had every wish to give the strictest explanations either as to his own conduct in his private capacity, or as a part of that ,Government of which his sense of public duty required him to assome the responsibility. He should, therefore, with the per mission of the House, and with the continuance of that indul gence which he had so frequently, on former occasions, expe rienced, enter upon the explanations called for at his hand ; and in the discharge of this important duty, he trusted he should receive every consideration and indulgence while he referred to the matters alluded to, respecting which doubts had been expressed by some, and explanations re quired by others-4 . Loud cheers, with cries of hear, hear) — He should refer to the circumstances under which the Govern ment was constituted„vid he should defend the course he had advised the King to pursue--(cheers)—and he should also give those required explanations as to his future course which he thought Hon. Members had a 4:frfect right to require at his hands, and which he would be shrinking from his duty if he were not to avow his disposition to Hear, hear.) He stood there as the Minister of the Crown—p! aced in that situation by no act of his own—(tremendous cheering from all parts of the House)—by no combination with those to w::` ls e principles he was opposed—(Loud cheering from the Minis terial benches.) He had not sought a temporary alliance with such persons with a view to embarrass the former Go vernment-4 Reiterated cheering.) He stood there in the fulfilment of a great public duty—(Hear, hear)—shrinking from Ile responsibility—(Loud cheering)—with no arrogant pretensions of defying the majorities of that House--( Immense cheering)—but resolved to persevere to the last, so far as was consistent with the honour of a public man, in maintaining the prerogative of the Crown, and fulfilling the duties which he owed to his King and to his country--( Continued cheering.) In vindication of the course he had pursued, it would be ne cessary to refer to circumstances which had preceded the dissolution of the late Parliament—( Hear, hear.) It might be Asked if he meant to impose upon the Crown the responsi bility of the dismissal of the late Government. In reply, he would say that he claimed all the responsibility that attached to that step himself. He took all the responsibility by the assumption of the duties of office on the removal of the late Government.—(Hear.) God forbid that he should seek to fling the responsibility upon that high authority which was in capable of error. Consistently with the respect which he owed to his own character, he must at the same time declare that under no circumstances would he be a party to counselling the dismissal of any Government whatever.—(Loud cheers.) He had been no party to any mean or low intrigues, but he was called upon to lend his assistance at a peculiar crisis, being no party to the previous circumstances, and having had no commu nication with any one, much less with the highest authority in the kingdom, upon hat was about to take place.---(Loud cheers.) By the assumption of office, however, the responsi bility of the Crown was transferred to the advisers of the Crown, and he was ready, be the majority against him what it might, to submit to any consequences which that responsibility might bring upon him.—( Hear, hear.) He did think that the act of removing the last Government was perfectly justifiable. ( Cries of " Hear.") He would review all that had taken place previous to the dismissal of that Ministry, and in doing so he would look back to the meeting of the, first reformed Parliament in 1833. The Government of that period was 'formed under the auspices of Earl Grey, and he saw that it continued a systematic course of action for a certain period. Had he seen no change in the circumstances of that Govern ment ?—( Cheers.) Vas he insensible of the change of power which the Reform Bill had occasioned ?—( Cheers.) Was he not the first to avow in the year 1833, when power could not be in the slightest degree in his contemplation, that the ordinary THE SUN, LONDON, -WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1835. tactics of Parliament could no longer prevail? and did he npt then avow that he would support the Government of Earl Grby as long as it continued to act on principles in accordance w 0 the maintenance of the institutions of the country, not exclud ing any species of improvement ?—( Cheers.) Had he sought for opportunitiss to embarrass that Government? — ( Loud the - i in g. ) How many opportunities were afforded him, if he h d been solicitous of power, to embarrass the course of Earl Gre 's Administration ?—( Hear.) When the House of Commons h d d e termined as to the repeal of the malt-tax—when he hea d that that determination was tantamount to the removal of Lotd ~.... Althorp, did he then abandon the principles which he had all ways professed and maintained, or did he seek for any plausi ble excuse to enable him to embarrass the Government ? Or, i . the contrary, did he not tender his advice to the Noble Lord to come down again to the House, and ask it to reconsider i s determination ?—(Much cheering.) When the Noble Lo d (Althorp), in endeavouring, at the adjustment of the gre t question of colonial slavery, had asked for a loan of 1 7 mi - lions, and when he had afterwards changed this request foga grant of 20 millions, and when the love of economy appear to prevail, although he differed from the Noble Lord in t details of that measure, yet he was amongst the first of tho§,e who proffered assistance to the Noble Lord, towards the com pletion of the measure, and to tell the House of Commons that public honour was involved in their acquiescence in th'e grant of compensation. —( Loud cheering.) During the whole course of Earl Grey's Government, up to the year 1834, so far from showing any disposition to resume power, by a 1 combinar 1 tion with men to whose opinions he was more opposed than was to the opinions of the Government, he had endeavoure to maintain that Government, by giving to it his most cordi I support, when its principles concurred with his own.—( Hear. He should now proceed to review the circumstances whit had imposed on him the necessity of accepting the call whit had been made upon him for his services as a Minister—not i , consequence of any hostile combination against the late Got t vernment—not in consequence of any intrigues on his part, b ' because Government had lost the services of those Gentleme in whom, with the exception of Earl Grey, he had the greater confidence. The Noble Lord ( Stanley) and three of his col leagues, Sir James Graham, the Earl of Ripon, and the Duk of Richmond, had retired from the Government. Could an man doubt that the loss of these four tended materially t weaken the foundations of that Government, and to shake al confidence in its stability ?—( Hear, hear.) Notwithstandin the retirement of those Members of the Government, Ear Grey succeeded in forming another Administration—( Hear hear, hear)—but he would ask, if Earl Grey, at tho time he found himself deprived of the assistance of his coli leagues in June, 1834, was insensible to the embarrassments l which their retirement caused to the Government by what hi . _. called the pressure from without ? In a letter from 'Earl Grey! to Lord Ebrington, giving his consent to the resumption of, the Government, did he not say that he had no hope of carry ing on the Government if he were to be continually subject tc?, that pressure from without, which was urging measures upon him which he had not time to consider, and while he was corn- 1 pelled to be ever seeking popular opinion by sacrificing thosei institutions which it was his duty to support ?—( Hear, hear. ) One month more passed away and Lord Grey left the servicei of the Crown, previous to which the Government which had( conducted the Reform Bill bad lost the services of four of its' Members, One month exposed it to another loss, in addition to which he believed he might also reckon that of the Earl of Carlisle, and other Members more immediately connected with Earl Grey. At that time his Majesty was so sensible of the loss the Government had sustained, that he expressed a wish to form a Government by a combination of men of all parties. This, he believed, was tolerably well known. His Majesty authorized a communication to be made to the Duke of Wel lington, also to the Hon. Member for Lancashire, and to himself ( Sir R. Peel), calling upon them to unite with the late Government in forming an Administration. This com munication was made by his Majesty through Lord _Mel bourne ; but he felt bound to say, in justice to that Noble Lord, that he discouraged the attempt, from the belief that it could not terminate in anything satisfactory to the country. This opinion was also held by the persons applied to. It was thought that the differences of opinion entertained upon many important questions then depending was so great, that there could be no prospect of a union upon them, involving, as they did, the deepest interests of the country. Although he ( Sir R. Peel) had conveyed to Lord Melbourne his impression that there was no prospect of such a combination as would give any hopes of benefit to the country, yet he thought it right to refer to the matter on that occasion, in order to show the deep sense which his Majesty entertained of the difficulties in which the country was involved, and his anxious desire for its welfare.— ( Hear, hear.) At length a Government was formed by Lord Melbourne. The foundation of that Government was that Lord Althorp should be Chancellor of the Exchequer, and re tain the lead of the House of Commons. The Noble Lord was, in fact, the corner stone of the Government of Lord Melbourne. If the Noble Lord had declined to give his con sent to that arrangement, Lord Melbourne would have de clined the undertaking. As a proof of this he would refer to the public declaration of Earl Grey as to his idea of the im portance of Lord Althorp to his Administration. Upon the 9th of July Earl Grey spoke in the House of Lords to the following effect : " Then came this new state of affairs, which deprived him of the assistance of his Noble Friend, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, the leading Member of Government in the Commons— the individual on whom his whole confidence rested, whom he con sidered as his right arm, and without whose assistance he felt it impossible for the Government to go on. Former breaches had considerably weakened the Government. This new breach placed it in a situation in which he could not well hope to retain his place at its head, with any view to serve the Crown or the country effectually, or to any useful purpose." His retirement determined the retirement of Earl Grey, and Lord Melbourne's Administration was founded upon the re acceptance of office by Lord Althorp against his own wishes. —( Hear, hear, hear.) The impression at that time was, that without the assistance of Lord Althorp, Lord Melbourne would not have been able to form his Government. It was, however, constituted, but Lord Melbourne's Government, short as was the period of its trial, did not conclude without coming to a collision on the question of tithes, and of the Irish Church, with respect to the appropriation of its revenues. Upon that subject Lord Melbourne's Government was deci dedly opposed to the House of Lords. Was it unnatural, then, when the foundation of the Government was withdrawn by the accession of Lord Althorp to the House of Peers, which pre vented his longer holding the Chancellorship of the Exche quer and the lead of the House of Commons, that his Majesty should, although the trial of the Government had been short, review the position of public affairs with a view to the selec tion of new advisers Was it unnatural that he should ask himself the question, " Shall I proceed with this Government, or shall I form a new one ?"—( Hear, hear.) He appealed to the House if there was anything unnatural in the wish of his Majesty to attempt a Government on a new principle. There might have been compensations for the loss of the ser c!ees of the Noble Lord ( Althorp), and for the loss also of Lord Grey, provided the remainder of the Government was unanimous, and provided it also received the unanimnus sup port of those who held extreme liberal opinions. On the contrary, one cause of the weakness of the Government, and the alienation from it of public opinion, was the incessant attacks of those who were now the foremost in lending to them their confidence.—( Cheers.) He looked to the powerful support which they were now receiving, and which he had no doubt they would receive, from the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Dublin.—( Hear, hear.) In their extremity they had been driven to avow opinions more popular than those of Earl Grey. Well knowing they ha.,(l not a majority of the House of Lords in their favour, they appeared resolved to rely on the support of those Irish Representatives, who, of any, were the most inveterate in their opposition to them while in office.— ( Cheers.) He was not then speaking of the Government of Earl Grey, but of the Government which had supported the very principles which led to the resignation of the Noble Earl. --( Loud cheers). In what terms had Lord Duncannon been spoken of by those upon whom they mainly relied ? The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had addressed several letters to Lord Duncannon upon the subject of the Government, and its relatcons with Ireland, in which he stated his opinions as to the probable advantages to Ireland from that Government. Upon the 11th of October, when that Government might be said to be constituted by Lord Melbourne, the following were the opinions which that Hon. Member entertained of that Go vernment. They were given in an address to Lord Duncannon as being more especially the popular member of the Administra tion. He would provd to the satisfaction of any man who heard him that this Government, de Noble Lord Carlisle, of the Nob. T s . rieed of am eo-operation of the cashire, of Lords Ripon and Richmor4 Lord the Member for Lan er Cumberland, he would prove that it was 2: 4° and of the Member deprived of the aL_ l and countenance of the Learned Member for - ____(Hear, hest, and a laugh.) That Learned Gentleman au dressed a letter to Lord Duncannon, dated October 11, 1834. The motto of that letter was " Hurrah for the Repeal"— ( Laughter)—and the author quoted was " The wild Irish cry." He commenced this epistle by telling Lord Duncannon that he wrote more in sorrow than in anger—that his Lordship had deceived him, that he should, however, have known him bet ' ter, that he (Lord Duncannon) belonged to the Whigs— (Cheers from the Ministerial Benches)—and that, after four years of the most emaciating experience, he ought to have known that Ireland had nothing to expect from the Whigs but the most insolent contempt—nothing but the most treacherous hostility.—( Continued cheers from the Ministerial Benches. ) Was this extract, did the House suppose, an ebullition of that ardent eloquence which men sometimes utter in the warmth of debate, and for which all may occasionally find it necessary to apologise? Oh, no such thing. The writer was free from any external excitement, and wrote from the tranquillity of Derrynane Abbey. It was his duty, he said, " tran quilly, but firmly" to demonstrate that Ireland had nothing to expect from the Whigs.—( Cheers.) They were as deeply steeped in the old system of Government as if they had been always of that party ; and there should be (he continued) a change of men before there was the slightest chance of any change of measures.—( Loud cheers.) Well, there was now a change of men ; but it would seem the Hon. and Learned Member was not satisfied to wait for the change of measures. (Hear, hear.) Such was his opinion of the late Government as a party, and it might be worth while to look at his character of many of its members individually, " Where was the ad vantage to Ireland, he asked, in the retirement of Earl Grey, if he left behind him, amongst his colleagues, the same bitter and malignant hatred of Ireland ?" Were there any of the present Ministry, continued the Right Hon. Baronet, who en tertained towards Ireland feelings similar to those of Earl Grey? He thought that Lord John Russell, at least, did.— ( Cheers and laughter.) " Ireland had deeply felt—(se the letter continued)—the disgrace that had been put upon her in her limited and scanty Reform Bill ; and every body knew that Lord Melbourne wanted sufficient powers of mind to enable him to apply a remedy to the evil."—( Loud cheering from the Ministerial benches.) "In fact, it was manifest that Melbourne was incompetent to fulfil the duties of the high office he had assumed."—( Renewed cheering.) "It was la mentable to think that the destinies of Ireland were to be inY trusted even for a single day to the management of such men." —( Hear, hear.) Passing from Lord Melbourne. the I-I , sr. ; and Learned Member took up another member of that Administration, of whom he said Lansdowne, too, hated Ireland—and with a hatred more malignant, because he owed her the duty of his aid and protection—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) For these reasons it was that he re peated the chorus of the wild Irish cry—" Hurrah for the Repeal of the Union." Lord Duncannon was, he said, a better repealer than himself. He recommended him to go on governing Ireland under the advice of the sage father 0f all the Hannibals, and he should yet see Ireland sufficiently strong to laugh to scorn the efforts of all her enemies—( Cheers from the Irish Members.) Such was the substance of the Hon. and Learned Member's able, powerful, and '• tranquil" —( A laugh)—letter on the subject of the Whig Government of Lord Melbourne, and such were his opinions of some of the leading men of that Administration. Under these circum• stances he would ask any man who heard him, whether, look in; to the losses which the Government had sustained , an d to the prospect of their deriving support from the popular party, it was surprising that the Sovereign of the country, regardieg the stability of his Ministry, should have thought it unwise any longer to intrust the reins of power into the hands of men who, it had been proved, had lost the confidence of two most considerable parties in the State ?—( Hear, hear.) Finding, upon his return to this country that this confidence had been completely lost, and that there was no prospect of the return of the Noble Earl (Grey) to power, he felt it a duty not to refuse the unexpected call which had been made upon him— ( Cheers)—and though no party directly or indirectly to the removal of that Government, yet he felt that the acceptance of office had imposed upon him all that responsibility from which he was now but little inclined to shrink —(Loud cheers.) He had contracted the same responsibility with his Noble Friend in another place, and though no party to his as sumption of different offices, yet by his subsequent acceptance of place he took upon himself the responsibility of what was done by his Noble Friend ; and whatever step that House might adopt with reference to it, he denied his right to share in its consequences--( Cheers.) It had been said that it was a great crime and a dangerous precedent for one Nan to assume so many offices.—( Hear from the opposition.) Well, his first answer to that was that it depended on the intention. In the mere fact of one man's holding two offices, there was nothing wrong. There might, to be sure, be sometimes an inconve nience arising from it, but it was not, he contended, un constitutional. It was what occurred every day when one individual held the seals of his office in the absence or during the illness of a colleague. But it was not upon grounds of this kind that he would defend the assumption of two offices by one individual. He defended it because it was, ha contended, necessary for the public service—( Hear, hear.) They had been held, not that the individual might arrogate to himself the powers of the different offices, but that having temporarily held the seals, he might afterwards deliver them over to another. But a Noble Lord opposite had said that this was a proceeding unknown to the Constitution—( Hear, hear.) As he ( Sir R. Peel) recollected that Noble Lord's words, he said that were an old Whig to hear of this assumption of offices by one individual the hairs of that old Whig's head would stand on end--( Laughter.) Now he much doubted if he could not produce a precedent from the good old times of Whig predo minance, when some of the principal offices of the State were held by a good old Whig for the purpose of defeating Jacobin purposes. The Right Hon. Baronet then referred to the case of the assumption of the offices of Lord Steward, Lord Cham berlain, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland by the Duke of Shrewsbury, in the reign of Queen Anne, for the purpose of defeating the designs of Bolingbroke to favour the interests of the Pretender. There was a precedent, if precedent were wanted, and a precedent, too, from the good old Whig times. —( Hear, hear.) But where was the man who could suppose that any danger could arise from the line of conduct that had been adopted by the Duke of Wellington ?—( Hear, hear.) That Noble Duke had no other object in view than the public service. In his letter to him ( Sir Robert Peel) he said that he had advised the King to send for him ; and he thought it would be unfair to ask him to assume office, unless he had the entire formation of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) He said that had he (the Duke of Wellington) appointed any persons to fill these offices, he ( Sir Robert Peel) might have been afterwards embarrassed in recommending the King to remove men with whom he ( Sir Robert) had been politically connected.—( Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he thought it better, both for the service of the Crown and for the convenience of the subsequent formation of the Govern ment, to temporarily hold the offices which he did until his ( Sir Robert Peel's) return.—(Loud cheers.) So much for that part of the subject. He now came to the question of the dissolution of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) It had been asked, Would he take upon himself the responsibility of that dissolution? Without one moment's hesitation he replied, film he did take upon himself that responsibility.—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The moment he under stood his present arduous duties he determined to leave no Constitutional efforts untried, to enable him satisfactorily to discharge the trust which had been reposed in him, and he admitted that he did fear to meet that Parliament, which it was stated placed such unbounded confidence in the late Go vernment; for he apprehended that he might not have found the same disposition to place confidence in him.—( A laugh, and " Hear, bear.") And were not those who loudly boasted that in the late Parliament the Tories could not bring 120 votes to a division, and who now refused to give them a fair trial—were they not a little inconsistent in finding fault with them for appealing to the nation for an opportunity of carrying their intentions into effect ?—( Hear, hear.) But he believed it would be always found that, upon extensive changes in the Government, dissolutions of Parliament were, for some reason or other, generally resorted to.—( Hear.) In 1784, a change took place in the Government, Mr. Pitt having been appointed Prime Minister ; a dissolution took place upon that occasion. In 1804, upon the formation of the Administration of Earl Grey and Lord Grenville, the Parliament, which had sat for only four years, was shortly after their assumption of power dissolved.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said with reference to this dissolution that there was first an attempt to negotiate, but this failing, then there was a dissolution ; but he ( Sir R. Peel) could never see the force of that argument. In 1807, there was another change upon the appointment of Mr. Percival to be Prime Minister. Then, too, there was a dissolution. In 1830 Earl Grey was appointed Prime Minister, and shortly after wards there was a dissolution. And again, there was another dissolution upon the passing of the Reform Bill—(Hear, hear) —so that every great change in the Government was followed by a dissolution ; but the present was the first time the House of Commons were ever called upon to express' their disappro bation of such an exercise of the prerogative. And most as suredly, if there existed any prerogative which they should be slow to question, it was the special prerogative of dissolution. —( Hear, hear.) It would appear that the whole objection to his ( Sir R. Peel's) possession of power was, that, in conse quence of the revolution which had taken place, it was pre sumed he should have regarded himself as totally excluded from, and utterly unfit to take part in, official life. He cer tainly never regarded the machine of the Reform Bill as one the secrets of which were known only to those who had con .structed it, and the effect of which would be to exclude any of his Majesty's subjects from the right of enjoying power. No •sacrifice was required from him when he got his Majesty's di rections to form an Administration. He was simply told to construct it as he might deem most advantageous for the well being of the country ; arid he would ask any man out of that House, free from the contagion of party, would he not have thought much more meanly of him, had he refused the service prOposed by his Sovereign—had he replied to his summons that he was excluded from the privilege of accepting office ? But the entire of this argument, so often urged, assumed that in the House of Commons he and those who acted with him were at constant variance with the Melbourne Administration. Much declamation had been employed upon this subject, and declamation, he found, was rather more captivating than facts. Yet he would beg the House to refer to his acts, and then to say whether or not he and those who acted with him were at constant variance with the late Administration.—( Hear, hear. ) He had been one of those who said that if the Government pursued a fair, straight-forward course, conservative of the in stitutions of the country, they should have his full support.— ( Hear.) It had been said that be was hostile to the spirit of the Reform Bill. Well, what was the spirit of the Reform Bill ? He thought it implied a great change in the representation of the people of England ; but he was not aware that those who had been opponents to its progress, should upon its passing be come aliens and strangers in their own land, and be marked out as men whose principles were allied to all the abuses that might exist in the institutions of the country.—( Hear.) The entire argument to which he had adverted, assumed that after the Reform Bill, the entire House was to be divided into two par ties—those who had been the supporters, and those who had been the opponents of that measure—the former of whom were igible to place and rower, to the perpetual exclusion to be , "Hear.) But it would appear that he ( Sir of the latter ly, b zermer as he had been—was frequently Robert Pee anti-the supporter of the Reform Ministry.—( Hear, hear.) In 1833 the Reform Parliament pet. An amendment was moved to the address—that was the 44,dfess to the "brutal and bloody speech."—(Loud cries of " Ho4'7 11Par.") The Go vernment opposed the amendment, and he supported the go vernment.—( Hear.) On the first reading of the 'lrish Pis: turbances Bill, the Government were opposed, snd be sup ported them.—( Hear.) Upon Mr. Attwood's motion re specting an alteration in the currency. he supported the (40,- vernment. Was the principle of Reform involved in that motion ?—( A laugh, and Hear t hear,) On Mr. Harvey's Me t tion for the lists of Members who voted on divisions, he sup ported the Government. The Learned Member (then for Colchester) said that the principle of Reform was involved in this—and, perhaps, it was so—but the then Government op posed it, and received his (Sir R. Peel's) support. It would be, he dared to say, contended that the principle of Reform was also involved in Mr. Grote's motion for the vote by ballot.—( Cries of " Hear, hear, hear," from the Qpposi, tion.) Well, this was resisted by the Government, who had his aid in their opposition. On the motions for the repeal of the house and window tax, and of the malt tax—which he supposed also involved the pr i nciple of Re, form—the Government had his support in their opposition— ( Hear.) In the motions for the alteration of the cern laws-, for an advance of money to Irish Clergy—for the change of the Septennial Act—for a i3ezriei9n of the Pension List—Mr. O'Connell's motion on the Repeal of the finign = Nr. flume's on the corn laws—Sir W. Ingilby's on the malt tax, and many others-40 Government had uniformly his suppori.--( Hear, hear.) In every eau these he found himself in close con nection with the Government—(;Cheers.) And what were the motions on which he opposed them ? He certainly did oppose them on the motion for the admission of' Dissenters into the Uniyersities.- 7 -4 Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) He had also the misfortune to differ fron? them on the motion for a Committee on Baron Smith.—(Laughter, and hear, hear.) He opposed them on the Church Temporalities Bill, and he opposed Lord Althorp's motion, the object of which was to make Bank notes above 5/. a legal tender. He asked any rep to compare the luestions upon which he agreed, with those upon which he differed from tile Ministry, and then say could they assist: to him the character of an entire opponent of the Government ?—( Hear, hear.) Having stated thus much, he would not attempt to attract support by false and un founded professions. He admitted that after the passing of the Reform Bill a very great change had taken place, and it was necessary on the part of public men to accommodate their conduct to these altered circumstances.—( Hear.) But he would not—he could not say that he intended to adopt any course in power different from that. which he had pursued in opposition since the passing of the Reform Bill.—( Cheers.) He did not mean to vote for a compulsory obligation on the Universities to admit Dissenters. That he left to be determined by the Universities themselves. In the Church temporalities question, he meant to maintain the principle upon which he had already acted, and would not consent to appropriate one single shilling of the funds of the Church to any but ecclesiastical purposes.— ( Long and repeated cheers from the Opposition benches.) If he differed from a majority of that House in the opinion which he did entertain upon those subjects, he would repeat he ad mitted he was ready to sacrifice opinions, but not principles. But ill on those other questions upon which he had voted since the passing of the Reform Bill, he would say this, that he would act upon such principles, and would not oppose the sa lutary progress of well-considered Reform.—( Hear, hear.) He was not an opponent of liberal measures—it was his inten tion to support them when support could be given to them— it was his intention that the course which Government should preserve would be those which he preserved himself.—( Hear. ) He wished to be allowed to take a view of those measures as indicated in the Address, and to afford an explanation of them, ;Is they seemed to require it, from the references which had been made to them.—( Hear, hear.) He feared he was tres passing too long upon the attention of the House.—( Hear.) As the representative of the King's Government, he proposed to take them in part of the Government, and disinclined as he might be to trouble them, he was compelled to do so. They heard him not as a private individual, but as a Minister of the Crown. The first point referred to in the King's Speech re ferred to the relations between this country and Foreign Powers. They stated to the public that they had confident expectations of the maintenance of peace. They did say, at least they meant to imply, that they thought there was in creased confidence on the part of some of the greater Powers. That confidence manifested itself in the reducing of the military establishments of Austria and Russia. Both had commenced that reduction.—( Hear.) Why he knew that military Go vernments manifesting such a confidence might be considered an important indication, when their military establishment, were reduced through that confidence. He could say they had contracted no arrangements with those Powers, nor had they bound themselves to depart from those principles which they professed--a disinclination to interfere in the international affairs of others.—( Hear.) But nothing was more unfortu nate, nothing more to be deprecated than the course into which that House was led by some of its Members, who indul ged in personal obloquy and vituperation upon the private virtues of those in whom was vested the supreme authority in those countries.—( Hear.) They need not adopt the principles of those whom they held in the relation of friends. What in consistency was there in the free Representatives of free Go vernment disregarding the institutions of others, and living upon friendly terms with foreign Powers and foreign Govern ments, in which despotic institutions existed ?—( Hear, hear.) It would be well for them to imitate the conduct of that wise country in this respect, and in which was more of liberty than theirs—the United States of America. The Government and people of that country had no inconsistency in courting the most friendly relations with those Powers. What was the use, then, of indulging in reflections upon such Governments, when the reflections did not tend to diminish their power, but less disposed them to permit this Government to have a salutary influence over them?—( Hear.) But the infe rence drawn was, that the increased confidence on the part of those Powers would alienate from this, that great country, which was immediately connected with them, and bordering upon England—he meant France. Why should such an ap prehension be entertained ? With respect to that Government he would ask, who was the first to confirm the power of Louis Philip ? He was immediately and unhesitatingly recognised by the Duke of Wellington.—( Hear, hear.) And why should it be supposed that they would view France with jealousy, or entertain wishes adverse to a cordial understanding with that country, when in his conscience he believed that, ' upon the maintenance of that good feeling, the peace of Europe mainly depended.—(Hear, hear.) The next point they had to state was a fact that the estimates of the present year were materi ally below what they were on former occasions within their recent experience. That stated a fact which it was the right of the King to notice. It was not pretended that the reduc tions made were those to which they could claim the exclusive merit. On the contrary, from the period of the assumption of power by the Government which preceded them, he was bound to say that they enforced the principles laid down upon this subject by the Duke of Wellington—and so the present had only acted upon the economical principles of the Government which had preceded them.—( Hear, hear.) He was right, however, in adverting to this, as an answer to those who declared that the return of the Conservatives to power, would lead to increased expenses.—( Hear.) A saving, he was happy to say, might possibly be made upon the esti mates of last year. A great saving, it was fair to say, the foun dation for which had been laid before he came into office ; but comparing the present estimates with those of last year, it might be possible, consistently with the execution of the public service, that that reduction would be to the extent of 500,0001. In that reduction he did not claim credit—it was less owing to the reduction of establishments than by operating upon, and enforcing the plans originated by the Duke of Wellington, and since acted upon by those who succeeded him.—( Hear, hear.) Upon the subject of slavery he would observe, that he knew the general impression was that the success of that great measure would be marred by the restoration to power of some of those who did not entertain very sanguine expectations respecting it. He could only say that no man felt a stronger moral obligation than he did, of giving his utmost exertions and the best of his abilities to promote its success.—( Hear, hear.) What ,was the particular course adopted in prosecuting that object? So far from seeking to take advantage of the appointments, &c., in the colonies, the first resolution adopted by him and his colleagues upon obtaining power was to continue the governors in the dif ferent colonies who had been selected by their predecessors.— ( Hear, hear.) To the Governor of Jamaica this was imme diately intimated, and the first act of his Noble Friend at - the head of the Colonial Department, was to write to the Noble man there to entreat him to remain, on the ground that he must have, by personal communication, been put in possession of what were the intentions of the late Government upon the sub ject.—( Hear.) It was thus they acted; and they sent out additional Magistrates upon their own responsibility. This was the only instance in which appointments were made by them without the concurrence of Parliament; but they deter mined to incur the responsibility of making them, being deter mined that the success of the measure should not be impeded from want of exertion ; nor that there should be entertained any apprehensiens by others that there was a lurking desire in the present Ministers to render it ineffective.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said that the King's Speech was vague and incon clusive, that it indicated no measures, that it was couched in the usual terms, and that it left Parliament in: an uncertainty. Why those Speeches must have been made before !—( Cheers and laughter.) Because, of all the speeches ever yet made from the Throne, the most explicit, the most precise, as to the intentions of Government and the measures to be brought forward, he thought was the present.—( Hear.) He thought that he returned from, the Continent on the 10th of December, and this Speech was delivered on the 24th February ; and, considering that they had to conduct affairs of no ordinary character, he thought that much had been done to give a seri ous consideration to the various measures which that Speech announced. There was the Tithe question of Ireland—a measure was proposed then, and it was their intention also to propose a measure for the commutation of tithes in England. They found that there was a proposed measure, founded upon the report of the Ecclesiastical Commission, of which the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Cumberland, was the chief promoter; it was intended to destroy the local and pe culiar haunts of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; to appoint Su preme Courts, which would maintain Ecclesiastical discipline, and which should be enforced by a responsible authority for the purpose of preventing scandals. There was also to be a measure proposed, which would enable those dissenting from the doctrine and discipline of the Church from celebrating marriage according to its rites. But then it was said on the other side, is that all that is proposed ? merely to relieve per sons from celebrating the ceremony of marriage according to the rites of the Church. He knew that great importance had been attached to this very subject, and therefore he at once felt it to be his duty, the Noble Lord having failed in it, to direct his attention to it, in order that he might fulfil the expectations entertained respecting it. But, then, no mention had been made of a general registry ; but he asked of the House to consider what a number of measures had occupied the Government since it had been formed ; and whether with out more time it would really have been possible to have given sufficient attention to the institution of a general registration— a matter requiring the most mature deliberation.—( Hear. ) He avowed that he was not ready at once to object to the pisielple, he thought that there would he great advantages to the public. parties dissenting from the Church ought to love an opportunity of recording their titles, in order that tlwy m ight establish them, in case of any future litigation f l it peFffins Yihn eclmPlained that the nhjeet could not be at taingd at once, confounded the facilities possessed u n d er a despotic Government, and of establishing a new regulation in this country, where there was such a jealous control of every new ArrfSriPll3Pllt• in other vnnptrips it might he easy to im pose a heavy penalty, if due notiee were not given within a ce rtain time; but he much doubted whether an obligation en forced by a penalty tvoilld he satisfactory in this country.,... ( Hear.) The registry was a measure which required Mature consideration, and he would refer to every country in Europe, for the purpose of aseettitining their regulations. Then the subject of the Municipal Corporations were referred to t and op this point he was told that the peecli was exceedingly vague. fle appealed tq the fairness of the House upon the subject. A Committee had been appointed—that committee box) not reported, and yet he was called upon to say, before the repot lefts p tie table t whether he was in favour of the ten-pound right of election in Corporations. Such a question he would not answer, nor would it be MI. kistent With hi duty tp ple4go iipqn ilia point; but this be would do, bind himself hi} plf principles laid down r. the speech of the ring urawn up L u .. .y . Loru urrey's Government in 1834. Upon the subject of the Church Commission, ap pointed upon an address to his Majesty's Government ; he stated that the subject was one most extensive and complicated, upon which he could not promise an immediate measure, Ho men tioned that a sinecure prebendal stall bad become vacant, and instead or appointing a successor, the present Government had attached the prebendal stall to a parish in which there was not a sufficient provision for the Minister, and that until the close of the labours of the Commissioners, it was the determination of the Government to' act in a similar manner in every such instance. Such wen- , the topies and measures refmred to in the Speech, and upon that Speech an amendment had been moved. In that amendment no principle was to be found—it alluded but to the abolition of slavery, the amendment of the representation, the Church, and the Corporation questions. Was it not evi dent that in this amendment those opposed to the present Go vernment did not enforce any one opinion which prevailed amongst themselves ? Why had they not inserted the ballot ? Why had they not inserted the repeal of the Septennial Act ? Why had they not inserted the repeal of the Union ?—( Hear, and cheers.) Why, because upon all those measures which had occupied the public attention since the Reform Bill, perhaps not one of them would express an unanimity of sentiment—( Hear. ) The time of their union was gone by, and it was in vain for them now to seek to recall it—( Hear and Cheers.) But then in these amendments they did not call for a settlement of the tithe question ; but they said that the Church disturbed the peace of Ireland—( Hear.) They did not speculate upon its temporalities ; but they implied that, with the great reductions that had been made, it still disturbed the country—( Hear, hear.) He said that that great question could not be dis posed of in a summary manner—( Hear, hear.) Let them discuss the matter fairly, and not involve the public by vague and general statements. It was on accennt of the intention of the resolution that he declared that if he should be left in the minority (without arrogating to himself a tone of defi ance), but with that calmness which attended the conviction of conscientious and upright intentions, he would not accede to the amendment. He could not do so without believing that the intention was to throw some degradation upon the Govern ment. He was conscious of the arduous duty which he had undertaken—he knew what the consequences must be. He feared the impossibility of constituting a Government which could have greater claims to confidence than that which now existed. He saw not how they could get rid of the difficulty when a difference in principle remained as to the Church Establishment in Ireland. It would be impracticable to re constitute the Government of Earl Grey. It was to be pre sumed that no Government could be now formed that did not include a selection from those parties, who were now acting in concert together, and were opposed to the present Govern ment. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman, the Mem ber for Dublin, was perhaps surprised that the Repeal of the Union was not connected with other topics. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had repeatedly declared that no consi deration on earth could induce him to enter into the service of the Crown while the Repeal of the Union remained un settled. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had declared that two-thirds of the Cabinet must coincide with him. Now, if a Government were formed upon the basis of excluding Earl Grey and Lord Melbourne, he doubted whether it would be more unexceptionable. He did believe that such a Govern ment would not have the support of the public, so as to enable it to conduct the public affairs. They could not set at de fiance, depend upon it, the opinions and feelings of those who were arrayed in hostility against them. They might overbear them if they resorted to physical force. If they did this they might succeed for a time by enlisting against the wealth and rank of the community—they must prevail. But they who did this must be the first to fall. He felt, therefore, that it would be his duty, as a public man, to stand by the trust which had been reposed in him.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that the House would allow those measures •to which he had referred to be brought before them—that still they wonld receive the attempt he should make in reference to tithe commutation— the tithe question in Ireland—the reform in Ecclesiastical Courts, and in many other branches. He had attempted, and he believed he might say with success, to achieve the removal of the Dissenters' disabilities in professional pursuits—he offered to the country the blessings of continued peace. He hoped all this would be carried into effect in concert with the authority of the House of Commons, and if there were any advantage in his position, might hope to restore the good feel ing of both Houses of Parliament. They might possibly overcome him—other prospects might open—they might coalesce with men of extreme opinions —because, if he were not greatly mistaken, the time might shortly come when the popular exultation at the success of certain parties would abate ; and he knew of no help left in such case, but that of leaving the Government to those who were enabled to march on soberly--who would consider such measures as should meet with concurrence, yielding in no respect to the authority of the House of Lords, but receiving from it its willing concur rence to those measures; and otherwise, he would say, they would have rothing to do but to surrender the Government to other hands, or they must resort to compulsion and violence, thereby makine• their reforms inefficient, and sealinc , the fate of the British Consetution.—(The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheering.) Lord J. RUSSELL rose to address the House, but the. confusion arising from Members leaving the House, and cries of " Adjourn !" was so great, that the questions which the Noble Lord begged to put to the Right 'Hon. Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel) were not audible. Sir ROBERT PEEL, in reply, was understood to state with respect to the first question put by the Noble Lord, that he had immediately, on taking office, applied himself to the removal of Dissenters' grievances regarding marriages, as well as to their professional pursuits in law and medicine ; secondly, as to the marriage and registration of Dissenters, it had not been thought prudent to postpone relief in regard to the cele bration of the marriage ceremony, &c., until a mode of regis tration should be adopted ; thirdly, as to tithes in Ireland, a measure would be shortly brought in for the final adjustment of that question ; fourthly, the measure for a commutation of tithes in England would be introduced in a few days; fifthly, with regard to the progress made by the Commission for pub lic instruction in Ireland, the one half of the inquiries were complete, and when all the information was obtained it would be laid on the table. Mr. GISBORNE was understood to inquire. whether, in reference to Dissenters, Inns of Court could admit them with out an Act of Parliament ? Sir R. PEEL believed that the College of Physicians and Inns of Court could do this without an Act of Parliament. The debate was then adjourned to this day ; and the House adjourned at Half-past One. PRICES 01 STOCKS THll Bank Stock 3 per Cent Red...... ....111% 3 4 VI 3i ii 3 per Cod. C0n,... 903, 1 9 '74, lys Sk4 per Cent 99 1 4 , :t ditto Red. 99!filic , New 51,4 per Cent ...1.8 3 4 pi, %• 9 uli S A!‘enti.4l - 4 per Cent. tThasented -- tank. LangAnnuitiwito expire Jan. 3, !P6O l7 3-16 %4 oct. IU, 1359 -- Jan. 5,130 C --- tall. 5, IMO - . April 5, ISAO - Jan. 5, 1870 -- DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. New 5 per Cent. India Stock Ditto nondA _ South Sea Stock - Old Annuities - New Ditto 3 per Cent. Annuities, 1151... - Exch. Ditto 500 - 3$ 3'i pm. Ditto Small Ditto Commercial - pm. Ditto Advertiiie<l pin Bank Stock for:Account ...... 224 3 India Stock for Account ... Consols for Account VII4 1 HAMBURG, FEBRUARY, 1.835. 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Those desirous to purchase a,,t the present first price of 81., are requested to direct, by (An of the first mails, but only for witole tickets, to the alonvo-named Con tractors, Heine Brothers, in Hamburg, Those remitting a 10/. note will receive an order for the balance of 2/., together with the ticket, by return of mail ; on the other hand, those preferring to pay Heine Brothers' draft for the cost, are recommended to pay such draft immediately when presented. A full selignio, and every desirable information, being always sent with the ticKets, those giving orders will only have to write a line, ordering the ticket or tickets, adding the money, or an order for the same, or stating til t mode of payment that may be more convenient to the orderer, and giving their full and plain directions, to secure the gifo rece;' ' ,i o f the communications. Those honouring I-14iAe, Drotinn- s by pur chasing, may depend en the strictest Poreoy, as to their taking a chance or getting a prize ; sue,h being the 'undeviating rule of the old-established and most lucky Ofilte. NOTICE, 'vVe regret that in cotwequence of an accident occa sioned by the slippery state of the streets, the horse and messenger carrying the last packet of Suns to the Post office, fell down, and a few of our Subscribers w ill th ere by be disappointed of receiving their papers in due course, the Post-office having closed before the arrival of the packet. We state this in justice to the News-Agents, who are blameless. As the demand for the latest editions of The Sun has increased so rapidly, we beg to request those news-agents who halo late covers to send, to take care that they be de-, livered at our office by half-past six o'clock in the evening, at the very latest, in order to ensure regularity. Though The Sun Machine prints off one hundred papers per minute, it is utterly impossible to fold up, and supply the News-agents with the number requisite to save post by half-past Seven. We trust the News-agents will take this notice in good part, and lend ea a helping hand in our best endeavours to meet the wishes of our numerous and daily increasing Subscribers. Sun Office, Feb. 25. The publicatism of THE SUN NEWSPAPER COMMCNOId tAis day at 15 minutes past 3 o'cicick. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 0, isu. Those WI II I Px1:106 Aothiog will not be disappointed in the Speech which•tha Kiwi's servants have put into the mouth of their Royal Master. It is, in point of vaguehle4 and generality, the counterpart of the Premier's, iv . ..famed Tamworth Manifesto. We are to have consideration in abundance—deliberation without end—as much caution and cirem - yisiogetiou us we can set our faces to—hut as to Reform, not a whisper is uttered : the very mention of that hateful word is most carefully avoided, We can hardly think that this is altogether unintentional. • Can it Da that, after the defeat en the Sp9akership, the Tory :Nl' . nisters gave up all 14 lost, and did not choose to risk their po pularity with their own party, by sanctioning, or appeollg to sanction real and effective Reform ? There certainly appear to us to be some unaccountable omissions in the, Speech, and also some curtailment ; it seems to be shorn °I an original beam or two. In the very first sentence there , is a " most lame and impotent conclusion." His Majesty f is made to use the following words I avail mysel f ° the earliest opportunity of meeting you in Parfiarnenr after having recurred to the sense of my people. The reasoi: of the recurrence, we think, would veil naturally have followed—and so thought Sir R. but .where is it ?' What became of the words, "on t he propriety of the course which I have pursued r These words would have been left in the Speech, had the Corn' mons, by electing a Tory Speaker, appeared to set the seal of their approbation to the " propriety of the course Put' sued" by his MAJESTY. We do not, however, regret the omissions to which we have alluded. If Reform is shirked in the Speech, an ex' cellent opportunity has been afforded to embody the fol lowing admirable amendment to the address, the principle upon which the government of the country ought, and, we may add, must henceforward lie conducted. " That his Majesty, having directed our consideration to varien i important matters connected with our domestic policy, his Maie st l may rely with entire confidence on our willing co-operation in R ef ; fecting all such measures as may be calculated to removeP s f causes of complaint, and to promote the happiness and concord of his subjects." " Amendment proposed, after the Paragraph ending witit tbe e words ' to promote the happiness and concord of his Subjects, fi insert the words To assure his Majesty, that his Majesty's fa ith C r Commons acknowledge, with grateful recollection, that the Acts l° amending the Representation of the People were submitted to P B r.," liament with his .Majesty's sanction, and carried into Law by Po l • Majesty's assent :—That, confidently expecting to derive ftirtt er advantages from these wise and necessary measures, we trust tr,'t his Majesty's Councils will be directed in the spirit of well-conw dered and effective reform; and that the liberal and cornPre e7 sive policy which restored to the People the right of choosing Representatives, and which provided for the emancipation a_ persons held in Slavery in his Majesty's Colonies and Possessinc Abroad, will, with the same enlarged views, place without dew our Municipal Corporations under vigilant popular control, r!" move all the well-founded grievances of the Protestant Dissenter* and correct those abuses in the Church which impair its efficien e i in England, disturb the peace of society in Ireland, and lower, the character of the Establishment in both Countries. " To represent to his Majesty that his Majesty's faithful Con t i mons beg leave submissively to add, that they cannot but lOW that the progress of these and other reforms should have been inter' rupted and endangered, by the unnecessary dissolution of a Pert ment earnestly intent upon the vigorous prosecution of measure l , ‘ ," which the wishes of the People were most anxiously and iti g ...„ ll directed :"—Question proposed, " That those words be there sorted." On this Amendment, an animated debate ensued, wh ich our limits will not permit us to notice at large ; but we I°3 4,,,,' remark, that the PREMIER'S Speech appears to us `- be a complete failure. It abounds, as might have been ea . pected, in plausible sophistries ; but exhibits in a singula r degree the weakness of his case and the forlorn condition of his hopes. The KrNG's Speech is just the sort of document tbst was to have been expected from those who had a hand drawing it up. Instead of being ;xplicit, and positive 0° those matters which the country has somnch at heart, it i$ elaborately vague—cautiously professional. There is thing substantial—nothing tangible in it. It is a tur y Variorum Edition • of the Tamworth Manifesto -4° acknowledgement of the necessity of Reform, but an indirect confession of incompetency to deal with it is a° enlarged spirit. The important question of the Irish Titil for instance, is dismissed in one meagre sen t ence , fromwh ic al we can deduce nothing but that, one of these days, it ' c if be taken into consideration. Consideration, indeed! A s ,, the question had not alre a dy b een cons id ere d i n all bearings, remote and proximate—as if the Ratheorolae massacre, and the Hcrse, Foot, and Artillery, constsotb; called into action for the support of the Church wait ; in Ireland, were not a l rea dy d ec i s i ve on t h e po i nt ! $ the people demand on thi s su bj ec t i s , t h e prem ise of prompt remedy for an acknowledged grievance ; an d br hold, instead of a remedy, they are put off with a considei ration, which of course implies, in the face of a bundl e massacres, that the Irish tith e s y s t em i s a griev aa i s not yet sufficiently proved ! Th e E ng li s h Ch u rch touched upon in the same tender, considerate I r ° l spirit. Those who are blessed with unlimited P°";, o of faith will, of course, believe that Ministers are be in earnest in their endeavours to introduce Refora t o i but those who have no more than the average allowanec,i gullibility, will see at on ce th a t th e p assages i n questieu i. ' er mere flowers of Tory rhetoric, me an t to serve no ut' t „ purpose than that of captivating by an external show da tractiveness. As for any specific measures o f R e f orm , the re is nothing of the sort. No pl a n i s l a id d own. N o broa d ' A unequivocal promise made. All i s " suggest i on, " excep t intiT e in one instance, where we are pretty openly told that cu r " means of religious worship" shall be still more widelY r e o tended—of course by th e erec ti on o f new c h urc h es , be l°B the old ones are half-filled, and for which new edifices tPa people will be called on to pay. This is encouraging" , ° e t , may be relied on, for it p rocee d s f rom a party who 11c1,43‘ yet promised to lay o n a new t ax , t h at t h ey did not row' their pledge to the letter. As respects Municip a l R e f orm , t h e peop l e, it ,...p s p e e al b ; must be content to re ma i n i n th e same state of 88.3-,,-abf perplexity and bewild ermen t, i n w hi c h t h ey were the Tamworth Manifesto. For this, however , I t Tories have special good reasons of their own. by no means improbable that another dissolution 'a l e, take place, in whi c h case Mi n i s t ers w ill , o f cours e, 113 4, need of all their Corporation friends to carry them somoly through. They know this, and consr z quentirit not be frantic enough to convert such friends into foes , pledging themselves, at the present nice juncture; to auY 511 cific plan of municipal Reform. The only portions of his MAJESTY's speech which ar e rit i all satisfactory, are those wherein th e internal prusP e • 0 of the country, and the pacific character of its relat t a o with Foreign Powers are reverted to. But for tif es bles , ; - ings who are to receive the credit ? Not the V al o r ' but the Whigs. The former, when they c into office, found the country as signally Pr ° ,ls sous as the latter found it the reverse, when • succeeded the WELLIN GTON Ad m i n i strat i on . ThiS' 15 point which should not be lost sight of. ta d It will be observed that though the Speech from the The bolds out somethin g lik e a p rom i se to t h e agr i cu ltural: es rests, it says nothing o f commerce nn d manufacture. liPa we suppose, must be left to shift for themselves, for from the agricultural, not tho manufacturing partP re o the Yeomanry force is chiefly formed ; and this is a 140 which the Tories, anticipating, doubtless, a cony t io 4l from thei r reso l u ti on to st i c k to p l ace, f ond l y imagine _ s i 115 be the mean s o f a g a i n ren d er i ng t h em t h at sort o f a s s e' which it once before rendered them at ManchesP l e i o t We conclud e , as we b egan , w i t h t h e o b servat i o n,, `4 from the be g i nn i ng t o t h e en d , the 'KING'S Sp e ech. is e t y long, solemn, deliberate begging of Reform. It sees question " through a glass darkly." The Speech of Lord BROUGHAM last night in the i t y of Lords is one of the most maste r ly, th e most ca ustic* most unanswerable that even he ever delivered., Lord tj l iis HURST attempted a reply, but what an exhibition ! ri e , literally not a word to say fo r himself. The d' of topic and argument embraced in th e EN'uri rte' CELLOR'S speech, was too sweeping an d no mPre ¢ 2 l' sive for his successor's small powers of mind "i a lli low. Nevertheless be did his best, though we CO.'_,;1108 agree with Lord BROUGHAM, that even " a winllir clown" could have done no w orse . Hi s L or d s hip t o sions to the discretion that should at all times b 0 0 4 in the exercise of the Royal Prerogative ost e in the truest and most searching vein of 0 0 ' The debate, on the whole, was not less interesting animated, and impresses us with the idea that anotheribe solution is far f rom i m p ro b a bl e . B e at your posts' e Reformers, so that the enemy may not take you by sir •' • with The Paris Papers of Monday have been. receivl,oo, letters and papers from Brussels, th e H ague , Berlin, b l e b and Constantinople. The Paris Journ:ds, from If t?' few brief extracts are all that we can find space for '4: present crowded state of our columns, announce th e ill y nation of Marshal MoRTIER and the Duke DE - 0 1 ( 1 ..t v The sudden resignation of these Ministers is reP ° ::a th r have taken place on Friday, and it is further 0 14 ne cl.. the KING having permitted their retirement, stunni ° o its Council of Ministers, and having submitted to the to SG secession of their colleagues, despatched an officer, i t tip Amami for Marshal SOULT, with intelligence tha t prig' his MAJESTY'S pleasure SOULT should hasten 0 , 400 1. and take upon himself the construction of a new C'w FRENCH FUNDS.....FAMS, FEB. 23. Five per Cents., 1081. 107 f. 90c. 108 f. 20c. Four per Cents., WE 10e. Three per Cents., 77f. 90c B''c. 78f. 20c. Bank Actions, 18:15f. 1,820 f. Rente de Naples, 94f. 90c. 95f. 10c. 20e. Roman Five per Cents., 97 96y 97. Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 44 44%. Bente d'Espagne, Three per Centa., 27 27k. Royal Spanish Loan, 4414 45 44T Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, live per Cents., 44 444)‘" ." Portuguese Loan, 'Five per Cent„ 91. Haytian Loan, art'. EXEk9ANGE ON LONDON. , . One m 00.111., paper,iiifFo c:;rnOeir 25f. 274 c" ,z, . . non. months, Pape;, 25f. l'N t o. ; money,,..)sf. Thu -• e y, i ,t Burs a kahr",,,,que 10 4 CAPi fr Vtovas, QUAP.'rEn TO Foul.—Five per Cents. , r ~, 3P e 9 a ptr Centv., 78f. 25c. ; 5 per Cent. Spanish, 4 4 i ; 4 4 ;• oel' ditto, 27i ; Cortes, 44i ; Coupons, 231; Royal.% „ii; .. Peres, 15ii ; New Loan, 65 ; Ducats, 95 25 ; R0mmt::„.....," glans, —; Pedros, 91 ; liaytians, 370 ; Dutch, 56 9 °' _, ,, --4. ............. Of I TN G, _fl f London: Printed and Published by MURDO YO , t he t"' 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand , in of Middlesex. "WO ;,, jt 3 • the !• teRI A 1)3 due . ; I No her 'VI a oee, 1 DA si to k