The Sun. — London, England, 1848-08-09 00:00:00

FRANCE. The Debats gives the following details of the at tempted assassination of M. TRIERS It appears that on some days previously M. THIENS had re ceived anonymous letters containing threats against his life. The police itself had believed it right to warn him to be o n his guard, and recom mended him to change the white hat which he generally wears, and by which he was known. M. TRIERS did n ot think it necessary to take any notice of this warning. At six o'clock on Satur iiay, the hour at which M. DREES almost always returns home, M. MIGNET, who also wears a white hat, passed through the court-yard of the house to enter the garden, and was fired at, as already stated. The Commissary of Police immediately after went to the spot, and drew up a proses-verbal of this odious attempt. M. DE VISNE, the gunsmith, has ascertained that the shot must have been fired from above, either from the top of the railing which at that point is shaded by trees, or from the top of one of the houses surrounding the Place Saint- Georges. Neither M. MIG NCT nor any other person of the house heard the detonation, from which, as has al ready been said, it is assumed that the assassin em ployed an air-gun. The gun must either have been double-barrelled, or charged with several balls, for at the same moment at which the little girl was wounded, a window was broken in the house of M. CIIEVREUX, contiguous to that of M. TRIERS. Several members of the National Assembly met yesterday in the Salle des Conferences, and conversed a good deal on the attempt against M. TUTEES, and of the threats which under d fferent forms have also, it is said, been addressed to some of them. A letter received on Saturday evening by M. BAUCHART, President of the Committee of Investigation, was handed round :—it contained these words, Your report is only a tissue of infamies. The only thing which consoles me respecting it is, that it will be, I hope, your decree of --- 1794. A bientot: This letter written with care, and without any error in spelling, shows that the writer is a man who has received a certain education. It is signed with the name of Lecointre.'" Letters from Lyons of the sth inst. state that much excitement prevails in that city, and it is added that the troops have shown symptoms of fraternizing with the populace. The latter have insisted on the authorities closing three cafés, frequented, as they say, by aristocrats. At the departure of the mail a picket of 100 men of the line were drawn up at the Croix Rousse, and a piece of cannon was directed towards the square. SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. APPENRADE, AUG. 3.—To- day at noon the intelli gence arrived from the north, at the head-quarters, by a Schleswig-Holstein dragoon, that the Swedes bad withdrawn from Funen, and had returned to Sweden. It is supposed that this intelligence is owing to a Prussian officer, who has re turned from the Danish head-quarters, where he had brought a Danish officer for exchange. The chief of the General staff, Baron VoN STOCIL AUSEN, has been removed to Konigsburgh, the chief of the staff of the Prussian artillery, and Colonel FIDLER, Minister to Munster ; they have both been charged with a command. Vox STOCKHAUSEN is succeeded by Colonel VoN HAUN. Towards evening a Donish steamer was seen from the Chaussee, making for Alsen, and in the far distance a Danish man-of-war. We are informed that the Danes are favourably disposed to an interchange of prisoners. This is the more welcome, as General WRANGEL declared to the deputation which applied to him, that after having twice sought an interchange of prisoners of war without success, he could not do so again, but would, at the same time, readily attend to any proposition coming from the part of the Danes. EC KERNFORDE, AUG. 3. This morning the steamer Hecla entered this harbour, but after the neighbourhood had been reconnoitred by the officers, who were stationed with telescopes on the paddle box, it again went to sea. RENDSBURG, AUG. 4.—Yesterday afternoon it was reported, not only a Danish man-of-war had ap proached the harbour of Eckernforde, but that the Prince of AUGUSTENBURG'S estate e of Noer-sur- Eckernforde, was set fire to in four places. We merely state this as a report. RENDSBURG, AUG. 3.—The Provincial Government has authorised the appointed committee for the con struction of a canal for marine and commerce from Eckernforde, across Schleswig to Hussan, to com mence the preliminary preparation. RENDSBURG, AUG. 3.—Our garrison to-day re ceived the official notice that the Meeklenburg-Stre litz battalion of infantry should march northwards on the 10th, and the two Hanoverian battalions on the llth. The Schleswig-Holstein troops are to return to our garrison to be re-organized.—Hamburgh Cor respondent, Aug. 4. The Kieler Correspondent Blatt states that General WRANGEL, in answer to the demand of the Burgo master, whether the town was to be wholly deprived of troops, stated that North Schleswig would remain occupied, but that the forces were to be lessened in this neighbourhood, in order not to press unduly upon the inhabitants.—Hamburgh Borsenhalle. DENMARK. COPENHAGEN, AUG. 2.—BLOCKADE. —By an order of the Minister of Marine the Elbe, the Weser, and the Jabde will be blockaded on the 15th August. The continuation of the armistice leads us to hope that arrangements for an amicable settlement may still be in progress, but the result of which cannot at this moment be easily foreseen. The war party place all their hopes on the party spirit of individuals, German Governments, and the weakness of Germany, resulting from resistance to the central Power. A frigate is this day to put out to sea. The Minister of War returned on the Ist of August. The Berlingsche Zeitung is of opinion that Kiel is about. to become a German war harbour—that four gun• boats are being built there—and that every exertion is made to bring the three Kiel steamers now lying at Lubre to Kiel, for the purpose of equip- Din: them as war steamers. RUSSIA. ST. PETERSBURGH, JULY 26.—0 n the 26th there were 2,540 cholera patients under treatment. There were 185 new cases, 258 recovered, and 84 died. On the 24th there were 2,986 cholera patients under treat ment. On the 23d there were 153 fresh cases ; 174 recovered, and 109 died. TURKEY. CONSTANTINOPLE, JULY.--From the weekly sani tary reports of the city it appears that there is a de cline in cholera cases in the capital. On the 11 th 206 died, among whom were only 55 females. The greater number of deaths have occurred in Galata, namely, 20, and in Pera 7. HUNGARY. The Breslauer Zeitung has letters from Pesth of the 30th ult. A courier arrived on that day from Szegedin, and informed the Ministry that the Hun garian troops had stormed the " Roman encamp ments," and that they had entirely defeated the insur gents in that locality. No further details have as yet transpired. A grand deputation from the Hungarian Diet is on the point of leaving Pesth for Innspruck, to desire the KING'S (Emperor's) imme diate residence in the former town. They are in structed to add, that if the _KING should refuse to comply with their request, the Hungarians would at once crown the Archduke FEANcts JosErn (son of the Archduke FRANCIS CHARLES), who would for the future reside at Pesth. The coronation of the Archduke FRANCIS JOSEPH is to be the same as that of the present KING (Emperor), who was crowned King of Hungary before the death of FRANCIS I. It is stated that the coronation of the new King does not affect the rights of sovereignty of the old one, but the exer c ise of that sovereignty is con fined to his actual presence in Hungary. The Em peror of Austria would thus be King of HUNGARY whenever h e wou ld choose to res id e in that country, but in his absence the new KING would be the only legitimate Sovereign. This decided alternative is as serted to have been promoted by the hostile position which the Cabinet at Vienna have of late assumed with regard to Hungary. LOMBARD Y. It appears that the Austrianadvanei advancing o t r o u rn w y a ' r towards hch Milan is 80,000 or 90,000 strong, is . . in three di visions. The centre division by Marshal RADETZKY in person, is wienddg stationedrn,coo. commanded nseibstilVaannrg(mi eo.:fl. • etween 50,000 men, is hotly pursuing the in its retreat; the right wing Brescia and Milan, while the left the right .bank of the Po, is a dvancin g towards Parma and Pla.Onxia. .-.,... _O.-,--- ,4-1 v On e side of the Italians the preparations for ;:!.. 7 ,-.,, .- defence, r e extensive, and may have the effect of ~.-.;_i p t i.... • : . :'5,4 . ;;; _gainiat4,ime, but they are certainly not such as r ~.4..;;V:r0V),, :will stOp RADETZKY in his course of victory. •<:.....'-' Acc ,„ ayda - Vg to the Piedmontese papers, General :.:fiz‘, --- IL Zucolli has left Milan at the head of 24,000 men ; Ai II --trgthe number is probably greatly exaggerated, a the men are composed entirely of volunteers and raw recruits. The same papers say that the Piedmontese reserve of 20,000 has joined. the .main army; but other accounts state that, including all the men that have _lately joined him, CHARLES ALBERT'S army has been so reduced, by killed, wounded, prisoners, and deserters, during the last fortnight, that he has hardly 25,000 men in all under his command. There is no doubt, how ever, that the exertions making are great and praise worthy, and it is to be hoped that they will have the ' effect of checking the advance of RADETZKY to Milan, at least until the answer of Austria to the offer of mediation made by England and France shall have been received. The gational Savoien says that Lodi has been for tified, and that CHARLES ALBERT has decided upon barring the passage of the Austrian army in its march towards Milan. The city is in a state of siege, and the army which, according to this paper, is still in an admirable state of discipline, is fully determined to make a vigorous resistance. At the sitting of the Senate of Turin of the Ist inst. the loan of 12,000,000 francs for the war was unanimously voted, as also a vote of thanks to Brescia, and all the other towns of Lombardy, for their cou rage, constancy, and fraternal conduct towards the Piedmontese army. On the day following the ses sion of the Chamber and Senate was prorogued to September 15. The Risorgimento of Turin, of the 3d, states from Milan that, on the Ist, the enemy attacked at Crotta d'Adda, at Como Vecchio, and at Mecca Storms, but was repulsed. On that morning Lord ABERCROMBIE arrived at the Piedmontese camp, and, after a con ference with the KING, set out immediately for the Austrian head• quarters. MORTALITY in the METROPOLIS. NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES REGISTERED IN THE WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, AUG. 5, 1548. Epidemic, Endemic, and Contagious Diseases ... 434 Diseases of Uncertain Seat ... _36 Turbercular Diseases... ... ... ... ... 176 Diseases of the Brain, Nerves, and Senses... ... 101 Diseases of the Heart and Blood-vessels ... ... 25 Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of Respiration ... Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs of Digestion... ... ... ... ... ... 70 Diseases of the Kidneys. &c. ... ••• ••• 17 Childbirth, Diseases of the Uterus, &c. ... ... 10 Diseases of the Joints, Bones, and Muscles ... 6 Diseases of the Skin, &c. ... ,1 Malformations... ... Premature Birth ... ... ... 25 Atrophy ... •-• ••• ... 30 Old Age ••• •.• ••• ••• ... 24 Sudden ... ... . ••• .. .., _ _ ... — ... 3 Violence, Privation, Cold, or Intemperance 17 Causes not specified ... „, DEATHS FROM .ALL CAUSES 1,038 . Ponulatlen Average weekly Deaths Enumerated, Deaths, 1843-7. . In the 1841 . Five Summers. Week. West Districts... 300,711 . . 142 ... 137 North D.Aricts.. 375,971 .. 182 ... 218 Central I)istr . -3s 373,653 ... 178 ... 182 East Districts ... 392,444 ... 219 ... 241 South Districts.. 501,190 ... 251 ... 260 Totals... ..... 1,948,369 ... 972 ... 1,038 Males .. 518 Females ... ••• ... DVS ••• 520 BIRTHS IN THE WEEK. Males Females ... 658 ... 642 Total ... • • ... .. 1,300 RAILWAY COMMITTEE. (YESTERDAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. GROUP No.II. 2 3CIA;TCH;;;;iii, - BUXTON, MAT LOCK, AND MIDLANDS JUNCTION (Deviation and Brauehes).—The object of the Bill is to authorise the company to make several important, deviations in their line, so as to avoid the heavy works which the original plan embraced. The case was opened to-day. and evi• dence taken in its favour. It is strenuously opposed by the Manchester, Sheffield, :and Lincolnshire Company, who insist that the deviation line is an unjustifiable en croachment on their district. ELECTION COMMITTEE. DUBLIN. The scrutiny into the validity of Mr. Reynolds' ma jority was resumed yesterday, and the arguments on the legality of the Dublin pipe-rate continued. They had not closed when the Committee rose. THE SUN, LONDON, THE CURRENCY. The Lords' Committee, reporting on the Currency Act of 1844 (which Sir R Peel called " the complement of the Act of 1819"), describe it as " an attempt to en force by law, under all circumstances, one fixed and in flexible rule for the management of a National Bank of Issue." This attempt, they say, " seems inconsistent with the best written authorities, with the general prin ciples of economical science, as well as with the testi mony of many witnesses of practical knowledge and experience." The Committee are, however, not content wiat merely describing the Act of 1844 as a failure, in so far as it might have been expected to carry into effect an important and beneficial principle. They speak strongly of its injurieus operation. "It can hardly tail," they say, "to be productive of most serious evils, more especially when a contraction of issues, indispensable in a state of adverse foreign ex changes, is rendered imperative, as it is by the Act of 1844, under circumstances which may be wholly oppo site." It has been shown, they affirm, that "an enlarge• rnent of the issues of the Bank under a favourable foreign exchange would frequently be expedient at times when, under the provisions of the Act, no such enlarge ment wonld be possible, and even in cases where, by the Act, a compulsory contraction would be enforced.' We ourselves have, we must confess, no great confidence in what are called the " best written authorities ;" nor are we very deeply moved by an appeal to the " general principles of economical science." All this is well enough if it be absolutely necessary to fall in with the new-fangled views and political pedantry of the day, but we do not think it is. We are of opinion that the good or ill effect of a currency system should be tested, not by written theories, or by the assumed principles of what certain persons presume to describe as " political science," but by the effect which e?cperlence shows the system to have had upon the ope rations of commerce and the general condition of the people. All the theories and all the scientific principles (which are in truth not scientific principles at all, but mere assumptions,) that can be appealed to in respect to the Act of 1844 are mere " leather and prunella, ' com pared with the one striking fact that a terrible monetary pressure came, notwithstanding the existence of that Act, and that when it did come there was no way to stop the tremendous tide of ruin which was spreading over the commercial world but by a suspension of the law of 1844, upon the authority of Government. There: fore, though there are many things in the report of the. Lords' Committee with which we cannot have the satisfaction of recording our concurrence, we do per fectly agree in what they say of the testimony against the Act of 1844 which was afforded by the authoritative suspension of it in October, 1847. It is difficult, they say, in the judgment of the Committee, " to appeal to more demonstrative evidence than is to be found in the Treasury letter of the 25th of October. That letter was a practical repeal, by an act of authority, of the restric tive clauses of the Act. It appears impossible at once to defend the restrictive provisions of this Act, and to jus tify the letter which in this respect abrogated, or, at least, suspended, those very restrictive provisions. The Commit tee consider that those restrictions materially aggravated the pressure, and produced the panic of October, 1847. But, even if those restrictions were originally defensible when enacted, their hold on opinion, as well as their authority in practice, have been materially impaired by the letter by which they were superseded—by its ac knowledged necessity, and by its undeniable success. The precedent is established, and its application will in evitably be called for on other occasions, and it may so happen that the principle of relaxation will be applied under circumstances less urgent and less justifiable than those which occurred in 1847. The Committee are therefore of opinion that it is expedient for the Legisla ture to provide specifically for the manner and the re sponsibility of relaxing these restrictions in times when it can be done consistently with the perfect convertibility of the note—an obligation which should never be for gotten." Such of our readers as have taken the trouble to attend to the arguments which we have from time to time laid before the public on the great monetary ques tion will not require to be informed that our views upon the subject of the "convertibility ". of hank notes are not similar to those avowed by the Lords' Committee. But we cannot expect that they who regard with defer ence the assumptions of a theorising school, and who call those assumptions by the name of " the principles of economic science," should agree with us upon the main point of the currency question. The time, however, we believe will come when these assumptions will be treated as they deserve, and when the lessons of experi ence will be appealed to (as they always'ought to have been), in order to decide what description of money is most convenient for this nation, and most conducive to the general prosperity of the industrious classes. When ,hat time arrives the only sort of convertibility of the bank-note that will be cared for will be its con vertibility into the commodities which an owner of money may desire to purchase. Gold coins and gold spoons will then be regulated in price by the supply of, and the demand for, the metal of which they are manu factured, and the skill required in their manufacture. Money will not be subject to the fluctuations of an article of merchandise, but will be carefully given out and drawn in by the State, according to the exigencies of the people and the course of commerce and of credit for the time being. But nothing can, we think, be more absolutely incontrovertible than the proposition enunciated by the Lords' Committee, that it is impossible at once to defend the restrictive provisions of the Act of 1844, and to justify the act of the Government in October last, which abrogated or suspended those provi sions. No one can pretend that the fact of the Govern ment having to suspend the action of an Act of Parlia ment, without the authority of Parliament for so doing, is by itself a good thing. If the suspension of the Act was wise and necessary, then it is to be regretted that a p b o e w r e e r gr t e o tt s ed usp t e h nd at the eei t A h e c r t t d h i e d o n o e t v legally h e t x n i s e t ; an l y t i s s to sidiary authority in the realm could do What was politic, and wise, and necessary, without a violation of the law, or, what amounts to the same thing, a sanction of the Executive Government to the violation of the law if a certain existing course of circumstances should continue. No doubt it is within the limits of possibility—nay, it is far from being violently improbable—that such a state of circumstances may again occur, under the Act of 1844, as did occur in October, 1847. The recurrence of such circumstances would necessitate another relaxa tion of the Act of 1844. It is, in fact, a fair-weather measure, and will not stand when violent storms agitate the monetary world. At such times its restrictions must be relaxed. Its " self-regulating principles," as they were in a spirit of preposterous vanity termed, must be suspended. This being clear, it is, we think, equally clear that the law should recognise, somewhere or ano ther, this suspending power, and that it should not be necessary for the Government to violate an Act of Parliament in order to save the country from ruin. This is the predicament in which the Government is left by Sir Robert Peel's Currency Law of 1844, that vaunted " complement " to the Act of 1819.—Post. MARKET INTELLIGENCE (From the London New Price Current of Aug. 8.) SUGAR.—To-day the market presented a firm aspect for raw Sugar, notwithstanding the increased qunntity brought forward, and shippers as well as home-trade buyers were desirous to do business. The demand was active for West India Muscovado, both for the pan and scale, whilst the rates paid are fully equal to those of Friday, and for all sorts. At public sale 197 hhds 14 tierces and 146 barrels Barbadoes went upon full terms, and all sold—fine yellow realised 425, good middling and good 40s to 41s, middling 38s 6d to 39s 6d, low 37s to 38s, and brown 365; 534 hhds 36 tierces and 91 barrels Trinidad were disposed of at and after the sale upon full terms—good yellow fetched 395, middling 37s 6d to 38s, low 36s 6d to 375, good and fine brown 35s to 36s per cwt. The total purchases to-day reach 650 hhds and tierces. REFINED.—To-day refined goods met with less atten tion for home-trade purposes, and prices are not sup ported; brown grocery lumps selling at 53s to 53s 6d, sad to pass the standard 545; bonded crushed Sugar is wanted for exportation at 26s 6d to 27s 6d. MAURITIUS.—This afternoon Mauritius Sugar was in excellent request; and two parcels offered at public sale, amounting to 90 casks and 1,640 bags, sold upon full terms: fine yellow went at 403 to 41s, good 393 to 39s 6d, middling 37s 6d to 383 6d, fine brown 365, washed and syrupy 36s 6d to 40a 6d, brown ditto 28s 6d to 34s 7d per cwt. EAST INDIA.—This afternoon the market was much better supplied with Madras Sugar. The quantity of fered at auction amounted to 7,030 bags, still the whole sold upon lull terms. Bengal is wanted, and 1,473 bags went at the full worth. FOREIGN.—To• day there was no public sale of Fo reign Sugar, but privately several inquiries existed, arid two cargoes of yellow Havannah were sold afloat at 18s to 18s 3d per cwt. for low quality. COFFEE.—This afternoon the public sales of 2,035 bags and 7 casks Ceylon Coffee went off flatly, and a small part only sold at barely former rates; 35 bales Mocha sold at better prices; fine clean yellow at 65s 6J, middling 525, and damaged 40s to 61e per cwt. TEA.—There is less activity in the market, which is to be ascribed to the announcement of the public sales. Holders display firmness, and insist upon full rates for all sorts. None has been imported since this day week. Congou of ordinary clean quality cannot be obtained under 8d; Hyson ls, Gunpowder Canton ls, and Im perial 10d per lb. RICE.—To-day greater desire was shown to do busi ness in all sorts of Rice, and 3,581 bags Bengal at pub lic sale were nearly all sold at an advance on former rates of 6d per cwt. Of Sago Flower 1,158 bags were all taken in at 15s for good, but damaged sold at 8s 6d to 13s 6d ; 47 bags Borneo Sago withdrawn ; 105 pkgs of Arrowroot in part sold. SPICES.—To-day at public sale 405 pockets of Ma labar Pepper sold at id per lb advance—fine heavy clean brown realised aid to 34d, and damaged 21:1 to aid; 15 cases Nutmegs sold at stiffer rates; 190 bags of Zanzibar Cloves taken in at 7id; 21 brls Jamaica Ginger sold at 54s to 80s for ordinary and middline 32 cases Calicut ditto taken in at 66s to 70s for bold; and 32 bags Barbadoes at 30s to 31s 6d per cwt. SPIRITS.—To day there was less activity in the Rum market, and prices are not so firm. Proof Leewards can be obtained at is 8d to Is Bid, East India is 5d to Is 6d, and Jamaica low to fine 28 to 38 overproot, not high flavoured, 3i 3d to 4s 3d per gallon. SALTPETRE.—A material increase has taken place in the demand for Rough by private treaty, and we have to announce a rise in prices of 6d per cwt. On the part of merchants there is firmness, and the market has been less freely supplied, but some buyers continue the chief operators. At auction 1,553 bags Calcutta were sold. English Refined sells more freely at 28s 6d to 29s per cwt. OILS.—For common descriptions of Fish Oils the market has shown a brighter appearance, and on the part of holders less disposition is manifested to sell. The imports are not of much moment since our last report, but deliveries are upon an enlarged scale. Southern is much in request, and former rates are well sus tained. At auction 74 tuna were all sold at 221 lOs to 25l 5s for ord to fine, and very low 2115 s to 221. Seal has been largely dealt in, and a rise in the value is ap parent. In Cod several sales have been made at 241 to 241 ss, and at which rates there are not free sellers. Sperm is brought freely to market, and holders are will ing to make a further concession in the value, still buyers opetate with caution, and of 102 Inns offered at auction a part only sold. For auction 20 tuns of Southern, and 100 tuns of Sperm are declared. The purchases made in Linseed Oil are upon a large scale tor home trade purposes, whilst several orders for exportation have been concluded, and prices are firm at 22s 6d to 23s 6d per cwt. For forward delivery the demand is good at 22s 9d. Rapeseed Oil finds a ready sale at 35s 6d to 363 for pale, and 34s 6d to 35s for brown. We have to announce a material improvement in the de mand for Olive, and an advance in prices. For Cocoa Nut the demand is brisker, and holders appear less dis posed to press sales. Palm is held with firmness, and there is a good trade. Lard Oil moves off slowly. TALLOW.—To day there was less activity in the mar• ket for Russian, and on the spot prices declined to 44s 3d to 44s 6d for new, and to 43s 6LI to 44s per cwt. for old. FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE OF TUESDAY. DOWNING-STREET, Auc. 5, 1848. The Queen has been pleased to appoint John S. Saunders, Esq., to be Clerk of the Circuits end Clerk of the Crown on the Circuits, and George Botsford, Esq., to be Clerk of the Legislative Council, for the province of New Brunswick. FOREIGN-OFFICE, Ana. 5. The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. Ho ratio J. Sprague, as Consul at Gibraltar fur the United States of America. FOREIGN-OFFICE, AUG. 7. The Queen has been pleased to approve of M. Hip polyte Flury, as Consul at Malta tor the French Re public. Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenant of Essex. Charles Du Cane, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant ; Thomas Jenner Spitty, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant, July 22. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. _ Samuel Glover, Park-street,Grosvenor•cquare, builder. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. Josiah John Craske, linen draper, Lowestoft, Suffolk, BANKRUPTS. John Gatrell, upholsterer. Lymington, to surrender Aug. 17 and Sept. 25, at half -past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, I3asinghall street; Barber, Furnival's Inn. Joseph Hubbard, linen draper, Dorking, Surrey, Aug. 17, and Sept. 22, at eleven, at th e Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Birchin.lane; Hardwick and Davidson, Weavers% hall, Basinghall-street. Joseph Peace Shuttleworth, mathematical instrument maker, Birmingham, Aug. 22, at half-past twelve, and Sept. 19, at twelve, at the Birmingham District Court. Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham; Ryland, Bir mingham. Thomas Wakefield, merchant, Nottingham, Aug. 25. and Sept. 22, at ten, at the Birmingham District Court, Bittleston, official assiguee, Nottingham ; Parsons, Not tingham. George Webster, licensed victualler, Hedge-row, Islington, Aug. 18, at half-past one, and Sept. 22, at half-past eleven, at the Court of 118nkruptcy. Whit more, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Hilleary, Fenchurch-street. _ _ Thomas James Champion, boot and shoemaker, Tun bridge Wells, Aug. 19, at half-past twelve, and Sept. 23, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, official as signee, Aldermanbury; Scarman, Gresham-rooms, Ba singhall-street James Crescent Shaw, carrier, Bristol, Aug. 22 and Sept. 19, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Hut ton, official assignee, Bristol; Jones and Co., Crosby - square; Peters and Abbot, Bristol. James Steere, watch maker, Guildford, Surrey, August 19, at one, and Sept. 25, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, official assignee, Aldermanbury; Spyer, Broad-street-bu!dings. David Turner, innkeeper, Sheffield, Aug. 19 and Sept. 30, at ten, at the Leeds District Court. Freeman, official assignee, Sheffield; Moss, Sergeants'-inn, Lon don; Ryalls, Sheffield. Charles Lowe Swainson and John Birchwood, manu facturers, Manchester, Aug. 21 and Sept. 12, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Fraser, official as signee, Manchester; Pittendreigh and Co., Gray's-inn. London; Baker, Manchester. Thomas Gillespie Ferguson, Henry Taylor, and George Frederick Mendley, commission merchants, Manchester, Aug. 21 and Sept. 8, at eleven, at the Man chester District Court. Putt, official assignee, Man chester; Reed, Langford and Marsden, Friday-street, Cheapside; Sale. Worthington and Shipman, Manchester. (Dividends, &c., in our next.) DUTCH MAIL. AMSTERDAM, AUG. 4.—THE BoUßSE.—lnland funds were more Hat at the opening, especially the Four per Cents. Integrals were more favourable than yesterday. Three and Four per Cents. improved partially. Rot terdam Railway maintained its rates. Spanish funds in demand and improved in price. Portuguese more firm. Austrian in demand at higher prices. Russian Five per Cents. maintained their rates; Four per Cents. more in demand ; for the rest no variation. The exchange closing at higher rates is to be attributed t o t h e hi gher rates of the Paris Bourse. Discount, 3 per cent. DUTCH FUNDS.—AIISTEnDAM. Ana. 4. bloney. 13111 a Aetnal Debt, 2% per Cent •••••• • • •• • 42% 431 i 3 per Cent •••••••••• •• • • • • • • 49\ 50% ... D Dl it t ro , 4 per Cent.• • •• • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 1, 67 Amort Syndic, 3 % per Cent....... C omm ercial Company, 4% per Cent .. East India Loan, 4 per Ce nt • Exchange= London, at sight .• •••• • • • 11 95 Two months. •••• • • • • ...... 11 90 On llamburgh, at sight 35 25 Two mouths. •••••.• • •• • . • • 35 On Paris • • ..... • ... •• . • 56 62 TwOMOUth.S. •ee• o• • ••• •1 15 1? WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 9 1 11148. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF - COMMONS, August 8. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) POOR-LAW UNION DISTRICTS SCHOOL BILL. On the motion for going into Committee on this Bill, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that he had hoped some explanation would have been given of the Bill. It was proposed to provide for the compulsory education of the children of the indigent poor of the country in a manner most objectionable. He particularly objected to the mode in which the expense was to be paid—namely, out of the poor-rate. The objections urged against the Bill were so freely stated in a petition from Ashton, that he felt he could not do better than enumerate them. It stated that parochial burdens would be increased, which were now greater than the ratepayers were in a condi tion to pay. That the children in the workhouses were now better educated than the children of many work men, mechanics, and others, who contributed to the rates. That educating the children until they reached the age of :6 was too long a period, and would engender habits of indolence which would unfit them for labour ; that it would lead to the compulsory separation of parents from their children, or, if they were tlead, from their pro per guardians; that the Poor-law Cdtionissieners, which were now in bad odour would, if the measure were passed, become still more disliked; that it would lead, each dis trict being 15 miles in area, to a system et cen tralization and of Government patronage; would establish a national system of education, and interfere with religious freedom, II is groat objection to the Bill was that the expense of the schools would be paid out of the poor-rates. This was the third time this session that an attempt had been made to fasten great and improper charges upon the poor rates. First, the new system of repairing the highways; second, the Act with respect to vagrancy, which they had just been dealing with; and third, the present measure, which was designed to charge upon the poor-rate many expenses which were altogether foreign to the purpose for which they were collected. By the Act of 1844 the Poor-law Commissioners were empowered, "at their will and pleasure," to establish district schools ; but since that time a serious change had taken place in the condition of those who paid the rates—he alluded to the cul tivators of the soil. The I,egislature had been pleased to establish the principle that there should be ' free trade in all things produced by the earth, in con sequence of which those engaged in the cultivation of the soil had had their resources materially crippled. This being the case, he asked the Government on what principle of justice they could ask these parties to con sent to an 'increase of the poor-rates? It appeared from the Bill that the guardians of the poor would have no power of controlling the expenditure in respect of their schools. Looking at the late period of the ses sion, and the dissatisfaction which such a measure as this would cause, he felt it his duty to oppose it. Mr. CHARLES BULLED assured the House that he should not at this late period of the session have brought forward the Bill if he had thought that it would press unduly upon any portion of the community. He was prepared to show that the mea sure would not infringe upon the liberty of any part of her Majesty's subjects; nay, more, he was prepared to contend that it had been brought forward to diminish the burdens of the rate-payers, by a wise and econo mical expenditure in connexion with these schools.-- (Hear, hear.) No power was to be taken in the Bill which would empower the Poor-law Commissioners to force anything upon the ratepayers without their consent. lie declared he'rhad no sympathy in the popular notion that they could over-educate the children of the poor. Children were placed in workhouses under most distressing circumstances, and if they did not educate them, the evil would not only recoil upon the children, but upon the whole country. — (Hear, hear.) At present, under the existing poor-law, there was a schoolmaster and schoolmistress in all the workhouses, who were maintained at considerable ex pense, but it was defrayed by a vote of Parliament, and so would the expense of maintaining the school masters and schoolmistresses in these district schools. The present number of children in workhouse union schools was at the present moment in England '51,237, while out of that number there was only 5,402 who were children of able-bodied paupers. All that he asked was that the House should remove the limitations which prevented those who would unite from being united with these schools, and by the limitations that at present existed they were prevented from the formation of dis tricts which otherwise could be easily formed. He did not see why parties should not be at liberty to erect a building apart, for children from the workhouse, if parties were willing to pay the expense of them. He believed that nothing was more prejudicial to female children than bringing them up with the women in the workhouse. The Right Hon. Gentleman, after adverting to cases showing the excellent effect of the adoption of such a course, and stating that he preferred in dustrial to elementary education for paupers, stated that this Bill, if passed, would give him no power except that of forming districts, and after hat the whole power would go to the ratepayers. He believed that if the unions were allowed to exercise their own free will they would form themselves into districts and build workhouses, to which they would send their children and bring them up in proper indus trial habits. Sir W. JOLLIFFE, while he admitted the import ance of the measure, and the kindly feelings that had induced the Right Hon. Gentleman to introduce it, could not but think the second week in August a mast inop portune period to discuss a measure of such importance, and he thought the Right lion. G( ntleman, in postpon ing the measure to another session, would exercise a sound descretion. Mr. HENLEY did not believe that the present Bill would remedy the evils it was inten led to put an end to. The Bight Hon. Gentleman had said that the Bill was perfectly voluntary. He denied it. They had no instruction at all as to the number of guardians, and ander this Bill a district might be formed, and guardians appointed that would tax ratepayers to an unlimited extent. Such a Bill he objected to at the present moment and period of the session. He thought the House ought to have had more explanation on the subject of the Bill from the Right Hon. Gentleman than they had hitherto had. He thought the more the measure was iouked at the more necessity there was fur postponing it tilt another session. Viscount EBRINGTON supported the Bill. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY moved an amendment that the Committee on this Bill be postponed until this day three months. Mr. C. BULLER hoped that the House would allow the all to go into Committee, and if there were any objectionable provisions in it they might then be amended. - After a brief discussion, the debate was adjourned until Thursday. RENEWABLE LEASEHOLD CONVERSION (IRELAND) BILL. On the order of the day fur going into Committee on this Bill being read, Sir W. SOMERVILLE proposed that the committal of the B►ll he postponed until Thursday next. Mr. LAW trusted that the Right Hon. Baronet would defer the Bill until next session, as it was a measure of very great importance, and could not, in common de cency, be discussed unless in a full House. The committal of the Bill was ultimately postponed until Thursday next, when it will be taken as the first order of the day. WESTMINSTER IMPROVEMENT BILL. This Bill was read a second time. ADVOWSONS IN THE COUNTIES OF WAR WICK AND STAFFORD. The Exchange of Advowsons in the Counties of War wick and Stafford Bill went through Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. _ _ DUBLIN POLICE BILL. The Dublin Police Bill as ordered to be committed on Thursday next. . _ The House then adjourned until Five o'clock. The House resumed at Five o'clock. Lord G. BENTINCK presented a petition from the shipowners of North Shields against the Custom-house regulations of that port. BOARD OF AUDIT. Dr. BO%VRING postponed the two following notices relative to ,the Board of Audit till next session:— " Select Committee to inquire into the constitution and efficiency of the Board of Audit." "To call attention to, the returns from the Shannon Navigation Commis sion, showing that no proper accounts have been fur nished to the Audit Office for nearly ten years, and that 130,0001. of the public money remains unaccounted for at the present moment." The notices were accordingly discharged. BRITISH FISHERIES. Mr. HUME moved for a return showing in detail the total annual expense, from the year 1840 to the year 1847 inclusive, of the Board of British Fisheries, in cluding the salaries, allowances, incidental expenses, superannuations, or pensions of all persons employed by or connected with that establishment; the cost and ex penses of any steam or sailing vessels belonging to or employed by it; the nature and object of the duties performed by it; and the fund or funds out of which its expenses are defrayed (in continuance of Parliamentary Paper, No. 529, Session 1839).—Agreed to. SCOTCH CHURCH. Mr. HUME moved an address for a return of the total number of seats in each of the churches in the city of Edinburgh, whose ministers are paid by the annuity tax; stating the number of seats let and not let, in each Of the last five years ; distinguishing between the seatholders who reside within the royalty of the city, and those who reside in other parishes; also distinguish ing seatholders who are actually rated for the annuity tax, and stating the amount received for seat rent in each of these churches in each year, and how appro priated.—Agreed to. SASINES AND REVERSIONS. Mr. HUME moved for a return of the establishment of the office of Keeper of Sasines and Reversions in Scotland in the years 1846 and 1847, stating the names, office, and amount of salary of every person em• ployed, and from what sources paid. And, ac count of the amount received for fees in the office of Keeper of Sasines and Reversions in each of the yearslB46 and 1847, with a list of the several fees charged, and the rate of each lee, and how the same have ben appropriated in PUBL each ofNS these years greed to. ICA. Mr. TATTON EGERTON presented a petition from Westmoreland pray ir,g the Howe to pass a Bill to pre vent the sale of spirituous liquors in public-houses be tween the hours of eleven on Saturday night and six o'clock on Sunday morning. TRADE AND NAVIGATION. Mr. LABOUGHERE, in laying a number of returns of the monthly accounts relating to trade and navigation before the House, said, in order to obviate all complaint of any undue preference having been shown by the Government, he had made arrangements by which those returns would be printed and distributed in the usual way among the Members of the Hones. THE CRIMINAL LAW. Mr. ANSTEY put the following question to the First Lord of the Treasury:—When her - Majority's Ministers intend to move fur leave to bring in the Bill for ("orison dating and amending the criminal law of England, pre pared by the present Criminal Law Commis.ioners, and printed at p. 70 of their Fourth Report, recently laid on the table of this House; or whether her Majesty's Mi nisters intend to take any other and what measures for carrying into effect the suggestions of that report; and in particular whether it is their intention to ail.opt such of them as concern the off-nee of being a Roman Catholic minister in England, bound by reli gious vows, or that of omitting to elect or co nseerate air archbishop or bishop after receiving a conge d'elire, and whereby the former offence is to be made punishable with hanishment for life in the first instance, and with transportation for life in the second, and the latter offence to be made punishable with three years' impri sonment or fine at discretion, or both; and why it is proposed to confine the operation of the contemplated penal enactments to England. Sir G. GREY stated, in reply to the first question, that the, Bill contained only part of the recommendation of the Criminal Law Coininisuoners, by which the Govern ment was in no degree bound; alio, therefore, he could not say whether it was the intention of the Government to bring in a Bill in accordance with those recommenda tions. To the second question he had to reply that the reports and suggestions of the Committee would be duly consider& d by the Government during the recess, when perhaps the Government would introduce measures on their own responsibility, such as they might think fit to meet the state of the case. He was not prepared to say for which of the recommendations of the Committee the Government would ask the sanction of Parliament. REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS. DEATHS, AND MARRIAGES (SCOTLAND) BILL. Admiral GORDON inquired if the Lord Advocate intended to proceed with these Bills this session. The LORD ADVOCATE replied,although the House came to an unequivocal vote yesterday with respect to these Bills, yet, considering the late period of the session, and the statement of several of the Scotch 'Members that their constituents required time to consider the pro visions of the Bill, he should not proceed with them further during the present session, but he should pro ceed with them early in the ensuing session. COMPULSORY ENFRANCHISEMENT OF COPYHOLDS. In reply to Mr. THORNELY, Sir G. GREY stated that the Lord Chancellor did not consider that the Bill whicllhad been introduced into the other House of Parliament could oe p , essed to a com pletion during the present session. It was his intention next session to reintroduce a new Bill on the subject. JAMAICA AND TRINIDAD. Mr. BAILEY inquired if dispatches had been re ceived by the last packet from Sir Charles Grey, the Governor of Jamaica, and Lord Harris, the Governor of Trinidad, with reference to the state of the colonies. Mr. LABOUCHERE would make inquiries at the Colonial-office, and it the Under-Secretary was not pre sent to-morrow, he would take care to reply to the question. Lord J. RUSSELL said a dispatch had been received from Lord Harris ; he could not then say whether it could be laid on the table. ESTATES IN THE COURT OF CHANCERY (IRELAND). Mr. MONSELL asked whether it was the intention of the Government to introduce a measure early next session for the improvement of estates under the care of the Court of Chancery ?—(Hear, hear.) Sir W. SOMERVILLE said a Bill for that purpose had received the consent of the Lord Chancellor of Ire hod, but the late period of the session precluded its being brought forward until the ensuing session. He trusted it would be in his power to bring in the Bill at au early period of the next session. WEDNESDAY SITTINGS. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he had given notice yesterday of his intenti3n to-day to propose to alter the course of proceeding with respect to the sittings of the House on Wednesday. As must be well known to Hon. Members, there were at present many votes in Supply yet to be taken, and he hoped the House would forward the desires of the Government to get those votes passed through. He should, therefore, if it met will the approbation of the House, propose to go into Committee of Supply to morrow at five o'clock, and on the Friday, Monday, and Wednesday following. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the suspension of the standing orders relative to the House sitting on Wednesday. Lord G. BENTINCK wished to know if the Noble Lord was prepared to state what course he intended to pursue with respect to the other business, especially the sugar duties ? Lord J. RUSSELL said that his Right Hon. Friend, the President of the Board of Trade would, on Thurs. day, move the Committee on the navigation-laws, with a view of postponing them to another session. After that he proposed to take the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill, and after that the sugar duties. _ _ Colonel SIBTHORY protested against this novel mode of proceeding of the Noble Lord. Formerly they never sat on Wednesdays at all, afterwards only till six o'clock. He thought it was the incompetency and lazi ness of the present Government that had caused the present state of the House, and the Noble Lord now took the present mode of making up for that incom petency and laziness. Mr. V. smirn had no objection to the present motion, but he was anxious t . , know what course the Natile Lord intended to adopt with respect to the mo tion of the Hon. Member fur Southwark on colonial expenditure. Mr. BRO MERTON said, under the peculiar circum stances of the time, he did not intend to oppose the mo tion, but he hoped the Noble Lord would agree with him that the Wednesday sittings from twelve to six had worked well. A great deal of good business had been done on a Wednesday. It had been a great advantage to Merribt , rs, for it gave them an opportunity for making arrangements for • the evening.—(Hear, hear, and Laughter.) He had al. lowed the sitting on other nights to extend to a greater length than he should have done, because he knew that in the middle of the week there was no evening sitting. He had made a comparison of the Wednesday sittings under the old and the Wednesday sittings under the present system, and he found that in welve Wednesdays' sittings under the old system they sat 35 hours, while in twelve Wednesdays' sittings under the present system they sat 70 hours.—(Hear, hear.) An HON. MEMBER—WeII, and what have wo done ? Mr. BROTHERION regretted that they had only had a good deal of talk, but they had done very little business, and he for one confessed he had been greatly disappointed and annoyed at the length to which some Hon. Members had carried their speeches. He hoped, however, that next session some amendment would be made in that respect, but he trusted nothing would be done to disturb tfteir Wednes day day sittings.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. COBDEN rose in consequence of what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Northampton to state that, at the request of his Hon. Friend the Member for Southwark, he had taken charge of the motion on colonial expenditure, but as the Government had already acquiesced in it, he thought it was disposed of, so far us the House was concerned. Should the House arrive at the motion to-night, he should propose to resume the debate, but not for the purpose of making a speech.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. THORNELY said the Noble Lord had stated that he intended to proceed with the navigation-laws on Thursday. He wished to know whether it was the in tention of the Government to bring in a Bill on the subject. Government proposed resolutions on the navigation-iaws. If the House agreed Mr. LABOUCIIERE said thatreason s t o h n e , gtr a he n ee d circu lated in the country.—(Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said there was no objection was in House p ri exact lynttoe printed, to them the Bill would b to e a b s r k ou t g h h e t on the part of the Government proposed by the Hon. Member to the resolution for Southwark (Sir W. lVlolesworth) respec tin g the colonies. He was himself disposed to move t he resolution, but the Honour able Member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) had stated that be would move the resumption of the debate. The Honourable Member for Southwark had made a very able speech, in the sentiments of which he (Lord John Russell) entirely concurred, and as the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies had also made a very able statement to the House, he did not think it necessary to take any fur ther part in the debate. With respect to the observa tion of the Hon. Member for Salford (Mr. Brotherton), he had to state that he proposed to continue the sittings of the House on Wednesday evening at five, as this was the second week in August, and the Government were desirous of going into a Committee of Supply. Mr. HUME said the Noble Lord had two propositions on the paper to make: Lord J. RUSSELL said be wished to explain that he did not intend to propose the second notion 'on the paper, for the House to adjourn at three on 'Wednesday. Mr. HUME objected to continuing the sittings on Wednesday after twelve o'clock, but did not persevere in linking an amendment. After a short discussion the motion of the Noble Lord was agreed to. mites l h i to r , . uo ß i ndAhbPiesH carri ed rose to move for leave to bring in a LEGACY DU rms. Bill to exempt from legacy duties all charitable bequests, not to private individuals, but to public bodies. His main object n w e o es u:d to th p 7 ss a t c h ce is p m t tehaesuCreh.ilteHrne could d in coming into Parliament was to introduce this Bill, and it Hun dreds.—(Laughter.) He implored her Majesty's Govern assure the Noble Lord that in doing so he would immorta lise himself. The sum at present raised from the duty on legacies to charities did not exceed 15,000/. per annum, and he asked the Government, if for such a paltry sum as that a country like Great Britain ought to maintain such an impost ? Lord R. GROSVENOR, in seconding the motion, called upon the Government to allow the Bill to pass. The legacy duties in a great many instances were the means of pre venting the full devel'pment of some of our finest insti tutions. he consented to the remission of one duty because it was The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that if small, he would be called upon to give up others on the same ground. He had already this year given up the copper duty. He highly appreciated his Honourable Friend's mo tives in bring►ng the subject forward, but he could not con sent to the concession that was demanded. He doubted if his Hon. Friend had not underrateA the amount when he fixed it at 15,000/., but whether the sum was small or large, while the income was less than the expenditure it was not a time to ask him to forego any revenue whatever. After all, character, and those parties who left money to them could also easily leave money to pay the legacy duty. Some of the a very large portion of these charities were of a very absurd charities were not only ridiculous in themselves, but, perhaps, were prejudicial to the public interest He would not object to his Hon. Friend laying his Bill on the table, but it must not be inferred from that be would at all support it. His Hon. Friend bad given one very strong reason for the oppo sition of the Government to the Bill, and that was his an nouncement respecting the Chiltern Hundreds. On that eEn edt hh keen account he should oppose the Bill, rather than run the risk of losing his Honourable Friend's support to the Govern ment.—(Laughter.) Mr. DUNCAN regretted the decision of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Dundee Infirmary, some time ago, had almost suspended its operation. and would.have done so but for the timely assistance of a Noble Lord. Since that time a legacy of 10,0 , ,i0/. had been left by a Dundee merchant to the institution ; and cast of that nearly LOCO/. had to be paid for duty. At the time the institution was greatly in want of funds, and a memorial was sent to the Treasury on the subject, but without effect. Lord G. BENTI.\CK would take leave to ask the Chan cellor of the Exchequer whether he did not think that 50,000 i. a year would have been better bestowed, had it been sp ,red in order to relieve cl.arities' from a tax im posed up , m them, than 50,00 d/. flung away upon the re mission Of the copper duties, .1- io that of the corn duties whilst Parliament was sitting? The tax evidently operated as a discouragement to those who wished to benefit cha ritable institivions. Sir DE LACY EVANS supported the Bill. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer might as well go to the hospitals and turn away one or two hundred persons, requiring them to hand over the proceeds of t heir subscriptions to Groverntnent, as persist. in levying this tax. Mr. HUME sail that in Scotland there was a strong feel ing in favour of this Bill. No money was better devoted than that which was applied to the maintenance of institutions for the relief of those overtaken by disease or violent injury, against which they c.tild not guard, and he thought it was but a }tearless proceedkg in the Government to snatch at the income of such institutions. Why should the devisee of land pass without a tax, whilst legactes of money or other prope , ty were subjected to one ? He trusted that the com mon sense and feeling of justice of the people would ere long lead them to see the inequality and injustice of the law, and that the odious wrong would beredressed.—(Hear.) After a few wards from Sir C. BURRELL, Mr. W. P. WOOD thought the provisions of the law as applied to bequests needed revision. He saw no reason why unlimited sums of- money should be permitted to be be queathed to charitable institutions, whilst persons were pre vented from devising a single acre of land by the statutes of mortmain. He did not see, tur,vever, that this particular Bill was called for, as he thought it dangerous to carry the facilities for bequests now allowed any further. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought a better plan plan might be to devote the sum received from the tax to the support of such charities as might be cut.sidered most bene ficial to the country. If the Bill were pressed to a division he should fact it. his duty to vote aiainst it. Sir R PEEL would not, by supdortitig this Bill, commit himselt to the principle that they should encourage parties to neglect the claims of their tamales in favour of public charities. The first duty of a moan was to provide for his own family. He did not say shut there might not be cir cumstances in which it might be proper f .r all individu.d to slight those claims and prefer those of public charity ; hut, speaking generally, the provision a man male for his own family was a very unostentatious and unowrusive thing, and ire did not often get much credit for it; but it might gra tify his vanity to be advertised in the public newspapers as a person who had given 10,0001. to a public charity. - (Hear, hear.) If these were his motives, he (Sir R. Peel) should not encourage him in them. He hoped they should not be committed to this piinciple, by acquiescing in the first read ing of tills Bill. Why, he had known public institutions lett money by will, and he had seen the descendants of those who left them receiving 100/. from the royal bounty, be cause their parents thuught to gratify their vanity by presenting to the public. what should have constituted the sources of their subsistence.— (Hear, hear.) He had seen the descendants of such men come to the public treasury, saying that they hoped the royal bounty would be exercised in their favour, as they had been ruined by the misplaced generosity of their own relatives.—( Hear, hear.) After a few words from several other lion. Members, leave was given to bring in the Bill. NATIONAL LAND COMPANY. Mr. J. WILLIAMS gave notice that on Friday hewould ask the Hon. and Learned Member for Nottingham (Mr. F. O'Connor) whether he meant to proceed with the Friendly Societies Bill, and the plan for the registration of the National Land Company. THE BALLOE. Mr. F. 11. BERKELEY, in rising to bring this subject under the notice of the House, referred to the progress of opinion on political subjects since the Reform Act, and hoped that as they had seen the Right Honourable Baronet who so long opposed the repeal of the corn-laws, and the Noble Lord who so ably championed a fixed duty, agreeing to abjure their errors upon that question, and admit corn free of any duty at all, they might also witness a similar change of opinion on this question. Hon. Members were no doubt aware that the ballot had been carried by that House in the year 1710, and rejected in the other House by Godolphin, and that it was contemplated by the Cabinet at the time of the Reform Bill. The objections generally made to the ballot were, that it was an innovation, that it would prevent neither bribery nor intimidation. It was pretended, also, that the ballot was not necessarily secret voting, whilst stress was laid on the unmanliness of secret voting, and its un-English and cowardly character. The ballot-box was denounced as likely to injure the due influence of property, and as having a tendency to promote immorality, lying, and disgrace. The answer to the first objection was, that when the franchise was first established as the law of the land, it was free and uncontrolled in its exercise ; but when the rich and powerful began to grasp at political power, they attempted to influence the opinions of those placed within the sphere of their influence. They who advocated the measure wished not to make any inno • vation on the electoral system, but to enact a measure for its protection—a strictly Conservative measure. By grant ing the ballot they would conserve to the people a great national privilege, which they only possessed in name, the nominal possession of which was to thousands a source or ' mortification, loss, and disgrace. You now gave them a mere nominis umbra, like the equivocating tiend of the port— you kept the promise to the ear and broke it to the hope. It was a great privilege to choose such persons as were tr make laws to hind a man's lie and property, a privilege not to be deputed to another. These were the words of oke; rt was to conserve this privilege that he asked the House to give the electors the lowllege of the ballot. N ext, as to the assertion that bribery would not be prevented by it. Would any m-in in his senses pay for are article the delivery of which was uncertain? Would he purchase a bale of geods of a shopkeeper, without a fair prospect that it would be sent home? Would stuns o money be invested in an uncertainty? In Great Yarmouth they had found the candidates or their agents expending great sums, the voters en: ening at one door, receiving a sure of money, and going out at an opposite door, to vote for value received. But should he be told that any speculator in the votes of electors would go down to Great Yarmouth if the ballot were the law of the land? Would the Duke of Richmond send down Lord Arthur Lennox to engage in such a transaction? Would the great colossal speculator, Mr .Attwood, g to Harwich or Lyme Regis in the hope of making a profitable stroke of business under such a system? Bnt it was said that boroughs would be rented wholesale after the return of the Members. His reply wee, without admitting or denying the fact, that if it were so, the evil existing in small boroughs would be fully compensated by the good effected in counties and large towns. He came now to the argument that the ballot-box did not ensure secret voting. Did it not ensure secrecy in clubs?—(Hear)—and i so, why should it not alas ensure it at borough elections? It was said that in America, where the ballot existed, it was always well known how men voted, hut he insi.ted that that was no argument against the efficacy of the institution. His Hon. Friend the Member for Middlesex had satisfactorily disposed of the objection when the matter was last under discussion. He had stated what every one knew to be the fact, that the Americans had no object in keeping their votes secret.—(Hear, hear.) In America there was no oc casion for a man's concealing his vote. He had no object to serve in so doing, and in explanation oC that tact. which was undeniable, he (Mr. Berkeley) would take leave to add another fact, namely. that the Americans were cot blessed with the law of entail, or honoured with the law of primogeniture, and the consequence being, that property was diffuse and tyranny scarce, that was another reason why the Americans had no motive to conceal their votes. The thing was as obvious as the sun at noon-day. The fact was simply this, that in America they had the ballot, and they wanted it not ; whereas in England they had it not, but needed it most grievously.-.(Hear.) The next objection to the ballot was that which had reference to its alleged unmanliness, and its un-English and cowardly character. A reference to the clubs was a direct answer to that objec tion. The analogy between the club and borough practices had been repeatedly asserted by the friends of the ballot, and as repeatedly denied by its adversaries. It was trodden ground, but he begged to be allowed to past over it once again, in order to show that, let the antagonists of the mea sure say what they might, the analogy was complete. In those splendid mansions now so rapidly increasing in this great metropolis—the clubs—were congregated together va lour, learning, birth, and wealth, cid all alike sought pro tection in the ballot. From what did they seek protection? From hostility, and animosity, which very possibly might lead to bloodshed. No man would accuse the members of those clubs of unmanliness. Those clubs were composed of English gentlemen, and scores of Members of both Houses of Parliament belonged to them, and one and all sought protection in the ballot. From what did they seek protec tion? From the bully of society, from the Sir Lucius O'Triggers of society, who, if you were to refase to admit them to your companionship, would consider it "a very pretty quarrel as it stood," and would be very likely to make you personally answerable for it; but did it never occur to lion. Members that there was such a character as a bully in politics? —(Hear, hear.) Most assuredly there was such a character, and he was much more obnoxious and far more dangerous to have anything to do with than the bully of society. The latter met you on equal terms. If he pat your life in danger, he at all events gave you the satisfaction of knowing that he at the same time emperilled his own—lie gave you equal weapons and equal chances; but the political bully acted quite differently. He sedulously eschewed an equal contest. No risk did he run. His victim recorded his vote, and with it recorded his ruin. —(Hear, hear.) The political bully destraved riot life but the means of life, and where was the difference? " You take my house, when you do take the prop That doth sustain my house; you take my life When you do take the means whereby I live." —(Cheers.) If the victim of the political bully be a trades an, let him look for the w i t hdrawal of cred i t a nd custom— if a tenant, let him expect summary ejection—it a servant, let him hope for nothing but discharge.—(Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. Berkeley) did not accuse Honourable Members of that House, who were also members of clubs, of unmanliness for protecting themselves from the machinations of persons of evil dispositions, but he did charge them with it when they denied to their less f alunate and less opulent fellow-country men the same safeguard which they insisted on for them selves.—( Hear, hear.) He would next turn to the oljection that the ballot-box would destroy the legitimate influence of ' property. He could not better dispose of that assertion than by quoting what had been said upon it by Mr. Grote.— [The Honourable Member read a passage from the speech of Mr. Grote on the ballot in 1836.] Very few m n would have the hardihood to assert, either in that House or on the hustings, that those who were gifted with power, station, and wealth, would be justified in dictating to a freeborn man in what manner lie should discharge a a , lemn duty which he owed to God and to his country, and which he was bound to discharge conscientiously and to the best of his ability. Few men would dare to hold such language, whatever they might think. There were in stances, however, in which such language had been held, and in which the sentiment, however unconstitutional, had been boldly avowed.—(Hear, hear.) Before proceeding further, he might here, by way of parenthesis, observe on another of the fashionable shifts or evasions (for he could not call them arguments) which were had recourse to by the enemies of the ballot; namely, that the statements respecting the depths of demoralization in which the con stituencies of England were plunged by the system of open voting which now prevailed were very much exagge rated. He would defy any Honourable Member to come to any such conclusion who had read the evideuce adduced be fore the Committee which was appointed in the year 1835 to examine respecting the intimidation and bribery supposed to prevail amongst those constituencies. That Committee had performed its duty admirably, and had let in light on all those who did not think proper to remain in darkness. (Laughter.) The Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment. the Right Hon. Baronet the Member fo- Ripon, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Northampton, had professed to be sceptics as to the extent of the evil; but in order that there might not be any further repetition of that evasive and erratic mode of meeting the question, he would make a statement from a clever breviate of the proceedings before the Committee, and would show by a reference to many instances, which were of very modern occurrence, that the evils which were proved to have existed in the year 1835 were to be found flourishing in rank luxuriance in the year 1848, and that whatever remedies the Legislature might have applied had been total failures.—( Hear.) All their legislation on the subject of bribery had been addressed, not to the prevention of bribery or to the counteracting of its secret influences, but to the prevention of bribery when discovered—(A laugh) —and it appeared to hint that they had carried their law of agency. to such as extravagant pitch, that it was difficult for any .Honourable Member to hold his seat, or avoid a petition. They had strained in an unnatural manner, as it appeared to him, the l a w of agency, and the grand evil they had left entirely untouched. In calling attention to the evidence adduced before the Com mittee of 1835, he would commence by a reference to the testimony of Mr. Alexander Edward Cockburn, a gentleman whose forensic abilities commanded admiration even then, and fore-shadowed the eminence he had since attained. Being questioned on this matter by the Comm:tte?, he gave it as the result of his experience that the public and the Legislature had no conception to what extent bribery at elections was carried.---(Hear, hear.) Being asked whether the great difficulty in detecting. it did not arise from the imperfect state of the law of evidence, his reply WAS this—" I can conceive no case, except a case of actual intatu,,tion, in which, if bribery be tolerably well ma naged, conviction would be pos,ible."—( Hear, hear.) Ile had reason to believe that the opinions upon this point of the I lonourable and Learned Gentl e ma n , w h o h e was happy to observe was now a M e mb er of th at H ouse , h a d not untiergone any change whatev er s i nce h e gave t h at ev id en ce before the Committee. The next testim on y to w hi c h he should allude was that of a number of most ieereciabTewit nessee, and it had reference to the borough of Westminster. He toots theirtheir testimony in the aggregate—premising that there could not anywhere be selected witnesses who were more competent to speak upon such a subject, and he found that their joint testimony was to the effect that in the borough of Westminster great influence was exercised bf G 'vets-meta oilieses and persons of rank, wealth, and station , and that the whole current of the evidence want to show that the instances were numerous where coo.iderations of self-in terest iefluenced a class of tradesmen to vote in a particular way, or to auss.an altogether from voting, who c add not be directly brihei: like mire venal classes. In attestation of the truth of I his asset two. reference was made to these facts, tha t t folds of the electors, in order not-to offend any pa r ty, did not vo e at all, and that minty of them did not even register. These were ia,ooo on the register, but nut inure than 4,50 0 , went to the pod. btica was the state of things that existed in 1837. Ia toe year 1841 the election at Westminster was of a strong poltical character, as Houourable Members would, no doubt, remember; it was when the question of free trade flourished luxuriantly • the Protectionists worked heaven and earth to return a ISlember to support the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth, who at tha t time was the champion of protection.—(A laugh.) Extraor (finery exertions were made by the aristocracy to suing° Captain Rous. The Gallant Gentleman's cause was err s cially favoured by the t i dies, o f w h om l arge b o di es turtle' out— (Laughter) —and canvassed in his behalf with 0 much earnestness and vehemence as any paid canvassed could have done. He would select two cases out of jai numerable ones which had come to hi s . knowledge, al the authenticity of which he could himself attest. should state them just as they had been detailed to him by the tradesmen themselves. The first case was that of ; man at the west end of the town, who had very stroSe opinions on the subject of free trade. He had been all life a liberal, and was anxious to vote for the Honourah" and Gallant Gentleman opposite (Sir De L. Evans). the course of the day before the election, six carriag e drew up to his door, each bearing a coronet on the pane ls ' The fair occupants of these carriages entered the trades; man's shop, and there was no cajoling or threat to whit y they had net recourse, in order to extract from bins promise that he would vote for Captain Rous. In 0/ word, they worried the unfortunate man to that extent a s , only by menacing to w i t hd raw t h e i r own custom , but 'l s threatening to denounc e hi m to ot h ers o f t h e i r acqua i n ts:lL', who would do the same , t h at a l thoug h he coul d n ot ,li; intimidated to vote again s t hi s consc i ence h e was i n d u ce promise promise not to vote at all.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Berkelki i o had the curiosity to call the following year on that man ask him whether he had succeeded in pleasing his customer' but he assured him that he had not.—(Laughter.)- Of thet s families represented by the six coronets, four, with all that connexions, never set foot again within_ his threshold u,`, o cause he had refused to vote.—( Hear, hear.) The man, A b e was a most respectable trader, had requested that his aro should not be mentioned in the House, but he (Mr. Berkeley. would take any Member aside and satisfy him as to the P te d fect authenticity of the statement. The tradesman estimaer the loss to which he was subjected by that scandalous ea s y cise of is ranny as amounting on th e whole to not less I spi 601. per annum.—( Hear, hear.) The c a s e wa s cer tainly to point a moral, if not to adorn a tale.—(Laughter.) g oa t the beauty of it was, that a few months af t er Captain A l i/ turned round, followed his leaders, and, throwing comisle`,l overboard the persons who suffered all that wear and tea r conscience in his service, voted for free trade.—(Laught' l How well might the ladies who coerc e d the unhappy tra olee i fe men exclaitn, " What shadows we are—what shadow,s 4 ,4 pursue!"—(Laughter.) The other case to which he 17 0 p to call attention was that of an unhappy nab t oe His case bad a double aspect. It exemplified evil effecSi e ne well of democratic as of aristocratic interference. ria the aristocracy and the democracy were both united in (1,,1t the wrong thing. The public an w a s w a it e d upon by a' t fps of high rank, who, having ca ll e 1 a t hi s h ouse and se,a,ysis film to her carriage, made a strange overture to him. . ie -rye my house with b eer ," s h e sa id . Th e publican repli ed the affirmative. ..I understand that my servants also to your house." The publican a ss ent e d. " Well, c o ntinued t o s lady, "I have called upon you to inform you, that if Y o s t don't don't vote as I wish, not only sh a ll y o u l os e my customsr any servant of mine who hereafter sets his foot within i ° o , lour I shall immediately discharge—vote as I wish, an d 3 SO shall always have our custom, and I will see what I ca n tOr your soil in Cie CuStom Eleuse.'' Fri g htened by the t is or allured by the pr o mi se , th e p u bli can gu t u p v e ry ear, ' s ot • the morning aid voted for C a pt a i n M a us, but he die to gain !ouch by either on the score of peace of mind i ti ve or any other sense. It so happened that there were 0 0 4 bit thirteen tailors who held their Saturday night o rgies : ji gs house —( Laughter.) They were very formidable t" fel' quite of the Untidy school.—( Laughter.) T reme ndous t ie lows.—( Laughter.) One of them being very entbaa sod in the cause, went to the poll at a very early hau r itstla having discovered that his host had voted for Captairr JO he lost no time in communicating the fact to his Nowise The upshot was, that on the next Saturday n ight called for their bill, abused the unfortunate man in of °, set terms, told him that he was not only a publican ,s i sit sinner—eGr- at laughter) —and gave him to understan d, they would drink no more of his beer, but denounce be the whole trade.—(Great laughter.) These two ca s had selected from fifty or sixty which had come t : e n knowledge. He seri ous l y put it to the House whe t der was to be tolerated t h at such a state of things shot- 11 ' , 1 4 0 tune. Were they not bound in justice and in me t ste l give to the victim of such tyranny the protection of voting ?—(Hear, hear.) In 1847 he was Chairman of , a 1, 4 mittee appointed to carry out the election of the Noble p' now at the h ea d o f the Government, and other Libera l woe hers. The Committee sat at the west-end of the toW l3 ' the object was to enlist the suffrages of west-end tradestiont who had votes i n t h e c i ty . . Th e resu l t o f hi s el coal:, on that Co mm i ttee, was the conv i ct i on that the e ves fo rm plained so much of in 1835, existed in an aggravate ti tr ole. n e , in 1847, and th a t t h e i nstances were numerous of men disfranchising themselves, rather than be subjecgee ri the terrors and h orrors o f th e worrying system. -- sae s hear.) A common reply to those who asked a tradi ree f i for his vote was, " Thank God, I have no vote ; whe n ine f a younger man I had one, but I have suffered taa wies from the exercise of it of late, and I have become 11 4 0 1 ; man—l will never vote again." In nine cases out y t oli s they added this saving clause, "unless you get the for us."— (Hear, hear.) The same system prevailed 11 07 the country. Mr. Philipps, a Conservative witness, en's before the Committee of 1835, attributed the loss :1 Spooner's election to the int.midation of the opposit....ti; and on being asked if he would not advocate the bal s w i ,, only replied that be was " too much a Tory for P e ilea ) (Hear, hear.) He would not weary the House by la ing many similar cases to those which he had citedyin f had occurred in various parts of the country, but he r o beg the House to remember that if th e b a ll o t wa s ye seg o ( for Engla-d, it was noubly so for Irelands—(Hear , oo l l o There the intimidation of landlords a n d th e intimida t sla ti priests vied with one another. The evidence takenro ed the Committee, in 1835, disclosed some strange 0 0 0 1 this point. We have the testimony of Mr. Fitspierl: and Mr. Wilcox—both magistrates of the county TiP o let t ,; Those gentlemen took a very singular view of Inv , t o for, while they entert a i ne d no ki n d o f objecto . / 0 S landlords making their tenants vote as they (the lar! r, ll. thought fit, but, on the contrary, praised them for l i,s denounced in the strongest manner the interferene a ieric priests.—( Laughter.) What they felt to be a critl v i o t priest, they regarded as a virtue in the landlord. 1 (' s f deuce of Mr. Wilcox in particular was extraordinalp i sss so gentleman did not scruple to advance such a &A li o/P i a this, that if he were kind to a tenant who lived under s ea el had, in the event of his ambitioning the honour of I:109 a Member of Parliament, a right to command that os n l fi d vote, " and," he added, "if he refuses to gratify n; Ar l ie honour, I think all ties are severed between us. . 0 6 air laughter.) Colonel B ru i n a d voca t e d a s i m il ar doct ll , o o o , roundly maintained the right of landl o rds to dischnooB tenants or servants for no t vo ti n g as th e y pl ea sed, 7f o Set tinned instances where he had exercised that poi fit 0t punishment of the refractory. But not to dwell s, on that point, he now came to the last accusation otlest the ballot—namely, that it was productive of lying t ,estid ceit. If the ballot. were objected to on that isccna t ' s iti s Sle there ought to be so me thi ng i n th e p resen t model ° tr'flie votes remarkable for the encouragement it gave sag He would me e t th e asser tio ns by a counter-asser" is s' present elective system, and especially the system °,osiii votes, was one vast lie, branching out into all tta t ' o , tions of deceit, delusion, equivocation, and sitl! v , s lerV, they not show the example of deceit in their sesslc a iisolla with respect to the non-interference of peers at elects et, (Hear.) In order to show how those orders la s e ?sit and set- at nought, his Hon. Friend the Atembecelo, l 4f trose, when his motion was under discussion a i I w soise s since, referred to a certain gentleman, Mr. Docks' joi e p si! a certain book, "the Parliamentary Compo_ / i d which it appeared that the cases of interferenc o e s t he were exceedingly numerous. If, in the teeth t oe d 1 , which he had himself collected, Mr. Dodd p roo f ', enough to assert that non-interference was V„ and virtue encouraged by the present system,_ e e ought to be summoned to the bar of that floty, s e s , 0,0 ter.) He (Mr. Berkeley) had himself consulte,ao7o. book, and he found that from an analysis of t a m os ielft&F i collected, this deduction might be extracted , 5 ,,,e4, 0 5, there were in England and Wales 62 boroues,h .. %;,, or electors, returning 98 Members all under Wan idtai t!', kind—that 57 of these boroughs were under . t . tL es ce ,; the aristocracy, and that five were under the mu ante ete e fl d se i Government of the day. In 1837, 29 were % s h o o 0 1844, 21 only. The gradual and steady increas__ start futile it was for any independent gentleman . , l e u se s siok t y, candidate for any of those boroughs. With e t t t s i s > l3 osl fore them, what a farce it less to put ftrthtblassruttillg4l touching non-interference with elections sno 01.01, forth they could scarcely be supposed to . has o e w ; chs;: o 6 tention but that of damning their free for sincerity, and they cou e l on d ferta n hl o ese t ieenei s is a tee:si r g ye a n :::: , selves from the charge of deceit. _ But hinsu4te,, did the candidate follow the example ami ss ; a cs ecli oi r o House ? The not unt'requeut custom was and and _ - pressed g o down wi o th t soma t boroughcha character t a e g r publish among his constituents la a; and * mt e t o rle t n t: t t en u t e v s; r w ,y e I T u I " ,i f r c e p e w and t i t n o d b e e p e n slaves;d i e s n t:e time he was issuing this address, Ir soe all ti kl l a g a bi zi tine its force every screw . and artifice ! a l is ret ca ey na WI ab