The Sun. — London, England, 1865-12-30 00:00:00

VIE SUN, LONDO/N, SATURDAY - EVENING, DECEMBER 30, 1865, Testimonial to the Hon. George Denman. (From the Tiverton Gazette.) On Thursday afternoon the Liberal electors of Tiverton presented their late representative, the Hon. G. Denman, with a handsome service of plate. During the six years preceding the late dissolution of Parliament Mr. Denman was the colleague of Lord Palmerston ; but at the general election there was a disagreement amongst the Liberals of this borough, and the consequence was that the Tories succeeded by a majority of three in returning Mr. Walrond. A few days after the election a meeting of the Liberals was held, at which their differences were adjusted; and it was resolved to present Mr. Denman with a testimonial in recognition of his past services, and also as a proof that on a future occasion his old supporters would again rally round him. The death of Lord Palmerston having left a vacancy in the representation, the hon. gentleman was at once invited to stand, and the Liberal party now express the greatest confidence in his return. The ceremony of presentation took place in the Townhall at one o'clock, the place being crowded. Amongst those present were J. H. Amory, Esq,, chairman, president of the Tiverton Liberal Asso ciation ; Mr. W. Kinglake, M.P., Sergeant- King lake, Mr. Morrison, M.P., Mr. Barclay, M.P., Mr. Acland, M.P., J. Tyrell, Esq., Recorder of Tiver ton, Mrs Denman Mrs. Amory, Mr. Rowe (late mayor), and several ladies. The testimonial, which consisted of a handsome. candelabrum, salvers, &c., was supplied by Messrs. Sharland and Co., Tiverton. The CHAIRMAN said that although he had fre quently attended meetings in this town, yet he had never been present at such a demonstration as this one. He felt considerable difficulty in properly discharging his duty. The testimonial was a proof of their sympathy with the case of their late repre sentative as it stood. Some time since Mr. Den man was beaten at the last election by a " nose," but perhaps the result of the election would be a little wholesoine discipline—(hear) = —and certainly it would do them good in the future. Respecting this testimonial they had never asked for a single penny, and the roll list contained the names of 1,400 persons who gave freely and willingly. (Ap lause.) Nothing could have been more gratifying t 1 -1 the fact that contributions were given by par t: irho were non-electors, and in a comparatively hnUle position. As the seat was lost by an " ac cident," so he fully•believed that it would be re gained, and that Mr. Denman would again be their representative. He (the chairman) emphatically denied that this was a pocket borough. This was due to the absurd cries which were got up by their opponents. (Hear, hear.) The chairman then formally made the presentation, at the same time handing Mr. Denman a roll list of names amidst repeated cheering. The Hon. GEORGE DENMAN, who upon rising was received with loud cheers, thanked the electors and non-electors most sincerely for the valuable present which they had made him. He could assure them that when he had the honour of representing them he tried faithfully to discharge his public duties, and it was the consciousness of this that made him the more fully appreciate the testimonial. He did not for a moment wish to find fault with those who voted against him on the last occasion, because every man had an undoubted right to use his pslitical rights as he thought best, but he did think it was fair that he should ask them that they should not condemn him on grounds which were false and absurd. One cause of complaint against him was that he had been in the borough, and that he had shaken hands with A and not with B. (A laugh.) • Well, there were such objections as these urged against him. It was also said that he ought to have visited them once a year. Now, he would not say that it was not a good custom for a member to meet his constituents at such intervals, but he was peculiarly placed in this borough during the life of Lord Palmerston. The electors were content that Lord Palmerston should not have to do this, and therefore it would not have been proper for him (Mr. Denman) to have come down, and conse quently to have put the Premier to the trouble of appearing also, and that at a time when he might be engaged in important State affairs. (Hear, hear.) He was sure that those present would say that he had always striven to give a patient hearing to any tiling which the electors might wish to inform him of. No man in the borough could say there was any such neglect. To Lord Palmerston's Govern ment he gave as independent a support as any mem ber who sat in the House of Commons. Generally his views were in accordance st ith those of Lord Palmerston's Government. Referring to the Re form Bill, which had on its back the names of Lord Palmerston, Lord Russell, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Sir Geo. C. Lewis, Mr. Denman said that he supported it. lie thought it went un necessarily into the disfranchisement of boroughs, but so far as the £6 franchise went there could be no doubt that Lord Palmerston and the whole of his Government had pledged themselves to it, and that they meant to carry it if they could. (Cheers.) How came it, that there was such a daring attempt on the part of the Conservatives to say that Lord Palmerston was a Conservative in their sense of the word? It was to the credit of the late Prime Minis ter that he had succeeded in carrying so many great and important measures, and it ought not to belaid to his charge that in a hostile House of Commons he has not carried the Reform Bill. There was Mr. Gladstone, one of the greatest ministers - which this country has ever had—(cheers) — and with his assistance and that of the great Mr. Cobden, and in spite of all opposition which had been manifested against it, the Government of Lord Palmerston bad carried the commercial treaty with France. This, with many other important measures, had amply justified Lord Palmerston for the course which he had taken in carrying on the Government without attempting to carry a Reform Bill at the expense of postponing all other measures of advantage and reform. But the time was now come when there was no doubt that the question must be settled one way or the other. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the opponents of Reform had not fairly dealt with it. Ile regarded the main clause of the Reform, Bill which was brought in by Lord Palmerston's Government as a safe and good one, and that it would have strength ened the basis of the constitution if it had been passed. Of course, there were many very impor tant questions which would have to be considered in a Reform Bill, particularly that very large number of persons who were lodgers. (Hear, hear.) An important question was, what should be the test for the franchise ? Some persons said that it ought to be an educational one. But he saw grave objec tions to that now. Why the test to be by public examination—was it to be in Latin, French, Greek, German ? Would they exclude politics and history ? Or should it be in reading or writing ? If it were the latter, they would included begging-letter - writers and many thieves. The test must be some thing more. He did not believe that the working classes would combine together for class interests. any more than any other class. He certainly did not think that a mere acreage or population testwas the best. It mattered less to what legal portions of the country they should give the franchise than it did who were the men they should entrust with votes, and how a large class of people should enjoy the suffrage. Altogether, the Reform Bill of 1860 was a good, fair bill, and he trusted that Lord Rus sell would adhere to his views unless he could show sufficient reasons for having modified or changed them. In conclusion, Mr. Denman said be hoped this expression of his views would prove that he was not an extreme man. The proceedings terminated with some formal votes of thanks. In the eveninea public dinner was held in the Athenaeum, over 300 persons being present. Mr. Amory, presided, and among those present were : Mr. T. D. Acland, M.P. ; Mr. J. D. Coleridge, M.P., Mr. Sergeant Kinglake, M.P., Mr. Barclay, M.P., Mr. Morrison, M.P., Mr. W. Kinglake, M.P., and the Hon. G. Denman. The usual loyal and patriotic toasts having been drunk and responded to, " the Health of Mr. Den man" was warmly proposed and received. In re sponding, the hon. gentleman said he had been charged with seeking to again enter Parliament merely for selfish ends, and for his own aggrandise ment, but this he emphatically denied. (Cheers.) - His earnest desire would be, as it always had been, to do his duty as their representative if they again sent him to the House of Commons ; but he freely confessed, and he should be open to the charge of hypocrisy if he did not do so, that in course of time he did hope to obtain a seat on that Bench which his father, and the father of his excellent friend on his right (Mr. Coleridge) had so much adorned. (Cheers.) But he did not believe that possessing a seat in Parliament was a very great advantage to- wards the attainment of this object, and if they looked at the last three promotions to the Bench they would see that those who were thus promoted were not members of Parliament, or that they occupied seats on the Tory and not on the Liberal benches. Mr. Denman concluded by proposing . " The Health of Colonel Acland, the Liberal Member for North Devon," whom no man could long know without being aware that he was a man of the highest possible character, one who was blessed with great talents, and animated with a thorough determination to do his duty, and one whom Devonshire might well be'proud of having among its Parliamentary representatives. (Cheers.) The toast was cordially received. Mr. ACLAND responded. He had great pleasure in adding his testimony te the common principles held by those friends who were gathered around them on this occasion. He believed they should in the new Parliament enter on the discussion of ques tions more important than any which occupied the British Legislature for some time. It was not for him to presume to prophesy what mea sures would be introduced by the Governmentwhom they now had at the head of affairs, but he did not believe the time was come, or was even near at hand, when the two great parties in the House of Com mons would be united, and a national party formed, under the leadership of some one—he would not say who. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Such dreams had been, floating through men's minds, and he would not say that such a dream bad not at one time floated through his own mind ; but, since he had been returned as the Liberal member for North Devon, he had had great pleasure in standing side by side with the old members of that party, and in acting with that Government of which their late re presentative was the chief. And all he could say was, that he found it a great advantage to act with a party, and he felt himself a freer man since he be came a party man. (Loud applause.) He repeated that he did not in any way anticipate the realisation of those Utopian ideas which some seemed to enter tain that all the moderate men would unite to pass safe and convenient measures, and that there would be little or no difference of opinion among parties. Under the mild sway of thelate head of the Liberal party, and the confidence reposed in him by the Opposition, such a state of things might perhaps have been possible, but he did not believe it was possible now. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) What was the party link which bound them together, holding as they did different views on many impor tant questions ? He thought an answer might be found in the basis of Liberalism, as stated by Mr. Gladstone when he went down with his son to Chester. Mr. Gladstone there stated that the basis of Liberalism was " trust in the people qualified by prudence," and he did not think there were many Liberals who would find fault - with that definition. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Gladstone also told the opposite party what was the basis of their principle, namely, " mistrust of the. people people qualified by fear," and the Tories did not seem to like the hon. gentle man's epigrammatic enunciation of their prin ciples. (Laughter and cheers.) He (Mr. Acland) could not presume to utter any such pregnant words as these, but he would take Mr. Gladstone's first definition, and found' another on it by saying that they (the Liberals) were prepared to trust the people—(cries of " Bravo") —and they called on the people to allow them to transact the business of the country with ordinary prudence ; and herein they differed from their opponents, for while the Liberals I trusted the people the Tories called on the people to trust them. (Laughter.) The Tories told them 'that they meant exactly the same as the Liberals, and that if they were in power they would pass better measures than the Liberal party had passed during the last 30 years. Now, the Liberals trusted the people, and they should see whether the people would trust the Tories. (Applause.) Having now come to that understanding, he was anxious td 'in terchange a few ideas with some present on this occasion, because, though he had had but little ex perience, he might in one respect be better able to form an opinion than some who had been professing Liberal principles for six years, and who had found many obstacles to prevent those principles being carried into effect. While in private life he had had the advantage of living with practical men, and he had not been wholly unobservant of political ques tions, and he wished here to say a few words in answer to the arguments of those who were their opponents to all plans for the reconstruction of the franchise by which members were elected. In grappling with these arguments they found that the grounds which their opponents took was to offer to the Liberals the choice of alternatives. They asked whether the Liberals wanted Reform for practical purposes, because practical legislation could not, be obtained as Parliament was at . present constituted. " If that be the principle," said the. Tories, " tell us what legislation you want. The legislation of he last 30 years has been satisfactory, but you want :0 introduce something dangerous. Why can't you .eave well alone, and be satisfied with things as they are?" And in support of their arginnent they ad- - duce a sentence in one of Mr. Gladstone's speeches on the abstract principle of rights, and by this mis construction argued that what he proposes would demolish and subvert all those institutions which they - all held dear. Now, he (Mr. Acland) was not going to bandy logic with them; but he did not admit either of these consequences, for they did not follow as a matter of course, as the Tories professed to think. The fact that good measures had been propounded in the House- of Commons during - the last thirty years was no reason that any further Reform should prove " something dangerous." -He would answer this objection by a quotation from the speech of a statesman who made three attempts in the House of Commons to introduce a Reform measure. On the third occasion William Pitt—for that was the statesman to whom he alludedin stating his opinions on this question, said the Legis lature of England ought to be " an assembly freely elected, between whom and the mass of the people there was the closest union and most perfect sym pathy." And, then, appealing to history in sup port of his argument, he said he ' considered it one of the most indisputable, doctrines of antiquity that the state of the representation was to be changed with a change of circumstances." (Hear, hear.) He would give the Tories the benefit of these opinions of the illustrious leader, and, taking these opinions I as a guide on the broad principle, he said the people of this country were entitled to call for an extension of the franchise. (Loud cheers.) Looking at the state of England at the present time, could they say that the nature of the union between the House of Commons as it now stood and the mass of the people was one of the " closest union and most per fect sympathy ?" (" No, no.") He was not con sidering whether the House of Commons was trusted by the people, or whether the House of Commons was trusting the people, nor was he now considering whether the legislation was good or bad. The ques tion was whether it was expedient, on the broadest grounds of political expediency, to admit a larger number of men to take part in the Government of the country than there were at the present time. (Cheers, and "Yes, yes.") Well, then, he thought he might say that the landed property of the country was well represented—that it had its fair share in returning members to the House ; and the great manufactures of commerce had, he con sidered, also a fair representation. So far, then, these interests were fully represented ; but he would ask whether labour and education had its fair share in the representation of the country? (No, no.) He was not prepared to discuss with his friend Mr. Denman the question of the educational franchise, but he would merely express his general opinion that there were many who, by intelligence and in dependent exertions, were entitled to take part in the representation of the country, who were at pre sent excluded. It never entered into his head to suppose that it would ever be propounded as a plan for an educational test that 0 overnment should appoint a lot of barristers Who should be judges of the eligibility of a voter on an educational franchise —but he should like to see the system of giving votes on the plan on which. it was at present work ing in the two great English Universities and the Universities of Dublin carried out in its fullest extent. And then the working man should have a fair and real share in the representation of the country—not such a representation as would swamp other interests, but that share which would make its own interest heard. He was no advocate for the £lO franchise, and he did not believe that a fair unform standard would be obtained by merely drawing a line and making the franchise £2 to £4 lower. He knew it was said that all fancy fran chises, as they were called, were un-English, and that it was not in accordance with the principles of the Reform Bill of 1832, but he would ask whether everything was un-English which was not founded on the Reform Bill of 1832 ? He could not see why, and neither did he believe that they should adhere solely to the old course, and, though he had voted for Mr. Baines's /6 Franchise Bill, he did not consider that the basis of a new Reform Bill should be confined solely to an extension of the money franchise. The question was now being considered by the responsible advisers of the Crown, who were engaged in ascertaining facts in order to judge what effect different measures would have on the Constitution of the country. It would be for the House of Commons - to judge of their work and their duty, to exercise a calm judgment in dealing with the question. (Hear, hear.) Again, reverting to the subject of "fancy franchises," the hon. gentleman defended those ear- nest Reformers who had propounded such systems for the extension of the franchise from the charge that they were mere crotchets—and, in continua tion said he hada hobby of his own which he wished to lay before them. Wilberforce once said if a man had got a hobby it should have a feed of corn and be passed on—(laughter)—and he would ask them to give his hobby a feed of corn, and pass it on if it did not suit them. (Renewed laughter.) Now, his hobby was this—that the real test of a working man's fitness for public life was shown in his own life of forethought and self-control. He should like to see such a test established, and his suggestion was that while they considered the value of a man's residence they should also consider the claims of those who made provision to take his old age off the poor rates by some sound system of life assur ance or benefit clubs, so that they might winnow the drunkard and profligate from the prudent and self-denying man. He should also like to see those who were intrusted by their fellow-men with the management and government of trade unions and other benefit societies admitted to the privileges of the franchise. (Hear.) These would probably be called crotchets, but he was persuaded that by some such course deserving men would be admitted within the pale of the Constitution who did not reside in a £lO or even a £6 house, and they would thereby avoid all risk of swamping thepresent constituency, which would be the consequence of adopting no principle of division. In conclusion, Mr. Acland said he would not pledge himself to support any particular mode of Reform, and, adverting to the question of education, said much had been done for the improvement of the middle strata of society ; but much yet remained to be accomplished. He was glad that the upper and working classes were feel ing an interest in the matter, were making greater efforts, and becoming alive to the parental respon sibility which attached to them. Mr. Acland, in eulogistic terms, then proposed " The Health of Mr. Coleridge, the Liberal Member for the City of Exeter," a toast which was received with the most enthusiastic applause. Mr. COI,ERIDGE, who was loudly cheered on rising to re spond, said—Deeply interesting as this meeting must be personally to all who, like me, hold Mr. Denman in warm and affectionate regard, it is, I believe, of wider and deeper signification as a gathering of Western Liberals on the eve of the opening of a new Liberal Parliament, under a new Liberal Prime Minister. (Hear.) And well I know that the only right I have to stand here and engage your attention for a moment, and to expect so totally undeserved an honour, is that I was selected by the great capital of this county as a Liberal to represent Liberal ideas, to speak, if ever I dare speak in Parliament i Liberal sentiments. I agree, too, that the position of the great Liberal party, to which we all belong, seems to be excellent, and it always I will be if that party fulfil honourably its mission, and does its best to satisfy the reasonable expectations of those large masses of the people which are waiting, in no spirit of dis loyal or turbulent agitation, but with long-cherished hopes, and, as I believe, with well-grounded confidence. (Hear, hear.) At the head of the party stands the Liberal Admi nistration—its great leaders pledged as men of honour to advance the popular element of the Constitution ; and no one of its members, I hope and believe, inclined for an in stant to falter or draw back when the standard of the leader moves onward. (Hear, hear.) To them it is that is intrusted the difficult, but most interesting, task of framing a prac tical measure which shall fulfil the hopes of the Liberal party, and satisfy the reasonable desires of the people. I agree with Mr. Acland that it would be in the highest de gree indiscreet for us to pledge ourselves to this or that detail, or to this or that scheme or proposition, when I sup pose we all of us earnestly desire to stand by the Govern ment, and to support, if possible, the measure which they are about to produce, and as to the details of which, never theless, we are at present wholly in the dark. (Hear.) For myself Ido not indulge in the luxury of riding a hobby. (Loud laughter.) I can say lam under no temptation to be imprudent ; for I do not pretend to have a scheme, and Ido not wish, even, I had got one. One or two things, I suppose, I may venture to say without any charge of imprudence ; and one is this—no one, I imagine, would refuse to admit that under the present system of represen tation certain portions are unjust, and that it contains cer tain anomalies. (Hear, hear.) Now, I think it should be the duty of the Liberal Government, in any measure that is put forward, to redress that injustice, and to get rid of those anomalies. (Hear.) I have heard it said that English men are so eminently practical that they will defend an anomaly as such. (Laughter.) It is no argument with them to say that the thing is untheorotical and unphilosophical. They will defend it the more because it is so. (Laughter.) Now I do not think that; and, if it were true, I should claim the liberty of being on that subject un-English. I can per fectly understand 'that it may not at times be at all worth While to disturb the working of a groat practical system, which, upon the whole, is working well, to redress a small anomaly which does harm to a very few ; but, at the same time, I cannot understand why, when you are disturbing a great practical system, you should not take the oppor tunity of redressing admitted injustices, 'and putting an end to admitted anomalies; and the people who should refuse to do so are both lazy and unwise. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Like Mr. Acland, lam not afraid of names ; I am not afraid of a thing because it is called a " fancy franchise ;" I should wish to consider every proposition brought forward by a practical man, especially when recom mended by the judicious care as well as high legal ability which Mr. Denman is sure to have devoted to the subject (hear, hear)—whether it is an educational fran chise, or a taxed franchise, or what not, if supported by sound argument, and there is something practical and sensible in the plan. I am ready to consider the _question- -calmly, kindly, , and with a desire to assent to any sueh.proposition. I cannot see why the franchise exer cised fOr centuries by the Universities, or the £5O farmers' franchise, ihvented by LordChandos, are not fancy fran chises.- At atte:vehts, the ratter certainly deserves the name of "fancy;" for, ,as far as I know, its independent exercise is perfectly:a matter of imagination. (Laughter.) This is a matter which all should consider, for it seems to be excessively, important for the welfare of the country that all classes of 'people should be directly represented in Par liament. (Hear, hear.) Ido not say equally, but I say directly, substantially represented. (Applause.) Ido not think that it can be so, that it is the case now ; for:I do not believe, to say the truth, that the classes which are not re presentedizaalrd ffo do, in point of fact, get heard by those who have legislated for so m an y cen t u ries. Measures are brought for ward a u rgdetd to h kindly those and excluded honestly, classes, w e but fully ho s u h b e j o ti t eve,is noton bree-- g frome a em l r epo e i d nt of view of the unrepresented classes ya for ffected this. by At these presenteseme I d asuro notes. who are pr ac ti ca l ly There b expect that all classes can be equally represented. No man would desire to wrest the power of a country out of the hands of the governing classes, who, upon the whole, have repre sented well the interests of the country; nor will he wish to destroy the vast and overwhelmin g interest at present possessed by the owners of landed property. It is so very great and overwhelming that measures supposed to be in consistent to a maintenance of its exict integrity cannot get heard, but are at once cast aside and branded as dan gerous—revolutionary. That appears to me to be unfair, and lam sure it is unsafe besides. 'There ought to be, in lay opinion, within the wide pale of the English Constitu tion free room for the discussion of all deliberate political views entertained by any considerable number of decent people, and I think that is the only why in which you can come to something like a direct representation of those large masses of the people who stand ‘outside the Consti tution to their own loss and to the Constitution's peril. (Cheers.) However crude and incomplete this mere out line which I have laid before you is, I hope I shall never forget, I hope none will be Wiely to forget, that these are matters to be decided by the whole party ; that we belong to that party, that unity is strength, that discipline is necessary to success, that individual preferences must be sacrificed, and individual hopes foregone for universal advantage and general bene fit. (Applause.) It will be enough for us to have lent the smallest aid to break down one single link of the chain which still weighs us down to some extent from the posses sion of our full freedom of opinion, and to have enlarged, even in the smallest measure, the rights and privileges of the great and magnanimous people of this island. (Loud cheers.) " The Healths of the Liberal members for Plymouth" were drunk. Mr. MonnisoN responded—He argued that it would be in the highest sense detrimental to the interests of this, or any, nation that they should be governed by a Tory or retrogressive party. Mr. DENMAN gave " The Healths of Sergeant Kinglake, M.P. for Rochester, and Mr. Barclay, M.P. for Taunton," who were old personal friends of his. Sergeant KINGLAXE made an able speech in responding. Thehon. gentleman said he believed the cause of theLiboral defeat on the last occasion was a spirit of over confidence ; and he therefore impressed on them the importance of energy and unity if they wished to succeed in the future. He had not unbounded faith that a Reform Bill was going to be car ried this year, but on the question of reform he could not refrain from expressing his hearty concurrence in many of the views expressed by Mr. Acland. He thought they should first get a good vertical or radical basis for a Reform Bill, and they could then easily attach a few "fancy fran chises." Mr. BARCLAY also responded. After a few other toasts had been drunk, the meeting separated. General Grant's Report• General Grant has addressed to Mr. Secretary Stanton a report which is equivalent to a complete history of the Civil War in its latest period. In this country we get no such elaborate descriptions of events as American Com manders are in the habit- of compiling. Our Generals ad dress themselves to the War-office in despatches which may be published at a future time, and ultimately, perhaps, reduced to the form of hiatory, but in the United States both military and naval commanders describe, explain, and justify their own operations in Reports which take the shape of connected and amusing narratives. In the present instance the interest concentrated in the document before us is extraordinary. General Grant was Com mander-in-Chief of all the Armies of the United States during the last and decisive year of the war. We have been accustomed to regard him merely as Commander of the Army of the Potomac because he selected Virginia as the scene of, his personal exertions, but the fact is that the Army of Virginia was actually under the command of Meade, just as the Army of Tennessee was under the command of Sherman, while Grant himself not only dic tated the plan of the campaign, but exorcised a direct supervision over all the armies at once. What renders this Report, too, the most remarkable is that it explains a new, and, as the event proved, a successful system of tactics devised for the occasion. When Grant assumed the chief command the Federal forces were making little progress, nor could anybody anticipate a speedy termina tion of the war; but the new Commander adopted a new method of warfare, and the result was that in twelve months' time the war was at an end. What this method was, on what principle it was based, and how it was carried into execution is very intelligibly told. At an " early period of the rebellion " General Grant had divined the secret of Southern strength and Northern weakness. The Federals were three to one, at least, in numbers, and immeasurably superior in material re sources, and yet the Confederates maintained their ground and defended their territories against all attacks. This, says Grant, was because the strength of the North was never exerted on a good system or with sufficient resolu tion. The Southern Generals held a position like the out line of a fan, extending from east to west, and covering the country behind them. By means of the railroads in tersecting the interior they could bring up their forces to any point of the circumference, and so long as it was ne cessary for them to be strong at one point only they could always contrive to be stronger at that point than their adversaries. The first and most indispensable step, therefore, was to deprive them of this favorable condi tion by attacking at a variety of points at once, so as to retain every Southern army in its own position, and pre vent it from reinforcing another. Hitherto the two main armies of the Federals, one in Tennessee and the other in Virginia, had been acting, as the General expresses it, " like a balky team." When one was pulling the other was backing, and so the able Generals of the Confederacy could shift or concentrate or relieve their forces in such a way as either to economise their strength or employ it to the greatest advantage. i If Lee was hard pressed, he could be reinforced by ' Beauregard ; if Johnston was in difficulty he could be supported from Richm(lnd or Petersburg. Attack on both sides at once and these tactics would be inpracticable. But, besides all this, General Grant took a harder and more terrible view of affairs. Man for man the Southerners were the l6est troops, partly, perhaps, from natural aptitudes, but mainly, no doubt, from the great military ability of their commanders. On a fair field, and in any one battle, the Federals could not pretend to reckon confidently on winning, but there was one thing on which they could reckon, and that was on killing a certain number of Confederates. Of course, they must suffer equal or even greater losses, but that they could well afford. If every baffle cost the South a certain pro portion of men, a given number of battles must destroy the Southern Power even if no battle was a decisive vic tory. So Grant determined not only to fight, but to fight on, without stint or stay, come what might. Hard knocks and incessant blows constituted his strategy and tactics. If he were to fare as M'Clellan and Hooker had fared, he would not do as M'Clellan and Hooker had done. He opened the new campaign resolved to go on fighting whether he won or lost, and, as he himself says, "to hammer continuously against the armed force of the enemy and his resources until by mere attrition, if in no other way, there should be nothing left to bim but sub mission." The literal execution of this policy is expressed in every lino of the report. While recounting the events of the Virginian campaign the General represents one en gagement as virtually a failure in these words :—" It was the only general attack made from the Rapidan to the James which did not infict upon the enemy losses to com pensate for our ownlosses. I would not be understood as saying that all previous attacks resulted in victories to our arms, or accomplished as much as I had hoped from them, but they inflicted upon the enemy severe losses, which tended in the end to the overthrow of the rebellion." How much these tactics cost the North we need not say. It is said that Grant winces to this hour whenever the figures " 150,000," as representing his losses in Virginia, are held up before his eyes, and there is a passage in his report which reads very like a deprecation of censure. "Whether my views," says he, " might have been better in concep tion and execution is for the people who mourn the loss of friends fallen, and who have to pay the pecuniary cost, to say. All I can say is that what I have done has been done to the best of my ability, and in what I conceived to be the best interests of the whole country." As far as plans can be justified by events, that justifi cation belongs certainly to Grant. His system was sue cesssful where every other system had failed. His campaign brought the war tc, an end, whereas every former campaign had left the contest pretty nearly as it stood before. It must be understood, too, that wherever military science appears more conspicuous than brute force, that merit is Grant's also. The scheme of Sherman's campaign was dictated by Grant, as were others less important and less unfortunate. The grand principle of the whole system was co-operation. Besides the two great armies of the East and West which, on this occasion, were to pull well together, Grant set half-a-dozen other armies in motion, to distract, occupy, and punish the enemy at all points together. The orders originally given to Sherman were that ho ohould advance steadily and through all obstacles to Atlanta, an important railroad centre in the North of Georgia, that he should occupy that town, and then, by striking some town on the east coast, and holding the line of communication, cut the Confederacy in two at that point, as had already been done on the line of the Mississippi. On this understanding Sherman moved from Chattanooga, just as Grant advanced upon Richmomd, with what results is well known. As to Grant himself, with Meade's army under his immediate command, he admits us into the secret of his calculations. He intended to'do his utmost by dint of blows to destroy Lee's army north of Richmond, but he hardly hoped to succeed. All he reckoned upon was weakening his enemy by battle after battle, and he tells us distinctly that in anticipation of the failure which he evidently considered probable, he had resolved from the first to transfer his army to the south of the James River, and had acquainted both Butler and Meade with this resolution. This was what occurred. Not all the sanguinary fighting in Virginia sufficed against the skill of the Confederate commander and the valour of his troops, and Grant ultimately found himself south of the James River with an inaccessible enemy still in his front. As for Butler, General Grant says that he got his force in such a position that for the purpose of any co-operation against Richmond it was about as available "as if it had been in a bottle strongly corked." in the end, however— that is to say, in the eleventh month of the campaign— the new tactics bore their fruit. Some of the co-operating armies had failed, but others had succeeded beyond ex pectation. Banks as well as Butler had been unsuccessful, and so had ,Sigel, and so had Rosecrans, but Sherman, after a most memorable march, found himself able not only to go from Atlanta to Savannah, but to sweep northwards with his victorious army to the assistance of Grant himself. At the same time, as the final scene drew near, other ex peditions had proceeded according to Grant's orders. odfteawasfudkoaee capital. armiesll advancing o single b v ygot a uhif A n aote tcttthmi thing nrliaog "military nat us, North ttt u hhoo p ter tfh o w twh n e hehecw L a zoir ( earaat n h lasers I c tutv h .reao b eirnpo u iowTsh r oit g e:ha 8, 0, closing t a falfi n iymarni ideite::ho uponaael everyentrtndadi General andt in hur Richmondt undoubtedlyaht nh e te. co c u wo r s ana e s Sheridan had scoured the Shenandoah Valley. Stoneman Southern side the is not the first conqueror who has adpted the principle, though he was the first to apply it to the resources of a whole people instead of the divisions of , a single army. He is entitled therefore, to the credit , which complete suc cess confers ; and, indeed, terrible though the cost was, it may well be questioned whether an indefinite prolongation of the war would :not have cost both parties still more. — Times. General Grant's report on the conduct of the war during the last year, in which he was Commander-in-Chief, is a very remarka,blo document— lucid, simple, strong. It is clear from it that General Grant did really, and not in name merely, direct the operations of all the armies, during the final year of battle. For example, when in December, 1864, General Thomas delayed his attack on Hood's army before Nashville beyond the time contemplated in General Grant's instructions, he actually left his own command at Richmond to proceed biNashville to put things in motion, when be was arrested in Washington by the news of General Thomas's successful attack, and returned,. well satisfied, to his own more immediate care. It is clear That every great operation of that, year was directly ordered by the Commander-in-Chief over 'that enormous extent of territory. His report is as generous to his subordinates as it is terse and lucid. He speaks with high praise of many, but with actual censure of none—though censure is implied in his narrative of their mistakes. Perhaps the severest implied censure is passed on General Butler for his blunders, both at Bermuda Hundred, after his first ap pearance on the James River, and again at Fort Fisher. He speaks of his position in the former case as "com pletely shut off from all further operations against Rich mond, as if it had been in a bottle strongly corked." He awards explicitly equal respect to the fighting qualities of the Western and Eastern troops, and pays the greatest com pliment to the courage and generalship of the enemy, "whose manhood, however mistaken the cause, drew forth" such deeds of valor. The simplicity, clearness, and directness of General Grant's style reminds one strongly of that of Caesar's Gallic Wan—Spectator. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH COAST. The following circular has been issued by the secretary of this company :—" The directors of the London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway have had their attention drawn to a circular issued (18th December instant) by the directors of the South- Eastern Railway Company to their proprietors, ex planatory of the policy proposed to be pursued by them in the ensuing session of Parliament ; and in the interest of above 600 joint proprietors of Brigh ton and South-Eastern stock, the Brighton board deem it to be their duty to submit the following statement for consideration. In that circular the Brighton board are charged with a breach of the agreement made between the two companies in 1864, by supporting the Surrey and Sussex line in the last session. This charge the Brighton board emphatically deny, and express their surprise at its being repeated after the unanimous decisions of the select committees of both Houses of Parliament where the whole opposition to the bill was based on the question of the alleged breach of faith. By the agreement before referred to, the Brighton and South-Eastern boards mutually undertook not to make any inroad into the system of each other, and the Brighton board maintain that the Surrey and Sussex line from Croydon to Groombridge is no in fringement of that agreement, as will be seen by the accompanying map. Under the agreement of 1864, moreover, the traffic of the South-Eastern Company is to be admitted to Eastbourne by means of the Brighton Company's line from Tunbrige Wells, and the Brightma board, in adopting the Surrey and Sussex line, have merely connected the two points of their system at Croydon and Groombridge, and thereby shortened the distance to St. Leonards and Hastings, in the same way that the South-Eastern are doing by their new line through Sevenoaks. It should be also borne in mind that the existing Brighton line to Has tin gs was made several years before the South-Eastern constructed their present line to that place in op position to the Brighton company. The question of ' breach of agreement' was contested before the select committees of both houses of Parliament, as being the only objection that could be offered to a line which was so obviously required by the public ; but the South Eastern objected to its being in the hands of the Brighton company, who would thereby be brought within the same distance of Hastings as themselves. The Brighton directors do not enter on the subject of the proposed outlay of six millions involved in the new partnership schemes of the South Eastern and London, Chatham, and Dover companies, which is a matter for the consideration of the proprietors of those companies, but the Brighton board are fully entitled to express their regret at the expense and serious interference with the interests of their proprietors consequent on a parliamentary contest, even when they have every reason to anticipate the same success in opposing the same scheme for the fourth time, as in 1863, 1864, and 1865: they feel that the interests of their proprietors and the earning of remunerative divi dends are best consulted by peace and not by war, by co-operation and not by opposition, by develop ing the capabilities of neighbouring companies for the common interests of their respective proprietors, for whom directors are only trustees, and not by enter ing into hostile speculations which can only result in injury to each other." Railway Traffic Returns for the Week. Miles Opened. Receipts. atlwayo. 1865. 1861. 1845 1864 A Z Belfast and N. Counties 9)1 991 2,086 1.745 Belfast and County Down 441 4.1 710 640 Blyth and Tyne 2B 28 2, 87 1,414 Brecon and Merthyr 64 61 1,290 961 Bristol and Exeter l2ll 1211 8,360 7,651 Caledonian, Scottish Central lOB 408 28,817 25,889 Cambrian Cock ermouth K & Penrith .. 31 4 - 348 - - .3ock.:rmouth and Workin .. 9 9 407 279 Cork and Bandon 2O 20 4- 7 335 Cork, Blaclvock, & Passa g e 6l ei 127 129 Cork andloughal Cornwall • • 654 651 2,0 0 1.828 Deeside l7 17 289 .95 Do Extension Dublin & Belfast J unction .... 63 83 1,607 1.391 Dublin and Drogheda 75 75 1,721 1.519 Dublin and Meath Dub. & Wicklow and Wextd lO6 914 3,020 2,691 Forth and Clyde Junction Furness, &c 5O 5 , ) 3,702 2,933 Glasgow & South-Western Gt. Eastern,Nrfk.;&E.Union - :.- 663 40..43 36 . 124 Great Northern 404 385 46,474 40,8 8 Great North of Scotland 5B 53 1,18 ) 1.505 Do Branches 0 t..Nortiin. & Wes tn. (Ire!.) 7 ll 711 585 629 qt.Soutlin. & Westn.(lrlnd.) 3874 88%1 8,804 8.240 Great Western l2BO 1270 81,409 75.379 Hull & Hornsea Highland Irish North-Western 145 145 2,071 1,514 Lancashire & Yorkshire 403 403 43,788 37,316 Limerick and Ennis.. 241 241 192 184 Limerick and Foynes 261 264 108 82 Llanelly Llynvi Valley London & North-Western London and Blackwall 6l 51 1,797 1,796 London & South-Western Lond. Brighton, &S. Coast London, Chatham, & Dover; c 134 12/ 1 10,347 8.194 all Metropolitan Extension 1 22 1 114 j 2,660 1,421 Do. Kent toast Lon., Tilbury, & Southend Man.,Sheflield, & Lincoinsh Ranch. S.J un.454 A ltrincham 9l 91 1,673 1,419 Maryport and Carlisle Metropolitan Midland (incl. N.-Western) 6774 6511 56.7 0 0 53.5 53 Midland Gt. Westn. of I rind 260/ 2601 5,492 5.167 llonmouthsh. Rail. & Canal 44 44 3,027 2,719 North British, Edin., Perth and Dundee N-Eastern and Stock. & DarL 12060 11604 75,465 65,697 North London ll 9 4,27/ 3,054 North Staffordshire 258 258 8,8 9 8.557 Pembroke and Tenby ll4 114 ,09 60 Rhymney l9l 191 1,175 1,060 Scottish N or th-Eastern l3B 138 b,6.8 5,096 Somerset and Dorset 66 66 1,257 815 South Devon South-Eastern 315 306 23,652 23 500 Taff Vale 6l 61 6,445 6,611 Ulster Vale of Clwyd Waterford and Kilkenny 3l 31 209 3 3 Waterfbrd and Limerick 77 77 1,435 1,213 W'haven,Cleator,& Egrmnt lO 10 605 714 Whitehaven Junction l3 13 -- - Whitehaven & Furness Jun 35 35 - - FOREIGN AND COLONIAL. • Austrian B2B 828 50,870 40,V5 Bahia and San Francisco Belgian Eastern J unction 264 261 372 312 Bombay, Ilaroda, & Cen. India 306 1851 8,354 2.4 Detroit and Milwaukie lB9 189 6,711 6,67 Dutch Rhenish Eastern of ' , ranee - - Eastern Bengal East Indian Grand Trunk of Canada 1377 1335 26 933 24.754 Great Central of Belgium 285 261 0,441 6,052 Great Indian Peninsula 590 553 31,501 14,062 Great Luxembourg 134 134 6,031 4.670 Great Southern of India Great Western of Canada 3-16 315 13,025 11,633 Madras Madrid, Saragossa &Aiicant 778 713 - - Northern of Canada ...., , „ ~, 91 91 _ . - Northern of France 724 724 63,402 60,184 Norwegian Trunk Ottoman - - Paris, Lyons. & Mediterrn 2006 1974 148,792 139,088 Paris and Orleans lB2l 1618 - ... Recife and San Francisco, &c 771 774 9.4 688 Scincle lO5 105 - - Do. Punjab, &c 253 45 South Austrian, &c 1658 1527 Southern of France 663 823 Victoria 59,936 54,901 29,806 28,239 11,666 8.845 3,235 153 49,744 42,962 Welland 25 25 West 416 N-Wn. of France A couple who met for the first time in a car ou the New York and Erie Railroad, tho other day, liked each other so well that when the train reached Elmira they got out, struck for the nearest clergyman's, and were married. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. POST.—lndependently of the objections recently taken by the French Government to the Extradition Treaty at present existing between this country and France, and dismissing for the moment from consi deration the rumour that .these objections are prompted by a desire to substitute a treaty more in accordance with the political' necessities of the French empire, it is well worth while to inquire into the scope and object of existing, treaties of this kind, and, if possible, to determine within what limits and under what restrictions their operation should be confined by States desirous of being returned inde pendent. As every State possesses exclusive juris diction within its own dominions, but at the same time has no authority to punish the subjects of a foreign Power for offences committed beyond the limits of its territory, the only possible means by which a criminal escaping from justice to a foreign land can be brought to account for his misdeeds is by.his extradition, by the people in whose territories he has sought refuge, to the particular State from which he has fled. As, however, every nation has an interest in the suppression of crime, arrangements came to be made between different States for the surrender of criminals seeking refuge in their re spective territories, the particular offences for whose commission the extradition of .a fugitive might be demanded being, however, defined with great pre cision, and being invariably of those classes which are distinguished by their atrocity. So far back as the year 1174, an Extradition Treaty was concluded between England and Scotland ; 1308 .one of a similar kind was made between England and France, and some seventy years later a treaty, was entered into between France and Savoy, which went the' length of providing for the surrender of criminals, even though they . should happen to be the subjects of the country to which they had fled. Irrespective, however, of any special treaties, it has been held by some of the most distinguished public jurists, Grotius and Vattel among the num ber, that every State is bound to deny an asylum to criminals, and Chancellor Kent says in his com mentaries, " The language of those authorities is clear and explicit, and the law and usage of nations as declared by them rest on the plainest principles of justice." The tendency of modern deeision is, however, otherwise. In the United States it seems to have become settled law that fugitives from justice, however heinous their crimes, cannot be surrendered except in pursuance of a treaty; and in the case of the Creole, argued before the House of Lords in 1842, the judges, being called on for their opinions, declared that neither English law nor international law authorised the extradition of criminals of any degree, the right to demand or surrender depending exclusively on spe cial treaty. The principle may therefore be taken as established that the obligations' of extradition rest solely on express stipulation. But the opinion of the early jurists in respect to the moral obliga tion of States to surrender criminals, and the trea ties which have at various times been concluded between different States providing for their extra dition, have equally been based on the assumption that the offences committed were of such a nature as to be esteemed crimes by the laws of every civilised State. As every State has an equal interestin pro tecting the lives and the property of the various members of the community, it seemed monstrous and impolitic that a murderer or a robber should secure absolute immunity from punishment by step ping across the frontier line which separated two countries. But in respect to acts which were made offences by the laws of a particular State the same principle did not apply, and notably to offences of a political character. An attempt to subvert the Go vernment of one State cannot, in the necessity of things, be an offence against the laws of another State; and although it might be urged that every Government has an interest in the punishment of persons guilty of treason, yet it is felt that each Go vernment is bound to secure its stability by its own unaided exertions, - and cannot justly call upon the Government of other States to surrender to it those who have attacked it in vain, and who, whilst resi dent beyond its territories, can do it no injury. Again, an act which would in one country be the mere exercise of an established right, might in an ether be deemed a grave political crime, and it would be clearly at variance with every principle of humanity and justice for a State to surrender a fugitive seeking its hospitality, who, judged by the spirit as well as the letter of its laws, had been guilty of no offence. We are now putting out of account those particular principles on which the Constitution of this country rests, and which recog nise the right of every people to choose their own form of Government, and are diametrically opposed to the principles advocated by those who concluded the Holy Alliance. Having thus fixed the basis on which the right of extradition rests, and the class of cases in which it may justly be exercised, it only remains to ascertain the mode in which it should be enforced. It is clearly not sufficient for the State making the demand of extradition to prefer an ac cusation against an individual. If this was all that was needed, a State might obtain the surrender of a political offender by simply accusing him of murder. Some form of judicial procedure is conse quently necessary as a preliminary to the extra dition of a supposed criminal, and some diversity of opinion is believed to exist in respect to the prin ciples which should govern this introductory inquiry. On this point we shall again quote the language of Kent. He says, "It is the duty of the Government to surrender up a fugitive upon demand after the civil magistrate shall have ascertained the existence of reasonable grounds for the charge, and sufficient to put the accused upon his trial." In other words, the form of procedure prescribed is similar to that which would be adopted by the State, in which a criminal has taken refuge,:in dealing with one of its own citizens under similar circumstances previously to putting him upon his trial. The practice laid down by Kent is that which is at the present day universally adopted in every State, and is one which is so manifestly reasonable and just that it calls for no special vindication. Such, then, being the re ceived principles which govern the extradition of criminals, 'it is almost needless to say that this country could not consistently with its dignity or its independence consent to their being seriously modified. If the existing treaty between France and England should not be renewed, each country would become an asylum for criminals of every degree who succeeded in escaping from the other. If, however, it is renewed, the list of crimes desig nated may possibly be increased ; but neither directly nor indirectly can it be made to include political offences. Finally, in respect to the pre liminary judicial investigation, it can henceforth, as heretofore, 'be governed solely by the principles of English law when the fugitive is in this country, and of French law when he is in France. If with a treaty conchided on these bases the French Government are not satisfied, they must accept all the responsibility of putting an end to the existing one. THE "ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES'' ON THE MEXICAN QUESTION.—The late intelligence from America re garding Mexican affairs indicates that a crisis is ra pidly approaching. It is said, in the first place, that General Logan has definitely accepted the appoint ment of Minister to the Mexican Republic, and that his appointment, and the resolutions of sympathy with the Republican cause in Mexico lately intro ' duced into Congress, have been the subject of a lengthy correspondence between the French Minis ter at Washington and Mr. Seward. Finally, it is added, the Principal Secretary of the French Lega tion at Washington has left hastily for Europe on a special mission to Paris, and it is rumoured that if the American Government continues its present policy - towards Mexico the French Minister will demand his passports and leave the country. 'There is no .questioning the fact that it is not only possible, but not at all improbable, that the present complications will eventuate in a war be tween the United States and France. It will be remembered that on a recent occasion when an orator in New York spoke warmly against the French usurpation in Mexico, General Grant, who is the highest authority with the American people on questions pertaining to military matters, and whose words carry great weight, fully endorsed the remarks of the speaker in regard to le condi tion of things in that unhappy country. The Gene ral has long been remarkable for his reticence on all political topics, and hence peculiar significance was attached to his words, which were generally accepted as a foreshadowing of the policy of the Government of which he is the chief military adviser. But now we learn that he has spoken his sentiments regarding Mexico in terms which do not admit of any con struction except that o E immediate war with France, unless France should conclude to withdraw her troops from Mexico. On the 27th of last month, at Richmond, General Grant is stated to have declared emphatically that " the advent of Maximilian to the pretended throne of Mexico was a 'part of the rebellion, and his immediate expulsion should be a part of its his tory. France did not ask the consent of the United States to establish a throne in M ex i co , and the United States should not consult France in re-establishing the Republic." He added that " France had no right to interfere in the Mexican question, but if she would involve herself in a war on this point, now is the time to have it, while the American army and navy are organised, and before American commerce is again afloat on every sea." If this language really fell from the lips of General Grata, then there is reason to fear that the peace of the world will very soon be disturbed by a rupture between the United States and France. There is no question but General Grant not only reflects the almost unanimous sentiment of the American people in regard to the French interference in Mexico, but that he also reflects the views of the United States Government. The only question, indeed, with Americans is, whether this is the proper time for them to interfere in the Mexican question. It is well known that President Johnson's policy is peace. He will not declare war against France, but public opinion may force him to take such steps in . relation to Mexico as will compel France to choose between the alternative of war with America or • withdrawal from Mexico. We strongly Incline to the opinion that, if war takes place, the fault will not be with the American Government nor the American people. There are many. considerations which will prevent the Ameri cans - from going. to war at the present juncture. They have a good many important matters of doinestic - 'policy. to-settle before they enter upon foreign .business. . Their currency is not yet in a . perfectly satisfactory condition, and, while it pre sentS no very serious difficulties as things stand now; another great war would derange it ' almost beyond remedy. The revenue system also needs improvement. 'The Ainerican people are not over-taxed, but the taxes elo not press equally upon , all classes and all interests. • The late rebellious States have been theroughly beaten, and are now sueing for re-admission ; but they are not yet re stored to their proper relations with the National Government. The labour question in the Southern States has still to be settled, and the political rights and privileges of the colored population determined. These matters are quite enough to engross the states-; manship of the country for the next twelve montbei and they are so many powerful arguments against war. There is yet another grave matter to be con sidered in connection with -this question. If the French are compelled or persuaded to leave Mexico; what is then to be done ? The last half century Of misgovernment and anarchy in Mexico have satisfied the world that the Mexicans, left to themselves, are incapable of self-govern ment. When Maximilian is ejected, as he surely will be, sooner or later, civil war and anarchy will be renewed; for political disorder and insurrection are chronic diseases in the Mexican body-politic. If the United States were to go to war to free Mexico from a foreign Monarchical Go vernment and then leave it to be torn by internal dissensions, it would commit a blunder in statesman ship and a crime against humanity. The presence of Maximilian in Mexico is an insult aad a menace to the United States—his expulsion world be a mis fortune for Mexico. There is, then, but two pos sible plans for the Americans to adopt in the premises. The first of these is, to bear the insult and the degradation of permitting a European despot to sit down on the American Continent ; the second, to expel Maximilian, and establish an American protectorate over the country. u the Americans are not prepared to do this, then til u eY had better leave Maximilian where he is. N.' e believe we 'shall but express the determination of the American people and the American Govern ment if we declare that this is exactly the po lic y which will be ultimately adopted in that cou ntr Y . For obvious reasons, America can afford to wait a little before taking up arms in defence of the Mexi can Republic. The Ruler of the French n ation is a wise monarch, and generally favorable to peace.., It is considered more than probable that Nsl 3 °Leol i may be induced to withdraw his troops fronigemiu ° of his own free will. If he should do so, ther e f would then be no excuse for American inte erence► i and the Mexican Republicans would be abl ~..to take care of themselves ; but if the Empire o Mexico continues to rely upon foreign bayonets fo ~upper" a war with America is inevitable, sooner r later and the result of a war would be Other t., 0 annexation of Mexico to the United State , or the establishment of an American Protectorate oyes that country. COUNTRY MARKETS ~__.~_._ ..1, LIVERPOOL.—FRIDAY. At to-da's market there was but a small attendatce, and in wheat a y decline of id to 2d per cental took P l a ce. Flo ur neglected. Oats and oatmeal unchanged. Bean s Ind Peas a fair retail inquiry at steady prices. Irish g.rindit barl e y; m scarce, and ld per bushel higher. Indian actil e at 3 a per qr. decline. MONMOUTHSHIRE—TnuRsDAY. The following.are the average quotations :—Vheat, ° ri ° g 3d to 5s 6d per bushel ; barley, 3 s 3 d to 38 84 ; oats, 4 ld to 2s 7d ; beans, 5s 4d to 5s 8d per 601 b. DERBY--FRIDAY. A middling supply of wheat, and prices rather lower. Barley unchanged in value. Oats firm at WI lt e ek's Beans fully maintained their value. New white wheat, 50s to 54s ; old red, 5 0 s k, 535 per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 35s to 40s per qr, ; grinding, 26s to 28s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 22s to 2654 o ld, 28e; to 30s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 50s to 525; net, 45 8 t o 50s per 38 stone. . rates. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. As usual at the last market of the year there i s not much doing. Wheat dull, prices rather lower. i3trley steady. Other articles unaltered. Averages, December 29—Wheat, 2,015 qrB, a l 50s Old ; barley, 1,069 at 36s Od ; oats, 59, at 27s 9d. S T AMF ORD.—FRIDAY. The supply of wheat not large ; best sorts sold at last week's prices, secondary sorts easier. Bar l ey abo ut f ormer prices. Oats little change. Beans at last Week's Old white wheat, 50s to 53s • red do. 4 6s to 50s per .6 stone. Barley, malting, 34s to '3ls ; grindin g ., 28s to 32s per qr. Oats, new, 24s to 28s ; old, 25s to 27s per 24 stout), Beans, 44s to 50s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. LINCOLN.—FRIAY• Not so much wheat as usual ; demand dull, at rather loss money. Barley at last week's prices. The trade in oats ruled firm at recent quotations. Beans steadily disposed of at late rates. New white wheat, 51s to 58s'; new red, 42s to 49s per 3 6 stone. Barley for malting, 34s to 42s p e r qr; grinding , 31s to 33s per 30 stone. Oats, 24s to 325. Beans, 43s to Ms per 38 stone. COAL MARKET , Price per ton at the close of the market. s. t f • s. d. Cowpen Hartley Eden Main N.Staffordshire 18 6 Pittington l6 , S haw's Hartley lB 6 Hetton Lyons 2O ° Carway and Duffryn Braddyell's Raton._ is 0 Malting 24 0 ships at market, 54; Bold, 34. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS PUB. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Jan. is. Ditto, via Marseilles Jan. 12. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet Jan. 4. Ditto, by French packet........,., Jan. 2 2 . Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, an d ri St. Helena... .Jan. 21. China, Penang, and Singapore. $ 4 via - - voll l h amp ton Jan. 2. Ditto, via Marseilles Jan. 27 ' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton . ... Jan. 2 7 . • India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via S out h amp ton Jan. 2 Ditto, via Marseilles ........ ..,. . Jan. 27 India (Bombay), via Southamptok Jan. 11. Ditto, via &families . J am 5 Mauritius, via Southampton . .................... Jan. 14. Ditto, via Marseille 3 Jan. 5. Newfoundland ..„ Jan. 1 1 . Portugal .................. ... ... Jan 4. ....... . Ditto, by private ship to Lieb e ,. United States and British North Amer i ca, b y Br i_ tish packet Ditto, by United States Paget, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry.. Dee. 29. West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe. ..... Jan . 10. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, and Mexico • • Deo. 29 * • •................ Cuba and MexicoDm 29 • Bahamas, via New Y ork. ........................... Jan. ii . Bermuda, ditto . Jan. 17 Births. LUCAS.—On the 28th inst., at 10, Hyde-park-gardens, the wife of Thomas Lucas , Esq., of a son. NAPIER.—On the 27th inst. at Palmerston House, Du blin, the wife of MajOr-GOReral Wm. Napier, of a daugh ter. TRENT.—On the 28th inst., at S an d ga t e, th e w ife of Cap t. Fn Regiment, of a son. W a r s a os c . i — s C o . n T t r h e e n t, 27 4 t 8 h t h inst., at Stonely Hall, Hants , th e wife of T. IL Wilson, t sq .. ~ of a daughter. Marriages, Lomas—PARRATT.— 04 the 28th inst., at Saint James's' Church, Piccadilly, tf , eldest son of the 1 • ate General William Bentinck Loftus, Colonel Loftus, late 38th Beg s " of Kilbrido, co.Wickl L e W to Emmeline Louisa Charlotte, only surviving daugut e ; ham House, county o f WILLIAMS—LENIAN.-0 of Lieut.-Col. Parratt, of Effier Surrey. Albany-street, Frederick U. A. Williams, of the Inner 4 the 28th inst., at Christ Church, Temple, and Lincolo , s _i nn , barrister-at-law, to 313 9; Katharine, the third daughter of James Leman, Esq ., l o . Chester , terrace, Rege nt ; s _park, and Lincoln's-inn-Del. Deaths. BARBER.—On the 26 th inst ., at Stamford-hill, Alfred 11:' Barber, Esq., 54. CRAGG.-OD. the 27th inst., John Cragg, Esq., of 8 ; Nor" ' thampton-square, ci e r kenwell, and Highlands, Horn nod 66. HtiGHES.-011 tho 9 -Bth inst., at Bradbourn, near Well oaks, Kent, Henry u ug hes, Esq., aged 86. 40 POTTER.—On the 27th inst., at 2, Stockwell - p ark- Brixton, George Ad' - utter, Esq., aged 74. STEWART.— OR the 28th inst., at Hampton Wick, s°llll Stewart, Esq., aged 77. TARLETON.-011 th e tr'll igti, 26th inst., at his residence, -L.-J.-Ag o King's County, J ohn W. Tarleton, Esq., ;LP., 3 g e ' o f WRIGHT.—On the 27th inst., George A. Wrig ht, the Middle Templ e , $41.7 barrister. ___............-•!!--.1 WS London: Printed alld Published by WILLIAM AN 11 ,11 112 . of No. 112, Strand 'Writer, at Tim Sun Office , N ot Strand, in the -reainot of the Savoy. in the Cettil., • / AlltaleseL—"turday, DegemDer 30,1865.