The Sun. — London, England, 1865-02-08 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAsT EVENING. The seventh session of the present Parliament com menced to-day. The LORD CHANCELLOR resumed his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock, at which hour there was a very full attend ance of peers. THE ADDRESS. The Queen's Speech having been read by the Lord CHANCELLOR, The Earl of CHARLEMONT rose to move an address to her Majesty, in answer to her most gracious Speech, and commenced his observations by asking their lordships' in dulgence while he performed his task. He first alludedto t t h h a e t Paragraph with respect to the war in America, and said with the although a larger number of persons symp athised Southerners, yet he thought the strict neutrality which had been entered upon by her Majesty's Government was the wisest course that could be adopt ed. The disturbances Which had taken place in Japan, which had caused much anxiety, was, he rejoiced to see , in a fair wa y of settlement ; and he felt that the end of the difficulties would be to fur ther and extend the commerce of Great Britain. The uneasy state of affairs in New Zealand was nearly at an end, and he hoped that all the difficulties would but tend to further increase the estimation •in which peace was held by the great majority of the peoples in the world. Revert ing to home affairs he said it was highly encouraging that the revenue gave such evidences of prosperity, and he be lieved the gross amount received last year exceeded that of man y years before. The scarcity of cotton, unfortunately, had led to much distress in the manufacturing distri c t s , but he was glad to find that an amount of that material was now in the country which would give, employment to a large mass of the petitioners, and thus in a great measure lessen the distress which had so generally pre vailed. With respect to Ireland he was much gratified to find that there the prospects of improvement were visible. The amount of flax raised last year was very great compared with the last four years, and in other branches of industry the increase had been similarly satisfactory. In home exports the same increase was observable, and it was most gratifying that crime had decreased. In the shipping trade a remarkable increase was observed, and what was extremely satisfac tory was that the majority of that property was owned by Irish merchants. With the state of Ireland at the present time with what it was twenty years ago there was not one who could not feel the highest pleasure, and if this prosperous state of things continued for the next 10 years Ireland would not only be commercially prosperous, but as contented as any other portion of her Majesty's dominions. Before he resumed his seat, though he felt he had detained the house too long with respect to Irish matters, he must say that in all countries there were people who were unsuccessful in their business and unfortunate generally, and such people had a tendency to vent their discontent on the powers that be, but he believed the majority of the people were loyal to their Sovereign as Englishmen. But the spirit of party was strong there, and led to such unfortunate results as tended to create a wrong impression. Their lordships had heard of the riots at Belfast, and he would impress upon her Majesty's Go vernment the urgent need there was for more immediate action to prevent a recurrence of these riots, as he believed they were certain to recur in July next. He had many more things to say respecting Ireland, but he would refrain, and concluded his observations by moving an humble ad dress to her Majesty on the occasion of opening Parliament. Lord HOUGHTON rose to second the address, instead of the Duke of Cleveland, who was prevented from attend ing. In commencing his observations he said their lord ships would permit him to express his regret that the affairs of Denmark had not been completely settled and her people satisfied. Those clamorous nationalities, unsettled by the question which disturbed Europe at the close of last session, still remained unsatisfied, and threatened Europe with still further disputes and possibly war. There had been agreed upon between Italy and France a convention which he hoped would result in prosperity to both nations. He heartily concurred in the proposal to amalgamate the provinces of British North America; and he joined in the regret that the United States were still suffering from the horrors of civil war. It was consolatory to know that in every place where England was in arms, she was in arms on the defensive to protect her own. With respect to home matters, he remarked that the business of the present Parliament would be of a purely practical nature. He regretted that it had not widened the way of the British Con stitution, and he trusted that the present session would not pass away without some practical effort being made with respect to reform. It was true the dis tress in the manufacturing districts had abated, yet it was a melancholy fact that a great deal of distress still remained. It was much to be regretted, but he was hopeful for the future, althoughunhealthy speculations which the civil wars in America had induced left it uncer tain when things would get right again. Having passed a high eulogium upon the conduct of the Earl of Derby for his exertions to alleviate the distress in Lanca shire, the noble lord resumed his seat by seconding the address. The Earl of DERBY rose and said—My lords, were it not that I hardly think it quite decorous that the Address moved and seconded by the noble lords who have just spoken should be passed without any further notice, I should scarcely have deemed it necessary to trouble you with a single observation on a Speech so entirely innocuous as that to which we have to-day all given such placid atten tion. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) That Speech, indeed, is one of just such a character as might naturally have been ex pected to be addressed by an aged Minister to a moribund Parliament. (Laughter.) The days of the Parliament are numbered. No medical skill or science can prolong its existence beyond a period of a very few weeks. Its condi tion, as far as protracting its life is concerned, is absolutely hopeless. All that the most eminent physicians can do for it is to take care that its dying moments are disturbed by no unnecessary excitement, that nothing may disquiet its last hours, and that it may be supplied with just so much gentle occupation as may tranquilly engage its thoughts. (Laughter.) The physicians, of course, will continue to hold their formal consultations on the state of the patient, receive their accustomed 'fees—(renewed laughter)—and waft it serenely towards its final rest. It is true we have heard it said that that there are some ardent attendants on the patient who are desirous of trying a more vigorous mode of treatment ; and I am not quite sure that I did not gather from the noble lord who seconded the Address an expres sion of regret that some more active treatment was not adopted than the homoeopathic methods purchased by her Majesty's Ministers. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I believe that some of those ardent spirits advise a recourse togalvanic action, in order that, if possible, by an electric shock those energies may be roused which have for a consider able time been dormant. But the more experienced phy sicians, looking to the peculiar condition of the patient and remembering the effect of former expedients, feel that such a shock might be too much for its feeble con stitution, and that it is not unlikely the attempt to infuse fresh vigour into its system would precipitate such a crisis as they undoubtedly have no wish to bring about. (Cheers and laughter.) Another reason for caution on the part of those who prescribe for the patient is that his estate is not entailed, and it is exceedingly proba ble that when the inevitable dissolution takes place there may be a disputed succession, which may not only give a good deal of employment to the gentlemen of the long robe, but lead to awkward results to those now in close attend ance at the sick bed. (Cheers and laughter.) I therefore, my lords, congratulate her Majesty's Government on put ting into the mouth of the Royal Commissioners a Speech so admirably adapted to their own position and to that of the Parliament to which it is addressed. I am sure there is nothing that threatens the feeble constitution of the patieut, nothing that can occasion it any unnecessary excitement, and nothing, so far as the speech is concerned, which should tend to accelerate the inevitable stroke that awaits the Parliament in a very brief period. I dont, however, wish to say by a ny means that there are not touched in the course of this Speech some subjects of considerable import ance, both as regards foreign and d d o t m h e e s f t u ic tu po re licy l3 a u n t d th a o lso asregards the past, the subjects, of no small intperreesstentht'oanugh the be, as far as those d y lt with as not to spects the past and the present, call for any expression of opinion or s a o ny j e u a dgment on their merits from your lordships. And looking to the legislation shadowed forth, it is certainly not of such a character as to provoke any violent or party controversy, or raise anygreat r or animated political contest. I confess , m y lords, on Iturn ing to the first paragraph of the Speech, over which de sire to pass rapidly and lightly, it alludes to a state of things to which I think no Englishman can look back with out considerable regret or without some feeling of humi- I will not f o ll ow th e no bl e l or d who seconded the Addres s by enteringany into speculations as to the possi ble complicationsvih!ch may ensue that state of things , and I will characterisepeace which has bee by no epithet of mine neither that the conduct o f the united Powers result o f th ese nego tiations, nor were dictated. It i r s tea Powers by which its conditions satisfactory, my lords, to know, from the assurances r among the complicati ons e b c w e i v i e o d h by the Government that nay arise in connex i on w ith the ultimate dispos a l o f the subjugated provinces there is no ground for apprehending that great calamity, a general dis turbance of the peace of Europe, (Hear,hear.) My lords, with foreign there are one or two points connectedaffairs on which I could have desired that Speechthefr had been less reticent. I should have been glad, for had been furnished with some informationexa:(mtopeartleheifstawtee of our relations with the Emperor of Brazil. u It is true that Brazil is not a first-rate Power, nor one from hear.) which we can apprehend any serious opposition ; but, at the same time, it is not a matter of absolute indifference to us that we should continue in a state of protracted aliens_ tion from a country which had always hitherto be en on friendly terms with us, with which we have very large commercial relations, and with which it is our interest in every respect to have a good understanding. And I am compelled to say that for the differences which have existed between us and that State the main portion of the blame rests upon the conduct of the British Government, and I should be exceedingly glad if the noble lord the Foreign Secretary, whether by mediation or otherwise, has taken steps for putting an end to this unfortunate estrangement. I am anxious, therefore, to hear some account from him of the state of our relations with Brazil, and of what mayhave been done towards restoring that good waders atul'ng with it which is so desirable for the interest of b )th countries. (Hear, hear.) I pass by that most unfortunate civil war in New Zealand—for such it amounts to—w.thcut expressing any opinion on the merits or demerits of that question. It is, at all events, a war of the most lamentable character, and every one must feel it desirable that an end should be put to it as soon as possible. Nor will I refer to the en gagement with the Daimio in Japan, who, in opposition, it appears, to the Government of his country, had ventured to provoke the hostility of all the navies of Europe. Neither do I wish to dwell on another little civil war, with respect to which her Majesty's Government have not furnished information as to whom the parties are. We learn from her Majesty's Message that the con- dition of India is generally satisfactory, but, nevertheless, we are informed that " long continued outrages on the persons and property of subjects of her Majesty, and for which no redress could be had, have rendered it necessary to employ a force to obtain satisfaction for the past and security for the future." Who the party is against whom these steps have been take; from whom redress is to be obtained, what injury has been sustained, we may conjec ture and collect from the examination of other documents ; but, as far as the Queen's Message is concerned, the coun--. try is left in the dark as to the party with whom we are at war in Indiar (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It is unfortu nate to find that the civil war still continues in America; and I join in the expression of a hope, which I am sure every person in this country would rejoice to see realised, that there might be an early cessation of that deplorable contest. (Hear, hear.) It is now nearly three years since the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, folloNting in the wake of Mr. Seward, announced that he had every rea son to suppose that another month would see the conclu sion of the hostilities in America. Three years have gone, and yet those hostilities are carried on with more than usual, I might almost say, savagery ; but, at any rate, spreading desolation over large tracts of country, destroying the pro perty of peaceable inhabitants, and tending to embitter and envenom the hatred between the people of the two sections of America to such an extent as, in my opinion, will render future reconcilement impossible, so that the only practicable result would be the separation of the two portions of the country, or the entire subjugation of the one by the other, (Hear.) It is impossible that every one must not earnestly desire any step to be taken that may lead to a possibility of reconciliation, or to a termination of the war. At the same time I am not one in the least disposed to move from the position of neutrality professed, and, I hope, main- tained by her Majesty's Government; but I confess I look with great anxiety and no little apprehensionto some symp toms which appear to me to show that that neutrality has not been received by the party to whom unquestionably it has been most favourable with that goodwill and gratitude to which I think it was fairly entitled. (Hear, hear.) Ido not now refer to expressions published in Federal news papers, or made use of by individuals, or to language in de spatches of an official character addressed to authorities in America with respect to this country, which, under ordi nary circumstances, could hardly be regarded as otherwise than provocative of hostility ; but to two measures which have received the sanction of the Senate of the United States—one for giving notice of the termination of the Treaty of Reciprocity with Canada, and the other for giving the still more important notice for the termination of that treaty, by which the force on the lakes is restrained and limited. Of these two measures it is impossible not to say that they are both adopted in a spirit of hostility towards this country. (Hear, hear.) One of them throws open ques tions of the most delicate and difficult character. The Ame rican people have derived, as they do not deny, great com mercial advantages from the Reciprocity Treaty, and its termination is advocated only on the avowed ground that Canada derives still greater advantages. One effect of the termination of that treaty would be, if I am not mistaken, that the whole of the complicated question of the fisheries, from the settlement of which the United States have de rived incalculable advantage, would be at once thrown open. (Hear, hear.) I am old enough to remember what serious complications and difficulties questions connected with the fisheries occasioned, and how near to the point of war they led this country and the United States; and now all these questions are gratuitously, and apparently with out the slightest reason, thrown open, at the risk and dan ger of war—than which nothing could be more deplorable —between this country and the United States. (Hear, hear.) It is not a little significant, too, that at the same time when the abrogation of this commercial treaty lays open all these points of danger and difficulty there is another step taken to abrogate another treaty. For a long period the lakes have served as the means of peaceful and profitable commerce between the two countries lying along side each other; but I can recollect a period in the late American war when there was a race of shipbuilding on the two sides of the lakes and when the party obtaining the supremary in that matter gained the control of the lakes. (Hear, hear.) That state of things was put an end to by the treaty ; but now America is the party who, without the slightest provocation or ground, breaks through that treaty and declares an intention of increasing its force on the lakes, thus rendering it necessary on the part of this country to take corresponding measures. (Hear, hear.) - I do not ask the Government what steps they have taken, but I do say this, that they will be deeply responsible if they are not awake to the peril in which the country is placed by these two acts of the American Government followed up by an intention to employ a preponderating force on the lakes. That force can only be for aggression ; for to speak of an attack by Canada upon the 'United States is to speak of a phy sical impossibility. Canada has a long frontier, peculiarly open to aggression, being accessible by water as by land, and unless you have a preponderating force on the lakes, but, above all, if you allow the neighbouring Powerto have a preponderating force there, you place Canada at the dis- posal of the United States. (Hear, hear.) Under these cir cumstances I see with additional satisfaction the announce- ment of a contemplated important step. I mean the propose( federation of the British American provinces. (Hear, hear. I hope I may regard that federation as a measure tending to constitute a Power strong enough, with the aid of this country, which I trust may never be withdrawn from those provinces, to acquire an importance which separately they could not obtain. (Hear, hear.) If I saw in this federation a desire to separate from this country, I should think it a matter of much more doubtful policy and advantage ; but I perceive, with satisfaction, that no such wish is en tertained. Perhaps it is premature to discuss at present resolutions not yet submitted to the different provincial Legislatures, but I hope I see in the terms of that federa tion an earnest desire on the part of the Provinces to maintain for themselves the blessing of the connexion with this country, and a determined and deliberate preference for monarchical over republican institutions. (Hear, hear.) Adverting to the state of affairs at home, it is grati fying, no doubt, to be assured by her Majesty's Government that the general condition of the country is satisfactory. Her Majesty's Speech then goes on to speak of the distress prevail ing in the manufacturing districts. Unfortunately, the state of my health has not enabled me to give to the matter the at tention I could have desired, but from the reports I have received from time to time there appears no question that the distress has generally abated. We have seen the worst of the crisis —(hear)--and we may now look forward to a return of prosperity, with some fluctuations no doubt, in those districts. (Hear.) Her Majesty's Speech refers to the useful results derived froth the act for the encouragement of public works. lam not about to deny that many useful results have proceeded from that act, that many works were undertaken and much employment afforded under it ; but I regret to say that the persons deriving the greatest advantage from the application of the act did not belong to the class it was intended to benefit. The advantage de rived by the cotton operatives was infinitesimally small, though, no doubt, they gained an advantage from the general benefit given to trade. With every desire to carry on works which would be of benefit to the community, I think the Poor-law Board were hasty in accepting pro posals—at least, I am acquainted with some singular in stances of the kind—for works which required a large amount of skilled labour and an infinitesimally small por tion of that unskilled labour, which it was the principal object to employ. (Hear.) I confess that I was not able to follow the details brought forward by the noble mover of the Address, and the statistics by which he proved to his own satisfaction, and no d ou b t to the satisfaction of those who heard him, the increasing prosperity of Ireland. The patriotism of the nobl e ear l un d ou b tedly led him to givee to the subject a larger amount of attention li than • con sistent with the space assi g n e d t o it i n t h e Queen's Speech though not larger than the i m p or t ance of the slie'3ech'ct g well deserves; and I am sure yo ur l or d s hi ps will be personal experience, a conrZ tified to hear, from his own mation of the statement that Ireland is really becoming more prosperous. (Hear.) I will not comment upon the domestic legislation which we are promised in the course of , the present session. It may be of a very useful, it certainly is not of a very exciting character ; and, with regard to any measures of the kind which may be proposed, I am sure that your lordships, without distfaction of party, will en deavour to remedy existing evils. There is one subject as to which I regret that legislation is intended—l mean the report of the Commissioners of public Schools. That report was a very valuable one, and contained an immense mass of useful informatio n, with some practical suggestions. Perhaps in the presence of my noble friend opposite (the Earl of Clarendon), who w as a distinguished member of the commission, I should not say— " Stint bona, sunt quo3dam mediocria, sunt mala plura Qum legis." (Laughter.) But this I will say, that those suggestions in the report require earnest and careful attention. I think, moreover, it would have been very desirable that another year should be given to enable the governing bodies of the public schools concerned to take into consideration the re commendations of the commissioners, and see what por tion of them th ey cou ld , w i t h a d van t age t o the institutions over which they preside, of their own accord introduce. (Hear, h ear.) I am sure that voluntary amendments on the part of the authorities would be likely to prove more satis factory in their Parliamenta wngthan those forced upon them by that while ary' Onglegislation.att he oretical Moreover, my own opinion is, excellence and proposing schemes which l oo k eatr may be to intr o d uce in emely well upon paper, the result not work so • practice a state of things which will satisfactorilyaua vyill net 94 the whole be as rfiE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8, 1865. productive of good results as even the existing state of public schools, with all their faults, much less the state of those schools if reforms were introduced by the voluntary action of the authorities. (Hear.) I need not say that I have no intention of offering any opposition to the Address, which, like the Speech, offending no prejudice, calling for no declaration of opinion, and being perfectly innocuous in itself, will command, if not the hearty, at least the unani- mous assent of your lordships. (Cheers.) Earl GRANVILLE--I am happy to find that the speech of my noble friend answers so well to his description of the Address—that it is extremely innocuous, and renders my task in following him comparatively an easy one. My noble friend is not one to let an opportunity pass ; and we may safely assume, therefore, that if he attacked nothing, there was nothing he could attack with justice, and that though so cunning of fence, he could discover no weak joint in our harness. Thenoble earl has displayed through out a good-humour and a kindness which I cannot but ap preciate ; and I am sure that your lordships will rejoice that he is here among us in recovered health, and appa rently so strong and well. (Cheers.) It occurred to me that that recovery might be one reason for my noble friend's good humour, and that a second might be the great literary success he has lately achieved, as to which I am sure there is not one of your lordships who does not feel pride and satisfaction at the additional lustre which has been given to this house by one who is certainly among its brightest ornaments. (Cheers.) It turns out, however, that these were not the reasons why my noble friend was so good humoured, congratulating the house that this was a round speech adapted to a round hole, but that his satisfaction arose from the fact that he hopes to be quiet for a few months, tranquilly expecting that the next Parliament will see him wafted into office and enjoying the sweets which come with office. The noble earl, in short, is ready just now to forgive us all our faults, because, to quote the very terse words of his own translation, he looks " To fill his coffers with the spoils of war." (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The noble earl's speech really requires very little answer. He touched lightly upon the termination of a war which while it continued was very painfully felt in this country ; and with regard to certain little wars of our own, I am glad that he finds no fault with the eminently successful expedition in Japan, which will, I hope, insure for us very considerable ad vantages in that country. The noble earl also abstained from any criticism with regard to the war in New Zealand. Now, I am sure that her Majesty's Government feel as deeply as any persons their responsibility as to that whr. We be lieve that the war has now arrived very nearly at a con clusion, and the only object of the Government has been to bring it to such an end as to show the natives the su perior power of this country, and to ensure a peace which will give safety to the colonists, while affording to the na- ( guarantees for all their just rights. By an omission in the Speech the locality of the war in Bhootan has cer tainly not been very accurately defined—but it is impossible to deny that it is a just and necessary war. The Earl of DERBY—I did not know what it was all about. (Laughter.) Earl GRANVILLE—There are certain districts called the Dooars, which belong partly to the natives and partly to her Majesty's Government. For many years it has been the constant practice of the mountain tribes to pour down from their fastnesses and carry off into slavery men and women the subjects of her Majesty. Mission after mission has been sent with a view to put an end to this state of things but in vain, and Mr. Eden not only entirely failed in obtain ing reparation, but suffered injury in health, and hardly es caped with life. An expedition was therefore sent ; two forts were evacuated, and one was taken with hardly any loss be yond that inflicted by an accidental explosion in our own lines. We now hold these forts and intend so to hold them, taking precautions, at the same time, against similar aggres sion. Among the other subjects on which the noble earl dilated was that of the severance of diplomatic relations with Brazil—and I am sure he will be glad to learn that negotia tions are going on for the amicable settlement of that ques tion. With regard to our relations with the United States, I think it is desirable that, now or at some future time, your lordships should hear some statement from my noble friend (Earl Russell). Meanwhile, it should be remembered that if in the instances alluded to by the noble earl the people of the United States have shown some irritation, there is no doubt they have had some cause for irritation arising out of the Confederate raids across the frontier. Ample time, how ever, remains for friendly negotiation between the two Go vernments. As to the operation of the Public Works Act, my noble friend must remember that it is almost impossible but that a certain portion of the funds expended under that act should go to others than the cotton operatives. With regard to the state of Ireland, I am sure that your lordships must have listened with satisfaction to the most interesting account given by the noble earl (Charlemont) of the grow ing prosperity of that part of the United Kingdom. No doubt there is still distress in certain counties, but the sta- tistics given prove conclusively that on the whole the trade and manufactures of Ireland have greatly increased, and show great promise for the future in the only way which will permanently benefit that country. (Hear, hear.) I must say I do not agree with the noble earl in his estimate of the value of the Public Schools Report. In so long a re porbit is not likely that every sentiment should stand the test of minute investigation and sifting. I believe that re port has been of great advantage, and when my noble friend behind me (Lord Clarendon) introduces a bill, which I hope he will do shortly, to carry out its recommendations, the noble earl will find that we do not intend to deal with the subject in that rapid decisive way that he supposes, without giving time for consideration to the parties most interested and most competent to deal with it. My lords, I think it is a very gratifying thing for the country to see both parties, at the opening of what the noble earl justly calls a moribund Parliament, agreeing as to the really satisfactory state of affairs ; and when we consider all the advantages we enjoy —that we have a peace which is not likely to be broken — the satisfactory condition of our commerce and of our revenue, and the loyalty which is felt in every part of the country, we must feel that we have every reason to be grateful. (Hear.) And what ought to make us still more proud of the good Government which must undoubt edly have prevailed among us is to find that our North American Colonies, in expressing their wish to con tinue their connexion with this country, and in adopting the new institutions they have been considering with such calm and prudent statesmanship, have thought it desirable to keep as close as possible to the constitution and institu tions under which we so happily live. (Cheers.) The Earl of LEITRIM was understood to deny that Ire land was in so prosperous and flourishing a condition as had been represented, but hoped she would improve under Lord Wodehouse's administration, on whose appointment he con gratulated the Government. Earl RUSSELL—It must be very satisfactory to her Majesty's Government to find that the noble earl opposite, who on former occasions had criticised foreign affairs with remarkable asperity, should upon this occasion have so little fault to find. At the same time there were two subjects upon which the noble earl wished for information which I am partly able to give. The noble earl spoke of Brazil, and seemed to think that the commencement of the internip tion of diplomatic relations between that country and this was a matter of blame to her Majesty's Government. Now the cause of that interruption was that an English mer chant ship having been wrecked upon the Brazilian coast, that ship was pilaged and the bodies of her crew were found, but no account was given as to how those persons came by their deaths. Does the noble earl mean that her Majesty's Government were to feel no interest in the lives and property of her Majesty's subjects, and were not to ask for inquiry into the matter ? This was all that her Ma jesty's Government had done. We asked for inquiry. That inquiry was not granted. We then asked for that to which by international law we were entitled—we asked for an indemnity for this pillage and probable murders. [Lord CaumsFoßD—Possible murders.] I beg pardon, pro bable murders. I do not think, after the report of Ad miral Warren, anyone can doubt that some or a majority of the crew were murdered by the lawless people who in habit the coast. We asked for an indemnity, and that not being given, her Majesty's Government then ordered re prisals, which reprisals were carried into effect, and then a certain sum was paid by the Brazilian Government on account of that for which we claimed indemnity. The Bra zillian Government did not ask for anything on account of that payment, which was in itself a confession that they had been wrong in refusing inquiry. For my own part I shall never feelregret at having shown anxiety to ascertain the fate of some of her Majesty's subjects. But the Bra zilian Government said although they made no complaint on the score of the reprisals, yet they did think that the manner in which those reprisals were carried into effect showed a disposition to offer an affront and an indignity to Brazil. We entirely deny any such intention, but the Emperor withdrew his representative. After that the King of Portugal offered his mediation. We willingly accepted that mediation, and the King of Portugal's Ministers prepared terms which her Majesty's Government duly considered, but did not think they were terms to which they could possibly e four sincerely dareyly accede without givin g u p rights belonging to her Majesty and all oth er mar i t i me powers. Afterwards, when our counter orter propositi ons were sent they were not accepted, and a.a a g ni l ou r s to officialreceived d store diplomaticinformation relations they had been rejected. Majesty's Government, arhow ever, Her with Brazil, not pacific relati • ons, for we have always been on peaceful terms with that country , and we have ado other propositions w hi c h we hope the Rmade of Portugal will convey to the B raz ili an Government, and which we trust may load to the renewal of diplomatic relations. If we had intended any affront to the Emperor of Brazil by the manner in which reprisals were executed, we should have been to blame ; but no affront was ever intended, and we only executed those reprisals i n th e manner in which othr Powers carried them into effect, and as even the Emperor of Brazil himself has done, who, having a complaint against the Republic of Uruguay, has made reprisals, and has actually occupied a large portion of the territory of that Republic. The Emperor of Brazil has thought himself justified by the grievances of his subjects to make reprisals upon the Republic ofUruguay, and we can never admit that a power which by the law of nations the Emperor of Brazil pos sesses is not a power which her Majesty, as one of the great maritime Powers of Europe, does not also possess. The other subject to which the noble earl has referred is one of very great difficulty, and to which I should not refer had it not been that I think the noble ea rl has hardl y done j ustice to the two parties to the dispute, and has not sufficiently • allowed for the irritation which prevails in the United States on the subject of the war now raging. What I think is the injustice of the Government and Congress of the United States towards ourselves is this, that they seem to expect not only that we should do everything which the law of nations demand; and which the municipal law of this country enables us to do, but they seem to expect that we should be altogether able to prevent any aid being given to their enemies—the Confederate State; who are opposed to them. Now, her Majesty's Government have used every means in their power from time to time to prevent war being carried on from this country as a basis against the United States of America, which are in peaceful relations with us. At the same time, it has been impossible eo pre vent acts which have caused, and naturally so, I think, great irritation in America. We have had ships fitted out here and afterwards sent to a distance, where they have first of all received armaments and a commission, and have then preyed upon the commerce of the United States. We have had in our hands correspondence which shows that the Confederate agents were continually employed either in building ships in this country or in buying merchant ships which might afterwards be sent to France and other stations for the 'purpose of being fitted out as cruisers against the commerce of the United States. Now, the authorities of the United States have, I think, naturally enough, felt greatly irritated at seeing a number of ship; which have come in some way or another from English ports or English rivers, afterwards fitted out as men-of-war for the purpose of acting against their commerce. But they ought certainly, at the same time, to ask this question— Whether her Majesty's Goverment have done everything which the law of nations authorises, and which the muni cipal law of this country permits, to prevent this country from ;being made the basis of warlike operation; so as it were to involve the people of this country in war against the United States. I am not, however, at all surprised that they should feel annoyed and indignant when they find that those who are the friends of the United States should have their territories chosen as the basis of those operations. So again with regard to Canada. The noble earl seems to imagine that the United States are influenced by no motive save that of mere hostility against this country, as he termed it in denouncing that useful convention with regard to the lakes. The fact is, however, that the Confederate Govern ment apparently determines, if possible, to involve this country in the conflict, finding that their own resources were unequal to the task of waging a successful war. They sent their agents into these lakes, which are not in their terri tory, but which belong either to the United States or to the United Kingdom of Great Britain, to seize the ships which were navigating those lake; and which belonged to the United States. I say again, I am not surprised that the United State; considering the Canadian lakes as the pos session of a Sovereign friendly to themselves, should feel indignant at finding those lakes chosen as the basis of operations against their vessels. The United States now say that if they remain in those lakes without cruisers, the Confederates will seize their ships. It will be a very pain ful thing, and a matter of some danger to the two countries, if the United States and Great Britain are obliged to put an end to or suspend the convention which has been so useful, and which has contributed so much to the main tenance of peace between the two countries. It may be na tural upon the part of the Confederate States, but for myself I think that in their attempt to make the Canadian soil the basis of operation; some of them bearing the character of a belligerent, but others resembling the acts of robbery and murder which take place in social life—that in that attempt they do what is most unjustifiable, and I trust her Ma jesty's Government will be able, as they have:done hitherto, to preserve a neutrality in that part of her Majesty's domi nions. At the same time, accompanying that irritation to which I have alluded, there has been a tendency with re spect to two questions to make the most unfounded impu tations against the Government of this country. There have been complaints that we have acknowledged the belli gerent character of the Confederate States. But, my lords, looking at the character of the contest, looking at the im mense territory possessed by tbe Confederate; looking at the great war operations which they have carried on, what could her Majesty's Government do but allow that the character of belligerents belonged to the Confederate States ? (Hear, hear.) I know-no instance of so mighty a war being carried on without a belligerent character be ing allowed by neutral States. (Hear, hear.) Another question may arise, for now and then we hear a threat that the day is coming when the United States will make a demand upon her Majesty's Government. That question, as your lordships heard last year and the year before is, that a demand should be made by the United . States of America on account of the capture and destruction of mer chant vessels by the Alabama andother ships, which, being originally built in England, were afterwards taken to dis tant port; there to receive their armaments, and thus to be enabled to cruise against the property of the United States. Looking at the precedents in international law, looking at the declarations made by the United States themselves in the case of Spain and Portugal when ships destined to prey upon the commerce of those two countries were more directly fitted out in their own ports, such a claim upon the Government of this country would be extremely unfair. Therefore, while I say we are bound to make every allow ance for the irritation that may arise in the United States in the course of a war which has come upon them unexpectedly, which has caused to both sides great losses, and which we believe to be unnecessary, still, while we aro most strict and scrupulous in perform• ing duties of neutrality, we cannot allow that any of these claims are justly preferred. I cannot avoid saying, how ever, before I sit down, that when I see a desire to put an end to involuntary servitude in the constitution of the United States, I do rejoice, because a great blot is about to be removed from the character of civilised nations, and because the horrible and abominable crime of slavery is to be blotted out for ever. The Address was then agreed to, and tho house rose al 25 minutes after 7. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at a quarter to four o'clock, NEW MEMBERS. The SPEAK= having read the usual warrant for the re-election of members to supply the vacancies that had occurred during the recess, the following new members took the oaths and their seats :—Lord Courtenay, for Exe ter, vice Mr. Edward, deceased; Mr. Morris, for Carnarvon, vice Mr. David Morris, deceased ; the Hon. G. Waldo grave Leslie, for Hastings, in the room of Lord Vane, now Duke of Cleveland ; Lord A. C. Hervey, for West Suffolk, vice Earl Jermyn, now Marquis of Bristol ; and Mr. Davenport, for Bromley, vice Mr. R. Spooner. NEW WRITS. On the motion of Mr. BRAND the following new writs were ordered to issue :—For the borough of Tralee, vacant by the elevation of the Right lion. Thomas O'Hagan to the bench in Ireland ; for the City of Cork, vacant by the resignation of Dr. F. Lyons; for Truro,. by the elevation of Mr. M. Smith to the bench as one of the judges of the Court of Common Pleas; for Salford, vacant by the ap pointment of the Right Hon. Mr. Massey to the office of Finance Minister of India. sence of so many Irish representatives who were so much better qualified to speak on that subject than he was. (A laugh.) The hon. baronet having expressed a hope that the money and skill expended in the ... _ construction of destructive implements of war would be directed into sources that would promote civi lization, adverted briefly to the other topics of the Royal Speech, excusing himself for not dealing with them ex tensively by the recency of his election as a member of the house. The Hon. C. H. TRACEY, who wore the uniform of a deputy-lieutenant for the county, seconded the motion. He alluded to the sympathy which the country felt in the grief which her Majesty still experienced at her bereavement, and said he trusted the grief for her loss would be gra dually effaced from her mind. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member went into detail, but briefly, through the different points in the Royal Speech, and asserted that it indicated a satisfactory condition of the prospects of the country as regarded its domestic and colonial condition. He dwelt particularly on the events occurring in America and India, and concluded by expressing his entire concurrence in the remarks of the hon. baronet who had moved the Address. Mr. V. SCULLY said that he would not have risen if any other Irish member had done so, but it appeared that lat terly the Irish members had given up talking, and their place had been supplied by English members, who had adopted the practice of addressing their constituents dur ing the recess, while Irish members held their tongues. (Laughter.) He remembered when it was consi dered unconstitutional for Cabinet Ministers to speak on politics out of the house, but now they were amongst the principal speakers at public meetings after Parliament. He objected to the paragraph in the Royal Speech which spoke of Ireland as participating in the general prosperity of the country, which he asserted was a most incorrect statement. With the exception of the North of Ireland, the manufacturers in that portion of the United Kingdom were in a very depressed state, and from personal know ledge he could assert that the agricultural condition was still worse. He alluded to the continuous emigration from Ireland, which he contended was a proof of his assertion, and had heard disaffection expressed in Ame rica as to the want of proper remuneration at home. The paragraph relative to Ireland was calculated to con vey a most erroneous impression of the state of the coun try, and he proposed to substitute a paragraph to the effect that it was with regret it was perceived that the condition of Ireland was not prosperous as regarded manu factures or agriculture, as evinced by the emi gration that was going on in that coun try. He referred to statements recently made by the hon. member for Bradford (Mr. Forster), in reference to Ireland, and contended that that country was still grossly misgoverned, political attorneys being sent over to act as pro-consuls, and who were merely diplomatists, and not statesmen. He drew attention to the utter indifference felt popularly in Ireland with regard to the proceedings of Parliament, as far as their country was concerned, which he attributed to the want of knowledge of and disregard for Irish interests displayed in the house. In alluding to an alledged coalition between the Ultramontane Catholic members and the Conservative party, which reduced the majority of Government from 56 to 18, he vindicated the course that was pursued by Irish members in that course, and he especially vindicated the course taken by the Irish members in regard to the Danish question. At the same time he utterly repudiated the calumnies that were circulated with respect to the motives that influenced the votes of Irish members who would not vote against their conviction, notwithstanding that they were constantly run down in the house. He hoped the promises:of good measures would:not be jeopardised by any captious feeling in the opinions he expressed. He hoped they would have the assistance of the Chief Secre tary for Ireland in promoting beneficial measures for Ire- land in the present session. Dr. BRADY pronounced the paragraph in the Queen's Speech on Ireland the most incomprehensible that had ever come under his eye. At the same time, it was satirical enough to be worthy the columns of Punch. The hon. member, at considerable length, enforced the necessity of a tenant right bill for Ireland, and concluded by joining in the hope that the paragraph in the Address with respect to that country would be expunged. Mr. H. SEYMOUR thought that in the Speech from the throne on'the opening of the last session of the present Par liament, some announcements might have been made in re- demption of the pledges given by the Government when they came into office. (Hear, hear.) They all went to the hustings at the last general election pledged to reform ; and very shortly they must meet their constituents again, and say how they had fulfilled those pledges. His belief was that, pledged as both sides of the house were to reform, a great opportunity had been lost for carrying a moderate measure. After the remarkable speech of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer last year, he could not understand his coming be fore the house that year without a Reform Bill being pre- pared. If that eloquent speech had been delivered four years ago the measure of reform then brought forward would have met with a very different fate. If, however, they were to have no Reform Bill, domestic reforms ought to be carried out with vigour; but there were no signs of that in the meagre programme sketched out in tho Royal Speech. For example, he thought the time had arrived when the department of education ought to be separated from the Privy Council, and that the conduct of all the great educational institutions of the country should be placed under the Minister at the head of the new department. Adverting to Ireland, the hon. member said that the present condition of that country was a disgrace to a civilised Government. Ireland had been decreasing in wealth and population, and increasing in discontent. The only remedy of which her Majesty's Government had told them for the past four years that they could suggest was, that the whole of the Catholic population should leave the island. He thought that the time had now arrived for carrying out the policy of Pitt, by abolishing the Lord-Lieutenancy, and completing the union between England and Ireland. Another question to which a para graph had been vouchsafed in the Speech was that of India. They were told that India was in a state of perfect tran quillity. There had lately been appointed to the post of Finance Minister a gentleman (Mr. Massey) who would have to spend two or three years there before he knew his busi ness, and thus spend precious time, which India could ill afford. He heard there was to be a large deficit in the re venues of India this year. If that were so, what would there be when there was a reconciliation between North and South, and this country was flooded with American cotton, and Indian cotton went down one half or one quarter ? The time was coming when the house would see there was a reason for the opposition he had always shown to the Mi nister for India, who had failed to improve the great oppor tunity which the American war had offered with regard to India. Indian cotton had not in the least improved in qua- lity, nor in the way in which it was sent to market, since the American war broke out. The reason of that was the po verty of the ryots. A superior class of agriculturists was wanted before cotton could be improved. There was an abundance' of capital in India, but it was not employed in agriculture, because the right hon. baronet (Sir C. Wood) refused to alter the tenure of the soil. As no agricultural improvements took place, the price of cotton would go down the moment peace in America took place, and if there was a deficit now what would there be then ? If those ills came, he hoped the present Minister would be where he was, so as to suggest a remedy. As a Liberal member, he thought there ought to be a Ministry to carry out important social reforms. As it was, one portion of the Ministry was opposed to all electoral reforms, while the Radicals in the Ministry were content with the honour of being sleeping partners: As a party, the Liberals deserved the name of "the great do-no thing party." He wished that stigma to be removed, so that when they went to the hustings they might bo able to point, as a reason for their election, to the work they had really done, instead of the unmeaning cry of " Palmerston for ever ! No politics and no principles." (Opposition cheers.) Mr. R. LONG heartily joined with the seconder of the Address in hoping that her Majesty might soon bo seen again amongst her subjects on public occasions. He did. not share the surprise of the hon. member who had just sat down that the Government had not completed the pro gramme they put forth in their opening proceedings. The history of the Whig party showed that there was a melan choly consistency in the conduct of that party in making solemn pledges only to be broken. The agricultural mem bers had a right to complain that there was no notice in the Speech of a difficulty against which agriculturists had gallantly struggled, viz., the malt tax—a subject which now specially attracted their notice. Distinct pledges had been given by the late Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham that the malt tax should be repealed, but those pledges had gone with the rest of the Whig promises. The best measure which could be passed for the agricultural interest would be ono which would give to tenant farmers a fair share in regulating the local expenditure of counties. Ho was not surprised that exception was taken to the way in which Ireland was mentioned in the Speech. Ho had read the words with surprise and pain. He had lately been to Ireland to see why she was so painfully in the rear, and he had come away horrified at the state of the people, who were vilified and disgraced —so far as it was due to Eng lish legislation—by hon. gentlemen opposite. Any measure for the relief of Ireland, come from where it might, should have his hearty support. Mr. SCOURFIELD expressed a hope that the efficiency of the public service was not going to be imperilled by a false notion of economy, because he came from a part of the country (Milford) in w hi c h cons id era bl e uneasiness had been felt by the sudden withdrawal of the military force. Mr. MAGUIRE did not agree with the statement in the Speech which included Irpland in the general state of prosperity of England and Scotland. He wished he could represent that trade and manufactures had pro gressed and was progressing in the southern provinces of Ireland. He was one of those who took every possible op portunity of inspiring his countrymen with self-reliance. (Hear.) He was aware that nothing that the most generous Government could do would be of any avail for the salva tion of the country, unless Irishmen would also depend upon themselves. But there was a certain share of responsibility attaching also to the Government, from which, if they had an honest desire to benefit the country, they could not shrink. Her Majesty's Government was too much inclined to go into partnership with Providence, taking credit for a fortunate harvest. But if great misery occurred, he . Nand that the Cieveuxuent were rather inclined $9 ignore its existence. The cause of the misery of Ireland was not traced to the Emblem Act—it was not traced to religious differences—it was not traced to the non-residence of the Royal family—but to the want of large and liberal laws, which would stimulate the energy of the people, and would give them such hope in the future prosperity of their coun try, that the attractions of America, would gradually fade in the national estimation. (Hear.) There was something wrong, which the Government ought to endeavour to re move ; and if the present Government did not take up the question, then the new Parliament would have it within its power to stop the tide of emigration which was now not merely taking away the strength of Ireland, but the bone and sinew of the empire. He agreed with the hon. member for Cork (Mr. Scully) that the people of Ireland were not only deeply discontented, but were deeply disaffected; and if that were the last night he was to be on the floor of the House of Commons, he would raise his voice, not in brag gadocio, but in sincerity, and say that to appease this dis content and this dissatisfaction nothing but just consi deration and just laws could be effectual. The Lord- Lieutenant was right in saying that the feeling which the Irish people carried over to America would influence the policy of American statesmen. There was a larger popu lation of Irish and Irish-born in the States of America than there was in Ireland. (Hear.) They were active and intelligent ; they had command of tho press and platform, and who could saw how far a people so energetic might not be affected against this country ?.(Hear.) He would to God that statesmen, instead of troubling themselves with what was doing in distant lands, would address themselves to the sore that was eating into the heart and core of their own empire. It had been said that a visit by her Majesty to Ireland would have the effect of settling the country ; but that would only be a patch of court-plaster over a deep ulcer ; and although they would be glad to see her Majesty, yet a suffering people could not hope for relief from the sunshine of royalty, the mere glimmer of costly pageantry. He spoke in no spirit of hostility, but to draw attention to the state of things really existing; and it was not by ignor ing them in the Queen's Speech, or glossing them over with smooth phrases, that the desired improvement would be effected. Mr. LONG explained that he had suggested that the best remedy for absenteeism would be that a member of the Royal family should be Lord Lieutenant. Sir R. PEEL said that the hon. member for Poole (Mr. D. Seymour), by proclaiming the Government of Ireland to be the worst of any nation on the earth, had merely indi cated that he had not had the opportunity of knowing what the Government of that people really was. The picture drawn by the member for Chippenham (Mr. Lough), who had been in Wicklow and some other parts of Ireland, was a gross exaggeration. He had represented the sufferings of the Irish to be of such an appalling nature, that the hon. member for Dungarvan (Mr. Maguire), had refused to give his adhesion to those sentiments. Mr. MAGUIRE—I simply said, if an Irish member in dulged in language of the same description, he would be accused of exaggeration. Sir R. PEEL would put it to the house in the language of the hon. member for Chippenham, as to whether the Irish were " a debased and mutilated people ?" (Laughter.) It was said that for 30 years the Liberal party had had the management of Ireland; but he wouldremind the house that hon. members on the other side had had opportunities for suggesting remedies, and yet all that was said was that the best thing to do was to pass a penal law against absenteeism. Then it was said that the presence of his Royal High ness the Prince of Wales would be of service; but if the state of the country was what had been represented, would not the position of his Royal Highness be likened to that of transportation or penal servitude ? He should be proud, when a debate took place, to vindicate the course taken by the Government, and should be happy to point to the im proved condition of the country. The hon. member for Cork (Mr. Scully) called it provocation that the Govern ment should thank God in allusion to the sunshine of hope which was now visible in that country. The hon. gentle man said it would be better to omit all allusion to Ireland or its impro . 6d prosperity. But what a difficult position the Government was placed in. He recollected that when, in 1860, no allusion was made to Ireland in the Queen' s Speech, several gentlemen got up and said that Ireland ought to be mentioned ; and now, when they had alluded to the improved condition of that country, they were told it was provocation, and was a reference that ought not to be made. He was bound to say, however, that with the :good harvest and the improvement in trade and manufactures, they were justified in making that reference to the condi tion of the country, and he maintained that the observation was perfectly correct. The statement made by the hon. gen tleman the member for Dungarvan, as to the numbers of people who had left Ireland during the past year, would be found not exactly to be the case. No doubt emigration con tinued in large proportion. The hon. gentleman said 120,000 had left the Irish shores, expressing their intention not to return, in the course of last year. Now, the statistics showed there had been some diminution of emigration in 1864 compared with 1863. The numbers, as near as he could recollect in 1862, were about 70,000 persons who left the country; in 1863 there were 117,000 persons; and in the course of last year about 114,000 persons had left the country. Therefore there was a diminution in the number of persons emigrating from Ireland. And it would be very wrong if the honourable member were to suppose that the population of Ireland was diminishing to ex actly the same extent as the numbers leaving the coun try would indicate. Since the census of 1861 up to the present date more than 350,000 persons had undoubtedly left the soil of Ireland, announcing their intention not to return ; but the population of that country, according, to the latest statistical returns, had diminished only about 128,000, owing to the increase of births over deaths. He would remark also that the infor mation the Government received did not bear out the state ments of the hon. member for Dungarvan as to the extent of the distress. The only place in Ireland where distress had existed during the last few months was admitted to be in the county of Galway, where there had been much pres sure and suffering. The inhabitants of that district had contributed funds, and between three and four hundred per sons were now employed on works of public improvement, and although the union there would contain 1,000 persons, there were only 500 in it, and in one week recently there were only five instances of outdoor relief. Therefore the distress was not such as had been represented, and he hoped that in a short time it would be relieved. The returns of last year showed great improvement in agricultural pro duce. The Government had urged occupiers to sow their land with flax, and the result had been that, during the past year nearly 100,000 more acres had been in cultivation than at any previous period, and there were now nearly 300,000 acres of land under cultivation for the flax crop in Ireland. The flax was worth about 7s. 6d. per stone, and if they took the returns of their crops from the best autho rity they would find that the intrinsic value of the flax was over £4,000,000. This, therefore, must have formed a con siderable addition to the industry of the country ; and, with the exception of the suffering in Galway, he was justified in saying that the condition of Ireland was one of great promise. He was now convinced there was a spirit of enterprise there now. He was convinced there was an improved feeling on the part of the people of Ireland that would justify the best hopes for the future, and he trusted that in the course of the i year he should be able to state that the country might, after three years of suffering, re cover in one year the position that had been damaged in the three preceding. Lord FERMOY dissented from some of the propositions which had been laid down by his hon. friend the member for Poole ,(Mr. H. Seymour). Sincere reformer as he was, he could not concur in the opinion that the commence ment of the last session of the Parliament was the fitting moment for announcing a measure of reform. In common with others, he deplored the circumstance that they had allowed the early life of the Parliament to pass away with out their attempting to grapple with the question of reform; but at the same time, if it were never introduced the House of Commons would be accused of insincerity, and of moot ing the question simply for hustings purposes. The noble lord then proceeded to criticise the paragraph in the Speech which referred to Ireland, and said that the statement it embodied went too far. It was true the last harvest in Ire land was an improvement on the three preceding ones, but then they were the worst that probably any country in the world had ever been visited with. In point of fact, the last harvest was not an average one. He did not believe that the paragraph regarding Ireland had been supplied by the able and intelligent nobleman who was now at the head of the administration of that country. The noble lord then referred to the great distress which existed in the town of Galway, and said the Government ought to undertake some public works for its relief. Sir F. CROSSLEY said that the gentleman who had spoken complained that the manufactures of Ireland were confined to the north, and that the country would never be prosperous until manufactures were disseminated. That was impossible. Manufactures succeeded betterin one focus. That was the case in England. An hon. member complained that manufactures were of slow growth. That was true ; but ho was glad to find that Ireland had taken a good posi tion in the manufaqture of linen. If they were to wait for the prosperity of Ireland until manufactures were dissemi nated, prosperity would never be seen at all. He had listened to the speech of the hon. member for Dungarvan, who had asked for justice being done to Ireland, but he had not shown in what way injustice was done to Ireland. If that was stated, then there could be an attempt made to remedy it. He dis sented from the views of the noble lord member for Maryle bone, who said that as this was the last session of Parliament, it would be better to wait for a general election before dealing with the subject of reform. When the question of reform came on last, immediately after a general election, they knew how backward hon. members were to vote for a reform bill which would send them back to their con stituents. As there was no absorbing question of foreign policy to consider, he thought it would be better to take up the question of reform calmly and coolly, and decide it in a proper spirit. Working men, who are now entirely ex cluded, wanted a fair share in the representation of the country. Until they were admitted they would not, nor ought they to, be satisfied. Mr. KINGLAKE called attention to the fact that during the recess her Majesty's Government had recognised the Archduke Maximilian as Emperor of Mexico, although in June last the noble lord (Palmerston) said that while war was going on a state of things existed which would not Awtify lack Idajegtffi VQT9=9I4 iu rucopi§iDg thy Arch duke as Emperor of Mexico. He of course was entitled to suppose that her Majesty's Government had information which justified their taking such a step, thoug h recent se: counts showed that war was going on, and that the 3 1 ° 1 1 cans had lately met with considerable success . Undertberd circumstances ho hoped her Majesty's Gover nment e° able be prepared, at an early date, to lay the paper s on the ta showing the ground on which, after so decided a n assurlal" by the noble lord, they had felt themselves justified i ll re cognising the Archduke as Emperor of Mexico. Colonel sYx.gs dissented from the statement in the Speech that there was general tranquillity in our Dl clian to dominions on account of the expedition Bh°°t3ll,l. Bhootan was one of the wildest regions on the earth, ' the outrages complained of consisted in an insult matte ullr. invited deputation, sent there to endeavour to e nv rangements with the Government. It was universa believed that we kept 70,000 Europeans in India to lool• after our native army. These Europeans ought, thereforeoft to be available for every service. But they could n ot send Europeans to Bhootan. Four brigades hsar.o,, without a European among them except in the art i'%l Referring to the loss of 60,000 people by th e eYeic'netho October, and to the magnificent subscriptions Y, native gentry to assist the surviving sufferers, the .° 0 member adduced the fact as a proof that the natives cell be trusted. Not a word had been said in the A cleires il about unhappy China, where universal anarchy, 111 and suffering had been brought about by our POI,' for Japan, too, we had thought proper to insist on redre''' o ut the breaches of a treaty which had been made Nirith one ° ti of 700 nobles of that empire. We had never had a - $ with the Emperor of Japan. It was absurd to o treaty with the Tycoon, and make the wh ole of Japa n responsible. What did the Government propose to do s ; reference to the recent murders in Japan ? We slo u t t r ye to resent those murders, and, if resistance was rl3 % - ' should be obliged to send an expedition ? So I°ll '' OP/ Mikado refused to sign a treaty made only wit h one et ug nobles, and encouraged the rest of the nobles to reeis to we must not blink the fact that we should h ave tog e the same extremities that had characterised our P°lil China. Sir C. WOOD, who was almost inaudible in the ga l l' wasunderstoodto explain that the disturbances ill I ,,, s °° t 2 0 had arisen from continual raids being made f or tbe ered• years on to our territory, and our subjects being 11:111 % - n oh' To remedy that we had sent a mission to endeavour y tain an engagement to cease such hostilities. Our °i' the had been treated with the grossest possible insult, o — had Bhootanese refused either to restore the captives t ile !, 0. 4 made, or to cease their raids. That being the cas e ? ';, e ct s imperatively necessary for the protection of our seisiiti• that an expedition should be unpertaken. He di d 'ill of cipate doing anything more than establishing .- posts to check the raiding which had hitherto gone on The Address was then agreed to, and the hollSe journed at twenty minutes before nine o'clock. LAW COURTS. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL gave notice that on Friday next he would move for leave to bring in a bill law expenses, and also tore 1 a a l t t i e v r e t t h o t c h o e n m s t t a n n t s i n o n f a d n e d f r a y i n g proceedings of the . High Court of Chancery in Ireland. Mr. COWPER gave notice that he would ask for leave to bring inn bill for the purchase and for the erection of the law courts. THE 'COUNCIL OF EDUCATION. Sir J. PAKINGT ON gave notice that on the 28th inst., ho would move for the appointment of a committee to con sider the constitution of the Council of Education. THE MALT TAX. Sir F. KELLY gave notice that, on the 28th, he would move, in dealing with indirect taxation, the subject of the reduction and ultimate abolition of the malt tax should be considered. THE UTILIZATION OF SEWAGE. Lord R. MONTAGU gave notice of a motion on this subject, and an inquiry into the proceedings of the Metro politan Board of Works and other similar institutions. RAILWAYS. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that he would ask a ques tion of Government as to whether it was their intention to introduce any measure for more efficient legislation in reference to railways. THE ROYAL SPEECH. The SPEAKER having read the Royal Speech, Sir H. WILLIAMSON, who wore the uniform of an officer of the Volunteer Horse Artillery, rose to move that an humble address be adopted in reply to her Majesty's most gracious Speech. The unfortunate difference between Denmark and the German Powers had been a sub ject of deep regret in this country, and had been so fully discussed during last session, that it would be unnecessary to advert to it at any length. All must rejoice at the termination of hostilities, and he re ferred with gratification to the reception given to the Prince of Wales in Germany, as a proof of the friendly feelings that existed on the part of the German powers towards this country. (Hear, hear.) Ho regretted the disturbances that had taken place in Japan as well as New Zealand. With reference to the latter, ho hoped that tranquillity would be restored, and eulogised the character of the natives, who surpassed aborigines generally in the adoption of the improvements and the • avoidance of the vices of their other colonies. In speaking of America, he said that her Majesty had given utterance to the feelings of the country as to the continuance of a spirit of neutrality, which, he believed, notwithstanding the tone adopted by a portion of the American press, would yet bo fully appreciated on the other side of the Atlantic. (Hear, hear.) As regarded the North American colonies, it was gratifying to perceive that a new spirit of nationality was springing up there which might be looked forward to with great confidence for the future. (Hear, hear.) He expressed his full concurrence in that portion of the Royal address which referred to India. There was no doubt that just reparation would be obtained for any injuries that had been inflicted in that country, and he drew a flattering pic ture of tho commercial prosperity that it was in future likely to enjoy. (Hear, hear.) He was happy to hear the announcement from the Crown as to domestic prosperity, and to know that Ireland was participating in it. (Hear, hear.) He thought, however, it was unnecessary for him to say anything With roloronco to tho latter coiwtry in the pro- COUNTRY MARKETS BRISTOL—TUESDAY. A not We had rather a small attendance to-day, unc-- t business passing. Wheat was is lower to elle° viet• Barley mere inquired after. .Oats, beans, and p eo Flour a dragging sale. LEEDS—TUESDAY. w 0 oA s 11, We have good arrivals this week by water a s !il. rails. The demand for wheat to-day is small, an ad to,er thing but first rate samples rather less moneY 01 ' taken. Barley, unless fine, almost unsaleable . articles no alteraton. 6 ife re The average pr i ces for the week ending Feb. (I Ali Wheat, 38s 11d per qr. ; barley, 30s ad ; 61/ 21s 7id. t r , " LIVERPOOL—TVESDAY. of At this day's market there was a small attend a lerej town and country trade, and few transaction° gitiote'gj, ported. Wheat, with a slow retail sale, ma) , P e Z i oes t / - 10 to 2d per 1001 b. lower. Flour was in limiteu A r ' g - ;& though offered at a decline of 6d per barrel an' - iog , in oats and oatmeal there was scarcely anything cl° lo 4 no change to note. Barley, beans, and peas O ld s cted , retail, at about late rates. Indian corn was neg, le r 4619 though fine Danube was offered at 26s to 36s b" SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. ;e 1) : 11 o oe f • There was a large show of wheat, much of W; th a iitle s A t ever, was in indifferent condition. The bes t ~LlOl ll.O l wheat made late rates, but inferior qualities soi"L c iell f , reduced rates. Barley and oats were in mode a : f if° at late prices. There was no change in the P e ' ° ,60 01 ,1 Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels... l5O od W I so 0 White do do llO Chl 1 6° ea New red do do l5O °d j 76 eil New white do do ...JO° I J 6 5 01 Beans do do ls° t ' o d OJ 400 3: 0 0,1 Peas, per qr. 3oo Od 35 0 03 Grinding barley, per qr 320 Od 00 Maltinebarley, do Oats, do 2lB Od e r 141 b. F10ur....1s 5d to is 9d p MONMOUT HS lIIRE--MoNDAY. A 1.1 1: 0 For the last six or seven days an average been transacted at the markets of the county, an(l4eat no material change in either demand or price. , fe„ barley of first rate qualities find the readies t 551 e, descriptions descriptions being dull, and prices With diifieg" ; rained. Oats in fair request. ,1 I The following are the average quotations 26 ° 3s to 5s 9d per bushel ; barley, 3s 3d to 3s 8d ; to 2s 7d. Foreign Mail Packet List• ,s, --- . F eb. le' Australia and New Zealand, via Southampto n ... J O+ ~ Ditto, via Marseilles ......................... ob. %/, Brazil and Cape Verds, by British paaet ......... Feb. 19 . Ditto, by British packet .. ........... . feD , 0. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helei ls .: ' ..re l2 IZ. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southanir" ~Fe w ' Ditto, via Marseilles .................... • ' ..... ii, .. Faikland,lslands ..... yON ....... JO , Gibraltar, via Southampton ...... • ..; ,Fe 1:: il. India (B3mba, via Southampton.. ................Fe b. 0 , India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southanilo' ... . Fe' 11. Ditto, via Marseilles ........ ... • - .... Fe t '' 6. . Ditto, via Marseilles .. ..................... ''' o yel). 6, Y) Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseil'e 3. ...................... •' . . rep' 9, Newfoundland .................................... .Feb. Portugal . ...... • ••• Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon .• ......... 13 . • 1.1 . - u . g ' United States and British North America , a .re, tish packet . ....... _,.. Ditto, by United States p a ck e t, via Southalxil' ton . ....... •• 10, Ditto, via Cork ................ .. .• ...... ...: •. .f ell I t 4 Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londondertr • o feD• West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and T e neriffe ... '4 4 iS• West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas , CU' e .. f and Mexico .................. .. .............. ••• ..gelt , 4 Bahamas, via New York. ........................... .; e l3, r , Bermuda, ditto .................... . .............. ;,e1). . Cuba and Mexico .... g ifj P ) GOLD AND CONFEDERA TE NOTES.—The J.• - 0 ,0 At , is from a Mobile newspaper :—" How are depre c d e mand to be reconciled ? Gold, they tell, 'erelaijott forty for one, and that is the measure of its valu e ' 3 iti be it if it says so ; but it is not gold that says s° ,:b l io, i b r eif c owards who will neither tru s t G o d no r have f 3.- b9 cj country's just cause. The Yankees shame its faith in their cause and governmen t. With c re: e pV and debt treble ou r own ' , and with resour ces ~- °. eVo t eo them not a tithe o ur own , th e y ra te their % fa otl' f d paper at 225 ; and our patriotic moneY 1 ,0 c ° ,. put ours at fo r ty h un d re d. Th ese a re follie s e a to tc. , 0 ,4 be reasoned with, and we hav e long since 0 °, 13 0 0 '` l , ll :`° Men who would take a gambling risk of 10 to 60 til' o itli any named betting proposition, on the trite 01 i o De t is a good bet if I lose it,' absolutely decline use gt100P: the odds of 40 to 1 on th e succe ss of our c` o retwopP honesty of our Government and people. Can se-t,_,'l,oo"' beyond this ? But we r e p ea t, there is 11° V :ottir and time must be left t o t eac h a nd punish t tor° folly." toe, R d ? L.A.DvErrisEmErr.]—Holloway's Pills. is ten , s r t ll Health.—ln the hand to hand struggle for it wa irA tti e present day, good health is everything. e fr o o fying, digestive, and gently laxative Pills adapted for.restoring soundness to invalids:, ' o eeD d eo, tions are so feebly performed that life itseP . , reltiyoef o . precarious. The stomach has its manyinee l , el I . o l ° oe r fi te,, a judicious use of these Pills ; the torpid ' t them to active secretion, and every other erg ,/ D ott e r e llp digestion is placed at its natural sMndard 8 11 ,. f1 t oi o t for its duties. It is impossible to have a dott, ° " - s llll l ',ilo` at all seasons and places, but these Pills Nid l ' ef ery loss, for they universally act beneficially in ItEMEATBER hot! FO R YOU, of RIXARAIST'S Thts celebrated 01 cnlizcen BRAND) Pure, Ntild, 11( t he i n Bottles, 3s. tt '" A gents in the pri Ob RS 8, GREAT W „. 4-ittahas erreu t he Red 's LL }}-hi tthe kitontooonii,trceLgaorrrdt ooda at ssoohd-elas hi:bite/1 and Gent L.,.01. displayed in Sh —LerY article vvar N at vL N 1 atflitGridß/strannt a? a re resrtful N4llleed ' E n t3 4 e 4kl,,ustea3B 'able enzravino-s 'th posi-tree pli ? c r e°'4l)lsts 4tinupttes AAroomeo 1; gh t-r c a A. Ten-rooms, ZGZA. Twelve-roo evaitubletri , e il i t 1 1 1 1 .0 ? . NrDehi, or bedding. thiffn:n and R•entletnell it cheater, Bury. EIY n r ellm p er, Bright t4tl"ter, Vrellington. Nt. A:bates woroeste Wt. stain'and above 1, COI:111E1'T and Co. ....................._-11,14e, London. S.E. rna ri ti( tx, 19000 13E .7,9N0A1r, the Gth p, "Ul:11.1. BALKER, City , A LARGir, QuANTI! ~The abo're reward "'NZ Ruch informati Drp'll 1 th e of fh e e rty, t r in ;,rop London, or, Netor n ati on l4 to b e folic Pebrua 1)110 1)EN •T r Assin Established TRolu s 1.330M50N WM. 01l BA O N Annual 'neon have ted Fun, Annual paid in /3onuses added llalance-ehe•A 44 on applicatinn p nornary, 1E65. ABRII rb~er~llptntent among f• ..Viand Mobil zi CREDIT OF I .14t4 G are pr epared t o R e Rea ERAL IRI I C oMPA.NI A noor p o rated under p ~Oneession, dated lq' -Ntaperor of the F 1,,1'99 years of the SuP (Provence) with 1-4408 (.£160,, 00). Capital VOO 00 Preset 11 Deposit on AI '/°11(1 41 Which it 18 Per Share, viz. :- 421°8 shar e i • per £2 10 er ov . . • of hit N on has been! 11, Gt r toiel'est on the paid thrtt 13'410+ Payable on tevNYears of construe ent 4,,,,,,,1331 erect edit In g" OfliteBl,,,Of Enzland 1 " 11 b' I RIM 18, Corr Nadi Ist July, 3 S t 4 Pownall t ane u art Lane E ' bon, Es, k'Y '" t 1.14. ',wards 'Esqq:l It •I,r.iai "40/14, IVetnache Sincla Ittobe 4.4 am, late Co Mrs 0,, Inferieure, e"ler, Directoi one 41'.,Parls. • Marshall, Pari _ Toe Agra and amore' ilesvbon, Ev % o.ttr erence, Sot ittee4l4. ,eer pc . et, ke.nebins, Bari ,708. all I\ ' o ' 76 , 17 RU ' rlil a ,gatryi stripany is fern qos y'i,lk silt the valual a 5,,..,,„ ater ,sup Day, as P4itilattions are in nro€ 1,',..4 Cothession has IN's'', and h at ' for its '11:t Vgrdon to Aix 1 spq4lter Will be used stalet,,fitivi'°,l°l' aPPi lin ,i t wat,,, v eed e ups- r Parriesoul, the 14 t,,,,,1tt very 1 irge pren is g, besides paYing othtg Concession has be al, ill' briv leges it m a y gifil;Pg of frinCs (xtfrfy, r'itil7, Ltt/tlarle by the P 41.)1- .otiebes_cht,,Rhor , l'ileCLl3llgession. :4441at Is, vgaellelal results 1 kliovru. In 1 40,141, Dossible wit( ,g,114t "anal value, is k! the ih','l, four success-1 `' , tis 8 : ' Mlle of sulh lan( totii ti'cylighaz lay rev' fly orti'll'exlvard with ay 41141114 rev.zal.ter. .11 be i 444,11,,°,Y1 stlZ w an i ator Y The",-,"' PoWer, for wh 811 Co b .inrr tht practical DipTo"( tqpt,7l,l)lY; th e valuesof ‘' Shareholder 9 11at,sh' W hol e of r 8 f o , „ t he work sXLerelllinla4::a,l,VllZ' 11,,,;?, less than thre( )(T'I.m.ESTIIIATFIS 'the " '1111.?, brrAT t.h.sinteest Nrarranl ills V." hanun, under thrtt, Nit Foneler and ~'killb,,Ye4l's durinZ C°TlB 1 11 ea 411 t out onlst J' ttiptil(DaYfibl a their li,. IltWlll t k ' Place 1') 11114'1 a L meet ~bay 41) ew to zli aitkaii th at \mob' the .:, '11141„,' of ; e intern kllilj,li Paid eu1i.",,„1 der 41.Apti,°Tbi,lier f"—n-zi an( ~111''' ' l it . ck lett is en elos mgil„,..t lhoußand sharE )471Ntlerri t e (1 t% 1 k.elt!,kliottl ieti°rtk Paid tatihe 1 '4 i'''glY arnong.st thi A 0 , ht ler qt Pug' an' In(it!i'lgants for 4Shares tiLiqtC' not d•uo. ( 4141 thg total"e 1 1 3 . 3. 411a1.44 (4 thelrarees v int4,,\vi!h £5 p id P, l'''s,c4,-- 0+ such shares kliffinehi,Dti'lled for Will th c . 1 Itt'l4.lgatl t ilthi h itlet "m rn" ,-, ‘:', tat ~ for Lea,. 111 ^ / 'at Two o'loc :: tt, I' l l . , ci ig ki s e t a ir '4 : i i 11 e9[l:e Pe at e e° to ,„'ltions for than Bitekeii -.4q lErt with the c 4 I tile de 't t A tl,,,ea t,i Wl's' ° 'posit ,i-oted be le9 .4 Dh,D41,1 Will BO far oW,Plent due' on al ( ,•.,.s o "getties a d Forr F,,lttlic,,ti or thne (r, di `oleitZ, 17 and 18, COI t 4 p..tl,rstitlall of the i3e Y, 65. 414„1, ° Y' 8 °l4t IA the Cre, l l ii i) Itkl'A ALLory ,i 311,, 11P.4 ov si l 't ()P APPLIC. l'o t No, 4 bireetora of t 1 qetiti SuPplY co' ~1k ~h ernell ~.,kiit',',-Z, to to your i pe ..loatt s t gehitt ecl), the sur eligtit 71;311 sha ~.eept ~gat shareswil a )11 th ~°lleh or t ot i' ,ernis of the' Pro! ;kgseti,,D,.e,g shar all tiglitn‘i"°ll of then '114113-;11!7k1 rny name '" ~ shares allot • El4lfined in )::41 :12:1 ttcl : : : : : : :t h ehr e el 341 e( Flo re 15ftici.uP 84 likTk ALLOTAT A °rQ Pan' ' (Ll' Pa id to your h e ,er t!'altect th e „, 'tr;;:bY g4l '' °ll kli o p to :11,ht that yc Ilk y ‘ to leeeceDt such S Atlithe on the tern tOtlntrn,,of 49 per 10,1-- 48Pociatio 1.4 for t'l,Q Y ° l l to of balthber T o ttmiled b 7 the BECR Al: .......___________ 14 1° Births. f P ° ..rifo 0 ~;11, AuxonT.—Onthe 4th inst., at Brixton, the " br ow r Allport, jun., Esq., of a son. , gycle li l e BARRY.—On the 6th inst., at Lapesw e u l - I.'t r al' f the wife of Charles Barry, Esq., of :dau""eiolle'- TOLLEIKACIIE.—On the sth inst., Lady 111111. of 15, Warwick-square, of a son. C i ll' li oi l Marriages. ( 101 .'4,, t t . ALLEN—BUTTERFIELD.—On the 4th 111SLI 3 ' ..- - 9 33 4 1 0 ° • Forest-hill, Charles W. Allen, to Bel rf i e Tilo L ' Y r ift daughter of G. T. Butterfield, Esq, °' - Th© "It"' ..t tIP Forest-hill. li e; Deo') STRONG—MEHEUX.—On the 6th inst, 5t T l i e or' i „ t f e l -icil Devon, William Oswald Strong, Esti., dog " Surrey, to Evelina Eliza, eldest ( b tu° Williams Meheux, Major Royal Marlllo* . to 1 0 Deaths. 0e0 ) , ,6 A DAM S. Adams, O . . ....n . the _ 6th inst., at Nottin, gi b o i lia.' rio , A lfr I XL D., formerly of Geelong, 0-11 Afr• ' S Jai ALLAN.—On the 6th inst.,at "r" burgbt '---. 9 1 S.S.C., aged 64. cl JO BARTLETT 4th ' ,qt l n e .31313g:rtiettt fl' Northamptonshire, the ID l S tev .. . B . ()bort J°lll2 - c' 63. Cyr CHRISTIAN. 01, i Bark —On the 6th inst., Mr. W l3l ' Cil 0 , Bayswater, aged 77. T o i ti r off FRANKHAM.—On the 6th inst., at 8P,t1 1 7 -- 1 0 il e " Esq., aged 94. 0 ,,,,,, a , PEAKE.—On the 4th inst., at altg° l3, C° of °1 _ Peake, Esq., aged 30. I VA' BWALE.—On the sth inst.,liV• 81911--e ' John g io,' ney House, Highgate-road, aged 71. Iv l io t o Al 4O /0 1 01 London : Prilted and Published by of Oiliptcol of No. 112, Strand, Painter, at TS s V- t o n -- Strand, In the Precinct of the savoy , 11 ' 4114clicov2G—Wedaenday, rckrustrlefiS°6'