The Sun. — London, England, 1866-06-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANcELLoit took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal consent was given by commission to the fol lowing bills :-Divorce and Matrimonial Causes, Land Drainage, Supplemental Cattle Assurance, Contagious Dis eases, Poor Persons' Burial (Ireland), Hop Trade, Customs and Inland Revenue, and 43 private bills. The Royal Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Argyll, and the Earl of Bessborough. PRIVATE BUSINESS, The following bills were read a second time :—Maryport Improvement and Harbour, Severn Junction Railway Greenock Harbour, Glasgow and South-Western Railway (Ayrshire lines), London and North-Western, and Cocker mouth and Wokington Railway Companies, London and North-Western and Whitehaven Junction Railway. Companies, Bristol and• North Somerset Railway (addi tional capital), North Walsham and Dilliam Canal, South Devon Railway, London and South-Western Railway (ad ditional powers), Edgeware , Highgate, and London Railway, Bannock-Chase and Wolverhampton Railway, Bodmin Roads, and Greenwich and Woolwich Lower Road. The following bills were read a third time and passed: —Canterbury Gas and Water, Huntley Mitcheldean, and Elton Roads, Cefu, Acrefair, and Khosynadre Water (with amendments), and Walker and Wallsend Union Gas (with amendments.) THE EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN. In reply to the Earl of SHAFTE63ITRY, Earl RUSSELL said it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce a bill for the purpose of bring ing within the protection of the Factory Act children employed in various trades who were not now protected by law. THE LECTIONARY OF THE CHURCH. Lord EBURY moved that an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty for the appointment of a commission to revise the lectionary of the Established Church, and also to consider what steps should be taken to obviate the evils complained of arising from the compulsory and almost Indiscriminate use of the burial service. The Archbishop of CANTERBURYresisted the motion' not because he was opposed to reform in the Church, for he had supported many reforms, but because he doubted whether any real good would follow the appointment of a Commission. With respect to Liturgical revision there was much diversity of opinion, but the balance of petitions to Parliament had been greatly against such a course. The language of the Burial Service did in some cases occasion difficulty, but he thought that by the exercise of charity and discretion clergymen could conscientiously obey the present law. _ _ _ Lord COLCHESTER supported the motion, chiefly upon the ground that any inquiry must take a wider range than the two questions now specified, and that such changes might be made as would conciliate and bring within the Church many who felt that at present they could not adopt her formularies. The Bishop of LONDON could not support the motion, as, even admitting the grievances complained of, thepre: sent was not the proper time to remedy them. He vindi cated the Church of England from servile adherence to old forms. Lord RUSSELL did not think it advisable at the Crown should interfere in the manner proposed, as th in the divided state of opinions the result of a Commission would certainly be to provoke angry controversies, and was not certain to effect much good. After a few words from Lord REDESDALE, and from Lord FasTIRY in reply, The House divided, and rejected the motion by 66 to 40. The Charitable Trusts and Deeds Enrolment Bill was read a second time. Other bills were advanced a stage 4 and their lordships adjourned at 20 minutes past seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Mr. ES3fONDE took the oaths and his seat for Water ford. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Glasgow Bridges ; Glasgow Corporation Water ; Middles brough Extension and Improvement ; Montrose Harbour; and Perran Railway, Pier, and Harbour. EXTRADITION OP CRIMINALS. Mr. HUNT moved for a return of list of crimes forming the subject of extradition enumerated in treaties between Great Britain and foreign countries which are in opera tion, showing the date of treaty.—Agreed to. ECCLESIASTICAL ESTABLISHMENTS (WEST INDIES). Mr. MILLS moved for a return of the names, officers, and salaries, respectively, of the persons who participate in the payments out of the Consolidated Fund in respect of the ecclesiastical establishment in the West Indies,with any additional sum paid to any of them out of the Colo nial revenue, and for what service.—Agreed to. EAST INDIA TELEGRAPH. Mr. CHEETHAM moved for a copy of a letter from Capt. IL. Sprye to the Secretary of State for India, dated Jan. 15, 1866, and of the maps attached thereto, referring to commerce with the Shan States and west of China from Rangoon, and extension of the Indo-European Telegraph by land from Pegu to Hong Kong and the Chinese open ports. --Ordere d. NEW WRIT. Col. TAYLOR moved that a new writ be issued for the election of a member for Nottinghamshire, in the room of Lord Stanhope, called to the House of Peers. The writ was ordered. STRAND-UNION. Mr. J. SIMEON, asked the. President of the Poor Law Board whether the inquiry into the treatment of the sick poor in the Strand Union Workhouse was completed ; and whether he would lay a copy of the evidence and the re port founded thereupon upon the table of the house ? Viscount ENFIELD said the inquiry had taken place, and he hoped to be able to lay the report on the table with the least possible delay r AUSTRIA, .PRUSSIA, AND ITALY. Mr. kINdLA.KiI mid he was anxious to ask a question of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and it was, if possible, to elicit the advice which her Majesty:s Government had given to some of the disputing States. He had reason to fear that the peace of Europe had been broken at that moment, especially as the Austrian commander had deter mined to convoke the estates of Holstein, and the Prussian commander had determined to prevent it, and under these circumstances ho thought the house of Commons should have an opportunity of expressing its opinion. The great difficulty appeared to him to be, Venetia, and Italy was placed in a peculiar position, because in consequence of her relations with France she was enabled to threaten a greater power than herself, and therefore Italy was acting as a dis turbing State with impunity. Italy had had no quarrel with Austria; but her objectappeared to be to wait until Austria was involved with another power before she made her move. That moment had now arrived, and it was said that Italy, to enable her to gain her ends, had entered into a treaty offensive and defensive with Prussia, and she was thus enabled - to take her part in the dispute. He could not believe that her Majesty's Government had given any direct advice to either of the parties which might lead to a disturbance of the peace, yet rumour, with her busy tongue, had asserted that her Ma jesty's Government had advised Austria to give up Venetia, and, if such advice had been given, nothing, in his opinion, was more calculated to bring about a terrible war. True it was that the advice of the English Government had not been taken, and he, for one, thought it most unlikely that it ever would be taken, but he contended that if they had given it, it was a matter which tended to involve matters in greater difficulty than any other matter that could arise. If the proposal to Austria had been made to give up such a vast province, then he thought it extravagant. It was extravagant in principle, because she had been asked to give it up on a pr inciple, which for the want of a better word, ho must call a Fenian—(hear, hear) —principle, because she was advised to give it up on the ground of nationality. With respect to the Co nference, Austria said before she could consent to go into con ference she must know there was no attempt on the lAA of any of the Powers to aggrandise their estat es, and the Proposal therefore at once collapsed. The Government of France was first of the opinion that a Conference on such terms would be useless, and the English Governm ent agreed with them. lie was certain that the maintenance of peace was inconsistent with a change of territory, and therefore he concluded by asking whether the Govern ment were in a position to communicate any further infor mation with respect to the failure of the Conference at Paris. The CHANCELLOR of theho EXCHEQUER said he did not contemplate that the so gentleman itt asking his question would travel over field, because plan w a i t d io e n a n at the present he could not enter into a full ex not that any conjuncture of affairs, and because ho could the subject taking good purpose could arise by a debate on th place. The hon. gentleman said the German quarrel would have been arranged had it not been for t but that was not so, at least as far as the Y in the possessio n of the Government allowed thera to form an opinion. The question of the Duchies, just as much as Venetia, formed the ground for quarrel, and the c would of the States of Holstein was the subject which would lead to war, and not Venetia. There were, how eirer, other questions involved. The honourable gentle man said that Italy was a disturbing Power, and that that was brought about by the protection she received from France. It was not his duty to defend the Government of France ; that was beyond his province, but not stopping there the hon. gentleman had said that it was rumoured that her Majesty's Government had given encouragement to Italy, and advice to Aus tria. He had, however, acquitted them of giving advice ; he might have done more and acquitted them of giving encouragement to Italy. The hon. gentleman had said the Government had expressed its opinion that Austria ought to give up Venetia. He did not know where the honourable gentleman had obtained his information, but he might say that that being the opinion of her Majesty's Government it Was no secret to kuitria, as she was well aware that that opinion prevailed seven years ago. it was the opinion of Lord Palmerston in 1848, and notwithstanding the most friendly feeling entertained by Great Britain to wards Austria, her Majesty's Government felt that they ought not to recede from that opinion. Ho thought it was most unkind and uncalled for to cast this matter in the teeth of Austria when she was involved in another and distinct misunderstanding with another Power. While entertaining a good feeling towards Austria on the first point, he could not say that their sympathy extended to her second position. With respect to the question of the hon. gentleman as to the preservation of peace, he regretted he could entertain no solid opinion that such a state of things existed, and with respect to the failure of the Con- ference it arose from the assurance demanded by Austria that no territorial aggrandisement was intended not being given. He could only express his deep regret that the meeting of the conference was prevented by obstables that it was impossible to remove. Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked whether any compensation for Venetia had been suggested to Austria in the Danu bian Principalities ? After some remarks from Mr. B. COCHRANE and Mr. SANDFORD, Sir G. BOWYER regretted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had expressed an opinion on the part of the Government that Austria had better give up Venetia. He wanted to know, not only whether the Government or any members of the Cabinet had in any way intimated that opinion to Austria, but whether the Government, in the private or surreptitious manner of which they were so fond, or in any public manner, had intimated that opinion to the Court of Florence, or given that Court to understand that they would use their influence with Austria to give up Venetia. (Hear, hear.) He feared that this was the case, and that there were private letters which would not be laid before Parliament, but which, like the postscript in a lady's letter, contained things of more moment than the public despatches. He regretted to observe a disposition to throw upon Austria the blame of the Conference not being held, but not hin g could be more unjust. Austria could not, with any sense of dignity or justice, accede to any Conference in which the affairs of Venetia and the demands of the Court of Florence could be entertained. The Government itself must see that to entertain such a question must be subversive of the law of nations, because it would imply that the Government held that the Court of Florence had some ri g ht to Venetia. He contended that the Court o f Florence, .or rather the Bingof Sardinia — for he would call hi m so stall—(" hear, hear" and alaugh) —had no more right to Venetia than to Middle sex. To recognise such a principle would lead to the utmost confusion of all notions of right or wrong between nations. Did they suppose that Austria could give up the Quadri lateral with any regard to her own safety ? The Quadri lateral was one of the bulwarks, not only against the en croachments of the Court of Florence, but also against the possibility of the encroachments of France. They all knew that Italy was now a province of France. Italy had no real un ity, for it was composed of discordant elements that would not be held together except by force of arms. If the cession of Venetia ought to be consider ed at the Conference, why not, also, the case of the Danubian Principalities ? What had Venetia to do with the question of Schleswig- Holstein ? The peace of E urope d epen d e d upon Schleswig Holstein and not upon Venetia. Why were the rights of Austria sought to be compromised by a question not rele vant to the matter atissue ? Tobring the questionof Vene tia into the Conference must be the greatest obstacle tothe settlement of the Holstein difficulty. That question was troublesome enough of itself without bringing in the ces sion of Venetia. He was afraid it would turn out that it was her Majesty's Government who were responsible for the failure of the Congress, and not Austria. The noble lord (Earl Russell) when he was at the head.of the Foreign Office was always fond of giving advice to other nations how to manage their own affairs, and his policy was very well described by the noble lord in the other house as a meddling and muddling policy. The present seemed an other instance of this policy. (Hear.) If her Majesty's Government must give advice, why did they not advise the Court of Florence to be quiet? They were ruining them selves by the course they were pursuing, although he (Sir G. Bowyer) cared very little for that. (A laugh.) Their finances were a disgrace to Europe, and they were approach ing a state of national bankruptcy. The Government ought to have advised them tolookat home, and especially tolook at the south of Italy. If it were for the good of Austria to give up Venetia, it was ten times more desirable for the good of the Court of Florence that they should give up the Two Sicilies. If hon. members would look at the correspondence of the Times of that very day, they would find it plainly asserted that what had been thought to be brigandage was not brigandage, but reaction ; and that a guerilla warfare was being carried on. In the south of Italy there were actually committees of private persons whose busi ness it was to hunt out people who were in any way sus pected, and to accuse them to the authorities. They were then arrested and thrown into prison, where they suffered greater severities and hardships than were inflicted upon Poerio, tho friend of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The King of Sardinia governed by force of arms in the south of Italy, where, according to the Government, he had been welcomed as a deliverer. If that were so, tranquillity would king since have been restored to the country. Year after year greater disinclination was displayed in the Neopolitan provinces to submit to the dominion of a people and a King whose language they did not understand. The people of that country had always been greatly attached to their native princes, they wished to see those native princes restored (" oh, oh !"), and by the progress of events they would be brought back again. Charles 111., an ancestor of the present King of Sardinia, was still remembered and celebrated as a patriot because he bad delivered his country from the rule of the Spanish Viceroys. The condition of Naples at the present day was calculated to awaken sym pathy. With a population of 400,000, and properly the fourth capital in Europe, it was reduced to the position of a country town,with a decaying market place. (Laughter.) So visible, indeed, was the decay that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, were he dealing with it in a Reform Bill, would surely take away its members ; and it might be said to Lave been " grouped " already. (Cheers and laughter.) Plainly, the King of Sardinia could never keep his present territories. He should theroforo advise him to give up the Two Sicilies and the Papal dominions, which he had acquired contrary to the law of nations, and restrict him self to the limits of his ancient monarchy. The people groaned under the pressure of taxation, and exceptional laws were necessary to make them submit to his govern ment. If, then, he could not govern what he had got, how was it possible that he could hope to govern Venetia ? The transfer of that province would only con summate its ruin ; and the Government in stimulating the talians to look forward to its acquirement was doing its friends anything but a service : it was encouraging wild hopes andundermining those rights and laws without which the peace of nations could not exist at all. Sooner or later a break up was inevitable. The people of Italy wanted their native princes. (Oh, oh.) He was not surprised to hear that cheer from hon. gentlemen oppposite, sitting below the gangway, for he knew many of them held principles utterly subversive of the law of nations. The Royal family of Naples were at one time French, no doubt, in the same way that our Royal family were originally Germans ; but we no longer spoke of them as Germans,—we always called them our native princes. (Hear, hear.) It was true that, while they still reigned at Naples there were, as there always would be, discontented people in the country. (Hear, and laughter.) Yes, he repeated it. Look at the history of the Old Testament. (Laughter.) When the Jews were governed by God Almighty himself—(laughter,fol fol lowed by loud cries of " order, order ") — they were discon tented and called for a King. It could not, therefore, be matter of surprise that discontent should exist in any State. He would tell the Government what would happen if the native princes did not return to Italy. France would de clare that it was necessary for the preservation of peace in the south of Italy that she should march an army of occu pation into the country. She would thereupon take pos session of those provinces. The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies would become French, probably be governed by a French Prince. Was this a result which her Ma jesty's Government wished to see attained ? (Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer had arrived upon this question of Italian policy at a foregone conclusion, and they all knew it to be part of his disposition, that having once made up his mind, he was reckless of consequences. (Cheers and laughter.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer would allow him to say as an old friend —(laughter)--that he was so clever he often deceived himself ; by a process of self-persuasion he arrived at a belief to which he then ex pected everything to give way. With regard to Reform, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had plainly deterrninedto listen to no remonstrance; but to force the measure upon the house. (Cheers, and cries of " Question.") Ho was bent on carrying the bill, though he believed if the votes o f members could be taken ke(nchbeyebrasllaontditwouldbe laughter.) riejnecthe sametedbya very large majority delg men at Turin, and he had since g w e a n y t , le w m i a th n treegsganrdbyto theudideludin g affairs himself Italy, w f t t h b e e f ri ab g l h e t ab h o o u n t Poerio, invented by clever . encoura th ged a l the f l n ta i l t i s a e n l fs., Too t a T ic e A r e u l ys tnaToe givel)rinukpovf r n u e i t n i a was a monstrous iniquity and absurdity. , peoples o, it c whooul d wereonl y consummatethe tic Chancellor of the Exchequer and his colleagu es. Sir r friendsthe final na andl overthrow creaturess. Sir B. PEEL concurre d w ith the hon. baronet of of the hte in the belief th a t a strong f eeling of disconten t ex i s ted in Southern Peel) Italy a ga i nst the present Government. H e (Si r R was one of those who at first had strongly advocated the cause of the Ring of Sardiniauntil he had seen the treachery in which ho had embarked, and then he had begun to doubt whether the policy of the House of Commons and of this country would be beneficial to Italy. He believed the expectations formed of the good government of Italy, and of the unity of Italy, had signally failed. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) He had information which assured him that in Naples and other parts a state of things existed far worse than before the union of that important province with Sardinia. He entirely dissented from the view taken by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in deprecating the discussion of the subject brought under the notice of the house by the hon. member for Bridgewater. If that subject was THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 12, 1866. not to be discussed now that war was overhanging Europe, when, in God'S natne, was it to be disdussed ? It was rea- sonable to he supposed that in the present state of Europe questions would often be put on the momentous subject whether peace would be maintained by the ministrations and advice of her Majesty's Government. The right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of •the Exchequer) had not an swered the question of the hon. member for Bridgewater, whether her Majesty's Government had given any expres- sion of opinion, official or un-official, to Austria, to induce her to cede Venetia to Italy. He quite concurred with the hon. member for Bridgewater that the cession of the - - Quadrilateral to Italy, and consequently to France, would be of the utmost importance as regarded the future inde- pendence of Austria and of a great portion of Germany: He should like to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer what traditions of the past could possibly give the Venetian States to Italy ? He had risen merely to express the wish that her Majesty's Government would not, for the future, decline to give information to the house on a subject of infinitely greater importance than any Reform Bill. (Conservative cheers.) He did not wish the house to suppose that he was in any way opposed to the Reform Rill ; but he be lieved it was of infinitely greater importance that the power of. England as represented by the Government of the day should place itself before Europe in a manner to conciliate the sympathies and feelings of Europe. He hoped that no opportunity would be lost by the Govern ment in endeavouring to divert the terrible calamity which appeared to be impending over Europe. (Hear, hear.) lie concurred with the statement that the sym pathies of this country were strongly marked as against Prussia—(hear, hear)--because every one knew that it was the overweening ambition of Prussia, under the influence, he might almost say under the hoof, of a most unscrupulous Minister, that had brought the present state of things about. Lord R. MONTAGU next addressed the house, and ex pressed his gratification that at all events there was to be no conference, for in conferences this country, whatever her successes in the field might have been, was generally worsted. Mr. LAING deprecated the continuance of the discus sion, and urged the Government to adhere to the resolu tion at which every sensible man must arrive that if war unfortunately broke out this country would not be a party to it. Major WALKER called attention to the telegram pub. . _ _ lished in the evening papers, that General Garibaldi had left Caprera, landed at Genoa, and was about to proceed to Como, the scene of his successes in 1859, tho headquarters of one of the divisions of the Garibaldian Volunteers, and in immediate proximity to the Austrian frontier, and in 426,000 proprietary voters against 287,000 occupation voters. If you can find more proprietary voters by all means get them. We will withdraw the proposal in order, if pos sible, to conciliate you. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) If that does not conciliate you we will persevere with the propo sal. Hon. gentlemen have drawn distinctions between " rural and_ urban" interests. The Constitution knows nothing of urban interests. The old constitutional fran chise is a proprietary franchise, whether it be in towns or outside, and the Constitution knows nothing of " urban and rural." I come now to the question which, I suppose, after all, the hon. gentleman looks upon as the main part of the amendment, that is to say, the object of establishing a rating franchise. No doubt he looks upon occupation as rather an incident of his motion than the object. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Hunt). Therefore let us considcr whether the franchise ought to be a rating franchise. The hon gentleman says that from the form of the Government sta • tistics it is perfectly obvious that tho Government origi nally contemplated a rating franchise. There is some truth in that. (Hear, hear.) Before we were fully informed we did not think of a rating franchise. It was on careful exa mination of the whole case that we found the advantage of the rating franchise was outweighed by the great dis advantages. In the Irish system to which the hon. gentle man raferred the case is entirely different from ours. Here, if there is an error in the rental, does the rating correct it? No, there is not a. single error in the rental that is not car ried forward to the rating. We go further, and say the rating is full of errors which are not in the rental ; and so long as local government prevails in this country—and I hope it will continue—you cannot divest the assessment committee of power to fix its rateable conditions. Mr. HUNT—Do as you do in Ireland. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEUQER —ln Ire land there are no union assessment committees. The work there is done by a Government officer, and even the Irish system is a little unequal. The English sys tem is full of inequalities. Taking the counties, you might have two men paying the same rental, and one of them would be enfranchised, and the other not. In towns you would have the franchise absolutely different in one to what it was in another. (" Hear, hear," by Mr. Hunt.) Take Greenwich, for instance. In one parish the reduction is 20 per cent., in another 25 per cent., and in a third 30 per cent. Recollect, these are in parishes, and not in classes of houses. Then, again, in Bury St. Ed mund's, though there is no very different class, yet in St. James's the reduction is one-tenth, while in St. Mark's the reduction is one-sixth. Take Exeter again. In every parish in Exeter there would be a different franchise ; for in three parishes there is a deduction of 33i per cent., in two a de duction of 35 per cent., in one a deduction from 20 to 50 per cent., in another a deduction of from 15 to 50 per cent. The hon. member thinks that he makes a sufficient answer by saying that different classes of houses require a different class of deductions. That is perfectly true as a matter of fact, but it does not help this proposition in the least. The meaning of the law, when it says that a man at £7, or any other number of pounds, shall be enfranchised is to take the rent, subject to deductions of rates and taxes, as a test of his capacity to pay. It may be that one man lives in a house which is only kept habitable by an outlay of 25 per cent., while on another man's an outlay of 5 per cent. only is required, and the hon. gentleman thinks that justifies his motion. I say it does not. The rateable value indicates the value of the building to the landlord, with which we have nothing to do. The true test which we have to do with is the capability of a man to pay, and that we get from the column of gross estimated rental. The rateable value is a false test in principle, and it is further most un equal in its effect, because it would give a different fran chise according to the variations of these deductions, which depend upon local opinion and local authority, which we have no means of reducing to uniformity. Such inequality would not only prevail in different parts of the country, but in a multitude of instances, as I have shown, it would be found to prevail in different parts of the same town. These are strong and practical reasons against the adoption of rateable value, irrespective of any question of the amount of the franchise. I object to altering the vote to which the house has arrived on the subject of the franchise ; but, indepen dently of that, the rateable value basis is wrong and inac curate, while the net annual value which is adopted by the Reform Act is the true and sound basis for the Parliamen tary franchise. (Hear, hear.) After some observations in explanation from Mr. HUNT, Mr. HENLEY gave reasons why ho thought the rateable. value the best basis to be adopted. There was one thing of which he was quite sure, that if there were inequalities in the rating, the Court of Appeal would soon set them at rest. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL wished to set the right hon. gentleman right with regard to the right of appeal, for there was a provision in the bill granting an appeal on the gross estimated rental to the revising barrister at quarter sessions. He wished further to point out that the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire objected to a similar proposition of rating in 1859, upon the ground that he saw insurmountable difficulties in the way of its adoption. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI admitted that he felt the difficulties to be insurmountable, but it was in the year 1859. (Laughter.) Since that time two Union Assessment Acts had been passed, and the whole tendency of recent legislation was towards equality of rating, and therefore the remarks of the hon. and learned gentleman did not apply to the pre sent case. (Laughter.) Mr. BRIGHT wished to know whether the hon. member for Northamptonshire wished to apply the rating principle to the £5O voters, or whether he wished that two princi ples should be is force. Mr. HUNT did not propose to disfranchise anybody by his amendment, and therefore those who were now upon the register would not be affected by it. Mr. NEWDEGATE denied that the gross estimated rental was in accordance with the ancient principle of the franchise. Sir W. JOLLIFFE supported the principle of a rateable value in preference to a gross rental value. Mr. BEAUMONT opposed the amendment. Colonel GILPIN moved that the chairman report pro gress. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that, bearing in mind how five and a half hours in the earlier part of the evening had been spent, it would be the duty of the Government to resist such a proposal to the utmost. (Loud cheers.) The committee divided. The numbers were— For the motion 254 Against 303 Majority The announcement was received with loud cheers from the Ministerial side. • Major KNOX moved that the chairman do now leave the chair. Sir L. PALK wished to know how many agricultural labourers would be enfranchised by this clause ? He did not believe one would be enfranchised. When Lord Derby was in office they sacrificed themselves to his views. (Laughter.) He meant they sank their individual opinions for the good of the country. (Laughter.) They were now prepared to contest this bill night after night—(hear, hear) —but they would not be hurried. Mr. NEWDEGATE said he had had no opportunity of examining the statistics, and it was not unreasonable to ask at least another day for that purpose. Col. EDWARDES backed this appeal, and announced his readiness to throw every obstacle in his power in the way of a measure which was opposed by every gentleman on the Conservative side of the house, and by nine tenths of hon. gentlemen on the other side. (Laughter.) The object of this bill was to destroy the Conservative party and raise the Radicals; but if the latter succeeded in their object the time would come when they would have to go down on their knees to the small remnants of the Conser vatives to save them from the consequences of their own acts. (Laughter.) Sir J. TROLLOPE thought the discussion was about prematurely to close. He had had no means of expressing his opinions. The hon. baronet proceeded to do so by show ing reasons why a rateable value for the county franchise would in many respects be superior to a rental value. He then appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer for an adjournment. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the committee were quite prepared to hear anything which hon. gentlemen opposite might have to say on the subject. He pointed out the necessity of making some progress with the measure, and dwelt on the loss of time which had taken place in the early part of the evening by the irregular dis cussion on foreign affairs. Mr. DISRAELI appealed to the right hon. gentleman to accord more time for the consideration of a matter of so much interest to county members. He admitted that it was vexatious toMinisters to have a question like this stopped, yet when he considered that in an assembly like the House of Commons business could not be carried on with the re gularity that one's clerk would conduct it, he thought that more would be gained by reporting progress. After some further discussion, in which Sir Geo. Grey, Col. Gilpin, Mr. Bouverie, and others took part, The committee divided on the motion that the Chair man leave the chair. The numbers were — For the motion -49 Against it ...., .................................. 254 Majority ---42 Mr. BAGGE then moved that the Chairman report progress. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he did not intend to resist the motion. (Opposition cheers.) Government had taken the two divisions in order to mark their sense of the character of the cpposition which they had to encounter. He consented to the motion, but under protest. Mr. DISRAELI said the Chancellor of the Exchequer had commenced the evening by protesting 'against the de bate on foreign affairs, and ended by protesting against the debate on the Reform Bill. (Laughter.) The Chairman was ordered to report progress, and the house resumed. The Scotch and Irish Reform Bills were fixed for Thurs day week. DOGS BILL. Sir 0. 010GHLEN moved the second reading of this bill, the object of which was to make the owners of dogs responsible for all injuries dono by them. The bill to apply to England, Ireland, and Scotland. The motion was agreed to. CHURCH RATES. Mr. BOVILL obtained leave to introduce a bill to amend the law relating to church rates. The house adjourned at 20 minutes to two. quired whether this information was authentic. Mr. H. SEYMOUR approved of the policy adopted by the Government, and reminded the house that Austria had been in possession of Venetia for only 70 years. Lord ORANBORNE remarked that when Lord Russell quitted the Foreign-office and Lord Clarendon took his place he thought they had heard the last of despatches calculated to stir up war. But the noble lord was irrepres sible, and when he could no longer kindle war by means of despatches he tried to do it by private letters. The house would observe that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not denied that Lord Russell, with his incurable habit of meddling for evil in every foreign dispute, had given advice which encouraged Italy in the dangerous course she was now pursuing. _ _ Mr. LAYATRD said the advice which her Majesty's Go vernment had uniformly tendered to Italy was that she should`consolidate herself, develop her resources, establish good government, and not turn her attention to territorial aggrandisement. Until Austria sent a large force into Venetia not a step was taken by the Italian Government to increase their armaments. With regard to the move- meats of Garibaldi, no official information had reached the Foreign Office upon the subject. The debate was continued by Colonel P. Herbert, Mr. C. Bentinck, Mr. Powell, Lord C. Hamilton, Mr. Wpe side, Sir J. Hanmer, Lord J.Manners, Sir H. Verney, SirJ. Walsh, Mr. Hibbert (who protested against the course pur sued by the Opposition as intended to obstruct the debate on Reform), Major Knox, and Mr. Earle. At five minutes to ten o'clock the motion was withdrawn; and the Princess Mary of Cambridge's Annuity Bill was read a second time. THE REFORM BILL. - The house went into committee on this bill a few minutes before ten o'clock. On clause 4, Mr. HUNT moved as an amendment that the following words be added to paragraph 2, which was under discus sion : " Such clear yearly value to be the value of the pre mises as ascertained for the purpose of the poor-rate." His right hon. friend the member for the University of Cambridge had intended to follow up his amendment for a £2O occupation franchise by a similar proposal, but the rejection of his amendment rendered such a course im possible. In point of fact, therefore, the question whether the county franchise should depend upon rental or rating had never been brought under the notice of the house. Supposing this amendment carried, its effect would be to put the county franchise at a higher figure. [An HON. MEMBER—How much higher?] 17 or 20 per cent. higher than was set down in the interpretation clause of tLe bill. And beyond that there remained the question whether every person exercising the county franchise might not be required to discharge the duties which fell upon the rate payers. Under this bill he believed it would be perfectly possible for a person to possess the county franchise, and not to be on the rate book at all. A man might enter into an agreement with his sub-tenant to pay the rates, while he .himself might exercise the franchise. He was at a loss to conceive why the principle of rental instead of rating had been adopted. If they wished to have followed the Irish plan, why not adopt a rating franchise? The hon. member then contended at considerable length that the plan of a rating franchise afforded great facilities for regis- tration, and concluded by moving his amendment. • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon. gentleman has without notice brought forward an amend ment of very great importance. (Cries of " Oh,. oh," from the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial side.) I am merely stating a matter of fact. (Renewed cries of "Oh, oh.") The hon. gentleman is too well informed to contra dict what 1 am saying. Mr. HUNT—I sent private notice to the right hon. gen tleman. (Cries of " Chair, chair," and " Order," and cheers from the Opposition.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon. gentleman sent me this afternoon—(loud cheers from the Oppositionund counter cheers from the Ministerial side.) Mr. HUNT rose amid loud cries of "Explain," "Order," and "Chair," and endeavoured to obtain a hearing, but the noise was so great that his remarks were inaudible. He continued standing for some time, during which the various cries increased to an uproar. Several times he essayed to speak, but the noise preyented his being heard, and he ulti mately resumed his seat. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon. gentleman, I have no doubt, so•far as he was concerned, did everything he could to-- Mr. HUNT again rose to explain, and the uproar was renewed with greater violence than before. After lasting for some time, and showing no prospect of abatement, Mr. Gladstone sat down amid triumphant cheers from the Opposition. Mr. HUNT—I rise to order. (Cries of "order," and "chair.") When it is stated as a fact that which within my own knowledge is not a fact—(loud cheers from the Opposition)—am I not in order to correct that fact before any argument is founded upon it ? (Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. DODSON—The rule is that when an bon. member is speaking, if another hon. member rises to explain some thing, he is not at liberty to pursue his explanation unless the member who is in possession of the house voluntarily gives way. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The reason why I did not give way to the hon. member was simply this : When I said he had brought forward his amendment without notice, I did not mean that I had suffered any in convenience. (Derisive cheers from the Opposition.) I merely wished to state a matter of fact, that his amendment embodied an important and complex proposition, and hAd been brought forward without notice being given to the house. Mr. HUNT again rose, but ho was received with such a storm of "chair" and "order" that he immediately resumed his seat. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I think it would be really desirable to allow me to finish my sentence. I say the hon. member has brought forward his amend ment without giving notice to the house in the regular way by placing it upon the votes. I have not the least doubt that he gave me the earliest notice that — Mr. HUNT—I sent it this morning. (Opposition cheers and cries of "order.") The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I refer to the matter merely as exhibiting the difficulty we are placed in by having to discuss a complex proposition without due preparation. The proposition of my hon. friend involves questionst wwow. h chh ie eetu e httphhareeterrigohtanhered of groat importance. First, whether the occupation is to be one by which the voter is rated ; second, issxt bo t i . 0 04 t ni b q, ae e u fifia r al a r setfiet:cdtaihttuei appearspor ne o n i is s r n a t t oo e t a o o b bb rateable eu e e se rvttahaii in requiring e dw ; t a el n rs ovre third, thatt Ih6 e. the tre l o y c f c o u r p e i j e a r n h . t i o m o s o u r l f co s n h s e t u i t l u d t i b o e n a r l a t h e i d s . t r T ,., h t e h s a e t ft t r i e s i s m o p e o n s sible to know where to lay hold of them. (Oh, oh, and that e en f r i n a n o c h r d i s e e r d t o t h k e e e l p e a u s e p h t o h l e d earms (Hear,oi a u n b t o o o f hu p eg r ah o r p . ) e b r hoar, hear.) The gr ea t es t charge against the Government ty 'e fr wn om that being considered an advantage, it iss,conu st svh i :as d tf e ea r brise ed a most outrageous prop os iti on. If this is so, it appears to me that when you talk about occu piers and proprietary voters, you use the words in a sense of your own, being in view a distinction not known to the old Constitution, and which cannot be recognised in the same manner. Has the hon. gentleman forgotten that in 1859 he supported a bill Mr. HUNT—No, no. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—His Go vernment brought in a bill which on the one hand cut off dthberoouwnghetrsthoef occupation m va li t v io e n d ilaoob,ooroooupgrhops,riadryvotes, because other hand nda on the oth down to £lO. (Cheers.) Ido not see m y self an y thin g to be afraid of. As well as I make out the patter, there are British and Foreign Bible Society. Yesterday the interesting ceremony of laying the foundation-stone of a new building, under the auspices of this society, was performed by his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales at Addlehill, Doctors'- commons, in presence of a large assemblage of persons, including the Lord Mayor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Winchester, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Dean of Westminster, the Rev. Dr. Binney, the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, Mr. Charles Reed, &c. His royal highness was received by the building committee—a detachment of the Hon. Artillery Company (of which the prince is colonel) forming a guard of honour on the occasion. A statement of the society's objects and opera tions was read to the prince by the Rev. S. B. Bergue, one of the secretaries. It conveyed the information that on this spot the British and Fo reign Bible Society proposed to rear an edifice which should be consecrated to the sole and simple purpose of promoting the widest practicable dis semination of the Holy Scriptures in our own and all other lands. The society during the 62 years of its existence had expended nearly £6,000,000 in the furtherance of its object ; and the receipts last year from all sources reached the munificent sum of £171,375. The foundation-stone bore an appropriate in scription, and underneath it were placed a bottle containing a copy of the last annual report of the society, a copy on parchment of the inscription, a Times newspaper, and several of the current coins, dated 1866. The Prince of WALES, having gone through the ceremony with the trowel in the usual form, made the following reply to the address *which had been read by the secretary Lord Archbishop, my Lords and Gentlemen,--I have to thank you for the very interesting address in which you so ably set forth the objects of this noble institution. It is now 63 years since Mr. Wilberforce, the father of the eminent prelate who now occupies so prominent a place in the Church of England, met with a few friends by candlelight, in a small room in a dingy counting-house, and resolved upon the establish ment of the Bible Society. Contrast with this ob scure beginning the scene of this day, and which, not only in England and in our colonies, but in the United States of America, and in every nation in Europe, will awaken the keenest interest. Such a reward of perseverance is always a gratifying spec tacle—much more so when the work which it com memorates is one in which all Christians can take part, and when the object is that of enabling every man in his own tongue to read the wonderful works of God. I have a hereditary claim to be here upon this occasion. My grandfather, the Duke of Kent, as you have reminded me, warmly advocated the claims of this society, and it is gratifying to me to reflect that the two modern versions of the Scrip tures more widely circulated than any others—the German and English—were both in their origin connected with my family. The translation of Martin Luther was executed under the protection of the Elector of Saxony, the collateral ancestor of my lamented father; whilst that of William Tyndale, the present authorised English version, was introduced with the sanction of the royal pre decessor of my mother the Queen, who first desired that the Bible should have free course through all Christendom, but especially in his own realm." It is my hope and trust that, under the Divine guidance, the wider diffusion and the deeper study of the Scriptures will in this, as in every age, be at once the surest guarantee of the progress and liberty of mankind, and the means of multiplying in the purest form the consolations of our holy religion. Prayer was then offered by the Archbishop of York, and thanks to his royal highness was proposed by the Bishop of Winchester. The proceedings then terminated. Shortly afterwards a select company assembled at a luucheon at the Mansion House to meet his royal highness, who was attended by General Knollys and Colonel Keppel. Amongst the company were : The Archbishop of York and Mrs. Thomson, the Bishop of Winchester and Mrs. George Sumner, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Dean of Westminster and Lady Augusta Stanley, Mr. Alderman Besley, the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, Mr. and Mrs. William Barnet, the Rev. Dr. Binney, Colonel Macdonald, Mr. Gregory, Mr. R. R. Roberts, Mr. Rockett, the treasurer of the society, Mr. Charles Reed, Bcc. The LORD MAYOR, having given " The Health of her Majesty the Queen " (which was drunk with the warmest acclamations), said he had next the honour of proposing " The Health of their Royal guest his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales." (Cheers.) His royal highness was always a welcome guest, but as a citizen he (the Lord Mayor) hoped he might be permitted to assure his royal highness that upon this occasion the chief magistrate of this great and important city greeted him with a loving and a hearty welcome. (Cheers.) If in a society like this there could be anything that would for a moment mar the gratification and pleisure of the company, it was the absence of that royal lady, his royal princess, whose presence on all occasions lent a charm and shed a lustre over all society. He begged leave to offer to his royal highness his personal ac knowledgments, as well as the hearty congratula tionsof the members of this society, for the unaf- fected and very generous manner in which he had been pleased to officiate on that most interesting oc casion. He was sure that the good Work to which his royal highness had that day lent his aid would long live as a lastingrecord in the memories of those who were permitted to witness it. He invited them to drink with him to the" Health of his Royal High ness the Prince of Wales and of her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales." He prayed that every earthly happiness might bless the promise of their dawning years—that that silent King—that " silent father of Kings to be"—might watch over them in spirit, and that the Great Giver of all good —the King of Kings—might guard and protect them through a long and honoured life. (Cheers.) The Prince of WALES, in returning thanks, said —I am indeed deeply touched and gratified by the toast which has just been proposed by the Lord Mayor, and by the very kind and feeling manner in which you have drunk to the health of the princess and to my own. It is to me a source of sincere gra tification to receive again the hospitality of the chief magistrate of the City of London. I can never for get, nor can the princess ever forget, the manner in which he was received on her first entry into Lon don; and although she is not here to-day—a fact which I deeply regret—l can bear testimony that she has never forgotten,and never will forget, the re ception given to her three years ago in this great city. The occasion which has brought me here to-day has afforded me sincere gratification. I shall be happy on all occasions to do anything that may tend (as the Lord Bishop of Winchester stated in the morn ing) to alleviate the sufferings of man. I feel sure that the work that I have been able to perform to day —small though it may be—will bear testimony to the great good done to the poorer classes by a society which has existed for so many years. Once more I thank you for the opportunity you have given me of coming forward on this interesting occasion ; and I beg again to assure you that 1 shall always be happy to render every assistance in my power to an institution which is calculated to ren der such important benefits to the world. I return my best thanks for the greeting accorded• to me at the ceremony this morning, and also for the kind manner in which I have been received at this enter tainment. (Cheers.) Before I sit down I beg to propose " The Health of the Lord Mayor." The toast having been cordially responded to, The LORD MAYOR, in acknowledging the compli ment said that when he heard it said at the cere mony in the morning that the object of the society was to make the Bible the common property of mankind, he thought the Lord Mayor of London could not do better than lend his countenance and assistance to so great an undertaking. He was sure that the citizens of London would re ceive with unmingled joy the sentiments which his royal highness had condescended to utter on this most interesting occasion. The company then separated. The dejeuner was provided by Messrs. Ring and Brymer in the most liberal and recherche manner. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—At such a time as the present it cannot be said that the House of Commons wastes an even- , ing by devoting it to a conversation on the state of Europe, even though nothing more is elicited than a general expression of the views of Government, and though the final judgment of the house isthat nothing can be done. It is impossible that war should rage within 48 hours' journey of our shores, between some of the most civilised communities of the earth, with out involving, more or less, our interests, and im posing on us important duties. We may have to protect some right menaced by a belligerent, or it may be necessary at some time to offer once more our counsels or our mediation in behalf of peace. Let us then know how we stand as a nation with regard to these turbulent neighbours, whether we have committed ourselves unduly to either party or - cause, what her Majesty's Ministers have done, and what, as far as can be judged at present, it is their intention to do. The course of this country has been so cautious and dignified during the present troubles that neither the Ministry nor the nation has reason to fear inquiry. It may be that calamities are im pending over the Continent, that great political changes are at hand, but whether for good or evil, what is brought to pass will be independent of us. We are not sorry, therefore, that Mr. Kinglakegave the Government last night the opportunity of ex plaining its present opinions, and showing what the action of the country has been. He lucidly stated the strong case of Austria, and was answered by Mr. Gladstone in a speech that became the Minister of a neutral Power. Mr. Gladstone, as might be expected, could give no grounds for a solid expec tation that peace would be preserved, and declined to express an opinion on the subject. But assum ing that, unhappily, the present differences will terminate in hostilities, he successfully vindicated the Government from the charge of having in any way neglected the interests of peace. Mr. Kinglake was disposed to censure the Government for having accepted the principle of a Conference before having ascertained what were the views of Austria in the matter, and accused them of encourag ing Italy by letting it be known that they approve the cession of Venetia. On neither point do we think that the Government is to blame. The Con ference to which the neutral Powers invited the three probable belligerents would have been a very different gathering from that at which it was pro " posed to discuss European matters in general in 1864. The lately proposed Conference was an expedient to save the Continent from impending war, to settle questions which demanded immediate settlement. The Congress of 1864 was a scheme of much wider scope and very much less necessity. It would have opened disputes instead of closing them, and might probably have hastened the very troubles we now deplore. As for ascertaining the intentions of Aus tria, this could only be done by an actual invitation, which, of course, could not be despatched by the neutral Powers until they themselves had accepted the principle and made out the plan of the Confer ence. We never had much faith in such a meeting, but at a crisis like the present a humane Government was bound to leave no expedient untried, and the most natural course was to call the European Powers together for a solemn consideration of the two de finite questions on which the hostile States were at issue. A more important matter, however, is the advice which the Government, or one or more of its members, is said to have given to Austria on the subject of Venetia. We know not why Mr. Gladstone should protest against being called on to speak on this subject, for it is impossible to suppose that such a discussion as that of last night will add to the chances of war. Mr. Kinglake used forcible arguments to show that Austria could not yield Venetia, and his views were supported by Sir R. Peel and Lord Cranborne. No one who has thought on this question will make light of the reasoning of the Austrians. We have always thought it so cogent that from the legal point of view there is no answer to it at all. What was said in the house does not differ in substance from the contents of the despatch addressed by the Austrian Government to its re presentatives at the neutral Courts. An analysis of this document was published by us yesterday. The Austrian Government had no hope of good results from the Conference, for it felt that .however care ! fully the programme might be drawn up, the dis- I cession of the " Italian difference" could mean no , thing but a demand for the cession of Venetia. To this demand Austria could only give a refusal, for to yield a province of such importance, military, maritime, and political, would be an act of suicide ; the Imperial Government could not in honour accept money for the province, and Europe had nothing else to give. Territorial compensation might be obtained as the consequences of war, but it could not be given by a conclave of diplomatists round a green table. What, indeed, could these give ? Turkey they are not at liberty to dismember, and even if they were the provinces that would be given to Austria would be no real compensation to her for her loss of Venetia. The Danubian Principalities, Bosnia and the Herzegovina, are countries much less advanced than the rest of Europe ; their pro duction is small ; they would be a source of weak ness, and instead of furnishing Austria with new resources, would only serve to exhaust those she already possesses. Can, then, Austria seek for compensation in Germany ? She says " No," for in that country she only desires that each State should keep what belongs to it. In addition to these arguments Austria has also urged in her com munications with foreign Cabinets that she only desires to hold her own, to keep that which has been solemnly adjudged to belong to her by treaty; that while other States have advanced their fron tiers in late times, she has gained nothing, and sought to gain nothing ; that she is still content with her present possessions, but is determined not to allow any part of them to be torn from her. We have never denied the strength of this position, which forms a sort of legal Quadrilateral not easily assailable by argument. Italy has no right that statesmen can take notice of to the possession of an undoubted Austrian province. Yet we do not the less think that the British Government is justified if, when called upon to express an opinion, it de clares sincerely that it would be better for Austria to rid herself of Venetia and its disaffected popula tion. It may be unadvisable that the Premier should trench on the functions of the Foreign Secretary, and make known the views of the Government un officially by private letters, and we trust that if such a practice has obtained of late it may be dis continued. But if the Queen's Government is to give its advice either at a conference or elsewhere, it must form a definite opinion on this most impor tant question ; and it is justified we think in agree ing with the French Government, and with the great body of the English people, that it is advisable for Austria to abandon Venetia. Even the Austrian Government itself seems to admit that its position is untenable, for it declares that:if victory were to bless its standards, and territorial arrangements could be effected with advantage, it might be induced in the interest of a general pacification to make conces sions. Venetia, in fact, exhibits a hopeless vari ance between the political or legal rights of the State and the natural rights of the people. Austria seems to say that such a difficulty can only be settled by war—and it may be so ; but it is not the less the duty of humane statesmen to try to dispense with such an ordeal, and to advise the doing at once that which every one seems to admit must be done some day. The tone of the discussion, which was friendly to Austria, shows the effect which the insin cerity and violence of the Prussian Government have produced on English public opinion. In Germany the Imperial power is at present the upholder of law and justice, and if war breaks out it will be through the machinations of its adversary, who is now said to have despatched an ultimatum to Vienna. If Italy were not in existence the peace of Europe would still be threatened by the policy of Count Bismark, so that. Austria, whatever her policy concerning Venetia, cannot be charged with the whole blame of the war. If the Emperor should think fit to listen to the advice of this country he may be sure that it will be given in a spirit of sincerity and friendship. POST.—Fire and water are generally acknow ledged to be good servants but bad masters. The bursting of a reservoir or the loss of a ship with all hands are events which have of late years been lamentably numerous, and they cause a thrill of horror to pass through the national heart, besides bringing grief and ruin to many a home. A strife is threatened in Europe which, if it should begin, will light up the flames of conflagration the end of which not even those who remember the wars of Napoleon will be able to predict. Disastrous fires in this country seem to be unusually numerous of late. The town of Ottery St. Mary was almost utterly destroyed the other day by some accidental spark which ignited the thatch of a cottage and burnt down nearly all the houses inhabited by the labouring classes. British benevolence has, we are glad to find, supplied the immediate wantsofth the sufferers, and, as no lives were lost, in all probabi lity Ottery St. Mary will rise from its ashes reno vated and renewed, and in all respects be converted into a more substantially-built town than it was before. About nine o'clock on Thursday evening last a house at the corner of Westmoreland -street, Dublin, close to Carlisle-bridge, and within a few yards of the Liffey, was burnt down, and, sad to relate, six persons met with an untimely end. Th e are-escapes and the fire-engines appear, according to all accounts, to have been utterly useless ; 1314 we forbear to make comments ou matters whi ch must speedily form the subject of public investiga tion. The Dublin affair is a very sad business as far as the loss of life and the efficient means adopted to render assistance are concerned, but the catastrophe which happened early on Sunday morning in the Welwyn Tunnel, on the Great Northern Railway, about twenty miles from London, is extremely serious and remarkable, but fortunately it was attended with less le.s of life than the fire in the Irish metropolisd From the circumstantial account ,which app eared in our columns of yesterday, it seems that an empty goods train was passibg through the tunnel when, from some cause or other, at present difficult to make out, the engine came to a stand. No mean s were taken to signal up or down trains of the pre sence of an obstruction, and the result was that two trains, one from the north and the other from th e south, rushed successively against the engine a n t e empty trucks, and a scene followed which can be more easily imagined than described. RaY, the guard of the train which first stopped, was killed a companion of his was frightfully injured,; the guard of the northern up train has suffered seriously . but, with these exceptions, no other persons seem to have been killed or wounded. The engines, ur ea r : riages, and goods, however, which were h against one another in the tunnel, were not only scattered into fragments, but were instantly se t on fire by the cinders of the engine furnaces, and the, tunnel instantly filled with smoke ; flames is sued through the ventilators, while loud explosions were repeatedly heard, resembling those attending the 3 blasting of rocks or the throbbing eruptions of volcano. The conflagration raged throughout the greater part of Sunday. The officials and nav vleo who came to render aid were comparatively power less until the flames had somewhat expended th em ' la. selves, and the traffic was diverted to another cha . n" nel. We are glad to hear that the loss of life: though to be regretted, was not greater than -1,,v turned out to be. Under other circumstances, a n , on another day, a hecatomb of human beings migh t have been sacrificed in a manner dreadful even l e think of ; and if all carriages are locked, as generally are on most lines, the strongest efforts men and women to get out of them, would, in probability, have proved fruitless. This accident a tunnel is somewhat unusual, but very alarnneg' especially when it is borne in mind that hums, beings might have been roasted and burn; instead of Scotch meat and the debris °c.i carriages. So many terrible events have hapP e ll e , of late years on railways, not only in this cou nt 4 but also in America, that we cannot wonder if tu n public should insist upon Parliament imposing eve.tt more strict regulations than those at present„ existence, in order to guard against loss of 01,..!1 Serious accidents seldom happen on contin ent railways, because trains there proceed at a een l e paratively moderate rate of speed. Our lines hal f been constructed at an enormous expense ; sol e ° them are not very profitable to the sharehol ders ! though they rank favourably with collapsed btle ks of but it may be doubted whether the salaries drivers, firemen, guards, pointsmen, and others are sufficiently liberal to secure the services of the D'o;.,. men. Many of them work long hours. On the nth a hand, familiarity with danger breeds contempt , an t often leads to disasters. Tunnels are not pleas s ' d subterranean apertures to pass through. The str e .i r s man breathes freely when he is projected into to'es open air ; nervous Iv omen endure agonies o f rushing through a confined aperture at the ra ffe r fifty miles an hour ; yet we have heard of an e.' s of marriage having been made and accepted 1e °t train going through the Box Tunnel. The pre t. s e „ ° o catastrophe on the Great Northern line might ilit; b e . been more terrible than it has turned out to ft; Many experienced persons are of opinion that.' b rate of speed of express trains is extravagantly blgoi and consequently dangerous. The anxiety te,P of dividends,. though praiseworthy on the Paru ;o g directors, leads in some instances to the P °. ..: 01 , down of salaries, and to the employment of a 11 " o f ber of men hardly sufficient to the performane.heio the duties imposed upon them. It is impoSSl or certainly, to prevent accidents either by land,her sea but railway officials are bound, above all e',„st men, to use the utmost vigilance and the g re b u ie precautions, in order to ensure, as far as p ossl 0 .1; the public safety, for they possess a virtual monop of the chief means of locomotion in this country' COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—Jsn 9. oi There Was a small supply of wheat at market to--(l , tY , ..- , A s farmers wanted a large advance, but the business dew ) " Ile at 2s to 3s per qr improvement. Beans and peas cones scarce, and quotations are almost nominal. d ig Wheat, white 5 a 58s Beans, Mazagan......4oa 40 red ..44s f 24 Middle and small,_ 42s ' 421 Barley ... Oats grey........ - • 3 GRANTHAM--JUNE 9. , There was a better supply o f w h ea t at market t o- b d T. and prices 2s to 3s higher than last week. Grin ding ley unaltered ; no malting. De ° Old white wheat, 52s to 555; old red, 48s to 520, jpr" white, 49s to 52s ,• new red, 44s to 47s per 36 stone. ~,et ley for malting, 36s to 42s per qr ; grinding, 30s to 3 0 ° 1 .'0 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 328 . ; new, 25s to 3 0 s/ e ts o ee• stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51i; new, 44s to 46s per au- Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. CHELMSF 0 To-day's market was faid good condition, and best sam week's prices; inferior camp; but the trade was dull. \Yhe►at, old white....4ss 548 new 4 s 53s IRD—JUNE 8. t 1° rly supplied with NT-,e ° ' j ot spies brought 2s over too ~.0, les is up. Spring coin 3 9° .. 3 63 4 6 Peas, Partridge .... . 2 90 White ...... ..:: 37 s Biling • • • • • ' .36s _A Dun— ••• -- - 0 400 dit• o, new" • . 353 3 99 Beans, Tick, old •• • ' .. 35s 4 2s new•i s. 3Bo 4 es Harrow i C . 36S 1 30 neW• " . 340 Mazagan • .... old red 30; 4-7; new. 36s 47a Barley . 25a 330 Chevalier __ . 3Sa 420 Grinchng ABs 34s Malt 58s 60s Chevalier 608 62i Oats NORTHAMPTON—JUNE 9. 495; old New white wheat, 49s to 52s ; new red, 440 to 13 014 3 white, 48s to 53s ; old red, 46s to 50s per 36 stone. ° ,er for malting, —s to —5 per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 3 °„ s 4 . 4co e ' stone. Oats, old, 80s to 34s ; new, 28s to 32s per 4 Tea 6 Beans, old, 46s to 50s ; new, ' 42s to 45s per 38 ston e ' 3Gs to 40s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN—JUNE 8. ON ci til' Little doing in the market to-day, and plice s m, rog i altered. Some foreign wheat and oats met W:" purchasers. be!' White wheat 40s Od to 45s Odt 621 b V 1)115 Red wheat 40s Od to 45s Od) , lo • Potato oats 25s Od to 258 6d i 4 0ib V 011511 Common oats 248 Od to 248 6d) ,„ s uel• Pere 3os Od to 31s Od t 531 b 3w" ib Barley 32s Ocl to 32s 6cl) ~ o f il. Oatmeal 19s ad to 20s Od ? b°'.. f 0 . " . 0 Flour, line 3Gs Od to 37s Od ? $9'6%. KIRKCALDY—JuxE 9. , t uc_l i f i Small supplies of all kinds of grain. Wu ° , :ow ls per qr dearer. Barley made the prices of last Wheat. Barley. 2 0e Od Fir5t....... 46s Od ' 31s 6d 1 '6; gd k wand.... 443 Od I 365 6d Third.- 49s 01 38J Od 310 0d COAL MARKET. t. Price per ton at the close of the naar- e s• 9 s. d. Walls End Hetton lB 6 T Hetton Lyons ... l6 6 Haeerts ... on::: ' ' '''''''''''''''''' 11 6 Walls End Haswell.., 18 6 East Hartlepeol 'l b 9 Braddyell's Hetton 17 9 Wharncliffe ............ lb 6 Holywell Main l6 6 Eden Main ............ .. 1 6 South Hetton d Ships at market, r 3 ket, F :2 lll .. ; LAWSON— On the 9th ins il t. ir , a t t hS Arkleby Ma l l C—cillisl°' i , ti : wife of Wilfred Lawson, Esq of a son. n VS° ; 0 1 ROBINSON—On the 2d inst., at 10, Orme-square, A-', 3 •S, O. road, the wife of Lieut.-Col. D. G, Robinson? •"' o 1 , son. f C Sates—On the. 9th inst., at Weymouth, the wif e ° Henry Smyth, C. 8., of a son. TURTON—On the 9th inst., at Larpool Hall, Wilitiltl;°r* the Lady Cecilia Turton, of a daughter. _ . Marriages. , th P SI4 I II KrrsoN—F• MACNAGHTEN _DMONSTONE—On the 9th inst , al , ,'"- e-ritso" i tr in S i S t ELL church, Antony, Cornwall, the Rev. *John r • -t•tere+ of the TEN — T R r vicar of Antony, to Charlotte Henrietta, dglig eu• Capt. Edmonstone, R.N., C B , A D•C. to the aß°,,hurcil. Commandin 8 (Royal p on, •- _, Aot ~.,$. Sir E. W. g Bth Irish) Hussars, e,,'' . ,„,, elo' r , Macnaghten Bait., to Alice 1 , - I '`JQ,O BO daughter of William H. Russell, LL.D., of 197 ' place, Onslow-square. B—romn.tth.e 7litth.ienotFa.tgtalje@utissogbiltel •pc nri GRlBBDeaths. 13 -- -e t LE—Ou the 4th inst. at B tsple De li° i r I lit' , arns , T ., o I. Gribble, P. —sqi banker, J.P. and Aldervis borough, aged 5 . 7. f the MALI, 01 1 °' uRB—On the Bth inst., Bowsian, fourth $ late Wm. Madure Es qof Harley-stree. ~„osisiir ~ RussELL--0 o•ate, 0- " ot• n the 7th inst at 12, Queen's-r- Begiale ton, W m. L. Russell, Es " late C tain 73d , co t, Esq.; ap ebelsos, '- SELBY —On the 7th inst., at Boughton gon John WO' Selby, Esq., aged 76. d /.1.1.1 SPILLING—On the Bth inst., at Adelaide-ros 7 Spilling, Esq late of 11 31•' 14th Hussars. ~ .. a Dill, Waltoo-10' S - WAINSON—On the 9th inst., at Cooper ~..o d 32. _ Dale, Preston, Oswald L. Swainston, Esq, a'.l3. vopert VARNER—On the 10th inst., at Brighton, Air. Jc''' of Stamford-hill, London aged 66. . r e ik 11 01111 t r.. st,a 7 WrLsoN—On the Bth inst., at Stowlangtop, Wilson, Esq., aged 68. - --- ol' , A I s .A./0 02, London: Printed and Published by VirlLLl''' duo 14 0 ' cd . 0 ' gl iti of No. 112, Strand, ranter, at Tits SON 4.he co Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoh in ...- Bliddiegesc--Tuesday, June 12, 1866. 1