The Sun. — London, England, 1865-12-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 7, 1865. . The Conservatives on Mr. Bright and Reform MALDON, Dec.:l The Maldon Conservative Club celebrated its anniversary last evening, under the presidency of Mr. J. Oxley Parker, Ncho was supported by six members of the House of Commons, viz., Mr. G.M. W. Peacocke, M.P., M. R. A. Earle, M.P., Mr. C. Du Cane, M.P., Mr. H. J. Selwin, M.P., Lord E. Cecil, M.P., and Capt. Jervis, M.P. The company also included the Hon. J. Strutt, the Rev. C. Lee, Lieut.-Col. Brice, the Rev. W. Bullock, &c. Let- tors of apology for non-attendance were received from Mr. T. J. Miller, M.P., Mr. J. Kelk, M.P., Mr. C. Lucas, Sir C. de Crespigny, Major Tawke, Mr. Scratton, &c. The CHAIRMAN proposed the usual loyal toasts, and The Hon. J. STRUTS' gave " The Army, Navy, Militia, and Volunteers." (Cheers.) Lord E. CECIL, M.P., 'replied for the army, and said the compliment paid to the service from which he had retired for ten years came with especial force at the present time, as the other day a notable public character—Mr. Bright—was pleased to observe that the officers stationed in our dependencies in the West Indies hal not done their duty in the matter of the negro rebellion, now at an end, in Jamaica. The hon. member for Birmingham sometimes indulged in reckless assertions, but he (Lord E. Cecil) was much astonished to read that he observed to an after dinner audience—to an assembly of his own coun trymen, not of emancipated negroes—that he hoped that Governor Eyre and all his accomplices would shortly be brought before the bar o f justice for the foul murder of Mr. Gordon. He (Lord E. Cecil) did not wish to enter into the question whether Mr. Gordon was guilty or not guilty ; he trusted that he was not ; but he thought that the observations of Mr. Bright were most unwarrantable on the part of a public man with regard to one of two such hon ourable professions as the army and navy. (Cheers.) Nobody ought to know better than Mr. Bright that according to the maxim of our law, the meanest of her Majesty's subjects was never held to be guilty unless he was proved to be so. He (Lord E. Cecil) must say that he thought Mr. Bright had made a most unwarrantable attack on the character and reputation of many good and worthy men, who by their devotion had saved us at a most critical period, and who, from their decision and judgment, had de served a better compliment than that which Mr. Bright had paid them. Believing, as he did, that Governor Eyre and the other officers concerned would come unscathed out of a public inquiry, he would leave them in the hands of a generous public. Lieut.-Col. Brice and Capt. Tuffnell responded for the militia and volunteers respectively. The CHAIRMAN gave " The healths of the Conser- vative Members for the borough of Maldon." Mr. PEAcocKE, M.P., in responding, said when he had last the pleasure of meeting his friends at Maldon they were engaged in the general election, and it could not be disguised that the result of that election had been generally considered unfavour able to the Conservative party. But although the result of that election might be considered unfa vourable to the Conservative party, he did not think it could be said to have been unfavourable to Conservative principles, because he believed that the country at large was Conservative, and that in giving a majority to the Administration of the late Premier it had not given a majority to the present one. The verdict was simply that Lord Palmerston was a better Conservative than the gentlemen op posed to him. Whatever might have been the ver dict of the country, South Essex had given her ver dict unmistakably in favour of Conservative princi ples. It was true that the Conservatives met with defeats in North Essex and at Colchester ; but if the reports which had reached him on this subject were correct, the means by which the Liberal victo ries were achieved would not exactly bear a very strict investigation. The Conservatives had also the consolation of knowing that if an election took place in North Essex or Chichester with the present register, it must unquestionably terminate in a Li beral defeat; while, on the other hand, if an election took place in South Essex or Mahlon, the Conser vatives might as confidently rely upon a Conserva tive triumph. But all parties would unite in heart felt lamentation with regard to the cattle pestilence which had stricken so many homesteads in North and South Essex ; and whether they looked to the Orders in Council as they had been, or as they were, they must alike allow that they could extract very little consolation from them. If he understood the edicts in Council—for he could call them nothing else—as they at first stood, upon the report of the district inspector, who was sometimes a veterinary ' surgeon and sometimes not, every man was subject to have his cattle destroyed, and that without any compensation whatever. Now, to a certain extent, the character of the edicts in Council was modified ; at present a man was ordered to isolate his cattle, and it was only in the event of his not complying with that order that they would be slaughtered. So far the modification was in the right direction ; but if we turned to the two reports of the Royal Com missioners—for they were divided amongst them selves—he must say that he thought they were equally unsatisfactory. What he complained of was the spirt of extermination which they breathed. He could find in them no idea but that of " Kill, kill, kill." Now, he would rather have had the principle of " Cure, cure, cure." It was all very well if we could conceive that this pestilence would never occur again, that we should stamp it out at the present moment by adopting the very energetic measures proposed by the report of the majority of the commissioners ; but as our popu lation was increasing, it was impossible to talk about putting an absolute check to the importation of cattle from abroad, and we must look forward to the possibility of being subject to a return of the malady. There was no disguising the fact, therefore, that our great object should be to find out some cure, and it did appear to him to be a very clumsy method of curing a disease to slaughter the patient. (Laugh ter.) If this principle had been applied to many of those diseases which formerly ravaged mankind, those diseases which we now found amenable to treatment would have remained as they were at first, absolutely incurable and permanent. What, there fore; he wished to see was that the Government, in stead of providing sl aughter-houses, should provide hospitals. He did not altogether think that cure w as so absolutely hopeless as some people supposed. lie believed that under the present system of treat ment, or no treatment, one in eight recovered, and he had seen in the papers that with a different system of treatment 75 per cent. in Holland recovered. He also saw with pleasure that our Minister at Munich (Lord Augustus Loftus) had taken the trouble t o write to the Foreign Office stating that in Bav ar i a a specific had been discovered for the disease. One recommendation of the commissioners he received with pleasure, viz., that importations of cattle should only take place within certain ports, and that in these ports a system of Government inspec tion should be adopted, for he confessed that he had great faith in a quarantine policy. If there was ono spot more than anotherwhich was exposed to disease, it was perhaps Sicily, owing to imperfect drainage, bad diet, and the filthy h a bit s o f the people. But although cholera has been raging in the basin of the Mediterranean, Sicily had been exempt from it becaus e s h e had adopted a system of quaran tine. Ireland had been exempt from the present scourge, Si mply by putting an end to importa tion of cattle ; an d it was a most fortunate thing that Ireland should have thus been free from the visitation. He had b een spending a portion of the summer in Ireland, and he was happy to see the material progress which she had made. The pig was no longer the " jintleman that paid the rint." (Laughter.) But at this moment every stnallfarmer had his herd, while every cottager had hiacoar;and ha had no hesitation in sa y in g that i f by any chance ' the cattle disease should reach Ireland, it would prove a more fatal affair for that couutry than the potato blight. it was not only as regards material progress that he remarked with pleasure the im provement of Ireland, but he might venture to say that during the last eight years religious animosities had considerably subsided, while political agitation was at a discount. He said this boldly, in the face of that tempest in a teacup called the Fenian insurrec tion. We mi g h t depend upon it that no insurrection in Ireland and no conspiracy could be of any portanee whioh S not countenanced by the Roman Catholic priesthood, and against this conspiracy they had set their faces, and even in many cases de nounced it from the altar. We might also depend upon it that when men had nothing to complain of —when they had merely a sentimental grievance like that of the Fenians, that the Celt had been sub- jugated by the Saxon—conspiracies were of no im- portance whatever. To drive a nation into rebellion there was required the iron hand of grievous misrule. This observation applied, however, only to white races, because we had recently seen a negro insur rection in Jamaica, where men who had been placed in a position of perfect political equality with their white brethren, and who even possessed that from which the £9 householder in this country was ex cluded—(a laugh)—absolutely organised for next Christmas-day the massacre of every white inhabi tant upon the island, secretly impelled doubtless by that innate jealousy which the black man felt of the innte superiority of the white mau. When we thus found men who were suffering from no grievance at all, but who were placed in a perfect position of equality, both politically and socially, with the whites, rising in insurrection and committing atro cities from the very perusal of which most men's minds revolted, he was surprised to find a party in this country with minds so peculiarly, and, he trusted, so exceptionally, constituted that their sympathies were not with their own white race, but rather with the black miscreants who had indulged in such abominable excesses. The principal point which had been raised against the Government of Jamaica was that Mr. Gordon was taken from Kingston, where he had given himself up, into a district where martial law existed, and that he was there tried and executed. But it was not fair to condemn the Go vernment for the course which they had taken with out knowing all the facts. Where did Mr. Gordon come from ? Did he come from a proclaimed dis trict? If he did, the Government had a perfect right to deliver him up to the proclaimed district from which he had escaped. He did not wish to say that an inquiry should not take place, but if it did take place, he trusted that it would be conducted in a spirit of sympathy with a Government placed in a difficult position. Although we must look upon this insurrection in Jamaica with feelings of regret, there was one country, at all events, which would derive a seasonable and salutary lesson from it; he alluded to the United States, now engaged in the recon struction of their Constitution, and who had always found this question of the negro one of great difficulty and danger. He did not wish to express an opinion as to the internal affairs of the United States, because in this country we were too much in the habit of giving advice and counsel as to foreign affairs and foreign countries when they wished us anywhere else; but he could not refrain from offering his humble meed of approbation of the con duct pursued by the President, Mr. Johnson. Ile believed Mr. Johnson was pursuing a policy which would again consolidate the shattered framework of society in the United States, and that he was using the best means to reconcile the conflicting elements with which he had to deal. While the legislature of the United States was to be engaged in the duty of reconstructing their constitution, it would appear that the legislature of this country was to be occu pied with the somewhat less felicitous task of pulling to pieces our own constitution, for we could not dis guise from ourselves the fact that we werethreatencd with some measure of innovation called a reform bill. The recent appointments of the Government, although of a subordinate diameter, showed in what direction they were tending, and he believed that the reform bill proposed would not be of a very mode rate character. The Government had appointed Mr. Goschen Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and they bad made Mr. Forster an under secretary. From the first named gentleman he believed they would receive no inconsiderable accession of strength, while from the latter they would receive a consider able accession of weakness. (Laughter.) Although he (Mr. Peacocke) had no doubt that Mr. Forster would follow in the footsteps of many who had gone before him, and that from being one of the most boisterous of demagogues, he would subside into the most placid of placemen. (Laughter.) It would be a mere matter of speculation to discuss the details of the reform bill, but come that bill when it might he would venture to express a hope that the great Con servative party would use their united efforts to re move its obnoxious features, to soften down its ob jectionable outlines, and to shape them in accordance with our existing institutions. If he reollectedrightly, the Emperor Nerva was deified by the Roman people for conferring upon them imperial)? et libertas. lie did not ask the British to deify their constitution, but he asked them to respect and perpetuate those priceless blessings which, under its mild and benig nant sway, this country had enjoyed—liberty un equalled, prosperity unrivalled, empire unsurpassed. (Loud cheers.) Mr. EARLE, M.P., also responded, and observed that Mr. Peacocke, in his eloquent speech, had alluded to many of those subjects of great interest which at present occupied the public mind. If amongst those subjects there was one at this time more prominent than another, it was the question of Parliamentary reform. When he and his consti tuents parted on the hustings reform was hardly a question which came within the sphere of practical politics, but since then great events had occurred, and reform had become the great question of the day. There were some, he knew, who looked for ward to a measure of Parliamentary reform as though we might expect from it a nicer balance and adjustment of the conflicting tendencies of the public mind. He believed those persons would be very much disappointed ; and equally vain, he believed, was the hope of those who expected from a further extension or modification of the act of 1832 a more ample representation of the refinements and curiosi ties of opinion. Those who sought Parliamentary reform, and who, he supposed, would one day carry it, had much ruder objects in view ; their views were of a levelling and democratic character. Ad mitting that Parliamentary reform was necessary, or even desired by the country, he must say that he thought the evils of change were greatly aggravated when that change was of so limited and partial a character as to have not even the semblance of fina lity. He thought no disturbance was so much to be deprecated as one which did not offer even for one generation the prospect of an enduring settlement. We had lately read in the—not to use a stronger ex pression—forcible speech of Mr. Bright, what was the programme of the Liberal party ; but he (Mr. Earle) was struck with a greatomission in that programme. Mr. Bright advocated, as a matter of necessity, a considerable extension of the franchise ; but if we looked into the speech which he delivered the other day, we searched in vain for any ob jects which he expected to attain by that extension of the franchise. He spoke, indeed, of two mea sures which he thought ought to be passed at once, but they were measures for which he (Mr. Earle) believed there was already a majority; and it could not, therefore, be to carry those measures that Mr. Bright wanted an extension.of the franchise. Again, Mr. Bright could not want an extension of the franchise in order to diminish the influence of the Tory party, for he said the T ory party was a " de caying faction." (Laughter.) What he (Mr. Earle) inferred from this reserve of Mr. Bright, which was so unlike him, was that the objects - which Mr. Bright had in view were objects which he dare not even mention to the present constituencies of the empire. In the speech to which be (Mr. Earle) had been re ferring, Mr. Bright :made a very elaborate attack upon the whole history and antecedents of the Tory party. He said that during the last 40 years they had been the opponents of every measure which had contributed to the welfare of the country ; and in nerving himself for his great attack be began by throwing out those insinuations and repeating those remarks which he had so often made upon the con duct of the Tory party during the great revolution ary war at the end of the last century and beginning of this. Well, he (Mr. Earle) believed that it was gene t r o al e l s y ta a b d l m ish itted that at the time Mr. Pitt and his L when Mr. Bright a i the Tory • revolution, he (Mr. Earle) 1 vernment of the country had universale e u ter: the period to which he followers engaged the country in those great wars was an attempt on the part of the first Empe rorpire in Europe ; and told us that the course adopted by party was one which might have led to a which Mr. Bright d answered that if the Go been conducted during had referred upon the prin ciplesa vocated, we should have fallen under the still worse evil of foreign domina- tion. Mr. Bright said that Mr. Pitt and his fol lowers left us nothingbutthelegacy of an enormous debt ; but he (Mr. Earle) believed that this was not the case, but that they left us the British empire with all the blessings of domestic liberty and secu rity abroad. (Hear) This was a noble estate, which was well equal to the burthens which 20 years of military glory had entailed upon it. (Cheers.) Mr. TUFFNELL proposed " The Conservative Members for the County of Essex." (Loud cheers.) Mr. Du CANE, M.P., replied, and after discussing local politics at some length, said we had recently had a great demonstration from that great authority on public affairs, Mr. John Bright, who had treated us apparently to prophecy. Mr. Bright told us that the Conservative party was numerically weaker in the present Parliament than it ever was before, and he prophesied at the same time that the days of the Conservative party were numbered. If hard words could break any bones—although we know very well that they could not—he wondered that a single Conservative was at the present moment alive in the land ; for he thought that ever since those legendary days when a good old archbishop cursed a little jackdaw which had stolen his ring—(laughter)— never had there fallen from the lips of mortal man such a thundering anathema as that which Mr. Bright pronounced upon all those who had the mis fortune to differ from him in opinion. In the words of the " Ingoldsby Legends " "He cursed them living, he cursed them dying, Never was heard such a terrible curse ; But what gave rise to no little surprise, Nobody seemed one penny the worse." (Laughter.) There was an old adage which said that when you had got a bad case you should abuse the plaintiff's attorney—(laughter)—and he (Mr. Du Cane) supposed that Mr. Bright's vituperation of the Conservative party and its leaders might be taken as a sign that he had in reality got a very bad case, and that he found that the country was more opposed, if possible, than ever to those sweeping and organic charges which he recommended. He (Mr. Du Cane) confessed that he differed from Mr. Bright's views as to the numerical strength of the Conservative party at the present moment. When he had the honour of being first returned for North Essex, the Liberal party in Essex alone possessed four scats out of the ten, and he took his scat in a Parliament which gave Lord Palmerston a clear majority of from 80 to 100 members. If ever there was a period when a lengthened tenure of office might have been predicted for the Liberal party, he thought that was the time. But we knew very well what had hap pened—how in six months from that time mutiny and dissatisfaction arose in the Liberal ranks, how they turned round upon Lord Palmerston, and how Lord Derby succeeded Lord Palmerston with the approbation of the country. If such a thing as that happened to Lord Palmerston's Government during the life of Lord Patmerston, what chance of cohesion was there for the present Government ? What we had now to deal with was Lord Palmerston's Go vernment without Lord Palmerston. (Hear, hear.) Lord Palmerston's Government without Lord Pal merston had now to face a new Parliament with a disunited following, many of whom had hitherto owned no Liberal tie and professed no Liberal theory but allegiance to Lord Palmerston alone. He (Mr. Du Cane) must confess that he did not consider Lord Russell's position at the present mo ment to be exactly a bed of roses, and he was rather inclined to say—" Pity the sorrows of a poor old man." (Laughter.) An eminent French political writer said—" There is no worse position for a Government than to have to deal with hopes which are at once ardent and vague, for there are no people who, perhaps, are so difficult to govern as those who have immense desires without exactly knowing what they desire." He (Mr. Du Cane) believed that these words not inaptly represented the position of Lord Russell and his Government, and lie was not surprised to see signals of distress being paid out from the ship of State. He was not surprised to be told one day that a great effort was being made to woo the smiles of a rising Conservative statesman ; he was not surprised to find another day that the Government had finally resolved to lend itself to the fascinations of its Radical supporters ; and he was not surprised to read the imploring language in which Lord Russell prayed his Mansion house audience for a fair trial, and for forbearance at their hands. He would be a bold man who at tempted to prophesy what the future might bring forth, but he believed that forbearance and a fair trial would be readily accorded by the Conser vative party, and that Lord Russell had not so much to dread the factious opposition of his open and honest enemies as the disaffection and disunion of his so-called friends. He (Mr. Du Cane) believed that the days of political inaction were passt and gone, and that stirring times and great questions were in store for us. He should be found as hitherto serving in the ranks of that party which he believed, in spite of Mr. Bright's maledictions, was destined yet to a lengthened and brilliant career—a party which ho believed to be not the less a lever to the cause of sound progress because it had shown in times past that it had the strength and power to re sist successfully all sweeping changes and organic innovations, and to arrest sometimes the car of progress in the fatal descent down the slope of de mocratic revolution. (Cheers.) Mr. SELWYN, M.P., also responded. The hon. gentleman referred in some detail to the circumstances of his election, and proceeded to show that if ever there was a time when those who held Conservative opinions ought to be prepared for action, it was the present. Death had removed that great statesman wbom men of all political opinions respected, whose Conservative tendencies were a guarantee to Con servatives for the moderate policy of the Whig-Ra dical party, but whose death had left the vessel of the State to drift on to the rocks of democracy. For his own part, he (Mr. Selwyn) contended that we ought to raise the man to the franchise, and not to debase the franchise to . the man. There were also various lateral ways of extending the franchise, but really to lower the franchise as the Radicals advised would be certain to destroy that constitutional form of government which had done so much for this country. it was not only with the question of Par liamentary Reform that Conservative would have to deal, but rumours were afloat that attacks were to be made on the Church. He thought with regard to church rates that a great deal of irritation and discord might be avoided by an alteration in the law as it now stood ; but if a change were to be made, let there be some guarantee for the stability of those institutions which he had been brought up to venerate. Referring to the cattle plague the hon. gentleman argued that some compensation ought to be made to those agriculturists whose beasts were ordered to be slaughtered. There was a precedent for this, he contended, in the compensation made by the Government in 1745. At the same time he thought farmers ought also to endeavour to help themselves by adopting the principles of mutual in surance. The sufferings endured by the farmers in consequence of the cattle plague were also, he argued, so many additional reasons for the repeal of the malt tax, and he trusted that malt tax repealers would be up and doing, and show by their perseverance that they were determined to bring public opinion to bear upon the subject. (Hear, hear.) Lord E. CECIL, M.P., " followed on the same side." The noble lord said we had had some stirring events during the last five months. We had had a rather than ak in d i Irelandm i n i sh i ng w plague such as E ng l an d h a d no t seen f or th e last 100 years, and w hi c h h e was sorry to say was rap idl y increasing t outbreak c lV o e n had w h a a n d t a ed n attempted *hihonly Mr. Smith O'Brien a and cabbage garden to make it supremely ridiculous. (Laughter.) We had had areal outbreak in Jamaica, attended with all the horrors of an Indian mutiny, which if it proved one thing more than another, proved that negroes were unfit for self-government; and lastly we had to deplore the death of Lord Palmerston. The cattle plague was a great national calamity, and it might have been expected that at all events the Government would have called Parliament together. The Vete rinary College had nothing ' better to recommend than the pole-axe, and the Government, after shilly shallying for a couple of months, shifted the question from their own backsto an irresponsible commission. That was not the way to treat an important class like the landowners and tenant farmers, more espe cially when the Parliament elected in July might have been called together in the course of the autumn. He did not say that the great council of the nation would have thrown fresh light upon the cure and treatment of this disease, but he thought the mere summoning of Parliament together would have in spired confidence at all events. It would have armed Government with fresh powers if it had been found necessary, it might have initiated a really good sys tem of national insurance, and it would have been a fit and proper compliment to the great agricul tural interests of the country. Instead of this the public had to wait two months before the Govern ment took any action whatever in the matter ; but he supposed that we must not be too hard upon the Government, as they had lately lost their mainstay, Lord Palmerston. It was not for him (Lord E. Cecil) to eulogise that great departed statesman, whose only fault was that, being a Conservative, he called himself a Liberal ; his (Lord E. Cecil's) pro vince was rather with the present. Of Lord Russell, the present Premier, it might be said that at all events he was no novice. We knew him very well, perhaps too well—(laughter)--and it was not likely that at the age of 73 he would alter either his con victions or his political career. He was the same Lord John who upset the Derby Reform Bill in 1859, who three years ago was anxious to "rest and be thankful," but who now, not content to let well alone, had published a second edition of his work on the English Constitution, and hinted at a Re form Bill. Did Lord Russell's antecedents justify us in supposing that he would long continue to hold the reins of office ? (A. Voice—Not at all likely.) (Laughter.) Who, then, was the coming man? Not Mr. Gladstone ; for much as he (Lord R. Cecil) admired the right hon. gentleman's oratorical abili ties, he contended that his principles were not in accordance with those of the Conservative party, while his legislation had caused abitter feeling of dis content among the agricultural interest. Referring to the prospects of Reform, the noble lord said the new Parliament was elected as a Parliament of moderate men, and it was not very likely that it would prove more tolerant of a £6 franchise than its predecessors. The time of Christmas pantomimes was coming, and it was quite possible that we might have a political pantomime quite as amusing as anything ever put upon the stage. Probably there were actors at the Westminster Theatre to whom the parts of Pantaloon and Harlequin were not altogether strange. Whe ther the new Reform Bill with which we were menaced were a classic extravaganza founded upon some ancient Greek legend, or whether it were a screaming farce founded upon some modern matter—whether the prologue were spoken by Mr. Bright in some of those dulcet tones in which he was fond of address ing the Conservative party—(laughter)—the path of that party was very plain, and he believed that they would show themselves superior to the love of office, and simply aim at promoting the best inte rests of the country. (Cheers.) Captain JERVIS, M.P., also very briefly addressed the meeting, expressing his belief in the probability of an early dissolution of Parliament. Several other toasts followed, and the meeting separated. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.-It is due to Governor Eyre, no less than to public opinion in this country, that a full and • searching inquiry should be made into the history of the Jamaica rebellion, and we learn with the utmost satisfaction that such an inquiry is to be instituted forthwith. The announcement of this intention by the Government should go far to allay the excitement which still prevails on this subject. Now that all the circumstances upon which so many hypothetical verdicts have been passed are about to be investigated impartially for the first time, we may hope that our national habit of not prejudging a case will resume its sway once more. It cannot be too often repeated that we are not yet in possession of sufficient infor mation to justify us either in acquitting or in con demning the civil and military authorities of the colony. Almost the only official evidence that has reached us is contained in the Governor's despatch with its enclosures, in the report of his speech to the Jamaica Legislature, and in the addresses of the Legislaturlin reply to that speech. Private letters and extrarts from colonial newspapers have, in deed, been published which undoubtedly betray a degree of panic and of ferocity which does little credit to their authors, but which is far from be ing reflected in the Governor's letter, composed though it was on board ship, at broken inter vals, during a period of the greatest confusion and anxiety. Similar passages might easily have been culled from the Indian press and the military re ports of British officers during the Indian mutiny, and we fear that language is often used by very humane gentlemen at such a crisis which would shock their best friends, not to say themselves, if it were afterwards repeated in cool blood. The ques tion, however, is not one of expressions, but of facts, and of these we know far less than the public has been ledto believe. The number of executions, at first stated at 200, then at 400, has been swelled to above 1,000, and at last to no less than 2,000. Even the highest of these estimates may be correct, for the simple truth is that we have no means yet of testing its accuracy. By. putting together the results of courts-martial reported from various quarters we may form a very rough guess as to the probable total, but that is all. Of the charges preferred against the prisoners, and of the proofs, if any, by which these charges wer© sustained, we are as yet entirely ignorant, and ought, therefore, to suspend our judgment. Even upon the material particulars of Gordon's case, such as the place and time at which his crime was alleged to have been committed, the very nature of that crime, the names of the witnesses against him, and the mode of proceeding adopted by the Court that tried him, we remain utterly in the dark. Again, for aught that we can tell, Bri gadier-General Nelson and Colonel Hobbs, though complimented for their vigour in following up the rebels, may subsequently have been censured or punished for their too summary administration of justice. It may be so, or it may not be so, and in affirming or denying it we have as yet no better guide than probability. While so much is uncertain, it is safer, as well as fairer, not only to express no opinion, but to entertain no opinion upon the two questions which must be the main object of the pending inquiry —first, whether anything could warrant, and, secondly, whether the occasion did warrant, the repressive measures actually employed by the Jamaica Government. In the meantime, we are not forbidden by any rule of fair play of dictate of policy to compare those presumptions and facts on either side which are really within our cognizance. Foremost among the former is the previous character of the persons accused of atrocities worse even than those of the insurgents. Now, of the military officers implicated we know little beyond their professional qualifications, and it must be confessed that good soldiers have often exhibited very loose notions of equity and a merciless contempt for human life in crushing native insurrections. But of Governor Eyre himself, who expressly assumes the whole responsibility for all that was done up to October 20, it so happens that we do know something, and that which we know directly rebuts the suspicion of heartless cruelty. The man who has been denounced as " a wholesale murderer and a Robespierre " is the same man who was the protector of the aborigines in South Australia, and who distinguished himself by the defence of the very principles which he is now charged with outraging. He is also a man who, by the admission of his detractors, has given as high proofs of courage as any other man alive, and who therefore was eminently unlikely to lose his nerve for a fortnight or three weeks together under the pressure of an emergency, however terrible. It is certainly not impossible that he may have done so ; but we are dealing now only with probabilities, and are driven to choose between the horns of an obvi ous dilemma. Either a public servant of tried cou rage and exemplary humanity was hurried, whether by fear or the influence of evil connsellors, into wanton barbarities, or he acted under the stress of an overwhelming necessity which his critics have failed to appreciate. We do not hesitate, until un deceived, to embrace the latter alternative, which is strongly' confirmed, in our opinion, by the tone of his own dispatch. There are some passages in this document which require explanation ; there are others which are open to fair exception ; but there are none which give colour to the imputation of unscrupulous cruelty. How can we reconcile the imputation with such an appeal as the following : —" I trust, sir, that you will fully bear these cir cumstances in mind, and that, in doing so, you will not regard the just severity which has been exer cised otherwise than as a merciful substitute for the much larger measure of punishment which would have had to be executed had the rebellion been allowed to gather head and extend itself." Far be it from us to deny that a person may exhibit this sense of responsibility and yet err greatly on the side of rigour, but it is not easy to believe that so brave a man as Governor Eyre, with these sentiments present to his mind, would act and write, on purely hearsay testimony, as though he stood on the brink of a volcano. If conjecture is admissible, it is surely a far more reasonable conjecture that a deep-laid and wide-spread conspiracy really existed, and that, with all the horrors of St. Domingo in their memo ries, the Governor and his advisers may have in ferred a plan for the massacre of whites from the discovery of a plan for a gencralrising of the negroes, coupled with the murderous scenes at Morant-bay. Be this as it may, let us at least abstain from con founding several issues essentially distinct. Whether the outbreak in St. Thomas's-in-the-East was an isolated event, or, as Governor Eyre believes, the first symptom of a preconcerted revolt ; whether it was right or expedient to proclaim martial law throughout the district ; whether the state of things which ensued upon the proclamation deserves the name of a Reign of Terror ; whether Col. Hobbs or any other military officer hanged and flogged " stragglers" without due trial ; whether Gordon had really matured a plot like that of the sth of November ; and whether, in any case, he could be legally tried by a Court-martial,—all these and many other points, though connected with each other, must be discussed and settled independently. For instance, it would not follow that because Go vernor Eyre overrated the extent and danger of the prevailing disaffection he was wrong in approving the execution of Gordon, or that if Col. Hobbs and his troops took a brutal pleasure in the sufferings of their victims it was shared and approved by the Go vernor. When the inquiry is concluded we shall be prepared to hear that deeper motives than a mere love of bloodshed actuated the savage mob at Morant-bay. On the other hand, we decline to attribute the misery and desperation of the blacks solely to oppressive taxes and unjust legislation. We have testimony from the most disinterested sources to the contrary. The " Jamaica Baptist Union," in reply to a circular from Governor Eyre, in the course of last summer transmitted to him, for the information of the Colonial-office, an able and temperate Report on the condition of the coloured population. This Report has recently been republished by Dr. Underhill, and, while it endorses generally his statements, it also furnishes his oppo nents with a remarkable confirmation of their argu ments. It does not disguise, but emphatically asserts, the disputed fact, on which Mr. Cardwell had strongly insisted in the despatch censured by Gordon, " that a large measure of the poverty and distress is attributable to indolence." Not only does this remark recur again and again in the text of the Report, but it is supported in an appendix by detailed memoranda from Baptist ministers in various parts of the island. Among the prominent causes of poverty and crime, they all, with very few excep tions, specify the besetting vice of idleness. " Idle ness," " downright laziness," " negligence," " want of energy," " want of industry," " want of thrifti ness," inveterate vagabondism, and a habit of prey ing on the provision-grounds of the more industrious, are the almost universal complaint. Other and artificial reasons are assigned for the prevalence of distress, and it is to be hoped that such of them as are real may be mitigated by the constitutional change which has already been submitted to the Colonial Legislature, and may be hastened by this very inquiry. But no constitutional change will enable a labouring population to subsist without labour, and no enormities which may be brought home to the planters by the inquiry can equal those which the blacks, if left in possession of Jamaica, would inflict on each other. POST.—The intelligence brought by the Bombay mail, published in our columns yesterday, is of an earlier date than the telegram received about a fort night since announcing the termination of the war in Bhootan. We are not surprised, therefore, at reading of preparations for a campaign which has now fortunately been rendered unnecessary. The Dhurm and Deb Rajahs evidently felt convinced that the Indian Government had resolved no longer to be trifled with, and they had the good sense not to provoke a war which might have cost them their dominions. It was apprehended at the time the mail left that one chief, the Tongsoo Penlow, might prove troublesome, but there is no reason to doubt that he gave his adhesion to the treaty concluded about a fortnight later by Sir Bartle Frere. As to the cause of quarrel between us and the Bhooteas, perhaps not half a dozen persons out of the India office could accurately explain it. Under these circum stances, then, it is especially satisfactory to learn that a war which, in any event, must have proved troublesome and expensive, has come to an end. Petty wars have at all times this inconvenience an nexed to them, that they neither bring profit nor credit. And this was particularly the case in re spect to the war with Bhootan. The territory of the enemy, though comparatively small in extent, was almost inaccessible to an invading force, whilst the physical difficulties which beset the path of our troops were enhanced by the pestilential character of the climate in the lowlands in which they were compelled to operate. The actual occupation of Bhootan was, in fact, never contemplated, and nothing beyond the seizure of the passes communi cating with the plains appears to have been intended by the Indian Government. But although our operations were confined to the outskirts of the territory of Bhootan, they were by no means so successful as, considering our immense superiority, we might have had reason to expect. On one of the occasions on which our troops came in collision with the Bhooteas the former were shamefully worsted; and although we managed to secure and hold some of the passes, the occupation of which was the main object of the war, we did so at a large cost of human life. Pestilence proved a powerful ally to the hardy mountaineers, and the latest accounts from the seat of war told us that upwards of half our troops were prostrated by sick ness. Matters looked gloomy, when, without word of preparation, the clouds were suddenly dispelled by the cheering intelligence that hostilities had been terminated, and a treaty signed between the belli gerents which, in its main provisions, recognises and satisfies the demands of the Indian Government. Our differences with Bhootan are of long standing, and it cannot be suggested that the recent hostilities were undertaken by us with any other object than that of simply insuring from our neighbours that respect for the persons and property of our fellow subjects who live on the confines of Bhootan which we were fairly entitled to demand. Bhootan is part of that extensive region which lies between Bengal and Thibet, and forms a portion of the declivity of that great alpine chain of which the latter constitutes the table land. On the south the country opens by a number of defiles and passes into the plains of Bengal, and through these passes alone the communications between the Bhooteas and Bengalese are necessarily maintained. It is no matter for surprise that the contiguity of these plains should have furnished a temptation to plunder too strong to be resisted, and from time immemorial the Bhooteas were in the habit of ravaging the low lands and carrying off. cattle, crops, and prisoners into their mountain fast nesses. As British rule extendad in India, it happened that our territory was carried to the boundaries of Bhootan. But the Bhooteas had as little respect for us as for our predecessors, and before long we found ourselves under the necessity of addressing reclamations to the Government of Bhootan. A number of persons living under our protection had been consigned to captivity, and property to a considerable amount had been car ried off. Negotiations even more protracted and more unsatisfactory than those with which the re cords of European diplomacy have made us familiar followed. At length the Indian Government de cided on sending a special mission to Bhootan. Mr. Ashley Eden was the envoy selected,. and he, together with his suite, succeeded, after a toilsome journey, in reaching the capital of Bhootan. His mission was, however, worse than fruitless; for not only did the authorities refuse to accede to his de mands, but they compelled him, under threats of imprisonment, to sign a treaty purporting to convey to the Sovereign of Bhootan a large portion of the territory which had been the scene of the outrages for which redress was demanded. This treaty was, of course,"„repudiated by the Indian Government, and the insult offered to their envoy, as well as the persistent refusal of the Bhooteas to liberate their captives, were made the grounds for an aggressive war. As the only object of the Indian Government was to afford protection to those who have become English subjects, they proposed to annex so much of the territory of Bhootan as would enable them to guard against any future inroads. In the late campaign this object was in part realised, but the inconvenience of keeping a numerous force stationed ia an unhealthy region exposed to harassing attacks from the enemy had begun to be seriously felt. It was therefore decided that the war should be car ried into the heart of the country, and such a blow struck as would satisfy the Bhooteas of the folly of protracting the war. The threat has proved effi cacious without being carried into effect. The peo ple of Bhootan know by hearsay, if not by personal experience, that no native Power has been able to withstand the prowess of the English arms, and they have wisely resolved on concluding peace, while the terms' offered are such as impose no serious penalty for their former. misdeeds. Sir Bartle Frere and the representatives of the Government of Bhootan have accordingly concluded a treaty which it is rea sonable to hope will be faithfully observed by the contracting parties, and which finally disposes of all pre-existing grievances. The captives will be libe rated, a cession of territory will render further out rages improbable, if not impossible, and commercial intercourse between Bhootan and British India will be established on a satisfactory foundation. The last-mentioned_provision of the treaty we regard as the most important, since nothing tends so much to preserve peaceful relations between States as the sense of mutual advantage which is inspired by com mercial ties. America and England. Tho London Spectator (says the New York Evening Post) labors to convince Englishmen that the United States are not likely to make war upon England. It strikes Ameri cans oddly that it should bo necessary to make an argu ment on this point. If Englishmen who aro alarmed at such a prospect could know the mind of the American people they would seo that what they fear is as improbable as almost any possible event could bo. We do not want to go to war with England ; the American people understand very well that the chief suf ferers by such a war would be the English people—they were our true friends during the war; the aristocracy would not suffer. Our people understand, too, that the example of our successful Republican Government will have much greater power in England, and will be of much greater use to the Liberal party there, if the two coun tries remain at pearo, than if thoy fall by the ears together. But it is true that Americans enjoy the dilemmas in which the British Government has placed itself by its con duct towards the United States during the late war. We are amused at the Fenian attempt, and cannot help chaffing John Bull when we see him falling into a dreadful "funk" at the prospect of a rising in Ireland. We remind him, at such a time, of Alabamas, and of blockade runners, and of Fenian war supplies drawn from America, as, until last April, Davis's supplies were drawn from England. We talk to the respectable Bull about acknowledging the bel ligerency of the Fenians, &c. In short, wo "Yankees" aro a laughter-loving people, and it is scarcely to bo ex pected that we should lose so good a joke as this Fenian excitement in England gives us. As for our claims against England on account of the Alabama's depredations, &c., let no Englishman flatter himself we aro going to war to get thorn settled. While they aro unsettled England gives us most important host ages for good behaviour. If sho chooses to deny the justice of these claims, she puts herself in our power the first time she goes to war, and wo are neutral. It may be said, indeed, that we aro presenting our claims for da mages out of pure kindness to England. Their payment will bind us hereafter to the most thorough and real neutrality, just as the refusal to pay will establish a precedent which will hereafter place our shipyards, our machine shops, our gun foundries, our coal mines, at the service of any Power at war with England, and enable Americans to build and equip Alabamas and Shenandoahs to sweep British com merce from the seas the first time England goes to war with even a fourth-rate Power. No—we do not need war with England; we have too many advantages on our side already. We are laughing at her, and that is better than fighting her. We expect her to keep her fingers out of the Mexican pie, which it will presently be our duty to cut up. We may have some trouble with Napoleon, if our Government does not wisely and firmly show him that he must "get out of Mexico." But for the prosont wo have no desire to fight England; and as for our little claims, we do not need the money, but England does need, for her own comfort and safety, to settle certain principles and points of international law and practice ; and it is very kind in us to give her a chance to sottlo them in a way advantageous to herself. What could be of worse omen for English commerce, what could be more embarrassing to her, than for us to withdraw now these claims, and simply say we will accept your reading of the laws and act accordingly in the future ! Such a course, we imagine, would give every sensible Englishman alarm and annoyance. The Mineral Wealth of America. Day by day new developments are made and fresh evi dence accumulates of the vast mineral wealth of the country. We are only yet beginning to realise its abund ance and forecast its influence upon ourselves and upon the world. Since the first discoveries in California a powerful and populous State has sprung into existence, with well-built cities, flourishing villages, husbandry upon a grand and advanced scale, with flocks and herds, vine yards and orchards, and all the appliances of civilisation and signs of social and material progress, such as has not been matched in any other part of the world in the same period of time. This great State, largo enough for an empire of and in itself, is bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, and is as much an integral part of our body politic—though lying three thousand miles apart upon the Pacific shore—as is Pennsylvania. Sho is amply able to defend her coasts in case of need, has a teeming commerce, is stretching out her arms for the trade of Asia and China, posts her steamers and ships north to the Russian posses sions and south the whole extent of South America. She is proud of her lineage, and ranks herself the brightest jewel in the trousseau of the Republic. This is the beginning, the immediate result of the mineral discoveries there. How immensely enhanced will be the importance of the geographical position when Colo rado and Nevada shall hare equal age and development, and the great Pacific Railroad shall be a realisation—when Montana, Utah, Nebraska, and Now Mexico shall be brought within easy distance of her golden gate ! Colorado is so accessible, and is so growing in population and consequence, that it will soon be the fashion to make the trip in Juno or early autumn to its rising cities and magnificent gold fields. From Boston to Atchinson, Kansas, is a continuous railway. Thence a coach leaves daily for Fort Kearney, Denver, Salt Lake, and California. Denver is reached in ten days from Boston or New York. It has a population of 7,500. It is twenty miles farther to Black Hawk and Central City, in the centre of the mining dis tricts. Tho distance from Missouri river to Central City is only 600 miles. . _ Colorado yielded in gold in 1859 $4,000 ; in 1863, $20,000,000. By new and improved processes 95 per cent. of the gold from the ore is now obtained, when it used to be 30 to 40 only. So important is this improvement that old " tailings " are re-worked with rich results. Tho increase from '59 to 'G3 shows what Colorado is to become in respect to its mineral products. From Denver to Salt Lake by stage is about sovon days ; thence to the great silver regions of Nevada, eight days. Here is another st u p en d ous fi e ld o f en t er prise. From $3OO to $4OO per ton o f ore i s no uncommon yield, costing, say, $BO in labo r , smelting, &c., and the supply inexhaust ible. Great discoveri es o f s il ver have recen tl y b een made in Los Angelo; which are developed with extraordinary success.—Boston Journal. Programme of the Fenians• We have now in our possession (says the Toronto Watchman) a portion of the intended programme of the Fenian modus operandi in reference to Canada, and hence we are in a position to corroborate Mr. Perreault's statement as to their intentions of a raid on Canada at an early day. We are still in com munication with a certain party on this subject, and as soon as we have learned all we can we will give the public the benefit of our inquiry. In the meantime we advise the banks to be careful, and place their property under protection, and officers in command should be care ful as to the character of the men who act as sentinels, as, from our present knowledge, the Fenians calculate on great things—first, from rebel soldiers in her Majesty's service, and a smash on the banks will put them, they think, in possession of extensive funds wherewith to carry on their plans. Now this is nothing more than Mr. Perreault hints at, and should not be treated as mere rumours. Let those who treat. them as such bear the responsibility. We are also informed that there are six hundred Fenians in Toronto, armed to the teeth, each man having a revolver and a pike, and very many a rake, waiting for the word of command to imbruo their hands in the blood of Protestants. And now let us direct attention to one or two points. And, first of all, we accuse the Gcvernment of indifference to this conspiracy. Ample proof is available by them of hundreds now in Canada being engaged in this plot, and of being armed with weapons par se intended for no other purpose than that of butchering human beings, and yet no steps are taken. Mr. Michael Murphy can go with impunity and take part in Fenian conventions, and other Fenians can boast in our streets of being such—open and avowed enemies to our Queen and constitution, and there is no redress. A member of Parliament can stand on the threshold of a Roman Church in Canada and declare his - sympathy with the Fenian plot, and tell us boldly they intend taking Canada during the present winter, and still the Government is inactive. Is it because some of its mem bers are said to fraternise with the Fenians? Is it possible that the Upper . Canadian Premier and the President of the Council can wink at these things and in sincerity tell us they prefer British connection ? We shall see. [ADVERTISEMENT.] - Dyspepsia (indigestion), constipa tion, debility, consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach, and liver complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfectly cur able by Du Barry's health-restoring Rcvalenta Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been con sidered hopeless, such as-cough, asthma, also diarrheas, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head and ears, iheumAtism, gout, im purities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleepless ness, ;wilily, palpitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in preg nancy or at era, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tighfness of the chest, pains in the pit of the stomach and between the shoulders, to. We quote a few : -Cure No. 16,276. BirJames Roberts, timber merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and par tial deafness.-:Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of ex treme nervousness, indigestion, gathcr:ngs; low spirits, and nervous fancies. -Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, lord lieut. of Waterford, of many Sears' dyspepsia. -No. 19,832. Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting-Maria Joly -Cure No. 51,816. The Rev, James T. Campbell, Fakenham. Norfolk, of indigestion and torpid ity of the liver, which had resisted all medical treatment.- In tins, I lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 48. 6d ; Mb., I is. ; 228. ; 241 b. 408.-Barry Ju Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Phillips, tea dealers, S, King William-street ; likewi-e at GI, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate street Within ; 63,150, and 293, Oxford-street ; 330, Strand ; 5-1, Upper Baker-street ; 103, Tottenham-court-road n117 0h4 -tctoui4.rt-irion : Close a 1 ; 90, Upper-street, Islington, N. ; Harvey, Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St. John's -wcod, London ; and all respectable grocers and che mists.--Beware of spurious imitations. The Canadians and their Troubles. There appears to be a good deal of vitality (says the New York, Times) just now in our neighbours north of the great lakes, despite the torpidity generally ascribed to them dur ing the winter months. They seem, indeed, to be un usually lively, the advanced period of the season con sidered: From their own accounts, as chronicled till within a very recent period, there were many and satisfactory reasons why they could afford to indulge in their usual uninterrupted winter quietude. They claim to have just gathered a harvest more abundant than any with which Providence has favored them for several years past. F urther, they assert that the sectional differences which formerly attained a growth threatening them with civil war have been almost entirely assuaged. They claim, too, that money is now more abundant than it has been for ten or eleven years. And, finally, they try to make the outside world believe that political parties, with their interminable feuds, have become things of the past, and that the ultra-Conservative is at length reposing quietly by the side of the hitherto untamable Radical. But which is the lion and which the lamb neither party dares to say. It seems to be enough to declare the existence of this zoological curiosity. But yet it would appear that Canadian affairs are not all couleur de rose. On the contrary, there is more than one skeleton in the colonial cupboard, or, if only one, it takes Protean shapes. There seems to be a sort of kaleidoscopic property about it, and, turn it as you will, some new.form presents itself. The combinations, however, instead of being beauitful and pleasant to the sense, have an opposite character. At the present moment Canadians are specially oppressed with the vision of an impending difficulty between this country and England, in consequence of the refusal of the latter to entertain our demand for compensation for losses suffered by the career of the Alabama and kindred vessels. The Canadians fully understand, at least—thanks to the utterances of the English Parliament and the English Press—what is comprehended in such a difficulty, carried out to its last issue: It means simply that Canada would be the battle-field of the contending nations, and that, whatever the ultimate result, that now flourishing province would be devastated by the remorseless action of war, to a greater degree than any of the late theatres of conflict in the struggle we con cluded in the spring. It is true that the eastern section of the province might feel the calamities of war in a some what lesser degree, but the Upper Province (including Montreal), where, speaking generally, all the population, wealth, and enterprise are centred, could not fail to be ut terly desolated. Our northern neighbors are, too, at this moment in a direful state of alarm in consequence of an alleged dis affection in some of the British troops, and of the sym pathy of these supposed malcontents with disaffected men, of the same stock, and nurtured in the same allegiance as themselves. Regiments are, it is said, being massed in the best places to meet any invaders ; the volunteers are to be called out ; and all who profess themselves especially loyal are enrolling to meet any emergency. The Canadian Government assumes to be fully apprised of all intended hostile movements. Time will show whether this is boast I or fact. But as near afflictions engage more immediate attention and excite more apprehension than distant ones, so the great present trouble of the Canadian mind is the threatened repeal of the Reciprocity Treaty. Nor is this to be wondered at, for the advantages that treaty has con ferred on Canada can scarcely be exaggerated. The con vention will terminate, under notice, in March next, And the colonists look to the ruinous consequences on the fOlir great staple interests of their country with apprehensions which we cannot but believe are well founded. COUNTRY MARKETS. HTJLL.-T UESDAY. Wo have had a moderate show of wheat at market to day, and prices rather higher than last week. Barley of fine quality fully as dear. Oats - not much changed. For beans late currencies were rather exceeded. English old white wheat, 52s to 54s ; old red, 47s to 495. Barley, English, 34s to 38s. Oats, Russian, 24s to 255. Beans, new English, 43s to 445. Peas, English blue, 40s to 41s Od ; grinding, 40s to 41s Od per 36 stops. SALISBURY.—TuzspAy. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised from 86s to 52s ; barley, 35s to 425; oats, 22s to 32s ; beans, 40s to 51s; and peas, 42s to 50s per qr. Tares, from 6s to 70 3d per bushel ; Best bread, 13d ; household ditto, 12d per 81b loaf. Flour, 34s to 40s per sack. MARKET HARBOROUGH.-TUESDAY. A fair show •f wheat : best dry sorts me.do rather more money. Barley in healthy request at top prices. Boans dearer. Old white wheat, 50s to 568 ; new red. 44s to 48s per 30 stone. Barley, fine, 3887; other kinds, 26s to ;29s per qr. Oats, new, 208:to 246 ; old, 26s to 30s per qr. Beans, obi, 40s to 425; new, 348 to 36s per qr. NEWCASTLE-T UESDAY. At to-day's market there was a moderate supply of far mers' wheat, with a good arrival from coastwise and abroad. Fine foreign wheat found buyers at full rates. Malting barley had little attention ; late rates, however, were sup ported. Grinding sorts unaltered. Malt firm. Beans un changed. Peas at former rates. Oats rather against the buyer. Flour fair sale at late rates. LYNN-TUESDAY. At to-day's market the supply of wheat was again short ; all descriptions sold readily at prices slightly in advance of last week. The best samples of malting barley barely supported last week's prices ; grinding sorts fully as dear. Beans 1s per qr. dearer. Oats no change. New wheat, 44s to 50s ; new red, 42e to 4Gs ; old white, 51s to 538 ; old red, 48s to 518 per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 34s to 36s ; secondary, 26s to 325. Oats, new, 18s to 24s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 42s to 448 ; large, 40s to 42s per 28 stone. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. s. d. s. d. Tanfield Moor Butes 16 3 Carway and Duffryn Hetton 2l 6 Malting 24 0 Hetton Lyons l9 6 N.Staffordshire 17 6 Hartlepool Ships . at mcgket, 7 ; sold, 7. Foreign Mail racket List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Deo. 19. Ditto, via Marseilles Dec. 13. Brazil and Cape Verde. by British paoxet Dec. •4. Ditto, by French packet Deo. 2 2. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Dcc. 22. China, Penang. and Singapore. via Sou t hampton Dcc. 2. Ditto, via Marseilles Dec. 13. Fa►kland Islands - Gibraltar, via Southampton . Dec. 2. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton... Dec. 2 Ditto, via Marseilles Dec: 13 India (Bombay), via Southampton. Dtc. 12. Ditto, via Marseilles . Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Maroon: 3. Deo. 6. Newfoundland Portugal Dec 4 • Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon United States and British North America, by Bri-_ tish packet Dec. 6. Ditto. by United States packet, via Southamp- ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry.. Dec. 8. West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe Dec. 11. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, and Mexico ............. ............ Deo. 14. Cuba and Mexico Deo. 29. Bahamas, via New Y ork. Dec 14. Bermuda, ditto Deo. 20. The American Commissioner of Agriculture reports that the deficit in the wheat crop is 12,172,994 bushels. The increase in oats is nearly 5,000,000 tons. The corn crop is the largest ever known in the United States. ADVERTISEENT. j—Holloway's Pills and Ointment. — A ' M frequent cause of gout and rheumatism is the inflamma tory state of the blood, attended with bad digestion and general debility. A few doses of these pills when taken in time aro an effectual preventive against gout and rheu matism ; but any one who has an attack of either should use Holloway's ointment also, the powerful properties of which, combined with the effect of the pills, must infal libly effect a cure. These pills act directly on the blood, which they purify and improve. They also regulate the secretions and give tone to the stomach, and thus the whole system is invigorated and put into a condition which en ables it to stop the approach of the disease or throw it off. Births. BEGG.—On the 3d inst., at Litchfield-road, Bow, the wife of Captain W. Begg, of a son. BYNG.—On the 6th inst., at 20, Carlton House-terrace, the Hon. Mrs. Henry Byng, of a daughter. HANICEY.—On the 27th ult., at 64, Gloucester-place, Port man-square, the wife of F. A. Hankey, Esq., of a son. Marriages. DENNIS—HOGHTON.-011 the sth inst., at St. Saviour's, Upper Chelsea, James Dennis, Esq., sth Lancers, to Agnes, daughter of the late Sir Homy Hoghton, Bart., of Iloghton Tower, Lancashire. WIIILLAx-ILLlNowomm.—On the 4th inst., at St. Bo tolph's, Alex. Wlllillan, merchalt, to Hannah, daughter of the late Thomas Illingwortb, Esq., manufacture r, Bradford, Yorkshire. Deaths. GRANARD.— On the 2d inst., at 4, Rutland-square, Dublin, Lady Caroline, infant daughter of the Countess Granard• GREGOIt.—On the sth inst., Gordon Wm. F. Gregor, Esq., of Trewarthonick, Cornwall, aged 76. MASON.—On tho 2d inst., at his seat, Necton Hall, Norfolk, Col. Mason. PILKINGTON.—On the lst inst., at Armithwaito Hall,Wens lovdale, Yorkshire, tho wife of Mr. James Pilkington, late M.P. for Blackburn, aged 59. RANKING.—On the sth inst., Rosa, wife of John Banking, Esq., of Wandsworth-common, aged 60. SULLIVAN.—On the 3d inst., at 14, Motcomb-street, Bel" grave-square, Sir Charles Sullivan, Bart., aged 45. ------- - London : Printed and Pubiished by WILLIAM ANDREWS), of No. 112, Strand, Painter, at Tftz SUN 0111 , 7 e, NO. Strand, in the Preoluct of the Sa.voy. in the County of Middleisex.—Thursday, December 7, 180. L 0 EV 14, Kt ADS Preeh fee, o: three diseou made 15 yea envelc r~ 13 l'iortg Ravin Secun We: Equ £3,22' The B Pa Raili - v C. J 'Limit Lev Comp Jos( Comp The and N The Mes The lies Londc Mes street, Mes Londc The Britisi Rhenii Chath, derive pects - which The 1 Prises Januai rebru, March April. May... June Augus Septer OctobE Thh Creek hithert dation, The rate O. chang e of Intl stock. Thif 1. eeutra] World, and th tago of unifc of co , Il eogor Clevel: York r 2. T trave n vauia idea of be fort Yield s eonve, kilo is IVI Issu The Jam liailw Ak T o t 4 '111 4 ( Ik t t lllO lz VI A Nc