The Sun. — London, England, 1835-08-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Everybody asks, what is to be done with the Muni cipal Corporation Bill, as it has been emasculated by the Lords ? Under other circumstances perhaps the most dignified course for Lord Melbourne to have taken would have been to abandon the measure alto gether until the next Session, trusting in the meantime to the hope that the Lords would see the propriety of giving up their resistance to the wishes of the people upon this most important question. But when we re flect upon the attitude which the House of Lords has assumed, not only against this Bill, but also against the Irish Church Bill ; and when we observe, more over, the strong probability which exists that their Lordships intend to deal even in a less ceremonious manner with the Bill for the Reform of the Irish Cor porations—the three great measures of the Session—it becomes manifest that a constitutional crisis is about to arise, which must be met by the Ministers and by the House of Commons with a degree of firmness and even of vigour suitable to the exigencies of the occa sion. It would be absurd to conceal from ourselves that under the cover of these three Bills, a fierce con flict is going on between two hostile principles, for the purpose of deciding which of the two shall even tually sway the destinies of this mighty empire. Shall a pauper oligarchy, sustained by a conrt fearful of its own existence, and living within an impenetrable at mosphere of prejudices which belong to the petty Ger man sovereignties of the last century, control the growing mind of England—or shall that mind have its own free and fearless course, adapting the laws to the circumstances of the times, and remodelling the public institutions in the manner best calculated to secure the rights and interests of the community ? A year has not yet passed, since a popular Government was dissolved without a moment's notice. Do we not see preparations made for a similar manoeuvre during the present antumn ? Here, therefore, is another evil to be guarded against ; and the means to be ar ranged for that purpose require the utmost circum spection, as well as the most unflinching de termination on the part of our representatives. We take it therefore for granted, that the Mu nicipal Bill will pass the Lords in its peesent shape, or at least in a shape very little improved from the mutilated figure which it now ex hibits to the eyes of an indignant country. When it is returned to the Commons, they will, we presume, reject all the amendments of the Lords, and thereupon demand a " free conference" with their Lordships, in which appointed Members of each House will have an opportunity of explaining the reasons by which the two branches of the Legislature are respectively guided with reference to this Bill. After this conference it will be open to the Commons to pass such resolutions as they may deem expedient upon the subject. Should the reasons of the Lords be found invalid for the alterations which they have introduced, a resolution to that effect may be agreed to ; and it may be very meetly followed by a second resolution, expressing the opinion of the House as to the manner in which the Lords have latterly exercised the powers entrusted to them by the constitu tion. Amongst other things, the extraordinary course adopted by their Lordships, of hearing counsel at their bar against the principle of a public Bill, not enacting any pains or penalties—their receiving at the same bar the evidence of interested witnesses, in order to overthrow the Report of the King's Commission, wiil not perhaps be forgotten. Nor can it be overlooked, that upon such evidence as this—evidence which no court of jus tice would have accepted—all the material averments have been, erased by their Lordships from the preamble of the Bill. In order to show that she course of pro ceeding which we have here indicated is not altogether unknown to Parliament, shall here briefly recapitu late what took place in 1742, relative to a Bill which passed the Commons for "indemnifying persons who should, upon examination, mal-c discoveries with re ference to the conduct of Robert Earl of Orford." It may be recoll,',-tecl that his Lordship was accused of something very like peculation ; but when the Bill went up to the Lords, they of course attempted to screen a membekof their " order," by meetinc , the Bill with a direct negative. The ( ominous hr7ing ascer tained this fact by an inspecG.n of the joernals, ai:,o - was made l;v Lord to : " T'rit the Lords n to om.cur with the Commons of Great Britain, in a:- : , idemniteation necessal.y to the effec ival carrying on of the inquiry now cl , -i,ending in Parliament, is an obstruction to justk,. d miy prove fatal to tI liber ties of this nation." The motion was lost be a small majority ; but when makin2; it the Noble Mover offeied some remarks, so peculiarly applicalile to the cons Jet of the majority of the present House of Lords, that we cannot refrain from quoting a few passages from his speech " The rejecting of thi Bill." he observed, " rill be at tended with eonsequences mu , ,t be datwerous to our Constitution. It will make the people begin to despise Par liaments, and despair of ever meeting with any relief from them. An absolute Government, without any form of liberty, is certainly better am! more tolerable than a Government sup ported by an assembly of men, who, under the pretence of being the guardians of public liberty take every opportunity to betray it, and serve for nothing but that of making the Government more expensive, and the Prince more arbitrary." It should be observed, that at the period of the ses sion phen this resolution was proposed, the supplies had been all granted, and the Mutiny Bill had been passed. It was argued on the other side, that the Lords, in.rejecti n„ .. this Bill, had d one no more t h an they were e n titl e d to do as a branch of the Legislature, on which Sir John Hind Cotton remarked— " The very being, as well as the character, of the other House depends upon their rejecting no more such Bills as that we lately sent up to them. It was not the army, it was not the Commons, that put an end to the existence of that House in King Charles the First's time ; it was their own conduct. By refusing their consent to popular and necessary laws ; they ren dered their House hateful to die people. This enabled the Commons and the Army to turn them out of doors. If ever the like case should again happen, the same cause may very probably produce the same effect; and therefore what hap pened at that time should be a warning to the House to endea vour at all times to preserve a good character among the people. " Suppose this motion to be looked on as a censure. Is not censure itself sometimes the duty of a friend? We are not by this motion to excommunicate the other House ; and I hope they will not excommunicate this, even though we should agree to this motion. If they should, as we have the purse in our power, they would find themselves no great gainers by the bargain. That they have a right to refuse any Bill we send up to them must be acknowledged ; hut that we have no right to find fault with the use they make of that right, no man can surely with any reason pretend. May not a man make a bad as well as a good use of any right he enjoys ? And if he does make a bad use of it, has not every other man a right to say he does, and to censure him with so doing? Censure, when it is just, will always carry punishment along wi!li it." To the suggestion, " let the measure wait over until the next session," the same speaker replied— " Now the Honourable Gentleman comes to talk of what may be done in the next session, I do not know ; for I hope none of his Majesty's counsellors will advise him to put an end to this session by a prorogation till the nation has obtained satisfaction. A short recess would, I know, be agreeable to most gentlem a n, but this we may be ind u l ge d i n b y an ad journment as well as by a prorogation." It may be a fit subject for the consideration of the Commons whether they will agree to the Appropria tion clause in the Consolidated Fund Bill, until " the nation shall obtain satisfaction" with respect to the three Bills already specified. It may also be a ques tion whether—looking to the danger of another sudden dissolution of the Ministry, the most popular and, we fearlessly assert it, the most sincere and determined Ministry the country has ever yet possessed—there ought to be any prorogation at all for the present. If these measures produce no effect, others may be resorted to which shall bring the Lords to a sense of their true position. "If they be obstinate," as Sir John Cotton well observed, " they must be beat out of it. If they be mad, they must be physicked out of it. A strong purgation would be the best method the nation could take for obtaining justice from Par liament, both in this case and every like case that may happen hereafter." Let but the Commons and the people and the Ministry remain united as they now are—let each do their duty firmly in their respective spheres, and they need not fear the issue —Morning Chronicle. In the House of Commons on Saturday, Mr. Att wood presented a petition from Birmingham, " thank ing the House for having passed the Municipal Re form Bill, and praying that it would stand firm in not allowing any mutilation of that most admirable mea . sure, secure as the House was of warm support on the part of a fearless and generous-minded nation." The Hon. Member, it appeared, had in vain endeavoured to provail on his bOUtitialitoa tb treat that ancient branch of the Legislature (the House of Lords) with becoming respect," by petitioning their Lordships as well as the Commons. We confess we think the people of Birmingham were quite right in the reso tion they came to ; and notwithstanding Lord John Russell's coincidence of opinion with Mr. Attwood on this head, we repeat our advice to our fellow-coun trymen to address the Commons, the Ministers, and the King as much as they like, but to send no peti tions to the unreformed House of Lords. To humbly petition a body like the present House of Lords, interested, as Mr. Scholefield justly observed, as they were generally believed to be in the very abuses it was proposed to do away with, and particu larly after the farce of legislation which had recently been enacted by their Lordships, is not, in our opinion, calculated to serve our cause so much as that silent expression of the feelings of the country which will be conveyed by an entire omission of that House on the part of the people ; and, indeed, any petition which should convey the real sentiments of the people as to their Lordships' conduct would be tossed with con tumely from their table. Are we then to approach their Lordships after the manner of slaves, crouching down and humbly beseeching them to be graciously pleased to give us thoce rights which the Tory majo rity withhold from us :P . And surely to let them quite alone cannot be considered as evincing any want of " be coming respect." With one sentiment of Mr. Att wood we perfectly agree, viz., in the importance of his Majesty's Ministers putting themselves at the head of the popular feeling, and thus directing it to the accomplishment of those great salutary reforms which the country requires, and which, moreover, the country will have—the most impor tant at this time being, in our minds, a reform in the Upper House of Parliament. The Ministers may depend upon the support of the people in this firm and prudent course. Our columns contain reports and notices of meetings and addresses from Northampton, Gainshorough, Beverley, Ux bridge, King's Lynn, and Newport (Isle of Wight) ; all breathing the same spirit of confidence in the Go vernment, satisfaction with the Municipal Bill, as passed by the Commons, and a determination to ob tain it in its primary and integral shape. The North ampton resolutions are particularly good, and the pe tition to the House of Commons prays them to with hold all supplies till the desired measures arc obtained. The last Resolution expresses : " That after the utter disregard of public opinion which appears to prevail in the Upper House, this meeting considers that it is not expedient again to petition it on this subject, and regrets the effect which a continued opposition to the wants and wishes of the nation may produce in its sentiments and conduct to that body." This is plain and intelligible, and, to our minds, far better than the language of humble and unavailing supplication to a proud and prejudiced majority, which has no sympathies with the people at large. We ob serve that numerous meetings and requisitions for meetings arc in progress. The West Riding of York shire meets on the 31st of this month. The Metro politan parishes of St. Giles and St. Matthew, Beth nal-green, meet to-morrow. Everywhere the country is alive and resolute in the maintenance of its rights and the support of a Liberal Government.—Morning Ch It appears that Mr. J. flume and Mr. D. O'Connell have got a new iron in the revolutionary furnace, or rather have re-reddened an old one, which had been left cooling between the bars of the said Joseph's kitchen grate since the last Reform Bill session. They are about to stop the supplies it would seem ! unless the House of Lords will abdicate its functions, and leave the tyrannical majority elsewhere to make " ducks and drakes "of all the institutions of this country. Now that majority has not an inch to spare. It outvotes the Conservative minority by about 30 members out of a house of 655.- Tbat Conservative minority, more over, conta'ns within it a majority of the members for England—of the county members—the first class of gentlemen within the walls of the House of Commons —a large majority. A majority still larger of the Peers of the empire support the political system of the Conservatives, or, in other words, are anxious to old the substance of our ancient na tional institutions. In a state of things like this it is that such loft personages as Messrs. Hume and O'Connell presuille to insist on the refusal of an appropriation act to His Majesty, being neither i:ure nor less than a stoppage of the sly Ls, and a breaking up of the whole machine of Government, or what is tantamount to it, a deposit of every power, attribute, and incident of the State, the privileges of the Peers, the Royal prerogatives, the subsistence of the judges, of the inferior paid magis trates, of the army, the navy, and all the civil func tionaries, terminating with the Sovereign himself, in the hands of that precious and unparalleled clique, who, having the Whig Ministers for their slaves, de mand that the people of England shall be their vic tims. These men, it is plain to all the world but themselves and the frail and abject Administration which fawns upon them,—these men, we say, know not their own position. It is not what it was when the Reform Bill was in jeopardy. The Reform Bill did combine in its favour the real, the decided, and enthusiastic wishes of the British nation. The Con servatives who opposed it were a small body in the House of Commons. The Lords who opposed it had a scanty support among the people. There was no sympathy for them from without. Had the majo rity of the House of Commons then meditated steps of unusual emphasis and vigour, there might have been imprudence in the adoption of them ; but they might have found an apology with honest, nay, with sober-minded men, as means of indi rectly fencing off an irregular assault upon the con stitution by the reckless multitude. But measures of precaution, or of admonitory retaliation, which then might have been called strong, would now be nothing short of desperate. What then might have been an unavoidable, though melancholy resource, would now be a wanton revolution. As between the original Corporate Reform Bill, struck off at random and in wedding haste by Ministers, and that which is now on its way back to the House of Commons, having re ceived from the experience- and deliberation of the Peers many most salutary and wise amendments, one or two at most being of a more questionable nature, there is not that difference, nor is the difference in fa vour of the Ministerial Bill, on which the Whig Ca binet would do well to reckon, as the ground of an ap peal to the angry passions of this country. The Bill, as it stands, is in many essential points a far preferable measure to what it was two months ago. It is more impartial in its tenderness for rights, more discreet and solid in its provisions against local misgovernment, and more analogous to the ancient and characteristic principles of the Constitution, in its recognition of the value of intelligence and property, as a shield against those who have no tangible stake in the peace and well-being of the common wealth. If, we repeat, the Humes and O'Connells fancy that they can get up a Long Parliament warfare against our mixed Monarchy, upon grounds like these, they know nothing of the English people.—Times. The English public will not have passed over unob served the petitions presented to the House of Com mons on Friday last, one of which was from " the undersigned freeholders of the county of Kerry,”,eom plaining of the horrible system of priestly and ruffianly intimidation practised upon the electors of that great Irish county at the last general e l ec ti on , t o d e t er th ose voters who had pledged themselves to support the Knight of Kerry from fulfilling their promises, and thereby to secure the return of Mr. J. O'Connell and Mr. Muffins. The second petition was from the Knight of Kerry individually, stating similar grounds of complaint, as also the impossibility of bringing for ward in proof of such charges the evidence which would have been required before an ordinary com mittee under the Grenville act, because the same or ganized intimidation which had influenced the election itself, was still in force to prevent the parties who had been subjected to it from appearing in their own per sons to satisfy the minds of the Committee. Both pe titions, therefore, concurred in praying that the House of Commons itself would interpose with the necessary means of redressing so frightful a grievance. We re commend to the close and earnest attention of all Englishmen for Irishmen—and more. particularly Protestants, need not be reminded of so grave a duty, the 406ratious ettutAicied iu tkobv twb petitims ; THE SUN, LONDON, MONDA, AUGUST 24, 1835. and, above all, the sptcific accusations laid be fore the House in that of the freeholders of Kerry, wherein they charge the Popish Priests with the most undis guised and diabolical perversion of their sacerdotal functions to the immediate ends of political fac tion, giving or withholding the services of baptism, marriage, and in case of sickness or approaching death, those of spiritual consolation, according to the manner in which the families appealing to them had exercised their elective franchise. The petitioners state, that they had supplicated the " Intimidation Committee" to receive the testimony which they had to offer in proof of their case from the mouths of sixty credible witness ; but that the Committee, having laid down a rule, by which they had debarred themselves from examining more than two witnesses in any case, the matter of the petitions could not be proceeded in before that tribunal. We must add, that one circum stance of no inconsiderable moment, and not demand ing support from prohibited evidence, was affirmed by Mr. Scarlett—namely, that the petition from the free holders of Kerry was " signed by nearly every Pro testant freeholder in the county, and by several re spectable Roman Catholics. The signatures to it, in fact, embraced the great body of the magistracy, and of the respectable freeholders in that county." The charges, as we have remarked, comprise an infinite variety of wicked and impious acts of the priests, in disgracing the name of religion as they have done, and desecrating its most venerated rites and uses, by the vilest subserviency to the fiercest purposes of faction. Yet these are the hypocrites who deafen us with their clamours about " the cruelty of molesting any man because of his religion ;" about the essential separation between the holy Roman Ca tholic church and all temporal or worldly concerns whatever ; and about the scandalous falsehood of as serting that the Popish priests ever meddle with any thing beyond the sphere of their own religious duties, and the instruction of their flocks in the ways of Christian piety. Denouncing men from the altars, expelling them from all intercourse with, or access to, their neighbours—refusing to marry—refusing to christen—refusing to attend the sick or to bury the dead, if those by whom they are applied to for such professional assistance do not take an active part in promoting the cause of repeal and virtual in surrection ;—these are blessed specimens of the in nocence of the Romish clergy of Ireland, and glar ing proofs of the wisdom and patriotism of clothing such wolves in the garb of clergymen, with power over the interests of a free and enlightened country like Great Britain, or over the rights, independence, and possessions of our national church. Nor are the crimes against the freedom of election, dwelt upon by the freeholders of Kerry, confined to the proceedings of the Popish priesthood. The ferocious pranks of Mr. Daniel O'Connell are pretty well emblazoned by those against whose political rights and personal safety they were directed ; nor does it appear to us morally pos sible that the House of Commons should be influ enced by any earthly motive to abstain from making the existence of such heavy imputations upon the ho nour and morality of one of its Members the subject of a most solemn, searching, and severe inquiry. The Member for Dublin, as in duty bound, and by nature and long practice fitted, declares the " petition to be full of gross and scandalous falsehoods." This satis factory assurance of the learned person will no doubt he taken for precisely what it is worth. In the mean time, it may be edifying to watch the manoeuvres of some of our self-styled Liberals, in treating a question which so directly involves the rights of freeholders under the Reform Bill, and the purity of the repre sentation.—Times. To-night the Irish Church Bill enters Committee. The Lords have done wisely in allowing it to be read a second time. The art of the Whigs is ever to con neet the consolidation of their power with measures ap parently of popular amelioration. By entertaining the Whig propositions, and allowing their Bills to be read a second time, the Peers show that they are not adverse —as is basely asserted—to the improvement of society, while in Committee they have an opportunity of eradi cating the fatal factious virus that envenoms these measures ; so that they are thus converted into laws of general arid national, instead of partial and sectarian, benefit. Among much other objectionable matter, there are three points in the Irish Church Bill to which it behoves the Peers to extend their particular consideration, and devote their principal attention. These refer, first, to the re-opening of the tithe compositions ; secondly, to the substitution of a new corn average ; and, thirdly, to the appropria tion of an asserted surplus. if this said re-opening, this substitution, and this appropriation be carried, then we have no hesitation in saying that since the massacre of St. Bartholomew, of which, by a strange coincidence, this clay is the anniversary, so much injustice, and so much cruelty, such a violent outrage of the first principles of the social compact, have never been perpetrated or encouraged. By Mr. Goulburu's Composition Act of 1823 and 1824, and the subsequent statute of Lord Stanley, a composition took place of the universal tithes of Ireland. These compositions were in most part voluntary—in some part compulsory ; but their justice, save in an isolated case or two, has never been called in question. They extend over a period, reaching, in many instances, to the year 1852, and in all cases as far as the year 1841. Now, the Whigs propose to give the power to re-open all these compositions that have been fixed by legal arbitration or the voluntary consent of parties. The consequent position of the Clergy of Ireland is too dreadful to contemplate. Every clergyman in Ireland may be called on to defend not only his own temporary interest, but the permanent interest of the Church, in these compositions. In many instances the present incumbents have not been parties to them. Conceive the situation of men thus circumstanced ; men without funds for the necessities of life, much less for the luxuries of law, called upon to establish before a most expensive and extraordinary tribunal the title which the Legisla ture has itself created, but which it has shirked from guaranteeing. Fancy these unhappy clergymen called upon to produce evidence which has been destroyed, and appealing to witnesses who are dead ! All these compositions have been founded upon an average price of corn, formed upon the experience of years now past. Following the example of opening the old composi tions, the Whigs have determined also to substitute a new average, because, as is, unfortunately, the noto rious case, corn is now much lower in price than when the acknowledged and existing average was ordained. It appears to us that these two regulations alone, that this legislative violation of the solemn compact which the Legislature itself has so recently sanctioned and encouraged, are of sufficient potency to effect the ruin of the English Protestant Church in Ireland. And every reason which is' alleg e d i n f avour o f t h ese deso lating expedients would equally justify a violation of faith with the public creditor, and tampering with the currency, to-morrow. As for the appropriatiofi clause it involves partly a question of fact, and partly a ques tion of principle. Is there a surplus ? And if a surplus, shall it be applied in th e manner h ere i n pro vided ? Thereis not a surplus, an d, th ere f ore, there is no necessity to consider in what manner it should be applied ; nevertheless, the course of events has ren dered it necessary that the House of Peers should de cide in what manner it should not be applied. The people of Great Britain and the British inhabitants of Ireland look to them with confidence for their decision to-night. Who can doubt it will be a decision in fa vour of the honour of the Crown, the sacred stability of the Church, and the integrity of the empire ? To night the Protestant Peers of England struggle with the Papacy. That is the contest. —Morning Post. A YANKEE HURRICANE.—During the late hurri cane in Canton, Illinois, the wrecks of houses, furniture, fences, &c., were hurled about in the air. In one instance, a fence_ rail was driven through an ox Torrents of rain fell, which soon turned to hail ! Some of the hail-stones are said to have been as large as a goose egg 1 The Sangannon river over flowed, in some places to a width of four miles.—American Paper. _ _ _ HYDROPHOBIA. —(From the Medical Gazette.)._ Victor Legras, aged 19, was bitten, on the night of the Ist of January, 1835, by a furious cat. The wounds were merely washed with salt and water, and no further notice was taken of them ; but on the 11th of April, 101 days after the bite, Legras became pensive, indolent, and averse to food. Next day he was nervous, convulsed occasionally, and the symptoms of hydrophobia were but too plainly marked. Blood was taken largely from qte arm, but nothing availed : he died on the night of the 166.—M. Mopinot, in the Gazette iiirddiCit SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock THE PARLIAMENT. (THIS MVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. - -- - The VICE. CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. The Paymaster-General's Bill was read a third time and passed. The Highways Bill passed through Committee. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. TooKE and other Members of the House of Commons, brought up two private Bills. Lord MINTO presented a petition from Jedborough in favour of the Corporation Reform Bill. Lord HATHERTON presented a petition from the lay impropriator of tithes of a parish in the diocese of Armagh, complaining of the resistance made to the payment of tithes, and the murder and robbery of the tithe collector. Lord ABERDEEN presented petitions from Montreal and other places against any alteration in the constitution of the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada. The Marquis of WESTMEATH presented a petition from Sir Harcourt Lees, praying that Orange Lodges may not be put down, while jesuitical societies were allowed to go on, subverting the Protestant Church and religion. The Earl of WICKLOW presented a petition from Bath, numerously signed, in favour of the Great Western Rail-way Bill. The Duke of RICHMOND moved the third reading o the Highways Bill. = Agreed!o and passed.__ _ _ MESSAGE FROM THE . COMMONS. Mr. P. S FEWART and others from the Commons brough, up the Fines and Recoveries Bill, and the Spirit Licenses Bill. The Duke of RICHMOND moved that the amendments of the Commons to the Prison Discipline Bill be agreed to. The Marquis of SALISBURY wished to introduce an amendment to exempt the City of London from the opera tion of this Act. The Duke of RICHMOND had had some communication with Lord John Russell, the result of which was that his Lordship was disposed to agree to the amendment, but he had told Lord John Russell what he had also said in the House, that the gaols of the City of London were a disgraco to it.—( Hear, bear, hear.) He admitted that Bridewell was well managed, but he did not think the City gaols ought to be exempted. However, if his Noble Friend could make any arrangement with the Govern ment, he had nothing to do with it. Lord MELBOURNE did not see why he should interfere to exclude Bridewell from the operation of the Bill. The motion was then agreed to. Lord FARNHAM presented two petitions from Ireland against the Irish Tonnage Duties Bill. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the Belfast Steam-packet Company to the same effect; and two like peti tions from other parties interested. The Noble Lord said if the Bill were passed, it would double the present rate of dues. Several petitions against the Irish Chu"ch Bill were pre sented by Lord FARNHAM and others. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY called the attention of the Duke of Cleveland to a letter he had received respecting the petition from Darlington, Durham, in favour of the Corporation Reform Bill, denying that the petition was agreed to at a public meeting, and that it was hawked about and signed by boy.. The letter was signed by Thomas Horner, solicitor, Darlinolon. Thli Duke of CLEVELAND knew most of the persons of respectablility in Darlington, but very much doubted that this Mr. Horner was one of that class. He had also received a letter informing him that such a communication would be made to his Noble Friend ; and though he did not feel at liberty to disclose the name of his informant, the contents of his letter were sufficient to him that Mr. Horner was no very safe authority to rest on. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained. Lord BROUGHAM had presented a petition from Gates head, which was as much in Durham as Darlington. Lord DUNCANNON presented the Report of the Com mittee appointed to inquire into the necessity of providing a temporary addition to the House of Lords. The Committee l.ad resolved that such a provision was unnecessary. The Tonnage Duties Bill went through Committee. Lard BROUGHAM presented petitions in favour of Ale Corporation Reform Bill from Dunbar, the Corporation of Aberdeen, from a township in the West Riding of York, and from Chorley, in Lancashire. On the motion of the Earl of M INTO the House went into Committee on the Scotch Savings' Banks Bill. The Report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. Lord GLE NE LG presented a petition from Inverness, and one from another place in Scotland, in favour of the Corpora tion Reform Bill. On the motion of Lord AUCKLAND the Wool Duties Bill was read a second time. IRISH CHURCH BILL. Lord MELBOURNE moved that the House resolve itself into Committee on the Irish Church Bill. The Duke of CUMBERLAND rose to express his regret that the Noble and Learned Lord opposite had charged him with not acting it, fair and straightforward manner in his opposition to this measure. Now he begged to say that he had acted in a straightforward manner, for he declared at once, in plain terms, that he was decidedly opposed to the principle of the Bill. Lord BROUGHAM said the Noble Duke was never more mistaken in his life—for to say the truth he never knew a more fair or straightforward opponent—he had left him no cause to complain, for he had declared himself an open enemy. The Duke of CUMBERLAND—the Noble and Learned Lord at the same time said that he (the Duke of Cumber land) was generally in the wrong, and that he (Lord Brougham) was generally in the right. The Noble and Learned Lord also said, that his conduct on this measure was most extraordinary. Lord BROUGHAM—The Noble Duke was quite right in saying, that he thought himself in the right, not generally, but always.—(Bear, hear, hear, and great laughter.) The Noble Duke thought he had made a discovery, but he discovered nothing at, all, except that he (Lord B.) act e d upon t h e op i nion he held, believing himself right, and that was the way all their Lordships had acted, and continued to act, which he sometimes wished they would not. On Clause 1 being read, The Duke of WELLINGTON rose to propose an amend ment, and was left speaking. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes to four o'clock. Colonel BRUEN was introduced by Sir Henry Hardinge and Mr. Freshfield, and took the oaths and his seat for the county of Carlow. Mr. TOOKE brought up the Report of the Committee on Sparrow's Estate Bill. Mr. P. HOWARD brought up the Report of the Com mittee on the Port Dundas and Dalgreen Road Bill. Mr. Campbell, from the East India House, presented papers relative to Compensation granted to the Officers of the Com pany's service.—Laid on the table. Mr. CRAWFORD presented a petition, praying that the foreign wheat now in bond may be allowed to be ground into flour. Mr. SINCLAIR presented petitions from places in Scot. land in favour of the Church of Scotland. MUNICIPAL REFORM. Mr. OSWALD presented a petition from Glasgow, pray ing that the House would not pass the Municipal Reform Bill in a mutilated state ; also a petition from the merchants of the same place, praying for an alteration in the bonded system ; also a petition from the house -carpenters and joiners of the same place, praying for a repeal of the taxes on knowledge. Mr. V. SMITH presented a petition signed by 2,300 in habitants of the borough of Northampton. The petitioners prayed that as the Bill for the Reform of the Municipal Cor porations was not likely to return in the shape in which it had been sent from the House of Commons, they would reject it altogether, in order that in the next session a similar measure might be brought. The petitioners further prayed that that House would exercise the authority it possesses over the public purse, and not grant the remai n i ng supplies, and further th a t it would take away all pensions and pecuniary grants from persons engaged in the mutilation of that Bill. ORANGE LODGES. Col. VERNER presented a petition from the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, complaining of the formation of the Orange Lodge Committee, and charging it with partial con d uc t. It also prayed that the Committee should be re sumed, and ordered to prosecute their enquiries further, and give the Lodges an opportunity of defending themselves. Mr. RUTH VE N defended the Committee. The witnesses were sent for in shoals, and many were never at all examined, and were not intended to be so. Colonel PE RCE VAL said the Hon. Gentleman had been most grossly misinformed. The witnesses before that Com mittee had been economized as far as possible, and had been kept in Ireland till they , were wanted. He hoped the in quiry would be continued, and it would be found that there was not a more loyal body than the Orangemen. Mr. RONA YNE presented a petition from Ardagh, pray ing for the abolition of tithes, which in that parish amounted to one• sixth of the value. Mr sCHOLE FIELD prese n t e d a pet i t i on from Birming- Mr. MORGAN O'CONNELL presented a p et i t i on from a ham against the Patent Laws' Bill. parish in the county of Meath, praying for poor laws for Ire land. ...—__ IRISH TITHES. Col. PERCE VAL presented three petitions from parishes in Ireland against the Irish Tithe Bill, and one from the over.. seers of deserted children of the parish of Kinsale, in the county of Tyrone, praying for reimbursement, which last peti tion the Hon. Member moved should be referred to the Com mittee on Irish Poor Laws. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON presented a petition from Dub lin, numerously signed, complaining that the petitioners were set upon at a public meeting by a gang of ruffians, with blud geons and other weapons, and severely beaten and injured. He did not wish to provoke any discussion upon it, but it was a sufficient answer to the observations which the Hon. Member (Mr. Ruthven) made the other night. Mr. RUTHVEN bad not complained of the conduct of the petitioners, but of the Learned Sergeant designating them as consisting of the scum of the earth. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON said he had already explained to the House that he used that expression in reference only to those who had been guilty of tho outrages committed. Mr. RUTHVgN believvd that the . 1 4e4rne4 Gentlemen did not mean to include the petitioners. The petition prayed the House to appoint a Select Committee to inquire into the facts of the meeting held at the Coburg Gardens. Did the Learned Sergeant think it necessary to send a Commission to Ireland for this purpose? The petition could not bear examine ing—it spoke of wicked plots, and such nonsense, which he was sure would have no effect on the House. Colonel PE RC E VAL said that the petition was signed most numerously and most respectably. He differed with the Hon. Member opposite altogether in the estimation in which he held the petitioners. Mr. O'CONNELL considered the petition totally unwor thy the attention of the House. At the meeting at which it was got up, the Orangemen had conducted themselves in a manner totally unheard of. _ Mr. HUME thought the petition undeserving the attention of the House. He had received a letter from a person who was present on the occasion of the meeting, who described the conduct of the Orangemen there as most disgraceful. Mr. RONAYNE said, that was not the first occasion upon which the person called the Reverend Johnny M'Crea had in terrupted the citizens of Dublin in holding public meetings. A meeting had been called by the citizens, in December last, at the Royal Exchange, at which the Reverend Mr. M'Crea intruded, with his Orangemen, and, probably, the impunity with which he had been treated on that occasion, had induced him to make the last unsuccessful attempt. Mr. SHE IL would state one fact. There Ras an Orange Lodge in the 35th regiment. That regiment was at present quartered in Templemore, and he (Mr. Shiel) had received a letter from the Rev. John Hefferman, stating that a short time since the men belonging to the Orange Lodge paraded the streets at night with their bayonets drawn, and expressed a wish to meet with a Roman Catholic clergyman, that they might put him to death. They broke the windows of several of the respectable inhabitants, and committed other excesses. Mr. HUME observed that evidence had been laid before the Committee that an Orange Lodge existed in that Regi. ment. Colonel PE RCEVAL thought the Hon. and Learned Member for Tipperary must be mistaken relative to the number of the regiment. Mr. SHE IL was not mistaken. The warrant was not an Irish one. The 35th Regiment held under a warrant from the English Grand Lodge. Lord SANDON presented a petition signed by 3,000 inha bitants of Coventry, the prayer of which did not reach the Gallery. CUSTOM DUTIES. On the motion of Mr. P. THOMSON, the Order of the Day was read, and the House went into a Committee of the whole House on the Customs Duties Bill, Mr. B. CARTER in the Chair. The Bill went through a Committee, and the House re sumed, and the Report was ordered to be brought up to morrow. STAMPS AND ASSESSED TAXES. Mr. P. THOMPSON brought up the Report of the Com mittee upon the Stamp and Assesses Taxes Act Bill. . Mr. W. H. MILLER wished to take that opportunity of cor recting a misstatement he had heard, relative to the number of stamps issued to newspapers, which he found he had much underrated. He begged to move for a Return of the number of stamps issued to newspapers.—Ordered. Mr. HUTT, seeing his Hon. Friend (Mr. Wallace) in his place, begged leave to ask him what course he meant to pur sue with respect to a petition he presented a few nights ago, complaining of bribery at the late election for Hull. Mr. WALLACE, in reply to the Hon. Gentleman, begged leave to say that early next Session he would most certainly move for a Select Committee to inquire into the allegations of the petition, and he was sure it would not be refused upon a fair statement. POLLS AT ELECTIONS BILL. Mr. EWA RT moved that the Lords Amendments to the above Bill be agreed to. Mr. PRYME trusted that more time would be given for the consideration of these amendments—he had not yet seen them. Mr. E WA RT would be glad that some other course was taken for pointing out the amendments that were made in Bills. It would be very convenient if the clerks were ordered to draw out these amendments. He had carefully looked them over, and he could assure the House that there was nothing in them affecting the principles of the Bill, and he trusted that they would be agreed to. Mr. DIVETT said he had also looked over these amend. ments, and he could assure the House that there was nothing affecting the principle of the Bill. The amendments were then read and agreed to. DUBLIN POLICE BILL. On the motion that the Speaker do leave the Chair, Mr. G. F. YOUNG wished t o a s k th e Noble Lord opposite a question. A few nights ago, upon the subject of the Composition of the York Committee, the Noble Lord (Russell) in referring to his (Mr. Young's) humble name, was pleased to say that he classed him, most erroneously, amongst his opponents, and that on four divisions out of five he was to be found amongst the opponents of the Noble Lord's Ministry. Assuredly, if the fact were so, it would be no ground . of reproach ; but as it was an erroneous statement it had been a source of pain, inconvenience and injury to him. And as he had submitted to the Noble Lord the best proof that he ( Lord John Russell) had been in error, he trusted that with that frankness which always characterised a generous mind, he would not refuse to make reparation. He therefore wished to ask the Noble Lord whether he was satisfied that he was in error in stating that in four divisions out of five he was found in the adverse votes to Mi- nisters ? Lord J. RUSSELL—I am exceedingly glad to find that the Hon. Gentleman reckons himself amongst the supporters of Ministers.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. YO UNG—I wish for that, and nothing more. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I believe, that the im pression on my mind at the time was upon certain recent business, viz., the amendment upon the Address, and another, to which he should not further allude, at the commencement of the session, and also some amend ments on the Corporation Bill. I had these in my hand when I made that proposition, of four out of five. I never meant to say that the Hon. Gentleman might not be reckoned a supporter of the present Government.— (Great cheering and laughter.) I believe, that looking to all the divisions since the commencement of the Session, the statement I made would be an erroneous one, and I hope I shall still have to correct myself, and to say that of all the Members who support the Government the steadiest and most constant was the Member for Teigninouth.— (Cheers.) Mr. YO UNG—I always vote with the Noble Lord with great pleasure, and I never oppose him but with the greatest regret.—( Great cheering.) The Bill went through a Committee, and was ordered to be brought in to-morrow. DOMINICA RELIEF BILL. Mr. BERNAL brought up the Report of the Committee on this Bill, which, after a few observations from Mr. Hots and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Was agreed and the Bill. was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. GLASS DUTIES. The House then went into Committee on the Glass Duties Bill. In answer to a question from Lord S AND ON, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the reduction would commence on the 10th of October. He did not intend to make any allowance for the stock in hand, but to prevent any inconvenience to the trade, he would allow glass manufactured after the 'present time to be bonded, and taken out after the 10th of October, on payment of the reduced duty. The several clauses, as amended, were then agreed to, and he Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Wednesday. STAMPS AND ASSESSED TAXES. Mr. BERNAL brought up the Report of the Committee on Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would take that opportunity of stating, that he regretted not having been in his place when a discussion on this subject had taken place. He had directed his attention to the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Durham relative to taking off the duty upon policies of insurance upon small sums. The measure would, he thought, be most beneficial to the lower classes as giving a premium upon habits of indus try, good conduct, and thriftiness, and could be done without, he believed, much loss to the revenue.—( Hear.) He proposed, to reduce the duty upon Policies of Insurance upon Lives for 501. to 2s. 6d. per cent. ; upon all sums over 50/., and less than 1001., 3s. ; and from 1001. to 500/., ss.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. RYME and Lord SANDON, the Report was brought up. The Slave Trade (Denmark) and Slave Trade (Sardinia) Bill were severally read a second time. REGISTRATION OF VOTES (IRELAND). The House then went into Committee on the Registration of Votes in Ireland Bill. Clauses up to 39 were agreed to. On its being proposed, an HoN. MEMBER (name unknown) moved, that it be omitted altogether, as the counties were heavily enough taxed already, and could not bear to have the expenses of the sheriff laid en them. Lord MORPETH moved an amendment to the clause, providing that the candidates, where there were three or more, should, repay the Sheriff to the amount of 301. Mr. S. CR AWFORD was most decidedly opposed to the alteration, on the principle, that as the candidate was to serve the public, the public ought to pay his expenses. Lord MORPETH said the sum was very small, it could in no case amount to 30/. Mr. HUME did not care for the amount, it was to the principle he was opposed—till these expenses, which were inflicted upon the candidate were very much reduced there would be bribery and corruption. He would have polling places so situated that no man should have ten miles to walk. Dr. BALDWIN protested against the amendment upon the principle that the Member of that House should be sent in free of expence to do the work of the public. After a few words from Lord MoueErn and Mr. O'LOUGHLIN, which were inaudible, M. R. PLUNKETT made some observations about the expenses of elections, which were not audible in the gallery. Mr. HUME, in my opinion every Member coming to this House should be paid—( Hear, and great laughter)—and I an sure that for every pound the town paid for an honest man, the country would save thousands—( Cheers)—that which leads to good government is true economy. When a man's get ting into Parliament is such an object, that certain means are adopted, it can only end on getting all one's servants and connections to hang on the pubic purse.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. R. PLUNKETT—I am afraid that the Hon. Mem ber mistakes me for one who is no relative of mine, though of the same name.—(Trerneridous cheering from the Tories.) Mr. HUME—The Hon. Member has referred to a very good example. I was one of those who reprobated, as au abomioable result of holding dice, to fund .nine members of one family in possession of between 20,0001. and 30,0001. e year.--( Hear. ) Mr.O'C 0 NNE LL—There are other proofs to show that the two families are not related.—(Great cheering from the Ministerial benches.) _ _ . The clause was then agreed to, as were the following to 44. inclusive. On Clause 45 being read, which enacted that persons she tld be polled as they came up to the poll, Mr. JACKSON said that this clause would cut off_ the right possessed by the freemen of Cork, to have their_ roll called over before any other voter could poll. Mr. O'LOCHL IN said that the right to which the Hon. and Learned Member adverted, had been made the means of great abuse. The roll had been called over in some instances for four or five days together. Mr. O'CONNELL was in favovr of the clause. Dr. BALDWIN also supported the clause. Mr. JACKSON could not answer all the charges brought against the individual alluded to, but he believed that he was incapable of any impropriety of conduct. After a few words from Mr. O'LOCHL IN, Mr. O'CALLAGHAN said the Hon. Member opposite had only himself to blame for having introduced the name of the Learned Assessor. On Clause 46 having been read, Lord CLE ME NTS would suggest an amendment to pre vent the constable or collector from receiving a larger salary than he did duty for. Mr. O'LOtiG HLEN had no objection to the amendment, but he thought the Grand Jury had sufficient control over the salaries of these persons. Co'. PE RCE VAL said the Clerks of the Peace would have additional duties imposed on them by the Bill, and yet no provision had been made fur them. Mr. F. FRENCH thought the Clerks of the Peace wcrC were already sufficiently well paid. The clause as amended was then agreed to. CLEFT SITTING.) THE MARKETS. WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET—Aug. 21. Wheat, Red, Nortclk and Stittbik —B. 365. to —s. fine 435. Lin. and Cam. Yorkshire —s. 375. to —s. fine 435. —lShite . —s. 4-os. to —s. fine 568. Foreign, Red •-..5. --R. to —s. fine —s. White —s. —s, to —s. one --8. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk Lincolnshire -- Yorkshire - %Vold Foreign Beans, Ohl 33s to 41s. fine—a. -- New 383. to 41s. fine —, Oats, Potato —s. to 245. fine '..:81. Poland —,. —s. to 248, fine 28s. Friezhind and Small —s. ltis to 18s. fine 20a. -- 51ealing Shelling Malt —s. 365. fine 425. per Load. Rapeseed RIVETS. Oats. Beans. I Oatmeal. Aberdeen Berwick Coldstream . Cupar (Fife) Dundee Elgin Inverness Kelso Kirkaldy Perth The siz, 3i to 4(1 26 to 28 27 30 18 21 25 28 17 18 48 56 126 31 48 58 30 33 40 50 24 26 40 41 27 28 28 31 20 22 37 42 23 31 50 56 23 26 :e of the measure varii 22 to 25 18 21 13 15 18 22 20 25 16 20 2 '26 19 21 2(1 23 20 22 's through to 20 9.2 22 26 32 to 5 2 37 40 We had a very rather heavy. )IINTBURGE small supply 1 CORN y of all kini IA RKET s of Grain ti .... .... ••••• /1. 30 31 23 30 32 33 IS I9 24 25 7 . 1 45 48 43 22 25 ,ut the country._, -Aug. 19. .day, and tll, Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. First s2s. Od. 34s 6d. 30s Od. l 395. Od. Second...., 47 0 32 0 28 0 38 0 Third ...... 42 0 29 0 26 0 36 0 Average price of Wheat 2l. 6s. 10d. PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Os. 4d. to Os. 6:1 Fresh Butter, 1b........' 0 4 0 6 Salt Ditto— ...... 0 5 0 8 Ditto, per:cw t. —. 0 0 0 0 Eggs, per d 05...,.,. ... Beef, per lb. .4., Mutton Veal Pork— wravo......wev. ie aaleS We. Beans• :395. Od. 38 0 Ea 0 Lamb, per qr. I fi 4 0 cwt.....„....29 0 32 6 Quartern Loaf 0 6 061 Potatoes, I 41b. 0 5 0 0 EDINBURGH MEAL There was a middling supply of a sales were rather heavy. Per Sack of `iBo:h. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto.,. . Barleymeal._ ..... I 8 0 Peasenteal 1 8 0 Pot Itarley-14•. I. per cwt. 103.-2 d, GLASGOW CORN Y A moderate business doing in Wheat, per 240ib. s. d. s. d. British, old 22 0 to 21 6 Oi. 9 I. to B. 103. 08 0 9 0 70 f 0 8 0 0 • 0 0 11 6 8 6 /6 0 66 7 6 08. 1 0 Wheat Ditto...—. 1 Barley Ditto Hay,perst.—....— new 2.0 2to Canada, free 23 0 25 0 Irish Barley, per 3201 b English — Q Scottish 25 0 28 0 Irish L MARKET.—Aug. IS. lath - teal at this day's market, and Oa Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal . zu 2 4 Truro..., Helstone St. Austell Bochnin Liskeard Launceston Camelford Penzance Second ditto Elarleyineal...„ Peasemeal 12,—51, 14s —4th, Ifis.—Peat 1, 110 iIARKET —Aug 19. Frain ; little alteration in prices. Oats, per 26414. s. a. 5..1. Trish British lB 0 Al 0 Beane, per 2.1101 b. English Scottish Pease, Scottish 18 0 19 0 Oatmeal, per 1461 b l6 0 90 0 Flour, per 280 lb ..... 33 0 30 Co CORNWALL MARKETS. Calculated at 24 gallons to the bushel.) Wheat, 4. d. to s. d. 0 17 0 0 19 0 —0 H 0 0 19 0 0 17 0 0 19 6 IS 0 20 0 16 6 18 0 Barley. Oats. a d. to s d. 0 9 9 0 9 0 o 9 0 0 11 U 0 9 0 0 9 0 10 0 10 0 11 0 INING INT& Ore sold )pper s. d. to s. —0 8 6 0 - 0 7 - o IP C -0 9 0 —0 8 6 0 0 80 0 6 8 6 Quantity of Cc ppe• Quantity of fine C, Average Produce Amount of Sale, 9,7471. 3s. tit —A v [..I.IGENCE. Tons. Cwt. Qrs. 1,617 0 0 132 17 0 £4!fi wage Standard, 1071. 11s. Od. LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, AUGUST 21. An unusually light business has been done in Cotton this week. and the market has appeared overcast with gloom and depression- The sales are only 7,210 hags, and of these 750 Americans and 9 0 Surats are for export. We quote areduction in the prices of Ame rican Cottons on the better kinds, and d. per pound on the inferior: d. d. d. d. 80 Sea Islands 23 to 36 20 Bengals ... ...... 7A to 6 20 Stained ditto 13 —IST S 450 Maranhams .... 12/ -- 14 4 680 Alabamas 3,100 Orleans 94 —131,-* 590 Pernams, & c... 13 1 -151- 240 Surats .... 730 Bahias Paras... ...... ... 0 0 25 D emeraras Carthagenas ... 0— 0 135 Egyptians l6i --1 7 1 The imports are—United States, 19,211; East Indies, 3,426; West Indies, 256 ; total, 22, 893 bags. Comparative View of the Imports and Exports of Cotton into and from the whole Kingdom, from the Ist of January to the 15th inst., and of the Imports and Exports for the same period bat year : Bags. 599,362 95,690 4,467 52,280 10 763 Into the Kingdom this year. American . South American West Indies, Demerara, &c. East Indies Egypt, &c. Total of all descriptions .. Same period last year. Bags. American South American 69,594 West Indies, Demerara, &c. East Indies Egypt, &c. Decrease of Imports as compared with same period last year Exports in 1835. American, 26,626 ; Brazil, 6,288 ; East India, 33,076; West India, 65; other kinds, 30. Total in 1835 Same period last year 14,431 66,065 61,676 MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COUKTO BASINGHALL-STREET, TO-MORROW. (From the London Gazett e .) DU }4 P. Grant and J. Bell, printers, Strand F. Knowles, innkeeper, Lawrence-lane 2 12 .1. C. Coates, man- m ill iner, Bas i nghall.street 2 lt I W. H. Andrews, b oo k se ll er, Pi ccad i lly 2 I J. Cantellow, plast erer , B rown l ow-street, Holborn 1 t ....................: (ADVERTISEMENT.) NEW SILVER WAITERS' Round, with elegant Shell-pattern edges. Plain Centres £ s d.I Chased Centres. £ a d' Silver Waiter, 8 in. diameter Silver Waiter Sin diameter 0 I2oz. a 95. ... 5 S 0 'l2oz. a 9s. 6(1, 514 a Ditto 10 ditto, 20oz. a 9s. .. 9 0 0 Ditt o 10 ditt o , 20 oz . a 9 s . dd. 9 9 Ditto 18 ditto, 86o z . a 9 s —.. 38 14 0 Ditto 18 ditto, 86ost. a 9s. 6d.40 1 7 Also a variety of S econ d-h an d W a i ters, varying i n price fro' l 6s. to 7s. 6d. per ounce. T. COX SAVORY, Working Goldsmith and Silversmith, 47 ' Cornhill, London. BIRTHS. On the 22d inst., at Ewell, the lady of Captain Lempriere, of* ;on. On the 22d inst., at Finchley, Mrs. Isaac Sutton Cooper, of s daughter. On the 20th inst., the lady of the Rev. Wm. Valentine, A. 3l 't Chaplain of the London Hospital, of a son. On the •22d inst., at Holloway, the wife of Mr. Benjamin Duluth of a son. On the 22d inst., Mrs. Haydon, Burwood-place, Connaught' terrace, of a son. MARRIED. On the 18th inst., at Power's -court, E. V. Wigrarn, Esq., of Plymouth, to Catherine, daughter of the late William Parnell, Egl , of Avondale, Wicklow. _ _ _ On the inst., at All Soul s , L ang h am - p l ace , W. upto rl Richards, Esq., of P enr y n , C ornwa ll, t o C aro li ne, youngest daqh. ter of Peter Reade Cazalet, Esq., late of the Madras Civil Service. On the 22d inst., at St. John's, Wapping, Mr. Joseph Fletcher of Wapping, to Elizab e th, secon d d aug ht er o f M r . Thomas II" buck, of the same place. On the 22d inst., at St. Clement's, Mr. Thomas Dakin, of Keg William-street, to Miss Fiddes, of Great St. Helens. On the 22d inst., at the New Church, Strand, Mr. Hen r i Thompson, to Martha, eldest daughter of Mr. John Williams. On the 20th inst., at St Pancras New Church, Mr. Henry nu' bertson, to Miss Margaret Yeats. On the 20th inst., at Wotton Church, Mr. Samuel Gow er, Lower Brunswick-pl ace , L ew i s h am-roa d , to Mary, second daughte r of Richard Greaves, Esq., Parsonage-house, Dorking, SurreY• .1" On the 22d inst., a t St. M art i n ' s- i n-t h e- Fi elds, Mr. Georg • Bidder, to Georgina, youngest daughter of Thomas Harby, of Poplar. DIED. Lately, at Brislington House, near Bristol, Edward Long VOL' M.D., aged 74. On the 20th inst., at Little Missenden, Bucks, in her 81st yea r ' Mrs. Cleaver, widow of the late Bishop of St. Asaph. London: Printed and Published by MURD - 0 YOUNG. of 14° ' 112, Strand, at The S u * Offi ce , N o . 112, allay in the cow of Middlesex. SCOTCH CIA Wheat. I Barley. r)f COI arc taX ShO in I Wat far jotf:til It 111 In' vi ew ga TH;, I 11 4 04,1; or Of i a „ , 4 4 t lkost AdCl Ivhi e h and s, oes, (lied At th, A trodt,,, It t ir O s nt:atsri l 'hiell T] ne e d h , b tn : in 3 t 11:1 Market t o LiT. !lot ti t ' lav ed moons T H 4 T; "c la Th e . tl N i; ' *thi eh Ptefer e tce,stle' ~kare . v ve l "lE rrttij , AUttio N~ 11, At tl for 2 Per a Years In n ; gard e Near At ti esp e , bo e , eor,4 in th, Th e EA howe, ba g 4 110 Wei 4ighe, At thi I t CO`s fort n i r and 4 t ar , , , t o the k ditki Vi d 44 1 c 163 er ee labour; r i ,,;" Ptjg r„ vt