The Sun. — London, England, 1848-08-31 00:00:00

NEWRY AND ENNISKILLEN RAILWAY. A general meeting of the shareholders was held yester day afternoon at the Guildhall Coffee-house, when Mr. Chubbock took the chair. The report submitted stated that the Bill allowing the company to make arrangements with other com panies for the more profitable construction of the works and carrying the traffic on the line had received the Royal assent, and the directors were now therefore empowered to enter into arrangements with the Dublin and Belfast Junction, the Ulster, the Newry, Warren point, and Rostrevor Railway Companies. The direc tors had come to the resolution not to purchase the land between Gorah and Armagh as authorised by the general meeting in 1847, intending, if possible, to avoid the construction of that part of the line altogether, and had accordingly avoided the purchase. The report having been adopted unanimously, it was decided that 4,805 shares, on which the calls had not been duly paid, should be forfeited. Mr. Talbot Moore and Captain Hamilton having been elected directors, resolutions were adopted, suspending the works until proper arrangements had been made with other companies, and restraining the directors from making any calls without the express sanction of the shareholders. Thanks having been passed to the Chairman and directors, the meeting seperated. BOULOGNE. AUGUST 29.—Our private correspondent informs us that The O'Gorman Mahon, M.P., passed through this town between three and four o'clock this morning, en route from Paris to London, and embarked on board her Majesty l s steamer Albert, Captain Smythick, which awaited his arrival, he being the bearer to the Secretary for Areign Affairs of dispatches supposed to be of a more than usually important nature. ELECTION COMMITTEE. HORSHAM. The Committee were again occupied the whole 01 yesterday with receiving rebutting evidence on behalf of the sitting Member, Mr. Fitzgerald. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, August 30. The LORD CHAXCELLOR took his seat upon the Woo] sack at Five o'clock. LOCAL ACT BILL. This Bill was read a second time on the motion of the Earl of GRANVILLE. DUBLIN POLICE COURTS BILL. On the motion of the Marquis of CLANRICARDE this Bill was passed through Committee. FEVER (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was passed through Committee. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS BILL. This Bill was passed through Committee. TRANSFER OF LANDED PROPERTY (IRE. . LAND) BILL. _ _ This Bill was passed through Committee. NUISANCES AND CONTAGIOUS DISEASES BILL. This Bill was passed through Committee, certain ver bal amendments having been agreed to, on the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE. COMMONS ENCLOSURE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This Bill was passed through Committee. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE gave notice that he should to-morrow move that the Commons' amendments to this Bill should be taken into consideration. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills, which were respectively read a first time, after which their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 30. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) REVIEW OF THE SESSION. The Distilling from Sugar Bill was read a third time. On the question that the Bill do pass, Mr. DISRAELI rose and said—Sir, I take this oc casion, because I think it the best and most convenient to the House, to make some observations upon the conduct of public business this session, and to lay before Hon. Members the reasons which render it ex pedient that the House should not separate without offering some opinion upon that subject.—(Hear, hear.) Sit, whatever may be the merits or demerits of this session of Parliament, there attaches to it by general 'consent; one characteristic, namely, that it has been a session of unexampled duration. There is, however, an impression very prevalent, that its efficiency has not been commensurate with the period of its existence.— (Cheers, and laughter.) Sir, it is said that after having sat- now nearly ten months, after having laboured with unusual assiduity—for that • has not been questioned— Parliament is about to be prorogued with a vast number of projects of legislation of great inte rest and value not passed, and many of them little advanced while the subjects which have been re commended to our consideration in the speech from the Throne have not even been dealt with by the House in the way it was contemplated when we first met. There is_ more_ than one reason that is usually affitisa. • An unsatisfactory state of affairs I am sure all Gentlemen will agree it really is, because it amounts, in fact, to the encouragement--if the reasons be true—to a very great public evil, namely, that our system of Go vernment is inadequate to pass those measures that are required for the public welfare. One of the most popular causes which is assigned for this unsatisfactory state of things—the existence of this great evil—is that there is too muck discussion in the House of Commons —that too many speeches are made, and too much talk indulged in. —(Cheers.) Sir, this is an imputation that bay been heard of before this session of Parliament. It was not so popular, but it was an accusation prevalent during the - last session—during the last session of the last Parliament. I think it was first urged as an objection to our conduct of public business, by the members of the Manchester School, and it has been brought forward this session by their distinguished leader, in a most formal and precise manner. That Hon. Gentleman the Member for the West Riding has even acknowledged to the House that, as far as he is concerned, so sensible is ho of the evil of prolonged discussion in the House of Commons, that he would eonsent, though opposed to all tariffs, to a sort-of rhetorical tariff—(Hear, and laughter)—and that, for his part, but not speak ing for his friends, he has no objection that the time allotted to him for addressing the House should be settled by standing order.—(Hear, hear.) That is unfortunately a popular idea, and it may be a good suggestion, only I would remind the House that it is only very recently that this inconve nience of prolonged discussion has been experienced by the Hon. Member for the West Riding, and the sup• porters of his party.—(Hear, hear.) There certainly was a time not very distant, indeed, being only a few years ago, when I do not think that the Hon. Member for the West Riding would have been satisfied with the limited period of time he would have allowed him by the House for addressing us. I have listened to a great many very lengthened and able addresses from the lion. Gentleman and his Friends, most of them extending to a period that he does not seem to approve of now. So far from his thinking that there was too much discussion then, the Hon. Gentleman and his friends were not so satisfied with the time allowed them for discussion as to prevent them from building hustings and hiring theatres to continue their talk, feeling no doubt that the House of Commons did not offer sufficient opportunities for the discussion of those great questions, and the advance ment of those great political views which they wished to press upon public opinion.—(Cheers.) There is another cause that has been alleged for the unsatisfac tory, state of public business, and that the forms of this House, the constitution of this House are now pronounced to he cumbersome and intricate, and form a great obstacle and barrier to the efficient and satisfactory and speedy transaction of public business. This is the view of the case that is, I believe, principally relied upon by her Majesty's Government. Her Majesty's Govern jesve nn several recasions objected, or rather de plored that the forms of the House nave enabled Hon. I :Members to delay the progress of measures, and ae the close of this dying session Government have obtained a Committee to inquire into the modes of conducting public business, of which Committee I am an humble member, and you, Sir, are a distinguished member.—(Cheers.) Therefore, I apprehend the ap pointment of this Committee renders it clear that hers Majesty's Government consider that the forms of this House present a cause for the unsatisfactory state of our affairs, which every one deplores.—(Hear, hear.) At the same time it is clear her Majesty's Government by no means withhold their acquiescence from the other cause which has been alleged by the Hon. Member for the West Riding and is friends. The Noble Lord the First Minister, and other members of the Government, have on several occasions depre bated this propensity for discussion, which had been considered to form an obstacle to the transaction of Members business. They have often called upon Hon. Members not to make speeches, but to inquire into the merits of questionable measures; but still they attribute the d delays in the 'progress of public business to the cumbersome and intricate forms of the House, 'while they at the same time do not object to mame2,empbt:lriefoorthtr cause brought forward by the Hon. for discussion, which West Riding, namely, the propensity , which l e d t o muc h waste o f ti me , w hi c h was the c ause of WA' business being so tardily ad winced: ' The first charg e : e has been openly stated and adopted by Governmfenort;dhut it is clear that they con sider the propensity 11setcFtsesiooin. the present unsatisfactory public s blic thea affairs, causebecause f I have observed in an of paper a paragraph which :seems to encourage that viewlthe question. Lord J. RUSSELL—Is it the London Gazette? Mr. DISRAELI—It is not the London Gazette. But I will show to the that it is a Gieivernment secrets, paper to which are entrusted the and in which there appears information a far more gi a ea i r l ed in the in teresting and important than eve p r ara London Gazette. I copied this bfileial paragraph—from a journal I conslideT,hanicl w ill consider, to be the only official journal —a journal Circulates all the secrets of the Cabinet the m oment they h are known—a journal that announces every appointment from 'the Ambassador to the French Republic down t o the lastlanger of Excise—(Hear, hear, and laughter)-- I read in this journal, on Sunday week, the following official' announcement, which I think proves that while Ministers, by the appointment of this Committee, show they are of opinion that the forms of the House are the cause of the evils, still adopt the opinion taken by the Hon. Member for the West Riding and his friends. The paragraph commences—" We have authority to state"—but if this is forgery it will be open to the Treasury benches to contradict it—" We hare authority to state that the fish dinner"—(Loud laughter)—" that was fixed for the 19th is postponed till the 25th. This postponement is occasioned by the vexatious discussions in the House of Commons.—(Laughter.) We have, however, authority to state that the fish dinner will positively take place on the 25th instant." Now, I suppose Saturday was the dinner day of the session, and Wednesday will be the digestion.—(Hear, and laughter.) It is quite clear, allowing for the timidity naturally inci dent to a man who has lost his dinner, that the feeling of Government is that there is too much discussion in the House of Commons. I value this slight means of obtaining the truth much more than even the official announcement of the Noble Lord himself. It is only the acts of a man while under the influence of ruffled temper, produced by being disappointed in obtaining a dinner, that indicate his • secret views. It is only under such circumstances that the pas sions and master feelings of the man come out ; and although the Noble Lord talked a great deal of the forms of the House, it is quite clear that he feels with the Hon. Member for the West Riding, that the propensity for discussion is the reason why the business of the country cannot be carried on with rapidity.—(Cheers.) Now I propose, in a manner the most brief and condensed that I can command, to ascertain whether these two causes are the real causes, whether it is to be attributed to the discussions in this House, or to the fears of the Legislature, that after having sat nearly ten months we have done very little, and that very little not very well.—(Cheers.) But, however, before I enter into that argument, it will, perpaps, be interesting to the House that I should just state, inde pendently of our debates, what the House of Commons has done in the present session—what really has been done falls very far short of what was originally proposed to us. From a report of the Committee on Public Business, which has been laid upon the table of the House, but which from an accident has not yet been circulated amongst Members, it appears, Sir, that there have been this year 45 public Committees, some of them of more than usual importance, with an average number of fifteen Members serving on each Committee; that there have been 28 Election Committees with five Members serving on each Committee ; that there have been fourteen Groups on Railway Bills, with five Mem bers serving on each Group ; that there have been seventeen Groups on private Bills, with five Mem bers serving on each Group ; that there have been 111 other Committees on Private Bills. Of the public Com mittees, that on commercial distress sat 39 days, that on sugar and, coffee planting, 39 days; that on the navy, army, and ordnance expenditure, 40 days; and that on miscellaneous expenditure, 37 days. It appears that there have been presented this year to the House upwards of 18,500 petitions, showing an increase of 25 per cent. upon the greatest number presented in any former year, except the year 1843. I will take this opportunity of making an observation upon these petitions, since a considerable degree of error exists out of doors on this subject. It is supposed, when a petition is presented, it is simply ordered to lay upon the table and never heard of again ; but it is well that our constituents should know that every petition that is laid upon the table is scrutinized by a Select Committee of the most ex perienced and intelligent Members of this House, and that *e - very petition, which from the import ance of its subject, or the ability of its statements, renders it deserving of the distinction, is printed at the public cost, and circulated among Members. The right, then, since we are not permitted to make a speech on every petition presented, is a more important and efficient right than has ever been enjoyed at any time by the public in England.—(Loud cheers.) Having, Sir, fully I hope, stated the causes to which are imputed the great delay which we all acknowledge— namely, the present inefficiency of the system of govern ment to transact the business necessary for the country, the next thing for me to consider is whether those causes are founded in truth and accuracy, and if not, whether it is possible before Parliament is prorogued for this House to ascertain what the real cause is. —(Hear, hear.) Now, it will be perhaps convenient to re cal to the recollection of the House the circum stances under which Parliament met.—(Hear, hear.) Such extraordinary events have occurred since Fe bruary, that we are apt to forget, when we remember the fall of thrones, the uprooting of dynasties, the deposing of great Ministers whose reputation had become almost part of the history of more than half a century—who had selected and guided the Governments of almost the whole of civilized Europe—when these mighty occurrences are fresh in one's memory, one is too apt to forget, so long has been the duration of this painful session, the circumstances under which the Parliament met. Hon. Gentlemen should:recol lect that we had in this country, when the House met in the first session of the new Parliament, that we were then suffering from events, which though not, from reputa tion, so large as to partake of an European character, were yet as comprehensive, as far as we were con cerned these were, however, not less strange, and far more sad.—(Hear, hear.) The inscrutable Omnipotent decree had gone out that a famine was visiting the land, and in consequence of that terrible visitation our merchants were compelled to make good the deficiency, and no doubt that and many other causes led to a commercial crisis, perhaps of unprecedented severity. There were uprooting of commercial dynasties in England not less striking than the ;fall of those political houses of which of late we have heard so much. Hon. Gentlemen whom we had known and lived _ with in this House of Commons. I IL • peen reputation in their career, were rudely torn almost from these benches, if not with disgrace and dis honour, under circumstances of pitiable severity and vicissitude seldom met with. We had had a com mercial pressure of unprecedented severity, and when Parliament met private credit was certainly para lyzed. Trade was not only dull, but almost dead.—(Hear, hear.) There was scarcely any private party, from the rich noble to the most enterprising man of the middle class, who was not smarting under the severity ot the circumstances to which I have alluded. Why, Sir, that commercial distress was so general and so severe, that it was one of the main causes that led to the calling of Parliament together in the month of November.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty, in her Speech from the Throne, stated that this was one of the causes which had induced her to call Parlia ment together at so early a period ; but let me ask the House whether, on this subject of com mercial distress, there has been too much discussion?—(Hear, hear.) Can the Members of the House of Commons be charged with having such a pro pensity to make speeches upon that subject? Let me recal to the recollection of the House that the only impression.. upon the mind of the coun try after we had met was, that we had been called together by the Sovereign on a great emer gency of universal interest, and yet upon that sub ject the House of Commons has absolutely said no thing.—(Cheers.) There was a feeling of discontent amongst all classes, and men of all parties in the country and in town, that when Parlia ment met they did not immediately go to the cause ot that commercial distress by which the country had been stricken so severely, with the view of arriving at some conclusion that should be able to guide the public intelligence on the subject. There was cer• tainly, when the House met, one desultory discussion ; of two nights upon the Address, when the com mercial crisis formed one important element in the discussion, but Parliament had never met yet with out a desultory discussion taking place on the Address. In the present instance the desultory debate was very insignificant, because there was a general understanding in the House that the question of the commercial crisis was too vast, too encumbered with other important matters, to be dealt with in an accidental debate on the first business of the House of Commons. It was naturally supposed that an opportunity would be afforded for a complete discussion of the subject; because let me recal to the House that the question was alluded to by the Sovereign in these words to the effect that the embarrassments in trade were so great at one period that a general feeling of distrust and alarm had arisen throughout the country, and her Majesty for the purpose of restoring confidence had, by an order in Council, authorised the Bank of England to pursue a course of proceedings in the emer gency that might have led to an infringement of the law. Can any one doubt, after this, whoth... of Commons did not feet that an opportunity would be af forded them for fully discussing the subject, and yet was there any great propensity for discussion on _ that question ? No doubt I shall be . told that besides the desultory debate to which I have just alluded on the moving of the Address, a motion was made with respect to the conduct of Ministers, when the subject of commercial dis tress, and especially as to the conduct of Govern ment with • regard to its advice to the B an k of • England,' was brought formally .before the House, by the Right Honourable Pentlentan the M em b er for , Stamford. Very true, bdt, Sir, in the first place, I can not-at all agree .that there is any abuse of th e privileg e of Parliament when such a .man or such a subj ec t ap pealed to the- House - of Commons.—(Hear, hea r .) should say that, considering the experience of my Right Hon. Friend, and the turn of his mind, was sufficient guarantee - thatit would have been satisfactory to the country, and to men of all party, that he of all m en should have originated an investigation into this matter relating to_ the management of the Bank, the constitution of the Bank; and the conduct of the Ministers during the commercial crisis.—(Hear.) Well, Sir, do not suppose that the motion of my Right Hon. Friend will be alleged as having led to a waste of time; but if it is, let me remind the House that he had no alternative. Ministers had announced through the highest medium that they had coun selled the 'directors of the Bank of England to violate the law. True it is, that in the same speech they intimated that that infringement of the law, notwithstanding the permission, did not take place, but-in the. opinion of my Right Hon. Friend, and of Gentlemen .on this side of the House, we could not agree that - a crime or an offence was only constituted for • • is just .as guilty as . the perpetration; the in the perpetration of the act. intention murder, he is - We consider if a man contemplate the committal of a . asjust guilty as the man who has committed der; and, therefore, if Ministers counsel a public t he body mu to infringe the law, although the infringement may not take place, it was st ill com p e t en t f or P ar l iam ent to come forward to discuss or dissent from such counsel. I think myself that the whole :conduct of the Govern ment, with respect to that letter, is so weak and whimsi cal that it is difficult to account for it, except by !up posing that they they were, as they very naturally might have been; in a state of very great perplexity .—(Hear, heai) And having done all this, which amounted to nothing, and written thi s p aragrap h , an d ma d e the speeches which greatly pleased me, I can compare it to i n n but t o the annual procession whi c h t a k es p l ace in a city with.which.all gentlemen are very,familiar— an annual ceremony which takes place on one day in the year, and which puts the whole population in a state of the greatest excitement and alarm; and after a short time the whole procession becomes panic-struck about the consecrated blood, and the most curious thing is that in both cases it is the same— a case of congealed circulation.—(Laughter.) Just at that moment when there is unutterable gloom, and when despair and consternation prevails over the whole popu lation, the Archbishop of the, time announces the lique faction of the blood of St. Januarius—(Laughter)— that a wholesome state of currency has returned (Laughter) and immediately everybody be comes as gay, and as cheerful, and as easy as can possibly be imagined—the panic and depression both disappear, and everybody returns to his business, and to his music and macaroni. —(Great laughter.) In both cases the remedy is equally efficient and equally apposite.—(Laughter.) I think I have shown some reasons for the House to agree with me, that as far as this great question of commercial distress--which the Hon. Member for Warwickshire his not yet terminated —as far as that is concerned, the House of Commons has not wasted much time.—(Hear.) Here is one of the most important subjects that can pos sibly interest a great commercial nation, and I believe not ten men in the House expressed their opinions upon the subject. I confess as far as our discussions upon bank ing were concerned—having long relinquished any hope that the result would be as satisfactory as I desired—a combat has always taken place be tween opposite opinions, with which men who generally originated the question have had little to do—(Hear, hear)—the debate was always interesting, frequently entertaining, but as far as the sound principles of bank ing were concerned, they had certainly not been ad vanced by such discussions, and I confess I look for ward to the attainment of that end which we desire by only one means, and that of a very sorrowful na• ture—another depression and another panic.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman continued—He would now take a subject of the utmost possible importance—the financial question, and he would ask the House if' they would permit him calmly to consider, on the 30th of August, after sitting there ten months, whether, in the financial statement and in those measures which resulted from it, the conduct of the Government had been of that thoughtless, unbusiness-like, and unsatisfactory charac ter which had been alleged? He would ask the House to inquire how much time had been occu pied this session by those financial communications and arrangements by an English House of Commons. He would ask the House to inquire whether any time had been wasted by the House of Commons, and whether the speeches of Members, or the forms of the House, had caused that expenditure of the public time? On the lith February the financial statement was made—it was exceedingly satisfactory—but the moment Parliament met after Christmas, not an hour was lost in announcing that another financial statement would be made. The general opinion was satisfactory in the House and in the country.—(Laughter.) The Ministers were rather favourites out of doors ; some people said, however, that they were not men of busi ness, but then it was thought they had to encounter hard times.—(Laughter.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer was a most active man ; he got wrong with his deficiency bills, but on the whole they were satisfactory.— (Laughter.) But now they were sailing in still water—they were perfectly business men—not a moment was to be lost—the First Minister of the Crown comes down, and we have a budget early in February.—(A laugh.) Notwithstanding all the great events that had occurred in Europe, they still recollected that budget.— (Laughter.) It was not entrusted to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Prime Minister—the first Minister of Finance—comes forward, and Tamworth itself could not have produced a more magnificent and solemn budget. In a political sense it was not less important than in a financial sense. It was clearly a budget which demanded expansive views, and the highest efforts of a statesman, because the country was to be defended as well as taxes to be paid. Those were great considerations for the House to enter into, and when they were informed of their danger, they were induced to express their determination to protect their country, their Sovereign, and their hearths. But, then, they were informed that there was not only to be an increase of the miscellaneous, but of the mili tary estimates; and they were told that the income-tax was to be doubled. Now, it was clear that the financial scheme of the Government must have been completely matured—it was not a scheme taken up in an hour, or drawn with a pen upon the back of a letter, but there must have been Cabinets, frequent and long discussions, upon a budget which in a moment of deficiency called upon the country to increase the expenditure, and which attempted to accomplish two great ends, viz., to defend the country, and to fill the Exchequer.—(Laughter and cheers.) And he thought he should use no terms of exaggeration if he expressed the feeling of the House as one of considerable dissatis faction—(Hear, hear)—because at the time he alluded to Members in every quarter of the House, even to almost behind the Treasury benches, gave utterance to their in dignant protest against the Government propositions. But that was but a murmur to what took place out of doors— a menagerie before feeding time would alone give an idea of the unearthly yell—(A laugh)—with which the middle olasses, especially the inhabitants of towns, the followers of liberal opinioni, and the disciples of free-trade opinions —(Laughter)—received the announcement of the Go vernment. Great towns, such as Manchester, Liver. pool, Leeds, and Bradford, sent up their protests day after day, and, in fact, persons were so alarmed that they had not time to inquire into their condition. On the 2 Ifit ri a y. Chancello;' chequer came forward just as on. wight see a great general, after he had taken the position of his infantry, and finding out that it had not gone quite as well as he expected, brings in a body of cavalry to put everything right—(Laughter)—the Chancellor of the Exchequer made a most extraordinary speech. It was a sort of lament over the misconceptions which un accountably occurred as to the statement of his chief. —(Hear, hear.) He should have thought that if any statement ought to be clear, it would be that of a financial exposition, but unfortunately the charmed and classic eloquence of the Noble Lord had enveloped it in a feeble mist, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer was the only man to put it right.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He came forward and said there had been the greatest possible misconception as to the statement; it was true that there was a mistake in the navy estimates, but there had been a very great increase in consequence of an expedition to the North Pole.—(Laughter.) That, he supposed, was to show that they had no intention of going to war—(Hear)—that they were merely going to the North Pole; but he thought it was an expedition rather adapted to' times when they had a surplus in the Ex chequer.—(Laughter and cheers.) As to the miscella• neous estimates, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said they were considerably increased, but told the House not to forget the expense of building the new Houses of Parliament, the expenses of keeping up the British Museum, and, lastly, the increase to an immense extent in the amount of the printer's bill.—(Great laughter.) The statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. he contended, was the most extraordi nary proposition that had ever been made by a Minister, viz., that the Government had determined to propose that the estimates for the army and navy should im mediately be referred to the Committee up stairs, and on the next day the miscellaneous estimates should be submitted to the same ordeal. That was on the 21st February, on the Monday after the Friday. But the storm had grown loud. A most curious thing occurred on the 28th February, there having been a notice of a motion given by the Hon. Member for Montrose e t lE i n o ext n xc , pmho a eos t i git d uti e a ot g . co r af e mo a t t hen e m dt a lloh n wao y tnb o l de t a h anLy e d r ,ob rte notices s o f v f e t e r r y t i h n ; for a reduction of expendit ure and a diminution abroad, already d e r,eh C aadan h ny a dds ri op c l m e a tc l we l c o s : (Laughter.) On that o ccas i on the Chancello r of the Exch e q ue r sa id, i n consequence 'of the r o c fi o o f f n n a t t v n a h e c x e n i a a i manner presented the House with two bud in n e e budgets, — i s a • ca — td more misconceptions iheoh ve inconvenient e whichnt motions had having g ne forontthhee bOO O o k v e s r n o f tn the eht H to o r u e s v e i , e i w t b th ec e a ir m p e o n si e t c io e n ss , a a r n y a no doubt himself that the estimates might be consider ably curtailed, and by borrowing some money which was intended for another purpose, they might save some money for the purpose intended— (Laughter)— that was to say, that by pinching on the one hand and screwing on the other, there would not be the slightest necessity for additional imposts, becau se they might manage very well to make the expenditur e and income balance—(Laughter)—that they might do very well without doubling the income-tax, by which it was estimated by the Noble Lord that three million s and a half would be brought into the Exchequer.—(A laugh.) Now, he would ask, was the House of Commons guilty of the charge of having wasted those ten days, from the 18th to the 28th of February?—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Was there too much discussion, or were the antiquated forms of the House tripping up the Noble Lord at t h e head of the Cabinet? --(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But ten days had been wasted ; they were now on the 28th, and still they had an empty Exchequer, and the only chance they had of getting anything like tenpence in the pound was by scraping some 6001., 7001., or 8001. from the estimates. (Hear, hear.) He found an announcement in the Queen's Speech, stating that her Majesty had given di rections that the estimates for the next year should be the eepare House, prepared for that ettheypurpose would be ofbeing formed lai with laid bef . or h e a e carefulr, and re laughter.)gard tto the T exigencieshe greatest o f th exigency public which service. —the a y were then labouring under was a deficiency in the revenue, and he now complained that those estimates had not been prepared with a careful regard to the exigencies of the public service. He would not enter into a detailed account of what was done in those eventful ten days, but would pursue the financial point to the end that the House and th e country might clearly understand what time had been wasted, how it had been wasted, and who had been guilty of wasting thaotntimier( day, in the Hear.) Ho Hon. met a answer a t of :titroh:fEx chequer would go on to the 30th of June, on midst of a colonial debate, the Chancy:lilt? chequer suddenly rose, as was supposed: speech which had been made by con siderable ability and intelligence, but in a im promptu manner brought forward a third budget, which he laid on the table of the House.—( " du et ' laughter.) And what occurred on that occasion d ? The Right Hon. Member for Manchester, and the Hon. Member for the West Riding, moved the adjournment of the debate, on the plea that instead of discussing a great question which was then before the House, a question involving a great principle, of which those two Hon. Members were the champions, viz. that there should be no a d lt u er ti a e t s tn in o s f te t a n d e lawof d of oin lB g 46 tha w t i , th he( respect the to the sugar Chancellor of the Exchequer) sought to introduce a e andfro from that h theat e s n u t b i j rely t b d e i f v o e r r e t e it. d the The a t d t a n e t o s n . s o n i f e o the w n b o u n t g t o ha e u t fi nan cial state of the country lasted two days, and that great sugar debate was sp ent in deliver ing speeches on the budget of the Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) Now they had throe budgets within the period from the 18th of February down to the 30th of June— THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 31, 1848. and during that period the Government had not in the • of that measure he would not speak; it would be sufficient slightest degree redeemed the promise which they held J for him to say of it generally, that it was an absolute out to the House and to the public. All that time the departure from the Act of 1846, to which they had estimates were up stairs submitted to a select Corn- been since told the Government was unalterably devoted. mittee, and the Commitee of Supply of the House was —(Protectionist cheers.) Why did it not strike the virtually done away with. When that Select Committee Government—he thought it could not fail to strike the was appointed, be took occasion to state the objections House and the country—if they had been more which he entertained to the proposition, that the esti- firm and had not been instrumental in intro mates should be referred to the Committee up stairs. ducing long discussions, the public _business would have He showed that it was an unconstitutional course, and been proceeded with more efficiently than it had been.— that there were no precedents whatever for submitting (Hear.) That measure altered in some respects the dif the estimates, which ought to be proposed by the ferential duties, and provided for the loan of a large Ministers, on their own responsibility, to a Select sum of money for the purpose of promoting emi- Committee, and of shifting the responsibility gration and the cultivation of the colonies. The from a Committee of the whole - House.— (Hear.) resolutions introduced were fully discussed by the He had shown to the House that this was a Select Corn- House, as the discussion consumed ten 'days, but consi mittee of Ways and Means, and that if they were al- dering the importance of the question—considering lowed to have such a Committee, they might have a the principles which it was expedient to apply Select Committee on anything, and that Committee to the whole of our colonial empire were would have the power of inflicting taxation. He had to be discussed, he did not think that the time stated also to the House another objection to the refe- was improperly occupied.—(Hoar.) Yet four days out rence to Committees; he had stated that it was uncon- of the number were consumed by two episodes which stitutional as regarded Members, because it de- had nothing to do with the great question before prived them of their constitutional privileges of the House. Then the third budget of the Chancellor of investigating the justice of the estimates in a the Exchequer, and the speeches of the Hon. Members Committee of Supply.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what did for Manchester and the West Riding, occupied the Noble Lord at the head of the Government say to two days, and two were absorbed by that incident which that ? Why, that his (Mr. Disraeli's) observations were was known by the name of the " Missing Dispatch " futile, and that it was absurd to say that Members were (Roars of laughter, and Protectionist cheers)—and deprived of their constitutional privileges, for they had which was styled in that House a " petty per the power to consider all that had been done by the sonality," but which was pretty well recog- Committee when in Supply ; but what he would ask nized by the country as a great Ministerial was the result ? Why, the Estimates did not come blunder.--(Laughter.) He could not but regret that down from the Committee till a few weeks ago, such a state of things prevailed in this country that they and they had been discussed at a time when could not depend upon the dispatch of a Colonial Go half the Members were away from the House. He vernor being laid with certainty upon the table of the asserted, then, that the House of Commons had not been House.--(Protectionist cheers.) He thought he guilty of delay on the question of finance, but the had shown that the House of Commons was not Ministry had; nothing had been done before the end of responsible for all the discussions upon the sugar July, and the Prime Minister, with a sublime coolness, question.—(Hear, hear.) Had they, however, occu stated, in the latter end of the month, that his pied • sixteen hours, the importance of the subject Right Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the would have justified such an expenditure of the Exchequer would, before the end of the session, public time.—(Hear, hear.) At length they got make his financial statement. They had then the into Committee, and he held the Bill as amended in fourth budget ; they had had a Ministry con- that ordeal in his hand. Let us see how the Chancellor taming all the talents, and they had now a Ministry of the Exchequer—already experienced in the expendi o gets.—(H ear , h ear , an d l aug h ter. ) ture o f t i me b y the length of his budgets—(Laughter)— Tbudget budgets.—(Hear, came late, and at a mom en t w h en go t on . Th e fi s h di nner o f t h e Government was put they hn ta waited i n glad b (Laughter)—it was brou g ht f orwar d i n a th i n House, D ur i ng the week, when the Government fish dinner and when that House w as f u ll o f g l oom. The position should have taken place, and when the House should ce fourthgall c o a f s itohe putCh Chancellor in ellor of the Exchequer on th a t oc - ha ve gene i n t o C omm itt ee — t h e 16 t h o f J u l y — t h e N o bl e n mind of the hero of Cervantes Lord discovered that they were unfairly dealt with, and and his faithful servant, Sancho Panza, on their the subject of refining in bond was intro return from the fourth expedition of the redoubtable duced by his Noble Friend (Lord G. Bentinck). knight. His friends were aware of his weakness, and He would say nothing about Englishmen not enjoying they treated him with respect, but the wife of Sancho the same privileges as foreigners, but he wished to Panza told him to never mind his kicks and cuffs so that state that the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised he had brought home some money.—(Laughter.) Such to introduce a measure to remedy the inequalities that was the state of the present Chancellor of the Ex- existed. In reply to the Hon. Gentleman the Member chequer on bringing forward his fourth budget. The for the Tower Hamlets, the Right Honourable Chancellor of the Exchequer, it might be truly s a id, Gentl ema n s t a t e d t h at b e i nten d e d to b r i ng i n a B i ll had conclud e d hi s second year of office with with respect to refining for home consumption. Subse a second loan instead of a tax. He would ask the House quently the Noble Lord reminded the Government of whether it was the discussion of Members, or the forms their " broken promise"—(Hear, hear)—and on of the House, that had caused the delay in bringing for- the 21st of June he opened his "masked battery." ward the fourth budget? So much for that part of the of twenty-three arithmetical blunders in the Bill.— subject. He would now refer to another. Her Ma- (Laughter.) But the measure with respect to refining jesty, at the commencement of the session, had recom- in bond was never carried, it was withdrawn.—(Hear, mended to Parliament to adopt two important measures, hear.) When the Government came forward in but he regretted that they had not complied with her Ma- Committee to introduce a Bill more satisfactory to jesty's command. The adoption of such a course was the trade, and, on another occasion, came forward to an apparent slain doubtless upon her Majesty's faithful withdraw it, they must expect that such conduct must Commons.—(Hear, hear.) But the question with him elicit discussion and remark in a free assembly. What was, whether the House of Commons had disobeyed her were they there for but to attend to the interests ef. Majesty's commands, and he thought he should be able the . colonists and others, many of whom were to show that they had not. The first measure to which their constituents? A second Bill was intro her Majesty had called their attention was for improving duced in which the twenty •three blunders were the health of the metropolis, and the second related to the dealt with, seven of them were corrected, and two new laws regulating the navigation of the United Kingdom. blunders were added to the number—(Laughter)—six- Now, with regard to the sanitary law, it was introduced teen of which were reprinted in the Bill.—(Laughter.) on the 10th of February, and ordered to be printed, as It was, therefore, found necessary to withdraw the amended by the Lords, on the 27th of July. Now, it second and to introduce a third, in which the might be thought the House of Commons had been Government confessed to the former sixteen blunders— guilty of wasting five months with respect to the men- (Laughter)—making altogether twenty-five acknow sure; but what was the fact? Why, a cursory glance over ledged blunders—(Continued laughter)—yet leaving statistics of the session would show that the measure seven still unacknowledged.—(Renewed laughter.) had been so frequently altered, and such batches It was surprising that such errors could have of clauses had been added to and taken from it, that it occurred when the figures might have been as was quite clear that such was its inefficiency when first easily calculated, as that three groats made a shilling. introduced that discu s sion with respect to it was no t (H ear .) Af ter f our d ays an d s i x n i ghts ' discussion, and only profitable but a public benefit.—(Hear, hear.) seven divisions in Committee, solely caused by the imper- Such were the difficulties that beset the Bill, that he feet preparation of these measures—these three grace believed, that had it not been for the fine disposition ful emanations of Ministerial g enius — the measure was at and the kindly feeling of the Noble Lord w h o h a d l engt h a d opte d . H e as k ed the House if it was possible had the management of it, he doubted much for the people to have confidence in a House of Parlia whether it would ever have reached its goal. What had ment which legislated in this way?—(Hear, hear.) taken placed on that Bill could not be blamed on the The Hon. Member then proceeded—There is now a House of Commons. Then, with respect to the Naviga- very important point upon which it becomes my duty to tion-laws, they had been introduced on the 15th of May. advert. I mentioned in referring to the discussion on There were then two nights' discussion on that propo- sugar, which lasted for ten days, that of those ten days sition. On the 9th of June there were four nights' dis- two were taken up with the missing dispatch and the— cussion, and, except the formal introduction of the Bill, which?—oh, ay, the third budget.—(Laughter.) But that was all the time that was expended in the discussion there were other circumstances which absorbed our at of the most important alterations that any Minister could tention and diverted our consideration from the great propose in that House or the country in any measure. question. Almost every day during these ten days there He would ask were six nights' discussion too much with were discussions about writs. We had Derby and Sligo, respect to such a vast and comprehensive measure ? and Horsham and the rest. It is amazing what a quan- He asked the House what its Members would have been tity of time was lost this session in moving for writs, thought of by their constituents and the country if they and dealing with delinquent boroughs.—(Hear, hear.) had not devoted themselves with a proper spirit to the I want to know, I have tried to ascertain, because all I do, discussion of so important a subject? He asserted is in the way of investigation, why this has been. I give, that the discussions on the measure were called for, and no opinion: lam merely assisting you in drawing your could not be considefed frivolous or vex . atious.--ilk t g,l interesices. Let us s • ert,howentainklitretilistheft93°Phewttt tri T e'rit:ltrra - r as theconducting of the business of the House House of Commons is responsible for that loss of time. was concerned, that they had not carried the navigation- It is a subject which I know has engaged much of the laws.: Then with respect to the repeal of the Jewish attention of the Noble Lord. Well, we got into a mess Disabilities Bill, he bad supported ,that measure at no at the beginning of the session about three delinquent ordinary sacrifice, but he could not approve of boroughs.—(A laugh.) No one knew exactly what to the conduct of the Noble Lord as the mane- do—whether, when a gentleman was turned out of ger of the business of the House of Commons, and as Parliament for treating or bribing, that constituency a Minister bringing forward a project of change, were to he virtually disfranchised or not. Some unless he was sure that he could carry thought they were, some not; some were disfran it, believing that a Minister faili ng i n carry- c hi sed, and some were not.—(Laughter.) In fact, it ings the consequences u an such a t se e ofs whoseue a was a no attended could foreseeit with t s m s evidently nio n a t o n noccasion d and f o r a n m l i e d a e d s e c r e n o d f t o the i H d e o u p : l o b n was f hn improper co urse w i t h op i n i on and the conduct of this House. And if I find a e interests the Govern ment l ea d er o f t h e House of Commons, celebrated for his con rt respect o imprudenththose a which r nd s con advocated. It was quite clear t o hi s mind that stitutional knowledge and great historical attainments— the urging on of the Jewi s h Di sa bi lities Bill was one who has the power of generalising from the large one the causes that h a d l ed to the Noble collection of facts that is stored in his mind—a scholar ot Lord's withdrawing the Navigation Bill. At the as well as a statesman, and a man who, in my opinion, time of the progress of the Bill the House would recol- is not deficient in courage—l would have that man in lect that one of the most remarkable eircumstances his high position of great constitutional statesman and took place that had occurred during the present session. leader of the House of Commons to spare a little time He (Mr. Disraeli) had said that the progress of the from his councils of war to tell us what was to be done Bill had been arrested by a most remarkable circum- with the delinquent boroughs. Here is a list of the stance—an gave a t ota ll y d i fferent colour wr i ts which were moved for : Aylesbury, little or no de to u and which c h anged altogether b at i ng ; Derby, debated on five occasions ; Harwich, our policy with respect to the colo n i es — an event which f our ; and Horsham—(Loud laughter)—six. In the altered the whole tone of our debate e — w hi c h i n fl uenced, w h o l e, there were nineteen occasions on which there was nr legislation, that in fact, the financial statement of the Ministry; and considerable discussion on moving for the writs—discus which in one shape or another has engrossed a large sions arising solely from our not having decided on a portion of the attention Parliament met our sugar growing was going on, and, and while all this time was wasted, colonies were beginning to experience the effects of the there was still a great deal of legislation going on about measure of 1846—(Hear, hear)—the first and most fells delinquent boroughs. The Hon. Baronet, the Member citous effort o f her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear, for Flint, a great purist and supporter of Ministers o hear.) But what were the h o p es h e ld out to as h amed of the state of things, and brought in a Bill. the colonists ? They were recommended to It failed. Borough Elections Bill, No. 1, was withdrawn. exercise a little more competition, a little more Tried again. No. 2 read a first and second time, consi energy, and a little more enterprise—(Hear) —only to dered in Committee, and then withdrawn.—(Loud exert themselves a little more, and they would do in laughter.) And all this from our not having a prin time.—(Laughter.) Nevertheless, packet after packet ciple to guide us on this important question. At last the arrived with the Intelligence that the planters were be- subject began to get interesting, and after the Hon. Be coming more and more distressed—the gloom black- ronet bad tried his " prentice hand" at legislation, the ened, and at last our colonies assumed the aspect Horsham Borough Bill, somehow or other, got upon the of despair.—(hear, hear.) One Honourable Member, table. It was read a first time, there was considerable whose intrepidity could not be conquered, and who se discussion on the second reading, and at last we arrived perseverance could not be got over —the Noble Lord the at that state of affairs which the Italians call an im- Member for King's Lynn — (Cheers)—told the Govern- broglio. After a great deal of time had been wasted the ment and the House, that if th ey i nten d ed to keep Noble Lord himself t oo k u p th e matter, t h e H ors h am and preserve o ur colonial empire, that the time had 13i11 was withdrawn, and a Bill called the Corrupt Prac arrived when they must seriously consider what tices at Elections Bill was introduced. It was read ought to be done for them. He said, "if you will a first and second time, considered in Committee for not give them up, at least inquire into their four nights, and then re-committed, showing what a condition, as they have alleged that their lamentable Government can do when it takes a thing up.—(A condition h as been mainly aggravated by our recent laugh.) Government acted with tremendous energy, legislation." On the 6th of February that Noble and at last the Bill was passed and sent up to the Lord brought before the House the state of other House. But it might have been settled before, our West I n dian colonies in moving the appoint- and we should not have had the Flint and Horsham meat of a Committee. At first the Go- Bills, nor the nineteen discussions in which so much Vernment would not comply with his request, time was lost. The Noble Lord sent his Bill to and my Noble Friend knew that if he pressed his mo- another place, where_he does what he likes.--(A laugh.) tion to a division, that it Would be defeated by the ready The most extraordinary thing occurred. In that place legions of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) But ac- there is no opposition : here there is an opposition by counts arrived which made even Downing -street listen courtesy—but in that place there is not even the sem to the plaints of these islands, and they were then blance of it, The three or four mysterious entities to told that the Government bad no objection to grant such which I have alluded were in a different place, and at an inquiry, different work, on the 17th of August, when the Noble Lord J. RUSSELL intimated that the Committee was Lord sent up his Bill. If' Government had not sent up nominated in February, but that he had agreed to it as the Bill, if it had not gone along with a crowd of legisla far back as December.—(Hear.) ticn it must have passed. But the constitutional party, person Mr. DISRAELI „id, ye t, on the 6th of February, the all Whigs, what did they do ? They began growling Noble Lord declared " that he would not alter his among themselves. The Bill is moved by the Lord Chan. policy,"_(p retect i„i st c h eers .) That Committee re- cellor, upon which the Chief Justice—the Attorney-Ge ported on the 20th of May. Its labours were little neral of the Reform Bill, arid consequently knowing all heeded at first, except by persons immediately interested the delinquent boroughs—(Laughter, and cries • of in the colonies to which its investigations had " Order")—l am only reading from a paper. I can only reference. With the exception of these persons, say that in a place well known and much more use t ate , w h at was to t i n g place. The Com- ful than many people imagine—(A laugh) —a mittee was impartially chosen, looking at the opi n i ons did say that he felt it his duty to com e d own to the entertained by the N o ble Lord the Member f or Ki ng ' s H ouse for the sole purpose of opposin g t hi s measure— Lynn, y et the favour i tes o f t h e new commercial sys- (Hear)—one, in his opinion, liable to obj ec ti ons of every tem prepond erate d . — ( H ear , h ear .) R umours in a few descr i pt i on .—(H ear .) Wh ereupon another personage, mouths began to creep about in the House, an d d espa i r - for whom I entertain the highest respect, and who per ing West Idians were seen in the lobbie s . —(L aughter. ) forms in another place the functi ons which the Noble It was found t h at men who entere d the Committee with Lor d di sc h arges so a bl y h ere, got up and withdrew the preconceived opi n i ons b egan to waver,—(Hear.) They Government measure. — (Hear.) I mak e no comment heard, more over, the ot h er d ay, of a gentleman u p on thi s , it is not my business; but I as k t h e N o b le being knighted and paid—(Cries of "Hear, hear")— Lord, who is a man of generous temperament, can he because he laboured 18 hours a day upon the matter, forget this, when he gets up and abuses the forms of but his Noble Friend (Lord G. Bentinck) laboured so the House, when he says, " You malignant, factious many hours, and not only on the West Indian question, Opposition, you are wasting the time of the House but upon many others.—Protectionist( cheers.) On the and destroying the health of the Government ?"- 29th of May a majority of the Committee containing so (Laughter.) lam sure that his candour will prevent many of those favourable to the new commercial principles this. Well, Sir, I was reminded of these writs by re recommended that duties on a scale which would have membering that they occurred during the discussion on given a differential duty of 10s. to the colonies—(hear) the sugar duties, that great question which the Govern -but on the same day the Noble Lord at the head of the ment had determined should not be disturbed, until the Government stated his firm determination - the firm deter- indomitable perseverance of my Noble Friend the Mem mination of the Government—to maintain theduties at the ber for King's Lynn, of whom it rate , bo said quod cult, rates agreed upon in 1846. Why, if the Government valde vult, had forced it upon their attention. I ask the had been firm, if they had not indulged in useless dis- House if I have not given you some information to cussion, they might have passed the repeal of the enable you to form a judgment why the repeal of the navigation-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Yet, notwithstanding navigation-laws, after having been affirmed by a ma this determination on the part of the Government on the jority of this House has not passed this year, and whether Ist of June —the period was not very remote—(Hear, the fault lies with the House of Commons or with some hear)—how many Cabinet Councils were there between i body else? I must here remind the House that during this the 29th of May and the Ist of June?—(Laughter.) year—during these ten eventful months-- there has been Although he had made a diligentseareh for what was done sedition in England, insurrections in Ireland, and revo for this condensed epitome of their proceedingsduring the lution all over Europe. I should like to have seen last ten mont h s, he could not find any account of these the Whigs i n opposition with such advantages.—(Loud Councils --)et the same P r i me Minister, who was cheers.) I think that in that ease, if the House could unalterable and firm, ca me down to the House, have sat twenty months instead of ten, the time would and volunteered a statement to the effect that have been expended in attacks—for what purpose I need some member of the Government would inform not describe.—(Hear, hear.) I must admit that I have the House what was to be done with the already obtained the acknowledgment of the Noble sugar colonies -- (Protectionist cheers)—and accordingly Lord the S ecretary f or F ore i gn Aff a irs that, in as far as on the 16th of the same mont h t h e na ture of th e G overn- foreign policy was concerned during the most important meat measure was stated to the House. Of the details year I have been in Parliament, the forbearance and . no revolution has yet succeeded in secomplish! ‘vhich none of those conspirators that you havek.e, 19 arrested in their m i d n i g h t conc l aves hi ve had - tee , ` u' da2ity to devi s e. —(L ou d eeeers. ) I k now ne iastitutinn d in the country th a t can l ong w i t h stan d i ts sa pping ,d deleterious influence. As for the class of public men that have hitherto so gloriously administered the afft;irs of this country, I believe they will be swept off-the hie! of our political world. For my part, I protest again" the system. I denounce it. Even at the eleventh haur I call upon the 'country to brand it with its indignant reprobation.—(L ou d c h eers .) r But, whatever may , 1 . 3 .. 6 the consequenc e s— w h a t ever may b e t h e f or tune of intl viduals or the fate of i n stit u ti ons , I at least have had the l satisfaction of calling public attention to this Pc;lit iCa plague-spot— I at least have had the satisfaction ? f attemptin , to place in a clear light the cause Of t h is great national evil. Mor e th an t h a t, I have had the consolation of justifying this great assembly, in whien" is my highest honour to hold a seat, and of vindicating: in the face of England, the character- and condttnt°' the House of Commons.—(Enthusiastic cheering.), Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I must, in the first , pier: thank the Hon. Gentleman for consulting my p e rsonal convenience as to the time of bringing this question before the House; I will next thank him, as a Memt; er of this House, for the very diverting speech be has wade although in what it originated, or to what object it waif directed, lamat a loss to discover. With respect:Se the origin of his speech, indeed, the Hon. Memb er read a paragraph from a Sunday paper, referring the da§ fixed for the fish dinner. I asked the Hon. Member whether he was reading from the London Gaud& 11 e Hon. Member replied in the negative, but said that the information contained in that paper was of a more aFre d and confidential character than any which appeared in* Gazette.—(Laughter.) This certainly was..new 'infer !nation to me. At any rate, I can state that the whol e story as given in the paragraph about the fish dinne r being postponed from the 19th to the 26th is fabulous; that story, however, such as it is, - tuitama to have fenced, thefoundation of the H on . M em be r % a dd ress to t h e House. In commenting on what has passed 'during this session, the Hon. Member seemed to imagine that he bad to defend the House of Commons from some charge which the Go' vernment had made against it. When I heard the OOP' Gentleman pursuing this course, I was disposed to seir like the person who w as t o ld that reflections had been cast upon Hercules,—Quis viluperavit? I can state, on the part of the Government, that no such charge ne e been made. During the session we have received Or port in many instances, which were quoted by the FE?It Member for Montrose yesterday. The measures wog"' we have been able to bring before the House have Wel l generally supported, and indeed some of those which he" been abandoned or postponed, such, for example, a* t . hl proposed repeal of the nav i gat i ore l aws, were supPerr'' by considerable majoriti e s. Th e H on . M em b er seem s to suppose that we have attacked the House becaus e some observations have been made about time 1241 wasted in prolix and tediou s d e b a t es . N ow, I dl) 134:1 wish upon this occasi o n, w h en t h ere i s no pro pea before the House for a change in our fort_ i n to enter into a discussion whether any 7,7,1 what alterations in th ose f orms may b e l ie f rj for our present habits and practice. But this I say, that there was formerly no practice more sec e i boned and encouraged by usage than the practice.% discussing the subject of petiti ons a t t h e t i me wh en they were first presented. Hon. Gentlemen who Pre' rented petitions usually defended the sentiments pressed in them at some length, and I have heard. debat es go on till nine or t en o ' c l oc k at n i g h t, i n consequenc e °` the speeches made by various Members on the pr esent e : tion of such petitions. And yet that practice has be e abolished, nor has any complaint 'been made of.' a b;: drance to free di scussion . If t h at b e the case, it sh°,; that there may be some a l terat i on in the forms of tut House without injury to the essential rights of disco° . sion, and without impediment to the freedom of debate. Hon. Gentlemen resisted when the proposal for -the elP‘ m , ration was made, and I remem b er t h at one states whom freedom of debate was certainly valued rat cancu;Li any man, I mean Lord Brougham, loudly pro against the change, and declared that freedom of del* would be lost if the alteration were made. No i soil cense; quences, however, have re su lt e d f rom i t; so li ttle tr ue is! ' that by a change of form s y ou sacr ifi ce t h at freedom o f debate which is essential to fair discussion. it he Gentleman has gone into a commentary on abe ceedings of this session, and has led the House- throe various measures, to some of whi c h I shall allinde• . 14 b let me, before Ido so, rem ar k u p on one senten whie o , tell from the Hon. Gentleman towards the cone hision . his speech. He said that in thi s year there lead bi n 1 d sedition in England, incipi en t re b e lli on i n Irel " revolution in Europe. Now let me call the atter:talon o f the House to the fact that the Ministers of the Crete Are chiefly appointed to ad m i n i s t er th e a ff a i rs of !° empire, and when we see that sedition i n E n gle nd L as been met with a vigorous arm by the Secreeary ot State for the Home Department—(Cheers)— , assisted by his colleagues—when we see that rebellion in Ireland has been suppressed by the measures taken by 0. 11 House and the energy shown by the Lord-Lieate mantis Ireland—(Hear)—when we find that the revolution oil the continent has not shaken the institutions of this country, and that, however convulsed the state of Europe ma y h... w••• Lave p reserve d peace Withers° I" 6e midst of these convulsions—l must say, as a - member of the Government attacked, that the Administration of the empire cannot have been so very defective; sedition having been quelled, rebellion suppressed, am d peace preserved in the midst of European convtilsion.---• (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) lam the more induced to make this remark, becausc,however the Ron. Gentleman may praise the ancient constitution of this country—in which I shall be happy to second him, though perhaps my panegyric may be less feloqueos than his own—l must yet remind the Honoura bite Mem' ber and the House, that this supposed duty of ate mew' hers of a Government to introduce a great n amber of measures to Parliament, and to carry those measure/ through Parliament in a session, is a duty whiolt is n ew ., to the Governm en t o f t hi s ' country. That du ty m a y have been more or less well performed by the preset" Government; but it is a duty which was hardly known and recognised by the Governments and NI inistera which this country has produced. I will mentia a thr ee , Ministers who have been supported by as large :sesP rv. ivi ties as any which can be to f sraoiei o :osmnennp u ubitt n egsraumi na d oolhitsnrdtnetoandu i re n ßfeoLytoethwfo P erdaebwirii a mt hedl a r eirßa l redct i jTdg a ihohlthi m wlari:eniir aw e ttarca jvyh n ethla r 10. x, re : jiyis si:e his wouldtory b T e h r e ea fi ll r y st f the se difficult g imetyt h x; W i coy c atiu h hs a mtere j h d P ela e e i rxw i blt b: cai ss it. (ad s wie u Hleoast sur er wh ich rsnata w ,uisnoph h t ndanpe i e aeoymi h rri sto) S teun t: the r eewlw ß bwi o f ha or dpi e i. : vided that soldiers' pensions might be paid in advanc e ' with a deduction of five per cent., I do not kr lov , 50 1 Act to which the name of Lord Chatham is a WAN Another Minister of the Crown, who was supported by large majority, and of whom his supporters used to the' he was born to maintain the institutions of the cot eatrr a , I allude to M r . Pi tt — stands i n the same position. With the exception of hi s great measure for the union 0 f country with Ireland, few legislative Acts can be • foun d to which th e name o f Pi tt i s attached, and it is w en ' known that he attempted, but was not able to car ryy! measure on the subject of tithes, which was not, nil ° inately carried till the period of Lord Grey's Admini BUT tion. I say, ther e for e , th a t it i s not the sole or pi in". pal duty of a Government to introduce legislative Ole g ' ,urea, or to carry them through Parliament. low bound to declare that in ti mes o f great di ffi culty an d pressure the chief portion o f t h e t i me and attentfon o f Ministers must be given to those questions of adrainie" ration, which devolve upon them in the exercise ei tbe_, discretionary power giv en t o t h em b y the Crown. SD' which every day may call forth. When, therefort these questions of administration have to be attended to, it is more difficult than usual to watch the details of every measure which may be b roug h t before rer, liament. And yet, notwithstanding this state Q' things, and the difficulty which we felt in Meet . ing them, I . 'find that out of 125 Bills intro ,- duced by the Government during the present seer sion,-- 105 -Bills have been already passed, or have received so mu c h o f th e sanct i on of the House as to make it probable that they will receive the assent of the Crosvn during the present session. Many of these Bills are 0 1 the utmost importance. The Crime and Outrage (ire' land) Bill has produced most important effects in Bur pressing the system of assassination which prevailed ther e before the Act passed. The Evi c t e d D est i tute Poor Bt u' is likely, on the other hand, to be of great use in Miti gating the cruelties of those evictions which sometimes take place in Ireland. With regard to the measure for the sale of incumbered estates, I own I consider th at while it state t e aa q st u t r i r oe e f s swot which ii e ec u thy t m imn o s a I t yr ae laytlat e n n d ti ,t h o a t e i n t o df its trdua d st e ti t o a it that I 4 arto i:: the s s o ti u ll nd a er m incumbered estates which may be sold may come into the possession of landlords who may be sensible of thl policy of attending t o th e i mprovement of the estate an d the wants of the population. But the Hon. Gentleman has gone through a number of measures, with regard to which he says that the vacillation, or change of porp° 96 ' of the Gov ernment h as produced the most injurious el ,- fects. The first questi on t o w hi ch he referred was the que r_ tion relatin g t o commercial distress. Now, every one kn e w' what was the course pursued with regard to that sub ject. We were obliged, in the course of the last autumn,. to take a step which might have led:to a violation of thw law, and which was certainly not justified according ' Le ' the letter of the Act of 1844. We thought it necesseri to summon Parliament to meet in consequence of out' having taken that step. It was not for us to propose any measure app rov i ng o f t h e conduct w hi c h web% pursued, but we s ummone d P ar li ament f or th e perPc'e of meeting an y vote o f censure wh i ch m i g h t b e p r oposed' The party to whi c h t h e H on . G ent l eman b e longs, be cause hedeclarespahrit, had u m y selfto jbset at ne that toni ti me y t heb advocate, otain but e amember of a accession to its ranks in the person . of the Right id o 6 n: Gentleman th e M em b er f or St am f or d. In the year ! B4 kt when that party seceded from the support of the H vey o r n. g ß re a a ro t n a e b t il t i h ty e i nMember assailingfor tTamhe measur e wi h e' they had th e n t o deal, but it was their misf u not to have amongst them a gentleman wh o r y w as , aacctqinugaintbrudsinega:ithvgitthhe the e ffic n ia e l w methods of t h ran olg_ e: ever, they had the good fortune to recru it tato .0 t 131 % Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for S _ t e r a .! attention to the financial and monetary concerns of this g an re d at wh p o rac ha ti d ca p l a e r x ti Pe cu r la ie r n l Tffi a cia g l en k t n l o em wl an edg o e f , country. Well, that Right Hon. Gentleman, wh en the e the state of ditsf weal House, moved—" That, looking to _ o r y ce t , ur o n f e gr_ d: , 9l. .; which has for some time prevailed among question of commercial distress was brought before to trial classes, and to the general' reeling of triu n e " alarm by hich the embarrassments of trade have beets ir _ aggravated, it is the opinion of this House tb' a$ good sense of the House have been distinguished. In fact, the desire has been not to press upon the Govern ment; and as to wasting the public time, so far as I my self am concerned, I have some twinges of conscience for not having brought forward the affairs of the River Plate; but having had some experience of the inexpediency of discussion, at a moment when the Noble Lord had all his time occupied, I could not think of forcing him to turn over the history of six mis-ions that had failed, and therefore I gave up the question. Then as regards England, I do not think that the condition of England question has occupied much of the time of the House of Commons.—(Hear.) There was an occasion most le gitimate for such discussion, and that was the time when the monster petition was presented. There was then but one feeling in the House, and that was that it would be for the advantage of the country that the subject should be fairly discussed. I do not now eater into the question. Why? I only recal the great fact, to show that with regard to the state of England, sedi tion being very prevalent, there was yet no discussion. Therefore, as regards England, Europe, there was no waste of time. Was there, then, any waste of time as regarded Ireland ? Early in the year our attention was called in the Queen's speech to that subject. Go vernment brought forward a measure which was fairly discussed; it passed both Houses, and I believe was a very good measure, and has worked well. Nevertheless, it is not to be forgotten that in another place a noble friend of mine asked whether it would not be advisable to do more—whether it would not be advisable to suspend the Habeas Corpus and to pass a law making treason felony. In time Government followed my Noble Friend's suggestion—it only shows what a friendly op position there is in another place.—(A laugh.) But it was shown in another way, for a Noble Duke suggested that they might revive the Alien Act. They said they did not know, but, after a little time, they did revive it. But I put it to the House, with the insurrection in Ireland, with the most unconstitutional of necessary measures, what has been the conduct of the House of Commons:? -How, inconvenient have been those forms which were framed for the defence of the minority and the preservation of the public liberties (Hear, hear.) How inconvenient were those forms found when the question was to rescind all the civil liberties of Irishmen! The necessity being felt, I want to know was the opportunity taken by any Honourable Member to make speeches to annoy or hamper the Government? Were there even any demagogues to avail themselves of the occasion to excite the passions of the dis tant multitude?—(Hear, hear.) I rest the vindication of the House of Commons upon their conduct on that occasion. Lett without leaders, split into sections, committing, perhaps, some indiscretions, what was the conduct of the House of Commons? I say that it was a model for any constitutional assembly in the world.- 8 (Hear.) The traditionary good sense, and instinctive courage of the English nation showed themselves on that occasion, and that old English constitution, which it is the fashion now to vilify and rail against as ineffi cient, unable to work, and not suited to this enlightened statistical age, gave an example to Europe, and proved that our system of government could, if necessary, com bine the energy of a despotism with the enthusiasm of a republic.—(Loud cheers.) I have now tested the two causes which have been alleged for the present unsatis factory state of affairs. I have tested them through all the real business of the session. There is not a topic of any great importance which I have omitted, and I think I have shown that the two causes alleged were not founded in fact, and that if the public time was wasted, it was not bythe conduct of Members or through the forms of tho House. But the time has been wasted, and it now remains for me to tell you; what have been the consequences of that waste. I am now going to read the bills of mortality of the session of 1848. The obituary is now almost complete—(Continued laughter) —being drawn up to last Saturday night. This is what the country has lost—forty-seven Bills, all upon haapor taut subjects, some upon most important, and many upon interesting subjects. More than two thirds of these were Government measures, and therefore ought not to have been brought forward, unless they were demanded for the public weal. I say nothing for the Jewish Disabili ties Bill or the Repeal of the Navigation-laws —they have consecrated monuments of their own. In this list I find— Outgoing Tenants (Ireland); Borough Elections; Elec tive Franchise and Registration of Electors (Ireland); Pol ling Places (Ireland); Audit of Railway Accounts; School masters (Scotland); Tenants at Will (Ireland); Metropolis Police; Agricultural Tenant-right; Poor-law Union Charges; Qualification of Members; Tithe Rent Charge, &c. (Ireland); Borough Elections (No. 2); Horsham Bo rough ; Lunatic Asylums (Scotland); Qualification and Re gistration of Electors (Ireland); Election and Polling Places (Ireland); Light Dues; Scientific Societies ; Roman Catho: lie Charitable Trusts; Roman Catholic Relief; Sale of Bread; Highways; Waste Lands (Ireland); Poor-law Officers Superannuation Allowances; Landed Property (Ireland); Bakehouses; Life Policies of Assurance; Cruelty to Animals Prevention; Clerks of the Peace (Dublin); Appeals in Criminal Cases; Smoke Prohibition; Remedies against the Hundred; Registering Births, &c. (Scotland) j Marriage (Scotland); Landlord and Tenant (Ireland); Provident Associations Fraud Prevention ; Chancery Pro ceedings Regulation ; Charity Trusts Regulation ; Fees (Court of Chancery) ' • Legacies to Charitable I ns tit u ti ons; Officers of Courts of Justice (Ireland) Assimilation of Ap pointments; Poor Removal (England and Scotland); Re newable Leasehold Conversion (Ireland) Bills. Now these various Bills occupied our time for six months, and here again I trust I have shown that the causes which have been alleged for the unsatisfactory state of public affairs are not Just ones.—(Hear, hear.) I . h9ps . I have shown etfr if urtfn e on l i as w b h e i e ct T v a a'c i ill'a t iri that if there has been weakness, it is not we who ought to be charged with infirmity of purpose. I have endeavoured to vindicate the House from the oppro brium of being the cause of this great public evil. I call it a great public evil. although I think that a weak phrase—it is a great national calamity, because—what is it ?—it is neither more nor less than this, that the sys tem of Government which prevails in this country is a system incompetent to pass those laws and to carry those measures which are necessary for the public welfare.— (Hear, hear.) Now I cannot imsgine a state of circum stances more grave or more perilous. I think it but right, having endeavoured to persuade the House that the alleged cause of delay is not the true one, to state what in my belief is the cause. In my mind it is not difficult to discover it—it is not hard to find or difficult to recognise. I have no personal feeling in the matter. I am willing to admit that Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in so far as their personal qualities are concerned, need shrink from no comparison with any body of men in this House who might be called upon to ad minister the Government.—(Hear, hear.) But if I am asked the cause of this great public calamity —of this avowal of political incompetence in the institu tions of this country—l must say that the great cause lies there.—(The Hon. Member here pointed to the Treasury bench amidst the loudest cheers.) I see there a body of men who acceded to power without a Parliamentary majority. I think that they were justified by the exi gency of the case in acceding to power ; nay, that their conduct was in accordance with the practice and geniu, of the constitution, but, though they were in the first in stance justified in taking office without a Parliamentary majority, they'are not justifiable in retaining it under such circumstances, and their having dorie,_so has occa sioned two results, both of a very serious 'description. In the first place, we have a Cabinet which cannot pro pose their measures with a conviction that they will be carried.—(Hear.) After all their deliberations—after all their foresight—after all their observation of the times—after all their study of the public in terest, when their measures are launched from the Cabinet into this House, they are not re ceived here by a confiding majority—confidin g , I mean. in their belief in the statesmanlike qualifications of their authors, and in their sympathy w i t h the great politi ca l principles professed by the members of the Administra• tion.—(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, the success of their measures in this House depends on a variety of small parties who in their aggregate exceed in number and influence the party of the Ministers. The temper of one leader has to be watched—indication of the opinion of another has to be observed—the disposition 01 a third has to be suited; so that a measure is altered, re modelled, patched, cobbled, painted, veneered, and var nished, until, at last, no trace is left of its original scope and scheme; or it is withdrawn in disgust by its origi nators atter having been subjected to prolonged and elaborate discussions in this House.—(Cheers.) This is one of the great causes of that waste of public time which, in these days, is as valuable as public treasure. There is another inconvenience resulting from the present position of the Government, in my opinion more serious it not so flagrant, and that is, it is impossible to expect from the Ministers those mature, finished, and com plete measures which, under other circumstances, we should have a right to demand from them. Men in their situation will naturally say—" What is the use of be stowing care, study, and foresight on the preparation of a measure, when the moment it is out of our hands it ceases to be the measure of the Cabinet, and becomes essentially a measure of the House of Commons?" and therefore measures are thrown before us with the fore gone conclusion, that we are to save the Administration much care and trouble in preparing the means of govern ing the country. Thus it happens that the House of Commons, instead of being a purely legislative body, is every day becoming a more administrative assembly. The House of Commons, as now conducted, is a great Committee sitting on public affairs, in which every man speaks with the same right, and. most of us with the same weight—(Hear, hear)—no more the disciplined array of traditionary influences and hereditary opinions —the realised experience of an ancient society, and of a race that for generations has lived and flourished in the high practice of a noble system of self-government. —(Loud cheers.) That is all past. The future is to provide us with a compensatory alternative in the con colts of the illiterate, the crotchets of the whimsical, and the violent courses of a vulgar ambition that acknow- markledges no gratitude to antiquity—to posterity no duty— (L Par liamento duty— (Loud cheers)—until s to o t last subside the t free h e and famous low-water of those national assemblies and those provisional con ventions that are at the same time the terror and the derision of the world.—(Loud cheers.) I trace all this evil to the disorganization of party. I know that there are gentlemen in this House who affect to deprecate party government. lam not going to enter into a dis cussion respecting party government, but this I will tell you, as I told you before, in a manner which has not yet been met by any of the gentlemen who oppose my views on this subject, that you cannot choose between party government and Parliamentary government, you cannot have the latter without the former; and, therefore, when gentlemen denounce party government they strike at that scheme of government which, in my opinion, has made this country great, and which I hope will keep it great.—(Cheers.) I can foresee, though I dare not con templete, the consequences of the system that now pre vails. They are weak words that would describe them as prejudicial to the realm, perilous to Parliament, fatal to that high tone of public life that is the best security for national grandeur and public liberty. It's more than this. It is the finis fatorum of the great Dardanian house.—(Loud cheers.) 1 wally believe that if you persist in this system, it will realise results which re- .4., . , • 1 1 . 1 :.1 1 i~