The Sun. — London, England, 1852-02-28 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 27. Loci RIEOBSDALZ took his seat on the Woolsack, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, at Five o'clock. On the Treasury bench were Earl Derby, the Earls of Malmesbury, Eglinton, Salisbury, and Lonsdale. The Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl Grey, Lord Minto, and other members of the late Ministry were on tho Opposi tion bench. The galleries of the Peeresses were crowded, as were also the space allotted for Members of Parlia ment and strangers. At a few minutes past five, MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS. The Earl of DERBY rose, and spoke to the follow ing effect: —My Lords, the place from which I have now the honour to address your Lordships is at once not only a justification for my rising upon this occasion, but also imposes on me, as I conceive, the absolute duty of endeavouring, as shortly and succinctly as I can, and with as much frankness as is due to the audience which I am addressing, and with no mere reserve than is im posed upon me by the position which I hold, to state not only the motives which have induced me to accept the arduous task which I felt myself bound not to decline, but also, as far as I can, to lay before your Lordships an outline of the course which, having undertaken the re sponsibility o'r the Government, I feel it incumbent on me to adopt. But before I proceed further I feel desi rous, indeed, I cannot deny myself the gratitication—in the presence of the Noble Marquis opposite (Lana downe)—of expressing to him that which from my ab sence from the House at the last meeting of your Lord ships I could not express, my grateful thanks for the kind and friendly manner in which ho alluded to my present acceptance of office.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, to any man accepting the high office which I have now the honour to fill such terms of commendation can not fail to be welcome, from whatever quarter they may come; but they are to me doubly gratifying, both in my public and private eapacity, as coming from one to whom from my earliest boyhood I have been accus tomed to look up with hereditary respect and admira tion—from whom, as my advancing years rolled on, those feelings were ripened into sincere personal respect and friendship—and of whom I am happy to say that, neither on his part nor on mine, have the circumstances which separated our political connexion deadened or im paired in the slightest degree oar private friendship,— (Hear, hear.) My Lards, I hope that this is only a single example of many that might be cited to prove that, nmidat all the conflicts of parties in this free country, men entertaining opinions tar more widely different than those which have separated the Noble Marquis and my self may continue to entertain for one another feelings of personal regard unembittered by the contentions of party, and that, however different may bo the views which a seeso of public duty may compel u 3 to maintain, there is nothing in this diversity of opinion which may dis sever the personal friendship of English gentlemen. — (Cheers.) But I understand—and I hope that I may mis understand—that the Noble Marquis intimated on the last occasion of your meeting his intention of shortly retiring from the active pursuits of political life, and from those political duties which he has for so long a time discharged with such signal ability and success,— (Hear, hear.) If the difference of opinion between man and man could diminish the feeling of personal friend ship for each other, it is absolutely impossible that such can be the case between myself and the Noble Marquis —of whom lam sure that I am only expressing the feeling of every individual in the Houle when I say that he has won the esteem and confidence, and I may almost say the affection, of every on© of your Lord s hip s w h o has witnetieed the firm, and uncompromising, and dig nified, yet the perfectly friendly and courteous manner, with which ho has discharged for so long a period his duties in this House; and it may be, if in truth he in tends to retire from public lite, an encouragement to future statesmen that they should be able hereafter to point to his example, and show how, after a period of nearly fifty years spent in the public ser v.ce, a statesman can retire with the friendship, the warm and cordial friendship, of his political associates, ansi with the sincere respect and esteem of his political opponents, and with a character unblem ished by a single stain on his political virtue or private honour.—(Hear, hear.) Having thus relieved my mind of the debt of gratitude which I feel to be due to the Noble Marquis, I now proceed to the far more arduous portion of tne task which is now imposed upon me. My Lords, it is unnecessary for me to trouble ycur Lord ships with any speculations or statements of mine as to the causes which may have led to the downfell of the late Administration. Undoubtedly, my Lords, although there was a general expectation that the resignation of her Majesty's late Ministers was not far distant, I, for one, so little expected that such en event would occur on a late occasion, that, as most of your Lordships are per haps aware, I had at the time actually gone down into the country for the purpose of spending three or four days. I shall not attempt to speculate whether the par ticular vote to which the other House came on last Friday night, or wheitaer other subjects led Ministers to a deter mination to resign their offices, which was only con firmsd by that vote. It was on Saturday that I received the to me surprising intelligence of the result of the division in the House of Commons, and of the consequent resignation of her Majesty's Ministers; and it was on the evening of that day that I had the honour of receiving her Majesty's commands that I should wait on her at the Palace at half-past two o'clock on the following day. I had then, my Lords, to consider, not what course it was my interest, but what coerce my public duty required one to pursue. I bad to weigh deliberately and candidly c n the one side all the overwhelming difficulties of the situation in which I was placed, all the awful responsibility of the task which I felt I must be called upon to perform; and I had to weigh en the ether side, as it appeared to me, a still more awful responsibility, if it could be imputed to me that from personal foaling and an unwillingness to take on myself either labour or responsibility I had left by my act the Queen and the country in the present times without an .Administration, however unworthy it might be. The Noble Lord will excuse me for say ing that I saw little prospect of any other Aclmi nistrehion being speedily formed —and, further, that I saw little prospect of advantage from the resignation of a Ministry to be spt edify followed up by a resutnption of their former public duties. I felt, there fore, that however unequal I might myself be to the task, sod however great the difficulties which stood in my way—difficulties arising from my own position, and difficulties arising also from the position of those who, agreeing with me in opinion, are still unable to command a majority in the other House of Parlia ment, still,—l say, great as these difficulties are, deli berately weighing and net overlooking any of them, I felt it to be my first duty to my Sovereign and my country to provide that at this time the country should not be left without an Administration; and it was not, my Lords, without a deep consciousness of the responsi bility which I was incurring, nor without a thorough ectovietion of my own inability to perform adequately the duties which I was about to undertake, that I at one:, and without hesitation, intimated to her Majesty, 013 rtoeiving her commend to that effect, my res.niness to attempt the task of forming a Governm en t. By th e co n cu rr e nce of all those friends to Whom e I felt it to b e my d uty to app ly, I was a bl e on th e the ' L ing day to lay before her Majesty as outline of A dministration, and in the course of the four days ainc s elapsed I have been able to submit and obtain the approval of her Majosty to the list of those friends w"al I have selected to discharge the various sub ordinate ditties o f to, Government. At the same time, the Government being thus constitut e d, I feel it to be necessary that I froxidy, fr4,ely, and without state to you, my Lords, out reserve, the course of policy which I shall my imperative duty to follow. —(Hear, hear.) re lations of this country, with r egar d to t h e f ore i gn Lords, with shi sure there is scarcely one ma n amongst y our t h e country, who does not earnesPtelaceyindnedzirfenwto isnedeemedainie. tamed the blessings of universal peace,—()fear.) who 7— (year.) There is not one of m y Noble doesnot think th a t every effort on the part of the be made wit h the view to avertin g humble nanne of iticurring the miserie s of w ar ,— (Gear.) I n m n opinion the de sire of preservin g P e ace is not best supported by displays of large military and naval ') er a tions, by the assump tion of an attitude of hostility, and by the making offensive preparations; whilst, on th e other hand, it receives no advantage from the ad o p t i on of the Utopian theories i n which some g entl emen in dulge of universal dissarmarnent, or if not of universal disarmament, of placing the country i n a position in which it is incapable of dcfcince.—(Hear, hear.) M' Lords, I beli eve th a t p e ace will b best maintained b y observing to all foreign powers, whether powerful or week, a calm, temperate, d e lib e rate, and conciliatory course of conduct-(Hear, hear) —net in acts alone, but in words and expressions also, by adhering with strict lideli?y to the letter of the obli ga t io ns imposed on us b y treatits, and by respecti ng t h e in d e pendence of all na times, whether great or small, as well as by ad mittin g their right to regulat e to their own will the internal affairs of their own administration. My Lords, I be lieve the constitution under which we have the happi ness to live is, of all imaginable constitutions, the best adapted to secure the greatest happiness of the greatest number—(Hear, hear) —and I should be glad to see our example diffusing itself through other nations and coun tries. I hold, my Lords, that we have no right as a na tion to entertain particular prejudices or particular sym pathies for this or that coarse of government which other countries may think fit to adopt, bit those courses or forms of government absolute despotism, li m i ted mo narchy, or conattutionst republic. Be it an absolute Red Republic, that which is the choice of any nation as regards its internal governrnent—that, I say, i s the choice which a British statesman is bound to recognise. -- (Hear, hear.) My Lords, I concur entirely in the ob aertyttiona which were made with great truth and dignity t 'elv slew „ go by the Noble Ele who recently was head of the 'oreign Department of the late Govern moat—namely, that in our conduct of affairs with fo reign flattens ther e i s 'ects of thes e real more dignity, if any of the sub iby a foreign Pew m ,,r s conceive themselves to be injured The in ectiag with forbearance than with violence. T in private life is, , 'l dignified course in public as es well as to rtes r ttese c-f necessity, to require u seco we deem whisitbip s a rchreparation as in our con „;gawts cur own fellow -countrymen. O nach ismy opinion a re- I am cenvinced t h at it we have reason the other hand, h reason to complain of the course pursued toward, the y ln a forein country, the best course te adopt is to state ground of complaint simply, frankly, temperately, and intemperate language ; to calmly, without in dulging in vituperative or submit oar cause to the honour an d • bunal to which we make our cernpiaiJnutstice of the tri ja3ticesand to require from that tribunal that !need of _ ar, hear.) I which wo would be prepared to bestow ourseives,__ me snauot but think, ray Lords, that `Qt l2 l: steadily on THE SUN, that principle, alike in reference to powerful as to weak I nations, we shall be able not merely to maintain the I blessings of peace, but also to place this country in an attitude of sincere friendship with most of the other nations of the world.—(Hear, hear.) I entertain this hope the more because it is highly probable that the preservation of peace and good understanding between nations will loug continue ; and yet, with that convic tion, I say that it is a duty incumbent on us, as her Majesty's Government, not to neglect the pre cautions which our predecessors adopted for placing this country, by the organization and discipline of its domestic forces, in such a position as will render us entirely free from all chance of hostile aggression. My Lords, I believe that our naval forces never were in a better or more effective condition than they are at this moment. I believe that for all purposes which regard either the security of our own shores, the defence of the numerous and distant colonies which form our empire, and the protection of that extensive com merce which crosses every sea and Ails every port in the wide world—l believe that for all such purposes our navy was never in a mole effective state than it is now. —(Hear, hear.) Our regular army is also, lam happy to inform your Lordships, in a state of perfect efficiency, so far as its numbers are concerned. I repeat the words —" So far as its numbers are concerned," for, as to the duties which it has to perform, there is no army in the w orld on which so heavy a load of military duties fall. But, my Lords, efficient as our army is, well qualified as those are who constitute it, for the performance of the effective duties of their profession, that army numeri ' cally—and I am rejoiced at the fact—cannot excite legiti mately the apprehension or jealousy of any foreign power. My Lords, the genius and disposition of the people of this country are hostile to a large standing army. England has no desire of aggression, has no wish for extended domi nion, much less has she any longing to engage in unneces sary quarrels with other countries, requiring a large in crease of her military force. She therefore feels that to her a large standing army is unnecessary. I know and feel, my Lords, what is due to the honour and character of this country, and I know and feel that, it it were threat ened with hostile aggression, England, Scotland, and Ireland would rise as one man to defend it, and to repel the invader.—(Hear, hear.) I feel, my Lords, that thousands of loyal and gallant hearts would instantly rush to the rescue.—(Renewed cheers.) We may rely with the utmost confidence upon the loyal hearts of the British people—who, I am sure, will rush at once, in case of necessity, to the service of the country; but, at the same time, it is impossible to deny that, if they are not a disciplined and organized force, they will meet any attempt of foreign aggression under fearful disadvan tages.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, various occasions have arisen before, when propositions were made not for creating, but for re-organizing an old constitutional force, which has been always relied on for the internal mili tary protection of the country; but I think it is unfor tunate that those propositions have been always made under the pressure of some immediate anxiety or ap prehension of danger, and that when the anxiety and apprehension passed away all ideas as to the necessity of the precaution passed away, too, and vanished like a dream. In such a course there is a double disadvantage. If the measures for the organization of a new military force, which cannot be aggressive, but is of necessity defensive, be taken in haste,—if the preparations which its organization requires be adopted under the pressure of immediate necessity, then the preparations are at tended with a very large expense; and, from their being hastily made, are too late, if not inadequate to meet the anticipated danger. Besides, there is this further disadvantage in such a course. The very fact of your taking extraordinary precautions at once increases the panic and alarm which lead the Government to take them, and tend in turn to excite the jealousy of those foreign powrs against whose supposed or intended ag gression it is placing itself on its guard. The more con fidence I feel that the peace of Europe will not be dis turbed! the more I feel the imperative necessity of taking now, in this time of peace, when we are not pressed by ap prehensions, the necessary measures for the organization of such a force with a view to our object being accomplished with due deliberation, and yet with that necessary promptitude which will enable our population to meet their adversaries, if danger should occur, in some sort of military array and discipline. My Lords, I re joice to think that for the maintenance of the tranquil lity of England no military force, regular or irregular, is likely to be called for. On many memorable occasions, and more particularly on one occasion within the last three or four years, the people of this country have shown, in a manner exciting the admiration and wonder of foreign nations, that th peace and tranquillity of England may be safely intrusted to the loyalty of the people themselves. I believe that this is not owing to the ability of its rulers. I am sure that it is not the num ber of our forces which keeps this country in tranquil lity and contentment, but it is a due and frank appre ciation on the part of her Majesty's subjects in every class of the community of the inestimable value of those institutions under which they have the happines to live, and a deep-seated conviction that under those institutions not only the just prerogatives of the Crown, but also the dearest liberties of the people, are preserved secure and inviolate.—(Hear, hear.) Under these insti tutions we are not only free and tranquil at home, but are, as we have always been—and God forbid that we should ever cease to be—an ark of refuge for those whose misfortunes have driven them as exiles from their own homes to seek protection here. My Lords, with the dis turbances and distractions of foreign countries we have nothing whatever to do; but when from those disturb ances and distractions exiles and fugitives reach our shores they have always a right to claim, and I hope they will long continue to claim from us, the frank hos pitality of England. But I say also, on the other hand, that it is the bounden duty of all who, flying from the misfortunes of foreign countries, find here a safe and tranquil asylum, not to abuse thp rights of hospitality, and, above all, not to compromise the interests of this nation, which receives them into its hospitable arms, by organizing here against their own country measures wbieh they must know they can only carry on in safety Limier the shelter and protection of English law. I say, further, that it is not only the right but the duty of Government, without descending to a system—l must use a French word for it, for, thank God, we have not an English one which expresses it—of espionage, or surveillance, which is averse to all the feel ings of the country—it is, I say, our duty as a Govern. ment to keep guard over the conduct of such persons as are disposed to abuse our hospitality; and, it the know ledge of any plan hostile to the Government of their na tive land comes to the knowledge of her Majesty's Go vernment, it is our duty to put the foreign Government so menaced in possession of the facts, and thus place it on its guard against such machinations.—(hear.) Further than that I do not think it is right nor in the power of the Government of this country to go. If these persons under any circumstances, and from whatever country, attempt to levy war against their own country, that is, by the law of this country a punishable offence; and it is the duty of the Government to visit such an offence with exemplary and condign punishment. Bet, short of that, which is in the eye of the law an offence, I say that, while on the one hand we perform the duty of friendship and all that is required by the comity of nations to be done to foreign powers, we cannot, on the other—l will not say to avert the hostility, but to secure the friendship of those powers with whom we have contracted the closest intimacies—we cannot. I say, even for that purpose, strain tho law and constitution of this country beyond the limits warranted by the law itself.—(Hear.) I have now stated, my Lords, the principles on which I think that cur foreign policy ou g ht t o b e co nducted, and I will not shrink from now speaking frankly and without reserve on our financial and commercial policy. I need not remind your Lordship that in the year 1942 I was a warm and cordial supporter of the financial measures then introduced by the late Sir R. Peel. I not only en tirely approved of the revision of our Customs duties which at that time h e p ro p ose d, b ut I a l so approve d o f the principle which, as I understood, he then announced of imposing duties on all the principal articles of impor tation for the purpose of raising revenue; and not only , for the purpose of raising revenue, but also for the pur pose of levying duties in a given proportion to the extent to which the articles the subjects of duties admitted or did not admit the expenditure of future British labour. I understood that principle to be laid down, and I freely acquiesced in it, that there was to be the freeest possible admission of all the raw materials which form the buds of domestic industry. A different system to a certain extent has since been adopted; and I cannot but think, my Lords, that if we look closely to the whole of our financial system, there is ground for believing that it is open, both in principle and in practice, for very consider able and useful revisions. Let us contrast, my Lords, with the system of Customs' duties now prevalent in this country that which I have heard lauded as the high free -trade tariff of the United States. The tariff of the United States levies on almost all articles of importa tion duties more or less extensive—duties which in w sWe h eiwhile some cases reach to an extensive and almost an oppres sive amount, but which ire almost every instance are levied avowedlyh on those articles which come into compe titionaav-eith t e produce of their own soil and industry. Wo g a lle recently on quite a different principle, for, with extensive Come into mitv ! ith arti cles which enter sary consumption at to ofaa t o i o the tii immediate a certain consumer beg your Lordships a ° when the whole suppl y a foreign country sa e article of import falls an increase of price; entire freedom such articles as competitiont with oar o o f w o n u p r ro c d o u m e m m u w ni e ty l . oad l u extenttduty small imposed n i nutmob theeurp upon n f i 1 e a to r ho t as i t.. - o o t f to lose sight of this fact, that whole article d is furnished from en the but when o f the incr th ea e se pr o ie f e; th l e or d uty article of which a portion is w hi c h another portion is produced 8 u youi)p iiel dm paotai impose the shape eu, s t h ya a ne p l e ao o nf f is not a the ab in ro cr a c d ,ase th o ere the price measureof price measure the amount of the foreign i s on ly to . , ti produce which of the increase of positi excluded by the im on o f may be . . as that diminishes the supply, to that extent it also ' e Between those enhances the pile • two systems it appears to me, my Lords, that the American system is defended on principle, and a e „ c ountry in practice. At • is the most easily to be c the least burdensome to t he the same time I do not shrink from expressing again that Which I hare expressed often on former occasions ,nor from re eating in office what I have often stated out o f office'—hat ill my individual opinion I can ace no grounds why, f rom i r .rum the general sy stem of in .posing du ties on ioreign imports, the single articl e of corn should be a ir , litary exception.—(hear, bear.) I state this, m y Lords, as my opinio n; but I think this to be a question which can only be satisfactorily solved by reference to the well-understood and clearly expressed opinion of the intelligent portion of the community.—(ll'r' hear.) Any posibility, any idea of dealing with a tiptoe' so vast and extensive as the financial policy of this country, i nvo l v i n g in its wide range not only the whole of the Customs' duties, but also all the incidents and pressure of domestic and local taxation —any scheme, I say, so large and extensive, requires to be dealt with by a Go vernment strong not only in the confidence of the coun try, but also in the confidence of Parliament, and capable of carrying its measures With a degree of care, and fore. LON DON, sight, and deliberation, which no one can afford suddenly at the commencement of a Parliamentary session. I know, my Lords, the position in which I stand. I know, my Lords, that in the other House of Parliament my colleagues and I are in an undoubted minority. I du not know whether we can command a majority even here, in this House, which I now have the honour of addres,ing; but the same motives which induced me to sacrifice all other considerations to avoid the responsibi lity of leaving the Sovoreign and the country at this time without an Administration, induce me to think that the public interest would not be consulted by any inter ruption for a considerable period of the sitting of the other House of Parliament at this period of the year and in the present circumstances of the world. While, my Lords, I am aware that, with the view of carrying out the policy which I consider to be advantageous to the interests of the country, I should state frankly and with out reserve my own opinions —while I make this confes sion, I must also confess that, situated as we are, we have a much humbler, but at the same time a more use ful part to perform. I avow, my Lords, again, that we cannot depend on a majority in the other House of Par liament; and I avow that in the face of this conviction I have not declined the responsibility which has been thrown upon me. I know that in conducting the affairs of the country we shall have to appeal to the forbearance of our opponents, and likewise to the in dulgence of our friends. But, my Lords, I have that confidence in the good sense, judgment, and pa triotism of the other House, which induces me to believe that it will not unnecessarily introduce sub jects of a controversial and party character for the mere purpose of interrupting tho course of sound aed useful legislation, and of driving the Government out of that moderate and temperate- course which it has prescribed to itself.—(Hear, hear.) I think, my Lords, that, with out dealing with such subjects, we have subjects en oug h of an useful social character fully to occupy our time, and even that of the other House of Parliament. If, avoiding all unnecessary party measures, we apply our selves to those great measures which the country has so long been expecting—measures of legal reform for im proving and simplifying the administration of law and justice, and measures of social reform for improving the condition and comforts of the people—l believe that even with a minority in the House of Commons we shall not be uselessly or dishonourably conducting the affairs of the country; and I am confident that if we at e interrupted by a merely factious opposition, that fac tiousness will at no distant period recoil on the authors and promoters of it.—(Hear, bear.) My Lords, among the measures of social improvement to which I have just adverted I do not include one to which the late Go vernment called the attention of Parliament. It was an nounced by her Majesty's late Government that they in tended to introduce—and I believe that they actually did introduce into the other House—three measures con nected with this subject. The first had reference to the disfranchisement of a borough in which gross and noto rious corruption is proved to have prevailed. The se cond was to facilitate the means of examining into and correcting and controlling such corrupt practices in other boroughs. The third comprised a miscellaneous collection of other topics, but comprised among its lead ing features a large and extensive alteration in our elec toral system. Now, my lords, with regard to the first measure, I say that no one is prepared to go further than I am—and I am sure that I speak the sense of my colleagues too upon that subject—in checking the gross, disgraceful, and disgusting system of bribery which I am afraid has increased very considerably within the last 20 years, and which in the intensity of evils it has produced has thrown into the shade the evils which previously ex isted in the local influences by which constituencies were controlled. No man will go further than myself in checking that system of corruption, and of -visiting it with condign punishment, wherever full investiga tion has proved the extent of the offence. My Lords, I do not pretend even for a moment to affirm that the system of representation introduced in 1831 was a perfect system and incapable of improvement. I think that there may have arisen—and that there have naturally arisen—in the course of time abuses requiring control, and even demanding a remedy. But, my Lords, before you seek to apply a remedy, and at all events before you pledge yourselves to an indefinite plan for unsettling all that is settled, and of settling nothing— ( Hear)—be quite sure that you know the consequences of the course which you are about to pursue. Be satisfied of the existense of the evils which you are called upon to meet. Be satisfied that the remedies which you pro• pose to apply will meet and not aggravate those evils.— (Hoar, hear.) Even if I were speaking not before you, my Lords, but before the Members of the other House of Parliament, I should entreat them, and through them I should entreat the country, seriously to consider the in calculable dangers which such a measure would cause, not only to the monarchy but also to the true liberty of England, by unsettling time after time everything which had been settled, and by settling nothing,—by dis satisfying the country with that which is, without remedy that dissatisfaction by that which was to follow as its substitute. My Lords, I need scarcely state, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that we do not propose to proceed with the measure of Par liamentary reform introduced recently by our predeces sors in office.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, if you will show to us or prove to us, the existence of any substantial grievance, no men will be more ready than my colleagues and myself to endeavour to meet those grievances, if we can see that a remedy can be ef fectually applied to them without involving future danger to the safety of the constitution and the internal peace of the country. My Lords, Ido not know whe ther it has been correctly stated—but still I have heard it stated, that my Noble Friend who preceded me in office—l hope I may still call him my Noble Friend, although we are separated on publics grounds—intended, for some reason or some cause which I cannot divine, to combine together his plan for an extensive reform in our representation with an extensive plan for the im provement of the education of the people. For my part, I believe that for the purpose of improving education no extension of the suffrage is necessary,—and, further, that no alteration in the constitution of Parlia ment would or could have the smallest influence or e ff ec t. I believe, and I rejoice to believe, that the feelings of all classes of the community, high and low, rich and poor, have been led to this conclusion, that the greater amount of education which we are able to give, and the more widely it is ' , proud among all couditious of men, the greater chance there is for the preservation of the tranquillity, the happiness, and the well-being of the community.—(Bear, hear.) But, my Lords, when I use the term " education," let me be not misunderstood. By " education" I do not mean the mere development of the intellectual faculties, the mere acquisition of tem poral knowledge—the mere instruction which enables a man to improve his social condition in life, and which gives him fresh habits, and with the change of habits fresh means to accommodate himself to their enjoyment. Valuable as such instruction may be, when I speak of education, I speak of that education which includes the culture of the mind and of the soul, laying the founda tion of all knowledge on the basis of Scripture and evangelical truth.—(llear, hear.) My Lords, I desire to look on all those who are engaged in the work of spreading knowledge, even though they may be of a different communion from that to which I am most sincerely attached, as fellow-labourers, rather than as rivals, in the war which we corjointly wage with vice i and ignorance. —(Hear.) I say further, that for the peomotion of religious knowledge among the people I rely with confidence on the enlightened and disin . erested exertions of the parochial clergy of the United Church of England and Ireland. To uphold that church as the depository of religions truth, and as an instrument of incalculable value in diffusing good both here and here after—to uphold its influence and maintain its power, is not only the interest but also the moral duty of Govern ment ; to uphold and maintain it in its integrity—(Hear, hear)—not by penal enactments directed against those who may differ from her communion—not by virulent invective or by abusive language against the religions faith of those whose errors we may deplore, hut to whose conscience we have no right to dictate—(Hear, hear)—but by stedfastly resisting all attempts at ag gression upon the rights, the privileges, the possessions of that church, come from what quarter and backed by what weight of authority they may—(Hear)—and by lending every power of the Government to support and extend the influence of that church, in its high and holy calling of diffusing throughout the length and breadth of the united empire—for I speak not of this country alone —that knowledge which is only derived from the dif fusion of the holy Scriptures.— (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") My Lords, I believe I have presented—perhaps at more length than I ought to have done—(No, no) — yet I hope not with undue or unnecessary particularity— (Hear, hear) —a full statement of the principles upon which we propose to act, and with only such reserve of the necessary details as was inseparable from the posi tion in which stand—(hear, hear)—l hope I have stated to your Lordships fully the principles upon which we propose to conduct the administration of the Govern ment with which we have been intrusted.—(Hear, hear.) For my own part, when I look to tho difficulties which surround us—when I look to the various circumstances which must combine to give us a chance of successfully encountering the obstacles which beset our path—l con fess I am myself appalled by the magnitude of the diffi culties whin we have to meet. But I believe, and I know, that the destinies of nations are in the bands of an overruling Providence—(Hear, hear)—l know that it often is the pleasure of that great Being to work His own objects by weak and unworthy means. In his pre sence I can solemnly aver that no motive of personal ambition has led mo to aspire to the dangerous eminence en which the favour of my Sovereign has planed me. In the course of the discharge of its duties, no conside ration shall sway me except that which led me to accept it—the paramount consideration of public duty.—(Hear, hear.) With that feeling on my mind, with the deep conviction of the sincerity of my own motives, and trusting to the guidance and the blessing of a higher power than my own, I venture to undertake a task from which I might well have shrunk appalled by its magni tude; and, be the period of my administration longer or shorter, nut only shall I have attained the highest object of personal ambition, but I shall have fulfilled one of the highest ends of human being if in the course of it I can he r doteintii (The Noble Earl then resumed his to t there have in the sli g ht es t d egree a dvanced the great objects of " peace on eart h, goo d w ill among men"—(Hear) — the social, th e mura l , the re li g i ous i mprovement o f my country—(hear, hear)—and it I can contribute to " the sa f i e: a y r , l t u he ß h h o y nou r , and the welfare of our Sovereign and seat amidst much che er i ng .) woouuld,nboutthinetkoowf was g io t t o enter upuo upon the oopnisc wh se . nth the Noble Earl had called the attention of the H which ho wished to 5 test against a principle t w be hi N ch o w bl a c s Etoabrel expected d ee l t a e i d d few down in his statemen a t ). a The words Noble Earin rho had vfay g o i f v e p ri r to r h o e m House, his it v h i t w h eo frankness ra o nurhni commercial o h s me countryf po licy,explaining it Unitedy e comparisontitte.Wasoi a f l t a h t u r e d u t e a:r n i a ff a I n s cisfelthhaic SATURDAY EVENING, stated, that in this country the principle of Customs' duties adopted for the last few years had been F 0 to im pose duties as to make them fall as much as possible upon goods imported from abroad, nut competing with similar goods produced in this country. On the other hand, he had told the House tbat in the United States the principle was the reverse, and they did not tax some of the great articles of consumption produced only abroad, but they taxed articles produced partly at home and partly abroad, with the avowed object of giving what was called " protection" to the home producer; and and not to zi o le w vy h s e o ( La a rg r l e the Noble Earl said that the effect of this system of taxa tion was only partially to raise the price of the imported taxa tion upon the G ati r e amounty) looked f a t the matter in the opposite light. In his opinion, when you imposed a duty upon a commodity partly produced at home and partly imported, you raised the price to the consumer, not only of the imported article, but of the home produce—(Hear, hear)—and a large amount had to be paid by the consumer, not sixpence of which went into the public Exchequer. The proof of this might be found in the very case of corn, to which the Noble Lord had adverted. There were formerly duties upon corn imported from abroad. The Noble Earl wished to raise a duty of this kind for revenue. If he did so, he would raise the price to the consumer, not only of the 4,000,000 or 5,000,00 0 quarters which perhaps he might expect under such a duty as he would propose, but perhaps of eight or ten times the quantity imported, and the amount would not go into the Exchequer. Suppose a 53. duty levied upon 4,000,000 quarters imported, it would bring a revenue of 1,000,0001. into the Exchequer; hut, taking five times that quantity of corn as the quantity produced at home, it would raise the price of that 25,000,000 quarters to the con sumer by the amount put on as duty, and so, for the purpose of getting 1,000,000 Z into the Ex chequer, the consumers of bread in this kingdom would have to pay 6 ,000,0001.—(Hear.) But by acting upon the opposite principle, repealing the duties which were a virtual tax upon the community, though they brought nothing into the Exchequer—( Hear, hear)—reducing the duties levied upon the system the Nublo Earl proposed to establish—(hear, hear)—the effect had been, as he (Earl Grey) stated on the first night of the session, that within the last few years duties had been repealed to a ver y largo amount-12,000,0001. or 13,000,0001. a year —while the revenue, instead of diminishing, had been kept at its former amount.—(Hear, hear.) Both theory and practice preyed the correctness of this principle.-- (Hear.) He would only add that he had heard with a regret, he would say with a consternation, which he was altogether at a loss to describe, that the Noble Earl pro posed to apply that most unsound principle of commerce and finance to the food of the people.—(!Near, hear.) It was with consternation that he had heard the House told that by the authority of the Government a measure was to be proposed for again imposing a tax of this kind.— (Some cries of " No " from the Ministerial benches.) The Earl of DERBY rose and said,—l must beg to correct that statement. What I said was, that I saw no reason, in my own opinion, why corn should form an exception from the general principle of imposing duties upon foreign produce, but that that was a question which ought to be settled, and which could only be settled, by the deliberate judgment of the large and intelligent commucity of the country. I stated that neither with regard to that, nor with regard to dealing with the great and complicated question of our financial policy, bad I any intention of waking any proposition on the part of her Majesty's Government until that public opi nion should be decidedly and emphatically expressed. Earl GREY was greatly relieved by hearing that ex planation,--(A laugh.) To a certain degree he had understood the Noble Earl, but not quite in the sense which ho now stated. What he (Earl Grey) had understood the Noble Earl to say was, that he laid down what he considered the sound and proper principle of commercial legislation, th a t the application of that principle required great care and deliberation, and a measure founded upon it could not be produced in a hurry. He therefore expected, and 1 1 thought it perfectly reasonable, that the Noble Earl should propose no such measure on an early day. But undoubtedly he did understand that the Noble Earl looked to revising the commercial policy of the country upon the principle which he stated, as the means of revenue, and that in that general revision of our com mercial policy corn was not to be an excluded article. If he was wrong in so understanding the Noble Earl, he begged his pardon; but he still thought, to the best of his recollection and understanding, that the words de livered by the Noble Earl could not be otherwise under stood. Now, upon that he wished to make this addi tional observation:— The Earl of DERBY again rose and observed that he had already, correcting a misapprehension on the part of the Noble Earl, stated what he thought he did say, and what he knew he meant to say, and the Noble Earl had remarked that he was much relieved by the explanation; and yet the Noble Earl was proceeding to repeat what he had understood him (the Earl of Derby) to say, but which be hoped he had satisfied the House that he was misunderstood to say—and then upon that misunderstanding, so corrected, was proceeding still to argue.—(Hear, hear.) Earl GREY had explained in what sense he had un derstood the Noble Earl's words, and had said he was glad to find that the Noble Earl put a somewhat different construction upon them, but to his (Eerl Grey's) mind, even now, the construction was not very clear, and at first hearing them it was not in his power to put any other construction upon them than that which he did put. Even at this moment he was not quite convinced that ho aoeuraiely apprehended the Noble Esrl—(Borne laughter)—because he did not know, from what the Noble Earl had stated, whether this revision upon what he deemed the sound principle of legislation was contem plated by her Majesty's Government or not. Now, with regard to that, without pressing for an immediate deci eion or answer, yet, as ono deeply interested in that question, as a member of the community, every class of which was deeply interested in that question, he would implore the Noble Earl to let no long time go by before ho explained distinctly and clearly the views of her Mejesty'a Government upon that most exciting and agitating question.—(Hear, hear.) After the events of the last ten year, the question or a tax upon the food of the peo ple was not one to be kept long in suspense or to be lightly approached.—(Hear, hear.) The country was entitled to know—ho did not say on that night—he did not say within a fortnight—but he did say at a very early period—the clear an d d ec i ded intentions of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) He would implore the Noble Earl, in justice to the great interests affected by leaving t hi s question iu doubt, that he would not allow that doubt to continue longer than was absolutely in evitable.—(Hear, hear.) Let the House only consider the effect of that doubt. There was not a transaction between landlord and tenant—(Hear, hear)—there was not a trade or manufacture—(hear, hear)—which was not affected by the public being in ignorance of what was to be the policy of the country upon this all-important question.—(Heae, hear.) In justice to the great inte rests that were affected, he trusted the country would not be long before it had some clear and distinct intima tion of the views of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) We were not to be told that this was a question to be cast loose and decided by public opinion; that was not the way for a Government to deal with a question of this sort. It was their duty to have a policy upon such subjects, an d, having that policy, distinctly to avow it, and to take the responsibility of submitting it to Podia ment.-e(Hear, hear.) Earl FI rzwILLIAm had hoped that, after the speech of his Noble Friend, whe had explained the posi tion in which he stood, no further debate would have taken place.—( Hear, hear,) After his ample, frank, and honourable explanation of his position, the circumstances by which he had been induced to undertake his great task, and the difficulties of the situation in which he was placed, he was in hopes that that Noble Earl would have been the solo speaker on this occasion. The Noble Earl (Earl Grey) had dabbed those hopes from his mind. Greatly, too, did he lament that that Noble Earl, instead of taking a cemprehensive View of the speech which had been addressed to the House, had chosen to select one particular topic, and that the most exciting one—(Hear, hear)—for diecus,ion and commentary. This was a question in which he (Earl Fit e Niihau)) felt no little in terest. He believed he might say that he was in Parlia ment tho very first person who made an attack upon what ho might call the mediteval system of the corn laws—(A laugh)—eo that he might consider himself, to a certain degree (though perhaps it would be thought presumption to say it), the parent of the system recently established. - He did not think the speech of the Noble Earl, and the mode in which he expressed himself upon the subject, called for animadversion in the manner which it had been thought proper to adopt.—(Hear.) He (Earl Fitz william) did not consider that the wisest and best course was taken. Whether it would be wise in the Noble I Earl, even after he should have (what hecalled) collected the sentiments of the intelligent people of this country upon the subject, to endeavour to revise the law, was another question. There were many wise laws which wino men could not undertake to propose at all times. Ho would venture to suggest a doubt whether, although there was an error and a great fallacy in the view which his Noble Friend took of the effect of any duty upon the price of corn, the people of this country, after for some time enjoying the benefit of the abrogation of the duty on foreign corn, and tasting the sweets of cheap bread, could be induced to submit to the smallest impo sition of duty, even for purposes of revenue: the nominal is. duty could hardly be considered any duty at all. But he entirely dissented from his Noble Friend's notion respecting a ditty upon foreign corn, raising the price not only of every quarter of corn imported, but every quarter of corn grown in this country. That fallacy had been put forth ii the Free Trade-hall at Manchester, be cause it wiled the purpose to proclaim that a duty would raise the price to the amount of that duty; and the same fallacy was propagated, fur their purpose, by gentlemen who were bidding for the support of the farmers. But it was a fallacy. With respect to the other part of the speech of the Noble Earl, it would be difficult for the most critical auditor to find much fault with it. He stated with great clearness and felicity of expression the duties of this country towards foreign nations—(Meer , hear)—let it be hoped that in his Administration of the Governmenn ho would adhere to the principles and s et upon the maxims he had enunciated,--(Hear , Upon another point the speech gave him (Earl F its w 1 liam) great sati s f act i on. H e qu i te agree d that it would every not do for the G overnment of t hi s coun try to be few years tampering with constitutional righ i tes•Noble . Ha heard, therefore, with great sat i s f ac tion that his Friend did not intend t o p rocee d with a certa in House for the which had been introduced in the other l'inTarliament. purpose of what was called a further reform werei most den- These " further reforms in Parliament" questions wore geroue. The result would be, it thesethat there would be agitated every ten or twenty Years i the community, Ben in the minds of a large portion o indifference to oaf popular and thinking people, a gr eat avery large fraction of popular franchise. He believed i n vite that it would b e the community would be of op FEBRUARY better to live under a mild and tranquil despotism— (A laugh)—that to be constantly changing the consti tutional rights of the people. He hoped that the Noble Earl who had been called upon to form an Adminis tration would, within a short period, state to the House the principles on which he proposed to conduct the Government of the eountry, and the nature of the measures he intended to submit to Parliament. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE could not help en tering his protest against the censure pronounced by the Noble Earl who last spoke upon his Noble Friend the late Secretary for the Colonies (Earl Grey) for the very judicious, and, as he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) conceived, the not only justifiable but necessary remarks he had made upon a portion of the statement of the Noble Earl opposite. Ile thought that upon such an oc casion as the present it was advisable to avoid any wide and extended discussion; but when he considered the particular question to which the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) had alluded, and the language he had held, he thought his Noble Friend was pertectly right in expressing those sentiments, in which he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) cordially concurred. He must remind their Lordships that this question was not first forced upon their attention during the present session by his Noble Friend (Earl Grey) or by the late Govern mtnt, but that the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby), on the very first day of the session, thought it so necessary that the Government should express an opinion upon the subject that he blamed them for omit ting such a matter in the speech from the Throne. The question was not alluded to in the Speech or in the Ad dress, but the Noble Earl thought it necessary to declare his opinion that, at the price of cora which now ruled, tho cultivation of wheat in this country must cease to an alarming and dangerous degree. If, then, that was the opinion expressed by the Noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) on the first night of the session, he thought the ambiguous language in which he had now referred to the subject was fairly remarked upon by his Noble Friend (Earl Grey). He (the Marquis of Clan ricarde) understood the Noble Earl opposite to say that his opinions were unchanged, and that as soon as he cculd got a majority he would act upon them, though, until he leld a majority he would not endeavour to carry them out.—(Hear, and some expressions of dissent.) The Noble Earl, as ha understood, said that as soon as he had a majority the corn-laws would be changed, but that as long as the majority of the country was in favour of the existing laws he would retain them. He thought such a statement was fairly open to objection on the part of his Noble Friend, for it left every transaction in this country depending upon those laws in a state of doubt and uncertainty. Although he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) agreed in the main part of the doctrines laid down by the Noble Earl opposite as to the conduct of this country with regard to its foreign relations, Wale remarks fell from the Noble Lord which, at this particular moment, he had not beard with satisfaction; neither was he en• tirely satisfied with the mode in wh ich the Noble Lord had touched upon another subject, with reference to which he thought the Government ought to be more frank and explicit—what the Noble Earl termed, on the first night of the session, the Protestant securities of this country. The Noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) had, on the first day of the session, gone out of his way upon that subject, and declared that either the laws as at pre sent constituted were defective, or that the late Govern ment was deficient in energy in the carrying out of those laws. The natural inference must be, either that the Noble Earl intended to alter the law, or to administer it in a different spirit from what had hitherto bees the case. He thought it was very desirable that the Noble Earl should lay before their Lordships fairly and fully a statement of the views and opinions of the Govern ment, as soon as they had had an opportunity of duly considering the important questions now in abeyance. The Earl of ABERDEEN (who spoke from the Op position side of the House) said—lf I may venture to detain the House for a few moments, I wish to state very shortly the impression which the speech of my Noble Friend opposite (the Earl of Derby), or some portions of it, has made upon my mind. Although the Noble Earl below me (Earl Grey) has expressed very much the sen timents I entertain upon one subject, nevertheless there are ono or two points to which I am desirous of re ferring. My Lords, long and intimately connected as I have been with the eminent man whose untimely fate we all deplore, and whose loss—in proportion as the difficulties of the country increase—we shall have more and more cause to lament, I think this is not an unfit ting occasion, the very first which presents itself, for me to declare a determined adherence to his policy—(Hear, hear)—and a determination to maintain, as far as in my humble power lies, the permanence of that great system of commercial policy which he established.— (Hear, hear.) I have no right or authority to speak for others; but I shall be much surprised and disappointed if all those who co-operated with him in establishing that policy should not be found to entertain the same senti ments which I now express.—(Hear, and cheers.) My Noble Friend opposite has described the principles upon which he considers the policy of this country connected with commercial matters should rest; and be has on other occasions, as well as to-night, adverted to the possibility of the imposition of duties on the provisions of the people, if not for protection, at least for revenue. Now, my Lords, this distinction, I confess, is not very intelligible to me.—(Hear, hear.) It appears to me to be shadowy and unreal, but at all events to me it has no applicatien, for I am equally prepared to oppose a duty upon corn, whether it be for revenue or protection.—(Hear, hear.) I think the timo is past when any such tax could ever again be levied,—(flear, hear.) I consider the system established by my late Hoaourable Friend to have been already eminently successful.—(Hear, hear.) I am convinced that, by a perseverance in that system, its wisdom will become more and more apparent; and I therefore take this opportunity of declaring my firm ad herence to that legacy which ho has left to his sneers sore —(Hear, hear.) Ido not wish to enter further into the topics of the speech of my Noble Friend. I have already adverted to a point on which I am totally at variance with him, and, as far as I know, there are no other subjects upon which I may not hope to have the pleasure of giving him my humble support. In all that portion of his speech in which he laid down the course of policy he meant to pursue towards foreign powers I entirely acquiesce. Ho and I have acted together for the last ten or twelve years, in office and out of office, in full concert and communication on these subjects, and, as far as I am aware, there is not the shade of a difference between us. In all that he has said to-night I fully con cur. Upon the other portions of his speech I have no observation to make, aor is any called for at this mo ment. lam quite aware—fully aware—of tho great difficulties with which my Noble Friend is encompassed, and I can assure him that he may rely upon receiving from me, whenever it is in my power, a cordial and a most sincere support.—(Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM begged to suggest to the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) that the House ought not to adjourn for a longer period than was necessary, but that an opportunity should be afforded of proceed ing next week with judicial business. That business had been almost inevitably interrupted, but he thought t h a t, if possible, they ought to proceed with it nextweek. It was perfectly cleur from the bulk of the statement made by the Noble Earl (Derby) that almost all ques tions were to be for a certain time in abeyance, with one exception—matters relating to social improvement. He hoped the Noble Earl meant to include under that head the great and important question of the amendment of the l a w. —(Hear, hear.) With respect to the conversa tion that had taken place on the subject of the corn laws, he (Lord Brougham) wished to avoid entering into that question. He entirely concurred in the opi nions of his Noble . Friend (Earl Grey), though he did not participate for a moment in his alarm. His (Lord Brougham's) apprehensions were at once quieted when the Noble Earl (Derby) stated that he expressed hie individual opinions, but that whether the Government was prepared to found measures upon those opinions, and to propound them to Parliament, must depend upon the sense of the country —the general disposition of the country. To that pro position he (Lard Brougham) entirely assented, though how this opinion was to be taken, and at what time, he was not aware.—(A laugh.) Ho understood his Noble Friend opposite to say that a dissolution in the present state of affairs was oat of the question, and he (Lord Brougham) heartily rejoiced that that was his opinion. The Noble Earl had intimated that measures not requir ing an immediate appeal to the country would be forth with proceeded with, and he hoped the great question of the amendment of the law would stand, if not in the front rank, at least near that position. The Earl of DERBY observed, that what Lobos ctat.a was that, excluding those groat party questioneas to which it was notorious that the Government were at present in a minority in the House of Commons, and which could there fore only be brought forward with the certainty of defeat, he thought they might usefully confine themselves to dealing with those great measures, which were generally called for by the country, of legal reform and social improvement.—[Lord BROUGIIAM--That escaped me.) His Noble and Learned Friend the Lord Chancellor,tme when he took his seat in the House, wouldlnseni of in applying his powerful mind to the co nsi deration reforms the subject, and the promotion of th ose recom mended by the Commission.---( that their Lord- Lrearo,hear, from Lord Brougham,) He would now propose that and by that day Lord ships should adjourn to Monday . it would be ascertained whether it n wolutlwdobeeld.pobsoswibelveetro, proceed with the judicial business be understood that the House would sit s f i o n r es th s e on tr i s y n , tion of judicial business or of private u thatmat ter of publc usinees3osows oaudldj war no d while the House of Corn o b u e r n n e r d n , n g a a nt :h o e r ; must necessarily do, for e th . e_ e t l b e e c r t e t o la w o o o f in o i f st co er u s. rse, be Lord BROUGHAM s id the part of the House, a general understa nding, t h a t nothing but private andn judicial business should be T t b ra e n tr ea L c o te r dd s h i ps then adjourned to Monday. 0 US E OF COMMONS , Feb. 27 . The SrEd.lo6lt took tho Chair at a few mioutss to Four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. S ing. BRIDGES took the oaths and his seat for East dent. APPEARANCE OF THE HOUSE. At four o'clock both sides of the House were nearly filled with Members. The Opposition benches were most crowded. They were occupied by the friends and s upporters of the late Government, while the Ministerial side was taken possession of by the friends and fol lowers of the now Administration. Mr. Heyter and Lord Marcus Hill were the only Members of the de funct Ministry whom we observed on the leading Oppo sition bench. Mr. Hume came in some twenty minutes after four o'clock, and he was on the point of taking big usual scat, but seeing Mr. Cobden and some of his other friends on the other side, ho hurriedly retreated, and room wa s mode for him of the correspocupg inch cg 09 position .e of tt atm:. r ialmerston took his former 86. G on tinisterial below the gangway• NEW WRITS. Mr. F. MACKENZIE moved that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant to the Clerk of the Crown to make out a new writ for the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Buckingham, in the room of the Right Hon, Benjamin Disraeli, who since his election had ac cepted the office of Chancellor and Under Treasurer of her Majesty's Exchequer.—(Cheers.) The motion was agreed to without comment. On the motion of the same HON. MEMBER, new write were also ordered for the election of a burgess for the borough of Midhurst, in the room of the Right Hon. Spencer Horatio Walpole, who since his election had ac cepted the office of one of her Majesty's principal Secre taries of State. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Droitwich, in the room of the Right Hon. Sir John Somerset Pakingtnn, who since his election had ac cepted the office of one of her Majesty's principal Se cretaries of State.—(A laugh from the Whig Opposition; cheers from the Ministerial benches ) For the election of a burgess for the borough of Stam ford, in the room of the Right lion. John Charles lorries, who since his election had accepted the office o f President of the Board of Control fur the Affairs of India. For the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Oxford, in the room of the Right Hon. Joseph Warner Henley, who since his election had accepted the office of President of the Board of Trade and Plan tations. For the election of a knight of the shire for the northern division of the county of Essex, in the room of Mr. Wit ham Berestord, who since his election bad accepted the office of her Majesty's Secretory at War. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Abingdon, in the room of Sir Frederick Thesiger, who since his election bad accepted the office of her Majesty's Attorney-General. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Col chester, in the room of the Right Hon. Lord Jobn Man ners, who since his election had accepted the office of First Commissioner of Works and Public Buildings. For the election of a burgess for the borough of For tarlington, in the room of Colonel Francis Plunkett Dunne—(Laughter from the Opposition)—who since his election had accepted the (Ace of Clerk of the Ordnance.—(" Oh, oh," and laughter from the Oppo sition.) For the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Kildare, in the room of the Right Hon. Lord Nuas, who since his election had accepted the office of her Ma jesty's Chief Secretary in Ireland.—(" Oh, oh," from the Opposition; cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) For the election of a Member for the University of Dublin, in the room of Mr. Joseph Napier, who since his election had accepted the office of her Majesty's At torney-General in Ireland. For the election of a burgess for the borough of En niskillen, is the room of Mr. James Whiteside, who since his election had accepted the office of her Ma jesty's Solicitor-General in Ireland. For the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Londonderry, in the room of Mr. Thomas Batesen, who since his election had accepted the office of Lord Commissioner of her Majesty's Treasury. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Buck ingham, in the room of the Marquis of Chandos, who since his election had accepted the office of Lord Co mmissioner of her Majesty's Treasury. For the election of a burgess for the city of Chiches ter, in the room of Lord Henry Charles George Gordon Lennox, who since his election had accepted the office of Lord Commissioner of her Majesty's Treasury. For the election of a knight of the shire for the sou thern division of the county of Lincoln, in the room of Sir John Trollop, who since his election had accepted the office of Chief Commissioner of the Poor-law Board. For the election of a knight of the shire for the nor thern division of the county of Lincoln, in the room of the Right Hon. Robert Adam Christopher, who since his election had accepted the office of Steward of the Chil tern Hundreds.—(Laughter.) For the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Dorset, in the room of the Right Hon. George Bankes, who since his election had accepted the office of Judge Advocate-General. For the election of a knight of the shire for the east riding of York, in the room of the Hon. Arthur Dun coma, who since his election bad accepted the office of Lord of the Admiralty. For tho election of a knight of the shire for the county of Tyrone, in the room of Lord Claud Hamilton, who since his election had accepted the office of Trea surer of her Majesty's Household. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Wen lock, in the room of the lion. George Coil Forester, who since his election had accepted the office of Comp troller of her Majesty's Household. Mr. HAYTER moved for a new writ for the county of Cork,,in the room of Dr.Msurice Power, who had ac cepted the office of Governor of St. Lucia.—(Laughter.) I Lencashire and Yorkshire and York and North Midland Railways. Leeds Waterworks (No. 2). Londonderry Bridge. Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midlands Junction Railway. Newmarket Railway. North British Flax Company (Claussen's Patent). Eastern Counties Railway (Branch to the river Nente&c.) Eastern Ceuntiee Railway (Junction with the East and West India Docks, &c.) Eastern Counties Railway (Power to use the East Ang lian Railways, &e.) Great Western, Shrewsbury and Birmingham, and Shrewsbury and Chester Railway Companies Amal gamation. Stockton and Hartlepool and Clarence Railway, and Hartlepool West Harbour and Dock Companies. Wirksworth Mining Customs and Mineral Courts. York and North Midland Railway. LEICESTER-SQUARE IMPROVEMENT BILL. Mr. WAKLEY moved that the second reading of this Bill be postp ned. Mr. W. PATTEN opposed the motion, unlnes some sufficient grounds were stated for the postponement. Mr. WAKLEY said the object of the postpo nement was to allow the promoter and the opponents of the Bill to come to an amicable arrangement of the difference s between them. After tome discussion, in which Mr. Anstey, Sir B. Hall, and Mr. C. Lu,biugton took part, Mr. WYLD said that he was the promoter of the Bill, topiary dthat its object was not the advancement o f an y Pe' interest of his, but simply of scientific purpo ses for the instruction of his fellow subjects. The second reading of the Bill was ultimately fixed for Monday. March 15. The Lincolnshire Estuary Bill was postponed unti l Monday, March 15, on the motion of Colonel Sibthorp. LONDON NECROPOLIS BILL. On the motion that the Londou Necropolis Bill be read a second time, Mr. H. DRUMMOND said that the company hod made a misstatement as regarded the law ; t h e y ua. onlyridi obteined the freehold, not the copyhold. coiled the idea of the soil being peculiarly adapted for funeral purposes, and for the growth of vegetatle n ' eh s . s detailed in the prospectus of the company. undulatin surface of the country, it was ridic uleasse The fraud:w g as, they had bought 2,6ooaeres, whereastbed only designed to appropaiate 400 acres to t he g rav e l:- yard, intending to build on the remaining 2,000, not dr Sirct nh o oy m j hn net DUKEeefaraer vs o t t the spot, nas favourable lio o et o t. swi though they stated that the footsteps of commerce ehoule considerationdhe whatever, t e e d v e r th , e scheme of f the humanity. He was satisfied that no portatreo7filtileiliefei ground would be devoted to building speculation. Mr. H. DRUMMOND said it was distinctly stated in the 11th clause of the Bill that building should take place on the ground. Mr. J. BELL supported the second reading of the Bill. Lord EBRINGTON objected to ex m c in a g s b a ur in ia latitteirtboi4 country a commercial speculation. He was,bowele!! dissatisfied with several clauses in the Bill. To read 1, a second time would be to commit the new Government to a reversal of the principle deliberately adapted Parliament. Mr. MO WATT was of opinion that the not bo disposed of in an off-hand manner. The laW Government had confessed the failure of their aw n measure, and it was necessary, therefore, to adopt 011- . other. Burial of the dead had been from all tits, e fr private speculation—even the Church had ePee ll ' s ' e in the matter. He (Mr. Mowatt) would vote for the Bill on principle, without committing himself CO the details. mowhol eootnobject in bodyth t he whole owohaf moderateolteh Mr. MANGLES opposed the Bill on behalf of tin ratniotsnofofWtohkeinogointnon bong They dr" taken; but the Bill proposed to take every acre of COm of such portions as were gnivoitngwpaontweedrafoorf stahleeßettienilindceloetuetlfillde. company. As they only wanted 400 acres, they we t, therefore, have 2,200 acres for sale. The Bill Ile s I' great job, and he accordingly moved it be read a second time that day six menthe. Colonel CHATTERTON, who moved the guided reading, defended the Bill. The company was g u ; i : l h e e by the most liberal sentiments. Several of the parish adjacent were favourable to the Bill; the metropolitan Members were not opposed to it; and he should there' fore press it on the House. s uch Mr. BETHELL should be sorry if a Bill te. public importance was baffled by the e ff orts of indier_ duals who failed to make a party against it without, . the ground of the public good. The company co u . h enter into no contract with any other person than lord of the manor, subject to the rights of tho e p a irni h bpiot holders. The Bill only contained the ordinary elarlse: to sell that were always in every railway B ill and ° t° " _ Bill of that nature. He considered the objections to t he Bill unfounded on principle. Sir DE LACY EVANS hoped the House wwo ld c not prevent the Bill from going into Committee, seeingfrobm necessity there existed for relieving the m etropelii the interment of the dead within its p re ciects. i Bill Lord R. GROSVENOR would be sorry f any thrown that promised a remedy for the existing evil out; but it was so important to know the s en ; ign , e e e n t t he the Government on the subject, that he hope'. .-••• Hon. Gentleman who had charge of the measure slo ei nt" .. not, under existing circumstances, object to lisrligienit ponement for a lordliest. Ile moved the adjou of the debate. was thr t o s of Mr. HUME hoped the House postponement, as the question involved a gr ciple. debate. be ad- Sir W. JOLLIFFE thought the debate should Mr. SCOTT would support the adjournment of the would not agersete ptroints. journ Mr. ed MO WAT under th T e c c ould not consent to an adj ourn rcumstances. as the principle was admitted by Parli ament on a former occasion. c u railway companies to take 2,000 acres more than t t cem h z, l ie r rt .. eE i r l y . we D oz n ipt U;lOND said it was not custotnaryhfeeyr wanted. The company was a building company' " second reading of The House then divided, when there appeared-- 92 For the amendment theee la B re i t his intention of voting for the . 104 Against Majority against the amendment -12 The Bill was read a second time. WORCESTER AND HEREFORD R AIL We On the motion that this Bill be read a second time, Mr. SPOONER said he should be able to make _S s ,; such a case as would convince the House that the D v :: ought to be rejected. He admitted that a railwai e Bill wanted between Worcester and Hereford, told, if „ t i ' ll d h a ve had been brought in in a proper manner he 8 ":, a Bill supported it. It had been intimated that this gau ge which had reference to the broad and narrow matter: he question, but he knew nothing about that k e d at looked at the Bill uu its broad principle. Ile looked the Bill as one that intended to shut up P°r" übliet water communication in the district which the p . had now the advantage of; and, therefore, on principleo that such a proceeding was prejudicial to . the publi b g u r t ea i t f ad vantage from the interest, be must oppose the Bill. Bill was to turn the Severn watery The Honourable canal into the proposed railwa-that timber and coal Member then proceeded to show The object of ilia inhabitants o !l o t r i t c h t e ; of t he to be taken in a roundabout way coal and timber we . erdeal of inconvenience and public came at present by the river good He hoped the House ro by is r e a h i i l e w f ay the ground that a canal f Se t v b e e rn di would throw out the Bill on ought not to be permitted to sell, for or water company to a rail its own private interes ts, tion of the c anal, and thus to deprive the public of direct communication between place and place. He ad waould en 6 ,11 • witted the railway was an important railway, and that it was an evil not to have the diatrict which it was intended to serve supplied with railway communication ; a nd if the evil he had pointed out could be remedied by a sug gestion his opposition would at once be at an end. lie the appeal of the lion. Member. The lion. M b eg ged to move that the Bill be read that day six m onths. Mr. C. LEWIS hoped the House would not listen to railway d w the Bill was an important Bill, and that the were strong as to " through an important district. Those With re reasons why the Bill should be adopted. 'Peet to the lrelied princip e upon by the Hop. Member, that he begged the Bill would interfere with the cane', to say that only the unpro fi table For non of the canal would be affected by the Bill ; ember had and that the trustees and proprietors of the canal woo anxious that th e sa le should take place. It would be an unusual course if the House threw out shis which was so strongly advocated and supported on its general merits. General LYGON hoped the House would allow the second reading. Mr. H. HOPE objected to the Bill—for if the cane communication with Gloucester was interrupt( d much evil would ensue to the Gloucester timber trade. Sir R. PRICE said the railway was to serve leer" Cant purposes — to join Worcester to Here ford; and f there were no other reasons he must give hi s support COt the Bill. Af t er some further discussion the House di v ided, when there appeared— • - For the second reading ... ..." 156 Against it 56 Majority for the second reading —lOO MANCHESTER AND SALFORD EDUCATION BILL. On the suggestion of Mr. M. GIBSON, the conside ration of this Bill was fixed for Wednesday, the 17th of March. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE—ENDOW MENT OF MAYNOOTH. Mr. F. MACKENZIE moved that the House at its rising do adjourn till Friday, the 12th of March. Mr. HUME believed that the adjournment was simply to allow time for the re-election of Members who had accep t e d office. Ho thought Monday week might have been fi xed for tb o House meeting. At any rate, before agreeing to adjourn, Members ought to be allowed to present the petitions in their possession. Mr. SPOONER did not rise to oppose the motion for adjournment, but wished to make a few observations with reference to a matter which was somewhat per sonal. It might be in t he recollection of the IleE? that he had given notice cf a motion on the a uhjict of Maynooth, and that he lied intimated his intention ti- Ft postponing it till an early da y after Easter. That in mation had been received with no very equivocal re marks by some lion. Gentlemen on the other side, who seemed to suppose that he had altered his plans,,,,af . " was about to give up the motion altogether. — ( l r l r_ bear.) He wished, therefore to put those Hatiuu Atinahcrs cut of m isery on that point. Ile bed altered his determination to bring thudestion futw: end be liainy a 119 MOOR Why Ile ijagoa9l Perolr'r I i HARWICH ELECTION. Mr. BRAMSTON moved fur a writ for Harwich, which had become vacated in consequenco of a decision of a Committee of the House. Sir DE LACY EVANS, who appeared on the Op position benches, opposed the motion, because he be lieved the opinion of the House was against any new election taking place for that borough since the corrupt practices which prevailed there had come to light. There were peculiarities connected with Harwich which made it distinct from any other corrupt borough. While the town was falling off in population and wealth, by an ex traordinary concurrence of circumstances the number of voters was increasing; and the greatest misfortune was that the state of things which prevailed there was not tempo rary but permanent, and the only way of remedyieg the evil was by actual disfranchisement.—(Hear.) He con eluded by moving that the writ be suspended for six months. Mr. B. OSBORNE was in favour of the amendment. It was perfectly notorious that the present Solicitor- General intended to present himself for Harwich. — (Laughter and hear from the Opposition benches.) lie held in his hand an address from the electors, calling upon that gentleman to come down to this estimable place.—(Hear.) He confessed he felt considerable sur prise on hearing the Hon. Member for Essex (Mr. Braniston) move for a new writ for the borough, because he was a member of the Committee which, in 1842, inquired into the return for Harwich, and reported that Mr. Attwood and Mr. Beresford's election cost 6,300/., that thirty-three electors received from 50/. to 100/ each, and that the greater part of the constituency had leen bribed.—(Hear.) He lamented that Mr. Cop pock bad not been called to the bar. The late Mr. Attwood was a member of the Carlton Club, and had figured more in corrupting boroughs than any other man in this country. Then it was a mockery, a delusion, and a snare to talk of calling forth Mr. Coppock, and he hoped they should hear no more of such stuff. He would cheerfully second the amendment, and he did so in the hope that the borough of Harwich would be ultimately swept from the list of boroughs that Bent Members to the House. Mr. FERGUS said, as a member of the Committee, that the decision come to turned upon a technical point, but nevertheless no member of that Committee could now be otherwise than satisfied that the grossest and most fraudulent practices were carried on at elec tions for the borough of Harwiele.—(Hear, hear.) A Commission ought to be appointed to investigate the whole subject, and he was convinced they would come to the same decision that was arrived at in the case of St. Albans. Mr. C. BERKELEY was also a member of the Com mittee, and ho could confirm all that the last speaker had said. Sir R. H. INGLIS contended that it was unjust to disfranchise the borough when such a course was not recommended by the Committee. This opposition was intended to harass the present Government. Mr. HUME was surprised to hear the B fork t opposition to this writ was of a part' ictiVslitchigetime defending bribery and corruption. He deniedtetrhroneet had long since been contnmrimr.d. rn hopethe original p ti ractised in the that an end was put to the corruptions and doohge really did h. There was asno Minister in the Hen°6woulde b w e withdrawn for the present. , litheAUGnLtlvOarlelsißtyY of O x ford, with that tihtewlittottnu. unjust t be to r for rdeeclaoymmihrenidsstuheatofeothurese.writ, since the Committee did not another member of th e Sir H. WILLOUGH BY, Committee, said there was no evidence of systematic corruption laid before the Committee. Its attention was exclusively confined to a technical point connected with the preceedines of the election. the eam e t n o d g m o e o ri n t s t u h s e p u e g n h d in h g e u t i p t u p o t Tot:d course a g twrits.h°luir. ht A i N an ST unconstitutional The boroughs themselves ought ratu a er toe b disfranchised at once, and he was glad that bad been trade to d ea l w i t h H arwich as the House had disposed K. m o f Albans.t.y E proposal Rtbought if the amendment was carried those who proposed it ought t o f o ll ow the motion up with anoth tr for Commission; but if they did that , he begged to Pe notice that h o s h ou ld take the sam e r that course with r ega .d to Leicester which a Committ ee had all but recommerded should b© di s franchised. : Sir GEORGEGREY suggested should be adjournel for a few days. trove for ijE a L C A o C ne Y mise en if this his intention to the debate Mr. BRAMSTON was as EVANS said it was willing as anybody that where bribery and cereuption was proved_ against i a amendment was carried. borough it should be pteeecuitecl as it s d e en r r o r m ed) ra b rw it no corruption was proved t his 1,5 t original H at the last election for e m d r i . d „i n o o t H i o a t e E d L t oLpiesrpsae*ries tensedwith od the motion. that wer then withdrawn. was any L br e i i t e r s y ter o . r . corruption PRIVATE BILLS. The following Bills . were read a second time and The motion and the ordered to be committed. P c , PRIVA TE London Gas Light a d City of Gas onsumere" C Coke Coma and Great Central British Electric Telegrap EnPnY. eMPallyAmalgama tion,Claussen's Patent Flax Compa n y. and Amendment of Acts. Deptford Ga s. Eastern Counties and Newmarket ancehe sterford Rail way Companies. Great Western Railway (No. 2) Humber Conservancy. Kettering and Northampton Road. KiLlgstQLl 4911 Hall Over r. 4 , - }ti RI 3CI