The Sun. — London, England, 1835-08-25 00:00:00

Lord Carbery, Lord Hatherton, the Bishop of London, the earl of Ripon, Viscount Duncannon, Lord Fitzgerald and Vescipthe Marquis of Clanricarde, the Marquis of West meath, and the Earl of Winchilsea took part. Lord BROUGHAM should oppose the amendment. After a few words from Lord LYNDHURST against the clause, and the Marquis of LANSDOWNE in favour of it, the question.was put, and Viscount MELBOURNE having declined to divide the House, the clause was ne.atived,•and struck out of the Bill. All the clauses, from 11 to 21, both inclusive, were also struck out, as consequent upon the tenth clause. Clauses 22 to 39, both inclusive, were agreed to, with some verbal amendments. On clause 40 being proposed, which provides that the average value of corn should be the standard of value for tithes, _ __ _ Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved that this clause be also struck out. The Earl of WICKLOW supported the clause, as bene ficial to the landlords. Viscount MELBOURNE also supported the clause. The Marquis of WE STMEATHihouId oppose it. Lord HATHERTON said that it would be a great injus tice to the landlords on whom so heavy a burthen as the land tax was tobe placed, if this clause were omitted. The Earl of HARR° WB Y supported the motion for strik ing out the clause. After a few words from the Earl of Wicklow, Lord Lynd hurst, Lord Plunket, and Lord Ellenborough, The Earl of SHAFTESBURY put the motion, that the clause stand part of the Bill. The Gallery was cleared for a division, and the House di vided— For the motion For the amendment Majority for rejectin g the clause ...... —9l On our re-admission into the Ga llery we -found the Noble Chairman putting the suceeediag clauses ieridtith. They were passed without comment up to clause 60, inclusive. On clause 61 being put, The Earl of H ADDINGTON rose to call the earnest and special attention of the House to the 61st and to the remain ing clauses of the Bill, for they appeared to him to he calcu lated to aim a. deadly blow at the prosperity and very exist ence of the Established Church of Ireland.—( Hear, heats ) The clauses were undoubtedly objectionable to every Noble Loicrthat felt in the slightest degree attached to the interests of the Protestant Clergy. The 61st clause enacted that upon the neat vacancy of the church of any parish in which there were not more than fifty members of the Established Church such church might be sequestered. This was the important clause upon which their Lordships had now to decide.- It appeared to him that great care had been taken to mix up the Bishops in the management of the Irish Church as little as possible, whilst many of the duties imposed on the Com missioners ought obviously to devolve upon the Prelates. In one of the clauses the Commissioners were invested with pow ers which ought entirely to be left to the curates. If he were not hostile to the principle of the Bill he should still think that the clause (61) now under the decision of the Committee, had no connection with the previous part of the Bill. He did not wish to enter upon a discussion of the right of Parlia ment to apply the property of Corporations, civil or sacred, to any purposes which •the Legislature might think fit. He certainly held that this would be a principle dangerous to all property, and a principle that never could be entertained with favour by the Legislature of this country. Let the I4ouse consider a little what the principle of the. present Bill was. The great, and leading, and only principle of the Bill was, that the House might alienate the property of the Established Church, and apply it to other phrposes. He would withstand the principle of the Bill in another way. The Bill went on the principle of numbers, and enacted - that where a certain num ber of Protestants were not resident it should be lawful to take away the property of the Church in that locality. This was ano ther principle on which the Bill was founded. The operation of the Bill was confined to Ireland, but let Noble Lords only ask themselves if they once could induce themselves to sanc tion this Bill whether the principle of it might not be, and would not be, soon applied to England? Was it impossible that in England a perish might not be found in which there might he an overwhelming population of Catholics, although in the district in whkh the parish was situated the Protestants might be in a great majority, and yet the present Bill estab lished the principle that in such a parish the property of the Eitabli.j!ed Church rricent be alienated from that Church for the benefit of the Catholics.--( Hear, hear.) The Bill, it might be said, applied this principle to parishes in which there were not morn than fifty Protestants ; but he should like to_ know what magic could be found in the number of fifty ? Could not the principle be applied to kirger numbers ? Could it not•eventually be applied to Pari,bei , which contained four •or five hundred Protestants ? But the Bill carried with it its temptation to make the population -Catholic in every pariah in Ireland. 'He understood 'that there were 2, - 505 parishes in Ireland. This Bill, according to the statements made by his Mltiesty's Ministers, would strike out of existe - nce 860 of those parishes.- • In Ireland there were 960 parishes, with more than a hundred Protestants in each. If these were deducted from the 2,505 paribes, the total number of parishes in which the Protestant population varied from fifty_to one hundred would be found to be only from seven to eight hundred. Here would be the ground of. the nest dret upon the next libe rality of Protestants to satisfy these who clamoured for the destruction of the Protestant Church.— (Hear, hear.) No wonder,_ then, that the Bill had been received with such triumphant shouts in another place by the fete who in that placo were known as the Roman Catholic strength of the House, and who were headed by the Hon. and Learned Mfrnber for the City of Dublin.---( Hear, hear.) No wonder that_the great majority of the Representatives of England a n d Wales were against the Bid, and that the Bill bad been car ried by a small majority of the Roman Catholics of the other House.—(Hear, hear.) This was net a state of things that the people of En;:land would allow to exist. The Bill was calculated to strike discouragen:et:t into the hearts of the Pro. testant tarty ha Ireland, end to inspire the enemies of the two countries with enthusias:ie hopes of triumph. The Bill did not provide for aa int:rasa:4.A efficiency of the Protestant Church, hit its object was. to make a surplus fund, for the purpose of devoting 50„0001. to the miscellaneous education of the Irish people. He, for one, could not conceive what the Bill had in common with the Church Temporalities Bill. But the Church Temporalities Bill had hcen soleatnly declared by Ministers to be a final measure—(Flear)--and if it had not Leen so de clared, it never would have been assented to by that House. The Bishop of the diocese of London had been induced to vote for the Bill, solely e.n the (-round that it had been under stood to be a fired nicasure.—(Hear, hear.) That Bill had gone upon the principle of a suppression of benefices where no worship bad been performed in them for three years, or rather when the bent-flees were only tied up a, the property cf the Established Church. The 'present Bill was directly the reverse. His Friend had said that when he had farmed the present Government, he had been asked by the Noble Duke, whether he was pledged to the resolutions on this sui,ject that lied been come to by the other Hense of Parliatnent ? His Noble Friend bad said that his'answer was in the affirmatiVe. Yes, he had been pledged. His Noble Friend had then added that as the Noble Duke had never taken any pains to turn him out of offce, lie was called upon to support his Majesty's Government. Was there ever such an inconsistency ? Their Lordships were no t bli n d to t h e times in which they . lived, they were not disposed to act on party principles, they were disposed to go as tar as they could in support of the Government, as long as the Government sup ported the Established Church ; and yet, because their Lord ships thus proved that they were opposed to measures, - not to men, they were to be taunted with a factious opposition to his Majesty's Government. lie had never heard such a charge brought forth by any Minister of the Crown. The Church Temporalities Bill was a Bill to encourage the Protestant Church of Ireland. This Bill went to supersede the Protes tant Church Establishment altogether. There could not be a greater curse to Ireland than any law that encouraged intimi dation, and the present Bill would tempt the people of Ireland to the use of this dreadful weapon. This, in his opinion, was the most powerful argument against the Bill. An effort had been made to injure the Church by exaggerated statements of enormous revenues. Her wealth had been quadrupled, and the number of her flock greatly diminished ; but at length the truth had been ascertained, and it was now found that many of ' these statements were delusive while all were exaggerated. He had no doubt that a more equal distribution of the revenues of the Church within itself would increase its efficiency, and to that extent he was willing to go, but no farther. The Noble Earl concluded by moving the omission of the clause. Lord GLENELG said, if he asked their Lordships to sup port the Bill, he did so net on any ground of misconduct on the part of the Protestant Clergy, for he professed himself as ' ready as his Noble Friend, or any other Noble Lord, to offer the fullest testimony to the active virtues of that venerable body. Whatever they might have been at one period, since the Union there had been a rapid improvement in the charac ter of the Irish Church in connection with its Clergy ; and he would add that at present there could be found in no Church a greater number of individuals eminent for zeal, piety, and learning.—( Hear, hear.) But his Noble Friend had not ad verted to the subject at issue, which was the state of Ireland, in connection with the Established Church in that country. His Noble Friend had charged the Bill as being inconsistent with itself in the details • but the main object was the same, and it was identical in all its-parts. Those objects were the promotion of peace and the establishment of tranquillity in Ireland--(Hear)-the rescuing the Protestant 'Church from the dangerous position in which it was placed, and the com munication of confidence to the people of that country. It was the misfortune of the Irish Church that it had been ori ginally presented to the people of that country under an invidious aspect. Its establishment, in the first instance, had not been with a view to the religious wants of the people, but with a view to the consolidation and extension of poli tical power. It was designed as a great engine in the various machinery by which the ascendancy of England was to be sustained in Ireland, and by that means it naturally became an object of suspicion and dislike to the people. It was no great wonder, then, if it made so few converts in that country ; while the same creed, unfettered by the same Strang_ ling causes, was extending itself in other lands in all direc tions. That improvement was necessary in the constitution of the Church no one now denied. The first step to be taken in such a case was the reformation of its Ministers, which he was happy to say had been already effected. The next was a change in the present mode of collecting tithes. The peo ple of the country should be conciliated, and those holding opposite opinions reconciled or appeased. The Church had been clothed with great wealth and splendid possessions. No doubt there was much exaggeration in the statements which had been made on the subject; but still, after every allowance its endowments were most ample. If the proposition before their Lordships went• to injure the stability of the Church, he - was of opinion that they should pause before they acceded to it; but, on the contrary ) if it could be shown that it had the opposite effect they shouhl not hesitate a ;lament iu adopting it. He was prepared to prove it was so. His Noble Friend had said that removing the PrOtestant Clergy from the pa rishes where there was no congregation, was striking a blow at the existence of the Church ; but when their Loraiships came to reflect on the state of these parishes—in all of them very few Protestants=-in some none at all—he thought they, could not deny that it was doing no injury to the Church to rectify the evil. The next branch ofthe subject referred to educa tion. Whatever might be the general or abstract, view of the sub ject, the practical sense of mankind had established the pro position that the surplus funds of the Church could be applied to no better purpose than the promotion of a system of moral education.—( Hear.) Looking at the property of the Church as property held in trust for public purposes, in connection with morality and religion, he elkl not see how that proposition could be combatted. His Noble Friend had next attacked the funds to be created for Church purposes by the Bill before their Lordships ; but his Noble Friend should not have con founded them as he did.. He should have distinguished be tween those which were denominated the Reserve Fund, and those which accrued under the operation of the Church Tem poralities Act. The more the state of the Protestant Church in Ireland was considered, the more incumbent it appeared on those who were bound to protect it to put it in a condition of safety. If the opportunity which now offered were to be lost it might be too late to attempt it ever again. He should give his unqualified dissent to the motion of the Noble Earl. The Bishop of LONDON thought the Noble Lord who had just, sat down had lamentably failed in his endeavour to make out his proposition. He meant no personal disrespect to the Noble Lord, but he spoke the sentiment, he believed, of the House, when he said . that .the Noble Lord seemed throughout his speech to be embarrassed in his eloqueuce in an unaccountable manner. He suspected that the Noble Lord's conscience:here heavily on his powers, and the con . Viction that the measure hb advocated was calculated to effect the ruin of those very Protestant ministers whom he so highly eulogised, had pressed with such force. upon his mind as par tially to paralyze his efforts. He had risen chiefly on account of a personal allUsion to the course he had taken with regard to the Bill respecting the Irish Church, of 1833. It had been said that he had supported that. Bill. He confessed he. had done so, because he had felt it necessary to make some sacri fice for the attainment of a great object in Ireland. He had, however, last year declared, that although he deprecated the Commission appointed for the purposes of that measure, he nevertheless voted for it as a final measure. Some of his Ma jesty's Ministers then present could bear witness to the truth of its having been presented as a final measure. The case was very different as to the - present Bill, to which he professed uncompromising hostility. Nothing but the most overwhelm ing neces - sity could justify the authors of the present Bill in bringing it forward. If such a necessity existed now, it ex isted in 1833. Perhaps it would be alleged the necessity had not taken a specific form in 1833. It was then only floating in the atmosphere, without shape or consistence, and had since taken the form of a thundtirbolt against the Church, from the effects of which he hoped their Lordships would save them. The Noble Lord who had just sat down told them it was ne cessary to pacify Ireland. Would to God any sacrifice, short of the sacrifice of the most sacred principles, would pacify - Ireland. —( Hear, hear, hear.) This Bill would not have that effect, he would promise their Lordships. It did not apply to the whole of Ireland, but was destined to extirpate Protestant influence in parish after parish, until the whole country by de grees would become a solitude, so far as the followers of the Protestant Church were concerned. The measure for this purpose was called a measure to pacify Ireland—solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant ! As to the scheme of general edu cation contained in this measure, he held that it was the duty and the policy of the people to furnish the means of education for themselves. He spoke from long experience when he said that there was always greater zeal, greater punctuality, and a more earnest seeking after knowledge, where the people were themselves delighted to pay something towards the maintenance of the schools. gow, he wanted to know why an experiment could not be made of appropriating certain public funds to the purposes of general education ? The country was able to afford such an outlay, and the State was materially concerned in such an experiment. The very safety of society depended upon the religious education of the lower orders ; and he thought it would be much more equitable for the State to find the necessary funds than to dip their hands into the pockets of the Irish Church. Was there any other necessity for this Bill ? They had- been told it was necessary to pacify the Roman Catholics of Ireland. He (the Bishop of London) thought their Lordships had had abundant proofs of the futility of all such attempts.—(Cheers.) Measures had beeh produced to their Lordships which were to bring about a golden reign of peace, uniting all men together in the silken bands of harmony and Christian love. These measures had all signally failed, as their Lordships well knew.—( Hcar, hear, hear.) Nothing that was framed for application to Ire land had the character of finality about it. He ought, perhaps, to correct himself ; for there was something final in this mea • sure, which would carry destruction along with it. The pre .,,, amble of the Bill ought to state that after the year 1340 the Protestant Church in Ireland should for ever cease.—( Hear.) How could they expect to pacify the Catholics of Ireland—men who, from Randolph to Al'ilale, who out-Heroded Herod. had opposed the most virulent and uncompromising' N:sistanco to the Protestant Church and Government? By these men the Church of Ireland was represented to their countrymen as a "blood-sucking Vampire—an idol of Juggernaut—a badge of conquest, end a token .)f zervitude." These were the tennis in which the Protestant Church was held forth, to the people of Ireland by these to whom they looked up. How then could they I imagine that the sacrifice of 860 parishes would satisfy the de mand, or cruse pacification in that country ? Would they not hereafter demand the sacrifice of parish after parish, until every remnant of the " badge of conquest" was removed ? Would they not hereafter be for lopping off more branches, and for an incision • into the stem, mid at last come with the deadly axe to cut down the tree altogether, and cast it into the fire ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Finally, they would sacrifice, upon the altars of their ambition, the holocaust of a Protestant Church. The inmost. conviction of his soul was, that some such result as this would be the consequence of the .present Bill. After some further observations on' the advantages of a clergy consisting of educated men, moving in a class of life equally removed from luxury and poverty, the Right Rev. Prelate proceeded to contend that the present measure was completely inconsistent with the provisions of the Chtltrch Temporalities Act. Their Lordships ought to deal with Ireland as if it would some day become Protestant ; yet the direct tendency of the measure before them was to papalize Ireland. More over, the passing of this measure would infuse confidence into that body of men who were animated by malignant hostility to die Protestant Church, and who were bent upon effecting its destruction by storm or sap- a by force or fraud. Once let them flesh their sword in the blood of the Irish branch of the Establi:;lnnet, and was it to be thought tb:it they wou ld h e lees successful when the prize was so much richer, and the in ducement so much more .powerful ? He was not opposed to measures of real reform, but he could not consent to a measure of direct spoliation such as this—a measure of which it was not too much to say that it commenced in spoliation and sa crilege, and would end in ruin and confusion.—(Bear, hear. ) The Marquis of CLANRICA RDE said that the speech of the Right Rev. Prelate had contained allusions to Pro testants and Protestantism, as if the Protestants of Ireland and the Protestant religion of that country were alone de serving of the attention of the Legislature. 1:11it their Lord ships sat there-z-not all Protestants—to afford justice and pro tection equally to all classes of his Majesty's subjects, whether Catholics or Protestants. If they waited till next year, they would be compelled to do something less congenial to their feelings than they ,were now asked to do. They could not put off questions involving such substantial grievances as did this, without having them pressed on them with increasing i force. The Earl of WINCHILSEA said it was in vain to divine that if this Bill did not pass, the Protestant religion in Ireland would be overturned. On the contrary, if the measure passed, the Protestant religion in that country would he destroyed. In his opinion it would be better for the House at once to de clare that the Protestant Establishment in Ireland shoeld be destroyed, than to effect is destruction indirectly by slow and lingering degrees. The Marquis of C 0 N YNGHA M differed totally from every ward that had fallen from the Noble Earl. Although a land lord of Ireland, it was . not from a feeling of selfishness that he advocated this Bill. He did so for the purpose of promoting peace and tranquillity in Ireland. If their Lordships should so mutilate the Bill as to prevent its effecting the end for which it was introduced, he firmly believed that they would seal the fate of the Irish Church ; and would give her enemies such an advantage against her, as would make them repent the day when they refused to remove her abuses. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the gallery was partially cleared, when Lord PL U N KETT rose and addressed the House, saying that he was deeply impressed with the melancholy fate that awaited the Protestant religion in Ireland, if their Lordships rejected this Bill. He regretted the tone in which the Right Reverend Prelate had felt it necessary to address the House.— a tone so different from what they had been accustomed to hear from that Right Reverend Prelate. The Right Rev. Prelate said that the Roman Catholics were the authors and originators of those offensive expressions by which one class of religionists had abused another. The Right Rev. Prelate had alluded to the epithet of Juggernaut. Now, it so happened that this phrase of Juggernaut was first brought forward in the county of Cavan, by a Protestant gentleman, who accused the Roman Catholics of being the worshippers of Juggernaut. To which a Roman Catholic replied that he knew more of Juggernaut than the person who made the accusation drd. A Noble Lord bad said that Catholic emancipation had failed ; but why had it failed ? Was it because their Lordships bad carried that measure ? No ; but because they refused to carry it until they were compelled by an overwhelming necessity. There were persons who were born a year too late. With respect to the appropriation clauses of this Bill, it had been asserted that they were a violation of the principles by which the Protestant religion was maintained. That was a most gratuitous assumption. No argument had been adduced to show that this was an attack upon the Protestant institutions. By the sth Article of the Act of Union, the Protestant Churches of Ireland and England were identified in doctrine, worship, and discipline ; but was there anything in that article which identified the temporal possessions of the Church of Ireland with those of the Church of England? There was nothing of the kind. The Irish temporalities were altogether distinct from those of the Church of England. If they were not so, they bad 'been violating the Articles of Union ever since they were passed. It was said that by this Bill they were robbing the • Church. Now, he considered that the person who took the property of the Church without doing any duty for it, was the party who really robbed the Church. —( Hear ' hear.) Such was the clergyman who rec e i ve d four or five hundred a year without having a single Pro. Vestant parishioner. No Right Rev. Prelate complained of this species of robbery, which had been going on for the least 15b years ; but the wou2eut a word was uttered about appropriation, then the whole hierarchy were up with the cry that the Church was in danger, and every consequence was ready to be hazarded rather than such an act of spolia tion should be committed. 'But, so far from this being an act of deprivation, it was an act of restitution to Protestant purposes. The 12th of Elizabeth, chapter the first, which laid the foundation-stone of Protestantism in Ireland, enacted that there should be a free-school in every diocese in Ireland ; and that the Lord Archbishop of Armagh, the Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop of Meath, and the Bishop of Kildare, and their successors should have the nomination of the school roasters, from time to time, for ever—that was to say, every one of them in his own diocese ; and that the Lord Lieutenant should have the nomination of all the schoolmasters in the other dioceses of the realm. And it was further enacted, that the Bishops should bear one-third part of the salaries of the schoolmasters, and the Parsons and other Ecclesiastical per sons should pay the other two parts. The provisions of that statute were afterwards enforced by one so late as the statute of George I. So far, therefore, from this Bill being an Act of spoliation, it directed the appropriation of these funds to the very objects to which they were originally intended to be applied. The Noble Earl (Ripon) had argued that this was a violation of the Church Temporalities Act ; but that Act was not to be considered as final and irrevocable. This Act stated that its enactments wero for the advancement of re ligion. Was the education of all persons, were they Protestants or Catholics, against the advancement of re ligion ? On the contrary, he thought the more they educated, the more they would enlighten, the Roman Catholic mind, and thereby advance the Protestant religion. If they wished the Protestant religion more prevalent, they would not make it so by opposition, by attack, by preaching one religion against the other.—(Hear, hear.) They all recollected the second Reformation, which was to have made all Ireland Protestant. He believed that some thought they actually saw the finger of God in that second Reformation. They all knew how it ended.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted most devoutly that he should never see a third Reformation.— ( Cheers.) If that consummation which they desired was ever to take place, it would not be by individual conformity, but by prejudice being removed from the great body of the people insensibly—by a change occurring without their know ing it was in progress. The educated Roman Catholic in Ireland of this day was no more like the Roman Catholic of a hundred years ago than he was like a Protestant. The Ro man Catholics of the two periods were totally different beings. The present Roman Catholic, as compared with reference to the Roman Catholic of former times, might be considered a very good Protestant.—(Cheers.) The way to bring them still closer together appeared to him for the preachers not to be constantly pointing out the differences that existed between them, but to expatiate rather on their points of resemblance. —( Cheers.) He had many more remarks to make, if he had time, but at this late hour he would not detain their Lord ships longer. The Bishop of LONDON had not made the most distant allusion to the Roman Catholic Clergy—he had spoken of the Prelacy, and he had imputed to them nothing but the fact of their avowed and determined opposition to the Protestant Church, and their resolution to subvert it if possible. Of the Roman Catholic Clergy at large, he said nothing; and he begged to assure them that—when he made use of the strong expression, the " malignity of faction," he did not allude to them. _ _ Lord RODEN would take the liberty of referring to some of the observations of the Noble and Learned Lord. At one moment he had highly eulogized the Protestant Clergy of It:e land, and the next he had described them as roDbers of the Church ; as individuals who held benefices ia Ireland taking the emoluments, and making no return. Knowing them as he did, he must say, in justice to them, that he did not believe there was one of them deserving the character given them by the Noble and Learned Lord. Lord PLUNKETT explained. The Earl of RODEN had no hesitation to state, that the existence of the Protestant Establishment was the great bond of union between the two countries; and if once that unfor tunate moment should arrive, when they would rashly lay their hands on the property of the Church—( Hear, hear)—`.o rob it of its rights—( Hear, hear)—that moment they would seal the doom, and terminate the connection between the two countries.--( Cheers from the Opposition benches.) This was the language of the Noble and Learned Lord in 1824, and this was the language which he would take the liberty of adopting as his own in 1835.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that in the division their Lordship would show that, the House of Lords were not to be put down by any set of individuals Wail might endeavour to rouse the spirit of the country to over-rule their Lordships' independent judgment. As to the threats which were to be heard abroad, having reference to their con duct on this occasion, he trusted their Lordships would prove to the country by their vote of to-night, that if the Peers of England were to fall, they would fall in preserving the dearest rights of Englishmen, and in protecting the Protestant faith, which there was an attempt made now to destroy by a faction, under the influence of what was - called the spirit of the age.-- ( Opposition cheers. )- Be cared not fdr the arguments of the Noble Lords on the other side of the House—(A laugh and cheers)—arguments they bad none—assertions they had plenty. The Noble Lord at the head of the Administration acknowledged that though he was a party to the Bill he could not justify it on principle. He gave the Noble Lord credit for his candour ; he had manifested on this occasion that openness of character for which ho was distinguished—( Hear, hear) ;—but as regarded the measure which the Noble Lord recommended, he must say that it partook too much of the' complexion of a restless disposition not to alarm every sober minded man. He felt that it was necessary in these times to speak out.—( Hear, hear.) Lord PLUNKETT said, with reference to the quotations made from a speech formerly delivered by him, it might be sufficient for him to declare that he had changed his opinion— that he had yielded to necessity—( Hear, hear, hear): but he begged to say that he had not changed his opinion ; he consi dered himself now as not only not making any attack on the funds of the Protestant Establishment, but as apprying them simply to their original purposes, and thus, by the most effec tual means in his power, strengthening the Establishment— ( Cheers. ) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he could not allow this question to go to a vote without stating, in a few words, the ground on which he formed his opinions. And he considered this the more necessary after the speech of the Right Rev. Prelate, who had spoken:with an ability that did not surprise him, because be had listened to him on many other occasions with the highest degree of admiration. The Right Rev. Prolate, in his able speech, appeared to call on some of his Majesty's Ministers, who were responsible for introducing this measure, and also the measure which he presumed was a final measure in 1833, to state what' was the difference between the circumstances of 1833 and those of the present time, which imposed on the King's Ministers the necessity of pro posing a new system. He would tell the Right Rev. Pre late that there had been a very great change in the circum stances, and that it had shown itself to be of a nature to endanger the safety of the Church of 'lreland, the object of this Bill being to maintain it. Such bad been the change, that a Noble Baron sitting on the opposite benches bad told their Lordships, that the official knowledge he obtained during the short time he had a scat in the Cabinet had convinced him there were circumstances in the state of Ireland which called for au immediate measure for the security and pay ment of the Church—a measure such as was produced by this Bill taking_ it altogether. However disposed their Lord ships might be to separate the appropriation clause from the rest of the Bill, he begged to tell them that they could not do it.--( Cheers.) With this clause they would lose that provi sion for the Church of Ireland which the clause was calcu lated to secure. The Right Rev. Prelate said he would sup port Ireland, as if he would one day become Protestant. The experience of two hundred years, confirmed by that of the last fifty years, told them that there was no probability of Ireland becoming generally Protestant, so long as they acted under that delusion. To consider all the acts and establishments in which Ireland was interested with reference to her becoming some day Protestant, was likely to make her less Protestant than she otherwise would be. He believed that it was because they bad so acted—because they had so blinded and de luded themselves—that they had introduced that state of things which the Right Rev. Prelate had not entered into, because it would not suit the purposes of his arguments. While this prin ciple had been in operation, Romanism had gone on progres sively increasing; so that wherever Protestantism was 1 to 3, it was now in theproportion Of I to 9. He could hardly suppose the Right Rev. Prelate to be serious, when he argued, that in England they had less need of an Established Church because the Protestants were so numerous; while in Ireland we had the greater need of it, because there the Protestants were so few. That principle, if good for any thing, would go to this extent, that the amount of the establishment ought to be in proportion to the smallness of the number of its vo taries. The principle amounted also to this, that that ought to be the established religion which was the religion of the minority.. This would be in direct opposition to the course which was taken in Scotland. The Act under which the esta blished religion of that country existed, recited, as a reason for the change, that their religion was the religion of the majority. He had not the smallest idea, however, of trans ferring the established religion to the religion of the majority in Ireland. He must admit that the case of that country was one singularly complicated and artificial. Even if their Lord ships should reconcile to themselves such a transfer, be thought it would be attended with every species of evil and danger. ......( Hear.) Ministers were compelled to adopt a measure of an anomalous nature, that being a great anomaly with whiCh they had to deal. The more they delayed the remedy, the worse the disorder would become, and the more diffi cult of cure. He contended that no injury was done to any lay Protestant in Ireland by this Bill. In considering the Church he viewed it not so much with reference to its ministers as to the laity of which it was composed. The Noble Marquis then referred to the smaller provisions made for the clergy in districts where there were but few Pro testants, and contended that the principle laid down was sanctioned by ancient custom. He referred to a casejn which the living was 900/. a year in tithe, and 5001. a year in glebe, in which there was no church, no glebe house, and no Pro testant rector, the service being performed by a curate in a coadh-house. He contended that the Protestant religion was more likely to be encouraged than otherwise, by the establish ment of such places of devotion as were adapted to the con gregation. He had under his hand a vast number of details, into which he would go, were it not that he was reluctant to trouble their Lordships with them at that late period. By passing this Bill the House would be taking another important step towards the tranquillisation of Ireland. Already one im portant step towards the achievement of that end had been made in the measure for altering the mode of collecting tithe ; yet when that measure was introduced, many excellent persons evinced a similar alarm to that now exhibited ou the other side ,of the House, and exclaimed, " If you attack the system of tithes in Ireland, you will endanger the safety of the Church itself." Yet, looking at the ooliseclueuces which had resulted from the passing of that measure, how often must those who had opposed its progress, and who were sincerely attached to the interests of the Protestant Church, lament that it was not adopted sooner. But unfortunately on that occasion, as on this, their Lordships were persuaded that by a little delay, they would reconcile the people of Ireland to the system of collect ing tithe—the result has shown how completely they were mis taken. Not only had the old system of tithes been left to rankle in the feelings of the people, but the system of com position excellent in itself, came too late, and their Lordships wore now compelled 'to admit, as the late Government was compelled to admit, that the composition for tithe could never be collected as it might previously have been collected, and nothing short of military force could compel the payment of a tax which, of all taxes, to all people, and in all times, bad always been the most obnoxious. Charlemagne himself had found great difficulty in compelling the payment of this odious impost, when he first imposed it on some of the Continental States. One of the Ministers of that powerful Monarch, in reporting to his master, said, " You will do well to abandon the collection of tithe in this country (Germany), for the people are not yet converted to your faith, and tithe is not a tax that can be collected from a people who do not believe in your religiou."—( Hear, hear.) This Bill abolished tithe and provided a liberal maintenance for the clergy, which it placed on a far safer and more sure basis. And whilst it provided thus beneficially for the future, it afforded an indemnity for the past. It provided for the whole of the arrears of tithe, and placed the Protestant Clergyman at once in a situation .of independence and respectability. He did not mean to say that this Bill was free from anomaly or objection, because it was impossible that any measure relating to a country which was of itself a bundle of anomalies, should be free from anomaly or objection : but he maintained that the Bill now proposed would establish a state of things infinitely less objectionable than the system which at present existed, and at the same time would contribute to the stability and usefulness of the Church Establishment. It proposed no confiscation for the benefit of the Government, but the application of the surplus Church revenues for the general instruction and improvement of the people.—( Hear, hear.) After a few words from the Bishop of LONDON, which were inaudible, and from the Marquis of LANSDOWNE in reply, which were also inaudible, _ _ Lord BROUGHAM said that the grounds on which he should give his vote had been so amply stated by his Noble Friends who had spoken before him, that he did not think it necessary to say any thing in addition to what they had stated. But he could not help asking their Lordships, before they went to a vote on this question, just to consider one party, whose interests he thought were at stake, and on whose behalf he should like to address their Lordships in the character of coun sel on that occasion—he meant the Protestant Clergy of the Church Of Ireland.---( Hear, hear.) It was mighty easy for a Noble Earl on the bench opposite, than whom no one could ever express himself more honestly, more sincerely, and, there fore, in his (Lord Brougham's) mind, more satisfactorily—it was mighty easy for that Noble Earl, in his great enthusiasm for the Church of Ireland—in his misplaced zeal for the cause of the grotestant Clergy—to say that he was prepared to lay down his fortune or his life in the cause of the Protestant Church, and defence of the Protestant Ministers, for whom the Noble Earl had so great a respect—and it was mighty well for the Right Rev. Prelate to say, " Let us die for the Church of Ireland—let us fight the battle of the Church of Ireland on English ground ;" and it was also mighty well and mighty easy for the Noble Duke on the bench opposite to say, " I am prepared, on behalf of the principle, to make any sacri fice." It was mighty well for all this to be said by the Noble Duke and the Right Rev. Prelate, and the Noble Earl ; but there were two ways of making a sacrifice, two ways of lay ing down fortunes, two ways of laying down lives. The one was to say you were ready to do it, when you were certain you would not be called upon to do so ; and there was also an other way somewhat similar—the doing it not in your own person—doing it vicariously, and, as it were, by proxy. You say you will lay down your whole fortune, and consent to 'starve, before you will assent to certain propOsitiens ; but all the while you are making that assertion, you know very well you will never be called upon to fulfil it, though you do know that by the course you are taking, you are causing others to starve---actually and positively to starve, not one by one —not one here and one there; but everywhere and in all parts of the country—actually and positively to starve in the way, that figuratively speaking, you say you are willing to starve yourselves. It was for these persons, for the 'Pro testant clergy of the Established Church, that he presumed to address their Lordships. If this Bill were not allowed to pass, what probability was there of tithe being collected for the next 12 calendar months? Rejecting these 28 clauses, had their Lordships considered- what provisions they would introduce in their room ? Unless some adequate provision were made, the whole of the Protestant Clergy of Ireland would be plunged into a situation not only of great distrces and great suffering, but of great hazard. Unless this Bill were passed, they would, in fact, be called upon instantly to make good 650,0001., the remaining, two-thirds of the 6,000,0001., which a few years since was advanced for their relief. As the law now stood, lio option was left for the Attorney-General as to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, unless they proceeded at once against the clergy for the re covery of that sum, they would themselves be liable to im peachment. With these twenty-eight eta.tises" omitted, the Bill would go back to the House of Commons only to be ex tinguished.—(llear, hear.) He repudiated with scorn and i:nlignation the charge that the Bill, as it stood, was a Bill of spoliation, and robbery. It was not a measure of spoliation and' robbery. If there was any spoliation or robbery at all is the Bill, the Church Temporalities. Bill was just as - much a measure of spoliation and robbery. Yet the Church Tem poralities Bill had many advocates and supporters on the opposite side of the House. Before their Lordships omitted this part of the Bill, it was fitting that they should consider the grave and deep responsibility they were about to incur. The other House of Parliament would pass no Bill in the shape in which they should choose to mould it, merely because they desired them to pass it in that shape. If in this instance they should do so, he (Lord B.) should be, as regarded the Irish Clergy, agreeably disap pointed. But from what he had seen of the other House, be did not believe they would agree to the Bill in its altered shape: The Members of the House of Commons were as fOnd of their privileges as their Lordships were of theirs. They would have the Bill with the twenty-eight clauses, or their Lordships might depend upon it they would not have it at all: Their Lordships eight succeed that night, but the Commons would succeed to-morrow night. But there was this difference between the sort of success that would be en joyed by both Houses. Their Lordships' triumph would end with throwing out the Bill, because they were engaging with toe Commons in a contest in which, in the long run, the Com mons must inevitably prevail. The Marquis of WESTMEATH admitted the difficulty of dealing with the question, but attributed the whole of the diffi culty to the conduct of the Gevernment. The Earl of WICKLOW said that it was a great error to suppose that the million had been given to the Clergy—it was in reality voted for the relief of the defaulters in tithe. It was, too, in consequence of the unstatesmanlike declaration of the then Lord Althorp, that all tithe would from the date at which he spoke be abolished, that such a vote was rendered at all ne cessary. Lord HATHERTON rose amid cries of " Question." He merely wished to refer to the observation made by the Noble Earl who had just addressed the House, with respect s to what he was pleased to call the unstatesman conduct of Earl Spencer, in declaring in his place in Parliament that no more tithes should be collected in Ireland.—( Hear.) Having been present at the time when the ascribed decla ration was said to have been made, he might take the liberty of saying that the Noble Earl's version of it was not correct.—( Hear, hear.) The discussion arose on the propo sal for voting 600,000/. to the clergy in consequence of the arrears of 1831—that year in which a sum of 12,0001. was col lected at a cost of 28,0001., and during which a series of collisions between the King's troops and the peasantry took place which assumed very much the character of civil war. It was with reference to those events that Lord Spencer de clared that his Majesty's Government would desist from such a mode of collecting arrears of tithe. It was from this an nouncement that the misapprehension as to the collection of tithes; in any shape, had taken place.—(Hear.) - Lord MELBOURNE—The subject has been so fully dis cussed on the introduction, and I had then such an opportu nity of stating my views and opinions respecting it, that it is not now my intention to take up your time by any remarks with regard to it ; but I think it right to express it as my conviction that you ought to understand distinctly the situa tion in which you stand.—( Hear, hear.) I think it right that you should take the step which you intend to take with your eyes open ; that you should be fully aware of the conse quences of it • and that you should look well to that which has been so fairly and distinctly, and with so much feeling, placed before you—namely, the situation in which you will leave the Protestant clergy of Ireland by the vote to which you seem inclined to come.—( Cheers.) A Noble Lord at the beginning of the debate thought fit to say that he would make such amendments as he thought fit and proper in this Bill—that he would make it as perfect as be could—that those parts which he considered objectionable he would leave out—and that he would place on us the responsibility of refusing to carry on the Bill in its altered form. My Lords, the two principles involved in the Bill have been de cided by resolutions of the House of Commons--(Cheers)— they are closely connected on the grounds of reason and corn- An sense • they are subjects naturally close allied ; they be long entirely to one another; and, in my opinion, it is impos sible to settle the one in a manner which would be satisfactory to the people of Ireland or of this country, without settling the other.—(Cheers.) Therefore I have determined, that if you carry this proposition—if you leave out this clause—l shall certainly not be a party to proceeding any further with the measure.—( Loud cheering.) I shall decline to take any steps towards sending it back to the House of Commons in such a shape as that it is impossible that it can, either in point of form or principle, be agreed to.—( Cheers.) The Duke of WELLINGTON—One word, in conse quence of what has fallen from the Noble Viscount. The Noble Viscount has stated what were his intentions in case the proposition of my Noble Friend should be carried. The Noble Viscount, as well as the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Brougham) alluded to the consequences which would befal the unfortunate persons who were the objects of this measure. My Lords, I earnestly entreat notwith standing the menaces of the Noble Viscount and the Noble and Learned Lord, that you will agree to tbe motion of m y Noble Friend. (Loud. cheers from the Opposition.) The Noble Viscount said that those parts of the Bill to which you are disposed to consent, and those which you feel it your duty to reject, are intimately connected. For soy part, ,I can on ly say that I have liatened with the utmost attention to the course of argument on this subject, and I must declare 'that I cannot trace that connection.—( Cheers.) I have looked into the accoluitsl have examined with the utnloat care and at. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, ACGUST 25, 1835. tention those papers' which the Government have thought it their duty-to lay on your Lordship's table, and after a diligent perusal of them I do not hesitate to express a hope that you will not sanction the degree of spoliation which this measure proposes, and which, after squeezing every shilling for the un fortunate subjects of your legislation, and after annulling the effects of an Act of Parliament which has already been passed, will be found to amount only to a sum- of 40,0001.--( Hear.) The Noble Marquis has spoken of the receipts of the clergy. Why the whole funds would only allow them a stipend of 301. a year each. The Noble Lord opposite was pleased to say that he was now entitled to your Lordships' support, because at an early period of the session he announced his intentions, and notwithstanding you continued to give him your support during the session of Parliament. It is perfectly true that we (meaning the Opposition Lords) have given him our support during the session ; that I have done everything in my power to forward the business of the Government, and that I op- pose it on this occasion, and with reference to another Bill, only because I consider it my duty to give it that opposition.—( Loud cheers.) I can assure the Noble Lord that I am sorry he does not intend to carry into execution this measure. I shall feel happy in giving him every assistance in the performance of the business of tho country, and in rendering it as easy as:possible to him ; but he cannot expect that I should fail in performing the duty which I, in my situation in this House of Parliament, owe to his Ma jesty and to the nation.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) Con sidering the manner in which the measure was brought for ward in the other House of Parliament, I do not think that it is quite fair that the responsibility of the failure of the mea sure, or the sufferings to which another class of persons may be subjected, should be visited upon those who now vote against this part of the measure.—( Cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM—This is a money clause, if you strike it out, you destroy the Bill.—( Hear. ) Viscount DUNC ANNON—I only rise to say that if this clause be struck out, you leave the collection of tithes to be made under much more severe enactments than those under which they are collected at this moment. Ido hope, therefore, that my Noble Friend will adhere to the determination which he has expressed, because after your Lordships have removed the clause which can alone render the measure acceptable to the people of Ireland, every step you take in the further pro gress of the, measure can have no other effect than that of offering an insult to the people of England as well as of Ireland. Their Lordships then divided— Non contents l3B Contents.. 4l Majority against the clause 97 The House then adjourned at half-past two o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS. APPEALS.-THE HON. DAME ANNE DOSCAWEN OR WARRENDER V. THE Hog 7. SIR GEORGE WARRENDER. This day at three-quarters past two, Lord BROUGHAM pro ceeded to give judgment in this case, and had read over the preliminary statement of the facts and pleadings of the ap peal (which was gone through in May last,) when The Earl of FALMOUTH begged leave to suggest to the Noble 'and Learned Lord who was pronouncing the judgment of their Lordships' Hottse, the propriety of postponing the' further reading of it in the absence of another Noble and Learned Lord at present out of town, who had hitherto taken a great interest in the case, and who, from the short notice given by the Noble and Learned Lord now presiding, could not possibly be aware of the delivery of judgment then taking place. The appeal was one of considerable importance, in volving as it did a decision bearing on the Scotch law of mar riage, in which the public must be deeply concerned, and on the bearings of which he understood there was at this moment some important differences of opinion among their Lordships who had taken the trouble to attend to this appeal. In mak ing this suggestion to the Noble and Learned Lord, he was solely actuated by the desire that his judgment should be given in a fuller House. Lord BROUGHAM said—This declaration on the part of the Noble Earl, occurring as it does at such a time, places me in a very painful situation. lam accused of indecent haste in this judgment. Now, I have in my possession a letter from my Noble and Learned .Colleague, to whom I sent a copy of my judgment, stating that he entirely agrees with me in opinion on the case, excepting only the trifling point of—( Here some interruption at their Lordships' table occurred.) Lord Brougham continued—Yes, my Lords, I am virtually charged with giving a hasty and unfair judgment, in a case which has undergone the most deliberate hearing and careful considera tion—a case in vvbielsi if any other person were concerned, judgment would prehabiy have been given three months ago. And this charge comes from a Noble Earl who did not hear a• word. of it. He evidently wants to have a new hearing in this case before the Chief Baron of the Exchequer and, other Learned Lords, and so to lay the foundation for a new judg ment ; but it is impossibly by the law ,of England to have a new heariiig insthe circumstances of the present case. The Earl of FALMOUTH only wished to secure more pub lieity.for the very imp9rtant judgment. The Earl of MA:- SFIELD said that, perhaps, on considera tion the Noble arid Learned Lord would acquiesce in the pro priety of- acceding to a short delay ere he delivered his final judgment on this appeal. • Lord BROUGHAM said that every day's delay might be of the greatest injury to the respondent. In the present aspect of affairs the session might. be expected to close in a few days, and their Lordships might put off judgment till May. Now, I shall certainly not allow such a course without offering my protest on the whole proceedings. Your Lordships may move on the Noble Earl's suggestion if you will, but I shall vote against it. (His Lordship here took his seat on the . Woolsack.) The. Earl of FALMOUTH proceeded to explain (in a very low voice) his views of the advantage of a short delay, when Lord BROUGHAM interrupted him, and, starting on his feet, exclaimed, I now feel myself driven to the painful necessity of asking the 'Noble Earl, as he perseveres in this course, of which I clearly perceive the object—l will now ask the Noble Earl, the brother of the present appellant, if he has not spoken to other Noble Lords, with a view to interest them in the result of-this case? And, in particular, I will ask has he not applied to Lord Abinger, the Chief Baron of the Ex chequer ? (" Oh, oh.") The Earl of FALMOUTH arose, in great agitation, and so lemnly declared that he had never done what the Noble and Learned Lord imputed to him. The Noble and Learned Lord had done him great injustice. , Lord BROUGHAM understood the request to Lord Abinger and others to be, " to be present at the re-hearing." The Earl of FALMOUTH.—No ; not a rehearing, but at the judgment. Lord BROUGHAM said that the effect would be the same, for that Lord Abinger would ask for a rehearing. The Earl of FALMOUTH explained—He had only stated his anxiety that there should be a. judgment with full notice, se that many of their Lordships, now out of town, who had previously attended, should have the opportunity of being present. - ' Lord BROUGHAM believed that Lord Melville was the only lay Peer who attended throughout the appeal, and had entered into it sufficiently to take part in the judgment. The Earl of FALMOUTH did not want to interfere with the judgment ; but he did want the presence of Noble Lords who had taken an interest in it throughout, and who could not have all received timely notice of the Noble and Learned Lord's intention to proceed at half-past two to-day. Lord BROUGHAM exclaimed against the alisurdity- of this avowal in an individual circumstanced as the Noble Earl was. Did any mortal ever dream like the, Noble Earl of taking part in a judgment in a case in which be was a party? He could tell the Noble Lord that his present attempt was of all others best calculated to pull down the appellative judicature of that House. The Earl of FALMOUTH must stop the Noble Lord, he could not allow such imputations. Lord BROM Asi was proceeding to observe that where Judges were canvassed—( Here several of their Lordships' voices were heard in earnest commentary on the conversation.) The Earl Of FALMOUTH declared with great warmth, " I cannot see those most near and dear to me the subject of— Lord BROUGHAM, in a loud voice, " Hear, hear." He then rose from the Woolsack in a state of great excitement, and exclaimed, " Now the secret's out I The cause of the Noble Lord's anxiety in this affair is avowed to the House I This is no longer a Court of justice, nor anything like it. I will therefore postpone any further proceedings connected with the judgment under such an aspect of affairs, and enter my pro test against whatever may be done in it afterwards. Only for the Noble Earl's indiscreet avowal the public would never be led to imagine that a brother of one of the parties could think of sitting in judgment on a case in this House. Such a thing would never enter into the head of any Judge in the Court of King's Bench, or any other Court, where a brother or sister was concerned in the judgment to be given. He would rather be in any other place than on the bench at such a time. The Earl of FALMOUTH rose to explain, labouring under deep emotion, and said a few words which were inaudible be low the bar. _ _ _ _ _ Lord BROUGHAM must repeat that the Noble Earl's pro ceedings to-day contained the most unheard-of, extraordinary, and all-but-fatal interference with the course of judicial pro ceedings in that House, which ought to be an example to the whole country for purity and integrity. The Earl of FALMOUTH said that the Noble Lord had treated him most unjustly. He had been totally misunder stood by him, and his conduct and intention most erroneously attacked. _ Lord BROUGHAM would not postpone the judgment; it would be a suicidal proceeding under the circumstances. He should oppose the motion if it were persisted in, on the ground that Lord Lyndhurst was present during the argu ments, and had coincided in the judgment in writing, and that no necessity existed of waiting for him to be present at its delivery. The Earl of MANSFIELD proposed that his Noble Friend should be allowed to withdraw his motion. Lord BROUGHAM could not allow the motion to be with drawn, and the matter to drop there. Looking to this day's experience, he declared his intention to revive the Bill that he had formerly prepared, for the purpose of giving the ap pellant jurisdiction to the Privy Council, where no brothers or other persons interested would be allowed to be present as Judges. The Earl of MANSFIELD then moved that the House should adjourn. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE suggested that a postponement should take place to a day at the shortest possible distance from the present. Viscount CANTERBURY supported this view of the subject. Lod BROUGIIAM—WeII, I shan't say no. The Noble Mar quis has put the proposition of postponement (say till to-mor row) upon•a very tangible ground, and I shall allow the Noble Earl to withdraw his motion. On the suggestion of the Earl of Mansfield (we believe), the Earl of Falmouth immediately disclaimed any intention or imputing unfairness, or of hurting the feelings of the Noble and Learned Lord in the motion which he had made for delay He had been most unfortunately misunderstood throughout. Lord BROUGHAM also declared, that as the Noble Earl had — disavowed all intention of 'insinuating unfairness on his ptiris or of wounding his feelings in the course he had taken, he also felt bound to withdraw any accusati3n against the Noble Earl. which he might have indulged in under the feelings of the moment. The motion was then withdrawn, and the judgment pod poned till to-morrow. THE ST. AUDRIE'S ESTATE, SOME SETSHIRE. We cannot refrain from giving an extract from Mr: George Robins's description of this property, and we have rea. cen t° know the picture he has drawn is by no means overcoloure d. The domain extends to about 1,300 acres. Particularse -- " Custom bath for some time past rendered it a matter of course to offer a few preliminary observations, with a view to show as concisely as possible the prominent features which are after wards to be developed at greater length—it is said, and by great authority too—that there are sonic customs " more ho noured in the breach than the observance," if the writer of this article could arrive at this conclusion it would be a most Wel come experiment. In the course of a long professional career, he has rarely found himself more at a loss than he now does to do justice to the picture he has to draw, yet avoid the too come mon prejudice of believing the drawing to be too highly ee loured. The next difficulty is to know where to begin, and it may be imagined that to end will be still more so. The por tico to the mansion strongly indicates the order of architectur e to be Gothic, while the commanding stone front would tively proclaim it to be of the Elizabethan order. It is seated on a verdant lawn of considerable extent, adorned by the ma jestic timber of the park, and on the side by a French garde n ' disposed in most admirable taste, with , a pond for gold and silver fish, and a splendid orangery ; near this a grotto' 4 f . in comparable beauty, full of valuable foaiils ingeniously plakle" a subterranean cave, with an infinity of pleasing objects, pne and all proclaiming in language not to be misapprehended, th.l t judgment and good taste must have presided at everycounci i of deliberation ; the reader is then led almost imperceptibly into the plantations and woods, which are of considerable ex tent and beauty; on arriving at its termination, the first gra n( ' view of the fine bay of St. Audrie's and the vast ocean is pre sented. (The lands from thence to the water • are all in con nection with this fine demesne.) From the stupendous cliffs is presented one of the most extensively varied, and interesting pictures the mind can well imagine; he must indeed be fasti dious who retires from such a scene unsatisfied. The Weleb coast appears close at hand—Swansea on the one side—the Monmouthshire vale—the Glamorgan hills, all, within east view. The two grand features on the water (independent of the light house) are the steep and fiat Holmes, two immense islands on the sea. Retiring from this grand view, the mean dering of the waters in the retired glen gives a lively indica tion of their proximity. Within an acre or thereabouts, the master mind of the respected and highly talented proprietor, la most conspicuous. The waters have been seduce from: 4ll°4 ' original course to form a combination of cascades and water/0 passing through the thickly wooded groves and until it approaches the rock; on the summit of then e interest ing grounds is the fishing temple, strongly indicative of con summate tact and, good taste in its completion. To a .contem plative mind Mr. Robins ventures to promise a rick treat if he will be tempted to devote an hour in quiet and repo: is to O l t s delectable spot. Progressing towards the mansion tiarong ° the park it will be seen, that by dint of good sense and ear_ judgment the magnificent hanging woods that at first wow e d suggested as an ornament only, have the effect of entirely & l int ting out, or indeed permitting an easterly wind' to obtrude, 1. baneful effects into the mansion. There is • a continuatierv ° these lofty hills carrying the eye in careful watchfulness ove r a vast expanse, so far as it can reach and all ilothed with tim ber. The little peeps and breaks which ingenuity has sug gested, are frequently to be seen. There is, throughout, such an air of tempered wildness as would gratify the eye of.e° lover of scenery, without offence to those who are incline t° look rather for evidences of the superintending hand 'of care and cultivation, and it may be added, that if in this world 1 0 are allowed to approach Elysium, it will not be far distan t .from St. Audrie's. A deer pail( of Considerable extent is ca - : closed by a stone wall, seven feet high ; it is taus separate d from the other, and gives security to the famed doer which are, . seen in great numbers. Something might, and prO‘bably to be, said of the climate. Mr. Robins will contere nigclf by observing they hardly know the meaning of such a w ord as epidemic, all appear in rude health, and the medical pn ,fession becomes almost a sinecure ; and East Indian returning to' , Eng; land with an impaired constitution, will indeed find G°`: send' in this purchase. The bathing is capital, and close a' hand, with fine sands and a magnificent bay. There are tio entrances to the estate from the high road, the one, from Min e " head claims to be most distinguished.. The lodge is quite clas sical, and the walks and rides cannot be accounted less thall six miles. They must really be seen to be appreciated." THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.) HAY MARKETS.--(At per Load of 36 Trusses• ) CUMBERLAND. Meadow H. X 3 16 X' Coars , heavy Lowland ri.,... .ay - - 4 - 0 Slew Meadow Hay 3 5 4 1 5 , Useful Old Ditto ' . 4_ 10 5 1 Fine Oidand Meadow and Rye grass Hay - 10 Clover /lay 3 15 2 6 Oat Straw— ...... A. 2 oto £2 2 Wheat Straw 2 4 SMITHFIELD • g 4 5 Coar,e heavy Lowland Meadow Hay ' , 3 5 r , — 4, 0 New Meadow 1-Jay Usefol Old t ;at° Fie Upland Me.ulow and Rye grass Hay 1 0 Clover Hay (extra flue! ..Z5 15 ' Generally .‘ ~.... rt IS 2 5 ' Oat Straw £1 16 to .2 0 , Wheat Straw .........:.; 2 '0 IIIiNGEIWORD. Coarse Meadow Hay New Meadow Hay . . 3 i( ) Useful Old Ditto Fine Upland Meadow and Itye grass Hay Clover Hay Oat Straw £lllB to .C 2 0 1 Wheat Straw ... . PRICE OF.BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Aletropo!i3 is 7d. for the 4)b• There are others who sell from a half-penny to three half-pence *hat rate. PRICE OF R Per Cwt, New English Red Clover4's. 50s 52, OW Ditto Ditty • At Ditto • New Foreign Ditto —s. —s. —s Old Ditto Ditto fiBs. 48s. 50s New White Clover 183.5 4 35. Ws Old Ditto Ditto —s. —s. —s New Trefoil • 14s 20s. 223. OA Ditto —s. 14s. 17s Rib Grass l4s. its `2os English Carraway —s. Css Foreign Ditto —s 5%. (12s Coriander —s 10s_ 12s Raposeed, Enghsli tine ;per Lax Plat:E . ; OF K,ot Pockets (per cwt.) Choice ditto Kent Bags Sussex Pockets Superfine ditto Old Duty laii .EDS.-Aug. 24. Per Quarter. St. F0iu...... Rye Grass .:3 s. 3 0 5 . 4,. , Paeey Grass ....-s. 40: , .. '' ~ 0 , Linseed, for feeding ...—s. fr-. , ,„ Ditto, for sowing —s. 70s. 7,"' Ditto, for crushing _s. 505 , 1.3 7,t Canary —s. 445.." Hemp —s. 445 , -•°'" 7 Per Bushel White Mustard Bs O. • 1 3 . 6 t . Brown Ditto - .12s. Cd. 1 4, . " . Tares .., 7B ( , d. 7s. 61 " t - ; 281. 31/. ...... Foreign,---- HOPS —Aug. 2i. 4' 45. 5 0- to 01 0 ... 0. o'. to 01. 0 , CV. 0.. 0' Cs to 0 oi. 41. 0, to 4r. 10 , . 0/. 04 o'. Os. to ei. 0 id at 220,000/. WriITECIIAPEL HAY NIARISET.—Aug. 2 2 tlay 753 411. to 105 s. f l / 4 1 ) Clover 100 Straw 313 , t 1 to 4i;3 d .te 1104 ea. PRICES OF LEATHER s to Per lb. 0 to 0. Per lb. Crop Hides, 30 to 401 b each II 13 Horse Hides, German l4 .:¢ 40 50 --50 60 l3 17 iCalfSkine,3o to 401 b. (doz.)• 1 4 ) 7 , Bull Hides Butts, Vitriol - 50 fie '2" .71 - English -- 70 19 0 --- r oreign Foreign Hides - small. lli 0 Dressing Hides ',.., 14 Shaved .... 13 16 Bails " es Ba-t Saddlers Hides Horse Hides, English ...... 14 17 Shoulders 7 • If rounded 21 to Id per lb more. PRICE OF OIL Rape Oil, brown, per ton, 41. lOs —Refined, 45% IN.—Linseed Oil, 4. Linseed oil Cake at the Mill, t WOO , II '. Os Cake, per t0rA?!....,.., COAL MAUI •Per Ton s. a Adair's IS 0 .ET.—Aug. 24. Per Ton Bra,iley Main, Stanhopu 16 6 S. 4 Clic,sterNlAn Dean's Primrose l6 9 Holywell l9 0 Ditto Reins l7 6 Pontop Windsor :17 6 3111pcote l5 6 ._ _ Tatitield Will ngt:on l9 3 Silkstone Wilson Silkstone Clark ...... 17 3 Wl.llB End & lark and Co. l7 3 Walls Etal Gosforih' 2O 3 Ships arrived since Walls End Killingworth ...... Walls End Newmarch ...,.....• 1 8 0 Walls End Northumberland.. ! s 0 Walls End Perkins ............... Wall; End Walker ............... !!: Walls End Itraddy ............ Walls End Hadwell ............. Walls End Hetton ............... Walls End LambVn ............ Walls End Stewart s ....... 0 Walls End South Durham Walls End Tees Walls End St. Helen's Tees.. Ig9 Walls End Elgin ............ .alt market day, 0 (ADVERTISEMENT. ) T-T E ' PATENT LEVER WA TC— ,o With silver double-bottom cases With silver hunting cases 6i" h•ch This celebrated construction (the most accurate on v(- 1 , 46 , watch can be made) is now offered, with the latest improvenl!Lj, i. e. the detached escapement, jewelled in four holes, c B Y, t er hand to mark the seconds, hard enamel dial, and maintaining P,°, 0 %. to continue going whil e w i n di ng up, at the above price, by T. SAVORY, Working Silver and Goldsmith, 47, Cornhill, IRTHS. • On the 12th inst., at He ss e llombourg, the lady of Lieut enant' Colonel Sir Charles Dance, of a son. On the 24th inst., at Plasket, Mrs. W. Champion Streatfield, of a daughter. uo t, On the 20th inst., at St. Leonard's, the lady of R. 11. gin e ' Es On q., a son. hter• the 23d inst, at Sydenham-common, Mrs. Nix, of a da u g o f At the Spa, Gloucester, the lady of William Jones, Escl'' Clytha, Monmouthshire, of a son. __.------'. MARRIED. At Melbury Osmond, Dorset, William Henry Merry, E s q 'john geon, Maiden Newton, Dorset, 'to Emma, only daughter da Cave, Esq., of the former place. lat e On the 11th ult., at Thursley, John Leech, Esq., of Lea', ho Member for West Surrey, to Mary, only daughter of the late J° Knowles, Esq., of Heath Hall, Surrey. iT ,,, On the llth inst , at Grantham, George Blake, Esq., uf,'"'„7 Norton-street, Portland-place, to Mary Ann, eldest daug"' Peter King, Esq., of Leicester. DIED. On the 22d inst., at Bath, Charlotte, wife of George Law, 5E q" of Lincoln's Inn, and Montagu-place, Bedford- square. 4- f the On the 22d inst., at South Lambeth, Mrs. James, relict ° late Thomas James Esq. On the 2lst inst., , Mrs. Mary BelStY, of Box Tree Hone , l‘iar gate, in her 89th year. e, J 3ll . . On the 23d inst., in Albion-street, Hyde Park, Elizaheth ye daughter of Octavius and Elizabeth Jane Greene, aged tiv9 ). and knit- months, bel l On the-16th inst., at Duntroon Castle, , Argyllsh.ire, _,.1.-tie Lucy, daughter - of Neili Malcolm, j• 2 Esq., aged nine 1 1, 9 1147/- un London : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, S : „, o tt 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in t he of Middlesex. !, E fro It teed twos fAiy Cp.s, C Fill 'hg 8, ,T ken, en gr s•tt tq.;, , V UN ( Iv ," tu,„ rn ot , 12 . r e, Lon, O 4 1 , r to to t'eW t tl k s ti c „ shad . c J¢ s*, i i