The Sun. — London, England, 1835-07-16 00:00:00

PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. It is proper that the country should be told, that the Tory Peers and factious courtiers are forming fresh designs to overthrow the Liberal Administration, and to defeat the consequences of the Reform Bills. A special meeting was held yesterday at the Duke of Wellington's attended by the Tory Leaders of both Houses, when the Party, it is rumoured, resolved to hazard the dismissal of Lord Melbourne's Government practicable. We can further inform the Public, that a decided schism exists among the Opposition, as to the policy of Sir Robert Peel with respect to the Ministerial measure of Corporation Reform. Al though Sir Robert Peel has hitherto succeeded tolerably well in controlling the Tories in the House of Commons, he has not converted the Peers. On Monday we exhibited Mr. Croker as the de structive Commentator on the Corporation Bill in the Quarterly Review. We know that the Ultra Tory Lords participate in his estimate of the mea sure. A considerable portion of the Tory Press has not concealed its abhorrence of Municipal Reform. Yesterday a manifesto appeared in a laboured pam phlet, entitled " What should the Lords do with the Corporation Reform Bill?" The authors of this pamphlet—for the authorship is plural —recommend to the Lords a " bold stand," and hesitate not to point out " the position which Sir R. Peel ought to have taken." The Tory pamphleteers, in a subsequent passage, indicate the mutilations which the Lords " ought" to effect : " The Ministry have fairly outwitted themselves in their prompt attempt, and had Sir Robert Peel happily seen his way to the advocacy of the 101. franchise, he would have secured the confidence of the Parliamentary electors, and, on ths re jection of the Bill, would have insured a majority on a dissolu tion. He has not seen this ; but it is yet not too late. The Commons will not alter, but the Lords may ; and if the Lords show a willingness to cede all the material points of reform, without involving confiscation or household suffrage, they may yet arrest successfully the progress of this extreme revolu tionary measure." The pamphlet abounds in the grossest errors and the most absurd fallacies ; but it is temperately written tap an Alarmist tocsin, and the palpable drift of it is to gain over the Lords to the destruction of the measure. The Pamphleteers place before their Lordships the awful alternative : " On the other hand, should the Lords pass it, what will follow? The national consequences have been before de picted; and though we may for a few months pause, the move ment will have proceeded beyond recal. Republican princi ples will gather strength under the increasing boldness of the ' Men of the Movement,' until, during the weakness of' a Re gency, or the crisis of some unlooked-for calamity, the Mo narchy may sink before a Long Parliament, and a Protector or a President succeed." If such really would be the consequences of Muni cipal Reform, the " Men of the Movement " would, indeed, have reason for rejoicings —such few as are Republican ; but the false prophets will not impose on their countrymen. All these diatribes are intended to make the Lords gird up their loins, and fight for abuses. How long is the Reform Bill to be neutralised by the Tory Peers ? We would not, however, wish to put before the Lords plainer truth than the follow ing extracts from this pamphlet, which follow a lamen tation over the effect of Parliamentary Reform :- 4. When, under the Reform Act, the nomination boroughs were destroyed, and the elective franchise was so largely ex tended, the House of Commons became, in the fullest sense, independent of the Peers. The whole House was at once dependent on popular feeling; and though property and sta tion may exercise some influence, yet Public Opinion will exercise far greater, and the feelings of the House of Peers will never for themselves be respected. Now it is manifest the real government is in the Commons. The Peers will not dare to exercise a check upon them, save where such a check will be consonant with public opinion. Should they stop a popular measure which has the support of the Commons, the Supplies' afford an opportunity of commanding obedience, which the Commons are now accustomed to, and which nei ther King nor Peers can escape." The sense of these passages is excellent, whatever the design of the writers might be. The Appropria tion Bill is not passed ; the loss of the Irish Tithe Bill must be the destruction of the Irish Church-- these are securities for the conversion of the Lords, which give us some confidence that they will not pro voke the people. We should say that the immi nent question is, " Shall the Commons or the Lords govern."—Morning Chronicle. In another column will be found an abstract of the Bill introduced into the House of Commons by Mr. G. Poulett Scrope for the relief of the poor of Ireland. The question of the second reading is fixed for Wed nesday next. It would be difficult to select a more thankless office than that of legislating for the poor of Ireland in the present state of opinion with regard to poor laws in those quarters which are most likely to be influential with the Legislature, and even with the people themselves. The Irish landlords are, generally speaking, against a compulsory provision. Mr. O'Con nell is against it and for it. He is against it in his speeches, and for it in his votes, but his speeches are of much more importance than his votes, for the former produce an influence upon thousands of his while the latter is a mere isolated in dividual act, deprived of all influence, except its weight in the division, by the counteracting force of the observations which more than neutralize its efficacy. Under such circumstances it is, we repeat, a thankless office to legislate for the poor of Ireland, and perhaps some portion of the reluctance manifested by Government itself may be ascribed to the same ap prehension. But all this only adds to the merit of such men as Mr. Scrope, who persist under such cir cumstances in using their humane endeavours to pre vent famine from continuing to be the epidemic disease of that country. Mr. Scrope's Bill aims at introducing into Ireland the principles of the poor law of Eliza. beth, through the machinery of the Poor Law Amend merit Act of last Session. But the bastardy clauses are omitted, and the workhouse system is omitted, and in lieu of that system is sn'ostituted employment upon public works and home colonization, with the ultimate resource of emigration, in cases which may call for such a remedy. It is evident, therefore, that an at tempt has been made in this Bill to avoid the most objectionable parts of the poor law machinery, a ma chinery to which we feel such strong objections our selves, that we will own we were startled at the first view to see it extended under any modification to Ire land. To the adoption of the principles of the poor law of Elizabeth we apprehend there will be but little objection amongst those who admit the necessity of a compulsory provision. It is a delusion to expect that anything short of that can be permanently beneficial, or even for the time effective to any considerable extent. Talk as they will of the danger to property under such a law, it is nothing to the danger, coupled with disgrace, of allowing multitudes to perish, or pretending to save them by the mockery of temporising expedients. Ireland has tried the " voluntary prin ciple" of relief long enough, and it has failed. Com pulsion, however disagreeable, however unsentimental it may sound, must be resorted to, for this plain rea son, that there is no other way of apportioning the relief to the wants of the people, or of equalising the burden upon those who ought to contribute, but by compelling all such to do so. It may be natural enough for the Irish landlords, who have never paid a single sixpence in poor rates, to think that they will be so much the worse off for every sixpence they are called upon to pay—to think that every successive de mand will be so much out of their pockets without the prospect of any return. But however natural it may be, we cannot help considering this a very short sighted view of the question. Tranquillity alone would be tantamount to capital in Ireland. It would act as a stimulus to improvement by removing the great pres sure which has long kept it down. Public works and home colonization would do much as parts of the new system, but little or nothing of themselves. The land lords must be roused to activity. They must be shown and forced to see that it is their interest to pro vide employment for the labouring classes, that they have duties to perform, as well as rights to exercise and rents to squeeze out of indigence and suffering. We cannot, however, expect, after what has already passed on this subject in Parliament, during the present Ses sion, that any thing will be done in the way of direct legislation. The excuse of the Commission of In quiry is still as strong, and will be as strong on Wed nesday next, as it was a week or two ago. But it is one good symptom for the cause, that such motions, instead of being scouted, follow fast upon each other's heels, and that the necessity of taking some step is now so far admitted, that the opponents of Poor Laws are driven to act upon the defensive. We trust that, as they cannot long find excuses for delay, they will yield with a good grace to the growing opinion of the country, and the frightful evidence of distress upon which that opinion is founded. —Morning Herald. ; I -"`Under the affected label of We can't afford it, a second phial of vitriolic acid, though we must allow much weakened in its effect, has been poured out upon the " Aristocracy of England," by that busy nostrum dealer " Isaac Tomkins, gentleman." The purpose of this person's former effusions could with some little difficulty be guessed at--they were attacks on the no bility and gentry of Great Britain, in their characters, political and social. They discovered some smartness, and more spite. This, which is now before us, makes manifest a certain progression in the author's mind, for it is literally all spite, without even one particle of that very frivolous accomplishment, vulgar though it be, which is usually termed " smartness.' The greater portion of what Mr. Isaac Tomkins putteth forth on the present occasion, is in form a repetition of his pre vious doings—in its design it is a puff upon them. However, there is here and there a direct proposal to be met with, curious for its indication of the species of animals to which Isaac Tomkins belongs. It is not twelve months since this individual, who went at that period by another name, announced repeatedly that too much had already been done in the way of altering our laws—and that thenceforth, (he then holding an office for which he was as fit as would have been that superannuated scaramouch Joe Grimaldi),—he, we say—lsaac Tomkins—then assured the people of England, that as too much had been done already, the progress of change must be arrested. What does he say now ? Why, he tells us that to complete our emancipation from the Tory yoke, which it appears has not yet been half effected, the qualification " must be lowered," the establishments " must be lowered," all but the police, which must be prodigiously " en larged ;" the King's Court must be cut down, because "we can't afford it." The overgrown salaries and all unmerited pensions must be smashed, because " we can't afford it ;" and in yielding our full assent to this proposition, we must add, that if any quack or pre tender within the realm should happen to have twitched out of the national store-room, and swallowed a pen sion of 5,0001. per annum for doing nothing but posi tive mischief, while keeping the whole world in hot water, by a restless and eternal gabble about the good he " meant to do," that said quack is precisely the first subject whereupon to try the experiment of the stomach-pump, and see to what extent he could be forced to carry the process of disgorging. We have no time to follow out the wanderings of our hero, but will now set him on his legs before our readers, and let him play his own tight-rope pranks for their amuse ment. The following passage relates to the Whig Ministers, and a comfortable birth Mr. Tomkins has assigned them : " They mean well enough, what little they do mean. They will grant reductions when there is no possibility of refusing them. But all Ministers like a quiet life ; fear to quarrel with the beards,' and the ' offices,' and the authorities % tremble at the very name of a Court revolt, and therefore na turally hate movement of any kind beyond everything. The present Ministers (from the peculiarity of their position, and not from any original fault) are more than any that ever ex isted, under the influence of such feelings or such principles, if we may so call that which annihilates all principle. They have no power of doing as they like ; on the contrary, they must do as everybody else likes. A threat, a word, a look from the Tories will head them back, till they find that worse looks (because accompanied with blows) from the friends of liberty await them if they retreat further. So the pressure from behind will drive them into something like reform, till the angry looks and the big words of my lords the Peers, and my lords the Bishops, and my masters, the worthy Baronets, and other lords of the soil, become too awful to be resisted. Their object is just to do enough to keep the Liberals from revolt, without doing so much as to break entirely with the Tories; just to give the people what they dare not withhold; and when driven to reform by their support, then to go just as far as they dare for their adversaries. The natural state of such a Government is absolute inaction ; but, hard fate 1 even that refuge is denied them. A body pulled opposition ways may he torn to pieces; but that is not their position. No party draws them to itself; they are in the state of a body pushed or driven in opposite directions, which seeks safety in stand ing still. But this resource is not for them I They have a powerful body of nominal supporters ready to crush them in one instant, if they dare to stand still. Thus —unable to move—and not permitted to rest, their existence is a scene of buffettings and crossings, and all without any fault of theirs, but owing to their false position in a half-liberal Parliament. Accordingly, their most strenuous supporters have lately put forward their unexampled weakness as their title to the pro tection of the people. It is a little strange, however, that men so circumstanced should not perceive that protection and alle giance must be reciprocal ; that the people will only stand by them if they keep to their principles ; that their only safety is throwing themselves on the country ; and that of all the dan gers which can beset them, the greatest, the most fatal, is their refusing to persevere in reforming courses. " It does, therefore, seem, beyond all reasonable expec tation, that the Whig Ministry should ever set seriously about relieving the country. They must have far stronger in citements applied--and they must be much stronger in Par. liament, before we can hope from them any effectual retrench. ments." The next quotation contrasts mighty prettily with die Tomkinsiana of August and September, 1834 ; and must satisfy Lord Viscount Melbourne what an irretrievable loss he has sustained by not bestowing some of his legal patronage on so truly liberal and so enlightened a political philosopher as Mr. Isaac Tom kins. In the mean time, as the Devil sometimes quotes Scripture, so can Tomkins, when he forgets himself, bolt out a good marketable truth : " I fear much that the Liberal party—their leaders, cer. tainiy—but even the bulk of the party, care little for Reforms, except as the means of keeping themselves in and the Tories out, and will give their ally, the people, only just as much as is wanted fur that purpose ; will not quarrel with the Court, will not face the Nobility, and, above all, will not give up any share in the saddle.' When I see any measures carried which really increase the people's comforts by giving them cheap food, cheap drink, cheap Government, I shall retract my opinion. " But at the root of all these is the merciless and unmingled Aristocracy of our Government—that Aristocracy, in the spirit of which all our institutions are framed, all our concerns administered, and all our Parliament-men bred. " Only consider how this pernicious spirit works in every quarter. A Minister, even a liberal and an honest one, asso ciates with the upper classes, and with them alone. In this select circle he lives and moves and has his being. Born and educated in this atmosphere, the odds are, that the air he has already breathed should affect his constitution and habits—that the medium he always sees through should affect his vision. But suppose him to have made a vigorous effort, (such a one as few of the Whig leaders are likely to make, and certainly none of their Tory colleagues), be must do a vast deal more, and suffer far greater pain than this violence done to his own nature will have cost him, before he can do any good, the least in tile world. He must face the frown, the sneer, the horse-laugh of all he ever sees in society ; he must be prepared for everything short of being shunned by that refined society which I have been so much abused by some for praising too highly, but which I really thought I had treated with reasonable severity. He must at least make up his mind for losing all the comforts of these circles, but only from and after the day he quits his office, unless, indeed, his powers of conversation are such that he is in dispensable, or his brilliancy in debate is such that no one dares, for the fashion's sake, be without him. Conceive only the appearance of a Liberal Minister (or Member of either House) in one of those high circles, the evening of his bring ing in a Bill to take away the pensions of the nobility and their ladies, or convert the costly royal palaces which they oc cupy into places of public use, or lop off some fourscore use less and expensive places which they hold ! Many a man had rather march up to a battery, than face the clubs and the draw ing-rooms after proposing or supporting me asures so Radi cal !' so wild I' so shocking to all delicacy !" so unworthy an English gentleman !' And thus it will always be until some portion of the people themselves sit in Parliament, or at least until they choose men ready faithfully to represent them—men who will do their duty, and insist upon a cheap Government, without the least regard to the loss which the Crown may suffer in its influence, and the nobility in their comforts. Till then, the people of England have about as good a chance of obtaining their just rights from our aristocratic assemblies at Westminster, as the negroes had of getting theirs from assem blies of planters ; and for exactly the same reasons."— Times. The King of England was yesterday threatened, in the official gazette of his Ministers, with the loss of his throne and with expulsion from these realms, if he should not see fit to take the course prescribed by his constitutional advisers, through the constitution a l medium of their own journal. The high crime and misdemeanour for which the King and the Royal Family of England are to be subjected to this punish ment is thus defined by the Ministerial gazette of Tuesday last :—First Count—" That whereas only some two or three of the Ministers have been invited on rare occasions to the Royal table, as an exception to the general rule of their exclusion." Second Count—" That no Minister reported in the Court Circular to have gone down to Windsor on public business connected with his department, has ever been admitted to a night's lodging in the Castle." The above are the two first counts in the informa tion laid by the journal of his Majesty's Minis ters against his Majesty. But the indictment mercifully proceeds to express (as a charitable palliation for the heinous crimes charged against his Majesty) a hope " that the workings of the cabal upon the Royal mind may not have produced a grave cala mity, to which it might beindelicatefurther to allude." It is thus that a humane solicitor, to whom the duty of prosecuting a culprit has been confided, asks for a verdict against the prisoner, throwing out the hint that if the plea of " Not guilty" be withdrawn, and " Guilty" entered in its stead, the prisoner may hope to obtain mercy on the grounds of " Temporary In sanity," or some other plea, which the ingenuity of his Counsel may set up,- and to which the prosecutor will not take exception ! But, should the prisoner adopt the injudicious course of persisting in the plea of " Not guilty," —or, to use the words of the indictment, to " Let it be fully perceived that no permanency of liberal policy, at home or abroad (i.e. no invitations to dinners or beds at the Castle), can possibly co-exist with the powers which the consent of the nation has delegated to the head of a family (meaning the prisoner) whom it has raised from the government of a poor insignificant province, to a situation of unexamp l e d a ffl uence an d sp l en d our , then indeed the law must take its course —or, in the allegorical words of the indictment,—" Who that is capable of comprehending the character of English men can hesitate as to the conclusion to be drawn from a conviction of this kind being once firmly impressed upon their minds ?" i. e. upon the minds of the Jury, who must eventually return a verdict accordingly— and the prisoners be left for execution I It is in those terms, and after that fashion, that the King of Eng land is now daily addressed by the avowed journal and organ cf his Ministers. It is fit that the country should clearly see and determine what shade of differ ence there exists between this language held by a journal known to contain daily lucubrations from these Ministers, and a manifesto drawn up and signed by Ministers themsel v e s . Th e connec t ion o f t h e Ki ng ' s Government and the Morning Chronicle—the iden tity of their interests, and, as it were, of their existence —is known, not only to every Member of the House of Commons, but to every Member, if not of the whole, at least of the political, commu nity. The principal "hand" on that journal (to use the language of the profession) is that multifaced Commissioner—that " trusty and well-beloved cousin" —openly named as editor of the Morning Chronicle, by Mr. Charlton, in the debate of Tuesday night last. The obligations of the Government to this Gentleman are many and various, and the Commissionerships given by the Government, in requital, are various and many. There is a running account between them, balanced, as it may be, weekly, monthly, or yearly. If there is a good " Commission" about to be set on foot, " our trusty and well-beloved cousin" is the first to know it—and to be provided for in it. He is the right•hand man—" to get up a feeling, or get up a row"—to communicate with a Political Union at Bir mingham—or t o o p en a par l ey w i t h t h e gent l e natures of the Trades' Unions in some other loyal city or borough. But, to take notes for what Mr. Edward Ellice calls " a scalper for Royalty," there is no one like " our trusty cousin." In this respect " the well-beloved" is invaluable, and is, accordingly, " hail fellow well met,"—" hand-in-glove" with the Treasury Bench—from the highest to the lowest. Lord Palmerston does not hesitate to submit his ungloved hand to his greasy clutch—and the Right Hon. Mr. Thomson gives him " the grip" with a bro ther's cordiality. The all but eicial communication of the Government with this Gentleman is not attempted to be disguised—no more than the Gentleman's own editorial position at the Morning Chronicle is at tempted to be denied. The one may be seen daily in the lobby of the House of Commons ;—the other may be ascertained nightly at the office of the journal in question. With this Gentleman we say the con nection of the Government, and their hourly inter course, is not denied. Can, then, their participa tion in, or foreknowledge of, these attacks on the Sovereign—if not their absolute dictation of them— be doubted ? The Editor of the Morning Chro nicle has influence with them sufficient to procure a copy of a Bill not delivered even to Members of the, House themselves (as exemplified in a recent instance)—they have influence with him to give effect to " hints" which no other Journal (not even the Globe or Courier) would have the hardihood to publish. The Judges of the land read these lucubra tions, and they are loud in the expression of their opinion —but the Attorney-General is mute. " Rank treason I" is the exclamation from the lips of every loyal man in the country ;—" powerful writing" is the commentary from every mouth on the Treasury Bench. The threat of expulsion to the Sovereign from the Throne and country appeared in the Ministerial Journal of the morning, and at noon the same day, these men stood in his presence, and scanned the lineaments of their Royal Master, to see if they grew pale under the denunciations launched against him ! But will the country calmly look on and see the King subjected to these indignities ? Will the Gentlemen of England wait until the satellites of Mr. O'Connell, like the soldiers of Brennus, break into the Senate-House, and pluck the beard, and smite with the sword the heads, of our Senators ? Is it no sign of our subjection to this man and his " Gauls," that the Sovereign is thus openly insulted—and threatened by his own Ministers, that if he will not admit them to eat at his board, and rest beneath his roof, he shall be pulled down from his seat ? Or do we wait until on some nearly balanced question of our Church, or some, to us, equally precious institution, Mr. O'Connell should unbuckle his belt and brand— and fling them into th e sca l e as " measurefor the con quered .nglish?"—M orn i ng Post. The rejection of Lord Radnor's Bill by the House of Lords, for dispensing with the subscribing to the Thirty-nine Articles as a test of admission to the Uni• versities of Oxford and Cambridge, is a melancholy evidence of what may be expected from the intellect and liberality of that assembly. The Noble Mover ably argued that the existence of such tests, which have no parallel in any other University in the world, is a disgrace to our country, and a reproach to our religion. The Bishops, on the opposite side, contended that the subscribing to the Articles: was considered as a mere testimony of the matriculator being a member of the Church of England, and not as a voucher of his belief in the Articles themselves. Now, after such admission, is it not worse than ridi culous to hear rational men contend for the continua tion of a system of falsehood, whereby individuals are required to attach their signature to what they do not understand, and which even if they did, it is not expected they should believe ? Nor are there, we confidently assert, any two members of the Church perfectly agreed on the whole of the Articlis es. The conscientious man who f or b ears attaching h signa ture to an incomprehensible and inconsistent document is excluded from the favourable cultivation of know ledge ; while the reckless tyro signs his name without thinking of his religion, and struts into collegiate ho nours to the exclusion of his betters. The Bishop of Llandaff, with an affectation of liberality, recommended the establishment of separate Universities for the Dis senters, which, as Lord Melbourne, in an eloquent and admirable speech, displaying considerable research; proved to be calculated to keep alivedissensions and jea lousies, and prevent our youth from meeting at one place in common, and being urged on by that spirit of liberal emulation so advantageous in the prosecution of learned and scientific investigation. The Duke of Wellington admitted having signed the Articles when lately dubbed Doctor at Cambridge, and contended that the Uni versity of Oxford could not maintain its authority, if there were to be any discussion, or if Dissenters were to be admitted to its Halls. Doctor Wellington is right in his opinion that many of our ancient and 'vene rable institutions can neither bear the test of investi gation nor discussion. The majority against the se cond reading was 106. So much for the wisdom of hereditary legislation I However, the time is approach ing when other tests will be applied to their Lordships ; and, though, for their own sakes, as well as for the peace of the country, we wish them safe over the or deal, we have our misgivings—their case seems one of hopeless inveteracy, at least requiring a remedy as ra dical as the disease of their constitution. For our own part we should wish a lenient treatment ; but if a just and righteous necessity be forced upon the country, our motto is —fiat justitia ruit e(elunt..llforning Advertiser. POST-OFFICE. THE STIN, LONI)O.ST, l i ftritsDA y, JUL 16, 1835 The motion of Mr. Wallace, last Thursday, for the ap pointment of a Committee to inquire into the management of the Post-office, ended, like many other motions for in quiry into long-existing and acknowledged abuses, without any specific result. As is much the practice in the discus sion of similar subjects, the speakers vied with each other in pointing out the vices and defects of the system com plained of ; a good deal of indignation was expended at the bare thought that the evil had been left so long to exist, and the state of the matter, after being rendered still more glaring than it had been previously, was left just as it was. Until a permanent set of Commissioners be appointed to manage the business of the Post-office, Members of Par liament may go on deploring its defective management, and inveighing against it, to just as little purpose as they have done on this and other occasions. The testimony of Lord Lowther about the unwillingness of the Post-office authorities to give information speak volumes, not only as to the unfitness of certain matters connected with the office to transpire beyond a certain sphere, but also as to the force of the reasons somewhere existing for a wish that ths sys tem should go on working in the same snug way as it has done till now. His Lordship, who is acknowledged to be the best man of business in Parliament, seems to have taken more pains in making himself acquainted with the details and intricacies of the Post-office service than any Post master-General that we have seen at the head of the de partment for many a year. His statement is entitled to particular notice, not only on that account, but because it establishes a concurrent testimony from men of all parties as to the existence of very material defects and abuses, and as to the necessity of divesting that department of the drawbacks which have hitherto embarrassed its means of utility to the public service. It was remarked in the course of last Thursday's discussion, that during the space of the last five years the head of the Post-office had been changed not less than five times. Now, as each newly-appointed Postmaster-General must have had to go through an apprenticeship of some months, before he could under stand the complicated machinery of the service placed under his direction, and became sufficiently acquainted with its details to detect every fault and imperfection, and judge of the proper means to be employed for its improvement, it is evident that the greater part of the time he was in office was passed in a state of tutelage and dependence, under the very subalterns who had most prospered by the existing system, and therefore were, .of all men, the most interested in its continuance. At no time did the inconvenience of this almost incessant change in the head of the Post-office department become more ap parent than during the negotiations with France for an in crease of communication between the two countries, equally beneficial to both. The initiative of every proposition was assumed by the French authorities, as many of our readers must have seen by the accounts which appeared from time to time in this paper of the nature and progress of the ne gotiations. Every one of the Frenoh propositions, tending really, as experience has since shown, to the general interest of both countries, was met with objections, delays, and dif ficulties, as if they embraced any point which was not clearly and equally conducive to the benefit of the two nations on whose behalf they were brought forward. But, thanks to the perseverance of the French authorities, and to the energy and zeal displayed by the Duke of Richmond, when his Grace had begun to understand the merits of the pro posed arrangement, a convention was passed, in 1833, be tween the two Governments, binding each to an exact ful filment of the stipulations it contained. Four of the French propositions, however, were left out of that con vention. They were decidedly objected to on this side of the water on various grounds, all however amounting to this—that the few individuals who had the good fortune to have its management in their hands could not think of relinquishing any portion of their emoluments, as they would have to do if the remaining French propositions were allowed to take effect. The propositions in question went-Ist, To render optional the payment of postage on letters going from England to France, aad vice versa, by which the whole postage might fall either on the sender or the receiver of a letter. 2d, To let the stamped news papers of each country go by post to the other, and there in circulate, free of any charge of postage. 3d, To abolish the war tax, kept up to this very day, on letters destined for either country, which tax amounts to 6d. in England, and 12 sous (6d. also) in France, whereby the postage on a single letter would be reduced from Is. 2d., that it is now, to Bd., as paid previous to the late war, and so on in proportion to the size of the letter. 4th, To esta blish a certain guarantee on money letters, as in the case in France, whereby the transmission of money by post would become more safe than it is under the present system. It may not be unnecessary here to state, that an arrangement, founded on stipulations exactly similar in substance to these propositions and the convention of 1833, has long since been entered into by the French Post-office with the Post-office authorities of the States bordering on France, excepting only Spain and England, and that the working of that arrangement has been found by all parties concerned completely to answer every desira ble purpose. The French Post-office authorities, with a zeal and disinterestedness which reflect the highest credit on them, have more than once, since the passing of the partial convention of 1833, endeavoured to bring about a reconsideration of the four propositions left out of that convention, with a view to their ultimate insertion therein in the shape of supplementary articles. An indirect ne gotiation was at length entered into, and would most probably have led to a satisfactory adjustment of every unsettled point, had the Duke of Richmond, then English Post master-General, despatched to Paris at the proper time an agent invested with the power of singing a preliminary agreement, or protocol, with M. Conte, the chief director of the French Post-office. His Grace, however, put off the matter until his arrival at Paris, where he was going on private busines. At the time of his visit to that city, the two Postmasters-General soon came to an understanding as to what remained to be done ; but the Duke of Rich mond conceived he was not at liberty to put his name to any fresh articles of agreement until the English New Post-office Bill came into operation, as some of the clauses of the old law which that Bill was intended to supersede deprived him of the power of enforcing immediately the articles in question. His Grace, therefore, came back to London with the intention of closing with M. Conte as soon as the old law had expired ; but not long after his arrival he was, through circumstances rather unexpected, induced to withdraw himself from the Cabinet, so that the fate of the four supplementary articles, because they were not found by his successor embodied in any protocol or pre liminary agreement, became more than ever precarious and doubtful. His Grace's successor being suddenly transferred from his important avocations at Almack's to the superintendence of a service of which he had not the remotest idea, was of course compelled to submit to the customary tedious process of gaining information. We have not heard whether his Lordship has been successful in his apprenticeship at the Post-office, nor whether he has even condescended at all to attend to the details of matters appertaining to so frightfully an unfashionable region as St. Martin's-le-Grand ; but this we have heard, that his -Lord ship left the French Postmaster-General in utter ignorance of his intentions regarding the negotiations which had been interrupted by the abrupt withdrawal of the Duke of Richmond, and chose to hold no communica tion with him, on other matters of business, than through Mr. Freeling, who merely wrote in his father's name as Secretary. So cavalier a mode of treating a gentleman, who was in official station his Lordship's equal, in some respects his superior, and his inferior in none, naturally created on the other side of the water a marked distaste towards any renewal of the negotiations. Nothing, there fore, has been done during the whole time that the Mar quis Conyngham has been at the head of the Post Office department ; and there seems scarcely the smallest chance of any further change for the better. It is really enough to put one out of all patience to think that this nation, its Parliament, and its Government, are to be all set at defi ance because of the want of a permanent Board to control the management of this important office. There is little use in bringing the subject before Parliament if the only result is to be an unanimous acknowledgement of the ne cessity of subjecting the whole Post Office department to a reform, and a reference to the lateness of the session, which condemns the country to another year's endurance of an avowedly defective system. We could almost have wished that, under such circumstances, Mr. Wallace's motion had not been brought forward at all, for what occurred in con sequence of it on Thursday can tend to nothing else than to make us the laughing -stock of our continental neigh bours.--Tines. LABOUR IN UPPER CANADA.—The Cornwall Observer says that from 3,000 to 4,000 men are wanted on the works going on in that neighbourheod.—Montreal Paper. A small cask, filled with gold coins of the reign of George 11., was found on pulling down an old house at High Coniscliffe, near Darlington, a few days ago. - - The Editors of the Gazette de France, Quotidienne, and France were acquitted, on Friday, but the Court of As sizes of the Seine, of the charge of havin g attac k ed the rights of King Louis Philip, in an article publi s h e d i n those Journals under the title of " Declaration Royaliste." TITHES OF TURNIPS.—Though the iniquity of taking a tithe of turnips fed o ff on the field for the purpose of m anuring it is apparent, as the tithe owner might just as well demand a tenth of the du ng w hi ch is carried out from the yard,—thoughit is even miserably short-sighted in him, as the crop of which the parson is afterwards to have his tenth must be so much worse,—though the decision of the Lord Chief Baron was unsupported by any previous decisions, still it re quires so much moral courage in gentlemen brought up in much respect for the law to attack the conduct and dicta of a Judge, that we can but express our satisfaction at Captain Pechell's exertions... Brighton Guariian. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS HOUSE OF COMMONS. NOTICtS OF MOTIONS FOR THIS DAY. 1. Mr. Charles Buller,—Bill to provide a competent tribunal for the trial of Conti-averted Elections. 2. Mr. Grantley Berkeley,—To move that a portion of the Strangers' Gallery be set apart for the accommodation of the Ladies. 3. Mr. C. Lushington,—Address for Copies of Documents relat ing to Female Emigration to Australia. 4. Mr. Wyse,—Bill for the establishment of a General Board of Charities in Ireland. 5. Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer,—ln case the Return from the Clerk of the Peace for the county of Carnarvon concerning Justices of the Peace be not previously made, that he attend at the Bar of the House. 6. Lord George Bentinck,—To that all Coals, Cinders, and Culm, be sold by weight. 7. Mr. Freshfield,—To move that the Imprisonment for Debt Bill be taken into further consideration on that day six months. 8. Mr. Freshfield,—Account of Writs issued from the Palace Court, Westminster. 9. Captain Pechell,—ln Committee on Limitation of Polls Bill, that Brighton be constituted a polling place for East Sussex. 10. Mr. Tulk,—Bill to provide for the payment, by the East India Company, of compensation to Mr. Buckingham. I. Mr. Carter,—Bill to regulate the Oyster Fisheries. 12. Mr. A. Trevor,--Returns relating to Maynooth College. 13. Mr. Harvey,—To move the insertion of a Clause in the Ex penses at Elections Bill. 14. Mr. Poulter,—To adsl a Clause to Imprisonment for Debt Bill. 15. Mr. O'Connell,—Select Committee on Foreign Lotteries. 16. Mr. Hume,—On going into Committee on Election Expense s and Qualification of Members Bill, to move an instruction that they have power to divide it into two Bills. 17. Lord Viscount Lowther,—Ropy of the Evidence taken before the Post Office Inquiry Commission. Municipal Corporations Bill. 1. Sir Robert Inglis,—To move four additional Clauses. 2. Mr. Rigby Wason,—That all Laws relating to Bribery and Corruption at Elections for Membe r s o f P ar li amen t b e app li e d to all Elections under this Act. 3. Mr. Herbert Curteis,—Clause to preserve the privileges of the Cinque Ports. 4. Mr. W. Miles to extend the boundaries of Coventry and Ply mouth. 5. Mr. Frederick Berkeley,--That Gloucester be removed from the second to the first division of Schedule A. 6. Mr. Brodie,—To move an additional Clause. 7. Sir John Buller,—To move the insertion of a Clause. 8. Mr. Parrott,—To move an additional PrOvisTi; the 10th Clause. 9. Mr. Hawkes,—To add a proviso to Clause 114. 10. Mr. Arthur Trecor,—To move that Clause 9 be omitted. 11. Mr. Winthrop Praed,—To preserve existing Corporate Rights. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY. 1. Weights and Measures Bill—Committee (at 12.) 2. Imprisonment for. Debt Bill—Further consideration of Report (at 12.) 3. Polls at Elections Bill--Committee (at 12.) 4. Steam Vessels Pilotage Bill—Second reading. 5. Election Expenses and Qualification of Members Bill—Com mittee (at 12. ) 6. Small Debts (Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 7. Lunatic Acts Continuance Bill—Committee (at 12.) 8. Public Carriages (Metropolis) Bill—Committee (at 12.) 9. Sale of Bread Bill—Committee. _ 10. Municipal Corporations Bill—Further consideration of Report. DROPPED ORDERS OF THE DAY OF YESTERDAY. 1. Civil Affairs (Ireland) Bill—Second reading. 2. Dissenters' Marriages Bill—Committee. 3. Stafford Disfranchisement Bill—Committee. 4. Superior Courts ( Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 5. Sheriff Courts (Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 6. Inns, Alehouses, and Victualling Houses Bill—Committee. 7. Music and Dancing Licenses Bill—Committee. 8. Bankrupts Estates (Scotland) Bill—,Further consideration of Report. 9. Supply—Committee. 10. Reform of Parliament (Scotland) Bill—Second reading. 11. Hull Merchant Seamen's Fund Bill—Report. 12. Ecclesiastical Courts Bill—Second reading. 13. Postage Bill—Report. 14. Savings Banks (Scotland) Bill—Further consideration of Rei. 15. Ways and Means—Committee. 16. Stamps and Tax Offices Bill—Committee. 17. Supply (13th July)—Report. 18. Supply (10th July)—Repert. DROPPED NOTICES OF MOTIONS OF YESTERDAY. 1. Mr. Lawson,—Return of the quantity of Flax imported into Great Britain and Ireland during the last four years. 2. Mr. Mackinnon,—Committee to inquire into the state of the Roads under the Turnpike Trusts in England and Wales. 3. Lord Viscount Ebrington,—Petition from Castlemorton, against the proceedings of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. 4. Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer,---To present a Petition for removal of the Civil Disabilities of the Jews. 5. Mr. Alderman Wood,—Bill for the regulation of Steam Navi gation on the River Thames. 6. Mr. Stewart Mackenzie,—Select Committee on the state of Education in Scotland. 7. Mr. Wallace,—To move an Amendment to Mr. Stewart.M‘Ken- zie's motion. 8. Mr. Wallace,—Return of the number of Mails between London and Liverpool daily. 9. Mr. Hume,—Return of all Superannuation and Retirement Al lowances from Public Departments, from 20th November to 17th April next. 10. Mr. Solicitor-General,—Bill for the alteration and improve ment of certain Offices in the Court of Chancery. 11. Sir William Brabazon,—ln Committeejon the disfranchisement of Stafford, to move that an additional Member be given to Mayo. 12. Mr. W. S. O'Brien,—ln same Committee, to move that the privilege of sending two Members to Parliament be transferred from Stafford to the County of Cork. 13. Mr. Edward Buller,—ln same Committee, to move that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the bribery and cor ruption which have prevailed at Elections for Stafford. 14. Mr. A. Trevor,—ln same Committee,—That one of the seats be transferred to Stockton-on-Tees. 15. Major Beauclerk,—ln Committee on Inns, Alehouses, and Vic tualling-houses Bill, to move that all such houses be allowed henceforward all kind of music for the entertainment of the public. 15. Mr. Thomas Dundas,—To move that the Hull Merchant Sea men's Fund Bill be recommitted. MEXICO. We have received the Report of tho Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico for the years 1834 and 1835 to the Cham bers, by which it appears that the present Government, al though not yet entirely free from the attempts of hostile parties, is bent on promoting the prosperity of the people, and re-establishing friendly and commercial relations with other countries. The state, however, of public spirit, and the feverish agitation produced by the struggle for ascendancy of Radical and Conservative parties, seem still to oppose great obstacles to the progress of Government, and to be a cause of anxious care to its members. " I have," says the Minister in the conclusion of the Report, " proposed every measure that appears to me necessary to secure order and public tranqui lity, and insure the safety of the citizen, and of his property. The principles of a Government that wishes to throw into oblivion all past errors, and to give greater extent and force to individual security, are necessarily liberal, and the Govern ment which entertains them is necessarily just. I have men tioned our past calamities with the sole object of putting our selves on our guard to avert them in future. Our position is delicate, and the ground upon which we stand has not yet ac quired all necessary consistency, since it is not yet entirely cleared of the parties that have struggled for power. The Administration, whilst with one hand repairing the damages which the social edifice had received, has had to repel with the other the enemies who attacked it." Notwithstanding this state of things, the industry of the country, particularly in mining and manufacturing, seems to be in a state of amelioration. Last year the silver extracted from the mines amounted to 1,042,546 marks (8 oz.) of 11 carats, two-thirds of which amount was yielded by the mines of Zacatecas and Guanajuato, which seem to be the richest of the republic. " This sum," says the Minister, " although not comparable with that produced towards the end of last cen tury, when there were years in which as much as 3,000,000 of marks were extracted, yet, considering the falling off in min ing work during the war of independence, when in the years 1817 and 1818 they scarcely yielded 200,000 marks, we may say that they are in a state of prosperity." The Mexican Government, with the view of encouraging colonization, and of . avoiding in future the errors committed on this point, propose the establishment of a junta or com mission, to form plans best adapted to facilitate the settlement of new colonies, and promote the prosperity of those already settled. Amongst these the colonies of Tejas appear to be in very good condition. The number of the inhabitants amounts to 20,000, and their annual commerce yields to the Government Treasury more than 1,400,000 dollars; but what still proves more satisfactorily their activity is, that one of their principal rivers is already navigated by steam vessels. Trial by jury, and other judicious measures, have been carried into effect by the Government of Coahuila and Tejas, for the benefit of the colonies. Other objects having the attention of the Government were treaties of commerce with the American neighbouring States, and with the different Courts of Europe ; several of these have been already concluded. The establishment of good po lice, particularly as regards safe travelling, of schools for public instruction, and of academies of history, with other branches of learning, were also contemplated. The account of the museum is interesting, and gives a perfect insight into the rich remains of antiquity which it possesses. It appears that it contains 200 historical documents, in hieroglyphics and Indian and European languages, two colossal and 20 small statues of Indian sculpture of a most exquisite and curious taste, vases and lamps, found principally in the excavation of the Island of Sacrificios, portraits, masks, music, and warlike instruments, and many other objects of the highest interest to the antiquary. These are said to establish a striking analogy with the antiquities of the Egyptians, of whom there is in the same museum a collection of more than 600 medals, some an terior to the time of the Ptolemies. There are not at present above half-a-dozen cases of felony from the West Riding for trial at the approaching Assizes, which commence on Saturday week; and that, in.. stead of the prosecutions from this Riding costing nearly 3,0001., as at the last Assize, it is not likely that, at this As size, they will not cost 3001. —Doncaster Gazette. OUTRE-MER ; oil, A PILGRIMAGE TO THE OLD Wom.D.---The author of this work is an American, who, inspired with a poetical yearning to visit the Holy Land, the Pays d'Outre-Mer, or Land beyond the Sea of the Old World, set out on his travels of love, and traversed France, from Nor mandy to Navarre, Flanders, Holland, and Germany, and even heard the gay guitar and merry castanet on the borders of the blue Gtadahluivar. In these volumes he retraces, in a very cic/ight.ful s e il it, th, tecoticetiow; of pic,s.-,nt hours and pic turesque places, which will be as fresh and delightful to the reader as if they were legcnd4 flowing from the pen of Wash ington Irvipg.—Atlas, POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. Mr. Hantond, a magistrate of the county of Kent, AP' peared at the Justice-room, in consequence of a summons served upon him, calling upon him, as chairman of the Limington's Paddle-Wheel Company, to account for a cer tain sum of money. The Company are occupied now is getting ready paddle-wheels for steam-vessels, not likely to cause tumult and agitation in the water, and the transac tion complained of took its rise from the management about the shares. After hearing evidence, the LORD MAYOR said that no proof had been given of the misapplication of the raoneYo and of course the charge fell to the ground. Mr. Hammond said that he should bring an action. GUILDHALL. Yesterday IVilliant Savage, the driver of the Salopiat► , and George Barnfather, the driver of the Tallyho, omni busses, attended before Mr. Alderman COWAN, to answer the complaint of Owen Evans, Esq., of Ulster-place, Re' gent's Park, for having damaged his britschka, and endu' gered his life, about one o'clock on Friday last, by racilir against each other down Skinner-street. The driver of the Tallyho said it was all the fault of Mr• Humphrey's client, for attempting to pass where there Was not room. Mr. Alderman COWAN said the man who was trying to pass was most in fault, for as the other was going fast hi should have followed. But the one who dodged an:l thwarted the oth er till h e d rove hi m upon t h e G ent l ema n carriage must also be punished. He therefore sentenced each to pay 40s. fine for their misconduct, and each to pBl half the damage. The driver of the Salopian paid these sums immediately , but the driver of the Tallyho was, in default of payment , committed for two months. MARLBORO UGH- STREET. NOVEL SYSTEM OF FRAUD,—Mary Harris and Mar. garet Skinner were yesterday brought before Mr. at'zil and Mr. HALL, charged by the officers of the Mendicity Society with going about to charitable persons, and ob. taining money by the following ingenious system The prisoners procured blank recommendations to medi' cal charities, which were afterwards filled up as the name of some of the patrons, recommending the applicant as a it, object for the attenti o n o f th e i ns tit u ti on on accoun t ol some afflicting' disorder which the patient was stated to be labouring under. Both the females were apparently in 4 most robust state of health ; but in their papers the 00 0 , was described as lab o urin g un d er an i ncura bl e di sease o f the heart and lungs, and the other was stated to be ocom sionally attacked by the " wipers dance." The evidence which the society's officers bad to pro' duce not being sufficient to enable the Magistrates to coo' vict the prisoners, after a suitable admonition, they were 0" dered to be discharged. As soon as they left the bar the woman so unhappill, afflicted in her " heart and l ungs " b egan b aw li ng a nd striking at one of the offic ers w ith so muc h energy t h a t 16 was quite clear, whatever might be the matter with her heart," that her "lungs" were in most excellent condition* THE MARKETS-(THIS DAY.) ' HAY MARKETS.—(At per Load of 36 Trusses.) CUMBERLAND. Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £3 15 to £ 4 New Meadow Hay 3to 4 ill, 4 10 4 1 Useful Old Ditto Fine Upland Meadow and Rye grass Hay. 5 5 . 5 J ' ,l Clover Ha y 315 5 10 Oat Straw .£1 IS to £2 21 Wheat Straw 2 6 2 - 'SMITHFIELD Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay ....t 4 0 ~. £4 5 5 4 New Meadow Hay Useful Old Ditto Fine Upland Meado w an d R ye-grass H ay ... s 's 5 5 r 0 Clover. Hay extra fine ... ~£5 15 Generally ........ 4 0 • HUNGERFORD. Coarse Meadow Hay New Meadow H a y £ 5 0 3 4• 1 . 0 0 to ‘ ,4 i 6 it Useful Old Ditto 10 4 4 - Fine Upland Meadow and R ye grass H ay i Clover Hay 4. 3 15 * 0 Oat Straw ............£2 2to £2 4 I Wh eat S traw ..... ..... 2 6 2 ICOAL MARI Per Ton. s. d Adair's Chester M iin l6 6 Dean's Primrose l6 6 Holywell lB 0 Ditto Reins l6 9 Ditto Splint Ord's Redhugh l6 0 Russell's High Main South Hartley l7 0 Tanfield lB 3 Wylam lB 0 Walls End Bewicke and Co 2O 6 Walls End Gosforth Walls End Hotpur l9 7 Walls End Hilda l9 9 Walls End Newmarch l9 3 Walls End Pcareth l6 0 Walls - End Perkins Ships arrived since I COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURIN KET.—July 15. rt Per Ton. s j i Walls End Rraddyll's .. . ... 9- Walls End Lambtvn 21 Walls End Russel's Helton 2l $ Walls End Stewart's ....... 91 Wale End Adelaide Walls End Butterknowl Walls End Gordon ..... 2 0 4 Walls End South Durham 2O Walls End Tees Cowpen ............»........»....» I d It Haltneath Wrtley ........ „e Merthyr ........ 0 Neville's Llanelly Sdkstone Fleid and Co. l7 ° 'lran ent l3 9 0 Twibell's Gawber H a ll •,6 6 Heaton Trader......... ......... 20 last market-day, 64. G THE WEEK• Wheat. Barley. 1 Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. Abingdon-,..... Andover w--. S. to S. 54 60 35 49 56 58 38 50 34 48 54 66 38 54 42 58 50 56 42 CO 56 68 38 42 30 58 36 50 54 58 35 44 S. to S. 39 31 '4B 34 30 40 32 36 24 :12 36 40 28 35 26 32 20 32 32 42 31 44 29 31 22 36 30 33 33 40 29 36 6. tO 6. 22 30 irmingh Bridport . . Cirencester Faringdon. Guildford Hereford H" 16 22 26 30 23 27 26 3t 20 30 23 26 24 27 28 34 22 30 22 30 28 32 23 28 28 32 20 24 22 32 17 19 32 24 27 21 22 24 29 8. to e. - 99 - 46 - 46 - 43 - 96 ... 56 36 37 o. to & _ ..... ..... ...., .a... •••• ighwort h Maidenhead Monmouth— Read i ng Salisbury Sor ~ •••• , uthanipton Stroud 36 45 - 42 Tewkesbury Uxbridge Wantage--- Warminster Windsor Worcester_ 40 48 30 57 32 52 '26 32 24 30 28 36 - 411 - 40 34 42 34 40 - .... .... 3f; 48 30 32 - 40 re ....... •••••• wow I .... aw• •••• . • ••••• •••• ....• ~ ... ,-. ...., 40 - ,s , .... ..J -.. .... --. :LEWES MA ItKET.—July 14. Per Quaner. s. cl. to s. d. Per Quarter. s. d. to s. cl;, Wheat, White ... 33 0 41 0 O a t s 26 0 31 0 \----- lied '36 0 3i) 0 Peaae 0 41 6 Barley 31 0 33 0 Oil Cake...l:/. ts. per Thousand. _...... HULL MARKET.—JuIy 14 Wheat, Old 3tli. 3Ss. 425. New 34 i. 345. 424 ---- Foreign —s. —s. —5.......1n bond... —4. —4 —a. Oats, Poland 22i. '244. 255. Old 2ls. 225. 2.55. -- Small or Feed.... —4. ISs. 20s +6. ...1. 20s. -- Foreign —s. —S. s Barley, Norf. & Suf ... 28s. 30s. 325. Line. & Wold —s. 31s 325. -- Foreign Beans ___ ;31s. lISs. 403. Foreign., _ . _ _ ... Pease, White... 3ls. 38s. 40s. Grey WA. 345. Tares • s. —s. —s. Foreign Rapeseed. in bond none ➢f MARKETS. Pei lb. d. ta Beef 6 1 Mutton Veal Pork ... 6 7 Lamb . t, , V. Ws. od. to r ton. • AD do T' here next,. a SALE and VE Hard Alaeu Baru -. Zenol Rind CYgn , 8 0 1 )1 lireak MooTi Verso s uPerint PUrpose„ Catslc Yards. CHELI'ENHA Per Bushel. ---- s,.i.tirs:Cl . Wheat Barley . Oats Beaus Pease Slay 3l. lss. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COUI;'I► BASINGHALL-STREET, TO-MORROW. (From the London Gazette.) t -- • -,•,- .! - :7 , ,,i H li• W. Braithwaite, stationer, Grafton-street, Fitzroy-square gat 1 3 G. Clarke, shoemaker, Stonecutter-street, Farringdon.street J. Nohie, shipowner, Westgate, Northumberland 2 113 R. Tilley, coachmaker, King-street, Holborn 2 11 C. H. Mueller, music -seller, Norwich T. Minton, grceor, Beak-street, Regent-street N.'fullnell and Co., tallow-chandler, York-street, Middlesex Hosp 1 " Rosas, who had so recently accepted the office of President of the Buenos Ayres Republic, was about to resign, in consequence of ill health. AN ODD FISH.— On Wednesday week, was caught alive, at Spurn, a fish sixty feet in length, and about fifty tons weight. It is supposed to be a " finner." The capture was effected without much difficulty ; the visitor-extraordinal having swam ashore, or taken rest upon th e b an k, on t h e rail"-, ing of the tide, and was unable to extricate itself. It was, however, secured, and died in bondage on the following morn log. —L incoln Gazette. BIRTHS. On the 14th inst., at Bath, the lady of J. J. Coney, Esq., of a daughter. On the Bth inst., the lady of Alfred Griffin, Esq., of a son. On the Bth inst., the wife of J. A. Roebuck, Esq., M.P., of* son, still-born. On the 12th inst., Mrs. George Henry, of Finsbury-circus, of a daughter. On the 12th inst., at Stone-cottage, near Wimborne, the lady of J. Bingley Garland, Esq., of a daughter. On the 13th inst., at the Rectory-house, Alderton, Gloucester shire, the lady of the Rev. Charles Covey, of a daughter. On the 13th inst., at Clapham-rise, the lady of George F. Davis , Esq., of a daughter. On the 14th inst., Mrs. John Freeman, of Millbank-row, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 14th inst., at St. John's, and afterwards according to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church, W. A. Sweetman, E sq .. late of the 16th Queen's Lancers; to Charlotte, second daughter of the, late Zachariah Button, Esq., of Ford-place, Essex, Magistrate sue Deputy Lieutenant of that county. On the 14th inst., at Hammersmith, John Walker, Esq., to Miss Raper, of Armathwaite Castle, Cumberland, only daughter o f the late George Raper, Esq., of Baldersby. Yorkshire. DIED. On the 13th inst.. at his father's house, Chatteris, aged 29, 1 :• Kyrie Ernie Chatfield, Esq., of Trinity College, Cambridge, A.UP and a Member of the Inner Temple, London. On the 13th inst., in Pall-mall East, Thomas Raymond, Esq. At Loosley House, near Plymouth, Mrs. Pym, ladz of Captain Pym, R N., and only daughter of Edmund Lockyer, Es 9. Lately, on board the floating theatre on the Mississippi, Mr. W* Chapman, son of Mr. Chapman, of Covent-garden. Miss Placide, who made her debut last season at Covent-garden as Elvira, 10 Pizarro, has likewise departed this life at New Orleans. She ex" }iced on the same day as Mrs. Roe, the wife of the manager, and , by a singular coincidence, these two actresses were born on the same day, came out simultaneously on the same stage, and were., buried in the same grave. On the sth inst., at Great Plumstead, Francis Gostling, in his Slat year. On the 9th inst., at Mr. Middleton's, of Sparham, Mrs. Shreev.!;:a aged 86. , ' On the 22d ult., at Ea,s.rr Matns, 14r. Brash, aged 78. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of N• 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the count/ of Middlesei TH That i at their Evenin g iastant; following we, .i desiria 4 7, 6 4. he. onttti:4o The qt. lotv s , -" That " relating " Cavend " and t o before A 11 414 20 18 t The hibit thei 'Should each day Green. attend. THE PI did, and t o lowa :—. 'Withpass, 41 the N o , B hi i rer: ti lhn For fur Market; rn Gentlen deep, Kin( Ba guet, w ettrit s t RIS for th e TI Ja t er : 41 r7, f„ e I , thr ;,wnich ,oNbr 11 . 1%0 - the lea3t, ti ND