The Sun. — London, England, 1848-07-26 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 25. - (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Their Lordships re-assembled at Five o'clock. ECCLESIASTICAL DISTRICTS BILL. The Commons' amendment to this Bill were agreed to. HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL. Lord CAMPBELL presented the report of' the Select Committee on this Bill, which was ordered to be received. SCOTCH REGISTRATION BILL. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, this Bill was read a third time and passed. SCOTCH MARRIAGES BILL. Lord CAMPBELL moved the third reading of the Bill to amend the Scotch law of marriages. The Earl of HADDINGTON objected to the measure as being an alteration of the law of the Church of Scot and with regard to marriages. This Bill admitted mar riage to be contracted as a civil contract ; if it were a civil contract, why should parties be compelled to go before a clergyman, and again to enter into that contract in a more solemn manner ? His impression was, that this Bill would be to make marriage, instead of a religious contract, a mere civil contract, and therefore he was opposed to the measure, and moved that it be read a third time that day six months. Lord BROUGHAM considered that this Bill would be a great improvement in the marriage law of Scotland. The present law required no religious ceremonial. It was taken from Constantinople, and enabled any boy of 14 and girl of 12 years of age to contract a marriage, before any peasant or any chambermaid at an inn, and that was as valid a marriage as any marriage celebrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. If this Bill were passed, the scandal of Scotch mar riages, as evasions of the English Marriage Act, would cease. He hoped they would place the marriage law of the two countries on a better footing. The Duke of ARGYLL supported the Bill, because he believed they could not proceed upon a safer prin ciple than the one which it introduced. There ought to be some statutable recognition of the irregular marriages that take place in Scotland. Ho should sup port the third reading of the Bill for the reasons he had stated. Lord CAMPBELL said the measure had engaged the attention of the Government for some years, and he considered that no better opportunity presented itself for its passing than the present. No marriage was valid now in Scotland unless it took place before a clergyman or a registrar. The ob jections which the Assembly bad made were, in his opinion, not tenable. Believing this Bill would be ac ceptable to the people of Scotland, ho cordially asked their Lordships to pass the Bill. Lord BROUGHAM contended that at the present moment persons in Scotland saying, before a chamber maid or a pot-boy, that they took each other for man and wife constituted a valid marriage, showing how ab solutely necessary was the alteration proposed. After a few words from the Earl of HADDEstoToN the Bill was read a third time and passed. LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY ACTS AMENDMENT BILL. On the motion that this Bill be read a third time, The Earl of HARROWBY objected to the power given to the company by this Bill to run steamers in connexion with their line to the Channel Islands, and the coasts of England and France. It was a monopoly which ought not to be given to any parties, and the more especially to railway companies. Moreover, it was an improper application of railway funds. He should there fore move the omission of that part of the preamble of the Bill which sanctioned the company beco min g proprie tors of steam-boats. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought railway com panies ought not to have the power of establishing steam-boats in connexion with their lines, and he should therefore support the proposition of his Noble Friend. The Earl of ST. GERMANS, as a member of the Committee to whom this question was referred, vindi cated the decision of the Committees in the cases of the Dublin, Chester, and Holyhead, and the Brighton and South Coast lines. With respect to the London and South-Western Company, the Committee had permitted the purchase of steam-boats for the traffic with conti nental ports solely for the purpose of increasing the amount of public accommodation and the f ac ility o f transit. Lord MONTEAGLE supported the amendment. his experience of railway companies had shown him that their plan was first to get a terminus at a seaport, then to secure the port, and finally to monopolise the water communication. Tho Marquis of WESTMINSTER supported the clause as the only moms of securing regularity of com munication with the continent, a point which all previ ous steam-boat companies had failed to effect. The Earl of MINTO feared that the House had been taken somewhat by surprise by the Noble Earl's amend ment. Would it not be better if the Noble Earl were to postpone the discussion to a future day? After a few words from Earl ST. GERMANS and the Earl of WARWICK, in vindication of the decision of the Committee, _ _ _ Lord BEAUMONT opposed the clause as a question of principle, but the South-Western Company would not be defeated - in their object, as they could form themselves snto a separate company for steam-boat purposes. The Earl of HARROWBY declined postponement, seeing that all the facts were fully before the House. Lord REDESDALE complained that no notice had been given of the opposition intended. He concurred with the Lord Privy Seal in thinking that an adjourn ment of the debate would be desirable. After a few words from the Marquis of LANS DOWNE, The Earl of lIARROWBY consented to the adjourn ment of the debate until Thursday next. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Seven until Thursday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 25. POOR-LAW UNION CHARGES (No. 2) BILL. Mr. CHARLES BULLER (in continuation from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday)—said he had no wish, in making the proposition for union rating, to pre vent owners of estates in different parishes taking that direct interest which they now had in upholding the condition of the labouring classes. The Hon. Member then observed that the present law of settlement—the power of removing paupers—was a great hardship upon the poor, and he trusted that no long time would elapse without Parliament relieving the poor man of that great evil. He believed that a great change, affect ing the condition of the poor, might be made without interfering with the general principle, that the charge for the resident poor should be thrown on the particular parish in which they had resided and laboured all their lives. He proposed simply now that parishes should at once cheerfully submit to the extension of the rate over a whole union. It was provided in the Bill that extra-parochial places should be chargeable with their own poor, but there was a modification to enable them to join with another parish, instead of keeping up a sepa rate parochial rate. Ho was perfectly aware that some parts of the Bill would be considered objectionable, and he trusted that the House would now consent to the second reading, in order that they might discuss the de.. tails of the Bill in Committee. On the motion for the second reading being put, Mr. HENLEY opposed the Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that he had no wish to break down the present parochial system, but he (Mr. llenley) was one who entertained the opinion that such would be the effect of the present Bill. If the parochial system which had been so many years established in this country, and upon which large purchases of property had been made, and long leases taken, was once departed from, he was of Opinion that the House would eventually be obliged to grant a national rate for the maintenance of the poor. The Hon. Gentleman had given an analysis of charges which he thought ought to be thrown over a larger area; but he had brought forward no argument to show that such an arrangement was either advisable or necessary. He objected to throwing the support of vagrants and re movables over the whole union. They were now going, by this Bill, to extend the system for levyiny the rates, and if they continued to tamper with the interests of the people they woul bee people as they hadlately obliged to concede one universal system of rating. Ile wished now to off or a few observations upon that part of the Bill which/ r elated to vagrancy. The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to think that the va g ranc y of e present day was not so m uch owing to the law a ff ect i ng . vagrancy as the manner which that law was adminis tered; but in dealing with this subject they must go back to the events which occurred i some thirteen o r four teen years ago. At that time, n consequence o f the depression in the manufacturing districts, a great amount lle ow . ns of destitute poor were thrown up on in the country, and a great outcry wasaraised the.larg a t gainst aoly the then system of poor-law relief,which led to the establishment of the vagrancy laws u , an ltimdt the formation of certain regulations fo Casual poor of parishes. Those r the relief of the regulations had been ) to be taken advantage of by the idle vagrant. and a monstrous abuse had sprung up of parties, pretending , going from parish to parish and levying The Right contributions upon the parochial funds. Honourable Baronet proposed to remedy this by requiring: relieving officers to be more cautious in i the selection of parties to whom they administered to evil re lief, but he warned the Right Hon. Gentleman not to be too stringent in the regulations he inflicted on relieving officers, or many parties who might be really deserving of immediate relief would run the risk of dying of star vation. He thought if the relief of the casual poor were placed under the control of the police fewer frauds would be practised upon the parochial authorities by the sturdy vagrant than there were at present. Vagrancy had always been considered a crime in this country, and he could see no reason why his suggestion should not be adopted. At all events, he doubted whether the boards of guardians would pay much attention to the subject. Boards of guardians paid very little attention to any thing but the pounds, shillings, and pence, and as this Bill would extend the charge of vagrancy over a large area the expense to each parish would be reduced, the matter would be neglected by boards of guardians, and the natural result would be an increase in the vagrancy of the country. Referring now to other parts of the Bill, he wanted to know upon what principle of justice the man who had a yearly income of 1004 derivable from land, had to pay 251. towards the maintenance of the poor, and the man who received 1,000/. a year from the funds paid nothing. Why should a coal-mine contribute towards the sup port of the poor and a lead-mine not? These were anomalies in the law which ought to be remedied with. out delay, and so ought the system of rating; for in the agricultural districts of theEn gland a of a labourer, with a family of four children, could only earn by h ones t i n dustry 10s. a week, but if he went into the workhouse his family involved the parish in an expense of Is. Bd. per week per head, so defective was the system of rating an d manag i ng th e union workhouses. lie did not thi n k th a t bi t b y bi t l eg i s l a tion, like the , THE SUN, IL ON DO_N, WEDNESDA VENING, JUL Y 26, 1818. Bill, was calculated to do any good, but he firmly be lieved that it would do great,harm, as no one could tell where it would end. He believed that this measure would only increase the evil and was not calculated to heighten the opinion of the country towards the House. He believed that the effect of the Bill would be to throw on agricultural districts those burdens which had hitherto been borne by towns. He could not see the justice of such a measure, and he should therefore oppose the second reading, and move that it be read a second time that day three months. Mr. RICE moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. C. BULLER said if it met with the approbation of the House, he should propose to resume the adjourned debate on this Bill on Thursday moraing next, at twelve o'clock. Mr. CHRISTOPHER said that the Bill was a most important one, and he did not believe it could be done justice to in the present session. The debate was then adjourned to Thursday next at twelve o'clock. PAROCHIAL DEBT AND AUDIT BILL. The Committee on this Bill was postponed to Thurs day next, at twelve o'clock. , ECCLESIASTICAL UNIONS. The Ecclesiastical Unions and Divisions of Parishes (Ireland) Bill, was read a third time and passed. PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND.) The report on the Public Works (Ireland) No. 2 Bill, was brought up. The House then adjourned to Five o'Clock. The House resumed at Five o'clock. On the motion of Mr. GLADSTONE, the Farmers' Estate (Ireland) Bill was ordered to be re-committed to a Committee of the whole House on Friday next. Mr. H. HERBERT presented a petition from the county of Kerry, praying for an inquiry into the defal cations of certain savings' banks in Ireland. Mr. MONSELL presented a petition from Limerick praying that some measure might be adopted to prevent the desertion of seamen from ships in the port of Li merick. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Manchester in favour of superannuation allowances to officers of poor law unions. LAW OF MARRIAGE. Sir R. H. INGLIS, seeing the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bute in his place, wished to ask him a question relative to a notice of motion he had given for to-morrow. The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman had a notice on the paper to the effect that he intended to move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter the sth and 6th of Wm. IV., relating to the degrees of affinity, and he should be glad to know whether the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman intended to perse vere in that motion. Mr. STUART WORTLEY said the present law of marriage was certainly in a most unsatisfactory state, but as the report of the Committee which had been sitting upon the subject could not be in the hands of lion. Members to-morrow, he proposed to postpone his motion till one day next week. If, however, Govern ment would take the Bill up he would readily surrender it into their hands. Sir G. GREY said the matter could not be in better hands, and he hoped the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would still retain charge of the measure. A good deal of valuable evidence had been taken before the Com mittee, which was well worthy the serious consideration of the House. DENMARK AND PRUSSIA. I Mr. DISRAELI, seeing the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in his place, wished to ask him a question relative to the negotiations which had taken place between Denmark and Germany under the Noble Lord's auspices. It would be in the recollection of the House, that the King of Denmark, out of regard for the commerce of this country, was reluctantly induced to sign an armistice between Denmark and Prussia, which was afterwards carried to Berlin, and there signed by the King of Prussia ; he believed mainly through the auspices of Sweden, and the native in telligence of the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The House would be surprised to learn that this armistice thus signed and ratified had been repudiated by the Prussian people, and Europe had now the mortification to learn that hostilities ruinous to the commerce of England were about to be commenced. He wished therefore to ask whether the Noble Lord had any communication to make to the House on this almost unprecedented occurrence in diplomatic negotiations; whether he had received any communication from Prussia to the Court of St. James's explanatory of these proceedings; whether Prussia, under the new con stitution which at present prevailed in Ger many, which not even the King of Prussia seamed to understand, had informed the Government that the King had had no authority to sign and ratify the armistice, and whether the King himself had withdrawn his ambassador from the Court of St. James's ? Lord PALMERSTON had great pleasure in furnish ing the House with such information as he had received with regard to this important matter, and he trusted the general result of his answer would be encouraging, but perhaps not so satisfactory as the Hon. Gentleman anticipated. Government proposed to the two parties, Denmark and Prussia, articles of an armistice which also contained the basis of a future permanent settlement of the disputes between the two powers. That offer, however, was not accepted, but eventually an officer in the confidence of the King of Prussia was appointed to negotiate for the King, and he repaired for that purpose to Malmo to communicate with the Ministers of Sweden and Denmark. At that meeting articles of an armistice not involving the principle of a paramount settlement were agreed to but not actually signed. It might undoubtedly have been reasonably supposed that the articles of the armistice were finally concluded and duly signed, but when it was sent to the General commanding the Prussian forces, that officer started difficulties with reference to the position of his own Government and the German Confederation. He would not trouble the House by going into further de tails, but he might state that from a communication which he had received this morning from Ber lin, he was led to hope that the difficulties which had arisen would eventually be got over, and that the armistice would be signed and finally concluded upon. The House would understand that the main question re mained to be settled, but her Majesty's Government would still continue to give their good offices, with the view of settling existing hostilities. DANUBIAN TERRITORY. _ Mr. URQUHART asked whether the Government had received any information respecting the Danubian provinces, and also inquired in what character the Russian troops had marched into that territory? Lord PALMERSTON said the Government had re ceived information of the march of the Russian troops to Wallachia, but they had not received any in formation as to the actual entrance of any Russian or Danish forces into Wallachia. He did not expect that any collision would take place, the object of their entry being to enforce certain arrangements sub sisting between the two powers, the sovereign power on the one hand, and the protecting power on the other, With regard to the matter of the treaty, he had n• in formation of any negotiation for a new treaty between Russia and Turkey. VICE-ADMIRALTY COURTS. Captain PECIIELL asked what steps had been taken to put an end to the abuses in the Vice-Admiralty Courts of our colonies? ___ Mr. WARD said the subject had been considered, and with the able assistance of Dr. Lushington the Govern ment had arrived at a very clear conception of the evil, without, however, arriving at a conclusion as to the re medy. The costs of these Courts consisted of fees and expenses. The fees were very moderate, but there was a discretionary power in the Court to make other charges, about the legality of which, howeveg i , there was considerable question. The only remedy they could devise would be to allow the bills of these Courts to be taxed by the Admiralty Court at home. The matter was under consideration. OVER-CROWDING OF STEAM-BOATS. In reply to Mr. C. LUSIIINGTON, Mr. LABOUCHERE said his attention had been directed to this subject. By the Steam Navigation Act owners of steam-boats were obliged to present to the Board of Trade once in six months a certificate of the sea-worthiness of their vessels, but unfortunately the Act did not enforce a penalty upon the owners of river steam-boats. From information which had reached him he believed, however, that it would be necessary to legis late further upon this subject, and be had accordingly given directions that a Bill should be drawn, giving power to the Board of Trade to enforce the provision of the Steam Navigation Act to which he referred, and also giving power to the same Board to limit in certain cases the number of passengers on board steam-vessels. THE CHOLERA. Mr. WYLD asked whether any measures had been taken to subject to quarantine vessels coming from certain ports? Mr. LABOUCHERE regretted his Noble Friend (Lord Morpeth) was not in his place, to reply to the question. He had been engaged in endeavouring to pro vide, as far as human means could do so, against the scourge of cholera being brought to our shores. DUTCH S L wordod be IaidBENTINCKGuI.on aske d' G w Ah e ßther any correspond ence the table on the subject of Dutch ? mint PALMERSTON sa id t h e correspondence sugars v Viscount referred to between her Majesty's Government o and the Government of Holland was still goin g n Lord G. BENTINCK asked it there had been three na r n e y e c orrespondence on this subject during the last months? Viscount PALMERSTON—No; not within the last three months. CASE OF SIR JOIIN CLARIDGE. Mr. GLADSTONE then moved " An address to her Majesty, setting forth, that by an order in Council, which his late Majesty was pleased to approve on the 15th day of December, 1831, Sir John Thomas Claridge, then recorder of Prince of Wales's Island, was removed from the said office on account of an irritation between the local government and himself,' which, in the opinion of the Lords of the Committee of Council, acting judi cially in the case, was principally to be attributed' to the conduct of the said local government and of the home authorities; also setting forth, that it further appeared to their Lordships in their investigation of the case, that no imputation rested on the capacity or integrity of Sir J. T. Claridge in the exercise of his judicial func tions, so as to preclude his Majesty from employing him in his service in some other judicial situation:' and pray ing that her Majesty, graciously taking into consideration the expectations which the terms of the said order in Council were calculated to create, may be pleased to di rtleicatttshsiharat Jl S l ir. J. T. Claridge may receive an appointment in he r M a j esty ' s serv i ce, of such a c l ass as to h er Ma jesty ohgenemClanareidegte" w aTshe appointed ßigh t r Hon. eoo r d M e Member m e f b e rsai Princed of Wales's Island in 1825. That order in Council which expressed the views of the Sovereign was his whole case, and if h e i nvoked the aid of the House it was not to interfere with the patronage of the Crown, but to carry out the virtual promise of the Crown. The Lords of the Council reported " that though Sir John Claridge could not be altogether justified in the measures he had had recourse to, still their Lordships were of opinion that the local Government were not wholly justified in refusing to allow what the former recorder of Penang and Sir J. Claridge thought a just and necessary expen diture; and that the conduct of Sir J. Claridge pro ceeded from from a mistaken view of what he considered to be the line of his duty, and not from any corrupt or improper motive. But that though the local Govern ment were to blame, as a matter of public policy they recommended his removal from his office." He rested his case entirely on this document, and would not enter into the charges on which Sir J. Claridge had been tried. Their Lordships further said that though they did not recommend that Sir J. Claridge should be rein stated in his office, they expressed their opinion that no imputation rested upon his character, either in regard to his conduct or ability, to prevent the Crown from employing him in some other judicial situation. The House would see, therefore, that Sir John Claridge was dismissed (not altogether without blame certainly, but more for the fault of others than his own) because of a collision which had occurred between him and the local Government, and upon grounds of public policy and convenience, it being more easy to remove one officer than a whole Government. Ile contended that the words of the order in Council were such as to lead Sir J. Cla ridge to expect employment from the Crown in some other judicial capacity, and the object of his motion was for the House to interfere to assist the Crown in carrying out its expressed intention. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE observed that he had had no thing to do with Sir J. Claridge's appointment or re moval, and was in no way responsible for any part of the transaction, except so far as that he had not thought fit to recommend him for an Indian judgeship. But sup posing that the case did involve so great a hardship as the Right Hon. Gentleman represented, how was it that during the five years he had himself been connected with the Government, it had never pressed itself on his attention ? The proviso in the order in Council on which the Right Hon. Gentleman depended was extra-judicial; but it contained no promise or recommendation, it merely said that there was nothing in Sir J. Claridge's conduct which should prevent his being employed in some other judicial station. It did not enjoin his em ployment on the Minister, and it would be odd if it did.—(Oh.) Having looked over the papers, he could say also that there was nothing in them to impugn the conduct or ability of Sir J. Claridge. He would follow the example of the Right Hon. Gentleman by not entering into the causes which led to Sir J. Claridge's removal, as ho was not desirous of saying anything which might appear to bear hard upon that gentleman and be painful to his feelings. All he would say was, that he bad rather not recommend him for an - Indian judgeship. The case had been fully examined by Lord Brougham, who had caused it to be conveyed to Sir J. Claridge, that it was not meant by the decision of the Privy Council to give a triumph to either party. The case had also been brought before Lord Glenelg, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Fitzgerald, Lord Ripon, and him self, as Presidents of the Board of Control, and they had found no ground to interfere; and now the Right llon. Gentleman asked the House of Commons to take a course opposed to all precedent, to interfere directly with the patronage of the Crown by addressing it to give this gentleman an appointment. Suppose the address was agreed to, where would be the advantage?—who would be responsible if the appointment was not given! Such an interference he considered most unconstitutional; and whatever might be the opinion of the House as to the hardship of the case, he hoped they would not agree to this motion. Sir F. THESIGER supported the motion, and con tended that there was precedent in favour of this motion, but there was no precedent of a Government refusing or neglecting to carry out the recommendation of the Privy Council. Sir J. 110BHOUSE—It was not a recommendation. Sir F. THESIG ER—lt was trifling with the meaning of the words to say that it was not. It was more than a recommendation, for it was a positive assurance that Sir Claridge, being fit for another appointment under the Crown, he should receive it. He called on the House to express an opinion in favour of the motion, and he had no fear that the Government would carry it out. Lord J. RUSSELL knew nothing of the case until brought forward by the Right Hon. Gentleman; but he must express his dissent from the unconstitutional doc trine that the Committee of the Privy Council not only recommended Sir J. Claridge to the favour of the Crown, but gave a pledge that he should be appointed to an In dian judgeship, or some other vacancy whenever it occurred.—(Bear, hear.) lie had never heard before of such a pledge having been given by the Privy Council. But the Right Lion. Gentleman went further, and said it was to be carried into effect by an address to the House of Commons, calling upon the Crown to make good that pledge. He was surprised to hear such an un constitutional doctrine enunciated not only by the Right Hon. Gentleman, but by the Hon. and Learned Gentle man who spoke last, who had himself served under the Crown, and who had no excuse for so far mistaking the prerogative of the Crown and the functions of the House of Commons. But it appeared to him that the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council gave no such pledge. They did what was often done by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, when he removed a person from a judicial or other position, stating that although he felt bound to remove him there was nothing to preclude the Crown from appointing him again to some other situa tion in another colony. There might be local rea sons to unfit him for the particular place he occupied, without any imputation whatever being cast upon his character, conduct, or capabilities, to prevent his being appointed elsewhere.—(Hear, hear.) More than that the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council had not done; and he (Lord John Russell) saw no reason for questioning the discretion of Lord Glenelg or Lord Ripon in not having thought it necessary again to ap point Sir J. Claridge. The only question that remained was, whether the House of Commons should ask the Crown so to appoint him, and on that question he had only to remark that they bad quite business enough to occupy their attention without undertaking to interfere with the patronage of the Crown.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide.") Mr. GOULBURN and Mr. URQUHART supported the motion. _ . Sir J. HOGG admitted the case was one of hardship, but hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would not divide the House. Mr. HENLEY protested against judicial oppointmenta being forced upon the Crown by addresses of that House.—(Hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE replied, maintaining that suffi cient had been said to justify Sir J. Claridge in believ ing that he would be re-appointed; but as the sense of the House was against it, he would not divide. Motion by leave withdrawn. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. A message from the Lords informed the House that their Lordships had agreed to the following Bills: Whitehaven and Furness Junction Railway (Extension De Deviation from Silecroft to Foxfield)—Great Western R a il w ay (Branch from Slough to Windsor), with an amendment—Midland Railway (Gloucester and Stone house Junction)—London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (London -bridge and New Cross Stations)—Ad ministration of Justice (No. I)—Administration of Jus tice (No. 2)—Protection of Justices from Vexatious Actions, with amendments. COLONIAL EXPENDITURE. Sir W. MOLESWORTII rose to bring forward the following motion:—" That it is the opinion of this House that the colonial expenditure of the B r iti s h e m pire de mands inquiry, with a view to its red uc ti on; an d that, to accomplish this object, and to secure greater content ment and prosperity to the colonists, they ought to be invested with large powers for the administration of their local affairs." lie maintained, and was prepared to show, that that reduction might take place without detriment to the interests of the empire, and with advan tage to the government of the colonies, rendering their resources more useful and their inhabitants more at tached to the Britiah empire. In speaking of th e co l °* vies, ho alluded to those only which were under the jurisdiction of the Colonial-office. They embraced an area of between 4,000,000 and 5,000,000 of square miles, about 1,000,000 of which were divided into forty different colonies, having separate governments, and 6 : 000,000 of inhabitants, one-half of whom only were of European origin; their expenditure amounts to about 8,000,0001. annually, one-half being defrayed by the colonies, and the other by Great Britain. That portion de frayed by Great Britain was under four different heads—military, naval, civil, and extraordinary. The military expenditure in 1832 was 1,700,0001.; in 1843, it was 2,500,0001.; and, at present, it could not be less, having in our colonies about 42,000 troops, for which alone we should have to vote 1,500,0001.; so that he thought he under-estimated the present mi • litary cost in saying it was only 2,500,000/. They had 255 ships in commission, and taking 45 of them, with a complement of 8,000 men, as required for the colonies, the naval expense must be at least 700,000/. to which must be added the cost of naval establishments and works, and freights, and expense of reliefs, raising the sum to more than 1,000,0000/. The civil expenditure annually voted in the miscellaneous estimates consisted of a great variety of items, and amounted to 300,0001.; and the extraordinary expenditure made up of such charges as for relief to sufferers, money lent to South Australia, and promised to be lent to the West Indies, might at the lowest calculation be put down at 200.0001., making altogether 4,000,000/., which, however, was much under the real expenditure by Great Britain on account of her colonies; while the declared value of our exports only amounted to 9,000,000/., 1,000,000/. of which was an export trade to Gibraltar for smuggling into Spain. So that our expenditure amounted to Os. for every 1/. worth of goods we exported.— (Hear, hear,) Now colonies ought to be useful for political or commercial objects, and with what view were sometimes employed as military stations. But he would ask what we derived from our military colonial stations? They were said to be neces sar y f or P urposes of aggres sion. But in periods of war they might prove a source of weakness, instead o f strength, as they wou ld o b l i ge us to scatter when we oug h t to concentrate our forces— (Hear( mightea forces— , , b h e e compelleda .r ) a hear)—and d itnot abandonh e case ,ah ,et h o ht lYeaswse tmh troops,ge n o e v c e e r s at s G i a t f y b e o r a os tf l t aorf protecting and 3o o l l o a o 11tt. f ahete a m serious t o the i rstruggle fate.gg sw lonianu o Statesldb ask e ng withw h e somethingr where sc was o more than the value of our exports to those States P— (Hear, hear.) In 1842 they w ere 12 2,500 / . i n arrear with this country ; and he doubted not that, instead of diminishing . , it had since increased, whilerwe were this year to be called upon to vote 12,000/..t0 comp l ete t h e fortifications. Bermuda, another military station, 'ex pended since the peace 600,000/. upon military and naval works ; and to complete the fortifications we must expend 260,000/. more. St. Helena cost us 40,000/. a year. Our colonies on oq,ooo/• the coast of Af r i ca cost - r a year ; while we spent a t least 500,0001. a year in vain attempts to suppress the slave trade. He could not avoid recommending tho House to dispense with their military stations on the • roast of Africa. Then ther e was th e C ape o f G ood elope, larger in extent than the whole of the United Kingdom, rendered particularly remarkable of late by the Kaffir war—the fourth war within the last twelve years; one which formed a strange instance of the little influence exercised by the Colonial-office over a distant colony—(Hear)—which cost this country 1,100,0001., and which would in all probability cost us 800,0001. or 900,0004 more. When Sir Henry Pottinger came to the colony he was astonished at the proofs he found of the enormous expenditure that had been committed, of the monstrous peculation that had been perpetrated, and peculation in which there was reason to believe men of very thigh station had been implicated.—(Hear, hear.) As an example of the reckless expenditure he would mention, that a party of colonists settled in a frontier village had been receiving rations, &c., from the Government to the extent of not less than 2,0001. per annum, on the pretext that they served as a sort of out-post, What had the renewal of the Kaffir war been owing to ? Simply to the circumstance that 20 oxen having been stolen by some natives, although immediate restitution was made of 18 of them, the Governor chose to say he was not content with the restitution, but must proceed to punish the whole nation to which the robbers belonged.. The war which proceeded was conducted on principles the least likely to bring it to a satisfactory issue, the troops employed being partly old Peninsular soldiers, wholly unaccustomed to the sort of warfare, and partly of heavy dragoons, armed with heavy rifles which, once discharged, they could scarcely manage to reload without dismounting, and it was not until recourse was had, by the new Governor, to native forces, officered by young and dashing British officers, that success was accomplished. Wh en Si r Harry Smith arrived to re lase Sir H. Pottinger, he found the struggle termi mtA and all the new governor did was to make the native chiefs kiss his feet, and to add to our possessions some 40,000 square miles of territory of as barren and useless land, to use the surveyor's phrase, as was to be found on the earth's crust. This splendid result of a war, whittle originated in . a removed axe and two stolen cows; had cost this country two millions of money.— (Hear, hear.) As to the Colonial. office here the pro babilities were, that while the struggle was going on they knew nothing at all about it, the Noble Lord at the head of the department being, very possibly, more sur prised than anybody else when the bill of costs was pre sented to him.—(Hear.) The war was at an end now, indeed, but the House might be sure that, unless some effectual measures interposed, a similer war would be got up again before many years had expired, for the 'Cape Town people admired the sort of thing vastly, in consequence of the active expenditure upon it, by which they so largely benefited.—(Hear, hear.) Now his (Sir W. Molesworth's) proposition was to withdraw at all events the great bulk, of the troops from this colony, and to leave the 'colonists to protect themselves, which they could very well do, the more especially, that under such circumstances they would take good care not to provoke hostilities.—(Hear, hear.) If • a military station must be maintained at the Cape, 1,000 soldiers would be amply sufficient for the purpose; but he thought that emigrants would serve the colony and the mother country much better than troops. Emigrants might be conveyed to the Cape at the cost of 101. per idann out um in ; e so m t ig h r a a t t i io f head, while every so ldi er k ept there cost this country 601. perla n the colony moneythe e c o y wouldspent upon them were receive 9,000 new inhabitants every year, who would be a far ,more ,efficient protection th an . th e 1 , 500 soldiers could afford. (Hear, hear.) The Mau ritius was to be regarded at once as a com mercial colony and as a military station. There the expenditure was 285,000/. per annum, while the total of our 'exports thither did not exceed 92,000/. The expenditure, in fact, was far more than he had stated, for there were to be additional troops placed on the station, and 150,0004 were to be expended, it appeared, on the improvement of our defences. Yet here, as at the Cape, 1,000 soldiers would answer every legitimate purpose, the colonists receiving free institutions in re turn for undertaking their own protection. Ceylon was neither a military station nor a commercial colony, but came rather under the class of Indian possessions. Indeed it seemed to him that it would be far better to transfer it altogether to the East India Company, and to save the cost, which at present amounted to 110,0006 per annum in military expenditure, besides 70,0001. per annum paid by the colonists ; the whole of our exports thither not exceeding 240,0001. Upon Hong-Kong this year he found that 94,510/. had been 'voted—a small sum in comparison with what this station would very soon cost. The Government had began very promisingly with the governor of this new station, who was to be paid no less a sum than 6,000/. per annum.—(Hear.) Altogether, our expenditure within the Chinese and Indian seas did not fall short of 600,000/. per annum, while all our ex ports thither did not exceed two millions. Another sta tion now figured on the list, Labuan, which was to cost us, in this its first year, 1,8271., of which 2,000/. was to go to Mr. Raja Brooke, whose territories at Sara w ak, meanwhile, were to be looked after 'by a consul, whom we were to remunerate with 500/. a year. No great length of time would elapse under the present system of things, before Laguan woud figure as largely in our esti mates as the Cape or Ceylon ; and we should thus have to pay ten shillings purchase money for every twenty shillings of exports that we transmitted to this colony.—(Hear, hear.) Then there were the miserable Falkland Islands, which, since 1841, had cost us no less than 45,0004, with no return or advantage to us of any description. By all means, he would say, let this utterly useless possession be forthwith handed over 'to the acknowledged claims of Buenos Ayres. By re ducing the troops at such military stations as it might be deemed expedient to reduce, from 21,000 to 10,000, there would be a saving effected of one million a year in military and naval expenditure alone. Then as to your colonies in North America, the West Indies, and Aus tralasia, of what possible benefit was it to the mother country to retain the present system there ? In former years, when monopoly had the ascendant, that principle was alleged as the ground for exercising the dominion we had assumed, for it was said this monopoly gave us the ex clusive benefit of the trade with all these possessions. But Monopoly had now been struck down by the strong arm of free trade, and there remained no compulsion on our colonies to trade with us instead of with other markets. As regarded commerce, they were now virtually inde • pendent states; but, as independent states, they would Still be very glad to sell us their produce, and, selling us their produce, they would receive our produce and our manufactures in payment, so long as we enabled them so to do. At all events, no expenditure we might make in the way of military or naval armaments would better our case; and by all means, therefore, let this expenditure be discontinued. In the year 1844 the declared value of all our exports to our North American colonies, to our West Indian and Australian colonies, was six millions sterling. 7n the same year our expenditure upon these colonies was not less than two millions sterling, and afterwards we paid two millions a year for the chance of getting purchasers for six millions a year of exports.—(Hear, hear.) Cut off the whole of this two millions a year ex penditure, and there would not be a diminution in the demand for our exports to the extent of a single pound. On an average of the last sixty years our North Ameri can colonies, in one way or another, had not cost us less than a million a year, or, in other words, full thirty per cent. on our exports thither.—(Hear, hear.) On what principle did we keep up 9000 troops there? To protect our colonies from the . United States? If the colonies were loyal, they could very well protect themselves; if they were not loyal, twice i:t,ooa troops would not at all answer the purpose.—(Hear, hear.) Even suppose our North American colonies did join . the United States, we should, in a commercial point of view at all events, be the better for the change. In that commercial point of view the United States themselves were as much our colonies as ever, and better colonies for the. purpose than any, of those we retained at such a heavy outlay.—(Hear, hear.) In 1944 the declared value of our exports to the United States did not fall short of 8,000,0001. sterling, the whole expenditure throughout the union not exceeding 15,004 for the various consular esta blishments.—(Hear, hear.) As to emigration, the United States received every year more of our popula tion as emigrants than did all our own colonies put to gether.e--(Hear, hear.) In the West Indies we kept up a force of 6,000 men, at a cost of 513,0001., the civil and other expenditure raising the total expenditure to not less than 700,000/. per annum—(Hear, hear)—being 25 per cent. on the entire of our exports thither, which exports, be it remembered, were every year decreasing. It would be well worth our while,. in his opinion, to give the West India colonists 10,000,0006 sterling, on condition of their becoming independent states, It would effect a saving of full 350,0006 per annum to this country. In our Australian colonies, including New Zealand, we expended in military outlay 270,0001. per annum, an d in other items fully 20 , 0006 more, the declared value of our exports to these colones not exceeding one million sterling ; so that here again our expenditure amounted to 30 per cent. on Our exports. By reducing our military establishments in these colonies within reasonable limits we should save another million per annum. As to the purely commer cial colonies, if they were entrusted with their just right of self-government, they need cost us nothing at all; and here would be effected an enormous annual saving. At present scarcely anything could be worse than the system of their government by the. Colonial-office. As • he had before him a Treasury minute to money matters, of June 16, in which my Lords complained very empha tically of the delay, on the part of the Colonial-office, in the auditing of the colonial accounts, specifying. among of Mauritius other glaring instances, that the accounts Cape were in arrear ten years, those of the ie of Good Hope eight, those of six;Ceylonnt from four to arrears, as to the other colonies, ranging Member five years.---(Hear, hear.) The ,Hon. in the Crown pro ceeded to show that the rate of expendit ure enditure in the coloniei was infinitely less than e thexp their own in ternalcolonies which, more or less, administered. of re presentative assemblies. affairs by the means _ . Ceylon as not properly Omitting from his calculation tat i o ns on the west coast of a colony—the military s found that the rate of Africa, and the lonian States, he expenditure in the former class of colonies was, on the of the latter class. The that average, half less than population of the colonies with representative assembli es _. them 1130 was 2,580,000, and theexpenchture upon , ,000 4 being at the rate of 14s. 11d. per head per annum. of the colonies without representative The population assemblies was 820,000, and the expenditure 1,420,0001., being at the rate of 1/, 14s. a head; or 18s. Id. more than in the other class of colonies.—(Hear, hear.) In the North American colonies the rate of expenditure was the lowest, for there was the greatest amount of self-government. There the population, in 1845, being 1,700,000, the expenditure was 1,134,0001., or 138. 4d. per head, and taking into account that half a million of the sum was a special amount raised by loan for public works, the expenditure in point of fact was only Is. per head, and even this amount was 30 per cent. higher than the expenditure in the United States. The differende arose in great measure from the enormously heavy sala ries paid in our colonies to the higher functionaries, who received three or for times more than the MUM class Of . functionaries received in the United States. The Go vernor of Canada, for example, superintending a popula tion of 1,200,000, received 7,0001. per annum, while the President of the United States had. only 5,0001. per an num; the Governor of New York, with a population of 2,600,000, receiving 8001. per annum. The Chief Justices of Upper and Lower Canada had 1,5001. a year each; the Chancellor and Chief Justices of New York had 8001. a year each. The Puisne Judges of Canada had 1,000/. a year each; and of New York, 2001. a year each. The Governor of Nova Scotia had 3,5001. a year; the Gover nors of New Brunswick and Newfoundland had 3,0001, a year each; while the Governor of Massachusetts; with a much larger population, had only 500/. a year. The same rate of lavish expenditure prevailed in our other colonies; there were the Governors of Mauritius and Ceylon with their 7,0001. a year .each; the Governor of Jamaica with 6,500/. a year; the Governors of Gibraltar, Malta, &c., with their 5,0001. a year a piece, and so on; while, if the colonies had to "make the appointments, they would select much better men than the present average for a fourth of the cost.—(Hear, hear.) In the West Indies, Jamaica, the Leeward Islands, the Wind ward Islands, with the exception of St. Lucia and Ba hamas, with a population of 700,000, had an expenditure of 450,000/., or 12s. 10d. a head, the rate of Jamaica being 13s. Compare these with St. Lucia, Honduras, Trinidad, and British Guiana, with a population of 190,000, and an expenditure (exclusive of emigration) of 284,0001., being at the rate of U. 95., or twice that of colonies with representative assemblies. And there again the salaries of the higher functionaries were excessive; there were twelve governors and lieutenant-governors, with 29,000/. a year. At the Cape and Mauritius there was a population of about 160,000. These being Crown co lonies, the rate of expendituretwas about the same as the Crown colonies ire the West Indies, 11. 7s. a head. The Governor of Mauritius receives 7,0001. a year; Governor of the Cape 5,0001.---(Hear, hear.) It might be said, that the rate of expenditure was higher in the Crown colonies because they were more thinly inhabited; but the Crown colonies of Mauritius were four times as thickly inhabited as Jamaica, yet the rate of expenditure at Jamaica was half less than that of Mauritius.—(Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to the Australian colonies, he found that only one of them—New South Wales was the only one which had a legislative assembly; and the con sequence was that a reduction had taken place in the expenditure of that colony immediately after the consti tution had been granted to it. From the years 1841 to 1845 the expenditure had averaged about 31. 4s. per head on the whole population of New South Wales. In the year 1846, one twelvemonth aft e r th e l eg i s l at i ve assembly had begun to sit, the expenditure was reduced to 11.8 s. per head, or less than half what it had been previously. Let him compare the expenditure of New South Wales with that of the kindred colony of Van Diemen's Land, where it amounted to 4/. 6s. in 1841, a sum three times greater than in New South Wales after the s legislative assembly was established. This excessive expenditure occasioned the greatest discontent at Van Diemen's Land, and it caused excessive taxation. The colonists themselves were of opinion that this taxa tion was illegal, and one of the judges there had been recently removed from his post for having declared these taxes illegal.—(No, no.) The Hon. Member then entered into a statement of the proceedings of the Colo nial-office with respect to asserting the right of the Crown to royalties on the products of mines situated in Australian colonies, which proceedings he asserted were highly unjust, oppressive, and contrary to good faith. With respect to the colony of New Zealand, he was un able to state what the amount of expenditure per head was, but it must be very great, as the military proceed ings there had been very expensive ; and what with an imbecile Governor, an incendiary bishop, a faithless co lonial secretary, and a discontented set of colonists, that settlement was at present in a most unsatisfactory and extraordinary state. A constitution had been granted to the settlers and natives of New Zealand in the course of 1846, but it had been arbitrarily suspended by the Colonial-office authorities within a year after it had come into operation. With respect to the desirableness of the establishnient of legislative assemblies in those colo nies where none now existed, there could be no question. He had presented many petitions praying for them from colonies not possessing those institutions. Indeed, all the colonies so circumstanced had repeatedly petitioned the House during the last ten years to grant them legislative assemblies, and only in one instance, that of New South Wales; had these petitions been attended with success. All the others had been refused, and yet he would not hesitate to assert, that if they had had legislative assem blies they would have been far better governed than they had been by the Colonial-office. He did not mean by what he stated to cast any blame upon the individuals who administered the affairs of the Colonial-office. The system was to blame, and . not the men; and it was the system alone which merited, and which should receive his blame and disrespect. Indeed, if he turned back to the proceedings of former sessions' of Parliament, he could cite the opinions of the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard, and of the present Earl. Grey, the Colonial Secretary, as fully bearing him out in his description of the manifold evils of the system observed of govern ing the colonies. The ambition of the Coloniahoffice was no less glaring than its incapacity. The authori ties there pretended to be able to govern pos sessions ranging between the arctic and antarc tic poles—they exercised authority over colonies which were at the distance of a twelvemonth's voyage from the seat of their authority, and it was notorious that one letter had scarcely been dispatched from Downing-street, ere a change in the circumstances of the colony to which it was addressed compelled the Colonial Secretary to write another diametrically op posed to it, and thus they went on from year to year, ' the orders and recommendations of the home authorities being alike neglected and despised by the legislative as semblies to whom they were addressed, and disobeyed by the governors who received them, the colonists them selves being disgusted and alienated by the gross igno ranee displayed by those who assumed the right of di recting their affairs. Now, if it were expedient to en trust such multifarious and important duties as those of Colonial Secretary to any single individual, that person ought to be possessed not only of a vast amount of knowledge, but also he ought to be a man of great expe rience and sagacity. Now, did these qualifications cha racterise the individuals who had of late years presided Over the Colonial-office ? Was the rule laid down for the choice of a Colonial Secretary that which was fol lowed in selecting that functionary ?—(Hear, and a laugh.) He was of opinion that no such rule had ever been laid down—much less carried out. The Colonial Secretary was generally chosen for expediency sake, from amongst the heads of one or the other of the par ties who sought to govern the country, and the average duration of his term of office did not exceed eighteen months.--(Hear, hear.) On looking back during the last nine years, he found that there had been exactly six different Colonial Seeretaries, namely, Lords Glenelg, Normanby, Russell, and Stanley, Mr. Gladstone, and Lord Grey. In point of fact, whilst the Colonial Secre taries were constantly changing, the system maintained in Downing-street was one of unmitigated despotism, qualified by weakness and uncertainty. The changes in policy were as frequent as, and even more so, than those in the heads of the office, At one moment the Colonial office was swayed by the West Indian interests, the next day the Protectionists had the rule, the Anti-Slavery party succeeded these, and in their turn were displaced by the New Zealand Company, who gave way before the missionaries, and thus the Colonial-office authorities were " Everything by tarns, and nothing long," which rendered all their projects abortive and all their measures unsuccessful. Such a system of government might suit a nation of serfs, but to a people accustomed to self government it presented no other aspect than that of an odious and a hateful tyranny.—(Hear.) If his asser tions were doubted—if he was supposed to misrepresent the sentiments of the colonists, let him refer the Colonial office authorities to the West Indies and the other colo nies they pretended to govern, and from one and all the same demand would be received, " Relieve us from the rule of the Colonial-offiee." Even the Canadas, the most favoured and petted of all the colonies, was not satisfied; for although they had got their Assembly, yet every now and then they sent home complaints against the heads of the Colonial-office. But if the colonists had reason to complain against the Downing street authorities, they had far more serious grounds for complaining of the governors who . were sent out to rule over them, and who were chosen ; not on account of their fitness to exercise such important functions, but purely on personal grounds, such as providing for the needy relatives of those in power—(Hear, hear)—of providing posts for unsuccessful officers, unemployed barristers, or importunate office hunters. Nay, the class of persons selected as governors was not always con fined to the reputable though needy, for instances were riot wanting in which discreditable persons had been got rid of by nominating them to a distant governor ship, where the fame of their previous career had not spread. Such being the sort of persons sent out to act as governors to the colonies, was it to be wondered at that they were utterly unfit to sustain their charac ters, or that they became the tools of the factions which existed at the seat of their r u l e ? F rom such caus es sprung the jealousies and feud s w hi c h were so f req uent amongst the authorities and functionaries of distant colonies. The governors and the judges were, owing to these causes, frequently u p on a hostile footing ' towards each other, and not a year passed in which some petitions were not presented co m pl a i n i ng o f the arbitrary removal of judges or other f unc ti onar i es b y the superior authorities of the colonies. So frequent, indeed, were these petitions, that a permanent tribunal had been constituted to judge of their grounds ; and who should be placed at the head of such a commission but the man who h a d l ong b een designated as the " evil genies of the Col on i a l- o ffi ce ? " —(Cries of " Name; " to which some Hon. Me m b er answere d Stephens.) The facts which he referred to were o f suc h notor i ety that all were acquainted with them more or less. No wonder, therefore, that the colonies were badly governed under such a system, or that the co l on i sts were di scontente d. The question to be considereel was, whether the system could be amended. It a pp eare d to hi m t h at the admi nistration of the affairs of the colonies by the Downing street authorities was far inferior to the system of self government. The colonists were far better judges of their own wants than any person jobbing in Downing street could be. The Colonial-office was entirely irre sponsible, and it was only when the country was called upon to pay for its misdeeds, in the shape of a Kafir or New Zealand war, that any accounts of its proceedings could be obtained. - And even then the documents were so carefully prepared that few of the Members of that House were able to trace the various items so set out by the Colonial-office.--(Hear, hear.) Neither the House nor the country placed any confidence in the documents put forth by the Colonial-office.—(Hear, hear.) They were drawn out to suit the views entertained by the Co lonial-office authorities, and consequently they misled people and did not inform them.—(Hear, hear.) The only remedy for the state of things he had described was self-government ; and the conclusion that he had come to was, that the only course now to be followed towards the colonists' was to bestow on them every power of managing and controlling their affairs, only reserving to Allghtml the 119vereiguty.ever them, which to withcirree would be injurious to the whole empire. The purposes for which the colonies were chiefly, if not wholly, useful to the mother country were to afford au outlet for emi gration and a market for her manufactures. During the last twenty years the cost of emigration had been 20,000,0001., and taking periods of five years during that time, it would be found that emigration had gone steadily on increasing every year. In 1832, it was 60,000; in 1837, 66,000; in 1842, 86,000; and in 1847, 121,000. These important facts would show that the habit of emigration was steadily advancing; and his con clusion was that free trade and emigration ought to be the sole objects held in view in reference to the colonies in concurrence with maintaining the sovereignty of Great Britain over them. If henceforward, instead of expend ing 4,000,000/. on the military, naval, and civil estab lishments of the colonies, 2,000,0001. were to be an nually applied to the purposes of emigration, the result would soon be most beneficial. The colonies were competing for labour ; and could England not bridge over the ocean by her emigration ships so as to supply those wants P If that could be accomplished one of the most difficult social problems of the day would be at once solved. The difficulty was to find funds ; but, as he had said, why not expend 2,000,0001, a year in this way instead of the 4,000,0001. now so idly and wastefully spent ? The statesman who would carry into operation a vast and comprehensive scheme of emigration would achieve for himself an im perishable name. But the system upon which emigration must be based ought to be that practised by the Greeks in founding their colonies, and by those wise and self denying men who founded the states of New England on the shores of America. All classes must go thither. The capitalist, the professional man, the artisan, the farmer, the mechanic, the labourer, all with their wives, their families, their implements, so as to constitute a complete colony in themselves. The horrible system of casting out paupers in a state of disease too horrible to think of, and sullied by crimes unmentionable even to the most polluted ears, was one which characterised the recent efforts at emigration sanctioned by the Colonial office. It was alike disgraceful to those who were the participators in the scheme and those who were its victims. If the good old system of colonization were pursued the savage deserts of New Zealand would soon be converted into the happy abodes of the Saxon-English race. Having thus explained his views, he begged to move the resolution which he had already read, and to state in conclusion that if the Government agreed in it, he would on a future day give notice of his intention next session to appeal to the Honse to appoint a Com mittee to inquire into the means by which the views he had explained could best be carried into effect. Mr. iIUTT lamented his inability to offer any ade quate tribute to the admirable speech which the Hon. Baronet had just delivered, and he should even have felt diffident iu rising to second the motion, were it not that he was prepared to maintain nearly every position laid down by the Hon. Baronet. In 1830, a few gentlemen tried to show how advantageous emigration would be to the labouring classes, and an association was established for the purpose of trying the experiment in South Australia. The intended colonists, who were ready to sacrifice everything here for the purpose of going out to colonize that country, could but expect every thing in the way of assistance from the Colonial office; but the difficulties which that office inter posed by their Bill rendered colonization almost impossible. These difficulties were, however, over come; and notwithstanding that, it required an Act of Parliamen(to shield the colonists from misery. The colony was however established in spite of the Colonial office, and was now flourishing to a degree which was not expected. There were a great many people in this country who were severely suffering from the pressure of the times, and who would be glad to exercise their labour in our distant dependencies. The elements of comfort which they afforded if judiciously combined would be vastly beneficial to those who would emigrate from the country if encouraged by the Colonial-office. There was at this moment a great desire ou the part of the working classes in this country to emigrate; but they should do something to improve the colonists, and to inculcate affection towards the mother -country. They ought not to be taught to support one constitution in one colony, and another in another colony, for such would lead to nothing but dismemberment and disaffec tion. This was a subj et Which most loudly called for the attention of the Legislature. Only give the colonies the right of self-government, and they would defray all the expenses of their own administration, and would thus relieve the Colonial-office from all existing embarrass ments. Mr. HAWES said, that whether he regarded the im portance of this debate, or the magnitude of the subject, and the multitude of details it involved, he might ven ture to solicit the kindness and indulgence of the House whilst he drew somewhat largely on its attention. The Hon. Member for Gateshead (Hr. Hutt) had impugned, not the colonial policy of the present day, but of Eng land itself; reproaches had been heaped on the Colonial office, and on the Noble Lord now at its head, of which he humbly begged to take his share. Mr. HUTA.' begged distinctly. to state that he had directed no reproaches against the Noble Lord (Lord Grey) or the Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear.) Mr. HAWES said that what had fallen from his Hon. Friend and the Hon. Baronet the Member for Southwark, had not only cast reproaches on the system, but on those who had so long administered it.—(Elear.) It was not for him (Mr. Hawes) to presume to defend all the errors which had accumulated in their colonial policy from time to time; but this lie would say, that the colonial policy of England was the most successful and the most beneficial that the world ever saw.—(Cries of " Oh," and " No.") Then he would call upon any Hon. Gen tleman to point out another instance, and to say where it was that they saw the same degree of internal tran quillity and commercial prosperity. The Hon. Member then referred to what be termed the "old colonial sys tem," an expression which he owned did not convey to his mind any very definite idea of the particular system intended, but if he meant the system of colonization, which once prevailed, and which consisted largely in monopoly and slavery, he thought they would not be very eager to return to it, but would rather be disposed to continue the system, which at present was in force.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member made some harsh ob servations on the tampering which he thought prevailed at the Colonial-office, saying that needy adventurers, and those who could command any interest there, were the persons appointed to its various offices of emolu ment. He thought the Hon. Member might have re frained from attaching any sordid nature to such ap pointments, and have given credit for a sincere desire to promote the true interests of the public service, by a choice of able and distinguished men. The Hon. Member, if he had chosen, might have recalled name after name of men appointed to important posts in the colonies, whose services deserved the greatest praise. He might have recalled the names of Lord Metcalfe, Lord Elgin, Sir Harry Smith, Sir William Colebrooke, Mr. M. O'Ferrall, Sir George Grey, and Lord' Harris, of whom it could not be said that Parliamentary inflow ence alone procured them their posts. The Hon. Gen tleman then contended that it was wise and expedient to give the largest portion of self- government to the colo nies, and at the same time he understood him to say that he would abandon none of them. Now he (Mr. Hawes) agreed so far with the Hon. Member as to think that, wherever the colony was suited for self-government, the Government of this country was bound to allow it. That principle, however, was to be received with caution, and much qualified in its application. Thus, they extended to Canada the largest share of self-government, but would it be prudent to extend the same constitution to the small island of Nevis?—(Hear, hear.) The Mau ritius, for another example, was a military station as well as a colony, and must be regarded under both points of view. It was in such cases as those, and in others where few Europeans were mixed up with large numbers of the coloured races, that the beneficial influ ence of the Crown, in tempering their frequently dis cordant interest, was perceived. He was glad to hear, however, that the Hon. Member did not recommend the House to abandon any of the colonies, and he could only regret that he should have brought this subject forward, without being sure, in the first instance, of establishing a case, as a debate of that kind materially , tended to weaken the authority of Government in the colonies. The Hon. Member then cited the case of Canada, as an instance of the extension of the principle of self-govern ment, and afterwards mentioned that of New Brunswick. In the course of his speech the Hon. Member for South wark made some harsh observations on the subject of the Bill which was passed for the purpose of defining and improving the government of New Zealand. The Bill for the government of New Zealand contained a provio sion for the franchise of the natives, which was the first instance where so great and good an object was had in view, of admitting the natives to a share of fhe govern ment. And how stood the fact with regard to Australia? The Bill in that case, not meeting with general approbation, was abandoned, and the probable result would be a representative govern ment. In a dispatch of the 20th December, 1841, Sir G. Napier, the governor of the colony, recommended the establishment of a representative government, of which his Noble Friend Lord Stanley took notice after wards, saying that the project should be entertained as Soon as the affairs of Kafraria were arranged. It was the first business of Sir Harry Smith on settling them, to inquire into the civil institutions of the colony, and they expeoted that he would fully report upon that very point. It was a matter of notoriety, that the colonies, as a rule, contained a very small European and a very large coloured community; and that being the case, was the House prepared to concur in the policy of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Southwark? Then the Hon. Member said that representative Governments conducted all their affairs more successfully and, more economically. He did think that his Hon. Friend was not in possession of proper grounds of calculation, upon which he could base his opinions. In the West Indian colonies, for instance, it was extremely difficult to ascertain the amount of the revenue; but in Australia, if they included 50,000 emigrants in their calculation, the result, of course, would be totally different, and the comparison unfair. Neither British Guiana, nor Hong Kong were such costly colonies as the Hon. Member seemed to think, the total annual ex penditure of the former being only 42,0004, and their expenditure would, for the future, be decreased. In Ceylon, the entire expenditure had been placed under review, and in Mauritius the Governor had reduced the expense by •5,0001. a year, and had relieved the inhabi tants of 30,0001. by removing the stamp duty. He therefore thought he had shown, that the principle of self-government had been extended to every colony that admitted of it, and that their expenditure had not yet been recognised as a substantive ground of complaint against the system. The total value of the imports in 1845 into the United Kingdom, was 15,100,0004, and the total value of the exports in the same year was 13,000,0004 It was quite clear that the total value ,of the imports and exports was the sum on which they had to strike their per centage. With respect to the colony of Australia, it was well known that it was a pet colony ; and had not the Colonial Department taken it into hand, it TM quite clear it walci be U9W ill a Mato of bankruptcy. The Right Hon. Gentleman then went into the question of the _royalties of the colony; and proceeded to advert to the advantages which might arise to this country from the circumstance of thq colony of New South Wales being what was termed "Territorial." That circumstance rendered it of great valve as afford ing a field for emigration, which, if properly turned to account, might be made productive of the greatest ad vantages to British society.—(Hear.) He then directed attention to the colony of New Zealand, which gave promise of the greatest advantages. He confessed that the military expenditure of the colonies had increased considerably. One broad result was rather reinarkable; the increased expenditure from 1843, amounted to 700,0001., but nearly . the whole of that sum was ab sorbed by Canada and New South Wales, which were considerable military stations. On the other hand, the civil expenditure had not increased very largely —it had not in those years increased more than 40,0001. The naval expenditure had not also increased very largely. With respect to the ordinances passed in the colonies, there were 9 12 ordinances passed, and of those only 55 were objected to by the Colonial -office. He was quite aware that the Colonial-office did not enjoy any very favourable opinion in the mind of Many Hon. Members he was quite aware that it was an office which, either more or less, was attended with unpopu larity. The Hon. Gentle man t h en proceeded to defend the Colonial-office generally from the charges which had been brought against them, and concluded by stating that he had not the least objection to the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. He admitted that the colonial expen diture required attention, and he should not oppose in quiry into it. He saw the great value of the colonial empire to the mother country, and he believed, if pro perly managed, that the greatest advantages would arise from it. He was, therefore, most anxious to in crease the ties by which they were at present bound together, and he hoped every day to see them become stronger. Mr. SCOTT here proposed the adjournment of the debate. Mr. HUME considered that his Hon. Friend who bad brought forward the motion had stated the whole case of the colonies so fully, that further discussion, by adjourn ment, was not necessary. H e t h ere f ore hoped the de bate would not be interrupted, but allowed to proceed; and looking also to the concessions which the Govern ment had made, he thought that the adjournment was the less called for. Mr. ANSTEY seconded the motion of his Hon. Friend Mr. Scott. Mr. STAFFORD did not think that the Hon. Mem ber for Montrose had been in the /louse from twelve o'clock. --(L au ghter.) Mr. HtJAIE—I certainly have—l have never been out of it. Mr. MANGLES had been in the House fifteen hours, yet if the House w ou ld p erm i t hi m he would go on. He admitted that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies had been satisfactory in one part of his statement—he had shown the improvements which had taken place, and if the Hon. Gentleman bad been less chivalrous and more prudent he might have done very well. But the Hon. Gentleman's chivalry led him into a defence of the administration of various Colonial Se cretaries, and in that part of the Hon. Gentleman's speech he (Mr. Mangles) was ready to join issue with him The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to analyse the con duct of the Colonial Department in its administration of and dealing with the colonies, which he arraigned, and complained of the Ireqiient changes of officers which took place in the office of Secretary of. State for the Colonial Department, and expressed his opinioil that the appointment of a Board of Directors, or Com missioners--call them what they pleased—would be at tended with advantages, which would correct the incon• veniences which the charges of which he complained gave rise to. Mr. URQUHART called the attention of the House to the adjournment of the debate, and supported it. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had no objection to the adjournment of the debate. Mr. SCOTT—Then I move the adjournment of the 'debate for a fortnight. —Agreed to. SIERRA LEONE. • Mr. ANSTEY rose to move for papers relating to the charges brought by Governor Macdonald against Tho mas O'Brien, Esq., late Colonial Secretary of Sierra Leone; and the counter charges by the latter gentleman against the former, and the decision of the Colonial-office on the subject. The 'Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to address the House, when An HON. MEMBER moved that the HOMO be counted. There being only 34 Members present, the House stood adjourned at a Quarter past Twelve o'clock. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, JULY 25. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market was generally quiet, and few sales were effected, the holders of shares trying to, an advance of prices. Great Western Quarter Shares were done at 2 dis. LIVERPOOL, JULY 25. STOCK EXCITANGIL—We have a dull and gloomy market for shares. Prices are lower, and little business doing, The sales are—East Lancashire, Preference, % p.—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 10/. Shares, Preference, % p.—London and North-Western, 125 c.--Ditto, New Quarters, 1% land Stock, 103 c.—Ditto, New Halves, 6 dis.—Newcastle and Carlisle,loB—North Union (A), 206—Shrewsbury and Chester, 101. Shares, Preference, 13 —South-Eastern and Dover, No. 1, c. dis.—Ditto, No. 4, Thirds, 2R c. dis. MANCHESTER, JULY 25. feren STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Caledonian, Pre:' e, p.—Great Northern, 8 13 - 1 6—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 10/. Preference, 6 per cent., % p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 10/, Preference, RN—Ditto (Sheffield and Lincolnshire), 10 dis.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham (B), dis. — South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4,2% dis. BIRMINGHAM, JULY 25. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The sales are—North Staffordshire, 535. 9d. dis.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham (A), Si. 6s. 3d. dis, ex int.—Ditto (B), 565. 3d. dis. ex int.—Shropsbire Union, 565. 3d. dis. ex int.—South Staffordshire, 635. 9d. dim YORK, JULY 24. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The business transacted to-day was as follows : Great Northern, 6 , 4—North British, Extension. 4s. 3d.—York, Newcastle, and Berwick (G. N. E. Par chase), 9 1 4. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, JULY 25. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The only sale was—Newcastle aril Carlisle, 107%. GLASGOW, JULY 24. STOCK EKCHA NOIL—The sales are—Caledonian, Prefr rence, 625. 6d.—Caledonian and Dumbartonshire, 6 dis.--• Edinburgh and Stirling Mid. Junction, 5 per cent. guar' , 104—Edinburgh and Perth, 16s. 6 d.—Glasgow, Kiimar• nock, and Ayr, Halves, No 1, 71. 115 . —Ditto, No. 2. 71.9 d. —Glasgow and Greenock, Halves, 6/. 6s.—North British, Thi r d s, 545. 7 1 ,6—Great Norther* DEATH OF THE REY. R. W. HAmwroliF LL.D., D.D.—A great and good man has been ttt. from among us —an eminent minister of the Gospel- 4 distinguished ornament of the town of Leeds--ra man bo b loved and admired throughout the kingdom—the gifted eloquent, and noble minded Richard Winter Hamilton , The loss is national. It will be felt peouliarif by the Congregational and other • Nonconformist bodies. Dr. Hamilton had been suffering severely for some weeks from cellular erysipelis in the left arm. Oa Sunday the symptoms became very alarming, and at one o'clock on Tuesday, the 18th instant, he expired. Se had just completed his fifty-fourth year. Dr. Hamilton was a native of London, where he was born On the 6th of July, 1794. He was educated partly at a school in the Isle of Wight, and partly at the Protestant Die centers' Grammar School, Mill-hill, near London, in the latter of which Sergeant Talfourd was his school' fellow. —Leeds Mercury, [ADVERTISEMENT.]—CAPTAIN REAMER, OF TSS BARQUE WILIIEIMEIL CIIIIED OP A DREADFUL SODERUEN C PLAINT Ric lioaaowAy's OINTMENT AND PILLS.—In this eatonistann case the whole of the body and legs were covered with lumps near};/ the size of Tonquin beans, and had been so for the last thirty years ' surprising to relat e this terrible disease complet e ly di s p peare d _ the system in the course of a month, by having large quantities 0 . the ointment well rubbed in every night and morning, and taking i b° pills in copiou s d oses. This cure is known to many respects .- people, as the vessel was discharging her cargo in the Thames ord/ about a fortnight since.—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor loway's establishment 244, Strand, London. • SWEDISH POTATOES.—A vessel arrived from G° . thenburg has brought 35 sacks of potatoes, as a p o rtion of her cargo, the produce of Sweden. This is a very un usual article of importation from this European stag* and the arrival on account of its novelty is of interest. EXTENSIVE ROBBERY AT THE GRNRRAL Pow-` OFEICE.— Yesterday it was discovered that a letter, con' taming nearly 6,0001. in, Mites and bills of exchangt had been abstracted whilst in course of transit through the General Post-office: aIRTIIB. • ' . At Sanquha P r - e h n o r u o s s e e , nGeoarrdFo Cumming,rres, on Eof m 20t nst., t b Ly e r w:: of Alexander a SOIL On the 21st inst., at. Potternewton-hall, near Leeds, PJ wife of F. Lupton, Esq., of a son. On the 22d inst., at liontague-place, Cl a ph am-roa d , 31 1 4. Charles Goldsmith, ora aughter. On the 23d inst., at. Clapham-common, the wife of ll' Ravenhill, Esq., of a daughter. At Butleigh-court, on the 23d inst., the wife of R. Nevin * Esq., of a daughter. At the Spa, M e !k s h am, Wilts T. ,on the 22d inst., the . .Of John C. M'Nair, Esq., or a son. On the 23d inst., at Bo.wnham-house, Stroud, Glocester shire, the lady of Leonard M. Strachey, Esq., of a son. On the 24th inst., the lady of G. Pritt, Esq., of Woo!' bourne-terrace, of a daughter. MARBLED. On the 22d inst., at Hordle Church, near Lyfningl Hants, Tho mas E . ;S ymonds, Commander Royal Navy, a Exmouth, Devon, eldest son of Rear-Ad m i ra l SymondirL Yeatton, Hordle, Hants, to Anne Fra nces , on l y c hild of lu; late J. G. S c h we it zer , E aq., of Southall, Middlesex, and wi d° r of the Rev. N. Tindal, of Sandhurst, Gloucestershire. On the 22d inst. at St. John's, Paddi ng t on , Mr. Janus Davies, son of the fate Captain Davies ' to Henrietta Augt ls : daughter of Mr. John W orre ll, of Hunter -street, Br "- wick. square. At St. John's, Hampstead, on the 22d inst., Ellen, sec° daughter of the late J. Oridge, Esq., of Kentish-town, to Robinson, Esq., of St. John's-wood-park. DIEB. On the 21st inst., John S. Udny, Esq., late of the Benr Civil Service. On the 22d inst., at Ha m ilt on - square , Bi r k en h ea d, lid 72, Elizabeth, widow of th e l a t e Lieutenant-Colonel 11°— Cameron. On the 22d inst., at Bayswater, aged 49, Augustkearw — . the wife of I'. B. Hoskyns Abrahali, Esq. ~, of On the 23d inst., Emma, the wif e o f John Jones', •‘.ll-l'' - the Oaks, Surrey. At Clapham, on the 23d inst., John, eldest son of the W. Tate, Esq., whom he survived ten days. d it At Kintbury, near Hun ger f or d , B er k o, on t h e 28 . vi a aged 87, Sir John Bateman, Knt., formerly of the ibvi Artillery. On the 22d inst., at SI,. Piccadilly, suddenly, Mr. Jolla Chapple, aged London: Printed an d P u b l i shed by MURDO YOD -412. No. 112, Strand, Prifiter, at Tile Sun Office, 4‘" coot' Of Strand, in th e P rec i nct o f the Savoy, i ii the coo.' Wednesday,; July 26, 1848. ,1••• , ..,.1........,..,,..... artat p i Me( forgo °bee Alen I ‘ll ItESTi /tire, bon .E. 1 1%4 44,