The Sun. — London, England, 1865-07-13 00:00:00

ELECTION TEL LIGENCE. TIVERTON. The nomination of members to serve in the new Parliament for this borough took place at 11 o'clock yesterday, in the presence of a large concourse of electors and non-electors. There was a consider able attendance of ladies, who occupied all the win dows and balconies commanding a view of the hustings. The candidates were escorted to the hustings by their principal supporters, and on taking up their positions on the platform were greeted with vehe ment cheers, mingled, in the case of Mr. Denman and Mr. liralrond, with a few marks of disapproba tion from their opponents. Lord Palmerston was received, as usual, with general enthusiasm. The writ having been read, and the other formalities duly observed, Mr. F. HoLE proposed, and Mr. PAINE seconded the nomination of Lord Palmerston. Mr. AMORY proposed and Mr. FORD seconded the nomination of the Hon. George Denman (Liberal.) Mr. F, 0. PATCH proposed and Mr. CARPENTER seconded the nomination of Mr. J. W. Walrond (Liberal Conservative.) No other candidate having been proposed, Lord PAL3IERSTON then stepped forward to ad dress the assemblage, and was received with vehe ment cheering, accompanied by the waving of hats and handkerchiefs. Silence having been restored his Lordship (who looked remarkably well, and spoke with all his wonted vigour and animation), said,—Ladies and gentlemen, gentlemen electors of Tiverton,—l cannot omit the ladies, because, even as things are, we know the influence which they exert over the electors —(laughter and cheers)—not an unconstitutional influence--(renewed laughter) —not by intimidation, but by winning ways—(a laugh)—and, moreover, I am much disposed to agree with the American lady who a few days ago addressed, I think, the electors of Westminster, and contended for what she called " the woman's question"—that is to say, that whenever universal suffrage is established the ladies will have as good a right to vote as the men. (Laughter and cheers.) Well, ladies and gentlemen, I appear before you now not for the first time. I am not, therefore, about to give myself a character, because I know that you, who watch with attention and anxiety the conduct of public men, are just as able to form an estimate of my character as I should be myself ; and no doubt you would form it with more partiality than the man whom it concerns. I have so long had the honour of being one of the representatives for Tiverton that I confess I feel no anxiety as to the result of the poll to-morrow. (Cheers.) You men of Devonshire are not reproachable with the attribute of fickleness. You are steady friends and warm friends, and when once you have taken up and supported a man, as you have done me the honour of taking up and support ing me, it is not your habit to turn your back upon him capriciously and without reason. (Cheers.) For the last six years I have had the honour of being a principal member of her Majesty's Government. When first the charge of the affairs of the country devolved upon us, we were told by many—and by men whose opinion is entitled to weight—by men of political experience and sound judgment, " Get rid of that Parliament as soon as you can. (Laughter.) It was called and elected under the auspices of your opponents. Do not trust it ; it is sure to serve you some scurvy trick. (Laughter.) Have a Parliament of your own, and then you will be able to carry on the business of the country." Well, we said "No ; we will take things as they are ; we will trust men of honour, until we find that we are deceived, and we will not get rid of this Parliament until it has shown by some adverse vote that we have no chance of obtaining its confidence." (Hear, hear.) Well, that Parliament, I must say, to its honour, treated our Government in the fairest and most handsome manner. I don't mean to say that we had not some party struggles. Such struggles form part of the - working of the British Constitution. There must. be always, and ought to be, an Opposition as well as a Government, and it is the business and the duty of the Opposition from time to time to try to displace, the Government, and they arc only performing a public duty, and not liable to reproach, when they take advantage of what they may think a fair opportunity for doing so. (Hear.) Those oppor tunities were taken advantage of, but the attempts failed. We continued to hold a majority in the House of Commons ; and that majority, so far from diminishing as years rolled on, was larger on the last great battle than it had been when we were first seated in office. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, I say that you are part of the British nation, repre sented fairly in the House of Commons ; and can I persuade myself that you will feel less confidence in us than the House of Commons did—a House of Commons, too, which was elected under adverse in fluences? (Hear.) You, gentlemen, acting as consis tent Liberals, haveinvariably for many years honored me with your confidence and support, and therefore I am convinced that I shall leave this town again as one of the representatives of Tiverton. (Cheers.) I can assure you that I desire no more honourable po sition, as a member of the House of Commons, than that of representing this Liberal borough. (Hear.) I will not deny or conceal from you that I have had overtures made me to stand for other places—(hear) --places to which men in general attach great value, and for which they entertain great respect. But I said " No; I have, as I believe, succeeded in secur ing for myself the friendship of the electors of Tiver ton." I am proud of that friendship, and I will not be the man to leave old friends who are not dis posed to desert me. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the course pursued by the Government of which I have had the honour of being a member during the last six years is written in the statute books of the land, is written in the history of Europe, is written in the transactions of the world. (Loud cheers.) We have, I flatter myself, without the fear of contradiction, honourably and faithfully performed the duties which our Sovereign and the Parliament confided to our hands. (Hear, hear.) There cannot, lam sure, be found in the an nals of the United Kingdom a period of six years during which the nation has enjoyed more advan tages at home, morerespect and honour abroad, than during the existence of the late Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Industry has been relieved from many of those shackles which previously cramped its exer tions. Wealth has been accumulated, and, with re gard to some individuals who have been more suc cessful than others in the pursuits of commerce and manufactures, has been accumulated in a degree which is almost fabulous. Indeed, to one who did not know it to be true that degree might appear to be a great exaggeration. We are told of individual men who have amassed a million, even a million and a half—nay, more, men hardly known to the bulk of their countrymen, except as honest, industrious, painstaking men, have acquired an amount of wealth which in former times would not have been deemed Well, the publi c wea l t h h as possible. (Hear, hear.) increased with the aggregation of individual riches; every man who has made these large accumulations of wealth has been a benefactor to his country, not only by the employment which he has given to thou sands under his care, but also by the contributions which he makes to the revenue, and consequentlyt o the prosperity of the nation. In fact, the wealth of the country has increased so rapidly that my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has been unable to stop that increase by a great reinis- sion of taxation._ (Laughter and cheers.) He has done his best (renewed laughter) ; he has taken off tax after tax, income-tax, sugar duties, tea duties, fire insurance duty—indeed, he has gone through all the catalogue of taxes, nibbling here, cutting down there (a laugh) ; but, in spite of all his exertions, the country has been determined to produce a large re venue (laughter and cheers), and by that large re venue, accompanied by great alleviation of burdens to each individual, we have succeeded in making for the first . time some noteworthy impression upon the public debt—(hear, hear)—while we have also main tained all our establishments, Army, Navy, Militia, and Volunteers in a state of perfect efficiency. And, gentlemen, let me say, that is no small matter- (hear, hear)—because, depend-upon it, the money which is spent upon national defences in time of peace, pro vided always it is not carried to excess, is the best security against the recurrence of war. (Cheers.) A country which accumulates wealth and does not maintain a sufficient means of defence is like a banker who would fill his chest with gold and leave his doors unbolted and his windows unbarred. (Hear, hear.) We know what the result would be to the banker— (laughter)—and history and experience tell us what has been the result of a similar policy to nations. (Hear, hear.) At the same time, our means of de fence, in order to be sufficient, need not and ought never to be carried to the extent to which continental nations carry the numerical force of their armies— armies which are destined apparently more for ag gression than for internal security ; but we ought to have a proper regard to those defences which secure the people of this country from those innumerable and indescribable evils which - befall a country that is the seat of military operations. Along with that security and that precaution it is the duty of a Government to maintain, by every means consistent with national honour and self-respect, the most friendly relations with all the great Powers of the world. (Hear.) Well, gentlemen, we have done that. We are upon good terms with all the great powers of the world ; and the way in which we have observed neutrality in chat afflicting war which has desolated the pro vinces of North America, in spite of the strong expressions of passionate partiality which broke forth from different classes of the country —some in favour of the North, others in favour of the South—l say that the stedfast and perse vering manner in which we refused every solicita tion, and solicitations, too, which came from America as well as from England, entitles us, I think, to the thanks, as they contributed to the welfare, of the country. (Cheers.) While the South imagined at the outset that by stinting us in our supply of cotton we should be compelled to take part with them, the North imagined that their determination to abolish slavery in the South would enlist in their favour the philanthropic feelings of the British nation, and that on that account we should assist them. Well, that cotton famine was a great calamity to this coun try. (Hear, hear.) It lasted several years, and its pressure was extreme. But noble, on the other hand, was the conduct of that part of our manufac turing population who were thrown out of employ ment by the cessation of the cotton supply. They showed that they had rightly understood the posi tion of things. They knew full well—they could not be ignorant of it—that that pressure, that dimi nution of supply, was not owing to any act what ever of their rulers. They saw that it was the re sult of events over which the Government of their country could have no possible control. (Hear.) That was one motive which induced them to bear the pressure with patience. But, on the other hand, they saw the readiness with which their fellow countrymen stepped forward to contribute to the re lief of their necessities. They saw that our Poor-law arrangements provided great means of relieving their distress, but they saw also that the nobles and gentry of the land came forward with magnificent contributions in aid of the resources furnished by the Poor-law to avert from them some of the evils which the cotton famine inevitably inflicted. (Hear.) Well, that was a great drawback from our national prosperity. Then, again, we had in the sister island three successive bad years, and those who know Ireland, and are aware how much the great bulk of her agricultnral population depend upon the produce of their small bits of land, will well understand how great was the calamity of those successive failures of the harvest. But, in spite of these local calamities, in spite of these partial draw backs from the advancing prosperity of the country, I maintain that the wealth and welfare of the United Kingdom have increased in a greater degree, and in a more rapid manner, during the six years to which I have referred than i❑ any equal period of our history. (Hear.) Again, it has been thought by some that her Majesty's Government have been too much occupied with political matters, and have not sufficiently attended to the extension of our com mercial intercourse with other countries. Far is the truth from such an assertion. We have been assi duously engaged in Europe in extending not only by our example and our precept, but also by our treaties, those principles of free commercial inter course which have so well succeeded in this country, and which we are telling foreign nations would suc ceed equally well with them. (Hear, hear.) We have great:y enlarged, to the advantage of both nations, the commercial relations between England and France ; and depend upon it, gentlemen, that one of the securities for a friendly understanding between two great countries is the fact that each country has a commercial interest in maintaining peace and friendship with the other. (Hear, hear.) We were assisted in that by the late Mr. Cobden (cheers), and most honourable and successful were his exertions in carrying locally into effect the in structions which he received from the Government, Ills conduct was, indeed, in all respects noble, for he declined those offers which it was my duty to make to him of rewards from the Crown, preferring that reward which a good conscience affords to a man who has well and faithfully served his country. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, there were among the French people great prejudices to be overcome. There were separate interests, which would, as they thought, be thwarted and possibly ruined by the competition of British manufactures. They seemed to suppose, as many, men do in many continental States, that commerce is a one-sided operation; and that the manufacturers of England are silly enough to what they call " inundate" foreign countries with their manufactures without requiring in exchange an equal value in the manufactures and produce of the industry of those foreign countries. They have found out their mistake. Other nations in Ger many are beginning to be undeceived ; and I trust that . the doctrines of the great advantage which freedom of exchange in productions invariably be stcws upon a nation is making its way—that while we ourselves shall derive great benefit from its universal adoption we shall also have the consola- tion of thinking that we are conferring benefits equal to those we receive, and that, therefore, we are the friends of humanity at large. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, there was one remote part of the world which men in their ignorance—l should rather say in their unacquaintance—had magnified into an unapproachable region, with which it was vain to expect any friendly or commercial intercourse—l mean China and Japan. Well, with both China and Japan we are now upon friendly terms, and our com merce with both is rapidly and most prosperously increasing. (Hear, hear.) I have here behind me an hon. friend of mine, Sir John Bowring—(cheers)— who had much to do in carrying out these great and advantageous transactions, and to whom great merit must be attributed for having been the first almost to deal with the Japanese question. Then, I say, seeing that the prosperous and successful exertions of industry, whether agricultural, manufacturing, or commercial, are the foundation of national wealth, national welfare, and national happiness, a Govern ment which, like ours, have laboured incessantly and successfully in extending our commercial rela tions with foreign nations deserves, as I think, the confidence and support of their fellow countrymen. (Cheers.) I trust, then, gentlemen, that I shall find ,he electors of Tiverton in the same mind as the louse of Commons lately dissolved was, and that hey will give a fair and honest support to me as representing here that successful Government ; and that I shall not be deceived in the expectationlhave formed that I shall again carry away from this town that honour which I have for so many years—and I may say for so many Parliaments—enjoyed of being one of its representatives in the Imperial Parlia ment. (Cheers.) I wish you, gentlemen, a good clay, and, as is said in the play, " We will meet again at Philippi" (laughter), by which I mean at the h us tings and the polling-booth to-morrow. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) Mr. Denman and Mr. Waldron having spok ei ,, The Mayor then took the show of hands, and declared it to be in favour of Lord Palmerston and Mr. Denman A poll was then demanded on behalf of Mr. Waldron ; and thanks having been voted, on the motion of Lord Palmerston, seconded by Mr. Den man, to the returning officer, the assemblage dis persed. The contest between Mr. Denman and Mr. Waldron will be very severe. Lord Palmerston's return, it need hardly be stated, is quite secure. BIRMINGHAM. The nomination of candidates for the representa tion of Birmingham in the next Parliament took place yesterday at 12 o'clock, in the Town-hall. Mr. Alderman PHILLIPS proposed, and Mr. J. JAFFRAY seconded, the nomination of Mr. Schole field. Mr. GEo. DIXON next proposed Mr. Bright. Mr. Alderman MANTON seconded the motion. No other candidate being proposed, a show of hands was called for, and with a spontaneity almost electrical every man within the large building held up both hands ; and then all cheered again and again. The MAYOR in the usual manner declared Mr. Scholefield and Mr. Bright to be duly elected. Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD, on rising to return thanks for the honour conferred upon him for the third time, entered into a review of the late Parliament, dwell ing more particularly on the three great measures of the last session—the Union Chargeability Bill, the Partnership Law Amendment Bill, and the Regis tration of Lands Bill. The hon. member also re ferred to his views with regard to the late American war, and expressed a hope, as the Southerners were fairly beaten in the contest, they would accept the issue, and devote themselves to the work of consoli dating the Union, and promoting the general pros perity of the entire country. (Cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT (who, on coming forward, was re ceived with repeated cheers) said :—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen,—You have received me with great kindness on this occasion, and you have again ccn ferred upon me a very high trust. I wish our lan guage was more copious, or that I were able to tell you how much I esteem the position in which by your favour lam now permitted to stand. But I think I shall be compelled to leave for the future the expression of that feeling, and show it by the fidelity with which I shall endeavour to execute the trust which you have now for the third time confided to my care. (Cheers.) I suspect we all feel that on this occasion there wants a little of that stimulus that we acted under the last time —(a laugh)—when my hon. friend and myself appeared before you in the position of candidates. I look in vain to the left corner of the platform for those gentlemen who on that occasion felt it their duty to oppose me. They did their opposition, as any man in Birmingham would, I trust, do it, in a manner that was courteous and gentlemanly, and I have never from that moment to this felt the slightest animosity to the gentlemen who then ap peared in opposition to me. I strongly hope, and I have some reason to believe, that not a few of them would have no objection on this occasion to stand on this platform and give a joint support to my col league and myself. (Cheers.) But still, if there wants the stimulus of opposition, there exists here, and always must exist, a strong interest on an occa sion like this, when men are called upon to perform the greatest public duty, to elect their share of the most potent Legislature, that enacts laws for the largest portion of the population of the globe united under one sceptre and in one empire. And when we say we are forming part of the Government of our country, as we are doing this morning, what do wo mean but this—that we are putting in force that power which is felt either for evil or for good in the very humblest homes of the people of this kingdom ? For nothing can be more certain than this, that the improved condition of the people of England at this moment, as compared with their condition twenty or thirty years ago, is to be attributed almost en tirely to improvement in our legislation, and to greater wisdom in the action of Parliament and of the administration of the affairs of the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) And now, although some people think that everything is very quiet, and that no body cares about anything, I take the liberty to assert that the time, if not critical, is deeply interest ing; for to my eye it appears that many old things are passing away ; and though it may not be said that all things are, yet it may doubtless be said that many things are becoming new. There is everywhere, not in England only, but through out the Continent of Europe, and all over the world, there is a. new power coming forward, and steadily and continually advancing. (Cheers.) It is a power - which is contesting the ancient authority of monarchs and aristocracies ; and with this new power there are new principles , always emerging and coming to the light, and tamingob the sympathy and suppo r t o f a ll sensible and intelligent men, and giving, as I believe they will give, greater securities to whatever freedom we possess, and extending the bounds of that freedom by extending' intelligence among the people, and by strengthening in every kingdom the popular power. (Cheers.) My hon. colleague has referred to the address which I issued about a fortnight ago, in which I referred mainly to the question of reform. I take . that question to be the one great question of the hour—(loud cheers)—and that really it may be said at this moment to include almost every other question. The Prime Minister, in his address to the electors of Tiverton, says nothing about it. (Laughter.) That, I think, was wise, considering what he has done with regard to it. (Renewed laughter.) But passing from that address, we find that, both among Liberal and Tory candidates, the question of Reform is mentioned in some way or other, either in their written or spoken addresses to constituencies at the present election. I don't know who mentions it oftenest, whether the Liberal or Tory. (Laughter.) I know, in the county from whence I conic,. there are three Tory candidates, and in their recent speeches they say that they think the question of Reform is one that must soon be considered and soon settled. The Liberals are more specific in their statements. The Tories use am biguous phrases. They say they will not object to what they call " a well-considered measure"— (laughter)—which means a measure you would con- sider so long that you would never come to a con clusion upon it. (Renewed laughter.) They also say they are for a uniform or well-balanced propo- sition of Reform—which means so exactly balanced that the scale is not in the least degree to be altered, and that everything should be exactly as it is. (Laughter.) Well, others again say they would nob object to a safe and constitutional measure of Re form—by which they mean a measure which will not disturb one of those things which all sensible and thoughtful men are beginning to condemn, and which would leave those who have heretofore exercised the sole power of government their uncon tested supremacy in the administration of the affairs of this great nation. But why is there this wish on the part of politicians on every side to see the ques tion of Reform got out of the way ? The people are more instructed than they were twenty years ago, and they know more of everything ; and is it not reasonable that they should know more of the question of the constitution which exists, and of the representation as it stands, in their own c oun t ry ? . . . . Now, let us see what it is that we mean ? We are not ambiguous in our phrases at all. (A laugh.) We live under what is called a representative con- stitution. We are governed by a monarch, by a House of Peers, and by a House of Commons. We are the Common; assembled in this noble hall at this moment. We form an important part of the Commons of England ; and you have just exercised your great and constitutional function, by electing two men in whom you have confidence to take part in the deliberation; and decisions of the Commons House of Parliament. (Loud cheers). Now the monarch—whether a monarch as admirable in the performance of all the duties of that eminent office as the Queen now upon the throne, or as some other monarch of whom one can hardly speak so favour _ _ ably, who occupied the throne in past times—the monarch is not representative, in the sense of elec toral representation. The monarch is the supreme executive of this country, and is supposed to look with equal eye upon all classes of the people. The Peers are not themselves representative ; for they give no account of their opinions or votes. They separate from their gilded chamber after we are dismissed from our humbler hall, but they do not come back to great meetings of their countrymen as we do, to receive condemnation if we have done ill, or a return of confidence and a restoration of our high trust if we have wisely and faithfully executed our office. (Cheers.) Well, who is it then that stands for the people —speaks for the people ? Why, the House of Commons, essentially, and infinitely more than any of the other branches of the • Legislature and therefore I should say, if we are to be taken care of at all, it is essential that the House of Commons should faithfully represent THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 13, 1865 the people. (Cheers.) Well, let us see how it does so. The census gives the number of nearly seven millions of grown men in the United Kingdom. If you take the whole number of those who vote for members of the House of Commons, you will find it to be 1,330,000 voters. If you deduct from those such as have double entries, and all who lose their qualification from one year to another, you will find the number brought to less than 1,200,000 voters ; and if at this election every man was polled, and if there was every kind of arrangement, such as cabs, for bringing voters to the poll, I believe not one million could be brought. Of those electors how many do we get for counties and boroughs ? There are 570,000 voters for boroughs, and 750,000 for counties ; therefore the number of county electors is nearly half again as large as the number of borough electors. The counties number 117 or 118. Do we find the county electors generally in favour of liberal measures or liberal men ? We have, from some cause or other, the landed proprietors and the great proprietors supreme. The great body of the county electors have been reckoned as dumb dogs that never bark—(a laugh)—and, in fact, the county representation is almost like a dead body tied to the living body of the borough representation, and is almost of no avail in promoting those great liberal measures upon which the prosperity of the country depends. (Cheers.) Why - , you know perfectly well that the great proprietors do not consider or consult the farmers as to the candidates who should be brought forward. The tenant farmers of the 118 counties are never consulted about the candidates for those counties, for whom they are expected in all humility to vote. (Laughter.) In your county I understand a contest of no small importance is im pending. (Great cheering.) Men of the calmest political temperament and of earnest feelings and principles have been brought forward, and gentle men connected, most eminently connected, with the industry of this town. As you have no contest here, and 'Ave not the terrible labour of fighting a borough election, you will have more leisure, and, I hope, you will not have less enthusiasm—(cheers) —to give your assistance to wrest this time one seat, at least, from the party who have heretofore sent two men who always said " No" when Mr. Scholefield and I said " Aye." (Laughter and cheers.) Well, it may be said that the large boroughs have members, and large and free con stituencies. But the number of members which the large boroughs have in proportion to their popula tion and wealth is far fewer than it ought to be, and therefore their power in the House of Commons is less important, and weighs less in a division than it ought to do. Well, the general result we come to is this, that the great body of the people, the five mil lions of men who work for their living, and who are entrusted with the education and training of their families —who are always recorded in the census, and whose consumption and payment of expenses Mr. Gladstone always estimates in the amount of the re venue—these. five millions are totally, absolutely, and purposely excluded from any share in the Go vernment of the country. When the question of Reform was last debated in the House of Commons the opponents of Reform said, " What are your grievances ? You have a right to be well governed. You are well governed. What would you do with Reform if you had it ?" Well, we are not bound to tell them what we would do with it. I trust to the virtue and knowledge of my countrymen to make a judicious use of whatever power is given into their hands. Is it not enough for them to say that we live under a representative constitution, and that there are five millions who are shut out from the represen tation ? That is a sufficient grievance, and is it not an answer to their question ? But suppose we go back to 1832 ; for these men only repeat what was said in 1832. If the men of that day asked, what you would do with Reform when you got it—and if the Reformers of 1832, some of the men who met in your powerful assemblies in Birmingham, said, " This is what we will do when we get Reform. We will set free almost immediately 800,000 negro slaves in the colonies of the kingdom"—this would have alarmed them extremely, for they were all against freeing the negroes, as they are against freeing their country men. If the reformers said, "We intend to reform all the corporations, and give every large town free governments, elected by all the people of the town," they would have started back with amazement. But if the reformers said, "In a few years we will repeal the corn laws, and subject all the products of the land of the United Kingdom to unrestricted competition with the productions of every other land," they would have started back with horror. And if they sail, • W e will sweep away the sugar monopoly and the - navigation th 3 West India planters and the shipowners would think the whole country was coming to irretrievable ruin. If they said, " Wo will abolish the newspaper stamp, reduce the tax on paper,establish penny newspapers- weekly and daily all over the country, to discuss the character of our public mon and the objects of public measures ; " they would have thought the pclitical world WAS coming to a positive end. (Cheers and laughter.) Well, but every one of these things that I have mentioned has boon done --except the last, with regard to newspapers—within 15 years of the passing of the Reform Bill ; and the very men who would have voted against a Reform Bill if they apprehended tbat_these things would have boon done, when they come before every con stituency they say, "We approve o f th ese measures. " )' long, now, do y ou suppose, if we and toll them th a t a s grea t g (L iv a e ug th h e t in (Laughter aand list e h aboutr cheers.) as and good measures will be carried when th e peop l e are l ot in to political power— do you think th a t th e l ords and the ee territorial magnates of the country would bo more ready to remove the barriers of exclusion? Do you think they would bo more willing to pass a Reform Bill if I told them that within three years after the just representation of the people there would bo a sound, universal system of education established for the whole country? (Loud cheers.) Sup-- pose I told them land would be made froe—that the law of primogeniture would be abolished, and the practice of entails done away with—would they be more in favour of the bill? Suppose I told - them we are going to make Ireland a loyal pare of the kingdom by the abolition of that most odious institution, the Protestant State Establishment ? (Cheers.) Suppose I were to toll them that; with proper economy, the public expenditure of the country can be reduced to the amount of £10,000,000 a year, and if we reduce taxes to that amount we can adjust taxes then with greater equality and greater justice—do you- think that they would be more willing, after hearing these things, to consent to a measure of reform ? No ; they would act as the anti-reformer of 1832 acted, and become more desperate in their opposition in proportion as •they believed that the results of the bill would reach the mass of the people. But still Reform is ahead. They cannot conceal it. They cannot deny it. As the poet said of death, " Its doom, though dread, yet dwelt upon." But what do they do to avoid this Reform ? They try to alarm the middle classes. They toll the tan-pounder to be very much afraid of the nine-pounder. (Laughter.) But the eight-pounder is still worse, and when you get to the seven-pounder and six-pounder the consequences may be fatal. (Great laughter.) In point of fact, the whole ob ject now is to set class against class. (Cheers.) They do this by seeking to continue privilege and exclusion. lam one of those who always sought to unite and blend all classes of the people in one great mass, and to do It by the aboli tion of privilege and monopoly, and by the admitting my countrymen to that which they are entitled to _common citizenship in our common country. (Cheers.) You re collect the Reform Bill of. Lord Derby's, which I did some thing to knock on the head—(a laugh)—by describing it as a mode of giving what they call fancy franchises. lam sorry to see that so sensible and judicious a man as Lord Stanley still adheres to those fancy franchises. The Re form Bill of Lord Derby .was the bill of Mr. Disraeli and Lord Stanley. They were the two men in the Cabinet who insisted upon those peouliar votes which proved fatal to the bill. Lord Stanley undertook to say the other day thkt the bill would admit to the borough franchise some thing like a quarter of a million of men. There are no statistics to prove any such result, and, from all I know, there is not the least ground for the supposition. He thought the savings bank franchise very good, and that every man who had £5O in the savings bank should have a vote. Well, if a man is not married, and there are not what some people call "olive branches"—(a laugh)—and so they are—(cheers)—h e may with a certain income de posit £5O in the savings bank, and have a right to vote as long as ho keeps it there ; but if a man has six or seven, or eight or nine, or ten or eleven or twelve—for in some cases there seems to b e no l i m i ts of t h ose o li ve branches— I want to know why ho who requires every sixpence of his income to support his family can be expected to deposit £5O in the savings bank, or be deprived of his vote ? One man may think it wi se t o spend more money i n th e educa tion of his childr e n th an another, and he may not be able to deposit it. One man may h ave an agedlather or mother for whom his whole s y mpat h y i s exer t e d , an d th e y may have to depend for their comfort upon his labour and filial care, and therefore ho may not be able to deposit £5O, and secure his vote. Or he may deposit the £5O, and the care or sickness of his family or some other trouble may come upon him to require him to.draw it out ; and then he be comes disfranchised. What can be more monstrous than a franchise of such a precarious character? What can be more absurd, or tend more to demoralisation, than that a man who deposits £5,000 in sums of £5O may add 100 to a constituency ? That is a monstrous extension of the fran- chise which is founded upon a foolish and vain model such as this. But they have got a new term altogether. They have given the thing a new name, and they think you will like it the better. It is what they call " a lateral extension of the franchise"—(laughter) —that is, an extension side ways, and not the least downwards. Now bear in mind that the class who would be included in the lateral exten sion of the franchise is the class who are the best able to qualify themselves at present, and who do not make any complaint. Those who do complain are the great mass of the working people, who were by the Reform Bill of 1832 purposely excluded. If in this borough and other boroughs of the kingdom there were none but the middle class, they would have no ground of complaint for exclusion from the franchise. They would have a ground of complaint as to the mode of distribution of members, but not of exclusion from the franchise, for so many are enrolled that it may be said they are adequately represented. But as to the working classes, there are fewer represented now than forty years ago, arid this is the class absolutely shut out. The complaint and the danger is this, that in the whole nation there aro twenty millions of persons—men, women, and children—who have no direct representation in the House of Commons of the country, which is the great foun dation of government as a representative system and repre sentative principle. Well, what is the answer made to this claim ? It is this : The Prime Minister offers it con temptuous silence. He has not referred to it in the long and carefully written address which he has not only ad dressed to the electors of Tiverton, but the electors of the United Kingdom. But what says Lord Derby, speaking by the mouth of his prophet Disraeli? (Laughter.) Why, he says " lateral extension." Ho says to the great body of working men—the five millions—" It is true you are shut out, the Reform Bill is not satisfactory, the representation must be mended, your complaint is just, and we admit everybody else." Now Mr. Disraeli is the man who does what may be called the conjuring for his party. (Laughter.) He is what among a tribe of Indians would be called the " mystery man ;" he invents phrases for them, and one of his latest and newest is "lateral extension of the fran chise." Well, Mr. Disraeli is a man of brains, of genius, of great capacity for action, of wonderful tenacity of purpose, and of rare courage. He would be a statesman if his powers of mind were directed by an ennobling principle or idea ; but, unhappily, he pref e r s th e temporary and worthless distinction as head of a decaying party fighting for impos sible ends to the priceless memories of services rendered to his country ar d freedom, and upon which only in our age can an enduring name be built up. (Great cheering.) What is meant by lateral extension ? It means this, that all who are below .£lO householders shall not be admitted. The present law admits all above it, and, therefore, to the class already included it would only add a few men, incon siderable in the whole number, as lodgers, or the brothers or sons of housekeepers who are already on the register. Therefore it is quite clear that the lateral extension of the franchise is a miserable pretence and delusion, and an insult of a most glaring kind to the great body of the people. (Loud cheers.) But they have another word. They say they are for a liberal extension of the franchise, but not for the " de gradation of the suffrage." lam not sure whether Mr. Dis raeli has used the word "degradation," but it has been used by his followers, and by the Quarterly Review. I ask you what is meant by degradation of the suffrage ? You are the working men of England, who have built our towns and cities, who have furnished our houses, who fill our ware houses with the products of every clime, who build our ships, steam-engines, and machinery, who have filled the land with industry and wealth, and without whom there would be no English nation. They tell you—men high in the ranks of the Tory party tell you—that to extend the franchise even from a £lO renter to a £6 renter would be a degradation of the suffrage. I hope the country will never forget the party who offer this insult to the great mass of the people, and contemptuously deny them any share of political power. But the fancy franchises have failed, and lateral extension will also fail. We, who ad vocate honest opinions, and clearly understood and de finite measures, shall succeed. We stand in this matter upon the practice of the ancient times ; we stand upon sound precedents ; we stand upon reasons which no man can contradict. Why, if it would not delay you too long, I could give you proofs 200 years 'old that the franchise was then held to be a common right, and, where there was no specific restriction or law to the contrary, that the suf frage was vested in the whole people—inhabitants and householders of towns. But look to the Reform Bill— the greatest measure which was passed by Parliament during the'last hundred years—and you will find the test of the franchise which it gives is rental ; and rental is the condition and test of the qualities of the people. I will undertake to say that if you depart from the principle of universal manhood suffrage, there is no test equal to the rental of houses, whatever may be the class or sort of people you may wish to reach. If you go to the part of the town where I came from this morning, you will find some good houses. If you go to another part of the town you will see some poor houses, and there are fewer in Birmingham than in any town of its size. You will find wherever you go, by the house—its size, appear ance, the mode in which it is kept, the expenditure for goods, for clothes, books, for education—of what class the owner is, and whether he has what is called a stake in the country. And just as you lower the franchise in amount of rent from £lO to .£9, £B, £7, or £6, you include as many of the working classes as you want to include ; because those who live in the poorest houses are the poor est people ; they have the poorest food, the fewest books, they giro their children the smallest education, and they have the fewest comforts ; and, therefore, there never was a test so complete as the test of the houses in which the people live. If anybody objects to it you rely upon it that ho wishes-to preserve the monopoly of a class. They ob ject because they fear the number to be admitted would be too great to bo bribed or coerced. They do not object to the freemen in the old boroughs, because they think they cari be got by corrupt means; and they do not object to the £5O tenant farmer, although his profit is not more than 20s. or 30s. a week, I ask them, whence comes the free dom that we now enjoy ? It does not come from the mo narch, nor from the House of Peers. It comes from the House of Commons. From what side of the House of Com mons doies it come ? It does not come from the Tory side: it comes from the side on which my hon. friend and my self are, by your favour, permitted to sit ; and if you ask me from what section of the Liberal side it comes, I say it comes from that section which sits below the gangway, rather than from that which sits close to the Ministers of ' _ _ _ the day. Reform was gained by the action of the great towns of the kingdom. I speak this to the middle classes, to have confidence in their fellow citizens the working classes. You may rely upon it that when we admit another million of them to exercise the franchise, you yourselves will hare greater power, and you will do for freedom in future as great things as have been done in the past. (Cheers.) To the working men ono word only before I sit down. Do not in the least despair of your cause ; it is not dead, and I maintain is net sleeping, for in every constitu ency and on every platform friend and opponent alike aro discussing it during this groat week. For my , self, I never at any period—during the last fif teen years, certainly—l never looked with more hopeful eye or encouraged heart upon the prospects of this groat question. I believe the time is coming, nay, that we are on the very threshold of it, when a great number of those excluded shall bo admitted to the franchise, and when we shall feel more than ever that we are one nation and one people. (Cheers.) Many of you, I doubt not, have stood— as I have often stood—upon the seashore in an hour of quiet and calm ; no tempest drives the waves, and the wind appears as if it wore a whisper ; aad yet you see the tide coming in, urged as it were by some latent mysterious power ; you see the loiterers upon the beach driven from point to point by the advancing waves; and by-and -bye, and finally, the whole vast basin of the ocean seems filled to the very brim. (Loud cheers.) Well, take your cause. There is no violence, not a menace of force, but all feel the opinion that the tide is coining on ; we feel, too, that those who aro our opponents, ignorant as some of them may be, insolent as others of them may be, are gradually driven back ; and by-and-bye the banners will be thrown down, privilege and monopoly will be swept away, the people will be enfranchised, the measure of their freedom will be full. (Immense cheering.) You have honoured me this morning by confiding to me in part the maintenance of this groat cause. I cannot enough tell you how I estimate the honour you have conferred upon me. I shall probably have to de fend the cause on many occasions with a feebleness which I shall regret as much as you. I may even fall from the ranks before it is won ; but of one thing you may res assured that I never shall betray it. (Great cheering.) Some questions were then put to the hon. members, and answered. To that put by Mr. Sebastian Evans, Mr. Bright stated that ho had for some time back declined to have any altercation with the Prime Minister, who was an octoge narian. He was not desirous of entering the lists with a man 80 years of age. He wished him many years of leisure in the retirement which was now so suited to him. (Laughter.) After a vote of thanks to the Mayor, the proceedings were brought to a close. A FORTUNATE LOTTERY SPEC (MATO R.—M. Gigre, the winner of the 500,000 fr. prize of the Mexican Loan, loft his house with the intention of subscribing at the Comptoir d'Escompte. On arriving at the office ho found it so crowded that he leisurely returned by the Rue Vivienne to the Boulevards, and happening to pass M. Monteaux's well-known exchange office, recollected that he could pur chase the scrip there, and walked in, but found that a well known physician had followed him, and, being better known than himself, insisted on being attended to first. M. Gigre, amazed at this second delay, asserted that he had come into the office before the doctor, but in vain. While he remon strated the clerk handed the ill-mannered son of 2Esculapius ten shares. M. Gigre had nothing for it but to accept the two next, which he purchased in no very amiable mood. Thanks, however, to the doctor's rudeness, M. Gigre is revelling at this moment in the luxury of clear £l,OOO a year. LADTERTISEMENT.j—HOHOWay'SO intment.—T urn which way you will, go where you please, persons will be found who have a ready word of praise for this Ointment. For chaps, chafes, scalds, bruises, and sprains, it is aninvalu able remedy ; for bad legs, caused by accident or cold, it may be confidently relied upon for effecting a sound and permanent cure. In cases of swelled ankles, erysipelas, gout, and rheumatism, Holloway's Ointment gives the greatest comfort, by reducing the inflammation, cooling the blood, soothing the nerves, adjusting the circulation, and expelling the impurities. This Ointment should have a place in every nursery. It will cure the long list of skin affections that originate in childhood, and gain strength with the child's growth. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS TIMES.—The elections of yesterday may fairly be taken as expressing the opinion of the borough con stituencies of England, and they corroborate in a very remarkable degree the *erdiet of the metropo= litan constituencies. Almost everywhere we find the supporters of her Majesty's Ministers achieving vie= tortes over their opponents. The net results of the elections of yesterday and of Tuesday may be stated as a gain of six to the Ministry; and when we re member the numberless influences which are brought to bear on borough electors, the balance in favour of the Government is really remarkable. There are always to be found constituencies in which considerations of a local or personal character override all motives of national policy; but, luckily, those irregular springs of action do on the whole counterbalance one another, and we may take the balance of members elected as representing the unbiased opinion of the majority of the electors. The Ministerial gains are to a certain extent met by Ministerial losses ; but the proportion of 24 to 18, which -may be increased, but cannot be diminished, by the county elections, represents an increase of strength to the Government of Lord Palmerston which cannot easily be overrated. Amid much that is uncertain so much is settled, and we are justified in taking what has passed as a forecast of what is to come. We speak of the result of the borough elections as strengthening or weakening the Go vernment of Lord Palmerston, because this is really the issue before the electors of the kingdom. It is probable that no election has ever taken place, at least since the Reform Bill, in which the appeal to the nation was more distinctly an appeal to charac ter. There very little question about specific projects of legislation to be brought forward by the one or to be opposed by the other party. The Go vernment have not gone to the country on the ques tion of a Reform Bill, and they have shown their honesty in forbearing from making such a measure a party cry. They have claimed no credit for en deavouring to abolish Church-rates, and it would have been as unwise as it would have been untrue had they attempted to do so, when it is remembered that the Chancellor f the Ex chequer has consistently opposed the unqualified abolition of this tax. The whole question before the electors has been whether they would support the Government of Lord Palmerston or Lord Derby. On this issue there could be little doubt as to the result. The Ministry of Lord Palmerston may not have done as much as they could have wished, but they have done what they could. They have gauged the limits of public opinion, and they have advanced as far as the sentiment of the nation would permit them to go with safety. Lord Derby has taken no pains to conceal the course which he would adopt if he were in office. He is in favour of " muzzling" every hostile opinion, even when the " muzzles" have become so old and rotten that they are useless except for the purpose of irritating those who are confined by them. A review of the results of separate elections confirms the impression of a general survey. Everywhere we find the same dis trust of extremes. No one ventures to talk of any organic change of the electoral body, and, as far as the pressure of constituencies is concerned, the no tion of a Reform Bill might be indefinitely post poned. But there are other legislative suggestions which have been more decidedly put aside by the voters at the polling booths. Never before have the advocates of the Permissive Bill made such a vigor ous attempt to influence the borough elections, and never have they been more signally discomfited. Mr. Pope, the secretary of the Alliance Association, and prime mover in the agitation for suppressing the sale of beer, has been rejected at Bolton ; and Mr. Lawson, whosei only claim to Parliamentary distinction was his sponsorship of the Permissive Bill, has forfeited his seat at Carlisle. This last is, in fact, nue of the few Liberal losses which cannot be directly referred to the operation of some local influence which has accidentally gained strength since the last election. That Mr. Bras sey should have lost the seat which he ac quired only • a fortnight or three weeks since may seem at first an argument on the other side, for it is known that the utmost pressure was put upon him to promise his support to the Permissive Bill ; but the electors of Devonport were in truth actuated by a much simpler motive. The unex pected success of Mr. Ferrand's motion of inquiry into the Leeds Bankruptcy Court atoned for a thousand previous extravagances, and served to secure for himself and his colleague seats which a few days ago had been more than doubtful. A general election is always attended with events which more or less partake of the nature of sur prises, and the election of 1865 is not free from such occurrences. That Mr. Frederick Peel should lose his seat for Bury is noticeable, though perhapg not astonishing, when the interest of Lord Derby in the borough is remembered. The defeat of Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald at Horsham is more unexpected. A couple of months have scarcely elapsed since Mr. Fitzgerald held up his borough to the world as a pattern of virtue, because his constituents had never troubled him with their importunities • but he may now see reason to doubt whether he did not misinterpret their silence when he took it as indi cative of contentment. On the other hand, Lord Alfred Paget, who has sat for Lichfield ever since he became of age in 1837, has found himself de prived of his seat; and in this case, as in many ,others, local influence has proved too powerful for political feeling. It has long been known that the new Parliament would be distinguished by an un usual number of untried men, although this must be attributed to the protracted existence of its pre decessor, and not to any change of political feeling. Mr. Gladstone's plea for apprenticing young men of ability to the work of legislation has secured the return of his son for Chester ; and the success of Mr. George Trevelyan at Tynemouth and of Mr. Fawcett at Brighton may prove an acquisition to the House of Commons. HERALD.—With the general result of the elections already decided the Conservative party has every reason to be satisfied. The account of gains and losses up to yesterday night apparently leaves both parties just as they stood before the dissolution ; but the Conservatives have not only maintained their position —no slight thing to do against Government influence and wholesale bribery—they have mate rially improved it. In the first place, two of the losses with which we charge ourselves are really no losses at all. The seats were held by gentlemen who, although calling themselves Conservatives, deserted their party whenever it needed their vote, and were for all practical purposes as good supporters of the Government as the representatives of the Whig pocket boroughs. In the second place the account is open to a very important rectification as soon as Parliament assembles. The Liberals have carried a large number of seats—have certainly won four of them, which they include in their gains—by the grossest corruption. The exposure of their disgrace ful malpractices six years ago has in no degree checked them. They have been as lavish of their money and, we are happy to add, as clumsy in its distribution, as they were in 1859. The satisfac tion with which the general result must be re garded is increased when we look at the particulars of which it is made up. Our gains, and the signal defeat of so many Liberal attempts to wrest seats from us, testify decidedly to the existence of that Conservative reaction which our Radical contemporaries jeeringly profess their inability to discover, and prove that Con servative principles have made good way in our in dustrial and commercial centres. Mr. Laird has defeated his Radical opponent, Mr. Jackson, at Birkenhead, by two thousand to one thousand votes. A Conservative was at the head of the poll for Derby, and Mr. Hodgson occupied the same p rou d pos iti on at Carlisle. His triumph will be acceptable, we fancy, to the vast majo r ity even o f t h e Lib eral public, inasmuch as it rids Parliament of that mischievous fanatic, Mr. Wilfred Lawson. At Blackburn the two Conser v ati ves h a d a l arge ma jority, and at Canterbu r y th e R a di ca l s h ave pa id for their attempt to m onopo li se t h e representat i on by losing the share of it they formerly held. At Southampton and St o k e - upon -T rent a Conserva tive candidate was a t th e h ea d o f t h e po ll . At Y or k the Liberals, in their efforts to give a Liberal col league to Mr.Westhead, lost that gentleman his seat. Cambridge and Great Yarmouth have each again returned two Conservatives. Mr. Christie, we are glad to say, will not h ave th e o pportunity of dis playing in Parli amen t th ose p ecu li a r gifts by which he succeeded in b rea ki ng off diplomatic relations between this country and Brazil. In Mr. Forsyth the electors of Cambridge have a representative of whom they may we ll be proud—a distinguished scholar, an eminent lawyer, who well supplies the place which Mr. Kenneth Macauley should have filled. But the two elections iu which Con servatives generally will take the most personal satisfaction are those for Devonport and Whitby. In spite of the tremendous pressure put on by the Government the Conservative candidates were vic torious at Devonport, and Mr. Brassey's Parliamen tary career has. proved, perhaps, the shortest ever run. The electors of Devonport deserve the thanks of the Conservatives of England for the spirit and the steadiness with which they have fought this up hill fight, and every one will be glad that Messrs. Fleming and Ferrand have reaped the reward of their pluck and perseverance. The rejection of Mr. Ferrand would have been a great loss to the coun try. He is a man who has the courage—unfortu nately very rare now in P irliament—to say what he thinks, and if he gets on the scent of a Whig " job' he will not be put off by any dodges" of the Premier or Attorney General. The Liberals of Whitby are by this time, we should fancy, re gretting very deeply Mr. H u d son ' s arrest, and repenting it too, if, as the world will insist upon , assuming, they had the principal part in it. They got rid of Mr. Hudson, but a Conservative has been returned for the borough. They have earned the disgust of the public, and got nothing for it. Four members of the Government are amongst the rejected candidates. The most important of them, Mr. Frederick Peel, has been dispossessed by a more thorough-going Radical, and we have no desire to claim his discomfiture as a Conservative triumph. The other three, however, have been beaten by Conservatives. Viscount Bury has wooed the elec tors of Dover in vain ; he boasted a little too soon of their favours. Colonel White has been ejected from Kidderminster, and the Irish Lord of the Treasury has not even an English seat. May Mr. Brand to-morrow share the fate of his brother whip ! And lastly, Lord Alfred Paget has lost a seat which he believed to be perfectly secure, There will be a good deal of complaining, if not cursing, in the Reform and Brookes's for the next few days. The Conservatives have not come scatheless out of the fight. We have several losses to deplore, all the harder that they were unexpected. One at least of these losses is a loss to the new Parliament and a loss to the country. Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald' had made for himself a high position in the House of Commons. His speeches commanded the admiration even of his opponents ; his courtesy and fairness won him their good-will. The new House of Commons, however rich it may prove to be in " young" talent, cannot spare a statesman of Mr. Fitzgerald's stamp, and we hope some constituency will hasten to do itself the honour of securing his services. The absence of Sir John Hay will be much felt in the house too. To the Whig Secretary of the Admiralty it will, no doubt, be a relief not to be confronted by so keen a critic ; to the cause of good naval administration and economy his absence will be a great drawback. We may say the same of Sir James Elphinstone, who has succumbed to the Government screw at Portsmouth, the great agent for converting electors to Liberal principles, which has also deprived the new house of Sir F. Smith's great knowledge upon military subjects, and given a seat to that wander ing Jew of politics, Mr. Otway, a relative of Lord Clarence Paget, who happens so very singularly to be Secretary to the Admiralty. These, however, are the mishaps incidental to every such battle, and we may congratulate ourselves that we have up to the present sustained comparatively so little harm. The substantial advantage when last night closed over the combatants was with the Conservative party, and if we only go on as we have begun the new Parliament will show a clear working Conservative majority. COUNTRY MARKETS LYNN.-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a small attendance in consequence of the election. samples of wheat realised fully last week's rates. New wheat, 45s to 47s ; new red, 40s to 42s ; old white, 42s to 43s ; •ld red, 38s to 41s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 32s to 34s ; secondary, 30s ; ordinary, 26s to 28s per qr. Oats, 20s to 22s per 24 stone. Beans, large, 343 to 38s ; small, 36s to 40s per 38 stone. SALISBIIRY.-TIIESDAY. The following aro the quotations :—Wheat realised from 36s to 44s ; barley, 26s to 30s ; oats, 21s to 30s ; beans, 40s to 46s ; and peas, 34s to 48s per qr. Winter tares, from 8s to 11s per bushel ; Best bread, 10d ; household ditto, 9d per 81b loaf. MARKET HARBOROUGH.-TUEBDAY. New white wheat, 40s to 45s ; new red, 37s ;;:11s per 30 stone. Barley, fine, 35s ; other kinds, 26s to 29s per qr. Oath, new, 21s to 238 ; old, 25s to 28s per qr. Beans, old, 40s to 425; new, 34s to 38s per qr. HULL-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a fair supply of English wheat, which sold at about last week's rates. In foreign very little doing, and no alteration in value. The busi ness in spring corn was of a retail character, at barely re cent quotations. Other articles unaltered. _ English old white wheat, 43s to 47s ; old red, 40s to 425. Barley, chevalier, 32s to 335. Oats, Russian, 22s to 245. Beans, new English, 41s to 425. Peas, English blue, 350 to 36s 6d ; grinding, 35s to 35s 6d per 36 stone. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. There was a fair supply of wheat, but the business done was very small, and at late quotations. Bed wheat, per load of 3 hap. bushels 15s Od to 6s 01 White do do l6s 01 38s Od New red do do Ms 6d 37s 61 New white do do l7s Od 18s 6d Beans do do lss 6d 16s 6d Peas, per qr. Grinding barley, per qr 30s Od 32s Od Malting barley, , o 32s Od 33s Od Oats, do 23s Od 27s Od F10ur....1s 6d to is Sid per 141 b. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. s. d. 8. d. Hartlepool Byass's Bebside West Holywell Main l6 6 Hartley l7 0 Tees Het ton Lyons l7 6 South Hetton Eden Main ,... 17 6 West Lambton lB 0 Hetton . . 19 0 South Kelloe .- 18 0 Tunstall Hough Hall lB 0 Cassop Wylam l6 6 Kelloe Walls End Haswell... 19 0 South Hartlepool lB 0 East Hartlepool Ships at market, 82 ; sold, 52. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton July 19. • Ditto, via Marseilles July 13. Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet Aug. 4. Ditto, by French packet July 22. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St Helena July 22. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Sou.hampton July 19. Ditto, via Marseilles July 13 Falkland Islands Gibraltar, Nis Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... July 19. Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. July 26. Ditto, via Marseilles July 20. Mauritius, via Southampton Aug. 10 Ditto, via Marseil e i . Aug. 4. • Newfoundland July 19. Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet .. ....July 19 Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via C , Jrk Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry July 14. West Ccast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe July 12. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, and Mexico July 14. Bahamas, via New York. J uly 27. Bermuda, ditto ... Aug. 2. Cuba and Mexico July .9. FUN OF TIIE FAIR.—The $l,OOO dressing-case at the Chicago Sanitary Fair, for the prettiest girl in Chicago, was voted to Miss Anna L. Wilson, who received 1,073 votes to 1,068 for another lady, and 722 for a third. The whole number of votes, at a dollar each, was 3,471. The receipts of the fair aro said to be about poomo. When Gen. Grant wont to the fair early one morning, he fou there a large number of the most beautiful " aids," and the General was instantly surrounded by the volunteer staff. A most laughable incident then occurred. Mrs. Livermore said to him, " General Grant, these girls are dying to kiss you, but they don't dare to do it." " Well," said the gal lant General, " if they want to kiss me why don't they ? No one has offered to since I have been here." Instantly about 100 fairies pounced upon him. Ho attempted to retreat, but in vain—he essayed to break through the rosy ranks without success. Then, for the first time, he confessed him self vanquished, and calmly awaited the event. On came the maidens by squads, in file, or singly ; they hit him on the forehead, pelted him on the nose, smacked him on the cheek, chin, or neck. There must be dozens of kisses lying around loose hidden in the General's whiskers. The hero of a hundred battle-fields blushed till his face became almost purple. At last the girls were partly appeased in their "noble rage," and he escaped.— Voice of the Fair. Births. DORMER.—On the 11th inst., at Craigdarroch, Dumfried shire, the Hon. Mrs. James C. Dormer, of a daughter. HARE.—On the 11th inst., at Aberdeen, the wife of Captain Hare, late of 60th Rifles, of a daughter. STEWART.—On the 6th inst., at Ardgowan, the Lady Octavia Shaw Stewart, of a son. WARDE.—At the Rectory, Little Horsted, Sussex, the wife of the Rev. Augustus W. Warde, of a son. Marriages LETIIBRIDGE—FINIAY.-011 the 12th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, E. Lothbridge, Esq., 8.A., of Exeter College, Oxford, and of the Inner Temple, to Eliza, daughter of W. Finlay, Esq., of Havro, and grand-niece of the 13th Lord Teynham. WINGFIELD—BLOCK.—On the 11th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, tho Hon. Maurice Wingfield, to Mary Agnes, youngost daughter of James Block, Esq., of Charlton, in the county of Wilts. Deaths. COTGRAVE.—On the 11th inst., at West Bay, North Ber wick, N. 8., Capt. Rowland B. Cotgrave, Royal Navy. PORT.—On the loth inst., at Alderbury House, near Salis bury, George Fort, Esq., aged 81. LEAF.—On the 10th inst., at Blackpool, Wm. Leaf, Esq., of Leaf square, Manchester, aged 65. LAKE.—On the 9th inst., at Birkenhead, Cheshire, Captain Winter Lake, youngest son of the late Sir J. Lake, Bart. NEWTON.—On the 10th inst.. at Friday-street, Cannon street west, city, Solomon Newton, Esq., aged 49. POTTINGER.—On the 9th April, at Sydney, N.S.W., Sir r• W. Pottinger, Bart., aged 34. WoonßooF.—On the 10th inst., at his residence, Mr. F. Woodroof, of 54, Crutchedfriars, and Dalst o n, aged 54. 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