The Sun. — London, England, 1866-11-22 00:00:00

The Insurrection in Jamaica. Mr. Buxton has published the following corre spondence : LIEUT. BRAND, R.N., TO MR. C. BUXTON, M.P. " (Private.) " Her Majesty's Ship Delight, Jamaica, Aug. 8. "Sir,—Last mail brought me an English Standard, with a letter from yourself about your Jamaica , Committee, with so many wicked and malicious lies mit, that I am forced to write to inform you that ' a couple of young lieutenants and an ensign' did not, as you we ll k now, and all your committee too, g all e o n a t a rd n e y re o d ne a t a h in ey gl p e l p eas er e so d u , fo to r ble(tbhreouPgrhet before me for t r i a l . ) ha n n e g :e a r g o M those only, wh o weresesynuduty twriasal to by t r m y y t h s o u s p e e , r i a o n r d , b sent for confirmation of th e office? to the approval and and every v er di ct was the court. That is the first lie. orders alone.' secondeolon convening ebuckisr; ' a u m pw on a g rd s , t e th o e f 200 perished by thei r xet n who wanted M r . er-hall very polished gentlemen may ybea at E fine Eyre suspended ' with a rope,' an d the old ladies of Clapham, but when you come with your peculiar little assertions in print, and such barefaced lies, too, I think it is time for the trampled worm to turn. If you have a sp ark of g entl emanly or generous * feeling left you wi ll contradict your letter relative to my court, or I shall expect you to give me satis faction in a way more suited to my tastes ; and know this, Sir, that it is a damned cowardly thing for yon to write officers (who did their best, and whose acts were fully approved by their superiors) down, when you well know that they are not allowed to write to a newspaper. However, England and the Admiralty are my judges, not Buxton and Co. —I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient ser vant, "H. BRAND. " P.S. I have written i private' on this by advice, as my friends say, ' He was not ashamed to write falsehoods about the beardless boy, so he may sneak into the Admiralty and say he is afraid of him,' but you need not be so. We have a new Admiralty, my friend. " H. B." " Fox Warren, Cobham, Sept. 2. " Sir,—l have received your letter. It has not wholly removed the doubt I had ventured to express whether you ought to have been entrusted for a full month with the power of life and death over some hundreds of persons. " In a postscript you inform me that you have been advised to mark your letter ' private' lest I should sneak to the Admiralty for protection' from your vengeance ! You cannot ask me to respect a mark of privacy which you yourself assure me was affixed for the express purpose of insulting me. "Nor can you call any one a liar, coward, and sneak, and then shelter yourself by a mere dodge from the proper punishment for such a letter—viz., its publication. " But, in fact, your letter is necessarily a public * My words were, " Nearly two huntlred."—B. --~ TILE SIM LONUO.N, THURSDAY EVEMNG, NOVEMBER 22, 1566. The Colony of Victoria. FAREWELL BANQUET TO MR. VERDON. A number of Australian colonists, or of gentlemen more especially interested in the colony of Victoria, assembled last evening at Willis's Rooms, to give a farewell banquet to the Hon. F. F. Verdon, Finance Minister of Victoria, who for the last few months has been on a mission to this country, with the double object of facilitating certain finan cial operations in connection with the colony, and of ob taining from the Admiralty the grant of a wooden ship for training purposes, and for making arrangements respecting an ironclad frigate for the defence of the colony. The chairman was Mr. H. Childers, M.P. Among the guests, who consisted principally of gentlemen specially connected with the colony of Victoria, were the Right Hon. Lord. Carnarvon, the Right Hon. Sir J. Piikington, Bart., M.P ., Gen. Sir E. M'Arthur, the Right Hon. Lor d A. Churchill, W. T. Waterhouse, Esq., Mr. Alderman Rose, Sir D. Cooper, Bart., J. A. Youl, Esq., A. L. Elder, Esq., &c. The usual loyal toasts were proposed, after the cloth had been removed, in brief and appropriate terms by the Chairman. In giving " The Health of the Prince of Wales" he observed that he could scarcely be wrong, in the pre sence of two of her Majesty's Ministers, in saying that the colony of Victoria was remarkable for its loyalty, and that the colonists would be most happy if, in the course of time, any member of theßoyal family should find it pos sible to pay the colony a visit. In proposing the toast of " The Army, the Navy, and the Volunteers," the Chairman observed that one of the most important acts having reference to the colonies that had ever been enacted by Parliament was passed a short time since, under which the Imperial Government and the Go vernment of the colonies were enabled to concert measures for the improvement of their naval defences. When that bill was passed the colony of Victoria was, he might say, specially kept in view by the authors of the measure as the colony most likely to be the first to take advantage of its provisions. With the navy he would couple the name of Sir John Pakington—(cheers)—a name which, he might say without flattery, would always be dear to all colonists who were acquainted with the manner in which the right hon. gentleman had formerly administered the colonies, and who, from that knowledge, would be readily convinced of the efficient manner in which, under his direction, the affairs of the Admiralty would be administered. (Cheers.) Gen. Sir E. AVARTHua returned thanks in a few words for the army. Sir J. PAXISGTON, on rising to return thanks for the navy, was greeted with great applause. He acknowledged, and with the warmest thanks, the kind manner in I,hich his hon. friend had referred to him, and in which they had been pleased to receive the mention of his name. As long as he had the honour of being at the bead of the naval de partment he hoped and trusted that he should be able to discharge the onerous duties that devolved upon him with respect to the officers and men of the navy with even-handed justice and impartiality. (Cheers.) With respect to the yet more important branch of this great question—the naval strength of England—he hoped he should never be un mindful of the highly responsible duties committed to his charge ; but ho was sure that they would excuse him on that occasion from entering more particularly or at greater length into the subject. With reference to the special sub ject that had assembled them together, he desired to ex press the sincere and peculiar pleasure with which he con tributed his share to the honour which they proposed to do to the guest of the evening, his friend Mr. Verdon. It was right that he should not return to Victoria without some such public acknowledgment. It had been his for tune on several occasions to come into contact with gentle men on missions to this country from the colonies, and he might say without flattery that he had always found them to be men of great capacity and high character ; men well qualified to fill the highest positions in any country in which their lot might be cast. (Hear, hear.) lie might be allowed to add that his hon. friend the guest of the evening formed no exception to that rule. (Hear.) He was very happy to be able to say that the mission of his hon. friend had been successful. The object of the mission was that the Government would, from the wooden vessels now lying in the various harbours, grant them one of those vessels, to be convoyed at the expense of the colonists to Victoria for the encouragement of the local navy of Victoria, and to be used as a training ship for that purpose. (Hear.) The other request was that the Government would contribute the necessary funds, with the aid which the colony was able to offer, to enable them to purchase an armour-plated ship for the defence of their noble bay and of the commerce which crowded it. (Hear, hear.) The colonists of Victoria did not come forward merely as suppliants, but in the most straightforward and manly spirit. They had said that in view of the many proofs of loyalty which they had given, aad after no slight exertions which they had made fortheir own independent defence at considerable cost, they now asked the home government, not for anything that the co lonists could do of themselves, but to give them a wooden vessel for the purpose of a training ship, and to procure for them what they could not procure for themselves, an ar mour-plated frigate. (Hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers felt themselves unable to hesitate as to the answer to be returned. They at once decided th .t the colony should have their training ship and should have their iron-plated frigate. (Hear, hear.) And he desired further to say that the English Government and people niet the colonists of Victoria in the spirit in which they came forward all this occasion, and that they looked forward for a long future of prosperity for the colony under its principles of self-government awl of well and wisely regulated liberty and freedom. (Hear, hoar.) The CHAIRMAN next gave " The Health of her Majesty's Ministers." On certain occasions some difficulty was asso ciated with this toast. It happened once, for instance, that the late Lord Palmerston, when at the head of the adminis tration, had to propose the toast, and he managed to do it by saying that at least every man, whatever his political opinions, desired that the members of the Government should be men in their right minds, and he called upon the Lord Chancellor to acknowledge the toast, as the person who Lad official care of insane persons. (A laugh.) On the present occasion, however, they met together as colonists, and they had been honoured with the presence of two distinguished members of her Majesty's Government. During the last quarter of a century a great change had come over the manner in which colonial questions were treated in this country. Instead of having all the details of their gcvern meat settled at home, the colobies now governed them selves ; and he thought that all colonists would admit that the present administration was one that ought to receive ever y possible support from colonists. (Hear, hear.) Lord Derby, the head of it, for many and troublous years held the office of Colonial Secretary. Th e Secretary of State for India bad, too, the o pportunity of becoming p ersona ll y acqua i n ted with the colonies, and th e First Lord of the Admiralty administered 14 years ago the colonies with the greatest possible success, and settled in a few months two or three of the most difficult questions that could possibly h a ve come before the Colonial Office, such a s th e adminis tration of the gold fields, the administration of the Crown l an ds, and the important questions relating to the consti tutions both of Australia and New Zealand. (Hear.) Wi th respect to the present Colonial secretary, it would not be the first time that the noble lord had been connected with the Colonial Office, and all who had come in contact with him during his former a dministration as Under Se cre t ary would bear witness to th e assiduity with which the in terests of the colonies were watched. (Hear, hear.) Lord CARNARVON, who was warmly received, said that the speech to whicla he had just listened brought to his recollection the couplet of an old and excellent English poet— " Swift comes the reckoning, when the banquet's o'er, The dreaded reckoning, and men smile no more. And he felt that the reckoning had now come for him, in having to return thanks for the very handsome speech to which he bad just listened from his hon. friend the chair man. He did not, however, presume to accept the toast in a personal sense, but rather as a compliment paid to the office he had the honour to hold. His hon. friend had said, truly enough, that a great change had come over the spirit of the Colonial-office, and Downing-street, as any one could tell who took the trouble to pay it a visit just now, was undergoing great changes. (A laugh.) In other days no doubt the mother country had been guilty of some mis takes and faults in her dealings with the colonies. (Hear.) It might be said, perhaps, that the faults of the mother country were the faults incidental to old age; that she was sometimes too apt to be a little dogmatic in her dealings with her children, while on the other hand the colonists were perhaps sometimes in the habit of being too impatient even of the semblance of control. But, apart from these sources of occasional misunderstanding, he was sure that the mother country was really animated with the most earnest sympathy for her colonies, and that, in their turn, the colonies were deeply imbued with sentiments of pro found loyalty and love for the mother country. (Hear, hear.) After some further observations his lordship concluded by announcing, amidst great applause, that in consideration of the valuable servi cs which the mission of Mr. Verdon had been the means of rendering , her M a jesty had been pleased to intimate th at it was herPleasureto admit himtothe Companion s hi p of the The GRAlltlitka next)Bartnhp.osed "The Health of the Guest of the Evenin g , M r. three times three. V er don," which was received with Mr. VERDON replied at some lengt h , and with consider able eloquence. He aceepteitthe wa scom thepliment as intended as much for the colony of which he re pr esentative as for himself individually, and h e felt himse lf se f incapable of giving adequate expression to the gratitude which he felt for the kindness which he had invariably received in arrival in England, and for the disposition that hsadenbeen his e vinced or all hands to render what aseista nce they could in furthering the objects of his mission. (Hear, hear.) H o desired to express his gratitude for the assistance which had been rendered by the associated boa-ds in managi ng the sale of the debentures of the colonies; and alsoto Lord Carnarvon and Sir J. Pakington for the great readiness wiith which they had listened to all his representations re specting the ships, and had finally come to the conclusion that it would be consistent with their duty togrant the ap plication. This was really a great colonial undertaking, which, in his view, would be likely to prove of equal bene fit to the Imperial Government and to the colony itself. During his stay in England he bad become convinced that the warm feelings of respect and loyalty which animated the breasts of the colonists were reciprocated on the part of Englishmen generally by feelings of deep attachment, and by a desire to further in every way the interests both of the colony of Victoria and of the other colonies generally. (Hear.) It was sometimes asked whether the colonteswere not an expense to England, and whether it might not be desirable that the relations betweem them should be severed. He was strongly opposed to this view. There was not in any part of her Majesty's dominions more loyalty to the throne than in the colonies. (Hear.) Why should they be separated from the mother-country ? Why should they be deprived of the great privilege of forming part of the empire ? The oolonies had no history of their own as yet. All they had was in the present and the future. Why were they to be deprived of being able to consider the his tory of England as their own ? A greater calamity could not be inflicted upon the colonies than such a separation. (Hear, hear.) The whole surface of the globe had now been explored. Whatever fresh experiments in the arts of governing were yet to be tried must be tried in Australia. Nor did he think that a great empire could be more nobly employed than in founding in that now world fresh communities founded upon the customs and beliefs of Eng land. (Hear, hear.) After referring to some topics con nected with Victoria, the speaker concluded by saying the honour which her Majesty had been pleased to confer upon him, though unsolicited on his part, would be more highly prized by him than he could easily express, and he should endeavour so to shape his career hereafter as to show that he was neither insensible to the honour nor to the respon sibilities that attended it. (Cheers.) After some further toasts, the company separated. Letter from Mr. E. James, M.P., on the Reform Movement. The following letter has been forwarded to the Manchester Guardian. It was not read at the ban quet, nor was any mention made of it : it Queen's Hotel, Manchester, 10th Oct., 1866. " Sir,—l have the honour to acknowledge the re ceipt of an invitation to attend a banquet, proposed to be held at Manchester, immediately after the close of a National Reform Conference at which the members and friends of the National Reform Union will discuss the position of the Reform question, and how the Liberal party in the House of Commons may be best supported.' I regret that I cannot ac cept the invitation. It is evidently the object of the promoters of the conference to organise an opposi tion to the present Administration before there has been any opportunity of ascertaining whether such opposition be called for or not. This I consider a factious proceeding, and 1 cannot in any way lend myself to its accomplishment. This movement emanates, moreover, from a party, and is under the auspices of leaders, whose extreme views on the question of Parliamentary reform and the means of carrying it into effect are repugnant to my prin ciples and to those on which I obtained the suffrages of an overwhelming majority of the liberal and en lightened constituency of Manchester. Those prin ciples aim at the establishing, by fair and legitimate means—not by intimidation and threats—of a re form in the representation, which shall be moderate, constitutional, and progressive in its character. The intentions of the present Administration on the ques tion of reform are as yet unknown. I protest, there fore, most strongly against the unwarrantable as sumption which has been made by distinguished leaders of the agitation, that any bill introduced by Lord Derby must necessarily be a delusion and a sham. In 1859 he introduced a bill the failure of which, by reason of the course adopted by the Liberal party on the second reading, and, therefore, with out any opportunity being afforded for discussing in committee such amendments as might in their judg ment have rendered it deserving of acceptance by the country, I have never ceased to regret. Although differing from Lord Derby on many vital principles I see no reason for thinking that the bill was not the result of an honest endeavour on his part to settle the difficult question of Reform ; and I would not, therefore, by attending the banquet, which is held for the purpose of setting the seal to a scheme of oppo sition, inaugurated by men who have permitted to pass, not only without challenge, but even with ap plause, a declaration that such bill was fraudulent, hold myself out as tacitly approving of an assertion which I believe to be as untrue as it is reckless and malignant. I may be deceiving myself, but I sin cerely believe that the course which I feel it my duty to pursue will meet with the approval of the great bulk of the intelligent working classes, who, from their education and integrity, arc deserving of the electoral franchise. Their approbation I desire,and I am convinced that they have too keen a sense of jus tice and too much love of fair play to approve of an agitation designed to procure such au extension of the suffrage as would place the destinies of our country, it is to be feared, in the power of one predominant class. Under these circumstances I feel it my duty, as a Liberal member of the Legislature, to abstain from any act which may be characterised as factious, and to wait until the coming session shall disclose the inten tions of the Administration. If Lord Derby should introduce a bill which shall contain within itself, or may by practicable amendments be made to contain, provisions calculated to effect a reform likely to be, and deserving of being acceptable to the country, I will give it my support, even though it do emanate from a party which occupies benches on the opposite side of the house to that on which I have the honour to sit. And, in adopting this course, I am glad to know that I shall have the eminent example of the late Chan cellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gladstoue.—l have the honour to be, sir, your very obedient servant, " EDWARD JAMES. "To J. D. Morton, Esq., 12, Newall's-buildings, Manchester." document. You have no right to address any pri vate communication to me on the subject. I did not mention your name in the letter to which you allude. And you write to me in answer to a public statement made by me in my public capacity in your public capacity as president of the court-martial whose acts I impugned. " Nay, your letter demands from me a public contradiction of my public statement. " I am advised, therefore, that I have a perfect right to publish your letter, and I intend to do so. But I will spare you this disgrace, provided that by the return mail I receive an ample retractation and apology.-1 am, Sir, your obedient servant, " CHARLES BUXTON. " P.S.—A. colonel in the army, who is staying with me, is confident that the letter I have received is a hoax, as no officer could have written it. If so, I most heartily apologise for a mistake so injurious to your character as a gentleman." " Jamaica, Oct. 23. " Sir,—Your letter, dated September 2, I received at Newcastle on October 9, and it only confirms my former opinion of your character as a gentleman. " Talking so arrogantly about your public capa city is all nonsense, as you have before been told elsewhere. " Supposing I and a few more got up a society, do you think I should be justified in stating and publishing falsehoods about other people, and when they complained, then say ' Oh ! I did it in my public capacity ?' Nonsense, sir, you are not a public man as far as Jamaica is concerned at all. As for your saying my letter is injurious to my character as a gentleman, it is simply an impertinence for which I shall bring you to book. Don't imagine lam afraid of the mighty Buxton, who can write so cunningly and say, I never mentioned your name.' Oh it makes me ill, for I gave you credit for more pluck, Mr. Public Capacity. You may publish this, too, if you like, also your answer to my first ; it will only be telling the world of your own cowardice, only don't clip them at all. Fair play is my motto, and true blue my colours. " Please don't write any more, as I am very ner vous and you terrify me.—l am your most obedient servant, " H. BRAND." * The price in the English market at the present is from 455. to 60s. per pound, and such, according to Hutchinson, was the price in 1794. found by itself is in Borrowdale. One of the prin cipal uses to which it is put is the manufacture of pencils. They being confined to this country is so well known and so universally allowed that they are styled abroad Crayons d'Angleterre. It arises from hence that this substance is little known to foreigners, the most learned of whom speak of it confusedly, and with much uncertainty. These further particulars we may venture to affirm con cerning it, without any danger of misleading our readers, that the mine before mentioned is private property, is opened but once in seven years, and the quantity known to be equal to the consumption in that space is sold at once, and as it is used with out any preparation, it is more valuable than the ore of any metal found in this island. But there is nothing improbable, much less impossible, in sup posing that other uses will be discovered, which would certainly contribute to raise the value of a mineral peculiar to this country. Continuing this historical sketch we find, in the " Gentleman's Magazine" for 1751, the following interesting details :—" Skiddaw is undoubtedly one of the highest mountains in Britain, the declivity of which, from White-water-dash at the foot, to the summit, measures nearly 5,000 yards, but the perpendicular height cannot be much more than a fourth part of that. Near Keswick is another lake, near two miles long and four broad, in which several islands are interspersed, but not inhabited by German miners. We had not ascended far before we per ceived some persons at a great distance above us, who seemed to be very busy, though we could not distinguish what they were doing. As soon as they saw us they hastily left their work and were run ning away, but, by a signal from our guide, who probably was but too well acquainted with them, they returned to the number of eighteen. We cane up to them after an hour of painful and laborious travelling, and perceived them - to be digging with mattocks and other instruments, in a great heap of clay and rubbish, where mines had been formerly wrought ; but though they were now neglected by the proprietors as affording nothing worth the search, yet these fellows could generally clear from 6s. to Bs. per day, and sometimes even more. "The black-lead is found in heavy lumps, some of which are hard, gutty, and of small value, others soft, and of fine texture. The hill in which it is found is a dirty brittle clay, interspersed with springs, and in some places shivers of the rock. It should be added that the lumps of black-lead found in the rubbish seldom exceed half a pound in weight ; but those found in the mines are said to weigh six or seven pounds. "The black-lead mine is situated near the sum mit of the mountain, at the entrance is the miner's lodge, and there was the principal heap of rubbish, about one hundred and fifty yards above the one already referred to, and here were several fellows and girls at work within pistol shot of the hut. It appears that in the mine itself the miners work for ward for the mineral, and the pits resemble quarries or gravel pits. "The following circumstances, of which we gained information, will conclude the account of these mines. They lie on the east side of a very steep mountain, which forms the west side of the vale of Stomethwaite. There are two workings, the lower one is about 340 yards above the level of the sea, the upper one about 390 ; the perpendicular depth of the lower one is about 105 yards, and of the upper between 20 and 30 yards. There are two certain marks on the surface to direct the miner to the mineral. The strata of the mountains are very ir regular and broken, and the black-lead probably was found in the fissures of the rocks. There is no regular stratum of this mineral ; it is met with in lumps and irregular masses. The mines generally work through a quantity of earth mixed with stones of various kinds, then a species of hard grey granite, and after that a dark blue stone of a softer nature, where they sometimes meet with it (the mineral). Quartz and crystals are found in the workings. The rock adjoining to this mineral is sometimes tinged as dark as the mineral itself to the depth of two or three feet. The mines are well defended against pilferers by a temporary mason-work and walling within, and a house over each entrance, which are occupied by the stewards and workmen. The best sort is now valued at three guineas per pound." Of this mine it is written in 1792 :—" The Wad mines were very unsuccessful for some years past, but last year they met with the black-lead again, in a pretty large quantity, but of the inferior quality, o f w hi c h i n a short time the miners procured about five tons. The mineral is described as lying in the mine in form resembling a tree; it hath a body or root, and veins or branches fly from it in different directions ; the root or body is the finest black-lead, and the branches or extremities the worst the further they fly. The metals (query minerals) in the low mine lies in two veins, one crossing the other; where they cross is the main body, and the best black-lead, and these veins fall perpendicularly for sixty fathoms in depth, the blue rock on each side ; at the end of sixty fathoms they found the end of the cross vein, and a large sop of the mineral, which came out as if it had been in a wrought basin, the form of the black-lead and the rock were so equal. A blue rock lies on each side of the mineral, and sometimes there is a wet sludge between the rock and the black-lead. It is sometimes formed in sops or floats in a body without branches." (To be continued.) Important to Embyro Consuls. ~- The following letter has been addressed to the editor of the Anglo-American Times Sir,—l was delighted to see an extract from the Philadelphia Inquirer i n your valuable paper of Sa turday last upon the question of United States Consuls in Europe. I have travelled much in Europe, and have frequently come in contact with many of these officers, and, until of late years, I have in many cases felt real sorrow to find men ac credited to foreign countries who could not speak one word of the language of the country in which they resided. Men without any acquaintance with international, or, in fact, any law, or of anything but gentlemanly manners and bearing. All officers from the United States to European Governments should at least be gentlemen, and it is to be hoped that the State Department will abide by the circu lar they have recently issued, and compel every candidate for a foreign appointment to pass a rigid examination, and prove his qualification for the honourable position he seeks. In fact, gentlemen should be specially educated for the position, but to insure this, it would be necessary to make the appointments of a more permanent character than they are at present, and also that good conduct and efficiency should insure promotion, and not— as in some cases that have come under my know ledge—a recall. I have, however, met many high-minded and well-educated gentlemen filling with great honour and universal respect the Consular Office, and doing credit to their country and Government, and notably amongst them I may mention the veteran Hon. Mr. Vesey, Consul of the United States at Aix-la- Chapelle, in Prussia, who for more than 35 years has resided in Europe as Consul at some important post, and always won the good opinion and re spect of all with whom his office has brought him in contact. The almost veteran Hon. W. S. Campbell, now in Dresden, who for nearly twenty years was the Consul at Rotterdam, and in that city of sturdy Dutchmen made the name of an American beloved and respected ; and I believe that when the State Department removed him to his present post, such was the feeling towards him in that city that a petition was actually sent by the principal inhabitants to the Government, asking that his Excellency, Mynheer Campbell might still be allowed to remain among them ; the Hon. Captain Eastman, of Queenstown, and many other noble-minded men, who do honour not only to themselves, but to the country they so worthily re present—they are model Consuls, the right men iu the right place. Seeing the power for good or evil that is exer cised by these officers, questions worthy the most careful consideration of the United States Govern ment are those of the proper education of gentlemen intended for the Consular Office, and the appoint meet of none but men of the highest respectability to posts of so much honour and importance, for the character of a people is often judged in foreign countries by the officers sent out to represent them. —I am, Sir, yours very respectfully, A. L. PLITMBAGO FROM TICONDEROGA. In the American Court of the Great Exhibition of 1851 was exhibited, under the generic name of "Plumbago," or " Graphite," several magnificent specimens of this most useful and valuable ore, im ported from the celebrated mine of Ticonderoga, Essex county, United States. From the massive ness and characteristic beauty of the specimens, including, as they did, not only the varieties em ployed so extensively in the fabrication of furnaces, crucibles, stone polish, lubrucating compounds, and stereotyping, but the much rarer and more valuable sort known as pencil " lead," and which, until the discovery of the extensive deposits of Ticonderoga, was supposed to be limited in its production to Borrowdale, in the township of Keswick, in Cumber land. This mineral collection attracted more than ordinary attention, and elicited prophetic observa tions relative to the advantages which would result both to the Fine and Industrial Arts by the intro duction of the American Plumbago commercially into Europe. It has probably occurred to few, even amongst those who take the liveliest interest in the scientific and mercantile position of Great Britain, to devote any particular time or attention to such a speciality as " black lead," and still there are many features in the inquiry fraught with the deepest importance both to the student and the man of business. Setting aside for the present the geological indica tions of the existence of Plumbago in the bowels of the earth, the locality of its natural development in this country is most interesting. In the year 1751 a gentleman who had recently been to the Borrow dale Mine gives a graphic description of his visit, describes the town of Keswick as bearing the ap pearance of antiquity, whilst he flatteringly speaks of the " poorer inhabitants as subsisting chiefly by stealing, or clandestinely buying of those that steal the ' black lead,' which they sell to Jews or other hawkers." Another writer in the year 1794 refers to the Wad Mines, as he designates the explorations, as being opened that year, the custom in those days being to work the property every fifty years, taking out. a sufficient quantity of the mineral to supply the probable demand in the interim. He adds:— " Graphite, or pencil lead, is taken out in lumps sometimes as big as a man's fist, which, when it is pure, soft, and black, and close ground, is worth sometimes 355. per pound."* Another visitor writes about the same time:--" In this parish, Seatallorfell, is that famous mine of black lead' or wad, a mineral very scarce else where." Thus described by Mr. Robertson in his "Natural History of Westmoreland and Cumber land : "—" Its composition is a black, pinguid, and shining earth, impregnated with lead and antimony. Its natural uses are to glaze and harden crucibles, and other vessels made of earth and clay, that are to endure the hottest fire, and to this end it is wonderfully effectual, which enhances the price of such vessels. It cannot be made malleable." Making allowances for the imperfect state of mineralogical knowledge in those days, which led the writer to associate lead and antimony in the supposed composition of Plumbago, it is clear that one of the principal uses to which it is now em ployed was then practised, and we also learn that amidst the numerous and startling discoveries of modern times no substitute has yet been success fully employed for Plumbago in the manufacture of fire-resisting vessels. The following interesting record of the visit of Bishop Nicolson to these celebrated mines is given in a letter to Dr. Woodward in August, 17W : " Having lately had notice of the opening of our Wad mines above Keswick, I hastened to see a curiosity which I had never hitherto had an oppor tunity of viewing, and if this were omitted I was never likely to have another. From Keswick we travelled up the valley of Borrowdale, along the banks of Derwentwater, six or seven miles or more, till we came to Seethwaite moor, where, ascending a high mountain, we at length reached the mine. On the first opening of the old level in the latter end of June last great discouragement appeared, for no search had been made for 32 years; they found that some pilfering interlopers had carried on the old work till they had lost it in the rock. Upon the 3rd of July (the day before we got thither) a billy was happily discovered before the forehead of the Old Man (a term with miners for old works), which proved so rich that in less than twenty-four hours they had filled several sacks with fine and clean washed mineral." Dr. Meneth, in his " Pinax," would persuade one to believe it so scarce that ouatite in old andisnowher N nowhere in the En unigvelarsnd, andeto be met ha with save this is the only place within the four seas where it can be had mith us. " Mr. Dales would induce one to believe it a common mineral. He particularly reckons up three several sorts of it, brought from as many different countries ; whereas he allows that of our English growth to be the best, that of Spain the next, and condemns what is brought from the East Indies as the worst of all." In an Act of Parliament, 25 G eo. 2., c. 10, ma ki ng it felony to break into any mines or wad-holes of wad, or black-cawkes, commonly called black-lead, or to steal any from thence, there is a recital that es s and ar y for that di it ve h rs has us been eful the same has been discovered in one mo un t a i n or ridge of hills only inrealm,necessary to be purposes, and expe r i ence and more particularly in the casting of bomb-shells, round shot, and cannon-balls. Mr. Pennant says :—" Saw at Dr. Brownrigg's a great variety of the ores of Borrowdale, such as lead, common and fibrous, black-jack, and black lead or wad. This last is found iu greater quan tities and purity in those mountains than in any other parts of the world." The learned Boyle is of opinion it is not a metal, and has nothing of a metallic character about it. It is a very singular substance. It is found but in very trifling quan tities in several mines here, and it may be also in other countries ; but the sole mines in which it is The Ballot Society. At the weekly meeting of the committee, held at their offices on Tuesday, a letter from the private secretary of Mr. Disraeli was read, in reply to the following communication sent from the society, as agreed to at a previous meeting :—" Offices of the Society for Promoting the Adoption of the Vote by Ballot, 61, Cheapside, Loudon, Nov. 12, 1866. To the Right Hon. B. Disraeli, M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer, &c.—Sir,--In consequence of the feeling which is generally prevalent, that the Government, of which you are one of the principal members, will introduce a Reform Bill in the next session of Parliament, I am instructed by the com mittee of the above society most respectfully to call your attention to the necessity of putting an end to the corrupt practices that prevail at the elections of members of the House of Commons. lam desired to remind you that this society is not a party society, and that its sole object is to enable the elector to vote according to his own convictions. The commit tee advocate the vote by ballot, because they have not been able to discover any other plan so likely to protect the voter as the ballot. All the evidence they have been able to obtain, whether from the old countries of Europe, the new States of the Western world, or the colonies of the British Empire, testi fies to the efficacy of the ballot in putting an end to most of the evils which we have to deplore in this country. I could refer you to several constituencies which now return Liberal members for which Con servatives would be returned but for the influence which employers of labour have over the persons in their employ, and which influence would be de stroyed if the votes were taken by ballot. If you wish it I can furnish you with much evidence of the satisfactory working of the ballot in various parts of the world, and I now enclose one of our last pub lications, containing the letter of a gentleman who has witnessed the beneficial results of the ballot in one of our own colonies. Could the Government be induced to protect the voter from bribery and inti midation they would entitle themselves to the last ing gratitude of the British people.—l am, sir, your obedient humble servant, " J. F. BONTEMS, lion. Secretary." The following subscriptions were then reported as having been received :—J. P. Spencer, £2 2s. ; T. L. Openshaw, £1 ; Thos. Pilkiugton, £1 ; F. Steiner, £5 ; R. Johnson, £1 ; S. Morley, £lO ; C. Birdseye, £1; J. Bennett, C.C., £1 ls. ; A. J. Larking, £1 Is. ; W. S. Burton, £1 ls. ; M. E. Marsden, £2 ; F. Wedgwood, £4 4s. ; W. 11. Ro berts, £1 ls. ; Stafford Allen, £1 ls. ; Col. French, £1 ls., and sundry smaller sums. The Aim and End of Good Government. It has been the earnestly indulged belief, grown at last into a habit, for Americans to regard them selves as far the most happily governed people on earth. Indulged in, too, for so long a period, in one degree or another ever since the first corners on this continent emancipated themselves from the actual presence of kings and courts, however these for a time were represented by assumptious royal governors, they have never experienced aught else whilst peace reigned, but the right to express freely any and all opinions, and to go and come as they pleased. At no time compelled to defer to the pro gress of a royal cortege, or to see splendidly housed —at vast cost to themselves—the scions and attend ants of kingly rule, they have really had none to defer to or fear but themselves, until, we repeat, they have at last come to consider their own form of Government the only tolerable or desirable one on earth. And if the late terrible conflict has shaken the faith of some in the power of republics to main tain harmony amongst their people ; if the horrible events of the past few years have made men distrust any and all forms of government, as capable of insuring happiness and quiet and prosperity, these doubts after were not those of the majority, since all through the late fearful contest there was a steady belief, that with the overthrow of this parti cular rebellion and its great ally and stake, slavery, we should have peace forevermore, stability, a new development of power and of prosperity such as the world never before witnessed. Thoroughly convinced that such was the case, both Government and people hastened to claim these anticipated fruits of the frightful ordeal. We had experimented on each other in forging and using weapons of the most awfully destructive kind, and we were swift to claim from Europe pre-eminence in the ability to make war, to burn and sink and destroy, as witness our boasts, the exhibition of our engines of destruction abroad, and with no thought that on this side of the water there might ever again be occasion to turn our hands against each other. We did this in our simplicity ; in the sublimated faith that we had fought for and won a peace that was evermore to be lasting. In this entire belief ; in this thorough faith in our form of government vin dicated, and faith as complete in the desire of the whole nation for peace, the President and the Secre tary of War disbanded the armies which figured in the conflict, with no more idea that peace was not assured amongst ourselves, and more than an en forced peace, unity, than our rulers had of the same result at the close of the war with Great Britain. Is it too much to say that the people of the United States have been badly deceived—deceived all around ; grievously disappointed. Having fought for peace, have they indeed won it ; won it in the sense that Prussia has won in it ; that France won it after the battles of Magenta and Solferino, or that the allies won it after the terrible series of fights in the Crimea ? With peace nominally won, are not the people of the " greatest republic" known, the " best system of government extant," still standing with clenched weapons and fiery glances, bent upon each other ; are we not now threatened with anarchy, by the arts of demagogues, as before we were victimised by civil war. Not content with the sufferings and ruin inflicted upon each other in the brief past, has not liberty degenerated into license, until with no power whatever to check savage quarrelling, indecent and angry reproaches, all from the highest to the lowest, are involved in new and threatening controversies, the conse quences of which, anew, nobody can venture to conjecture. We say again, it is much to have " free government," " constitutional govern ment," in name ; but it is more for any people, for a civilised people who value their homes, who ask for security for their families, for their property, to have security, safety, quiet ! It may do for Tartar or Indian tribes to live in a perpetual turmoil, because these can take flocks and herds and tents, and migrate to suit the demands of the occa sion ; the avoidance of perils which in the shape of war assail particular districts. 3ut for any civilised people, resident in cities and farm-houses, Govern ment should mean immunity from perpetual disturb ances ; and when a Government fails in this great end, men may come at length to envy the subjects of even the worst reputed government, where if they are plundered by perspective or "divine right," they at least—they, and their wives and children—are not oscillating continually betwixt the evils of civil war and possible anarchy on the one hand, and those of stringent military rule culminating in " drafts," which, like the visitation upon Egypt, sweep the first born of both sides into hundreds of thousands of newly-made graves, and all for the ostensible objects of peace and good government. These are matters for the American people to consider to-day ; and especially are these things of moment to the people of this city and State, as affairs stand at present. And if the people, the great, sensible, reflective masses will, upon any pretext whatever, suffer themselves once more to have their future compromised ; if they will rush into new riots and fights to have these heralded everywhere, to make the outside world shun this region as one given over to chronic troubles and dissensions, repentance will be indulged at leisure, when investments in railroad lines, in stores, manufactories, and all else remind them by their depreciation of the costly mistake made. There are things men cannot afford to do; and of all ruinous indulgences, the feuds of factions are the worst in which a commercial community can , engage. And not too late, as yet, to take a sober second thought, let our people—the wiser amongst them—come to the rescue, and resolve that for no cause shall we sacrifice the millions called for along with the peace of our families.—Baltimore Com mercial. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. - - ~- TIMES.—The presence of 900 guests at a grand banquet given in the " finest dining-hall in the world," among half a million people, with the pro - mise of a speech by one of the best orators of the day, is a fact that requires nothing to account for it. We should not say that it proves an intense interest in Reform on the part either of the lower, the middle, or the upper classes, for all were represented, it seems, in the room. One does not hear too much eloquence, or even too much good English, in these times, and Reform is at least one of the topics of the day, as it has been now for twelve years. A number of other speakers had been announced, but nearly all these had withdrawn, not choosing to perform the very minor part of ushering in the great lion of the occasion. Mr. Bright, meanwhil e , having seen his name low down in a list of well-known names, relieved himself of all painful responsibility, and, upon being called on sooner than he expected, merely delivered himself of his thoughts as they presented themselves. He could not have done better. The overflowings of the heart are always worth more than the excogitations and inventions of the study. He was at home in the place and in the subject, for it may be doubted whether Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone themselves know so much about the late Reform Bill and all the questions connected with it as Mr. Bright. Being thus quite at his ease, master of his theme, yet bound by no special call, Mr. Bright went at once to the topic most at heart, which was abuse of the late Reform Bill. A previous speaker had somewhat prepared the way by observing that the country was indebted to the obstructions offered to the first bill for the more comprehensive measure which, as we think, Parliament most properly de manded, and which can only be considered a ques tion of time. But Mr. Bright denounced the whole bill, first and second part, root and branch altogether. It was a sham. It was a patch that would soon make the rent worse. It was a vain attempt to tinker up that which is utterly corrupt, and cannot hold to gether long. It was good for nothing, unless it led to more. It would not have given the working classes, or even the middle classes, their share of the representation, for it would not have added more than a hundred thousand voters to the register. The only thing in its favour was that it was an honest measure so far as respects the late Government. They thought it a good measure, and therefore were honest. Mr. Bright did not think it a good measure, but he does not draw the inference. Indeed, to do him common justice, it must be admitted that he never said more for the bill than that it was a lever, which he would like to have in his hand,with a good fulcrum to-work upon, and the British Constitution at the other end. But, not to be hampered any more by mere tricks of statecraft or misled by illusions, Mr. Bright has taken his stand upon a principle. Principles are scarce upon this subject, and if Mr. Bright can charge Lord Derby and his party with being " fashioned hollow" by a merciful Providence, in order that they may swallow their principles,.they may safely retort that Mr. Bright and his party have no principles to swallow. But here is a principle, and in taking his stand on it Mr. Bright proclaims that he has the sanction of antiquity, and is in the path of the Constitution. lie is for a rating—that is, for a household—suffrage. He assumes that rates are paid by somebody or other, in some form or other, for every habitation ; that is, therefore, the principle of a rating suffrage carries a household suffrage. There were many such constituencies of old. A good many were abolished by the Reform Bill. Mr. Bright quotes with pleasure the testimony of Sir Roundel' Palmer in favour of the principle. It is charming to find the arch-Reformer reverential and Conservative. Antiques and other curiosities have often little to show, except their age, and the stories they tell, and the odd ways they were come at. Duly shrined and cased, the rudest cinerary urn or the most uncouth bit of armour becomes the or nament of a drawing-room. A potwalloping borough, except in its moral aspects, need not be much uglier than an aerolite. But we beg to submit that a prin ciple is nothing, a name and nothing more, unless we are to know its application. The application of the principle was so bad in the olden time that the Re formers were most strenuously against it, and the Tories as strenuously for it, and to the best of our recol lection, the boroughs which had household suffrage were though quite as corrupt and scandalous as those which had freemen, or as the worst " rotten boroughs." Let us know how the principle is to be applied,--and it cannot be applied except together with other principles,—then we shall know what to say to it. Meanwhile we cannot see the dishonesty imputed by Mr. Bright to the politicians who were prepared to give votes to working men if they might only have something to say to the other arrange ments. It is waste of time and folly to abuse rational people because they will not shut their eyes and take a leap on his simple assurance that there is a soft bottom a little way down. That is a matter on which we would rather judge for ourselves. Mr. Bright has the classes off at his fingers' ends. They are always coming up like the very select dramatis persona in a puppet- show. Here are the upper, the middle, and the working classes. The first does all the crime of the country, all the wicked waste, all the gross mismanagement, and all the social tyranny. The upper class wheedles and cajoles the middle class out of its due share of the representation, and bullies and terrifies the lower class out of nearly all its share. The upper class in this picture possesses all the cunning and all the strength of a conquering race, preying like wolves and foxes on the weakness of the simplicity of the subject and conquered. Sut what reasonable being can admit that this is a truthful picture of the British population ? Were it a true picture, we are not sure that the poor simpletons and the silly sheep described by Mr. Bright had not better consult ease and com fort by sitting down like Issachar between the two burdens. But nothing can be less true than the pic ture. Where are the virtues of the working classes, where are the vices and weaknesses common to all three classes ? But are there those three classes, just those three, and thus sharply described ? Nothing can be further from the fact. There are many men whom Mr. Bright would now place in the upper class, but whom he would hardly have placed so high as the middle class, and who certainly had not votes, five and twenty years ago, when he was beginning his career of agitation. The truth is Eng land does not stand upon classes, and her whole system is adverse to lines of social demarcation. Life is here a social competition. We all go in for one prize or another, and have not the slightest wish that the things we really value should be brought down to a lower level in order to suit our indolence. They who rise not fall in our community. There is much to be said for and much against this order of things, but whatever is said can only have a sentimental value, for this is the actual order of things, and we must live up to it, whether we like it or not. HERALD.—The success of the Atlantii Cable has given a new interest to the history of electrical science, and it is not surprising to find that a con troversy as to the first invention of the Electric Telegraph is now attracting public attention. It is remarked that while honours have been freely dis tributed upon the success which has attended the laying of the Atlantic Cable which carries the telegraph, none have been conferred on those who first invented the electric telegraph itself, or who by various improvements have brought it to a state of such perfection that it has been long in general use all over the world. In short, that those who have conferred on the world one of the greatest benefits of modern times have been passed by wholly unnoticed in the recent distribution of public honours. The enthusiasm which attended the suc cess of the great Atlantic experiment appears to have obscured for a time the merits of those whose previous labours had already produced such vast re sults, and but for whose discoveries the Atlantic experiment itself could never have been so much as tried. Yet among others the name of Mr. Wheat stone is well known, and a leading journal has loudly demanded for him the merit of the first invention of the electric telegraph, and the honour to which such a claim, if well founded, would justly entitle him. This claim, however, is not unchallenged. It appears from a letter which we lately in serted from a correspondent that fifty years ago Mr. Francis Ronalds, a gentleman devoted to scientific pursuits, and still living, invented and offered to the then Government an " electric tele graph" which ho had constructed and put in operation. The reply which he received from the Department of the Admiralty is a curious instance of the official tone. Sir John Barrow, the Secre tary, informed Mr. Ronalds that " telegraphs of any kind were then wholly unnecessary, and that none other than the one then in use would be adopted." Well might Mr. Barrow perform a filial duty in writing as he has lately done, to the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, in which an account of this affair had appeared, that his father, in sending this reply to Mr. Ronalds, acted as " the organ of the Board, and not on his own responsibility." Mr. Ronalds, however, not being satisfied with the opinion of the Admiralty, published in 1823 a pamphlet entitled " Descriptions of an Electrical Telegraph, and of some other Electrical Apparatus," describing what he had done, and illustrating his invention by draw ings. Ile there predicts with a remarkable foresight some of the purposes to which the invention might he applied ; for he says, " Why should not our Kings hold councils at Brighton with their Ministers in London ? Why should not our Government go vern at Portsmouth almost as promptly as in Down ing -street? Why should our defaulters escape by default of our f ogg y c li ma t e ?" . . . • ‘; Let us have electric conversazione offices, communicating with each other all over the kingdom, if we can. A more striking instance of scientific foresight can not well be imagined. Mr. Ronalds, being pro bably more of a philosopher than a man of business, took out no patent ; and it was not till 1837 that the first patent was taken out by Messrs. Cooke and Wheatstone. We cannot see, therefore, hold a priority of invention over Mr Ronalds can be claimed for either Mr. Wheatstone or Mr. Cooke. But however this may be, and whatever may be the relative merits of these gentlemen, it would b e a strange thing, considering the unspeakable bene fits to the world of the electric telegraph, if the men who first discovered, or developed and brought to perfection, the most wonderful and use ful invention of modern times should be deemed unworthy of the slightest publ ic notice on au occasion when the subject is u nder consideration, and when so striking an instance ha s occurred of the successful application of thei r labours. One would have thought no pains w ould have been spared to seek out, if they still lived , those to whom the world was so deeply indebted . No one grudges the honours bestowed on the men who have, with infinite skill and perseverance, ll suc ceeded in laying the Atlantic cable . ; but many wi ask, Where are they by whose previous labours an d discoveries it became possible that there should be a cable at all ? Do you ennoble those who laid the electric wire across the sea, and forget the men who have enabled you to control to useful purposes the magic power which it contains ? It would seem impossible ; but such is the danger which mus t always exist when the power of conferring or with holding public honours rests solely with the Govern ment, whose means of information are necessarily casual and imperfect, and who must be often at a loss themselves to discriminate merit that does not force itself upon their notice. If future philoso phers should desire to know how their labours Will be appreciated, let them consider the history of Mr. Ronalds. It is just fifty years since, in 1816, he offered his discovery to the Government, vib° scornfully rejected it. Thirty-six years later, in 1852, the Government of that day placed his name on the civil list for a pension of £75 a year, in con" sideration of what they called his " important dis coveries in electricity and meteorology," one of which was the electric telegraph. It seems he h ad subsequently made other discoveries in these sub jects. And this pension from the Crown Mr . Ronalds, at an advanced age, still lives to enjoy' scarcely, perhaps, a full recognition for services t e h such importance. Finally, he has to witness, 111 that equanimity which only philosophers can coal" mand, the receipt by others of high public bon °l in which he has no share, conferred upon them for a particular application of his invention, and on t i l l ! , recommendation of the same authority of the (I ` e ' d vernment of the country which had already ass ure him that the invention itself was " wholly unnecl: sary." But whether Mr. Ronalds, or Mr. Ai r be e ;o stone, or any one else, be entitled to stand first 0 ' t order of merit, it would be a national reproach, no possible in any other country than England,4 claims of such a nature were met with nothing ,P: . the indifference and contempt of which the ";: ti vernment of a former day furnished so signal example. COUNTRY MARKETS. SALISBURY.—TUESDAY. There was an average supply of wheat at this relit to-day, and the attendance much more numerous then d i some time past. Wheat came to hand in improved el m "; tion, but in consequence of the important spring in Prl: t d at Mark-lane holders asked extravagant figures, whic h of the effect of checking business. Ultimately an advano 4s per qr. was submitted to over the last market 00 Barley was moderately well supplied, and a fair trade W i a , done at the top prices of last week. Oats a small suPl)." and dull. Beans ruled at is per qr. more money, and unaltered. The The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised fr 40604 56s to 68s ; barley, 37s to 555; oats, 24s to 30s ; beau s ' 53 0,, to 58s; and peas, 40s to 52s per qr. Tares, from 4s t l 3 ), 6d per bushel ; Best bread, 14d ; household ditto, 1° per 81b loaf. Flour, 39s to 45s per sack. MONMOUTHSHIRE—TUESDAY. • wore Business at the various markets of the county Is t he active than it has been of late. In the wheat trade t better sorts of home-grown met with a good clearance ;, fully 2s per qr advance. Foreign wheat also sold is Barley improved in tone— malting qualities 2s grind dearer. foll Beaus short, but supported late prices. t re d ' The owing are the average quotations:—Whe a ; r i 8 Od to 7s 3d per bushel ; white, 7s 3d to is 6d ; ip f ot, 5s 9d to 6s Vd ; malting barley, 46s to 50s per qr ; g`"26s ing ditto, 33s to 36s Od; beans, 44s to 50s ; white oats, to 28s ; black ditto, 23s Od to 24s Od. HULL—TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a small show of P 3 f l Pi e wheat, for which farmers asked very high prices• q r business done, however, was at the rate of 2s to Ss Per o . over last week. Malting barley not quite so brisk i u mand, although rather firm. ot° English white w heat, 63s to 68s; red, 55s to 65s ; . 1 " 6 38; sic and Konigsberg, 65s to 72s ; Baltic red, 608 to 560. Danish and Hamburg, 58s to 60s ; Russian, 55s to Barley, English, —s to —s ; grinding, idediterrauc.: 0 , 31s to 31s 6d. Oats, new English, 27s to 28s; 1111561 45 S 26s to 275. Beans, old English, 50s to 51s; foreigno, to 475. Peas, English blue, 40 , to 41s Od ; foreign 38s to 40s; grinding, 36s to 37s Od per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.—T uEsDA.Y. too ° ' White wheat, 588 to 69s ,• red, 52s to 65s per 36 s p et Barley for malting, 44s to 505 per qr; feed, 33s to 3 8 2 1 5 t. 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 345; new, 24s to '29s per Beans, old, 52s to 58s; new, 45s to 50s per qr. GAINSBOROUGII—TUESDAY. 4' over last small show of wheat, andprices were 3s toe .r last week—old, 62s t o 68s ; new, p 55s to 60s Per 3"4 b o O wi st i Barley in good demand, and sold at higher price s ' veaulli were in good request, with little alteration in price• sold at extreme rates. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market- d. O. 0 Lambert's W.Hartley 17 9 d. 2 Walls End Hetton ••• 21 Pittington . 3 19 6 Eden Main . ._. ....... 18 0 Original Hartlepool ~. Cassop South Hetton min.... Hall a ... ......... ..... 17 9 Kelloe 0 Holywell Ships at market, 38—sold, 35. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. , s ,, 10. kustralla and New Zealand, via Southampton. .••••0`"- Dec, .4. Ditto, via Marseilles Deo• 4. Brazil and Caps Verde. by British packet. ••• 21 Ditto, by French packet . . Nov Nev / Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and it. Helena.. • •'"'. 3. China, Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton OV. D ec " 2 / Ditto, via Mars.illes faikland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Nov 3 • India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton v"" 2 / . Ditto, via Marseilles - . Nov. - • 22 India (Bombay), via Southampton. lioY• ~ 2 . .Noi r . ' Ditto, via ilarseilles Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton ....... No!. I Nor- ' 0 Ditto, via Marseilles Dec' 4 ilauritiue, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseille i .D i ' 1 Nog' l i. ' Newfoundland... I . ..... „ 7 ~,, Portugal .. . .......... v.- Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon. ....... Jolted Stater and British North America, by ' 29. .. tish packet ..' Be; NO. ..... Ditto, by United States packet, via Southway - • ton .............. • Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry • •rw" i , p West Coat of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerifle ..• • eti• Vest Indies and Pacific (except Baha,nas and .. So/. 23 Honduras) ............. ........... ............. :8 .. .NOS' Cuba and Mexico .... NO. 21 Bermuda, via Halifax ..... ... . ........... • pa 0. Bahamas, via New York. _.......e.-' Births. CARSON—On the 19th inst., at Fairy Hall, n ear Ei tl/6113 Kent, the wife of R. B. Carson, Esq., of a sea. ife GRE GORIE—On the 20th inst., at Winchest er, the If Captain Gregorie, of a daughter. HILDER—On the 20th inst., at The Lindens, pt) ne t tilt) wife of Thos. P. "Hider, Esq., of mson. SAININ—On the 18th inst. at a at 16, Th e Grove, Boltorl6 wife of Osbert Salvin, Esq., of daughter. Marriages. , CRAWLEY—LOYE —On the 21st it at the Royal ISO Chapel of the Assumption, Charles, ns elder son of `,"hinef C. Crawley, of Albemarle-street, to Charlotte Jes°,ond• youngest daughter of the late Mr. Love, of Grea tl mill-street. ho OUg h t PEI LY— dhurchF,ERGUSON —On the 20th inst., at yarn - r o , Henry B. Pell Royal Engineers, 004 t the late Lieut.-Col. Pll4 formerly o f the _ l id o (Queen's Own) Lancers, to Frances, daughter of r 1.7 G. Ferguson, Esq., of Houghton Hall, Cumberland Deaths. off CARTER—On the 21st July on board the WrYoni"'"' C s rter, China, George W. Carter, ' second son of ... • D. Darouth-street, Westminste, aged 31. I.rdeen‘ DUFF—O tm n the 19th inst., at Cbrrsindae House, A-- shire, Joseph R. Sterritt Duff, Esq. DIKE—On the 19th inst., at Blakehurst, n ear Aru ndel ' Duke Esq., aged 64. Eeck eir. PEARcE , -On the 20th inst., at St. James's Lodge, ham, Kent, Thomas Pearce, Esq., aged 68 . L i s rOld STANLEY— On the 20th inst. , at Croydon, Snarl', John Stanley, Esq., late of Munich. -a r,,,,0rt pI SEMPILL—On the 18th inst., at Moreton Pinkney a.isr Northamptonshire, tne Hon. Sarah Senwill, dauguiv the Right Hon. Hugh, London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN ": 4 7 n. j t No. of N 112, Strand, PI in ter at Tim Sus Oinoe , f of Strand, in the 11/Wllai of ember 22 , 11366. t the Savoy, in Middleses.—Thursday, Novhe Cow. • R ~~