The Sun. — London, England, 1866-10-02 00:00:00

THE ATLANTIC CABLES. BANQUET IN LIVERPOOL. Last night a grand banquet, under the auspices of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, was given to the layers of the Atlantic cables in the Law Association Rooms, Liverpool.-About two hundred gentlemen sat down to dinner, which was very handsomely served. The Right Hon. Sir Stafford Northcote, M.P., President of the Board of Trade, presided, and amongst the leading guests were Lord Stanley, M.P., Messrs. Canning, H. Clifford, Capt. Anderson, Willoughby Smith, Professor Thompson, Captain Hamilton, Capt. Edington, RN., Capt. Drowse, R.N., Wm. Barber (Chairman of the Great Ship Company), Sir Chas. Bright, M.P., T. B. Horsfall, M.P., S. R. Graves, M.P., J. Laird, M.P., T. M'Can, Consul, &c. The CHAIRMAN, in proposing " The health of her Majesty the Queen," said that her Majesty had on all fitting occasions shown a hearty interest in the progress of telegraphic science, and later in the evening he should read a special communication from the Queen upon the subject of the present banquet. (Great cheering.) The CHAIRMAN, in proposing the " Health of the President of the United States," acknowledged the services which the Governments of both England and America had rendered in promoting the success ful laying of the cables. It was most desirable to preserve a hearty friendship between the two coun tries ; for there were no twonations who, if cordially united, could do more to further the cause of civili sation throughout the world than the United King dom and the United States. (Loud cheers.) The " Prince and Princess of Wales, and Royal Family," was the next toast, which was duly honoured. The CHAIRMAN next proposed" The Original Pro moters of the Atlantic Cable," the toast being a little earlier than intended, in the hope of obtaining a reply daring the evening, through the cable, from Mr. Cyrus Field. The chairman paid a high tri bute to the zeal and service's of Cyrus and Dudley Field, and Messrs. Brett, Bright, and Whitehouse. Sir C. BRIGHT, M.P., responded, tracing the history and progress of the Atlantic cable scheme from the earliest investigations to the recent successful results. Though the loss from the failures of the first cable was considerable, the experience gained was of no small moment. He (Sir Charles) had no doubt as to the durability of the cables now laid. It was also satisfactory to find that the cables were already be ing worked to a very large profit, which would doubtless be quadrupled in a very short period, when the land lines on the American side were im proved. Alluding to Mr. Glais (whose absence he regretted), Sir Charles said that the greatest credit was due to him for his indomitable perseverance in the enterprise. He also highly eulogised the ser vices which had been rendered by Mr. Canning, Mr. Clifford, Mr. Willoughby Smith, Mr. Chatterton, Professor Thompson, Mr. Brett, and others to the cause of telegraphic science, and to the operations attending the laying of the cable. There was, he be lieved, a future for submarine telegraphy to which scarcely any bounds could be imagined. It was only when China and Japan, Australia and New Zealand, South America and the West Indies were placed within speaking distanceof England that telegraphic engineers could afford to tare a short rest and ask, " Que regio in terris nostri non plena laboris?" . (Loud cheers.) Mr. RAWLINS, President of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, proposed " Her Majesty's Ministers," to which Lord STANLEY, M.P., who was received with loud cheers, replied. He said—Gentlemen—Your chair man has proposed, and you have very kindly drunk The Health of her Majesty's Ministers," and as one of those at present holding that honourable post, I have great pleasure in returning thanks. I assure you that in so doing I do not in the slightest degree misconceive the character of the compliment which you have paid us ; it is one wholly detached from politics. You simply give us credit, as I, for my part, should have lx en ready to give cre dit to any of those who have preceded us in power, for endeavouring, honestly, according to such lights as we may possess, to do that which seems to us best in the interest of the country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is often objected—and not without some show of reason—to our system of Parliamentary Government, that it produces changes of hands inconveniently often, and displaces men— irrespective of personal merit or demerit—from offices which, perhaps, at the very time when they quit them, they are most competent to fill. (Hear.) Undoubtedly these reasons are not without weight ; but there are counterbalancing considerations which ought not to be lost sight of. These very changes keep up a spirit of healthy rivalry and competition, and they diffuse official experience amongst the members of both houses, and thus strengthen what I may call our reserve force of working statesmen. (Cheers.) They diffuse what, to my mind, is often more important than official experience—a sense of responsibility for Parliamentary criticism. (Hear.) There is no more effective check on reckless or capri cious censure than when a man has to ask himself, before he speaks of the conduct of a political oppo nent, " Suppose I were on the Treasury bench, and had to decide this matter, could I take any other course ?" (Cheers.) Then, again, the demands of public life—at least in the House of Commons—are in the present day so severe, and the wear and tear, mentally and bodily, are so great, that even the strongest and most energetic of our statesmen are the better for those compulsory positions of compa rative rest which the Opposition benches afford. (Hear.) In my own name and that of my colleagues I thank you for your reception of us ; and now, if you will permit me, I will at once, though by an abrupt transition, pass on to the toast which has been entrusted to my care—that toast is, " Eng land and America United." (Loud cheers.) Those words may be taken either as the expression of a Lope or as the assertion of a fact—physically the thing is done. England and America are united by an enterprise to which I shall leave my friend the chairman to speak in detail, but of which I cannot refrain from saying that it appears to me the most marvellous triumph of mind over matter, of man over nature, that the annals of science have as yet recorded--(applause)—and while England and America retain their engineering and naval pre-emi nence amongst the nations of the world I venture to predict the names of those who have been the workers in this great undertaking—the names of Canning, of Glass, and of Anderson—will be honour anly remembered, not only on this but on the other side of the Atlantic. (Loud cheers.) Now what will be the effects of this new state of things—of this in stantaneous communication between the Old World and the New —.a communication which will in a few years extend over the whole civilised globe ? So far as our colonies are concerned much is obvious. In all matters civil and military in which the home Go vernment ought to interfere, it can do so with infi nitely more effect, because in critical times instruc tions, founded on inf ormat i on a f ortn ight or a month old, can be of very little practical value. So aga in in matters of trade, I supp ose t h at the saving of la bour will be considerable, and that some forms, at least , of speculation will be in some degree checked, when certainty is substituted for conjecture. (He ar , h ear . ) But to us in this country—and in the present case the diplomatic aspect of the question is the most im portant—we are going to bring the people of Eng land and of the United States into a far closer con nection with one another than has ever existed be- This is in my mind a great gain. Some one has stated that the opinion of foreign nations is an anti cipation of the judgment of posterity; but without adopting that phrase absolutely, it is undoubtedly true that lookers-on not personally affected by the results of what is being done, yet feeling in them a warm interest, are thought to be able to judge better of what is passing than those who are in the thick of the fray. (Hear, hear.) I think, then, that England and America are both in a position to give mutually fair, temperate criticism of one another's proceed ings. They have no opposite interests. United they are a match for the world, while a quarrel between them would be a fearful injury, not only to them selves, but to the best interests of mankind. (Cheers.) The more they really know of one another the bet ter; but there is something to be said on the other side, and I should not be doing my duty here if I did not say it. There may be criticism which is not fair, not temperate—criticism which is hasty, partial, passionate—perhaps on both sides of the water. We have had a little too much of that— (hear, hear, and cheers)—but it does not result from hostility ; on the contrary, if it did not sound para doxical to say so, Pshould say that it arises quite as much from an anxious desire, which both nations feel, that the credit of those representative institu tions which are common to both should by both be maintained. (Hear.) Ido not suppose the cri ticism which I have spoken of can ever wholly cease, for I have sometimes thought that England and the United States are like two individuals related by family ties—both interested for the credit of their common family, both of whom would be sorry should any real harm happen to the other, but not always agreeing in ideas ; and not being of a reti cent disposition, however friendly, now and then exercising the privilege of relationship to express their opinion of each other's affairs in a manner which, though it may be frank, is not always judi cious or agreeable. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The lesson I draw from that is, that now that we are going to be nearer neighbours, we must learn to be sparing of such criticism ourselves, and not too sen sitive or impatient when it is applied to us. (Hear, hear.) We are bound to bear in mind that a com mon language, if it brings on the one hand immense advantages, has on the other some responsibilities and some inconveniences. In private life probably no man speaks of his friends in precisely the terms he would use were they face to face. Nations con verse by newspapers, and every word which they say of one another is, by the necessity of the case, said also to one another. It is in the earnest hope that we may use our new privileges as befits us both ; it is in the deep conviction that on the union of the two nations, more than on any other earthly thing, the future of civilisation depends ; and it is with the conviction, also, that whoever wilfully or igno rantly estranges them one from another is doing, on the whole, the very worst act a human being could commit—it is with these feelings that I now give you the toast, " England and America united." (Loud applause.) The Hon. Mr. DUDLEY, American Consul, re sponded. He referred at some length to the great progress which telegraphic science had made, and to the extent of that communication, embracing, as it did, fully three-fifths of the globe. When this great work had been completed, who would dare to say that the peaceful time predicted 3,000 years ago had not arrived when the wolf and lamb should dwell together, and the earth learn war no more ? (Cheers.) In conclusion, he hoped that the great work would bind still more closely the two countries. The CHAIRMAN proposed " The North American provinces." There was no prouder title given to England than that of the Mother of Nations. It was our delight to see our colonies raising them selves, as more especially were the North American colonies, to positions of prosperity and independence. If now they thought fit to claim wconfederation amongst themselves he was sure that her Majesty's Government would meet them halfway, aye, more than halfway, while nothing would be further from their thoughts than to endeavour to induce them to adopt any measures which might not be advantageous to themselves; but if they sought con federation, he could say on behalf of her Majesty's Government they would meet with no mean jea lousies, but with every disposition to further their views. (Applause.) They.had no representative pre sent of the great colony of Canada, but they had present the Hon. Mr. Tupper, Prime Minister of Nova Scotia, and the Hon. Mr. Tilley, Prime Minis ter of New Brunswick. The lion. Mr.TUFPEIt first responded, and alluded to the great patriotism displayed by the North Ame rican colonies with reference to the Fenian threat enings, and said that it was with peculiar satisfac tion that they, dependent as they were in a measure on the protection of the mother country, learned that they had been placed in such direct and imme diate communication with her. (Cheers.) The Hon. Mr. TILLEY, alluding to the question of Confederation, said they would have been sorry to ask the Government for such a change unless they came backed by that authority which was constitutional ; and it was because they felt themselves clothed with that authority that they made the application. They loved British institu tions, and were determined to follow them. (Loud applause.) Captain HAMILTON said a message had been for warded through the cable to the President of the United States. He had received a reply from New foundland, stating that the message had been re ceived, but owing to the state of the land lines it was feared that it would not reach the President in time for a reply to be read to the meeting. The CHAIRMAN then proceedede Atlantic oie give Telegraph e eg t r o a as ph t of the evening—" Success to the Cables," which he was sure would be received with unanimous cordiality. (Cheers.) In dong show ing mentioned briefly one or two leadingfacts, the important bearing of the cables especially nthe commercial operatio ns of the country, with the American continent. The annual value of our imports and exports from and to America, in cluding the United States and the British colonies, amounted to something like a hundred millions. Taking the average time of passage at something like fourteen days, there was something like four millions of property afloat between Great Britain and America ; while the quantity of wheat and wheat-flour which was imported for the subsistence of our people averaged nine million cwts. Having traced the progress of scientific improvements dur ing the reign of her present Majesty, and the vast impetus which had been given to trade by recent legislative enactments, he referred to the important effect which the cables would have in promoting good feeling between England and America, be tween whom it was essential for the best interests of tho whole human race that peace should continue to be maintained. The Chairman then read a commu nication from the Earl of Derby, conveying the sen timents and intentions of her Majesty with respect I to the Atlantic cable expedition and its promoters. Her Majesty was desirous of testifying her sense of the merits displayed in this great enterprise, and had commanded his lordship to submit for special marks of her Royal favour the names of those who, having had assigned to them prominent positions, might be considered as representing the different I departments whose united labours had contri buted to the final result, and had commanded him to convey her congratulations to all whose energy and perseverance, skill and science, bad triumphed over all difficulties, and accomplished a success alike honourable to themselves and their country. Her Majesty had accordingly directed that Capt. Ander son, Professor Thompson, and Messrs. Glass and Canning should be knighted, and that Mr. Sampson, n a f nd ba M rn r .. . deputy-chairman ofdthreeooe ri iv g e ina th l co eh m on p o a u n r y, Field received no such mark baro netcy. Gooch, P o ym . 1. 7 . s h c o y u r l u s of . Royal ifoatveorfuerr,oitwwitahswbhecaatusmeighhert M see aj m es t t n y d b i e d not the wish to c h h e countryh h a d naturalto which f u f e r t . i o F n e o l d f the b o G o n o g v e e d r nm an en d t o w f h c served equally with this country in continued —Lord which had been done. The Chairman some further mark more immediately conneDerby had wished to confer upon Capt. Ac n t e d d e w rs i o th n his own profession, but he had been greatly disap pointed to find that neither. the rules of the naval ser vice, nor the statute of the Order of the Bath, al lowed him to do so. In conclusion, the right hon. gentleman proposed the " Atlantic Cables," coupling with the toast the names of Sir Samuel Canningand MrS.irESI CANNINGIi.ott. briefly acknowledged the toast. re wasMsre.rtsuloyriexpssed ill. They claimedeat regret e t d h iatt for rr laying the cable, or any special merit in regard to the en terprise beyond finding a portion nof the capital. They would next lay a cable direct to New York. (Cheers.) Mr. HORSFALL, M.P., congratulated the Chamber of Commerce upon having present the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the President of the Board of Trade, which be thought they might ac cept as a guarantee that the interests of commerce would not be neglected. He proposed " The En gineers and Electricians," mid hoped that this cable THE SUN, LON might be a lasting emblem of unity between the two great nations. Mr. Horsfall here read a telegram from Newfoundland, in which Mr. Collett, the su perintendent there, informed the meeting that the weather was fine, and the cod fishing excellent. (Laughter.) Mr. CLIFFORD briefly responded. Mr. W. SMITH gave some very interesting facts relative to the laying of the cables, and assured the meeting that they were better than any ever yet laid. The insulation of both had greatly improved. He mentioned as a curious fact that, when near Heart's Content with the second cable, he tele graphed, via Valentia, an invitatian to dinner to Mr. Collett, at Heart's Co n t en t s t a ti on , and he re ceived an acceptance within five minutes. Mr. S. R. GRAVES proposed the " Health of Cap tain Anderson," who briefly and characteristically responded, and proposed the " Officers of her Ma jesty's Navy engaged in laying former cables." " The Chambers of Commerce, America and England," responded to by Mr. M. Ross, President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, wasnext given, and finally " The Health of the Chairman." The Address of Governor Andrew to the New England Farmers. , Governor Andrew on the 7th inst. delivered an address at Brattleborough (Vermont), to the New England farmers, touching on so much interesting matter that it would have received more general attention were the people not so closely employed in watching the lamentable struggle between the President and Congress. His Excellency's addreis embraced the whole career of American industry, and was so skilfully plahned that, notwithstanding the magnitude of the subject, he condensed it into a speech of a few hours. Nor did he do this only. He brought out all the main points so forcibly, he threw such a strong light on tho chief moving powers, that his audience could scarcely have helped carrying with them a wider grasp of America's progress and America's future than they had before entertained. The address was free from prejudice, from exaggeration, and from that extravagant laudation with ,which American politicians are so apt to disfigure their most eloquent speeches. His Excellency began by showing the increase in the population ; the causes that induced the emigration, and the settlement of the tide over the country. Having fixed the facts in the minds of his hearers, he proceeded to give the effects. Having placed the population, he:proceeded to toll the results. And accus tomed as we are to the amazing youth of American pros perity, the figures when thus brought before us cannot but surprise : "How well those people have prospered in their own persons, how well they have availed themselves of tho opportunities of the New World, how steadily thrift has accompanied the opportunities of industry, there aro a thousand proofs on every hand. But there is none more emphatic or significant than their generous and sympa thising contributions in aid of the friends and relatives they left behind. Besides the gifts and remittances of which there is no accessible trace, its is known that, be tween the years 1850 and 1860, there was remitted, through the agency of bankers and merchants, by these foreign born inhabitants of North America to their friends in Europe, an aggregate amount not less than $50,000,000P Thus, while the people extracted from the wastes a sure prosperity for themselves, they generously availed them selves of Nature's bounty to extend a helping hand to their less fortunate brethren in Europe. Nor was their gene rosity without its effect on their own national well-being. The increasing tide of immigration which the people were themselves so instrumental in directing, added to the value of the property they had secured, and with the multiplied numbers came better means of transportation, better markets for their produce, and the innumerable advantages of a higher state of civilisation. " The dependence of agricultural products for their value to their producer upon domestic markets and easy trans portation, the appreciation in value of farming lands by their contiguity or easy access to market, find exactly here thoir most emphatic proof and their most instructive illus tration ; for, without the advantages of the great domestic market and the indispensable condition of the facilities of steam transportation, both due to our diversified industry, how could the value of farming lands in the United States, with our population at littlemore than 30 millions of souls, have appreciated at all ? When to every two acres of im proved lands we bad in 1860 three acres included within the same forms not yet brought under cultivation ; while the aggregate of our whole uncultivated territory com prises an area three times as large as the area of all the plantations and farms!" We can use no bettor words than those of the Governor in describing the effects of this growth of civilisation : " Better fed, with more fulness and variety; better clad, in more garments, and those more pleasing to the sense of beauty; better sheltered, by houses more commodious, and in styles of more tasteful architecture and more enduring quality ; but more books and newspapers, and larger pub lic libraries; enjoying incomparably more avenues and better means for travelling and transportation of goods; with ampler crops and bettor prices than ever before—this very Commonwealth does, in its own current history, afford the proof of the advantages of our American aim at the largest conquest over all the domains of industry." Having carried his hearers up to the period of the groat war, he uses that gigantic contest to illustrate the enor mous power, developed by the successful work he had thus described, and again his figures aro startling in their mag nitude. From this point he branches off to the export trade of America, and his statistics are used to prove that the great market for American agricultural produce is America herself. " The mean annual average of the value of the exports of provisions from tho United States to the United King dom between the year 1846 and the year 1860, inclusive, is computed at only $6,098,564, representing a quantity, reckoned at a mean annual average, of 1,619,138 quarters ; the mean annual average of the last term of three years was 27 34-100ths less than the average of the first three years. So that while the exportation of breadstuffs to the Uaitod Kingdom had thus been relatively diminish ing during the fifteen years, of which 1846 was the first year, our population had increased from less than twenty millions to more than thirty-one millions of people, of which increased number much the larger proportion had been found in the food-producing States. The leading market of American farmers has been found whore it was predestined to be by the inevitable laws, tendencies, and aptitudes which mark and distinguish the social man wherever he exists in progressive civilisation. It has been found in that very society of which the farmer was himself a member, to whose wealth, whose economy, whose laws and institutions ho himself contributed alike by enjoyment and by direction." This leads the speaker to illustrate the connection which exists between all branches of industry. " A nation—a civil State—is not simply like an indi vidual man, buying or selling. A nation is not a shop nor a factory, nor a farm, nor a ship; not a trader, nor a mechanic, nor a farmer, nor a merchant. It is each of those, all of these, and many things more. It implies a territory, a people, a diversified industry, a multiform capacity in a multitude of mon—a society of men, having certain united interests, comprehended on a given territory, to which they aro attached by residence, by fidelity, and by welfare. They are related to each other as no other people can be related to thorn. The people and the national domain are related to each other, like the family and the homestead. The members of the State are bound to each other, as are the family—com posed of parents, children, servants, and occupiers—whose interests for livelihood and hapuiness are dependent on tho fruitfulness and development of the same paternal domain. Tho idea of the nation, a State, implies things spiritual as well as things material. It suggests a common spirit of enterprise and of ambition. It stays not on " this bank and shoal of time ;" it leaps the gulf whore all the temporal things of life are whelmed in the final catastrophe of our mortality ; it mounts the giddiest heights of danger or of difficulty ; it seizes with its faithful eye the great and holy future of the people ; it glories in the grandeur and the beauty of that manifestation of Humanity in its excellence, which it may become in its own power , to actualise in a human society. It is hoard in the voice of eloquence, it is seen in the pen of the scholar, in the pencil, the chisel of the artist; it sings in poetry, and flashes in the patriot sword ; it suffers and dares, and hopes and believes, and triumphs. "Nearly 1,500,000 male and female workers, in 130,000 establishments, manufacturing annually more than ono million dollars of raw material into cotton or woollen fabrics, into boots and shoes, into clothing, into paper, into furniture, into machinery, into books and periodicals, into loather, into tools and apparatus, and into all the countless descriptions of ingenious mechanism; or chang ing by similar industry the products of the field, tho forest and the mine, into flour, and meal, and lumber, and iron, adding to tho value of the material absorbed the sum of $900,000,000 morn ; the still larger number who make up the infinite variety of professions, pursuits, and craftsmen, whoso ingenious industry or whose learning and culture give diversity, elegance, and convenience to the complex organism known as human society in modern civilisation ; the capitalists and labourers, tho engineers and machi nists, the agents, merchants, and middlemen, they who build, manage, and navigate the railways, the locomotives, the cars, carriages, ships, and steamers demanded by the uses of both foreign and domestic commerce, have conti i butod their value to the farms of the remotest regions of our common country, and havo raised the American farmer to independence and prosperity. "But the diversificatio n of industry not only arouses and vitalises all the faculties of all the people in the society where it exists, but while it expands the power of produc tion, it enobles each to help his neighbour—enabling all to buy and to sell by the exchange of their labour and their commodities." The speaker then naturally proceeds to describe the manufactures of the United States, and his remarks tend strongly to demonstrate the soundness of " protected " in dustry as applicable to A mer ica. Although in this country We believe that he is wrong, his arguments Are so ably ad- ,ON, TUESDAY E V ENING, OCTOBER 2, 1866 vanced, and at the same time with so kindly a feeling, that they come with twice the weight that denunciations of England's selfishness and greed of gain could have come. " In nothing I have said do I mean to underrate the just value of commerce with the Old World. We may well rejoice in what the nineteenth century has done for the mother land. Her population has more than doubled since it began. Indeed it had doubled in 1851. And she had doubled the supply, enlarged the variety and secured the certainty of food of her people. A hundred years ago she exported corn. Her farmers had been wont to esteem themselves ruined by the low prices incident to every period of plentiful harvests. The other parts of her population bemoaned every year of agricultural prosperity, because then they paid the prices, or suffered the pangs, of famine. Several causes have conspired to make her truly great— great in the strength, tho dignity, and the happiness of her people—greater yet in the prospect of the ultimate educa tion and enfranchisement of her toiling masses, in the equa lisation of public burdens, of all the rights of conscience, and that fairer distribution of political justice due alike to Celt and Saxon. These causes in truth are essentially one single cause —namely, the application of science to the arts, giving to the island the additional working power of 500,000,000 of men. It is seen in the development of manufactures by the highest mechanical agencies. It has brought near together the remotest corners of the realm. It has restored the bogs and moors and other waste lands of the kingdom by drainage, by agricultural machinery, and the intelligent adapta tion of crops, and soils, and fertilisers, and has deve loped the lean and unprofitable cattle of former times into the modern sheep, and cows, and oxen which lend their distinction to the attractions of her modern fairs. It is seen in manufacturing and agricultural machinery, in civil engineering, in the construction of bridges, loco motives, cars, steamers, and railways ; in the treatment of soils, the management of breeding, the rotation of crops, and the composition of fertilising materials, and in all the thousand manipulations of practical husbandry. Little more than five hundred years ago, in the reign of Edward 1., they hanged a man in England for the crime of burning coals, within the precinct of the city, " brought by the way of the sea to London.' But wiser generations since, taught by science how to use the treasures hid beneath the sea and in the bowels of the earth, have found in the mines of coal and iron the secret of modern power. " What do you deal in ?' asked George 111. of Matthew Boulton, partner of James Watt in the business of making and vending the steam-engine, by the invention of which the name of Watt is immortalised. ' What do you deal in ?" What kings delight in—power,' was the stout reply. Yes, but it was a power which makes the peoples great— not their kings. That mysterious power—found in the application of the tremendous forces of nature, in steam, in electricity, in chemistry, in that practical philosophy which teaches how to tame and use these subtle agencies of the uni verse—dwarfs the proportions of artificial greatness. It confers a share of its benificence on all, and ennobles by na arbitrary distinction. What science—applied 6 each and all the arts of life, to all the creations of inventive genius, to the uses of commerce, of manufactures, of mechanism, of agriculture, in all their thousand diversifications can do for any, let her do for us—with a territory larger than Eu rope, a people numerous enough for empire, independent, free, and thirsting for glory. _ . ....„ "Now when England proposes that the American people shall discontinue making cloth, and turn their attention to raising cereals instead—offering on its own part to sell to the American people their supply of cloth—these several things are to be understood r.s comprised in the proposi tion, viz., that our supply of cereals is to be increased, while our home market for grain is correspondingly dimi nished, and while foreign manufacturers are permitted the monopoly of the American market for cloth. England would then undoubtedly sell cloth in a dearer market, and she would undoubtedly buy food in a cheaper one ; while Americans would sell their food in a foreign market, cheapened by the absence of competition at home, and they would buy cloth at prices enhanced by a similar cause. Besides, it is to be remembered that if the populations of the Old and New Worlds are to increase in the same rela tive proportions hereafter as heretofore, our own demand for cloth must increase in vast disproportion to the British demand for bread. And thus, as the years wear on, our surplus of breadstuffs would grow on our hpds, while our generous friends across the ocean would be continually giving us less cloth for ovary bushel of wheat we should send them. " Now I venture to affirm that the annual purchase and consumption by New-England of Western agricul tural products, (including grain, flour, and animal food, used for the support of man, and the forage of cattle, swine, and horses), during the last half-dozen years has reached the average annual value of 850,000,000 ; that this amount is annually increasing ; that the market is, and has boon, a flare and constant market, subject to no fluctuations. The total export of breadstuffs to foreign countries during the last 40 years furnishes a result annually of only a trifle over $21,000,000 on the average—more than five-eighths of which has been sold during the last ten years. But the foreign demand is so variable that no reasonable estimate can over be made, one year in advance. It is always con tingent on the European crops. So long as three thousand miles of ocean roll between the eastern shores of America and the shores of Western Europe ; so long as two thousand miles besides of water transportation delay the products of our North-West on their way from Chicago to the Gulf St. Irawrence ; so long as the interest of foreign capital, the necessities of foreign labour, the ambitions and traditions of foreign States, and sovereigns, and peoples continue to exist ; so long indeed as every people conscious of their national unity, who aro able or worthy to endure, must, first of all things, study to maintain, at whatever cost, the ability within themselves of independent, nay of defiant, life—just so long universal economy, the common prosperity, and the popular liberty, to break the mag ic very idea of nationality , for bid our five and thirty mil lionsself-government o f men , possessing an d a continental domain, enj o yi ng circle of their industrial power." Our space will not admit of our following his Excellency as fully as we could wish. The address is well worth a careful reading; and wo recommend it to the attention of all who doairo to gain in a condensed form a clear concep tion of American progress, and of the ideas implanted in the minds of the New England farmers. We conclude with tho following extract : " Assembled on this fertile bank of the broad and beauti ful Connecticut, the central stream of New England, bound ing two, dividing two, and watering four of the New Eng land Commonwealths, associated in our history with grand events and great men, with ideas transcending far the greatness of events or of men, I venture to summon these representatives of the yeomen of Now England to rise to the height of their new occasion—to concentrate and apply your influence to this work of national development. Our fathers founded this nation, planted it here in the wilder ness in the early day. They and their sons have helped to maintain it by their care, and have defended it with their blood. If others have over done more wisely or more bravely than we to them let history award the mood of honest fame. I know, at least, that for all wo are, for all we possess ourselves, and all we can offer to the com mon glory and support, we of New England are indebted to accidents of fortune, nor capricious favour of earthly power. By patience, industry, and frugal manners, these people have turned rocks, and ice, and wasting waters into thrift and comfort, and have added the results of more than two hundred years of toil to the national defence, and to the glory of the civil state. And now I long to see New England in the load, using alike her political weight, hor public influence, and Immaterial aid, in a work which will signalise the far-sighted and liberal quality of her busi ness intelligence —namely, the improvement of that great natural system of lake and river navigation by the deepen ing and widening of existing canals and locks, and by the construction of now ones—by means of which a ship or steamer, of adequate draft and dimensions, may carry freight from any port, on any of our great inland seas, from the Ottawa River, down the St. Lawrence into Lake Champlain, for distribution at all its ports from St. Albans to Whitehall. The navigation of the chain of waters com prised in the St. Lawrence, and our great inland seas, or lakes, reaches nearly half the way from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. Tho extent and fertility of the regions whose shores are layed by this vast system of waters, the relation it bears to the groat Mississippi basin as well as the basin of the St. Lawrence, the relation which this sys tem of inland navigation boars to the Northern Railway route to the Pacific, and to the far Western valleys and rivers which indicate its direction, all combine to render it the Mediterranean of our continent, the seat and home of empire, transcendent in might beyond the dreams of Rome and Carthage." [ADVERTISEMENT.]—That the fearful annual mortality of 60,000 young children and delicate persons of all ages may be arrested, if, instead of flying blindly to pills and medicines, which, though apparently relieving the patient, have in reality no other te n d ency than th a t of increasing debility, and with it the dangerof life, we were simply to study how to inc. ease the vital f orce by i mpart i ng ne w an d pure blood, upon which the harmonious development of the whole frame depends, has been successfully proved by Du Barry's Inva lids' and Infants' Food, the Revalenta Arabica, and its thousands of cures annually. It yields three times as mu3h easily assimilated nourishment as the best meat, and for children it is the best substitute for human milk. Dr.' Routh, physician to the Samaritan Hospital for Women and Children—the best authority on such matters —in his admir able publication on Food, says—Amongst the vegetable sub stances, th ,t which comes closest to milk in its composition is, without doubt, Du Baltry's Revalenta Arabica Food, con taining both Phosphoric acid in abundance and chloride of potassium ; it also includes casein, the same principle which is found in milk in its constituent parts. No wonder, there fore, that unde r its influence many children affected with atrophy (wastin g away of the body), and marked debt ity have completely re covered. I have g i ven i t w i t h th e g reatest advantage in such cases ; and so far as I ma y j u d g e from my own experience, p ract i ce fully carr i e s out what theory, from a knowled ge of its composition, l e d us t o an ticipate.— In tins, lib, 2 5 9d ; 21b, 4s Od ; Sib, I" 121 b, 225 ; 241 b, 10s.—Barry On Ba rry and Co., No. 7 7 , R e gent-street, London ; also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; likewise at 61, Gracecharch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate street Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Strand ; 54, Upper Baker- s t reet; 113, Tottenham-court-road; 96, Uppex-street, Islington, N.; llarvey, Nottinz-hill; Close Brothers, 6,5, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St. John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and clic. miato.—Bewsre of spurious imitations. SPIRIT OF TEM PDBLIO JOURNALS. TIMES.--Some twenty years ago, when the doc trines of Socialism were actively discussed in France, M. Louis Blanc, one of the ablest advocates of the new school, propounded certain axioms which are not without their interest at the present moment. He laid it down as an introductory definition or principle that " the people " of a country consisted exclusively of those who had no certainty of either board or lodging. If a man were possessed either of a little capital or of any such means of labour as would render his subsistence more probable, or his dependence upon others something less than absolute, he was not one of " the people" at all, but belonged to the clase of " burgesses," or, as we should say, shopkeepers or citizens. This assump tion monopolised a respectable title in a very arbit rary manner ; nor was it, indeed, at all difficult to reduce the proposition to an absurdity. M. Blanc was writing and thinking of a country and an age in which " the people," according to his definition, might really form the majority of the population, but it was perfectly easy, not only to imagine, but to produce examples of times and countries in which the means of comparative independence might be so generally distributed as to leave very few "people " discoverable. To take a very strong case, we might find one of the United States of America in which with a numerous population, there would perhaps be no " people " at all. Indeed, to complete the demonstration, we need only observe that, if M. Louis Blanc could have established his own prin ciples of society in France, and those principles had been successful, the result would have been simply the destruction of the entire French "people." M. Blanc's belief was that by the principles which he ad vocated the dependence of the labouring classes would be abolished, and a reasonable competence secured to all persons alike. In;this event, however, "the people," by his own definition, would have ceased to exist. We have said that these now almost forgotten discussions have an application to our own current politics, and we make it by remarking that it is ex ceedingly doubtful whether the people of England, according to this definition, form more than a small minority of the population. There was one attempt during the Reform debates of the last session to in troduce poverty or dependence as the characteristic of a political class. Mr. T. Hughes, the well-known member for Lambeth, argued that the " excessive solvency of" of the upper and middle classes dis qualified them for appreciating the views of work ing men—intending, we presume, to contrast the dependence of the latter with the independence of the former. We showed at the time with what very large corrections on both sides this distinction should be received, but we are now led to conclude, from certain documents recently published, that it would be by no means easy to maintain the distinction at all. In a few words, we suspect that the average working man is, according to his wants and ways, as well provided against a rainy day as the average shopkeeper, clerk, artist, or professional man gene rally. This result, it is but just to add, has been produced by something resembling that organisation of labour to which M. Louis Blanc lookd for the accomplishment of his own views. Our working classes of all trades and callings have co-operated and associated to such good purpose that the absolute dependence or uncertainty of subsistence which M. Blanc assumed as the characteristic of the order has pretty well disappeared. What with trades' unions, friendly societies, benefit societies, and societies for mutual help of all kinds and descriptions, a working man has always the means of assistance at hand. Through these various agencies he can and does insure himself against sick ness, accident, old age, loss or suspension of employ ment, domestic casualties, or any kind of contin gency which might either diminish his income or in crease his expenditure. We see, indeed, that working men can, by thousands together, cease from labour of their own free will, in order to enhance, if pos sible, the value of that labour, and that, so far from living in a state of helpless dependence, they can put this pressure upon their employers for months at a time. These working men's Clubs have very large accumulations of capital at the service of their members. The Report of the Registrar of Friendly. Societies, just published, gives a list of these Asso ciations, extending over 132 pages, printed in double columns, and this list is entirely independent of Associations for purposes of trade. Then the ac cumulations of private capital as exhibited in the Returns of the Savings Banks are enormous. The old Savings Banks alone have nearly a million and a half of depositors, with an aggregate of deposits little short of forty millions of money. In fact, the average amount standing to the credit of each de positor is £26 7s. Bd., and, as we presume the de positors mainly represent the working classes, and we.have recently been assured on the authority of Professor Leone Levi that the average income of a working man is 225. Gd. a week, it follows that up •wards of a million of working men possess, upon an average, private capital equal to some six months' subsistence, apart from their claims on Unions and Societies. All this, too, is exclusive of the sums de posited in the new Savings Banks opened at the Post-offices by Government, and of the annuities purchased on similar security. Now, upon the whole, is there any calling which is better provided or less dependent than this? Labour is "organised," not, in deed, by any such State agency as Louis Blanc con templated, but by the better agency of labouring men themselves. In fact, the organisation has been almost carried to excess. The Trades' Unions have shown symptoms of that exclusive and tyrannical spirit which distinguished the Guilds of ancient times, and the benefit societies have been. so multi plied, and have entered into such competition with each other, that Mr. Tidd Pratt is often obliged to complain of their rules as based upon calculations which must lead to insolvency. Upwards of ten thousand of these societies have just made returns to the Registrar, showing the number of inembers to be 1,374,425, and the amount of funds to be £5,362,028. Add this sum to the deposits in the old and new savings banks together, and we shall get a total sum of more than fifty millions of money which the working classes In, England alone have put by, for the Savings Banks' Returns apply to England only, and those of the Friendly Societies only to England and Wales. Professor Levi, how ever, gives the total number of " workers" in Eng land, male and female together, as under 7,500,000, so that, upon an average, every man and woman of the labouring classes would have a saving of sonic £7 to fall back upon. This, of course, is a very rough calculation, liable to many corrections, but it is enough to show that our working classes are not, in their own spheres, more dependent or helpless than the classes above them. Many a professional man's subsistence hangs by a frailer thread than that of the artisan, and we fancy M. Louis Blanc, ono looking around him, must discover that his defi nitions of 20 years since are upset by the experience of the very country which he has complimented by selecting it for his domicile. HERALD.—The latest news from America tends to justify the predictions of those who foretold a second invasion of Canada by the Fenians before the end of the present year. The danger grows more imminent, in proportion as the chances of Pre sident Johnson's success diminish. The more evenly the two parties are balanced, the more important becomes the Irish vote and the more popular the Fenian cause. Were the Democrats sure of a triumph in the approaching elections, we might con fide in the good sense and the firmness of the Pre sident to restrain the Fenian leaders, and to observe the laws of good neighbourhood towards the British territory. But there is now scarcely any room to doubt that the President's wise, liberal, and patriotic policy will fail in gaining the support of the majority of the American people, who insist upon claiming their full revenge upon the beaten South, and upon asserting the Union by preventing unity. This is a matter which concerns the American people alone, and which we may leave them to settle in their own way. But it is obvious that the predominance of the Republican party in the States means a direct menace to Canada. The Republican majority in Congress has already openly avowed its sympathy with Fenianism, and has done all in its power to remove all difficulties from the path of the next Fenian invasion. The further observance of the rights of neutrality can, in any event, be hardly expected from the United States Government. The press of either party makes no secret of its sym pathies, real or affected, with the Fenian movement. The New York Herald, which professes to take the popular voice for its guide, declares that " the four millions who represent the Irish race in America constitute too important an element in our political society to have their views opposed and thwarted olitician.' by any party or by any p It affirms that no executive officer in America will dare to place any impediments in the way of the Fenians, and that " whenever the Fenians are ready for the invasion of Canada on a grand scale," their movements will be passively aided by the American Government. The New York World is struck with the pertinacity of the Irish Americans in their patriotic design, and announces it as " very certain that the A merican people will warmly second their fellow-citizens in their endeavours to secure justice for their native land." Making every kind of allowance for the characteristic habit of American politicians to say more than they mean, it is impossible to shut our, eyes to the reality of the Canadian peril. Every circumstance is in favour of a renewal of the Fenian enterprise, and the road to Canada may be trodden by General Roberts as soon as ever he is pleased to enter upon his mission of restoring justice to his native land. There is nothing wanting, at least on the American side, to render the crusade both easy and profitable to the warriors of the green banner. They are called upon for no other sacrifice than to give up for a few clays the luxury of quarrelling with each other. Let them only postpone for a short time the exciting duty of sharing the plunder which is to be won, and they may march to Canada when they please. They muster, we are told, fifty thousand experienced soldiers, who, having fought on both sides during the late civil war, are admirably quali fied to render liberty to Canada and justice to their native land. They may choose their own line of march, and their own plan of operations. The frontier is but an imaginary line, which may be passed at fifty points with perfect safety. Once in possession of Montreal and Toronto they will be joined by thousands of Irishmen, eager to redress the wrongs of Ireland by the burning and pillage of Canada. To consummate this very Irish revenge there will be an Irish Republic, which, being im posed by force upon three millions of British sub jects, will be as faithful a copy as possible of the great American state, and have an undeniable claim upon the patronage and protection of all true American citizens. Such' is the great scheme of Fenian vengeance •, and now will any one say that it is chimerical or difficult of execution ? It is true that the plan means brigandage, and murder, and rapine upon the largest scale, and that it depends for its success upon the co-operation of an en lightened and civilised nation, which, we are asked to believe, is at the pinnacle of perfection and of moral grandeur. But is England to depend for its immunity from this great outrage upon the good feeling of the Fenian chiefs or the aid of the Ameri can people ? The one source of trust is about as unreal as the other. The ordinary restraints of civilised political life do not apply to a community such as this whence our danger comes. That in a time of profound peace, with no cause of quarrel between the two countries, with no possible pretext on the side of one to interfere in the domestic con cerns of the other, England should still have to apprehend this peril from the United States, is only one of the penalties of her proximity to a model republic. It is the price she has to pay for the bless ings of manhood suffrage in America. The frolitical necessities of the United States require that every four years four million of Irishmen should be kept in good humour. The democratic machine cannot be worked except on these conditions •, and though it may be hard upon the neighbours that they should be called upon to pay the cost, of what consequence is their comfort compared to the welfare and safety of the American Republic ? Four millions of Irishmen, as we know, are not an easy burden to bear. They cannot be always employed in civil wars. They must have a little slaying and plundering to keep them in exercise ; and Canada happens to be the most convenient outlet just now for the humours of the American Irishry. It is true Canada has done nothing to provoke either Americans or Irishmen, that she is peaceful herself and desirous of peace with all the world. But Canada is English, and that is a sufficient reason why she should be ravaged and.plundered. Because England in the dark ages did not recognise the civilisation of Ireland, there fore Canada in the present day is to be robbed and beaten. It is the Celtic mode of restoring justice to one's native land, which is highly approved of by the American press. As to the Fenians themselves, it would be impertinent to assign motives forlheir intended enterprise. We might as well reason with the burglar, who finds the street-door open, and knows there is no policeman on the beat. The Fenians will renew their enterprise at the earliest possible moment compatible with the arrangements for securing peace among their leaders, and for dis posing of the offices in the new Irish Republic. What is England prepared to do in defence of Canada? Are we willing that our American bre thren should be offered up as a vicarious sacrifice for our own sins? Shall we submit to an Irish Re public in Canada by way of atonement for our in ability to govern Ireland ? Or shall we give up Archbishop Trench and the Church Establishment —upset the Cromwellian settlement — restore the Parliament to Stephen's-green —make th e O'Donoghue Viceroy—and call in Mr. Bright to assist us in the general administration of Irish affairs? To do what the American sympathisers of Fenianism would have us to do—restore justice to Ireland—would be a difficult task, which, perhaps, even when accomplished, would not remove from us the burden of protecting a British colony when wan tonly assailed by a brigand army. In the meantime it is evident that we shall have to take vigorous measures if we intend to preserve Canada from the attempts of the Fenian reformers. However noble or patriotic may be the Fenian enterprise, we can only afford to look at it in the vulgar light of a gigantic scheme of highway robbery. We have to choose whether we shall surrender our Canadian territory, and retire altogether from the North American continent, or whether we shall recognise the claims of our country men across the Atlantic to be included in the British Empire, and to have the protection of the British arms. It is most unfair and very absurd to throw the burden of self-defence entirely upon the colonists. They are bound, indeed; to assist to the utmost of their ability in the measures for their protection, but against such an enemy as they have to encounter their main reliance must be placed upon England. It is a danger which has come to Canada solely be cause of her connection with England, and therefore by every principle of justice we are bound to help her through it by English arms. We must not even allow a doubt of our intention to reach the Canadians, to make them hesitate as to their own course, or to paralyse their loyalty to the mother country. The question is nearer and more important to us than any case of foreign interference with a foreign coun try could be, and we have no alternative but to confront the danger, and encounter the enemy with the whole power of the empire. Stonewall Jackson's Death-Wound. The following is the graphic account recently pub lished by Mr. Dabney of the lamentable casualty which caused the death of the dauntless Stonewall Jackson at the battle of Chaneellorsville " He had now advanced a hundred yards beyond his line of battle, evidently supposing that, in ac cordance with his constant orders, a line of skir mishers had been sent to the front immediately upon the recent cessation of the advance. He probably intended to proceed to the place where he supposed his line crossed the turnpike, to ascertain from them what they could learn concerning the enemy. He was attended only by a half-dozen mounted orderlies, his signal officer, Captain Wilbourne, with one of his men, and his aide, Lieutenant Morrison, who had just returned to him. General A. P. Hill, with his staff, also proceeded immediately after him to the front of the line, accompanied by Captain Boswell of the Engineers, whom General Jackson had just despatched to assist him. After the General and his escort had proceeded down the road a hundred yards, they were surprised by a volley of musketry from the right, which spread towards their front, until the bullets began to whistle among them, and struck several horses. This was, in fact, the ad vance of the Federal line assailing the barricade, which they were attempting to regain. General Jackson was now aware of their proximity, and perceived that there was no picket or skirmisher be tween him and his enemies. He therefore turned to ride hurriedly back to his own troops ; and to avoid the fire, which was thus far limited to the south side of the road, he turned into the woods upon the north side. It so happened that General Hill, with his escort, had been directed by the same motive almost to the same spot. As the party ap proached within twenty paces of the Confederate troops, these, evidently mistaking them for cavalry, stopped, and delivered a deadly fire. So sudden and stunning was this volley, and so near at hand, that every horse which was not not shot down recoiled from it in panic, and turned to rush back, bearing their riders towards the approaching enemy. Several fell dead upon the spot, among them the amiable and courageous Bos well ; and more were wounded. Among the latter was General Jackson. His right hand was pene trated by a ball, his left forearm lacerated by an other, and the same limb broken a little below the shoulder by a third, which not only crushed the bone but severed the main artery. His horse also dashed, panic-stricken, towards the enemy, carrying him be neath the boughs of a tree which inflicted severe blows, lacerating his face, and almost dragged him from the saddle. His bridle-hand was.now power less, but seizing the reins with the right hand, not withstanding its wounds, he arrested its career, and brought the animal back towards his own lines. He was followed by his faithful attendant, Captain Wil bourne, and his assistant, Wynn, who overtook him as he paused again in the turnpike, near the spot where had received the fatal shots. The firing of the Confederates had now been arrested by the officers; but the wounded and frantic horses were rushing, without riders, through the woods, and the ground was strewn with the dead and dying. Here Gene ral Jackson drew up his horse, and sat for an in stant gazing towards his own men, as if in astonish ment at their cruel mistake, and in doubt whether he should again venture to approach them. To the anxious inquiries of Captain Wilbourne, he replied that he believed his arm was broken, and requested him to assist him from his horse, and examine whe ther the wounds were bleeding dangerously. But before he could dismount-phe sunk fainting into their arms, so completely prostrate that they were com pelled to disengage his feet from the stirrups." " None of the wounds which Jackson received," as the London Review takes occasion to remark, " were mortal, and had surgical assistance been at hand when he fell, his life would, in all probability, have been spared. Unfortunately, he lost an enor mous quantity of blood ; and, although for a few days he seemed going on well, his system was unable to rally permanently from the shock it had received. Ile bore his sufferings with the greatest firmness and composure, and expired on the 10th of May, 1863." COUNTRY MARKETS. CIIELAISFORD-SEPT. 28. Tho wheat in the market to-day was rather a fair sup ply, and the business transacted was better, is advance on the prices of last week being realised for best samples ; in ferior sorts same as of late. Spring corn of all descriptioug firm, at late rates. Wheat, old white....4ss 6:s Peas, Partridge 40s 429 new ..468 bBs White ..3•415 360 old red 468 58s 11.iling - --, new lgs Ms Dun.... ..... ...380 400 8ar1ey..... 258 33s dit , o, new....---s —s Chevalier --s —s Beans, Tick, 01d... t .„408 45s Grinding 258 303 new.... 388 420 Malt 588 tOB Harrow iicks.42B 469 Chevalier 60s 82i new....40s 440 Oats ••• 2OB 26s Mangan. 38s 420 THE AMERICAN PRESS. The Philadelphia Inquirer says :—" The English Conservatives, or Tories, who procured the defeat of the Reform Bill in Parliament, effected their object upon the theory that, as the unrepresented classes were quiet and orderly, and patiently waited the action' of Government upon the bill, they took no interest in it. It was a strong argument that this measure was proposed without authority in the apparent interest of those who had no real interest. But when the bill was defeated, and the Russell Ministry resigned, and the people, indignant at the conduct of Parliament, began to bestir themselves and agitate the question, it was at once declared, upon the contrary,that their anxiety to obtain the boon was proof that they were unfit to enjoy it. Thus it appeared that by no course of action could the unre presented classes in England satisfy their enemies, and that they were'liable to slander, and misrepre sentation in any way. Failing in obtaining justice by silence, the advocates of the Reform bill have organised in England a mighty agitation. They are determined to make themselves heard, and now believe that the only method by which they can obtain their rights is by demanding them constantly, and with determined resolution. The great meeting which was arranged to have taken place at Hyde Park would have been a harmless demonstration if the Times had acted wisely, and not attempted to interfere with it. The people would have assembled, listened to the speeches, passed resolutions, and adjourned. But by the attempt to exclude them from the place of meeting the excitement was im mensely increased, and the resolves of the Reformers very much strengthened. The excitement is evi dently rising all over England, and the pressure upon Parliament is becoming difficult to withstand, without an immense exercise of counter strength. One of the most magnificent of these meetings took place at Birmingham, on the 27th of August. The attendance was immense, and is estimated by the English journals at from two hundred thousand to three hundred thousand persons. Speeches were made from six platforms, and resolutions were carried at each denouncing the present House of Commons for its rejection of the late moderate Reform bill ; demanding residential registered man hood suffrage and the ballot ; applauding the pro ceedings of the Reform League, and thanking Gladstone, Bright, Mill, and the other friends of Reform. The great speech of the demonstration was that of John Bright, who, not being able to speak in the open air, delivered his address in the Town Hall. He went over the whole subject in a masterly manner, exposed the unkindness and false pretences of the Derby Ministry, and proved them by the fact that the free ballot was enjoyed without evil effects in the English colonies, being established in Canada and Australia, without producing social convulsions, endangering order, or subverting the British Constitution. He referred to the effect of general suffrage in the United States, and paid a high compliment to the people of this country, as exhibiting all the virtues which belong to the greatest nations on the face of the earth. In con clusion, he urged upon Englishmen that they should be steadfast, and promised them that if, with a de termined front and unfaltering perseverance, they maintained their principles, they must finally succeed in obtaining their natural rights—the rights of five millions of men, who were deprived of all influence in the Government of their coun try, and who still held as to public affairs the con dition of the serfs of the early Saxon and Norman rule. [ADVERTISEMENT.]-llolloway's Pills and Ointment.-- Dangerous Diseases.—How many life-long maladies spring from neglecting trifling symptoms ? The pimple so readily curable in the nursery becomes through carelessness the irremediable torment of after life. With a knowledge of the curative powers of Holloway's ointment and pills, those who fail to use them for extirpating the first seeds of here ditary ailments will have to bear the punishment resulting from their folly. Holloway's remedies will remove erup tions of the skin, scorbutic diseases, and scrofula, and heal every description of ulcer, sore, wound, or abrasion. By the use of Holloway's excellent, speedy, and safe medica ments much pain and immense expense will bo saved, and a groat benefit bo conferred on the present and succeeding generations. Births. FRASER— On tho 30th ult., at 3, Halkin-place, tho wife of Captain J. K. Fraser, Ist Life Guards, of a sou. HANKEY— 011 the Ist inst., at Hertford-stroet, Mayfair, the wife of S. A. Hankey, Esq., of a daughter. PIXLEY —On the Ist inst., at 30, Leinster-gardens, park, the wife of Stewart Pixley, Esq., of a daughter. TYEILS —On the Ist inst., at llollington Lodge, tipper Tulse-hill, Mrs. W. T. Tyers, of a daughter. Marriages. SPARKS—DOUGLAS—On the 29th ult., at All Soul's Church, Langharn-place, Robert W. Sparks, Captain Royal Fusi liers, to Fanella, only daughter of Capt. Douglas, R.N. of Walmer, Kent. WHIM— WOODGATE— On the 27th ult., at St. Mary's, Dover, Commander R. W. Whish, H.M.'s Indian. Navy, to Frances Amelia, eldest daughter of F. Woodgato, Esq•f Effingham House, Dover. GRANTITAM-SETT. 29. Old white wheat, 57s to 604 old rod, 50s to 56s ; nos 4 white, 54s to 58s ; new red, 49s to 54s per 36 stone. Bar' ley for malting, 38s to 455 per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 34s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 30s per 2 4 stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s ; new, 44s to 46s per 38 stono• Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER-SEPT. 29. A moderate supply of wheat at market, which was sold at is per qr advance for samples in condition. Barley wao in good supply, and taken readily at 2s per qr. over last week. Beans and peas in good demand at is above late rates, but scarce. Wheat, white 51s GOs Beans, Mazagan......4os 426 red. 58s 628 Middle and 5ma11..44a 486 Barley . 34s 43s Peas, white 38s 426 Oats s grey ...368 126 NORTHAMPTON-SEPT. 29. New white wheat, 51s to 565; new red, 51s to 56s ; old white, 55s to 595; old red, 53s to t,i's per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 38s to 448 per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 36s per 8 0 stone. Oats, old, 22s to 318 ' • new, 28s to 30s per 24 stone- Beans, old, 46s to 49s ; now, 42s to 45s per 38 stone. PoaSt 38s to 42s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN-SEPT. 28. Business was on tho whole rather stiff to-day, and pricen had a decidedly upward tendency. Barley advanced con" siderably—for some superior samples 30s being offered. Oats incline upwards. Whito wheat 50s Od to 51s Od I 621 b bushel. 45s Od to 46s Od . c Potato oats 27 s Od t o 27 s 6d} .. 401 ill bushel. ifl Rod wheat Cony:non oats 24s Od to 24s 6d Bero 28s Od to 29s 6d i Barley 32s Od to 32s 69' 531 nushoi. Oatmeal 19s 6d to 20s Od . boll of 2801 b• Flour, fine 40s Od to 44s 0d 4 3 sack of 2803. KIRKCALDY—SEPT. 29. Moderato supplies of all kinds of grain. Wheat and barley 2s per qr dearer Oats unchanged. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First...— 51s Od ' 31s Od —s Od L-econd 52s 6d 1 34s Od —s Od Third s4s Od 37s Od —s Od COAL MARKET. Price por ton at the close of the market. s. d. 8. J. Walls End Hetton 21 6 Pittington l9 0 Toes Holywell Main l9 6 West Hartley Hutton. Lyons 20 0 Ships at market, 31—sold, 23. Deaths. BECK--On the 30th ult. at Stamford-hill, Richard Bock, of 404, Camden-road, Holloway, aged 39. BARNSTIAW— On tho 28th ult., Christopher Earnshaw, Esq., of Knaresbotough, aged 91. HASLER—On the 29th ult., at Aldingbourne House, Richd• Hasler, Esq., aged 71. KNIGHT—On the 29th ult., at Rodmersham, Kent, ThornaS Knight, Esq., late of Robbing Court, near Sittingbournei aged 74. Snuox—On the 30th ult., at Teddington, Middlesex, Saml. Simon, Esq., aged 77. WICKES—On the 27th ult., at 1, Castle-terrace, Hounsloiffs W. Wickes, Esq., late of The Woodlands, Islowortb, aged 75. WALTON—On the 29th ult., at 2, Charles-street, Grosvenor square, George W. Walton, Esq., aged 40. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREW Sf of No. 112, Strand, Painter, at Tax SUN OIP.oe, No. 11 2 . Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of Middlesex.—Tuesday, Oeteber 2, 1860.