The Sun. — London, England, 1848-02-16 00:00:00

tbtrli Vibition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. CHANCERY.—(THIS DAY.) The Lord Chancellor sat to-day in the Old Hall, Lin eoln's Inn, fbr the purpose of giving several judgments and hearing appeals. Ife TUE NOTTER OF 'UNIVERSITY COLLECE, OXFORD. The LORD CRANCILLOR gave judgment to-day in this case, which cur readers will recollect was argued before his Lordship at Westminster in the course of the last term, upon a petition presented to the Crown by the Rev. Mr. Moorsom, praying that the Lord Chan cellor, as the representative o f th e Q ueen , w h o was the visitor of University College, Oxford, would declare that one of two fellowships which had been filled up in Univ ers ity C o ll ege , O x f or d, were invalid on the ground of the disqualification of the parties elected. The petition of Mr. Moorsom was directed against the appointment of two gentlemen of the names of Bright and Covington, the former on the foundation of Henry IV., and the latter on that of William of Durham. The petitioner's case was, that neither Mr. Bright nor Mr. Covington fulfilled the requisites of the statute, neither of them being in priest's orders—in sacerdolis constitutes —at the time of the election. Mr. Bright was then only 22 years of age, and not admitted even to deacon's orders, as by the 44t h Geo. 111., cap. 43, he could not be admitted to deacon 's orders until he attained the age of 23 years, nor to priest's till, 24. He was a native of Yorkshire, but that was not, of any consequence to the fellowship of Henry IV., to which he was elected. Mr. co ving:con, who was elected on the foundation of William of Durham, was not duly elected thereto, as the statute required preference to be given to ?I native of the dioceses of York or Durham, to which iv.) did not belong, having been b orn in Lincolnshire. ale petitioner was qualified according to the statutes for either fellowship, having, been adm i tted to priest's or ders previous to the election, and being born at Whitby, in Yorkshire. There was no question or doubt as to the probity, learning', and morals of any of the three gentlemen . The Lord Chancellor, on giving judgment, went at considerable length into the facts of the case, and also the statutes, and in conclusion stated his clear opinion to be that no ground whatever existed for impeaching the election to fellowships either of Mr. Bright or Mr. Covington, and therefore that those elections must be affirmed. Mr. BETHELL, on behalf of the respondents, trusted that the Court would give his clients the costs. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he could make no order in that respect. He was only acting for the Crown,l who was the Visitor of the college; and such being the case, he did not think any authority exited in him to give costs. Mr. COOPER observed that the authorities on the subject were against giving any costs. Petition dismissed without costs. AXE V. ANDREWS.—JUDGMENT. The LORD CHANCELLOR also gave judgment in this case, which was an appeal from the judgment of the Vice• Chancellor Wigram, dismissing the appeal with eosts. LANCASTER V. EVORS.—JUDGMENT. The LORD CHANCELLOR also gave judgment in this case, which was an appeal from the decision of the pre sent Master of the Rolls. His Lordship, after reviewing the whole case, dismissed the appeal with costs. GLOVER V. HALL.—JUDGMENT. The LORD CHANCELLOR also gave judgment in this appeal from the decision of the Vice-Chancellor of England. His Lordship decided that the order of the Court below was correct, and dismissed the appeal with costs. EXCIIEQUER.—(THIS DAY.) (Sittings at Westminster.—Trial at Bar, Wore Mr. Baron PARKE, Mr. Baron ALDER:3OW, Mr. Baron Rum and Mr. Baron PLATT.) BARON V. DENMAN. _ _ Mr. M. I). lime rose to reply on behalf of the plaintiff. By the kindness of their Lordships an ex amination was made into the state of the evidence with respect to the pleadings, and many questions originally introduced were now disposed of in favour of the plaintiff and against the Crown. It was not now contended by the Crown that what the defendant did was a justifiable act, except so far as was now attempted to make it so under the authority of King Siacca and his chiefs. Another ground of defence remained to be dealt with, which was, that the not was the act of the State, and not of the individual. The defendant was therefore, according to his Learned Counsel, protected but not justified in his conduct, and was not bound to answer in this action. The plaintiff, in establishing himself at the Gallinas for the purpose of carrying on the slave trade—in him perfectly legal— broke no laws which he was bound to obey, and he therefore stood in precisely the same situation as an Englishman would have stood prior to the year 1807. Breaking no law, sinning against no authority to which he owed allegiance, his property had been visited with destruction by the defendant, who had set up the de fence to which he had already alluded. Whether he deserved the charge of want of candour made against him yesterday by the Attorney-General he could not say ; he had endeavoured to conduct the case for his client in the fairest manner. There could be no doubt as to what were his own feelings and sympathies on the subject of slavery. His education and his principles would never load him to hold sympathy with the op pressors of his fellow-beings. But was he to set himself up as the judge of the actions of the plaintiff? Was it fur him to lecture him on the subject of the immorality of the traffic in slaves, when he could be triumphantly answered by the plaintiff pointing to the history of this country in connexion with the matter? Now it ap peared that a woman of the name of Tri Noman was detained in slavery by Prince Manna, at the Gallinas, whom the governor of Sierra Leone was anxious should be restored to liberty. This was the origin of the attack made by the defendant. The defendant was ordered to cruize off the coast to interrupt any vessels afloat. Such was his position at the time of the attack. He then pro ceeded in naval array up the Gallinas, and without wait ing to communicate with any person, as he went up the river the force seized a number of canoes, and de stroyed them, on the morning of the 19th November, and possession was taken of the warehouses at Dombo oorro; they took the keys of the premises, which they retained until they left the island, using the contents of the warehouse at their own will, for the purpose of re covering back the slaves who had been driven away. The slaves were clothed out of the stores of the plaintiffs at Dombocorro by the defendant. The force then took the gunpowder and the spirits, and destroyed them. And here he must complain of the statements of the Attorney-General that these spirits were purposely poisoned, without a particle of proof of their being so. - The ATTORNEY.IfIENERAL—It was stated so in the general order issued by the defendant. Mr. M. D. HILL—WeII, if it were so, what means bad the defendant of proving that they were poisoned? All these things were done before the treaty—there was no doubt upon that subject, all the witnesses agreed upon that point. After this treaty, as it was called, was entered into the defendant waited till he had col lected 800 slaves, all the buildings were destroyed, and there remained nothing more to be destroyed, the force left Dombocorro. With respect to the amended plea the amendment proposed was, " that King Siacca, with the consent of other persons to the defendant unknown, being chiefs, did enact and make a law t tha th tt e he s said goods and chattels should be appropriated whateverue of the said King." Now there was no e vide nce e of any such law having been issued by King Siacca or his chiefs. Neither did the treaty itself state that it was made with the consent and authority of the .King and his chiefs. There was no evidence that King Siacca even knew anything at all about the matter. But if King Siacca were really present, and was a party to the treaty, still there was no evidence of the law having been issued. A treaty was not law, it was only of the nature of a contract. It was not in proof that the law in question had been made by the chiefs; and even if it was it would be fatal to the plea, which recited that the law was made by persons unknown to the defen dant, whereas their names were known and were affixed to the very treaty which had been produced by the defendant. The defendant further justified his conduct by the treaty. There was a great detention and seizure of the property of the plaintiff before the treaty, but the treaty did not authorise the defendant to seize at all; it was a complete contradiction. There appeared to be a " bull" crept in somewhere. Instead of the treaty being an authority from King Siacca to Captain Denman to do certain acts, it was from Captain Denman to King Siacca. By a supplementary clause in the treaty of the high contracting powers, it was stated " Captain Den man, by the request of Prince Manna and the chiefs, at first commanded that the trade goods of the white slave dealers should be destroyed ; ' he, Captai n D enman, requested this, " but King Siacca having declared that those persons having acted in defiance of his laws, and, in -consequence considered their goods as forfeited to him." He was not quite so absurd as to burn the goods; "they were forfeited to demandhesaid upon this point, said. "Captain Denman has withdrawn h and consents that King Siacca shall take possession of the goods upon the condition that they are immediately taken from the factories and removed to Ghindemar, or some other place far from the coast." The whole effect of this was to make this petty barbarian chief a monar ch , was as he was called, a thief instead of an incendiary ; instead of burning them.hetotake t t h il i e s would He a p prehended uulldove decisive at once ofthecaseiaitnh re dc sp a tt to the dtheir Lordships' attention to the subject .v defendant pleading that he acted under command of her Majesty,heconlended that a subsequent ratification could not be considered as tantamount to a previous command. Very grave questions would arise upon such a construc tion of the powers of the ratification. By the peculiar form of the plea it was not necessary for him to argue the question. Mr. Baron PARLE said, the Court were of opinion that the evidence of a subsequent ratification could be given in evidence, under the plea of command, but whether such ratification was equivalent to previous command was a point which they wished'to have argued. Mr. M. D. HILL said that he would then proceed to argue first, that this was not only not_ s . ucha ratification as was r equ i red. but that in point of fact, it was no ra tification at all. There ero three circumstances to be considered. First, fac ts thew. themselves; secondly, the representation of such fa and, thirdly, the ra tification, real or supposed, b y how made. No publication ohheormatiifitcweB made, and place in the Gazette in such a manner :stir tiirliheafodrmtaktre Queen of Spain and the whole world that the mode of proceeding on th e p art of the queen of p jp o a p f e n r , in making application for re d ress in respect of -acts which had operated to the injury of one of her subjects. No representation had been made by Captain Denman, or any other person, to the Cr own , or. t h e authorities of this country, that the attack had Weil made by that THE SUN, LONDON, WEDN"SI4I)AV EVENING L FFIBIitiAItiv IS ; 1646. gentleman prior to the treaty having been concluded between King Siacca and Captain Denman. The Noble Lords, Russell and Palmerston, whose letters had been put in, appeared to go on the assumption that the establishments at the Gallinas were piratical estab lishments. Such was not the case, for, by the law of nations, the slave trade was nut piracy. It was clear that the real facts of the case had not been duly repre sented, and there could not therefore be any ratification. Besides, it was a point which, perhaps, Lord John Russell was aware of before this, viz., that he was not "the Queen ;" and a letter of his Lordship and the other members of the Government could not therefore be a ratification. And, for aught they knew, her Majesty Queen Victoria might be as ignorant of the circumstances as any individual in the heart of China. The ratification of the acts of the defendant by her Majesty would be, in point of fact, a casus belli, and as she would be guilty of a violation of the law of nations towards a friendly power, the Queen of Spain would have a right to say, "It may be true that one of my subjects has done wrong, but who gave you the power to interfere in the matter?" The existing treaties between the two countries might be referred to, but they referred only to vessels afloat, and would not apply to the present case. lie would remind the Court at this point, that in the representations made by the defendant to the authorities at home, and which formed the main basis of the treaty with King Siacca, was the insult committed towards the crews of her Ma jesty's boats. No proof whatever had been given of this. The representations stated thet the defendant went to avenge an insult to the British flag, but it had not been proved that any insult had been committed on the British fla g . Where then w a s th e ra tifi ca ti on o f th ese acts to be found? Praise, however justly awarded to the gallant officer for his conduct in putting down the slave trade, did not amount to a ratification. The whole of the letters put in were from subordinate officers, and did not commit the Crown. The Learned Counsel then proceeded with his address to the jury, and called upon them to look at the question apart from its moral con siderations and solely as a commercial transaction, which it really was. With respect to the treaty no weight could be attached to it; it was wrung from the natives at the point of the bayonet, with a military force already in possession of a portion of their territory. The Learned Gentleman concluded by calling upon the jury to dismiss from their minds all feelings in favour of the plaintiff or the defendant which would seduce them from the strict and narrow path in which they had to travel. If they did so depart from that path of duty then would justice be somewhat less, and much less in estimation than it was and had been. He could assure them that his anxiety was not for his client, for he felt that towards him, however im perfectly, he had discharged his duty to the best of his ability, and with him all relations had therefore ceased; his anxiety was for English justice. Their predecessors in that box had not hesitated to return heavy damages for the - value of slaves unlawfully seized. In the case of Nladrassa v. Wells the jury gave a verdict of 18,0001. and in several other eases large sums had alp been awarded, and he trusted that they would not be less firm, less faithful, or less just to th e law than their predecessors, who by their conduct had raised the admiration of British justice to that height to which foreigners, who, although aware of all the diffi culties and delays of English law, and all the imperfec tions which had been so justly complained of, neverthe less put it above the administration of justice in all the other parts of the world, because they were not afraid to come before a British jury, and felt that they would do their best, and use their utmost exertions to guard against being led away by the operations of any feelings, and that they would always stand firm to principle. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL then rose to claim his right of reply. Mr. Baron PARSE said that the Court were of opinion that tilt) , could not hear him, and proceeded to sum up to the jury. The facts of the case, although they had occupied a considerable portion of time, were still con fined to a very narrow compass, and it was needless for him to request them to divest from their minds any prejudice on the matter, and consider their verdict coolly, having regard only to the evidence which had been laid before them. charges of bribery, Sir Fitzroy Kelly, instead of being in . a minority, would be entitled to be placed at the head of the poll. The Learned Counsel proposed to go into the scru tiny case first, but the Committee decided that bribery ought to be proved before the scrutiny could be gone into. The witnesses, however, required to prove the bribery case were not in attendance, and the Committee, therefore, adjourned till eleven o'clock to-morrow. DIPERL-1 L PA RLIANI ENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Twelve o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The following Bills were read a second time : Nantwich and Wheelock Turnpike Road. North cf Scotland FireandLife Aasurunee Company. A bill of exceptions was tendered by Mr. Robinson, upon the ground that there was not sufficient legal evi dence to go to the jury, to prove that a subsequent ratification would be equivalent to a prior command. The jury retired, and after a short consultation, returned a verdict finding that the ratifications had been made by the Crown, with a full knowledge of what the defendant had dune; and that, therefore, upon the plea of • 6 not guilty" they found their verdict for the de fendant. Upon the other counts the verdict was for the plaintiff. ELECTION COMMITTEES. (THIS DAY.) WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRE. The Select Committee on the West Gloucestershire election re-assembled at the usual hour this morning; Mr. Granger in the chair. Mr. Sergeant •KINCLAKE summed fup the case for the petitioners, contending that the evidence had clearly made out that Mr. Grantley Berkeley was not qualified to retain his seat for West Gloucestershire. The rent charge of 7004 could not be received in the light of a qualification, inasmuch as in law the property in the rent charge was vested in the trustees, and not in Mr. Grantley Berkeley. He therefore insisted that as Mr. Berkeley was only entitled in his own right to a sum of 2021., derivable from money invested in the Funds, the Committee ought without hesitation to unseat him. Mr. CROWDER addressed the Committee on behalf of the sitting Member, contending that upon all points his opponents had failed, and concluded by calling upon the Committee not to lend themselves to Earl Fitzhardinge, in order that he might be iu a position to tyrannise over his brother. The room was then cleared, and the Committee having consulted together for a few minutes, strangers were re admitted, when The CHAIRMAN announced that it was the opinion of the Committee that Mr. Grantley Berkeley had been duly and properly elected. The Committee then broke up. over the movements of the Pope. The Bill proposed • to re-invite the Jesuits into England, a sect that had been prohibited by every state in Europe, Catholic or Protestant. He objected, therefore, to the Bill in that respect. If the Bill was allowed to become law it wculd go far to ail that movement which he was sorry to say was now prevalent, that of disuniting the Church from the State. He cordially concurred in the amendment that had been moved by the lion. Member for the University of Cambridge, that this Bill should be committed this day six months. Mr. C. ANSTEY trusted that the House would go into Committee on the Bill. Ile said he was quite correct when he stated that members of the order of Jesus and Regulars were liable to transportation if they were found in this country within three months after they had received notice to quit the kingdom. Sir R. H. INGLIS said they were not liable if they were registered. Mr. C. ANSTEY said, whether they were re gistered or not they were liable to this serious penalty. He denied that the measure was aggressive. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. H. Inglis) said, in sup port of this view, that of late years the Pope had taken aggressive steps against the Protestantism of this country. The Hon. Baronet instanced, in support of his argument, the rumour that it was the intention of the Roman Catholics of this country, with the connivance of the Pope, to appoint an Archbishop of West minster, but there appeared no ground for such a statement. This was the only statement which he had been able to bring against the measure, and in support of his view, that it was but the commence ment of a series of aggressive measures against the Church. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then went on to deal with the objections urged against the Bill in the course of the debate that had taken place. The 38th of Edward 111. recited that grievances had arisen from citations being served upon British sub jects to appear in courts beyond their own country, and it enacted that some alteration should be made in the mode of procedure in such cases. But in no case was the authority of Rome in matters spiritual doubted or denied. In the opinion of some lawyers, Roman Catholics were still liable to punishment for using any other form of service than that en joined in the Common Prayer-book by the Act of the 13th and 14th Charles 11. He proposed to repeal altogether that enactment. The 7th and Bth Will. II 1., c. 24, he also proposed to repeal altogether. The Hon. Member for Midhurst had said that if there were any Acts still remaining in force against the Catholics, such parties could protect themselves from the effects of those Acts by taking the oaths pre scribed by an Act passed in the reign of George IV. for that purpose; but it so happened that the time for taking those oaths had already expired. He called upon the House to go into Committee on the Bill. The Roman Catholic laity had been admitted into the Legislature, and it was now the duty of the 'House to take the Catholic priests under their pro tection. He asked no more for the Jesuits and Catholic clergy than had been granted to persons professing the Jewish religion by the last clause of the Religious Opinions Bill, passed in the last session of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. NEWDEGATE thought that if this Bill were really what it professed to be, it ought not to be allowed to be in the hands of any private Member, however able or zealous he might be. If these declaratory Acts were really so nuga tory, as they had been stated to be, why was so much anxiety shown about their repeal ? Were the Roman Catholic clergy guided by the Pope, or the Roman Catholics of their own country ? It ap peered to him that they were guided by neither ; but he could not help taking that opportunity of express ing his admiration of the letter which the Earl of Shrewsbury had addressed to the Archbishop of Tuam. The Noble Earl truly stated that the Roman Catholic clergy had nothing to do with the conduct of the Catholic hierarchy of that House, and he hoped the letter would have the effect of restraining the aspersions of some of the Roman Catholic clergy of this country. Was the conduct of the Roman Catho lic clergy throughout Europe in times past to be forgotten while considering this Bill ? For himself, he said certainly not; and before they adopted the Bill they ought to bear in mind what had been the conduct of the Jesuits in various parts of the Conti • nent during the last few months. It was well known that the presence of Lord Minto at Rome had roused in this country feelings of great suspicion. Frequent questions had been put to .her Majesty's Government on the subject, and he was glad that the Noble Lord, the Foreign Secretary, had stated that Lord Minto was not at Rome in any official capacity. But how, let him ask, did the intimation of the Noble Lord correspond with the dispatches which had been received from Rome ? If he was not mis taken, these dispatches disclosed the fact that Lord Minto had official authority to enter into negotia tions with the Court of Rome upon various subjects connected with the affairs of Italy and Switzerland. Sir G. GREY begged pardon for interrupting the Hon. Member, but he distinctly recollected what his Noble Friend did say in reference to this matter. His Noble Friend stated, in answer to a question that had been put to him, that Lord Minto had received instruction to negotiate at neighbour Courts, but that he was not an accredited agent to the Court of Rome. Mr. NEWDEGATE said it did not matter what the Noble Lord had stated while there could be no doubt that Lord Minto had already acted in an official capacity at Rome, be his authority what it might. The letter of the Noble Lord proved thus far, if he was not mistaken ; one passage in it stated that the Noble Lord bad intimated to the Pope that it was the wish of her Majesty that the Jesuits should be withdrawn from Switzerland; while another passage put them in pos session of the fact, that the Noble Lord had sought and obtained interviews with the Lord Cardinal Secretary of the Pope upon the subject of the move ments in Italy. How, then, could Government ven ture to assert in that House that the Noble Lord was not their accredited agent at Rome? He would now take a glance at the measure before the House. He for one had objections to relieving the Roman Catholics of this country from all the disabilities under which they laboured; but, looking at the spirit of aggression which animated the policy of the Church of Rome, he thought it unwise to add further to the power which she already possessed. He certainly did not deny that among the Jesuits there were many excellent men, but they had been made the instruments of introducing the most grievous and galling tyranny. Could the House adopt the tone and spirit of the letter of the Catholic Archbishop of Tuam to the Earl of Shrewsbury, in answer to the excellent letter that had been written by . that Noble Lord,? Was the highest and noblest in the land to be treated in such a manner by the haughty Prelate of the Catholic Church ?—(Hear, hear.) If such language was to be adopted, it highly behoved the Catholic Peers to look to themselves. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by supporting the amendment against going into Committee on the Bill. Sir G. GREY deprecated the notion that tke House ought not to go into Committee on the Bill in consequence of the tone taken by Archbishop M'Hale, in his letter to Lord Shrewsbury—(Hear.) The Right Honourable Baronet, after defending the course pursued by the Earl of Minto in his mission to the Court of Rome, and stating that the construction put upon his acts by the Hon. Member were most extravagant, trusted that the House would by its act relieve him from the charges that had been brought against him. As for the statements against his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Foreign Department, he thought the House would agree with him when he stated that the course he had pursued was calculated to conciliate rather than irritate. not well draw the distinction between the one or the other. They had failed to:do so ;no prima facie case had been shown in the course of the debate against the admission of any of these religious orders, except the Jesuits, who held a peculiar and distinct i position in the Court of Rome. The ob jectionable provisions in the statute-book ac complished nothing save casting a stigma upon the religions to which they had reference. The bar should not exist, unless it could be shown that dan ger would result from its removal, and he held that it had not. With respect to the rumour, that it was the intention of the Pope to establish an archbishopric in England, he had heard the statement of the Honourable Member for Youghal, that it was merely a rumour, as nothing of the kind had been yet decided upon by the Court of Rome, on account of the difficulties in the way of establishing such an office with great satisfac tion. He admitted that there would be a great differ ence between such an archbishop and the superin tendents of circuits appointed by the Wesleyans and the Dissenters, for the former would have spiritual jurisdiction, whilst the latter were divested of that character. Clauses 24 and 29 pro vided for the appointment of Catholic bishops in England, but he could not help giving his opinion that the holding of such an office by a Catholic would be a penal offence, but at any rate they would be brought into collision with the clergy of other denominations. The case of Ireland did not justify the setting up of a new principle like this: in a city where but a small minority of the people were of the Catholic faith. He trusted Hon. Gentlemen would not merely consider whether the Church of Rome was an aggressive church, but whether, in equity, they ought not to do that justice which their fellow-subjects had a right to demand.—(Hear.) The Marquis of GRANBY was of opinion that it would be unwise to disturb the settlement of the question made in 1829. Some cause of grievance ought to ba shown before the House consented to re open the question. It had been said that there was one grievance, which was, that there was a convent in Leicestershire, the persons residing at which were liable to be transported under the existing laws (Hear, hear.) Such was not the case, because if the parties registered themselves under the provisions of the law they would be protected, and so long as they remained peaceful and loyal subjects of the Sovereign they would not be disturbed.— (Hear, hear.) When he found that several of the Catholic countries of Europe had been compelled to expel the Jesuits from their country, it would be unwise for a Protestant country like this to admit tLe Jesuits to settle among them, or to remove those safeguards which had been considered necessary in the year 1829. He did not wish to say one word which might be considered offensive to his Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen. He felt it to be the duty of the House, while admitting the fullest principles of toleration, to prevent the spread of a reli gion which he believed to be hostile to the liberties and institutions of the country.—(Hear.) Mr. SHEIL said that he might insist that a con cession to the Catholic was made upon security to the Protestant—they ought both to stand or fall together. In the Act of 1829 there were several clauses which were galling to the Catholics, and use • less to them. At the time the Catholic Emancipation Bill was carried every religious order which then existed as such was protected upon registering its name, but every individual who became a Jesuit since that time was not so protected. Of what use, then, was such a law to them ? The country was now full of Jesuits.—(Hear, and cheers.) He would ask the House, whether the Jesuit in the wilderness, holding up the cross with the red savages around him, was not as worthy a spectacle as the emissary of Protestantism in New Zealand, who surrounded himself with the fruits of conversion and appropriation at the same time ?—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for the county of Limerick had given notice that he would move in Committee for the repeal of the clauses forbidding any Catholic to be Chancellor of Ireland. There were good reasons why that motion should be agreed to. When the Act of 1829 was passed, the Hon. Member for Tamworth (Sir R. Peel) said that his reason for the insertion of such a clause was that he believed there was some ecclesiastical patronage connected with the office. Such was not, however, the case; if it were so he should not support the motion of his lion. Friend on the subject. The Catholics at the bar were now very rapidly on the increase, and there was therefore greater reason than ever for the removal of such a resolution as that he had referred to. By passing the present measure he felt convinced that they would do a great deal to remove all the bitterness of feeling which the Catholics were at present labouring under.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. HENLEY said that he was one of those who thought that the early portion of the Bill was merely introduced for the purpose of giving an opportunity to Hon. Members to display a little liberal language on the subject. The principal portion of the Bill was that which had been kept in the back ground by the parties promoting this measure. A great deal had been said about the cruelty and wrong of transporting a Christian brother. Now the Act merely stated that the person was to be tined or banished, and should he continue in the coun try in defiance of the law he was to be transported.—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Members said " Hear, hear," but how stood the case ? The Christian brother was not transported because he was a Christian brother, but because he disregarded the minor penalties and continued still to act in defiance of the laws of the country.—(Hear.) He felt it his duty, therefore, to give his support to the amendment of the Hon. Member for the Univer sity of Cambridge, that the Bill be read a third time this day six months.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of ARUNDEL andi SURREY main tained that every order sanctioned by the Church of Rome ought to be admitted into. this country. A good deal had been said against the Jesuits. They had been denounced as mischief makers, and cunning designers. They had been stigma tised as the crew• tors of dissentious in States, and the disturbers of the peace of private families ; but: the House must forgive him if he did not agree witih all these severe opinions. The Jesuits were a strict ly religious body spreading good wherever they went, and as the Es tablished Church could not cure die infidelism that prevailed in this country, he could see no just rea son why the Jesuits should be exi;luded from this country. Sir J. PAKINGTON could no t agree with the observations of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, nor could he admit the force or justice of the remarks made by the Hon. Member for Dungarvon. lie was quite ready to relieve the Roman Catholics from all unnecessary liabilities, but: he could not con sent to afford them a fancied relief .at the sacrifice of the rights of the Church of England. Conciliation to the Roman Catholics and securities against aggres sions on the rights of the Established Church had always gone hand in hand, an d be cou ld neve r vote for a Bill which made concessions without providing securities against inroads upon - the -rights of the Church of England. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL having been called upon once or twice in the course of the debate to give his opinion up o n th e prob able effects of this Bill, he trusted the House would indulge him for a few minutes while he ventured to give his opinion upon the changes which this Bill was calculated to make in the prevailing law. II he should suc ceed in satisfying the House that there was one Act at least overlooked by 47 he Bill of 1829, he trusted be should have said ono ugh to induce the House to go into Committee upon this Bill. Now, he was decidedly ofopinion that t . 13 e 13th of Elizabeth chap. 2, was not repealed by the /I.ct of 1829, and as it required an Act of Parliament.: to repeal the pro visions of that statute, he trusted the House would have no difficulty in going into 'Committee on this Bill. Colonel CONOLLY would go as far as any man to remove the provisions of Acts of Parliament that operated heavily upon the Roman Catholics, but he could not allow old and obsolete Acts to be raked up for the purpose of sweeping away those Acts which were necessary for the security of the Protestant population of Ireland. He should be sorry to deny the Roman Catholics any just rights to which they were entitled, but as he saw that no advantage would arise from the repeal of those obsolete statutes, he felt bound to give his vote, though without hostility, against the Bill.—(Hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE said he should give his vote for going !into Committee, without entering into a consideration of the question whether the Church of Rome was an aggressive church or not, because he believed he should be thereby doing an act of justice. —(Hear.) The Attorney-General, whom he was glad now to see in his place, would confer a great favour upon the House by stating his opinion whether the enactments sought to be abolished could be enforced or not.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Gentleman the Member for .111idhurst said that the penalties sought to be abrogated had been repealed, and that they could not be enforced in a court of law; but if the Act of Lord Lyndhurst re pealed some specific penalties, leaving others untouched he was at a loss to understand on what ground it was contended that the others should not be also repealed. —(Hear.) He was also at a loss to understand why penal enactments should remain on the statute book respecting the admission of bulls into this country on matters of discipline relating to the Roman Catholic religion, and which that body con• sidered perfectly innocent in their nature, as they simply had reference to matters of internal polity. The burden of proof that the exclusion of certain religious orders had led to good lay on those who opposed the measure. He would not stop to in quire whether the Act of 1829 w.i.s a compact or not, but as the danger of the repeal of these ob solete enactments had not been made manifest to his mind he could not go into the lobby with those who objected to that measure on this ground. They must, to maintain their argument, show that the admission of the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Benedictines, would be dangerous, because they could Strangeil were then ordered to. withdraw, and the House divided, when there appear( 1— For going into Committee j .. . . 186 Against it Majority for going into I matey •• . —32 The House then went into Comi n itttee pro forma, and on the motion of Mr. C. ANSTEY it was agre eo I that the House should really go into Committee on the Bill this day three weeks. WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRI ; ELECTION. Mr. GRAINGER brought up he report of the Committee appointed to try the in erits of the West Gloucestershire election. The Gel .nmittee reported that Mr. Grantley Berkeley had "been duly elected a knight of the shire for the- western; division Gloucestershire. _ . _ The report was received amid i nuch cheering. SELECT COMMITTEE ON SHIPWRECKS. On the motion of Mr. HUME the Select Com mittee on Shipwrecks was appointed After a short discussion. The following are the names of the Members appointed to serve on the Committee : —Mr. Hume, Captain Berkeley, Mr. Gibson, Admiral Bowles, Sir Thomas Birch, Viscount Ingestre, Mr. M`Gregor, Mr. Roundell Palmer, Dlr. Foster, Mr. Fitzroy, M r . Fl a h er t y , M r. Fagan, Mr. Duncan, Mr. Robinson, and Mr. Sheridan. LANDLORD AND TENANTS (IRELAND) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. BOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 15. EXCHEQUER LOAN COMMISSIONERS (IRELAND). Major BLACKALL gave notice that he would to morrow ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was the intention of the Government to place any further amount of funds at the disposal of the Ex chequer Loan Commissioners of Ireland. WASTE LANDS (IRELAND.) Mr. P. SCROPE gave notice that he would, upon this day fortnight, call the attentioa of the House to the subject cf the waste lands of Ireland, with a view of showing in what manner they could be made available for the purpose of relieving the distress of that country. JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES. Mr. THORNELY wished to ask his Right Hon. Friend the Vice-President of the Board of Trade whether it was the intention of Government to in troduce a Bill this session to enable joint-stock companies to wind up their concerns. Mr. M. GIBSON said a Bill had already been prepared for that purpose, and to-night he should give notice of his intention to introduce it. WEST INDIA COLONIES. Mr. HUME said, on a former evening he gave conditional notice, that if the Hon. Member for Gloucestershire did not submit to the House any motion respecting the Sugar Duties, he would submit a resolution upon the subject, and he wished now to state the terms of the resolution which he intended to submit to the House. He would fix such period for bringing it on as he could arrange with the Government. It was a question more for them than for him to introduce; but the resolution he proposed to move was to this effect — that it was incumbent on Parliament to enable the colonies to make a fair trial of free labour by removing all restrictions i❑ the way of ob taining free labour ; to enforce in the colonies the same strict system of vagrancy laws which were in force in England, making these applicable to the black and the white population alike to allow the colonies to reduce their establishments and fiscal regulations to the lowest point, consistent with the due and proper maintenance of the police and military services of the country ; to enable the colonists to transport their produce to Great Britain or any other country, at as low freights as was paid by the producers of countries where slavery prevailed. And further, with the ♦iew of affording reasonable time to make all these arrange ments, this House was of opinion that the existing dif ferential duty of 6s. per cwt. should be continued for five years after the expiration of this year, namely, up to the end of 1853. THE LOSS OF THE AVENGER. Mr. FITZROY, seeing the Hon. Member, one of Lords of the Admiralty in his place, wished to ask him the question of which he had given notice, with reference to that ill-fated vessel the Avenger. A rumour had prevailed of late, and had gained strength since the unsatisfactory termination of the court martial on Lieut. Hooke, that the Avenger was not properly supplied with charts ; and with the view of affording a slight satisfaction to the friends and rela tives of the unfortunate brave men who fell victims with the vessel, he wished to ask the Honourable Gentleman whether or not the Avenger was properly supplied with charts? Admiral DUNDAS replied that the Avenger was provided with every chart .aonnected with the Medi terranean, and the Admiralty held the receipt of Captain Napier for them. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE COURT OF ROME, ____ Sir H. 11. INGLIS said, on the 7th of February a Bill was introduced into the house of Lords to autho rise the estaNishments of diplomatic intercourse with the Court of Rome, and the Lords were summoned for the 16th, to take the Bill into further consideration, and to read it a second time. Now, without giving an cpinion on the sub . ject, though he should be disposed to do so at the proper time, he wished to express a hope that his Noble Friend would take care that sufficient time was given for the due discussion of the measure in the Upper and Lower Houses, and, he might add, for its consi deration in the couptry.—(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said the Bill was in the hands of the Lord President of the Council , and he had no doubt he would give sufficient time for the considera , The whole of the notes of the St. Albans and Herts tion of the measure in the House of Peers without Bank in circulation at the time of the siLoppage have bleep any interference from him or from any of the other paid in full.—Berhshire Chronicle Members of that House. When the Bill came down ABOLITION OF CAPITAL PUNISIIICENT IN BADl4Pfi.'— , to that House he should not use any undue haste in 'The second Chamber of the States of Baden, in itt, sit- passing the measure.—(Hear.) *zing of the ' th, adopted a motion for an address to the Mr. HINDLEY inquired if the Noble Lord had Grand Duke, praying that a Bill may be presented for .the abolition a capital punishment. aziy objecti on to lay the cerropondence wbicb bad EAST ANGLIAN RAILWAY COM- passed between Lord Minto and tire Court of Items .PAN Y.—(TIIIS DAY.) before the I louse ? An ordinary meeting of the shareholders in this corn- Lord PALMERSTON, in reply, said the Hon. pony was held this afternoon at the London Tavern. Gentlent.in must be aware that the mission of henry C. Lacey, Esq., presided. Lord Minto to the Court of Rome was entirely Tae report which was read stated that, in order divested of any diplomatic character.—(Laughter.) to complete the works on the hue and secure He carried with him, however, credentials to the the necessary facilities for the traffic, a much greater posers of Sardinia, Florence, and Naples. His anise outlay than the directors orignrily expected would be required. The amount of increased expenditure sir, however, , being divested of a diplomatic necessary would be 248,5621., and the ways and meansposition to be ecarao.er, did not place him in a at t h e di sposa l o f th e com p an y t o meet t h e sum was enabled to lay any correspondence that had taken 117,451 f., leaving a sum of 131,1111. still to be provided place before the House.—(Renewed laughter.) for to put the:railway in an efficient state for working ITALY. the traffie, with a view to a remunerative dividend. Dr. BOWRING then rose to move for copies or The directors recommended the creation of shares extracts of the correspondence on the subject of the bearing a preferential (livid. ud in perpetuity of 7 per Commercial League of Italy. hely, notwitlistand cent. per annum; these shares being of course offered ing oil her former grandeur, her learning, her high to the i; resent proprietors in the proportion of one new position in the scale of nations, and the universality of share of 54 for every existing 251. share, and one new her language, continued even now to justify the share of 31. 10s. for every existing 181. share. Tho re words of the poet— port also stated that the branch from Watlington to Conquering and conquered, still to be a slave." Wisbi eh was opened for traffic on the Ist instant, and in The a few weeks the junctien of this branch with the Noble . Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs Eastern Counties line from Wisbech to March and St. had dene justice to that admirable man who was Ives could be completed, and, by that means, a commie- placed at the head of the Pontifical Government. nication would be esealiehed with the St. Ives and His advent to that Government had been a blessing Huntingdon line. The traffic, upon the portion of the to Italy. He had exercised all his influence for the railways already opened, had averaged 4231. per week. purpose of removing some of the causes of complaint The directors expected an accession of air important among the people, and he hoped that the branch of traffic not included in the original estimates, Pontiff, assisted by the other Powers, would viz., coal, in the direction of the River Ouze. The be enabled to remove easily the large amount of average import of that mineral into Lynn for the last grievances so much needed to be removed, not only seven) ears had been 244,000 tons annually, of which in Rome but in Naples. He did not wish this quantity about four- fifths passed into the interior in the country to interfere in the internal concerns of other direction of the company's lines. The directors,in accord mice with a resolution at last meeting, had disposed countries, but that desire not to interfere was not at of the new shares, the deposits upon which, amounting to all incompatible with the expression of the fullest 3,4771. 135., had not been paid. In compliance with sympathy on the part of this country with the op suggestions received from many holders of scrip certifi- pressed against the oppressors. The free-trade cates fur the new 31. los. shares, the directors were wil- movement of Tuscany seemed also to be fraught with ling, at the option of the holders, to allow the same to good to the Italian peninsula. It was a favourable remain as scrip until the 31st of December, 1852, the thing that Rome had been enabled so to control the period limited for the option of converting these shares Italian mind, as to obtain from them some security' into the stock of the company; but it was intended to that those principles would not be lost, but that it would issue sealed certificates to any of the holders of these shares who might wish to register. finally end in a representative system of government. The engineer's report stated the whole of the linos —(Hear, hear.) But the influence of Pius IX. which had bt en opened for public traffic were in a very would pass away no doubt with his life, and it was the perfect state of repair, and the works through the Fens interest of this country to establish upon a permanent upon the Ely line had stood through the winter without basis the constitutions of the different portions of Italy. the slightest appearance of failure. The piers for the In the free•trade movement of Italy, Sardinia occu. permanent bridges over the river Ouzo and the middle pied about the same position as Prussia did among level drain, on that line, were carried up considerably the Zellverein, and he had no doubt above low- water mark, and all difficulty in their con- that the constitution recently establised there struction had been consequently overcome. The short would prove acceptable to the people. Tuscany line for connecting the Wisbech Station with had always been a place of considerable interest, its the Eastern Counties line to March, St. Ives, and • infl was wide s ; she had established Peterborough, would very soon be completed, affording the uence largest portions y of the illustrations of Italian a communication with the Ely and Huntingdon line at St. Ives, and with the line of the North-Western Corn- literature. Of Naples he felt bound to speak with pany at Peterborough. The works upuu the 3d contract some degree of apprehension •; but he had no doubt on the Derehain line (the only part of the company's that the seed sown there would eventually bring lines under contract not completed), were progressing, forth fruit, and the King of Naples, warned by and that line might be opened throughout early in the what he saw going on around him, would, he summer. The statement of accounts showed the total had no doubt, finally unite with the other portions of receipts to be 1,066,9854 ls. 2d., and the expenditure Italy. With respect to Sicily it must be retnem -1,062,7-111. I Is. 2d., leaving a balance of 4,2431. 10s. bered that although some blood had been shed still this In answer to some inquiries made by Mr. O. Copeland, country was the first to awaken in the bosom a sharelielthr, it was stated that the banker's charges d hear.) The name of Lord William Bentinck was the Sicilians the lore of freedom.— (Hear, for the last four months, amounting to 7111, include the cost of debenture stamps and the commission paid to brokers for loans. It was also stated that the engineer spoken of by the Sicilians with the most perfect rever was not paid by commission, but by salary, which the elle; and there was not a Sicilian bosom which did not Directors had fixed at 1,0001. a-year. No arrangement heave with anticipation at the time when the Sicilian had yet been made with the Eastern Counties Company people should be consulted on the subject of Sicilian with regard to the rent to be paid by them for running laws. The idea of a commercial league in Italy over the lines belonging to this Company. was a most happy thought. With the national After a great number of other questions respecting feeling of Italy there was also united a con.. the report and accounts had been put and replied to, siderable amount of local feeling. The feeling of Mr. COPELAND said the report presented a most unsa- the Sicilians was very distinct from the Tuscans, tisfactory picture of the company's affairs, and was and the Tuscans from both the Romans and the entirely different to the prospect held out to the shareholders when they were induced to embark Lombards. It would be wise still to c herish these local feelings. The idea of one united king , their capital in the concern in the expectation of receiving 101. per cent for the money invested. done in Italy was a perfect chimera, and a dream They now found that the present gross weekly receipts which could be indulged in by no persons who amounted only to between 4001. and 500/. a week, which had really studied the position and feelings of were scarcely sufficient to cover the working expenses; the inhabitants of the various states of Italy, anti notwithstanding the confident statements made The example of Germany should be made the by the directors en . previous occasions they were groundwork of their future commercial regulations, now asked to create additional capital to meet and then he had no doubt the commercial the expenses which would be incurred in ex- g lory of Italy would again return. Genoa, cuss of the estimates that had been made. In his Leghorn, and Venice, those great marts of corn. opinion the shareholders had been deceived and lured on merce ould again see a return of those days of by the sweet voice of' hope, which, however, was uttered only to be broken ; and he had no confidgnce whatever splendour with which their remoter history was as in the way in which their affairs had been managed, sociated. He was not aware whether his Noble Friend and, if no alteration was made, he was confident the would at present find himself in a condition to make company would soon become a bankrupt concern. any communication to the House on the subject, but Mr. BRUCE, the deputy-chairman, said, if' the share- of this he was convinced, that the matter might be holders would assist the directors, and invest them with safely left in the hands of the Noble Lord; and their confidence, they would consult their own interests therefore, without detaining the House further, he much better than by attacking their honor, or indulging begged leave to move the motion of which he had in abuse, Localise the directors had done everything in ' g iven notice. their power to promote the interests of the company, Viscount PALMERSTON said that his Hon. Friend and if their proceedings were sanctioned the share holders might rest assured that it would not become a had called the attention of the House to some of the bankrupt concern. most remarkable and interesting events which had 00 A good deal of warm discussion then took place upon curred in our time.—(Hear, hear.) It was, indeed, ins the affairs of the company, after which the report was possible for any man to witness the progress which con received and adopted. stitutional opinions and institutions were making in Mr. Abdy, M.l'., Mr. Bruce, Mr. Clay, M.P., and Mr Self, were re-elected directors. Mr. Tucker was Italy without feeling the deepest and liveliest interest re-elected auditor of the company's accounts. in that progress.—(llear, hear.) Italy was not only Resolutions in accordance with the recommendation interesting in a very high degree from her peculiar posi in the report with respect to the creation of new shares tion at the present moment, but she was interesting to were then passed, and after a vote of thanks had been use perhaps even still more, from our cherished and else passed to the chairman, meeting separated. eating associations with her wondrous story, with her rise, her greatness as mistress of the world, and her fall to almost entire political iusiL;nificance—aninsignificance from which he fervently hoped she was now about to emancipate herself.—(Bear, hear.) Nor did he merely hope; he felt confident that a brighter day was now dawning on Italy.--(Cries of " llear, hear.") The confidence with which we might look to the future prosperity of that country was founded on the gilts which nature had bestowed both on the land and on its inhabitants. Amid all the political misfortunes to which the country had been subjected, the natural vigour of the Italian mind, the extent of its intellectual re sources, and, he might say, the splendour of its genius, hid, even in the darkest periods of the political history of the Italiaiis, shone forth with a brightness which bad attracted the admiration of the whole civilised world. It was most gratifying to see that the progress which national liberty was making throughout Italy was a pro. gross brought about by the harmonious accord of the sovereigns and people of Italy—(Hear, hear)—and it was ea that circumstance more especially that he ventured to found his hope that the ameliorations now proceeding there would be permanent and stable, for, based upon mutual compact, they were naturally less likely to be shaken by future untoward events. The Hon. Member had adverted to the position of Austria in relation to the events now passing in the Italian peninsula. It was highly satisfactory to him, and he was sure it would be no less gratifying to the House, that ho was able to state, that so far as her Majesty's Government was informed of the intentions of the Cabinet of Vienna, tiers was no reason to apprehend that the policy of that Cabinet would lead it to any hostile interference with the events which were now taking place in Italy —(Cheers.) He had, indeed, within the last twenty-four hours, received a communi cation from our Ambassador at Vienna, which gave very satisfuctory assurances on this head.—(Renewed cheers.) The course thus indicated was the course naturally to be expected from the prudence and wisdom of the Austrian Government; and most happy was he to find such a course adopted.—(Hear.) With reference to the com mercial league of Italy, he should wish his Hon. Friend and the House to defer asking for the correspondence on this subject until a more expedient oecasion.—(Hear. hear.) The general principles of that league only were at present laid down on a broad basis, the details re mained to be fixed ; and he felt convinced that it would only retard the progress of events to produce before the House the various communications confidentially ex changed between the various Courts of Italy and our Ministers there, as to the various suggestions and propo sitions made on the subject.— (Hear, hear.) He could assure the House that the general principle which seemed to actuate all parties was in the highest degree favour able to the promotion of the commercial prosperity of Italy on one uniform basis ; and he would add, that so far as it became the Government and this country to tender advice, or to express an opinion, the advice was offered in a spirit of earnest desire to aid in the develop ment of that prosperity.—(Hear, hear.) As to the political changes proceeding in Italy, whatever the feel ings of her Majesty's Government on the subject, with whatever gratification they witnessed the cause of those political events—(llear, hear)—they did not consider it fitting that the British Ministers is the Peninsula should interfere further than the giving an opinion when it should be sought by the various Go vernments.—(llear, hear.) And here let him say it was most gratifying to her Majesty's Government to witness the perfect confidence with which Englaad was regarded by the various Italian potentates—(Hear, hear)—as a marked instance of which he would state that his Noble Friend, Lord Minto, had proceeded from Rome to Naples inconsequence of the desire expressed by the Sicilians on the one hand, and by the Goverment of Na ples on the other, that the friendly assistance of British diplomacy should be applied towards the satisfactory settlement of the points in dispute between them.— (Hear, hear.) He was sure that those who were se painted with Lord Minto would feel that this task, delicate, and difficult as it might be, could not have been placed in better hands—(Hear, hear)—and that in any advice which, at the solicitation of the parties, he might think himself at liberty to offer, he would be actuated by the most disinterested but earnest desire to bring matters to such an adjustment as should be consistent with the liberty, happiness, and welfare of the people, and the just dignity and honour of the Crown.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. COCHRANE, expressive of his approbation of the conduct pursued by her Ma jesty's Government in reference to Italy. Dr. 130 WRING consented to withdraw his motion, and it was accordingly withdrawn. NATIONAL LAND COMPANY. Mr.F.O'CONNOR said the Attorney-General having requested him to postpone his motion respecting the National Land Company, in order to allow him time to consider the proposed Bill, he would accordingly post pone it until that day fortnight. Sir G. GREY was not aware that the Attorney- General had requested this postponement; but, at all events, he begged it to be understood that tho request implied no assent on the part of the Government to the proposed measure. SHIPWRECKS OF MERCHANT VESSELS. Mr. HUME moved, pursuant to notice, for a Select Committee to consider whether, in all eases of shipwreck and of collisions of merchant vessels, attended with loss of life, an inquiry, as speedily after the accident and as near as possible to the place, should bo appointed, to examine into the attendant circumstances and causes of the shipwreck, and to report to the Howie is "dila GREAT MARLOW. The Select Committee on the Great Marlow election petition re-assembled at the usual hour this morning. Sir John Packington in the chair. Thomas Frith, the witness who proved that he re received 101. to vote for Colonel Knox, admitted this morning, upon cross-examination, that he had been several times imprisoned on charges of felony. Since the election he had been living partly on an estate belonging to Sir William Clayton, at Godstone, and partly in Wales. During that time he was allowed 255. a week by Sir William Clayton. Mr. John Miller, a farmer, of Little Marlow, proved that one of the electors promised him that he would vote for Sir William Clayton, but he afterwards voted for Colonel Knox, and upon his taxing the elector with his breach of faith, he said his vote was worth 51. The Committee then adjourned till eleven o'clock to morrow. KINSALE. The Select Committee nominated upon the Kinsale election petition of Mr. Watson, Q.C., complaining of the return of Mr. Guineas for that borough assembled for the first time this morning, in Committee-room No. 26; Mr. Bouverie in the chair. Mr. Sergeant Wrangham and Mr. ManesLy appeared for the petitioners; and Mr. Andrews, Q.C., with whom was Mr. Merewether, for the sitting Member. The Committee having passed the usual preliminary resolutions, Mr. Sergeant WRANGRA opened the case for the petitioners. He said he appeared on behalf of the peti tioner, Mr. Watson, the Queen's Counsel, who was one of the candidates at the recent election for the borough of Kinsale, complaining of the election and return of the sitting Member upon several distinct grounds. The petition might be divided into two sections; one of them complaining of the election, and praying that it should be declared void on the score of certain corrupt practices alleged to have been committed by the sitting Member and his agents. The other sec• tion of the petition claimed the seat for Mr. Watson, on the ground that the majority declared in favour of the sitting Member was a colourable one. It was his inten tion, however, in the first instance to direct the atten tion of the Committee to the first part of the petition; and he might state in the outset that the nomination took place on the 4th of August last, and the poll on the 6th if the same month. The numbers declared by the returning officer were 103 for the sitting Member, and 86 for Mr. Watson, giving the sitting Member a majority of 17, which it was contended was secured by bribery and corruption. The bribery was comprised in the payment of rates and debts, for which various voters were liable; and the evidence would show that the sitting Member, upon entering the borough, brought with him 4,0011. to be spent in liquidating those rates and debts. Another description of bribery which the petitioner complained of was that of treating, and the Committee would find that upon the night before the poll a large body of the electors were collected, and lodged at the house of a publican named Lyst, who had received a general order from the sitting Member to well ply them with drink of all sorts, and then get them shaved, washed, and dressed, so that they might appear decently at the poll. The evidence would also disclose the fact that, in some instances, as much as 1001. bad been paid for a vote, and SOL to voters who bad pro mised to s u p port the opposite party, in consideration of their abse nt i ng themselves on the polling day. If he mth-e sub st a ntiated e and Member, these statements by evidence, the Cam tte could, of course have no di ffi culty in unseating returned t h ere fore, without detaining them further, he would Some formal proofs a twe re once go into the proofs. put in, after , which one or two eases of b r ib ery were proved, and the Committee adjourned. .i LYME REGIS The Select Committee app o i nted . to allegations in the petition presented tr irquire into the e of Mr. Abdy for Lyme Regis met for 7.1 17 ! t the r e t urn first time this morning; Lord Ashley in the chair. Mr. Sergeant Wranghatn appeared for the pe titioners, and Mr. M. D. Hill, with whom was Mr• Wordsworth, for the sitting,Mcniber. Mr. Sergeant WRANOEAM opened the case for the petitioners—The petitioners complained that the sitting Member obtained his election by resorting to bribery and corrupt practices. The bribes were administered to the voters by his agents, who went down from London for the purpose, and while at Lyme Regis adopted the significant name of Birdseye. He should prove seven distinct acts of bribery, besides several cases where the sitting Member had given various voters employment, as a consideration for their voting for him. The peti tion was that of Sir F. Be lly, and against the return of the • • sitting Member . election were, 1 Sir Fitzroy Kelt The numbers polled at the 6 for the sitting Member, and 143 for t i n Totes of 4 ,_ _Y. and if he succeeded in neutralising i W. seve n parties agaiust whom he preferred I BILL. Sir W. SOMERVILLE brought in the Landlord and Tenants (Ireland) Bill which was Tend a first and ordered to be read a second time o?.1 the 13th of March. the other orders of the day were then disposefl of, ar.d the House adjourned at Six o'clocl. NAVIGATION LAWS. Sir J. JOHNSTONE presented two petitions from Scarborough against the repeal of the navi gation laws. REMUNERATION TO MEDICAL OFFICERS. Mr. FAGAN presented a petition from several medical men in Cork, complaining that they were insufficiently remunerated for their labours. lIkALTEI OF TOWNS' BILL. An HON.MEMBER presented a petition from East Retford in favour of this Bill. Mr. B. CABBELL presented one to the same effect. Mr. PETO also presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Norwich in favour of the Bill. ROMAN CATHOLIC AND JEWISH DISA. BILITIES BILLS. Mr. Plumptre presented several petitions against the Jewish Disabilities Bill ; Sir H. R. Inglis, from Bristol, against the Roman Catholic Relief Bill ; Mr. B. Cabbell to the same ell'ect, and Lord Melgund in favour. DENUNCIATIONS FROM THE ALTAR. Mr. B. CABBELL presented a petition from Marylebone against denunciations from the altar. SOLICITORS' CERTIFICATES. Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from twenty-five solicitors, practising in Bradford, com plaining that, in addition to the income-tax, they were charged a similar tax in the shape of certificate duty, and though they said they did their best to make their clients pay them this tax, nevertheless, fell with extreme severity upon them, and they therefore prayed for its repeal.— (Laughter.) ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. Lord ARUNDEL and SURREY presented a pe tition from Ramsgate in favour of this Bill. THE DEFENCES OF THE COUNTRY. Mr. CR A.WFORD presented a petition from Rochdale, against any addition to the defences of the country, and praying that any disputes that might occur between this and other nations should be re ferred to arbitration. Mr. LAW presented a petition from Preston against the admission of the Jews. IRISH POOR-LAWS. Mr. HAMILTON presented a petition from Limerick, complaining of the operation of the poor laws ; another against the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, and against denunciation from the altar. Mr. WARD presented a petition in favour of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. Lord ASHLEY presented a petition against the same Bill. Mr. FREWEN presented a petition to the same effect from Cranbrook, Hastings, and Winchilsea. Mr. GROGAN presented a petition complaining of the rescript. In carve Domini. IRISH UNIONS. Mr. MONSELL presented a petition from Sceriff in favour of reducing the area of taxation. TENANT RIGHT. Mr. CRAWFORD presented a petition in favour of extending the custom of tenant-right practised in Ulster to the whole of Ireland. THE SEE OF MANCHESTER. Mr. FREIVEN inquired it it was intended to transfer the patronage exercised by the late Arch bishop of Canterbury in the see of Manchester to the newly-appointed Bishop. Lord J. RUSSELL replied that the matter was under the consideration of the Ecclesiastical Com missioners. EXCHEQUER LOANS (IRELAND). In reply to Major BLACKALL, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he should, on Friday, state the intentions of the Government with respect to the Exchequer loans to Ireland. ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. On the order of the day for going into Committee on this Bill, Mr. LAW rose to move that the House should go into Committee upon the Bill this day six months. The Bill divided itself into two portions—one of wbich was the repealing, and the other the enacting portions of the Bill. The Bill appeared to have been framed in such a manner as to insure the largest num ber of votes upon going into Committee upon the Bill, because there were many Hon. Members who were of opinion that there were many more obsolete Acts which ought to be removed from the statute-book. Now the Hon. Member for Midhurst (Mr. Walpole) had most ably argued, and his arguments had not been answered, that all these obnoxious Acts were already repealed by recent statutes passed for that purpo!,e. He (Mr. Law) would not, therefore, detain the House by going into any discussion upon that point. He felt fully convinced that all those statutes were repealed, and he could not, therefore, consent to go into Committee for the purpose of repealing statutes which were already repealed by former statutes.—(Hear.) The next question, then, to be considered was, whether he would consent to go into Committee for the purpose of reviewing the Emanci pation Act of 1829, and the effects of that measure upon the country, and the nature of the securities which accompanied that Act. He felt the greatest respect for his Catholic fellow.countrymen, but he would not consent to repeal the securities of that measure without the repeal of the entire Act. He deprecated re-opening the agitation of that question. Would the consent of the Legislature ever have been obtained to the Act of Emancipation unless some sureties were proposed, and the assertion that the measure should be a final settlement of the question ? It was now too bad to be told at the end of eighteen years that those securities should be repealed.— (Hear, hear.) The present was a most unfortunate moment, and he would rather that his Catholic brethren had rallied round the Protestant Church for the support of Christianity, than have used their endeavours, as some of them bad done, to introduce into the Legislature persons the most opposed to Christianity itself.—(Hear, hear.) Not only was the time most inopportune for the discussion of the question, but the agitation of the question would prove most baneful to the best interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. 11. DRUMMOND freely confessed that he had done everything in his power to exclude Roman Catholics from seats in that House, but it was per fectly absurd for some Hon. Members who belonged to his own party to suppose that the House could be induced to retrace its steps on this subject. Unless this and the other Bill, to which reference had been made by the Hon. and Learned Member who had just resumed his seat, could be resisted on principle, they could not be refused on the ground of expe diency. The Hun. and Learned Member had there fore recalled reminiscences of the past that would have been setter let alone ; and rather than revive old animosities Hon. Members on that side of the House ought to adopt language within those walls which would be listened to and tolerated out of doors. Upon These grounds and many others he thought it desirable to go at once into Committee upon this Bill. Sir R. H. INGLIS could not supporr the position which had been taken up by his Honourable Friend who had just sat down. It appeared to him that his Hon. Friend's speech had nothing whatever to do with the Bill under discussion. This Bill in no way related to the power of Roman Catholics to hold offices in the State. It repealed no less than eight Acts that had already been specifically struck off the statute book, and therefore it was his opinion, that while this Bill was professedly b roug h t forward to relieve the statute-book of some of its cumbersome Acts, it was a pretext to revive certain assumed grievances which the Roman Catholics laboured under, with the view of striking another blow at the Protestantism of this country. The Pope of Rome, he would venture to assert, was doing in this country what he dare not do in France. The Pope knew full well that he no more dare to establish a bishopric in France or Austria with the sanction of the So vereign than he dare raise an army to invade these countries. The Pope, however, relying upon the support he should receive from the Roman Catholics of this country, had dared to do as much in England, and some of her colonies, and he maintained that, instead of repealing Acts which were necessary for the protection of the established Protestant Church, they ought to take steps to resist the usurpation of the Bishop of Rome, which was the only title the Pontiff could legally claim in this country.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Roman Catholics of this country were endeavouring to abolish the securities which the Emancipation Act raised against encroachments upon Protestantism. This Bill, however, did not propose to give the Roman Catholics any office to which they were justly entitled, and he felt it w ou ld b e es t a bli s hi ng a dan gerous preced en t' if th e H ouse a d opte d i t. Inci dentallyhe might notice a Bill which had been intro od fu 'rho ho d em i s n e p t w h Ea e sAsa neithertKh e E rRH ca ll ed just 8 t e of tohr e Parliament, and he might state that th e t i tle which that Bill gave to the Bishop for s r ir ef it er . ri k n i g . t INGLIS a h p a o t i w o lega l .aisselindoo for. 0 . r B beforehaar loinoegt the vt House order . the orders of the House, and proceeded to insist that si n H u n was ,t 99 negligent in the watch it kept J , , ~«~. f t- ,;!'" A • ; -