The Sun. — London, England, 1866-09-01 00:00:00

The Philadelphia Convention. NEW Your., Aug. 17. The papers publish extended accounts of the pro ceedings of the National Union Convention at Philadelphia. The convention finally adjourned on the 16th, after the adoption of the following de claration of principles : " The convention now assembled in the city of Phila delphia, composed of delegates from every State and terri tory in the 'Union, admonished by the solemn lessons of the last five years, which it nas pleased the Supreme Ruler of the universe to give to the American people, profoundly grateful for the return of peace, desirous as a large majo rity of their countrymen in all sincerity to forget and for give the past, revering the constitution as it comes to us from our ancestors, regarding the Union in its restoration as more sacred than ever, looking with deep anxiety to the future as of instant and continuing trial, hereby issue and proclaim the following declaration of principles and pur poses, on which they have with perfect unanimity agreed : 44 1. 'We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of the war, and the return of peace to an afflicted and beloved land. "2. The war just closed has maintained the authority of the constitution with all the powers which it confers, and the restrictions which it imposes upon the Government, and it has preserved the Union, with the equal rights, dignity, and authority of the States, perfect and unimpaired. " 3. The representation in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral College is a right recognised by the constitution as abiding in every State, and is a duty imposed on its people, fundamental in its nature, and essential to the ( xistence of our representative interests, and confers no authority or power to deny this right to any State, or to withhold its enjoyment under the consti tution from the people thereof. " 4. That we call upon the people of the T_Tnited States to elect to Congress as members men hitherto known to admit this fundamental right of representation, and who will receive the loyal representatives from every State in allegiance to the United States, subject to the constitu tional right of each house to judge of the election qualifi cation and returns of its own members. _ _ _ "5. The constitution of the United States and the laws made in pursuance thereof are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or law of any of the States to the contrary notwithstanding ; all powers not conferred by the constitution or the general Government are re served to the States and the people unrestrictedly. Among the rights thus reserved to the States is the right to pre scribe the qualifications for elective franchise therein, which right Congress cannot interfere with. No State or convention of States has the right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, any Stato or States from the Union. The Union of these States is perpetual. " 6. Such amendments to the constitution of the United States may be made by tho people theoreof as they may deem expedient, but only in the mode pointed out by its resolution, and proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or Convention ; and in ratifying the same all the States of the Union have an equal and indefensible right to a voice and vote thereon. "7. Slavery is abolished, and for ever prohibited ; and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States ; and the enfranchised slaves in all the States of the Union should receive, in common with all their inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person and property. " 8. While we regard as utterly invalid, and never to bo assumed or made of binding force, any obligation incurred or undertaken in making war against the United States, we hold the debt of the nation to be sacred and inviolable, and we proclaim our purpose in discharging this, as in per forming all other national obligations, to maintain unim paired and unimpeached the faith of the Republic. "9. It is the duty of the national Government to recog nise the services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the nation, and by extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen the most gracious and considerate care. "10. In Andrew Johnson, Presidentof the United States, who in his great office has proved steadfast in his devotion to the constitution, the laws, and interests of his country, unmoved by persecutions and undeserved reproach, we tender to him our cordial and sincere support." After a vote had been taken on the adoption of the fore going Declaration of Principles, it was found that the seventh one had been omitted by accident, and this fact was announced by Senator Doolittle. It was then read, and adopted with great applause and unanimity. _ _ _ The Declaration of Principles was then adopted, with enthusiastic cheers. THE ADDR ES S. Mr. Raymond then proceeded to read the Address, which was received with continued applause, and at the close of the reading, Ex-Governor Perry, of South Carolina, rose and moved its adoption. The motion was declared carried unanimously, amid prolonged cheering. The following is the address:— TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. Having met in Convention at the city of Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, this 16th day of August, 1866, as the representatives of the people in all sections, and all the States and Territories of the Union, to consult upon the condition and the wants of our common country, wo address to you this declaration of our principles, and of the political purposes we seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in the year 1860, events have occurred which have changed the character of our internal politics, and given to the United States a new place among the nations of the earth. Our Government have passed through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war—a war which, though mainly sec tional in its character, has nevertheless decided political differences that from the very beginning of the Govern ment had threatened the unity of our national existence, and has left its impress deep and ineffaceable upon all the interests, the sentiments, and the destiny of the Republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole country severe losses in life and property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of national courage in the presence of national dangers— a capacity for military organisation and achievement, and a devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, and to the principles of liberty which that government was de signed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the nation in the perpetuity of its Republican institutions, and command the respect of the civilised world. Like all great contests which rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations, this war has given new scope to the ambition of political parties, and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chaos of conflicting sentiments inseparable from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all the passions that can away the public judgment and affect the public action ; while the wounds of war aro still fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears for the future take unjust propor tions from the me mor i es an d resen t men t s o f the past, it is difficult but an imperative duty which on your behalf we, a who are here a ssem bl ed, have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long y from every State and years of alienation and of conflict, we have com a t oget h er e very section of our land, as citizen s o commona m coun try, under that flag, the symbol aga i n of a no to consult together how best to cement and mernpegtlltotrayte, perpetuate , that Union wh ich is a g ain the ob j ect of our common o an d thus secure the b lessin g s of libert y to ourselves and ve our posterity. In the first place we invoke you to remember, always and everywhere, that the war is ended and the nation is again at peace. (Loud applause.) The shock of contending arms no longer assails the shuddering heart of the republic. The insurrection against the supreme authority of the nation has been suppressed, and that authority has been again acknowledged by word and Act, in every lauState an and by every citizen within its jurisd iction. (Appse.) e are no longer required or permitted to regard or treat each other as enemies. Not only have the acts of war been dis continued, and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentiments, the plosions, the relations of war, have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad domain. We are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of one country, bound by the duties and obligations of a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor in terestsapart from a common destiny. The duties that de volve upon us now are again the duties of peace, and. no longer the duties of war. We have assembled here to take we counsel concerning the interests of peace ; to decide how may most wiselyy and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have sprun g up in its fiery track. This is the work act of passion,butof calm and soberjudgment ; not of resentment for past offences prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which t o l er ateswtat s cannot prevent , uponand builds its plans and its h opes for the future rather a community of interest and ambition than upon distrust a nd the weapons of force. (Great appl ansa In the next place, we call upon you to recognise full significan ce, and to acce p t with all theirnslee in their consequen ces, the political results of the w ar just closed. In two most important particulars the vict ory achieved by : the national Government has been final and decisive. First, it has established beyond all further controversy, an d by the highest of all human sanctions, the absolute supremacy of the national Government, as defined and limited by the Constitution of the United States, and the permanent integrity and indissolubility of the Federal Union as a necessary consequence ; and second, it has put an end finally and for ever to the existence of slavery upon the soil or -within the jurisdiction of the United States. Both these points became directly involved in the contest, and controversy upon both was ended absolutely and finally by the result. In the third place, we deem it of the utmost importance that the real character of the war and the victory by which it was closed should be accurately understood. The war Was carried on by the Government of the United States in maintenance of its own authority and in defence of its own existence, both of which were menaced by the insur rection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accomplished that result. The Govern ment of the United States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territories, and over all the States and people within its jurisdiction, which the Con stitution confers upon it ; but it acquired thereby no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights either of terri torial possession or of civil authority which it did not possess before the rebellion broke out. (Applause.) All the rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either in express terms or by fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the Federal arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. The Government of the United States acted throughout the war on the de fensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war nor the victory by which it was closed changed in any way the Constitution of the United States. The vi ar was carried on by virtue of its provisions, and under the limitations which they prescribe, and the result of the war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or release that Government from the restrictions which it has imposed. The Constitution of the United States is to-day pre cisely as it was before the war, the "supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding ;" and to-day, also, precisely as before the war, all the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the general Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are "reserved to the several States, or to the people thereof." This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our Government, and the language and spirit of the Constitution, but by all the acts and the language of our Government, in all its departments, and at all times from the outbreak of the rebellion to its final overthrow. In every message and proclamation of the Executive it was explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain the authority of the Constitution and to preserve the integrity of the Union ; and Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance that, whenever this object should be attained, war should cease, and all the States should retain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since the war has ceased that other rights have been asserted on behalf of one department of the general Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress that, in addition to the powers conferred upon it . by the Constitution, the Federal Government may now claim over the States, the territory and the people involved in the insurrection, the rights of war, the right of conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions, and laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations, and deprivations as the legisla tive departments of the Government may see fit to impose. Under this broad and sweeping claim that clause of the Constitution which provides that "no State shall without its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate of the United States" has been annulled, and ten States have been refused, and are still refused, representation altogether in both branches of the Federal Congress. And the Congress in which only a part of the States and the people of the Union are repre sented has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from representation, and from all share in making their own laws or choosing their own rulers, until they shall comply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress thus composed may itself prescribe. That right has not only been asserted, but it has been exercised, and is prac tically enforced at the present time. Nor does it find any support in the theory that the States thus excluded aro in rebellion against the Government, and are therefore pre cluded from sharing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the Government, and of sworn allegiance to the Constitution of the United States. In no one of them is there the slighest indication of resistance to this authority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding obliga tion. This condition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognised by solemn proclamation of the executive de partment. The laws of the United States have been ex tended by Congress over all these State's and the people thereof. Federal Courts have been re-opened, and Fede ral taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except that they aro denied representation in Congress and the Electoral College, the States once in rebellion are recog nised as holding the same position, as owing the same obligations, and subject to the same duties as the other States of our common Union. It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgment that we can bring to the subject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrow of the authority of the Constitution, and as complete a destruction of the Government and Union, as that which was sought to be effected by the States and people in armed insurrection against them both. It cannot escape observation that the power thus asserted to exclude certain States from representation is made to rest wholly iu the will and discretion in the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon any specified conditions or cir cumstances, not to be subject to any rules and regulations whatever. The address then recites the course adopted by the pre sent Congress towards the States recently in rebellion, and proceeds to discuss the Constitutional questions in volved, claiming that because of the connection of its people with rebellion, no State forfeited its Constitutional right to representation—which representation the address declares is imposed as a duty essential to the existence of the Government and the maintenance of its authority. The act of withdrawal of Southern representatives from Con gress was an act of rebellion committed when the insurrec- tion was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor the duty to be represented was in the least impaired by the fact of insurrection ; bat it may have been that by reason of the insurrection on the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty for the time depended could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. An insurgent Power, in the exercise of usurped and unlawful authority in the territory under its control, had prohibited that allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States which is made by the fundamental law the essential condition of representation in its government. No man within the insurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and, as a necessary consequence, no man could lawfully represent those States in the councils of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the enjoy ment of the right and to the discharge of the duty —it did not annul the one nor abrogate the other; and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by which it was created had been overthrown, and the States had again resumed their allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States. The right of Congress to exercise the - power of conquer ors where a domestic insurrection has been suppressed is next discussed. The functions of the Government during the rebellion are shown to have been in full operation, hence its lawful jurisdiction was complete, thereby pre serving and defending the Constitution, which can only be enlarged or abridged by the words prescribed in that instru ment, and is not made contingent upon the party or sectional exigencies or forbearance of the hour. We need not stop to show that such action not only finds no warrant in the Constitution, but is at war with every principle of our Government, and with the very ex istence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical practice which has rendered fruitless all attempts hitherto to establish and maintain free government in Mexico and the States of South America. Party necessities assert themselves as superior to the fundamental law, which is set aside in reckless obedience to their behests. Stability, whether in the exercise of power, in the administration of government s , or in the enjoyment of rights, becomes im- P° BB lble ; and the conflicts of party, which, under consti tional armerged in the conflicts of arms to which they government are the conditions and means of political progress,and ovh inevitably eartnthe e n t tend. dirTechtely claime • suppression of an insurrection against the m power to that Government, ives additional authority and especiallygives that that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congres s an d e xclude States from representation in body the right to nthe national coun cils, without which the nation its e lf can have no autho rity and no existence, seems to us at v • arianee alike with the principles of the Constitution and wt • th the public safety. The address next discusses the power of Congress to prescribe amendments to the Constitution without the con currence of States to be most seriously affected by such amendments, and declares such an exercise of p ower, a usurpation not justified or palliated by anything in the past history of those most affected by such acts. It findsno war rant in the Constitution. It is at war with the fundamental of our form of governme nt. If tolerated in one principles instance, it becomes the precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right dependent solely upon the will of the party in possession of power, and thus leads, by direct and necessary sequence, to the most fatal and intoler able of all tyrannies—the tyranny of shifting and irre sponsible political factions. It is against this, the most formidable of all the dangers which menace the stability of free government, that the Constitution of‘the United States was intended most carefully to provide. We de mand a strict and steadfast adherence to its provisions. In this, and in this alone, can we find a basis of permanent Union and peace. Fourth—But it is alleged in justification of the usurpa tion which we condemn, that the condition of the Southern States and people is not such as renders safe their read- mission to a share in the government of the country; that they are still disloyal in sentiments and purpose, and that neither the honour, the credit, nor the interests of the nation would be safe if they were readmitted to a share in its councils. This plea rests upon a complete misappre hension, or an unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm, that there is no section of the country where the Constitution and laws of the United States find a more prompt ard entire obedience than in those States, and among those people who were lately in arms against them; or where there is less purpose or dan. ger of any future attempt to overthrow their authority. It would seem to be both natural and inevitable that, in States and sections so recently swept bey the whirlwind of war, THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 1, 1866. *where all the ordinary modes and methods of organised industry have been broken up, and the bonds and influences ;that guarantee social order have been destroyed—where -thousands and tens of thousands of turbulent spirits have been suddenly loosed from the discipline of war, and thrown - without resources or restraint upon a disorganised and chaotic society, and where the keen sense of defeat is added to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a time the imperfect discipline of law, and excite anew the fears and forebodings of the patriotic and well-disposed. It is unquestionably true that local dis turbances of this kind, accompanied by more or less of vio lence, do still occur. But they are confined entirely to the cities and larger towns of the Southern States, where different races and interests are brought most closely in contact, and where passions and resentments are always most easily fed and fanned into outbreak; and even there they are quite as much the fruit of untimely and hurtful political agitation as of any hostility on the part of the people to the authority of the national Government. But the concurrent testimony of those best acquainted with the condition of society and the state of public senti ment in the South—including that of its representatives in this Convention—establishes the fact that the great mass of the Southern people accept, with as full and sincere sub mission as do the people of the other States, the re-esta blished supremacy of the national authority, and are pre pared, in the most loyal spirit, and with a zeal quickened alike by their interest and their pride, to co-operate with other States and sections in whatever may be necessary to defend the rights, maintain the honour, and promote the welfare of our common country. History affords no in stance where a people, so powerful in numbers, in resources, and in public spirit, after a war so long in duration, so de structive in its progress, and so adverse in its issue, have accepted defeat and its consequences with so much of good faith as has marked the conduct of the people lately in in surrection against the United States. Beyond all question this has been largely due to the wise generosity with which their enforced surrender was accepted by the President of the United States and the generals in immediate command of their armies, and to the liberal measures which were afterwards taken to restore order, tranquillity, and law to the States where all had for the time been overthrown. No steps could have been better calculated to command the respect, win the confidence, revive the patriotism, and secure the permanent and affectionate allegiance of the people of the South to the Constitution and laws of the Union than those which have been so firmly taken and so steadfastly pursued by the President of the United States. (Great applause.) No people has ever yet existed whose loyalty and faith such treatment long continued would not alienate and im pair. And the ten millions of Americans who live in the South would be unworthy citizens of a free country, dege nerate sons of an heroic ancestry, unfit ever to become guardians of the rights and liberties bequeathed to us by the fathers and founders of this republic, if they could ac cept, with uncomplaining submissiveness, the humiliations thus sought to be imposed upon them. Resentment of in justice is always and everywhere essential to freedom; and the spirit which prompts the States and people lately in insurrection, but insurgent now no longer, to protest against the imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all the more worthy to share in the Govern ment of a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer assur ance of the future power and freedom of the republic. (Immense applause.) [This demonstration of applause induced the Hon. Reverdy Johnson to move a request that Mr. Raymond real the foregoing paragraph a second time.] For whatever responsibility the Southern people may have incurred in resisting the authority of the national Government and in taking up arms for its overthrow, they may be held to answer, as individuals, before the judicial tribunals of the land, and for that conduct, as societies and organised communities, they have already paid the most fearful penalties that can fall on offending States in the losses, the sufferings, and humiliations of unsuccessful war. But whatever may be the guilt or the punishment of the conscious authors of the insurrection, candour and common justice demand the concession that the great mass of those who became involved in its responsibility acted upon what they believed to be their duty, in defence of what they had been taught to believe their rights, or under a compulsion physical and moral, which they were powerless to resist. Nor can it be amiss to remember that, terrible as have been the bereavements and losses of this war, they have fallen exclusively upon neither section and upon neither party—that they have fallen, indeed, with greater weight upon those with whom the war began; that in the death of relatives and friends, the dispersion of families, the dis ruption of social systems and social ties, the overthrow of Governments, of law and of order, the destruction of pro perty, and of forms and modes and means of industry, the loss of political, commercial, and moral influence, in every shape and form which great calamities can assume, the States and people which engaged in the war against the Government of the United States have suffered tenfold more than those who remained in allegiance to its Consti tution and laws. These considerations may not, as they certainly do not, justify the action of the people of the insurgent States ; but no just or generous mind will refuse to them very considerable weight in determining the line of conduct which the Government of the United States should put sue towards them, They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without . sullen resentment, the d e f ea t an d over th row they have sustained. They acknowledge and acquiesce in the results. to themselves and the country which that defeat involves. They avow their willingness to share the burdens and discharge all the duties and obligations which rest upon them, in common with other States and other sections of the Union ; and they renew, through their representatives in this Convention, by all their public conduct, in every way, and by the most solemn acts by which States and Societies can pledge their faith, their engagement to bear true faith and allegiance, through all time to come, to the Constitution of the United States, and to all laws that may be made in pursuance thereof. Fellow -countrymen ! 'We call upon yon, in full reliance upon your intelligence and your patriotism, to accept, with generous and ungrudging confidence, this full surrender on the part of those lately in arms against your authority, and to share with them the honour and renown that await those who bring back peace and concord to jarring States. The war just closed, with all its sorrows and disasters, has opened a new career of glory to the nation it has saved. It has proved to us beyond controversy or doubt, by the course pursued towards both contending sections by foreign Powers, that we must be the guardians of our own independence, and that the principles of republican free dom we represent can find among the nations of the earth no friends or defenders but ourselves. We call upon you, therefore, ✓ by every consideration of your own dignity and safety, and in the name of liberty throughout the world, to complete the work of restoration and peace which the President of the United States has so well begun, and which the policy adopted and the principles asserted by the present Congress alone obstruct. The time is close at hand when members of a new Congress are to be elected. If that Congress shall perpetuate this policy, and, by excluding loyal States and people from re- presentation in its halls, shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative powers of the Government are now exercised, common prudence compels us to anticipate aug mented discontent, a sullen withdrawal from the duties and obligations of the Federal Government, internal dis sension and a general collision of sentiments and preten sions which may renew, in a still more fearful shape, the civil war from which we have just emerged. We call upon you to interpose your power to prevent the re .currence of so transcendent a calamity. We call upon you in every Congressional district of every State to secure the election of members who, whatever other differences may characterise their political action, and unite in recog nising the right of every State of the Union to represen tation in Congress, and who will admit to seats in either branch every loyal representative from every State in allegiance to the Government, who may be found by each House, in the exercise of the power conferred upon it by the Constitution, to have been duly elected, returned, and qualified for a seat therein. When this shall have been done the Government will have been restored to its integrity, the Constitution of the United States will have been re-established in its full supremacy, and the American Union will have again be come what it was designed to be by those who formed it, a sovereign nation, composed of separata States, each like itself, moving in a distinct and independeat sphere, exer cising powers defined and reserved by a common Consti tution, and resting upon the assent, the confidence, and co-operation of all the States and all the people subject to its authority. Thus reorganised and restored to their mpsicsonu constitutionaltricataynndoefantce personal e i l n a t t o i o a n t a h t e e r S n a t a l te s p s and w t i h t e h gae common m r a m l( 0 - 4 n o v p e l r i n r -- m mon rights,intert upon ate e theerd w a h rgem v e e n r t re o form fpo s pu t l h a e r liberty, and the perfection of our Republican institutions may demand. The several Committees appointed by the Chair were then announced. Of the National Union Executive Jej r sey ;and th e mem b ers Com mittee, John T. Crowell, , R New CwrYonweallndSamuel J. and Theo. F. T fo i r id N en e . w F Y or or is k ew ar j e ersey— John T. Randall. The following compose the Resident v Exee ut . l e Com mit.teo at Washington :—Hon. Montgomery Blair of land ; Hon. Charles Mason, of Iowa; Wa r d 11. Lamon, Mary_ the District of Columbia ; John F. Coyle, of th e District of Columbia ; A. E. Perry, of the District of Columbia , &untie! Fowler, of the District of Columbia ; Corn e li us ' Wendell, of the District of Columbia ; Colonel James R. O'Beirne, of the District of Columbia. Hon. iteverdy Johnson was appointed by the Committee to wait on the President. After some further proceedings of an unimportant nature, the President of the Convention then said:— Gentlemen of this Convention,—For the kindness and courtesy by which you have sustained the chair in the efforts to which, by your resolution, you have been pleased to allude, I return you my most sincere thanks. Before putting that motion which shall terminate the pro ceedings of this Convention, I shall ask you once more to join in prayer with the Rev. Mr. Elliott, invoking the benediction of Almighty God, by whose support we are sure of success, but without which we should inevi tably fall. The Rev. Mr. Elliott thereupon made an eloquent prayer. The Chair then, at half-past twelve o'clock, put the question, and announced that the Convention stood ad journed sine die. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. SOUTH YORKSHIRE. The Thorne Extension of the South Yorkshire Railway was inspected on Thursday by one of the inspectors of the Board of Trade, who was accom panied by Mr. J. B. Renton, the secretary, and Mr. Swettenham, the engineer. The line was approved, and the directors have fixed the opening for Sept. 10 next. A new route will be opened by this route, via the Trent and Ancholme Railway, between Liverpool and Manchester and Grimsby, and it will also connect the West Riding line with that port by a junction at Barnby Dun, near Doncaster. MONMOUTHSHIRE< The directors of this company have determined on recommending to the shareholders a dividend at the rate of 6 per cent. per annum with 6f per cent. in the previous and corresponding half-years. The decrease in the dividend is mainly attributable to a large outlay for relaying. BRISTOL AND NORTH SOMERSET. The haly-yearly general meeting of this company was held yesterday at Bristol ; Mr. J. Colthurst in the chair. Mr. J. Bingham, secretary, read the report, which expressed regret that in consequence of the unexampled financial crisis they were seriously hin dered in procuring the funds necessary for proceed ing with the works, and accordingly the contractors, with the consent of the directors, stopped them in the early part of the summer. The directors anti cipate the early resumption of operations, and hoped that the railway might be opened for traffic early in the ensuing summer. Ihe report referred to the working agreement with the Great Western Com pany, by whicl the latter undertake to work the rail way at a favourable proportion of the receipts, to guarantee a fixed sum towards the deben ture interest, and to lay down the nar row gauge over the Wilts, Somerset, and Wey mouth Railway to the south. In consequence of the illness of the accountant of the company the preparation of the accounts had been delayed until too late to enable the auditors to complete their labours in time for the present meeting ; but they would be placed in the hands of the shareholders shortly. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the re port, referred to the agreement made by them with the Great Western Company, and expressed his be lief that it would be beneficial to both parties that the line would be opened early in the summer, and that it would ultimately prove a remunerative un dertaking. Mr. T. SMITH seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously. A resolution was also unanimously passed to in demnify those directors who had incurred liabilities in the construction of the line. The meeting was then made special, to consider the agreement made between the two companies ; and it was unanimously agreed to. A third resolution, authorising the directors to ex ercise borrowing powers, was unanimously agreed to. Thanks to the chairman terminated the proceed ings. EAST SOMERSET. The report states that there has been a steady in crease of the traffic. The gross earnings for the half year ended June 30 last amounted to £3,287, which after deducting the fixed sum of £1,032 applicable for interest on debenture debt and rent charges leaves £1,353, or 60 per cent. of the balance, to the Great Western Company, and £902, or 40 per cent., to this company. The directors recommend that a di vidend be declared on the preference shares at the rate of 3/ per cent. per annum, free of income tax. They anticipate that the receipts of the next half year will entirely extinguish their liabilities, and meantime they propose the continued application of dividends towards such extinguishment,and to credit the account of each preference shareholder with the amount of his dividend, for which a preference share will be issued in his name when the sum so credited shall amount to £lO. The capital account shows a total receipt of £158,004, and a total expenditure of £158,728, leaving a balance of £724 due to bankers. MANCHESTER AND MILFORD. The half-yearly meeting wag held yesterday at. the office, Cannon-row, Westminster ; Mr. J Barrow in the chair. The Secretary read the report, which stated that a further 'portion of the line, about 15 miles, from Lampetcr to Strata Florida, had been opened for passenger traffic i since the last meeting. Arrange ments had been made with the Carmarthen and Cardigan Railway Company for goods and mineral traffic being worked by this company on the narrow gauge on a new line which had been completed from Carmarthen to Pencader Junctions. Great pro gress had been made in the works authorised by the act of 1865, and this part of the line would be so far completed as to allow of the whole line being opened to Aberystwith for goods and mineral traffic at an early period. The CHAIRMAN moved, and Mr. MOON seconded, the adoption of the report, which was agreed to. A resolution was then adopted empowering the directors to raise £15,300, in addition to the pre sent capital of £550,000, by the issue of 1,350 pre ference shares of £lO each, and the proceedings ter minated. BRIDGNORTII AND WOLVERHAMPTON. The first ordinary meeting of this company was held yesterday at the office, Bank-buildings, Loth bury ; Sir J. Acton in the chair. The CHAIRMAN said the directors had no report to present, but he might inform the shareholders that the object of this company to have a line in connection with the :Shropshire system had been accomplished. 'The state of the money market had prevented any progress being made. Things were now taking a turn, and the work would be pro ceeded with. Mr. PIERCY said that this line would form an im portant link in the Welsh railway system and work ing in conjunction with the Cambrian on the south, and the Bracon line on the north, the success of the undertaking was insured. Sir J. Acton, and Messrs. J. Everett, E. Perry, J. W. Johns, Watkins, and H. Gartside were elected directors, and the remuneration was fixed at £750 per annum. The meeting was adjourned to the 26th October, when a report will be presented. WIIITEHAVEN, CLEATOR, AND EGREMONT. The half-yearly meeting was held at Whitehaven on Thursday ; Mr. A. B. Steward in the chair. The report stated that the receipts for the half year had been £20,619 and the working expenses £8,466, being only 41 per cent., inclusive of rates and taxes. There was £9,940 available for dividend, out of which the directors recommended the payment of 10 per cent. The extension from Egremont and Sellafield was passed last session, and the directors had instructed the engineers to proceed at once with the plans. The Marron branch had been opened for traffic during the half-year, from which a favourable return on the capital expended might be expected. The Bigrigg branch had been proceeded with, and the directors expect a remunerative traffic on that branch. The CHAIRMAN moved the adoption of the report, which was agreed to. A dividend at the rate of 10 per cent. less income tax on the capital paid-up to the 30th June last was declared, payable on the 15th September next. Mr. Lindow, Mr. Stirling, and Mr. Dees, the re tiring directors, were re-elected ; and Mr. Jobling auditor. A vote of thanks to the chairman con cluded the proceedings. MERTHYR, TREDEGAR, AND ABERGAVENNY. The 15th half-yearly meeting was held at Aber gavenny on Thursday ; Captain Hill in the chair. The directors' report stated that all points of dif ference with the lessees (the London and North- Western Company) had been settled, and the Bill for merging this company in the London and North- Western had received parliamentary sanction, and took effect on July 1 last. The shares of the Mer thyr, Tredegar, and Abergavenny would shortly be exchanged by the London and North-Western for 5 per cent. perpetual preference stock in that com- Pany. The rent charges for the half-year ending June 30 would be received in a few days, and a dividend was recommended at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum, less income-tax, payable on Sept. 14. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, said this would be their last meeting, and he congratulated the shareholders on having arrived at such an arrangement with the London and North- Western. The report was unanimously adopted, and the dividend, as recommended, declared. A vote of thanks to the chairman brought the proceedings to a close. SPIRIT OF TAE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMES.—There is a touch of Irish humour even in the most desperate proceedings of the American Fenians. Untaught by experience, undismayed by their recent failure, they announce another inva sion in Canada. This new expedition, indeed, they promised at the time of their late repulse, but whereas they also promised entire secrecy in the business, they have been unable to redeem their pledges of discretion. They actually advertised their expedi tion all over the States as " a pic-nic, with military exercises," and the entertainment was to come off at Buffalo last Tuesday week. They even reckoned up their company for the better information of all whom it might concern, and announced that " 10,000 persons were expected to be present." There is, as we have said, something humorous about such a conceit, but the affair has its trouble some aspect also, and we read accordingly that three battalions of Canadian Volunteers, a battery of Artillery, a regiment of the Line, and the body guard of the Governor-General were ordered to the Niagara district to see that the " pic-nic" on the other side of the water went off quietly. " No hostile demonstration," as we hear, was made this time, but reinforcements, partially, at least, armed with breach-loaders, are nevertheless, to be despatched to Canada, in anticipation of more serious proceed ings. This new invasion was threatened before the prorogation of the Canadian Parliament, and measures were taken by the Assembly for the or ganisation of the colonial defences and the security of the menaced frontier. The votes made for these purposes were acknowledged by the Governor- General to be ample, the efficiency of the Volun teers will be promoted by improved armament and equipment, and the patriotism of the force has been encouraged by awards of compensation for losses in the recent raids. It is also especially satis factory to observe that the Colonial Government has now undertakken an obligation which should have been discharged by the late Admiralty, and has placed gunboats upon the lakes and rivers. A good flotilla of these vessels would furnish the colony with the best possible defence on the American frontier, just as the absence of such a squadron would provide an enemy with the greatest oppor tunities of mischief. The Canadians voted upwards of £25,000 for the establishment of this river ' patrol, and four boats, hastily equipped, but manned and armed from the Queen's ships on the station, are already engaged in this protective service. Three gunboats, too, from England have now, we are told, arrived at Kingston ; so that measures which should have been adopted long ago are at last coming into operation. Nobody supposes that the Fenians are going to conquer Canada, but the " senseless movement," as the Address of the Cana dian Parliament termed it, is throwing heavy ex penses on the colony, and making some demands upon the Government at home. The colony is strong enough to give any such brigands a wholesome les son, but the conditions of the conspiracy are such that the trouble may be considerable. Fenianism is now a weed of eight years' growth. The whole of that time has been spent by practised agitators in organising a population instinctively disposed to plots, and in playing upon the confidence of the most credulous race in the world. A secret oath, which it was rather a pleasure to take, and a small subscription which it was not difficult to pay, con stituted all that was demanded of the novices of Fenianism. In return they received assurances of the conquest of Ireland, the humiliation of Eng land, and the triumph of a cause. Nor must it be forgotten that through a considerable portion of this period the Fenian agitation was treated with something more than connivance by a section of Americans who resented our attitude during the Civil War, and who regarded a rupture with this country as no impossible occurrence. The Fenians, in short, were led to expect that the hour was at hand when they might play the part of Confe derates, with Americans for neutrals and English men for enemies. For the disappointment of these calculations we have to thank the loyalty and good faith of President Johnson's Government, bat the movement is still carried ou by the impulse which it then received. Our readers are aware that the Fenians themselves are split into two factions on the question. All are sworn alike to the promotion of that conspiracy which is to subvert not only Go vernment but civilisation in Ireland, and inaugurate murder, confiscation, and pillage instead ; but all are not agreed upon the means most likely to con duce to these ends. Mr. James Stephens, the original " Head Centre" and undoubted chief of the whole conspiracy, maintains that the Irish Go vernment can only be subverted by an insurrection in Ireland, and that an Irish Republic must neces sarily be the fruit of a successful rebellion. This he undertakes, if adequately supported, to organise and conduct, pledging himself to be "fighting British troops in Ireland" before the year is out, if the American Fenians will but obey his instructions and conform to his plans. But this advice is de nounced as impracticable, and even traitorous, by the opposite faction, which, with Roberts for its President and Sweeny for its military chief, advo cates the policy of attacking Canada, and organises the invasion of which we have already had a speci men. The Fenians of this faction have been per suaded to attempt a lodgment on colonial soil, in order that thus, having established a Government on territory in their own occupation, they may be recognised as "belligerents," enjoy the "neutrality" of their neighbours, and despatch Fenian privateers from the provincial ports to prey upon the com merce of Britain. This plan, probably from a com bination of reaso ns , h as found the greatest favour with the conspirators in America. It reproduces with gratifying exactitude the alleged relations of this country and the United States during the civil tear; it is so far practicable that it has been once actually attempted, and, as we now see, is to be attempted again ; and it provides immediate occupation for such disbanded soldiers of the Fede ral and Confederate armies as look back with regret to the trade they have quitted. It might have been expected, perhaps, that the results of the last expe dition would have discouraged the conspirators, but it must be remembered that they have only a choice of difficulties before them. Something or other, either in Ireland or in America, they must needs do, if Fenianism is to be kept alive, and subscriptions are to come in. If they will not follow Stephens, they must follow Roberts, or give up the whole thing together. That the latter course must be adopted sooner or later may be sure enough, but in the meantime, as money is still coming in and leaders are still boastful, the colony is once more put upon its defence. It is a serious infliction upon the Cana dians, but they have entered upon the necessary measures with excellent spirit. TIIE ANGLO - AMERICAN TIMES." -- Lieute nant-General Sir William Mansfield K.C.8., is Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army. This officer is a man of proved ability—not so much as a soldier, as a politician and financier. During the Indian mutiny he served as Lord Clyde's Chief of the Staff, and from his admirable powers of combination, directed with extraordinary success the movements of numerous columns acting hundreds of miles apart, though all working with one object. lie was given the Command-in-Chief at Bombay, where he distinguished himself by able speeches and papers on questions of great financial interest, and was soon recognised in that Presidency as the most able statesman there. From this scene early last year, Sir William being promoted to the Command-in-Chief in India, took up his residence at Simla. This great Himalaya sanitary station is a hot-bed of all the vices of Indian society, without one of the counteracting influences. In Simla are grouped for the greater part of the year the aristo cracy of the services, the wealth of the ruling race on the Bengal side, all those who shirk work, who skirk exposure, who love pleasure, and who have money to spend. The Viceroy with all his court, the Commander-in-Chief with all his staff, Lieute nant-Governors, Generals of Division, Commis sioners, and Brigadiers swell the gay irong with innumerable young officers of both the civil and military services, and all the ladies, with or without their husbands, who can obtain the funds for their six months' sojourn on this fascinatinglieight, backed by its giant chain of mountains covered with eternal snow. A person must have a strong belief in the ex cellence of human nature who imagines that such a society will " bill and coo" in the mountains with the innocence of doves. Billing and cooing there is to any extent ; pecking, backbiting, intrigues, slander, and open war to an equal extent ; and when the multitude get hold of a promising case —as a boy rolls up a snowball, increasing in magnitude as it goes, so grows the scandal, till it rolls into the plaint a perfect avalanche, the noise of which is echoed all over the Empire. A woman is generally the nucleus on which the ball is formed, and a wo man, we believe, was at the bottom of the present case. Captain Jervis had for years, as is usual with one of the aides-de-camp, superintended his Excellency's household affairs, '4lO newspapers have condemned the practice of converting a mili tary officer into a household steward, but they do not understand the system established abroad in the houses of the great public functionaries. In all communities where a group of officers live at a com mon table, one of the members is elected to cater and control the expenditure, and in India part of that duty often consists in managing a mutton and poultry farm, to secure better meat for the table than can be procured at the bazaars. It is usual, in a country where this meat keeps but a very short time, to send round a book, in which certain joints are specified—the surplus open—for the selection of those in whose hands the book is placed. Sir William directed Captain Jervis to form one of these farms, and the " Aide" proceeded in the usual manner. A number of lean sheep are bought from the grazier—folds are erected—a supply of grain laid in, two or three shepherds are engaged, and more lean sheep purchased as the fat ones are con sumed. An average of the expense is struck, and the cost of the animal when fit for table is ascer tained. This is the price charged to those residents to whom the surplus is sold. The aide-de-camp keeps in his Excellency's store pickles, preserves, hams, tongues, &c., which are generally ordered direct from England, together with the wines, which make up a formidable item in the expense of a large In dian establishment—the more so when far up the country, as at Simla. The whole system is familiar to all regimental messes, and it is considered no more degrading to carry out this work for the " Chief" than for one's brother officers. The story which follows is not rightly understood without this pre liminary explanation. It appears Captain Jervis went on a short leave, when his Excellency's Eng lish butler, who probably did not understand the " manners and customs" of India, took advantage of his absence to bring charges of peculation against this officer. These charges were preferred, through Lady Mansfield, and probably an undue influence brought to bear on the Commander in-Chief. The wise, the brilliant, the sedate Sir William seems to have lost his head. The officer was condemned in his absence, and no explanation allowed. He was placed under arrest, refused an interview, Sir William declaring he should not be permitted to come under his roof so long as he laboured under such grave imputations of theft. A Court of Inquiry was ordered, and Captain Jervis directed to appear before it. Enraged, however, at the extraordinary position in which he had been placed, and the powerful combination brought to bear against him, he foolishly refused, and demanded a Court-martial. The tendency of such disputes is to grow, and the case was a charming one for Indian society. All India rushed into the line of battle with a zest which those only can feel who have been subjected to the dull routine of Indian life. The Editors of the Mofussil papers would have paid a handsome sum for such a case. Here was matter for leaders—for letters—for sensational paragraphs. On one side was involved a great and renowned functionary, on the other the honour and rights of a member of a vast body. Was the Com mander-in-Chief to be permitted by his ipse dixit to blacken the fame and ruin the prospects of a British officer, who happened to be servinr , on his staff, because members of his household had taken dislike to the gentleman and intrigued for his ruin ? As the dispute grew in its proportions the princi pals became envenomed. The Chief determined to crush the supposed culprit by the exercise of his official power. The culprit determined to make an example of the Chief by an appeal to the civil aws of the land. A Court-martial was assembled for the trial of Captain Jervis, on various charges of stealing wine, sausages, jam, and pickles ; and, on the other hand, two actions were commenced by Captain Jervis, in the Civil Court, against the Commander-in-Chief—the one for money due to to him, the other for defamation of character. The Court-martial sat at Simla, and the members had the honour of being entertained by Lady Mans field at a dinner party—a curious proceeding, con sidering the circumstances for which they were assembled. Sir William was subjected to a cross examination by counsel, which extended over five days, an ordeal, from which his Excellency enarged with a bad grace. He repeatedly insulted the pri soner, who appealed to the Court for protection, and the Chief had to submit to the humiliation of a strongly implied censure from his own subordinates, sitting in their judicial capacity. The first act of the drama is closed, and we presume the proceed ings have been forwarded for submission to the Queen, through his Royal Highness ;—and the second act will come off at Calcutta. OCCUPATIONS OF EMIGRANTS.-It appears from the official returns that last year 1,856 agricultural labourers, gardeners, carters, &c., emigrated ; of these 235 went to the United States, 51 to British North America, 1,525 to Australasia, and 42 to "all other places." The number of bakers, confectioners, &c., amounted to 339 ; of these 251 settled iu the United States, 21 in British North America, 56 in Australasia, and 2 in " all other places." Blacksmiths and farriers numbered 319 ; of this number 125 went to the United States, 10 to British North America, 180 to Australasia, and 4 to "all other places." Bookbinders and stationers, 27 ; 14 to the United States, 2 to British North America, and 11 to Australasia. Boot and shoemakers, 726-viz., to the before-named places respectively, 418, 135, 152, and 1; braziers, tinsmiths, whitesmiths, etc., 411-375, 13, and 23 ; brick and tile makers, potters, &c., 37-22, 4, and 11; bricklayers, plasterers, masons, slaters, &c., 1,272-956, 67, 245, and 4 ; builders, 126-102, 2, 12, and 10 ; butchers, poulterers, &c., 156 -89, 10, 52, and 5 ; cabinetmakers and upholsterers, 32 -6, 1, and 25; carpenters and joiners, 2,334-1,425, 487, 415, and 7 ; carvers and gliders, 47-38, 1, and 8 ; clerks, 1,619-838, 422, 196, and 163 ; clock and watchmakers, 152-88, 55, 10, and 2 ; coachinakers and trimmers, 19-viz., 6 to the United States and 13 to Australasia; coal miners, 484-455, 26, and 3 ; coopers, 183-147, 24, 11, and 1; cutlers, 60, auto the United States; domestic servants, 232-111, 24, 63, and 34; dyers, 52 -47, 1,3, and 1; engine-drivers, stokers, &c., 41-21, 3, 11, and 6 ; engineers, 339-207, 28, 67, and 37 ; engravers, 27-25, 1, and 1; farmers, 6,334-4,460, 1,073, 669, and 132 ; gen tlemen, professional men, merchants, &c., 6,195-2,960, 1,157, 1,258, and 820; jewellers and silversmiths, 79-72, 3,3, and 1; labourers, general, 53,966-41,994, 3,449, 8,287, and 236 ; locksmiths, gunsmiths, &c., 15-10 to the United States, 1 to British North America, 4 to Australasia, and to "all other places" 1 ; millers, rnaltsters, &c., 116-89, 8, and 19 ; millwrights, 51-46, 1, and 4; miners and quarry men, 5,643 - 3,962, 771, 821, and 80 ; painters, paperhangers, plumbers, and glaziers, 440 -338, 37, 64, and 1; pen sioners, 11- 5, 1 and 5 ;, printers, 164-119, 18, 21, and 3 ; ropemakers, 6-viz., to the United States 3, and to British North America 3 ; saddlers and harness-makers, 73, 51, 3, and 19 ; sailmakers, 6-3 to the United States and 3 to Aus tralasia; sawyers, 70-14, 8, and 48; seamen, 356-214, 91, 43, and 8; shipwrights, 36-9, 6, 18, and 3; shop keepers, shopmen, &c., 532-304, 72, 114, and 42 ; smiths, general, 903-778, 31, 92, and 2 ; spinners and weavers, 764-666, 79, and 19 ; sugar-bakers, boilers, &c., 49-viz., 46 to the United States, 2 to Australasia, and 1 to "all other places ;" surveyors, 13-3, 1,8,1 ; tailors, 2,619- 2,037, 525, 51, and 3 ; tallow-chandlers and soap-makers, 1 -viz., to Australasia: tanners and curriers, 55, 22, 4, 17, and 2 ; turners, 39-36, 2, and 1; wheelwrights, 51-12, 1, and 38 ; woolcombers and sorters, 4-viz., 2 to the United States and 2to Australasia. Trades and professions not before specified, 4,322-2,734, 611, 908, and 69. Not distinguished, 9,725,-viz., 4,493 to the United States, 421 to British North America, 2,149 to Austra lasia, and 2,662 to " all other places." As regards the other six, 9,900 were returned last year as domestic and farm servants, nurses, &e. ; of this number 5,459 emigrated to the United States, 198 to British North America, 4,057 to Australasia, and 186 to " all other places;" 784 were returned as gentlewomen and governesses, viz., to the before-named places respectively, 369, - 138, 197, and 80. Milliners, dress makers, and needlowomen numbered 919,-810, 15, 91, and 3; married women, 23,959,-15,725, 1984, 5,179, and 1,071. Shop - women, 9,-viz., to the United States, none to British North America, 3 to Austrlasia, and 1 to "all other places." Trades and professions not before specified, 72,--50, 3, and 19. Not distinguished, 27,021,-21,608, -1,863, 2,880, and 670. The number of boys under 12 taken abroad last year was 15,719,-viz., to the United States, 11,009, to British North America, 1,285 to Austra lasia, 3,054, and to "all other places," 371. The number of girls was 14,307-viz., to the before-named places re spectively, 10,084, 1,055, 2,814, and 354; male infants, 4,036, 3,048, 321, 598, and 69 ; female infants, 3,836, 2,847, 338, 604, and 47. The number of male chil dren not distinguished as to age was 3,664, of this number 2,866 were taken to the Unaited States, 177 to British North America, none to Australasia, and 621 to "all other places." The number of female children not distinguished as to ago was 2,066, 1,825 were taken to the United States, 50 to British North America, and 181 to "all other places." The total emigration was 209,801 -viz., to the United States, 147,258 ; to British North America, 17,211; to Australasia, 37,283; and to "all other places," 8,049 ; 61,345 were English, 12,870 Scotch, 100,676 Irish, 28,619 foreigners, and 6,291 not distin guished. The Irish emigrants formed 47.91 per cent. of the whole emigration, and 55.74 per cent. of the emigrants who went to the 'United States. There were among the Irish who went to the United States 31,943 single men, being in the proportion of 38 . 9 to the whole Irish emigra tion. ANOTHER SIIOCKING CASE OF CHILD-WHIPPING. —The Oswego Times reports the brutal whipping of a lad about 12 years of uge by his father, a man named Euphra tes Lake of that city. Lake is a Seventh-day Baptist, and whipped his son in a shocking manner because ho did not want to work on Sunday, when told to do so by his father. It is said that a short time ago the same man turned out of doors his daughter, 15 years old, because she would not work on Sunday. Adah Isaae - s Menken is playing at Nashville, Tennessee, • Billiaids in America. Last Friday evening Pierre Carme gave a second Oh l " bition of billiards at his rooms on Broadway and Twenty" second-street, the first having been given two weeks pre viously. The attendance was very large, numbering not less than four hundred of the leading amateur and prof° . sional players of the city, and the entertainment ono oi 4 lle finest ever vouchsafed the lovers of artistic billiards. It had been expected that Michael Phelan and John 'McDe vitt would likewise exhibit their surpassing skill in hand ling the cue ; but the former had to leave town in tbe afternoon, and McDevitt, though present early in the o ven ‘ ing, did not play. Hence the labours and honours of th e exhibition fell to Carmo himself and young JohnW. Nleet gomery, of the Eclectic Billiard Room, Third Avenue. ' The entertainment opened with a game between Calve and Montgomery, which the former won in about forti minutes. Such playing as that done by Carme during thl forty minutes was never seen before, and probably never be seen again. In six innings, and while Moutg°- mery scored nine points only, Carmo made nearly se ven hundred, averaging 106 points to the inning. His best "runs" were 133 and 434. This playing was done eu second-size carom table, it is true ; but the performa nce i will lose nothing of its merit, especially in the naiu ds experts, when it is known that the incomparably service': able pushing shot was ignored altogether, and also that the balls were never " crotched"—i.e., wedged in a corner of a table. In the course of his run of 434, which is t h l largest ever made in public by strictly legitimate or ow questionably skilful means, the player had to make a bout a dozen masse shots. At the conclusion of the game, Carme transferred hii/ field of operations to a full-sized carom table, upon which he executed a variety of his fancy strokes, such as juraP i l the cue-ball over another ball and causing it to returu eu effect a carom without the aid of the cushion ; making„6 carom by sending the cue-ball around a hat; caroming ' 4 jumping into, upon, and over the hat ; caroming upo° ball hold between the fingers of an assistant and O r :: three, or four feet above the table ; caroming upon hal'. placed on top of champagne bottles without breaking , t 1 1: latter; playing from one table, and by first sending t" ball through two hoops crossed, and then through a C t . ens balloon, effecting a carom by causing the cue-bal l "- take four cushions upon an adjoining table, &c. °xi eluding stroke was far the most intricate and marvellous of all ; and if it had been necessary to convince the audience that Carmo is a thorough master of his art, and has lo° ll of billiards at his finger-ends than any other expert i n tb. States, if not in the world, the proof was ample in the Al which closed this portion of the entertainment. Pl a , ij3 ,,! nine flag-bearing bottles at as many - different points 0 ' table, he propels one after the other with the utroos' rapidity six balls around the table with such nicety Of ford r and direction as to commingle them in a specified oorilj.o and within a marked radius of nine inches. While ti'l stroke is being developed the six balls are in motion , s°n/e of them taking five, some six, and one seven CUSbiascl and though they pass, repass, go between, ground's dangerously near the bottles, it is seldom that one is etr 13 ~ and none have yet been broken. From the fact a bottles being dressed off with petite American ileg s 'f i ce balls used being of the national colours, Carme has 1111 D, rously designated this six-movement stroke 16 The '- White, and Blue, or Yankee Doodle Shot." with, These fantastic strokes having been gone throug h the second-sized table was again brought into requi' i n, and Messrs. Game and Montgomery played the co nciu 3 ing, game, 150 points up, push-shot barred. Came ssr° , ti , easily, Montgomery making but 41 points.--/Viikei A e York Spirit of the Times. COUNTRY MARKETS. - WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. d ot New wheat rather lower than on Friday last, bu t depressed as on Tuesday. Old unaltered. No cbtag other articles. N.—FuwAv. Our market to-day wa LINCO s L well supplied with wheat , i ds cipally of the new crop, prices for which must be ( lu° ~oar, shade lower. The quality of new barley was irre...,5•0 prices consequently varied. Other kinds of g"„ middling show, and quite as easy to purchase as °- previous week. er 96 New white wheat, 49s to 53s ; new red, 45s to 48s . r ai d, stone. Barley for malting, 36s to 41s per qr ; gritos to 33s to 35s per 30 stone. Oats, 29s to 335. Beans, 53s per 38 stone. LIVERPOOL.—FRIDAY. gia We had a fair attendance at our market to-c 13 .7' g af wheat met a fair demand at Tuesday's rates. Flour 6te da ii, Indian corn in good request at previous rates. OW Oatmeal unchanged. Beans steady. DERBY—FRIDAY. A tolerable supply of wheat, which met with a re' maud for good old sorts. Grinding barley was ill l / 01 0j quest at extreme quotations. A middling supply °' or° old sorts were unchanged in value, new had doviu tendency. Beans a heavy trade. New white wheat, 50s to 54s ; old red, 45s to 49 5 stone. Barley for malting, —s to —s per qr. ; gr in '; to 28s to 31s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 278 to 29s ; old, '; ‘ ,48 3 32s per 24 stone. Beaus, old, 50s to 535; new, 465 per 38 stone. ST AMF ORD —FRIDAY. t he With a fair supply wheat sold at downward rates , / .r o t demand being limited. Barley a tolerable show. s that many oats on offer. Beans a hen t ra d e . The crop s have been secured are of good quality. Wheat will b, 6 average yield. - New white wheat, 48s to 52s ; red do., 46s to 5 25 T„, ' 5 05 stone. Barley, malting, 36s to 40s • griding, 2 7 5, . tO ll O per qr. Oats, new, 24s to 28s ; old, 28s to 32s per 2 ' " Beans, 48s to 50s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. BRISTOL SUGAR.—FRIDAY. S hy The demand for sugar is steady, and a fair busitlie.sts,to been done at full prices. Refined goods of fine clu 3 ' i doilit about 6d per cwt. lower. Rum—There is but little Prices unaltered. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. 0. s. d. 20 0 Walls End Hetton 2l 6 Kelloe .................. 21 6 Eden Main South Hetton .13.raddyell's Hetton 2O 6 Ships at market, 36—sold, 35. Foreign Mail Packet List. .t-- MAILS DUE. t. Is' Amstralia and New Zealand, via Southampton..• - •S eP t, 1 Set ) 3. Ditto, via Marseilles Brazil and Cape Veld& by British packet ......... • Sei Sept 0' .1. Ditto, by French packet eP t ' ,-, Cape of Good Elope, Ascension, and St. Helena— - ni t. "., China. Penang, and Singapore, via Sou, hampton.. ser e r ~ 1 4 ' Ditto, via Marseilles Faikland Islands Sept. 1 • Gibraltar, via Southamptonn Setlndia (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... . I ,i • Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Se pt,6 . Ditto, via Marseilles .. . Malta, Egypt, and Aden, v i a S o uthampton ........ Se pt. s p ; 3 et. 1i ; Ditto, via Marseilles SeP t. II Mauritius, via Southampton ..5e1 ) • 11. Ditto, via Marseilles .......... . e IA ... sl , Newfoundland • •. . .... . se pt , Portugal . ..... • '• • Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... ........... • United States and British North America, bYnr i- ce pt. 6 ' tish packet •... • Ditto, by United States packet, via Southanir ton . .......... .................. 1 . • Ditto, via Cork Sell - 0, Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry • ept, West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriife .. •• 5 West Indies and Pacific) (except Bahamas an d gept., 4. Honduras) Cuba and Motico Bermuda, via Halifax Bahamas, via New York. .. . ......................... ...• ••• p t ce4i , Ltiv- The American Government is receiving ""iAr of to f rable applications from antiquarians, 3cc., in 31 0 .' 0 0 611' the world, desiring to obtain specimens of the 11r, rency notes which it has issued during the la irti ,7 Births. . r d - h a' Bollix.— On the 30th ult ,at Broomfields, Drix ti°r 40' .7 the wife of Jas. 11. Bovill, Esq., of a son. laCe' HAW/C.6IIAV' —On the 30th ult., at 45, Ea tonl 0. John C. flawkshaw, of a daughter. n f J. o f L UTLEY—On the 30th ult., at Oxford, the Wif° "Dv°, Lutley, Esq., of Brockhampton, Herefords to daughter. 100 .64 1 0 0 STEVENSON—On the 31st ult , at 62, Clevec.pa Hyde-park, the wife of N. Stevenson Esq.' °"-- Marriages. , g iti 1 l l e e i . EDWARDS—SKEEN -On the 30th ult., at Su' t ,:e • - A/ 4 Bayswater, Charles Stuart, youngest son of j oy S. Edwards, Esq., of Stanton Lacy, Sa101 ) , , t° of A Amelia, daughter of the late R. M. Skeen, i''•" ell' deep. Clili of POPIIAM—GIBSON—On the 29th ult., at 'f the gory O l rb i Christchurch, Hants, Harcourt F. P. POP"V'Acirek Stourfield, Hants, only surviving son of the ifl is , lo Pc:pham, to Annie Kate Gibs* only child 01 ' Gibson, Esq., of Greenhithe, Kent. IP Deaths. ilO FRIEND—On the 29th alt., at 13, Pier rfotel, Ws l:43 t eft Win. Friend, aged 57. „ A v Ng. P 0 FORSTER—On the 80th alt. at St Ewell, Su..--.? 0 1 Esq., late of the Mauritius, aged 73. • ..., 1 aaitil 1 GAIN—On the 29th ult., at Port sea, Bdsvt"- 0..,„5' ‘r aged 84. KING- On the 25th ult., at Margate, Mr. Chst 3 . ii vei Sheffield-gardens, Kensington, aged 0.." DtoO r LAW—On the 25th ult., at King Cliffe, ril e dt F. Law, Esq., aged 83. , I •criore - Ptc ie " MANNING—On the 29th inst., at 44, Phi.ti' - ,... , 0 A - Kensington, James Mannng, her MaP s ' i oft . aec to 0 1 Sergeant-at-law, aged 85. del P - 0 - WooLsouom—On the 29th inst., at Northendideae° the Ven. Edward Woolnough, M.A.I A l 4 Chester. _„..--,411. ..... --../- 910'11 1. _ ehi .It-' .- 00. 'Ol London : Printed and Published by WILI,- fro , d of No. 112, Strand, Painter . at Tits 8 05 _ ° 41 , 0 C4: O Strand, in th e Ptudnat of the Savoy. fa '" Northav4 rile itUddlegf.s.-§Aturday, September i s IVO. Ari t Fil RIN Ce This Pri It sorrels p, 60i no. Sold in b 3. th e Ai Wholesale 8, °R E " °bser ve Xi 4lrri 14Pr , htri s !te a ° mPt oi l apt %f t — -111— H):ole..a°.:11t:Pu:11 This 1411 t 5 4116 ' —gar. Con t TAE pirrtt; D it)4y, the 1, 1.411i ng to — b er 14„ jes1 ' e L . - i °, lB the ; litre of thi Ace° otateford Are Sk O RD toesj e f P ndo Ull .11, par, h 1, 1 , 11; or tr 4 I t 'Lriuk p:_krent , th e Tons rrta y i 'sPec "'"Pt the e ° IN 1.,4 t , Co A Hi 04 1, 11 an u 111,„7 Will I b, to Co, Z oc kvard m af t att.rnil 1 0 pAtio n 40' of to D 'ins of 'bart rne , tr,f t ,lyer t d h l 1 4 1 1 17 , Ac,,, lre ,rY T 'Palty h.7 11 ,,,der lio u 'ent ( D i er ß ;? l , , ac< ° lltra ct. I Cox