The Sun. — London, England, 1865-07-25 00:00:00

THE NSW HOUSE OP COMMONS. The elections being now completed, we publish a List of the Members returned to the New Parlia ment. Members. L. C. ... ... Col 0. Lindsay ... ... 0 1 ... ... Hon D. Fortescue ... 1 0 Mr W. Humphrey ... 0 1 Anglesea ... .., Sir R. Bulkeley ... 1 0 Arundel ... ... Lord E. Howard' s ' . ... 1 0 Ashburton ... ... Mr Jardine ... ... 1 0 Ashton-under-Lynn ~. Mr Milner Gibson ... 1 0 Aylesbury ... Mr S. G. Smith ... 0 1 Mr. N. M. Rothschild ... 1 0 ... Mr Samuelson ... 1 0 Sir G. Stucley ... 0 1 Mr T. Cave ... ... 1 0 .. 1 0 Places. Abingdon Andover Banbury ... narnstaplo .., Mr Tito Col Hogg 0 1 Mr. W. O. Stanley ... 1 0 Mr Whitbread ... 1 0 Col Stuart ... 0 1 ▪ Mr IL Russell ... 1 0 Col Gilpin ... 0 1 • Mr R. Benyou 0 1 Sir C. Russell ... 1 Col Loyd Lindsay 1 ...Mr Marjoribanks ... 1 0 Mr A. Mitchell ... ... Col Edwards 0 1 Mr C. Sykes 0 1 ...Sir T. E. Winnington 1 0 ...Mr Laird 0 1 • Mr Bright 1 0 Mr Scholefield • Mr Hornby Mr Fielden Beanmaris ..• Bodford • .• Bedfordshire ... Berkshire Berwick Beverley Bowdley • •1 Birkenhead .Birmingham Blackburn ... 1 ... ... 0 ... ~. 0 ... Mr L. Gower Mr Wyld Capt Gray Mr T. Barnes . ... Mr Malcolm Mr Parry... ... Mr Wickham ... Mr W. E. Forster Col Watkins ... ... Major Morgan ... Mr A. Kinglake Mr Westropp ... Mr Whitmore ... Mr Pritchard ... ... Mr T. A. Mitchell Mr. K. Hodgson ... Mr J. White Mr H. Fawcett ... Mr IL Berkeley Sir S. M. Pete ... Sir H. Verney Mr Hubbard ... Mr Disraeli Mr Dn Pre... ... Mr Harvey Bury ••• ... Mr R. Phillips Bury St. Edmunds ... Mr Hardcastle Mr Green ... Bodmin 1. ... ...• 1 ... 1 ... 1 1 ... .• 1 Bolton Bogton Bradford Brecknock ~. Brecknockshire Bridgwater ... Bridgnorth ... Bridport Brighton Bristol Buckingham Buckingharnshire Caine ... Cambridge ... Mr Lowe Mr Forsyth ... Mr F. S. Powell Lord Royston ... Lord G. Manners Mr Young •.• Mr Walpole ... Mr Selwyn ... Mr B. Johnstone Mr Huddlestono . Col Stuart Capt Pryso ~ Sir T. Lloyd ... ~ Mr W. N. Hodgson Mr E. Potter ... ~ Mr W. Morris ... ~ Mr D. Jones Mr D. Pugh ... Mr W. B. Hughes . Colonel Pennant ... . Mr Otway ••• . Mr Schreiber ... ~ Mr G. C. Legh Mr W. Egerton ... Sir P. Egerton Mr Tolleinache ~ Earl Grosvenor ... Mr W. H. Gladstone Lord 11. Lennox Mr J. A. Smith .. Mr Goidney Sir J. Neold .. Admiral Walcott .. Mr. A. Bathurst Hon R. Dutton ... • Mr Fort Mr Steel Lord Naas ..• Mr G. Rebow Mr. J. I'. Miller Mr T. Robartos Mr Kendall ... .. Mr St. Aubyn Air Davey Mr Treherno Mr Eaton .. Mr A. Goddard ... Mr Gooch .. Mr C. Howard ... Mr W. Marshall ... . Capt. Lowther ... Mr P. Windham . Mr J. Hardy ... . Mr T. Mainwaring ~ Mr R. M. Biddulph Sir W. W. Wynn ~. Mr M. T. Bass ... Mr W. T. Cox ... Lord G. Cavendish Mr Jackson .. Mr 'U W. Evans Mr Colville ... .. Sir T. 11.1teson Mr Darby Griffith ~. Mr. Ferranti Mr Fleming • Mr C. 11. frefitsis Mr T. D. Arland Sir L. Palk Mr Kekerrielt • Mr lt. B. Sheridan Col Stint ••• Mr W. 11. Portman Mr G. Start ... Mr. Flower ..• ~. Mr Freslifield 7... Major Dickson ... .. Sir J. Pakington .. Mr IL B. Sheridan .. Mr J. Henderson Mr Mowbray ~ Sir H. Williamson Mr R. D. Shafto ~ Mr Pease ..• Capt Surtoos Sir P. Western ... Mr Du Cane ... ~ Lord E. Cecil ... Mr H. J. Selwyn .. Captain Bourne ... Mr Holland ... Mr J. Coleridgo Lord Courtenay Sir E. Kerrison ~. Mr T. G. Baring Mr S. Gurney Mr Torrens Mr Alderman Lusk ~. Sir J. Hamner .. Lord R. Grosvenor .. Sir R. Rawlinson ~. Mr llutt Mr C. R. Talbot ... 1 Mr H. Vivian 1 Mr W. Price 1 Mr Monk ... 1 Sir 11. M. Beach Mr Holford Col Kingscote 1 Mr Bolt ~. Mr W. E. Welby 0 Mr 11. Thorold ... 0 Sir C. A .. lderman Saloinons.. 1 Bright .. 1 Mr }lidos ... 1 Mr G. Onslow 1 Mr Bovill „. Mr Stansfeld 1 Mr Akroyd 1 .. Mr Sclater-Booth •.. 0 Mr W. M. Beach ... 0 Sir J. C. Jervoise ... 1 Col Fane .. Captain Jervis ... 0 1 Mr Kelk 0 1 ~ Mr Waldegrave Leslie 1 0 Mr Robertson ... 0 1 ~ Mr Scourfield 0 1 ~ Mr Young ... 1 0 Mr Baggallay 0 1 Mr G. Clive • ... 1 0 Mr M. Biddulph 1 0 Mr J. K. King ... 0 1 Sir J. Bailey ... 0 1 ~ Hon W. Cowper 1 0 Sir M. Farquhar ... U 1 .. Hon. H. Cowper 1 0 Sir E. B. Lytton ... 0 1 Mr H. Surtees 0 1 .. Mr A. B. Cochrane 0 1 Mr F. D. Goldsmid 1 0 Mr Hurst „.. 1 0 ... Mr Crossla nd 1 0 „„. ... Mr Cl ay 1 0 Mr. Norwood 1 0 ... Gen. P ee l Mr T. Baring 11. ... 0 1 ... Mr Fellowes -• 0 1 ••• 0 Lord R. Monta gu 0 Baron M. Rothschild 0 lkfr H. E. Adair 1 Mr Cobbold - o 7 Mr G. C. Glyn ... 1 o Sir E. Dering 1 0 Sir B. Bridges 0, 1 0 1 .. Lord Holmesclal e ... Mr Hart Dyke ... 1 . . .Mr A. Grant ••• ••• u . Mr B. Woorld . 0 1 Mr Holden 1 0 . Mr T. Hughes •1 0 Mr Doulton . Mr E. Fenwick u Mr Schneider 1 0 Marquis of Harlington ... 1 0 Col W. Patten 0 1 .MrW. E. Gladstone ... 1 0 Mr A. Egerton ... 0 1 Mr C. Turner 0 1 .Mr A. Campbell 0 1 .Mr Beecroft 0 1 Mr Baines 1 0 .Mr Barris 0 1 Mr P. A. Taylor . Lord J. Manners Mr. Hartopp ••• . Mr C. Packe •.. Lord Curzon . Mr G. Hardy Mr Walsh Lord Pelham Mr Brand ••• Hon. Major Anson Colonel Dyott Mr Seely... Mr Heneag,e ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1) 1 ... I 0 ...0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 Cambridgeshire Cimbridge University Canterbury ... Cardiff ••• .01 Cardigan (district) Cardiganshire .. Carlisle ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 Carmarthen district ... Carmart henshire .., ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 4) 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 .- 1 0 ."0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 4) 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 Carnarvon Carnarvonshire Chatham ... Cheltenham ... Cheshire, North Cheshire, South Chester Chichester ... Chippenham ... Christchurch Cirencester ... Clitheroo Cockerniouth Colchester ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 Cornwall, East Cornwall, West ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 Coventry Cricklade ... 0 1 ... 0 1 Cumberland, East ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 • 0 1 • o 1 ... 0 1 • t o ... 0 1 ... 1. • o ▪ o ... ▪ 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 • 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 Cumberland, West .. Dartmouth Denbigh Denbighshh a Derby Derbyshire, North Dcrhyshire, South Devizes Dt,vonport Dovomihire, North • Do vonA i er, South Dorchester Dorsetshiro Dover Droitwich Dudl©y Durham Durham, North Durham, South Essex, North E3sex, South Evesham Exeter ... Eyo Falmouth Finsbury Flint 000 Flintshiro ~. Front@ ... Gateshead ... Glaniorganshire Glomster Glocest'3rshire, East Gloccstorshire, West . Grantham Greenwich ... Grimsby Guildford Halifax Hampshire, North . Hampshire, South liar wich Hastings liaverfordwest.. Holston° .. Hereford .. Herefordshire Iturtford Hertfordshire Honiton Horsham ~, lluddorsfield Hull IfUllt ingdon ... Huntingdonshire Hythe Ipswich Kendal Kent, East Kent, West, ... Kidderminster . Knaresborough Lambeth Lancaster Lancashire, North Lancashire, South .. Launceston Leed3 L , Acester Leicestershire, North— ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 Leicestershire, Beath. Leominster ... ... 0 1 ... 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 U Lewes Lichfield Lincoln Bath Places. Members. L. Lincolnshire, North ~. Sir M. Cholmcley .„ 1 Mr J. B. Stanhope ... 0 Li nco lnshire, South „. Sir J. Trollop° Colonel Packe 0 Liskeard ... Sir A. Buller ~. ~. 1 Liverpool Mr T. B. Horsfall 0 Mr S. Greayes 0 London ... Mr Crawford ... 1 Baron L. Rothschild 1 Mr Goschen Mr Alderman Lawrence 1 ... Hon. Capt. Clive ... ... 0 Mr Seyerne 0 ... Mr Treeby 0 ... Mr W. Mackinnon, jun.... 1 Lord G. Lennox ~. 0 ... Lord Stanley ... 0 Sir P. Buxton ... 1 ... Mr Brocklehurst ... 1 Mr E. C. Egerton 0 ... Mr. W. Leo 1 Ludlow 111. Lyme Regis Lymington Lynn Regis Macclesfield Maidstone Maldon ... ... Mr Whatman ... Mr Peacocke Mal mesbury Malton Mr Earle ... Lord Andover ... ... Hon C. Fitzwilliani Manchester ... Marlborough Marlow ... Mr J. Brown ... ... Mr Bazley... ... Mr E. James ... ... Lord E. Bruce ... Mr IL B. Baring ... Col P. Williams Col Knox ••• Merionethshire ... Mr W. W. Wynne Marylebone Mr H. Lewis ... Mr T. Chambers Merthyr Tydvil Mr H. A. Bruce Middlesex ... ... Lord Enfield Mr Hanbury Midhurst Mr Mitford Monmouth ." ... Mr C. Bailey ... Monmouthshire ~. Col Somerset ... Mr C. A. Morgan Montgomery ... Mr C. H. Tracey Montgomeryshire ... Mr C. W. Wynne Morpeth Sir G. Grey Newark Mr Hodgkinson Lord A. Clinton Newcastle-on-Tyne ... Mr Headlam Mr Cowen ... Newcastle-under-Lyme Mr Allen ••• Mr Buckley Newport, Isle of Wight Mr C. W. Martin Mr R. W. Kennard Norfolk, East ... Mr Howes ••• Mr Read ... Norfolk, West ... Mr Baggo ••• Hon T. De Grey Northallertnn Mr 0. H. Mills ... Northampton ... ... Lord Henley ... Mr Gilpin ..„ Northamptonshire, N... Lord Burghley ... Mr W. Hunt Northamptonshire, 5.... Sir R. Knightley Ce' Cartwright Northumberland, N. Lord H. Percy Sir M. W. Ridley Northumberland, S. ... Mr W. B. Beaumont Mr H. Liddell ... Norwich ~. Mr Warner ... Sir W. Russell ... Nottingham ... Mr S. Morley ... Sir R. Clifton Nottinghamshire, N. Lord R. Clinton Mr J. E. Denison Nottinghamshire, S. ... Mr Barrow Lord Stanhope ,„ Oldham Mr 'fibbed ... Mr Platt •.. ... Mr Cardwell •.• ... 1 ... o ... o ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... I ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... o Oxford Mr Neste .., Oxfordshiro Mr Henley ~, Col Fano ... Col North .., ... Sir W. Heatheote Mr G. Hardy ... Sir IL Owen ... Mr G. L. Phillips • Mr Whalley Mr T. Hankey ... Sir W. Jolliffe ... Sir It. P. Collier Mr Morrison ... Mr Childers Mr Waterhouse • Mr 11. D. Seymour Mr Waring ••• ▪ Sergeant Gaselee Oxford University Pembroke... ... Pembrokeshire Poterborough ... Peters&ld ... Plymouth ... Pontefract Poole ... Portsmouth ... Mr Stone ... Sir T. Ifesketh Preston ... ... Radnor District Radnorshire ... Reading ~. lion. C. Stanley ... Mr R. G. Price ... ... Sir J. Walsh Sir F. Goldsmid ... 1 ... o ... 1 ... o ... o ... 1 ... 0 ... i. Mr S. Lefevre 1 Reigate G. L. Gower ... ... 1 Bettor(' East ... Lord Gahm , 0 Mr Foljambe ... 1 Richmond ... Sir R. Palmer ... 1 Hon J. C. Dundas, ... 1 Ripon ... ... Sir C. Wood ... 1 Captain Kearsey 1 Rochdale ... Mr T. B. Potter •.. 1 Rochester ... Mr W. Martin Sergeant Kinglako 1 Rutlindshire ... Hon G. H. Heathcote ... 1 Hon G. J. Noel ... 0 Rye ... Mackinnon, sen. ... 1 Sllford Mr Cheetham 1 Salisbury ... Mr Marsh 1 ••• ••• Mr Hamilton 1 Sandwich ... ... Lord C. Paget 1 Mr Knatchbull-Hugesson 1 Scarborough ... Sir J. Johnston© ... 1 Mr Dent .., • ... 1 Shaftesbury ... —. Mr G. Glyn ... Sheffield Mr Roebuck Mr Hadfield ... 1 Shoreham ... ... Mr S. Cave 0 Sir P. Burrell 0 Shrewsbury ... ... Mr Towline Shropshire, North Shropshire, South Mr Clement 111ajny Cust Mr O. Gore ... Mr More . _ Col Ilerbc.rt 0 Somersetshire, East ... Mr N. Grenville 0 Mr R. Paget ... 0 Somersetshire, Vest Sir A. Hood ... 0 Mr. G. Langton ... 0 Southampton ... Mr IL Gurney ... 0 Mr Moffatt... ... 1 South Shields ... Mr Ingham 1 Southwark ... Mr Lock Mr Layard Stafford... ... Mr M. A. Bass ... 1 Captain Miller ... 0 Staffordshire, North Mr E. Buller 1 Mr Adderley 0 Staffordshire, South ... Mr W. H. Foley ... 1 Mr W. 0. Foster 1 Stamford ... Lord Cranbourne Sir S. Northcote ... 0 St. Ives... ... Mr Paull 0 Stockport ... Mr J. B. Smith ... 1 Mr Watkin 1 Stoke-upon-Trent Mr 11. Grenfell 1 Mr Beresford Hopo ... 0 Stroud ... Mr Horsman ... 1 Suffolk, East ... Suffolk, West... Sunderland ... Surrey, East ... Surrey, West Sussex, East ... Sussex, West ... Swansea ... Tamworth ... Mr G. P. Scrope... Sir F. Kelly Lord Henniker Lord A. Harvey Major Parker ... Mr H. Fenwick Taunton ... Tavistock ... Mr Hartley ... ... Mr Locke King ... Mr C. Buxton ... ... Mr Briscoe ... Tewkesbu ry ... Thetford ... Thirsk ... ... Tiverton ... Mr Cubitt II" ... Mr Dodson ... Lord E. Cavendish ... Col Badellot ... Capt Windham ... ... Mr Dillwyn ... ... Sir It. Peel ... Mr J. Peel ::; ... Mr C. Barclay ... Lord W. Hay . Mr A. Russell ... 1 ... 0 ... 0 ... 0 ... 0 ... 1 ... o ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... o ... 1 ... 1 ... o ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... i. Mr Samuda • Mr Dowdeswell Mr Yorke ... • Mr A. 11. Baring.,. Mr R. Harvey ▪ Sir W. Gallwey „.. Lord Palmerston Mr Walrond Totnes ... Mr A. Seymour ... Mr Fender... ... Tower Hamlets ... Mr Butler ... Mr Ayrton ~. Truro Capt Vivian Mr F. Williams Tynemouth Mr G. Trevelyan... Wakefield ... Mr W. Leatham Wallingford ... Sir C. W. Mike Mr C. Foster ... Wareham ... Mr Caleraft Warrington ... Mr Greonall Warwick ... Mr A. W. Peel Mr Itepton ••• Warwickshire, North... Mr Newdegate Mr D. Bromley Warwickshire, South... Sir C. Mordant Mr Wise Wells ... Sir W. Hayter Mr IL W. Jolliffe Wenlock ... Hon. G. Forster Mr Gaskell Westbury Sir M. Lopez Westminster Capt Grosvenor Mr J. S. Mill Westmoreland Hon 11. Lowther Earl of Bective Weymouth ... ... Mr Brooks •" Mr Gridley ••• Whitby ... Mr Bagnall Whitehavon Mr G. C. Bentinck Wigan Mr Woods ••• Gen. Lindsay ... Wight, Isle o f ... Sir J. Simeon ... Wiltshire, South Wilton Mr Antrobus Mr A Lord H. Thynne Wilton : r ;: r . o ß v . e r_larter . a Winchester ntrobus .L!!. 1 2 _ boucher, Windsor ... iannon ... ... 1 ... o ... o ... 0 ... o ... o ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... o Sir 11. Hoare :o •.• ••• *• 1 Wolverhampton ... 3,1 r C. P. Villiers ••• ••• Mr Weguelin ••• 1 Woodstock Mr Barnett - '" -; Worcester ... Mr Sheriff •••• 1 Mr Padinora Worcestershire, East ... Hon F. Caltliorpe Mr 11. Vernon Worcestershire, West... Iron F. Lygon 0 Mr Knight Wycombe ... Mr J. 11. Mills ••• ... 1 lion U. Carrington Yarmouth Sir E. Lacon 0 Mr Goodson ..• 0 York ... Mr Lowther ••• ... 0 Mr Leeman ..• 1 Yorkshire, East Riding Lord Hotham 0 Iron A. Duncombe 0 Yorkshire, N. Riding... Mr F. A. Milbanko 0 Iron W. E. Duncombe 0 Yc=shiro,N.W. Riding Sir F. Crossley ... ••• 1 Lord F. Cavendish ... 1 Yorkshire, S.W. Riding Lord Milton 1 Mr H. F. Beaumont ~, 1 ... 1 ... 1 THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1865. IRELAND. Places. Antrim county Members. • Mr O'Neill Mr Seymour ▪ Mr Miller ... Sir W. Verner 0 1 Sir J. Strong° 0 1 ... Mr Reardon 1 0 ... Hon H. Bernard 0 1 ... Sir H. Cairns ... 0 1 Mr Getty ... 0 1 ... Mr O. Stock ... 1 0 ... Mr Bruen 0 1 Capt Packo Beresford ... 0 1 ▪ Mr Torrens 0 1 • Mr O'Beirne ••• ... 1 0 ▪ Hon Capt Annesley 0 1 Mr Sanderson ... 1 0 ... Col Vandeleur 0 1 Sir C. O'Loghlen ... 1 0 ... Mr Bagwell 1 0 ... Sir H. Bruce ... 0 1 ... Mr Maguire ... 1 0 Mr Murphy 1 0 • Mr Barry 1 0 Mr Loader 0 1 ... Viscount Hamilton 0 1 Mr T. Conolly 0 1 ... Lord A. H. Trevor 0 1 Col Fordo 0 1 • Mr Ker 0 1 ... Mr Whitworth ... ... Mr Guinness Mr Pim ... L. C. CI. le. 0 1 ... 0 1 . 0 1 Armagh city .6 Armagh county Athlono Bandon Belfast Carlow ... Carlow county Carrickfergus Cashel Cavan county Clare county ... Clonmel 3111 Coleraine ..11 Cork .„. ... Cork county ... Donegal county Down County Downpatrick Drogheda Dublin city ... 1 ... o ... 1 Dublin county Col Taylor Mr Hamilton • Mr Whiteside ... Mr Lefroy ... Sir G. Bowyer ... ... Major S. Knox ... Mr Barry ••• • Capt Stacpoole ... Hon J. L. Cole Capt Archdall Col Cole ••• ... Sir R. Blennerhasset Mr Morris ••• ... Lord Dunkellin , 1 Mr Gregory ... 1 ... Hon H. Herbert Viscount Castlerosse • Mr Cogan ••• Lord 0. Fitzgerald • Sir J. Gray ... ... Mr Bryan Hon L. Agar-Elli s fi ~. Mr P. Hennessy Mr J. W. King ... Sir G. Colthurst • Mr Brady ••• Mr W. 0. Gore ... Mr F. W. Russell Major Gavin • Mr Monsell Mr Synan ••• ... Mr E. W. Verner Dablin University Dundalk ... Dungannon ... Dungarvon Ennis ~, Enniskillen Fermanagh county Galway city ... Galway county Kerry county ... ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0, 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 Kildare county Kilkenny ... Kilkenny county King's county Kinsale ... Leitrim county Limerick city Limerick county 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 Lisburn Londonderry city ... Lord C. J. Hamilton ... 0 1 Londonderry county ... Mr R. P. Dawson ... 0 1 Sir F. W. Heygato 0 1 ... Col Grevillo 1 0 Mr O'Reilly ... 1 0 ... Mr C. Fortcscue 1 0 Mr Kennedy ... 1 0 Mr Sergeant Sullivan ... 1. 0 Lord J. Browne ... 1 0 Lord Bingham ... 0 1 • Mr Corbally 1 0 Mr M'Evoy 1 0 Monaghan county Col Leslie 0 1 Hon V. Dawson 1 0 • Col Tottenham ... 0 1 ... Mr Innes ... 0 1 ... Mr Lawson ... 0 1 ... Mr Fitzpatrick ... 1 0 Col Dunne Roscommon county ... The O'Conor Don ... 1 0 Col French ... 1 0 ... Mr Sergeant Armstrong... 1 0 ... Sir R. G Booth ... 0 1 Mr Cooper ... The O'Donoghue ... 1 0 ... Lord Claude Hamilton ... 0 1 Mr Corry 0 1 ... Mr J. A. Blake ... 1 0 Sir 11. W. Barron ... 1 0 Waterford eounty ... Mr Esmonde 1 0 Lord Tyrone ... 0 1 Westmeath county ... Mr Pollard-Urquhart 1 0 Mr Greville 1 0 ... Mr Devereux 1 0 ... Mr George 0 1 Sir J. Power ... 1 0 .MrW. F. Dick ... 0 1 Lord Proby 1 0 Mr I.l , Kenna 1 0 Longford county Louth county Mall ow Mayo county Meath county New Ross ... Newry ... ... Portarlington ... Queen's county Sligo ... Sligo county ... Tralee ... Tyrone county Waterford city Wexford city ... Wexford county Wicklow county Youghal SCOTLAND. ... Col Sykes ... • Mr Leslie ... ... Mr Finlay ... Mr Craufurd ... ... Sir J. Fergusson ▪ Mr R. W. Duff ... ... Mr D. Robertson Mr Lamont ... ... Mr Trail! ... Mr W. P. Adam ... ... Mr Smollett* ML J. Stirling* ... Mr W. Swart ... Major Walker ... Sir J. Ogilvy ... Mr Moncrieff Aberdeen ... Aberdeenshire Argyllshire ... Ayr Burghs ... Ayrshire ... ... _ . Banffshire Berwickshire ... Buteshire Claithnessshire Clackmannan Dumbartonshire Dumfries Burghs D umf tiesshire I) linden ••• Edinburgh ... Mr D. M‘Laren Edinburgh county ... Earl of Dalkeith Elgin Burghs ... Mr G. Duff Elgin and Nairn ... Mr C. Bruce ... Falkirk Burgh,: Mr J. Merry ... Fifesh ire Sir R.Ansfrn ther Forfarshiro lion 0. Carnegie Glasgow ... Mr W. Graham Mr Dalglish Greenock ... ... Mr Dunlop ... Haddington Burghs ... Sir 11. F. Davie ... Haddingtonshire ... Lord Eleho Inverness Burghs Mr Matheson ... Inverness-shire ... Mr H. Baillio Kilmarnock Burghs Mr E. P. Bouverie Kincardineshire ... Mr Nicol ••• Kirkcaldy Burghs Mr Aytoun Kirkcudbrightshire ... Mr J. Mackie ... Lanarkshire ... Sir E. Colobrooke Leith Burghs ... Mr W. Miller Linlithgowshire ... Mr M'Lagan Montrose . Mr Baxter •.• Orkney and. Shetland... Mr F. Dundas Paisley ... Mr Crum Ewing ... Peeblesshiro Sir G. Montgomery Perth Mr A. Kinnaird Perthshire ... Mr W. Stirling ... Renfrowshire ... Mr Spiors •.• Ross and Cromarty ... Sir J. Matheson Roxburghshire ... Sir W. Scott ... Selkirkshire Lord 11. Scott ... St. Andrews ... Mr Ellice ••• Stirling Burghs ... Mr L. Oliphant ... Stirlingshiro ... Admiral Erskine Sutherlandshiro ... Sir D. Dundas Wick Burghs ... Mr Laing Wigton Burghs Mr Young ••• Wigtonshiro ... Sir Andrew Agnew ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ._ 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... C 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 * For Dumbartonshire there is a double return, the numbers for Mr Smollett and Mr Stirling being equal, and therefore the seat is not credited to either party. — Mr G. Hardy is returned for Leominster and also for Oxford University. Of the total number of 658 members forming the new House of Commons, there arc— Liberals 367 290 Conservatives.. The Liberal gains and 1 LIDERA: Losses stand as follow :-- L GAINS. Ashburton Aylesbury Berwick ~. Bridgnorth Brighton ... Buteshire ... Limerick county ... 1 Lincoln 1 Mallow ... 1 Monaghan county ... 1 Newport Poole Portsmouth ... 1 Portarlin gton 1 Renfrewshire ... 1 Shropshire, South 1 Staffordshire, North 1 Stirlingshire 1 Sussex, East, ... 1 Sligo 1 Taunton ~, ~. 2 Tynemouth ... 1 Wareham .., 1 Warwick Wallingford ... 1 Wakefield 1 Waterford city 1 Weymouth 1 Wilts, South ... 1 Windsor Yorkshire, North Riding 1 Yorkshire, South-West 1 Cardiganshire Carnarvon Cavan county Chatham ~. Chester ••• Chitheroo Colchester ... Derbyshire, South Dublin city ... Essex, North ... Exeter ... Fromo Galway city Grimsby .•• Helstone ••• Hertfordshire Horsham ... Hull Knaresborougli Kincardineshire Lancashire, South Leicester .011 Total ... ... 57 Abingdon ••• Berkshire ••• Blackburn ••• Bridgwater ... Canterbury ... Carlisle ••• Cheltenham Chippenham Cirencester ... Cricklado ••• Derby ••• Devonport Grantham ••• Hastings Hereford 7t, Kidderminster King's county ... ... 1 ... 1 ... ... 1 000 ... 1 ... ... 1 LOSSES. LIBERAL ... 1 ••• 2 ... 1 ... 1 1/•• 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 Lichfield Liverpool ... 1 Lyme Regis 1 Maldon ... 1 Norfolk, East 1 Norfolk, West 1 Northallerton 1 Oxford University Preston ... 1 Thetford Tiverton Whitby Woodstock ... 1 Sunderland 1 Tewkesbury ... 1 Total ... 33 (From the Morning Herald) Yesterday's polling brought the general election of 1865 to a close, and we are now enabled accurately to sum up the results of the contest as affecting the two political par ties in the State. Tho tabular statements subjoined have been prepared with scrupulous care, and in perfect good faith. It is possible, of course, that he first party division may slightly alter the figures ; but if an alteration do take place, it is far more likely to swell the numbers of the Conservatives than thoso of the Liberals ; at any rate we are quite contented to let the first division be the test of the accuracy of our figures. The Conservative gains and losses during the election are as follows : ENGLAND AND WALES. Bonouons. CONSERVATIVE GAINS. ... 1 Kiddermiustor ... 1 Lichfield ▪ 1 Liverpool ... 1 Lyme Regis ... 1 Maldon ... 1 Northallerton • 1 Proaton • 1 Sunderland ... 1 Salisbury ... 1 Thetford 1 Tiverton • 1 Whitby 1 Woodstock Abingdon Blackburn Bridgwater ... Bury St. Edmunds Canterbury ... Carlisle ~, Cheltenham Chippenham Cirencester Cricklade Derby eOO Devonport ... Grantham Hastings Hereford Total m m2B ... o ... o ... o ... o ... o ... o ... 1 ... 1 ... o ... o ... o ... 1 ... 1 SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. CONSERVAT: Ashburton ~. .1.. 1 Aylesbury ~. ~. 1 Bisrwick Bridgnorth 1 Brighton ••• ~. 1 Carnarvon District ... 1 Chatham I" bell 1 Chester 960 ... 1 Clitheroe ~. ... 1 Colchester ..• ... 1 Exeter • 1 Frome ... ... 1 Grimsby ~. ... 1 Holston ..• ... Horsham ... 40.6 1 Hull 1.0 .. 4100 1 Net Conservative loss in borc Coin Conservat 'I'VE LOSSES. Berkshire, 2. East Norfolk. Knaresborough ... ~. 1 Leicester 090 400 1 Lincoln ... ... 1 Newport 000 sApe 1 Poole 000 000 1 Portsmouth ... ... 1 Tynemouth . ... 1 Taunton ... ... 2 Wakefield 000 000 1 Wallingford ... ... 1 Wareham ... ... 1 Warwick 000 000 1 Weymouth . ... 1 Windsor 004 460 2 Total ... ... 32 uglts ... ... 4 [TIM. ive Gains. I West Norfolk. Total ... 4 Conservative Losses. North Staffordshire East Sussex South Wilts Yorkshire N. Riding Total 10 Cardiganshire S. Derbyshire North Essex Hertfordshiro South Lancashire South Shropshire Net Conservative loss in Counties Liberal gain in new constituency of South-west Riding Conservative gain at Oxford University Not Conservative loss ... ••• SCOTLAND. COUNTIES. ... 2 ... 1 Coniervativo losses Butoshiro, Kincardineshire, Renf r , ws hi re , and Stirlincrshire. Total... IRELAND. BOROUGH& Conservative Gain. Cashel. Liberal Gains. Dublin Galway Mallow Net Conservative 1055... Total . Portarlingtou Sligo COUNTIES. Conservative Gain. King's County. Total S.. 1 ~. 1 Conservative Losses. 1 Monaghan Total ~. 3 Cavan Limerick Net Conservative Loss Total Conservative Losses in England,- Wales, Scotland, and Ireland ... 21 The total number of Conservative members returned is 290, against 369 Liberal; including the double return for Dumbartonshire. It is obvious, however, that these num bers are not to be strictly relied upon as representing the real strength of either the Government or the Opposition. In the last Parliament several Irish members, professedly Liberals, invariably voted with the Opposition, and there is every reason to believe that a still larger number of Irish Liberals will be found opposed to the Government in the divisions of next session. Considerable deductions also must be made from the ranks of the Ministerialists, on the ground of petitions, &c. After the election of 1859 the Conservatives gained tan seats on petition. On the present occasion the petitions against Ministorialists will be more numerous, and the acts of bribery and intimidation were far more openly committed. We refrain, for obvious rea sons, from publishing for the present the names of the boroughs whose votes will be subjected to parliamentary inquiry. On the whole, the Conservatives have no right to be dissatisfied with the result. ' The Opposition members con stitute a compact body of 290. They have got rid, in the election just terminated, of all the wavorers and pseudo- Conservatives who, for the last six years, have sat on Mr. Disraeli's side and voted with Lord Palmerston. They re present a compact strength against which the present Government must be powerless for evil. They ensure the country against any successful attempt against the consti tution in Church and State, either on the part of the Government or of its democratic supporters. It is worthy of notice that in 1859 Lord Derby on the dissolution gained an accession of 23 seats, whilst the pre sent Government, with all its lavish outlay and long re tention of office, ha.s only recovered 21. THE UNITED STATES. (From the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, JULY 12. Any one who attached weight .to the statements and discussions of conflicting political parties here would be led to the conclusion that the country is in a state of hopeless anarchy and confusion. The great problem of the day—what shall be done with the South now that it is conquered ? not only baffles the " politicians," but throws them into vio lent collision with each other. There is nothing to be heard among Radicals, Republicans, or Democrats, but mutual recriminations and expressions of dis trust and suspicion. Nevertheless, there is one fact which' they all are obliged to recognise in com mon, and which considerably detracts from the im portance of their deliberations, and that fact is that the people are as firmly united as ever in the broad purpose to support the Government in any measures which it may deem necessary to insure the pacification of the country. The President pursteshis policy with out the least reference to the opinion of any political section. From time to time, in speeches or in letters, he has indicated that policy so plainly that no one can have any misapprehension concerning it. He told the South Carolinians that his object was to " get back the States to the point at which they formerly moved in perfect harmony." He will not admit that any State has ever yet been out of the Union, and therefore it is not " reconstruction" he has to consider, but " restoration." So, too, he said to General Logan the other day, " I do not mean to treat them as inchoate States, but merely as existing under a temporary suspension of their Government, provided always they electloyal men. The doctrine of coercion to preserve a State in the Union has been vindicated by the people." With regard to slavery, he desires that each State shall call a convention and abolish it formally. On the question of negro suf frage he has been less explicit, expressing merely a wishto "approach it gradually ;" but he has spoken plainly enough to show that he desires each State to deal with this subject also for itself. These points mark out the course which the Presi dent is resolved to pursue ; and by this time most people have found out that Mr. Johnson is a man not easily turned aside from his purpose, and not to be moved by threats of opposition. His main prin ciple clearly is to effect the reorganisation of the South just as its armies were conquered, " by little and little." Some think that he is advancing too rapidly ; others, that he is altogether too slow. The difficulties in the way of complete restoration in the South are obviously of thegravestkind. The Southern leaders are apparently cheerfully submissive, andsay that if Mr. Johnson would but retract his $20,000 exception clause, and make the amnesty general, there would be no men in the Union more loyal than they. Yet it may be doubted whether they really look upon their cause as so irretrievably lost as they profess. The probability rather is that they are preparing to hamper legislation as much as they can, more particu larly with reference to such subjects as the payment of the national debt. Beaten in the field, they hope to renew the_fight in the Council Chamber. In order to succeed in this, their organs in this city and else where advise them to concede everything—above all, not to oppose the admittance of negroes to the suf frage. Numerically the Southern party would still be the weaker of the two, as the Union party would consist of 148 members and the Southern of 120. Supposing, however, that the representatives of the South were persistent in offering obstructions to the Administration, they have power enough to do con siderable mischief. This is the evil which men like Mr. Wendell Phillips fear. In a recent speech Mr. Phillips attacked the President in no measured terms for organising the States—that is, giving them go vernors and allowing them to resume their former status—before the interests of the negro have been sufficiently guarded. He affirms that slavery is as much a system now as it ever was. ' Southern mas ters have still the power to beat their slaves if they will not work, and to " lend" them to each other. Mr. Phillips so exactly expresses the views of what is called the ultra-Radical party, composed of men like Mr. Sumner, that a short extract from his speech will be useful : "I don't count the President on our side. He is not to be counted as a force on our side. At present he is a force on the other side. He into be flanked or subdued ; to be converted. His attitude is to bo changed ; if not, the Re public is gone. Mr. Johnson, you are wrong ; your plan is wrong ; it bears within it the seeds of death to tho Re public ; we movo instantly upon your works. We sum mon the public and expose your plan, show that your attitude is fatal, hope that you will change it, beg you to change it, exhort you to change it, and if you won't change it, then roll the wheels of tho Republic, and crush it and you. Our hope is in diverting the purpose of Andrew Johnson, to make him shut the door of the House of Representatives upon the 4th day of December, until we can rally the North. When Grant stood before Vicksburg the danger was trivial compared to what it is to-day.. When Popo was driven back to Washington the danger was nothing to what it is to-day. We are to-day in tho mael strom of politics. The difficulty is in mustering up public opinion strong enough to overawe the President." The compromise suggested by certain leaders is thus put, " universal suffrage and universal am nesty ;" to admit every negro to the suffrage, and pardon the South en masse. But would the Southern party be weakened by negro suffrage ? It is very questionable. In the first place, it is believed by many that the negro would vote the way his master wished him ; in the next, the addition of so many thousands to the suffrage would, of course, give the South additional members ; representation here, as I need not remind the English reader, being based upon population. Then, again, if the negroes are allowed to have votes, what is to prevent them sending a negro to Congress as their represen tative ? Even ardent Abolitionists are not pre pared to go this length in the emancipation of the race. But, whatever may happen, say others, " now that the black is a free man you have no right to exclude him from the suffrage. You might as well exclude Irish or Germans." Every citizen has a right to vote, and the loyal black is as good a citizen as any other. In answer to all this the President and the Republican party fall back upon this standpoint—let each State do as it pleases. If the Abolitionists are so anxious to have the negro a voter, why do not they admit him to the suffrage in the State of New York first? Thus Mr. Johnson refuses to see in the question of negro suffrage any cause of embarrassment. He declines to make it a question for the Administration to deal with. Hence the cry against him by the Phillips-Sumner party. With regard to the State rights, all are granted except the principle of State sovereignty. A State may manage its affairs as it deems right, only it must not go out of the Union. Whatever may be said about the Constitution, the sword has decided this matter, and is is too late to argue about it. Such, then, is the position of affairs at this moment. It is a tangle, but the clue to it is the determination of the mass of the people, and their ability to carry out that determination, to have every difficulty settled peaceably and fairly. Thoughtful Americans who stand outside the noisy arena of politics care very little for the clamour which goes on among the combatants. In effect they say, " the people fought the war, not the politicians. We shall settle our difficulties one by one. There is no hurry about it. Water finds its level, and so will all the complica tions which now look so threatening." This looks a very superficial and facile way of dealing with a serious political crisis, but it is at least as hopeful as some of the remedies recommended by the Demo crats, who boast that they will again shortly gain the ascendancy, and by the Radicals, who would impeach the President rather than that the negro should not be invested with the right to vote. Perhaps as moderate a view as could be obtained of the attitude of different parties here, and more especially of the opinions of the loyal classes, is to be found in an address issued by a meeting at Faneuil-hall, Boston. This paper has been received with very great favour, so far as I am able to judge, by impartial men. It charges the South with having aspired to become the dominant class, and to have sought to carry out their designs by "the dogma of State supremacy." When the North refused to accept their principles they rebelled, and now they yield, not from motives of loyalty, but because they are thoroughly overpowered. The Government is justified in holding their part of the country in military occupation, " and the nation is asserting a right, before it yields that occupation, to see the public safety secured and the public faith pre served." The only thing to be feared, continues the address, is that the work of reconstruction will proceed too fast, and that States will be restored before their good faith on the question of slavery is quite insured. When a State is once restored the Administration can no longer order its affairs. The following passage contains the pith of the whole matter, and I believe that it fairly summarises the general opinion of the Northern people : " We declare it to be our belief that if the nation admits a rebel State to its full functions with a Constitution which does not secure to the frond men the right of suffrage in such manner as to be impartial, and not based in principle upon colour, and as to be reasonably attainable by intelli gence and character, and which does not place in their hands a substantial power to defend their rights as citizens at the ballot-box, with the right to be educated, to acquire homesteads, and to testify in courts, the nation will be re creant to its duty, to itself, and to them, and will jinni*, and deserve to incur, danger and reproach proportioned to the magnitude of its responsibility." The danger of reconstructing too rapidly is as clear as noon-day. One of the very first subjects which must come before Congress will be the settlement of the national debt. Will the South be willing to bear its share of taxes for the liquidation of the Northern debt? Will it make ready sacrifices in order to pay for the rod which scourged it? Its own debt, when Lee surrendered, was over $4,000,000,000. It must bear this loss, and pay its share of the Northern debt besides. The inhabitants of the States must pay in proportion to the property they have. It is impossible that this question can be adjusted without immense difficulty, and without the growth of much new bitterness and ill feeling. As to the state of public opinion in the South, it is precisely that which might be looked for among people so circumstanced. The first thing they have to do is to submit ; the next to resist. The submis sion is suspiciously eager. Some here contend that the South is sincere in its desire to return to the Union, but, in the face of what has taken place during the last four years, such a supposition must necessarily be delusive. General Jeff Thompson, in a farewell speech to his soldiers at Jacksonport, re flected Southern feeling in a rough kind of manner. " Avoid political discussions," he told thpm. "If any man says ' nigger' to you, swear that you never knew nor saw ono in your life. We have talked about the niggers for 40 years, and have been out talked ; we have fought four years for the niggers, and have been d-- badly whipped, and now it is not your put.' " He continued : "The Yankees have won the nigger, and will do what they please with him, and you have no say in the matter ; if they want him they will take him, and if they say that you must keep him you have to do it and no mistake. I tell you that you have no say in the matter, and you oughtn't to have any. Go home and stay there ; don't go anywhere but to mill ; don't go to church, for the ministers will put knots and mischief in your heads and get you into trouble. Be good citizens, and then those of you who have been good, honest, and brave soldiers, have nothing to fear; but I warn those of you who have been nothing but sneaking, cowardly jay-hawkers, cut-throats, and thieves, that a just retribition awaits you, and I hope to God that the Federal authorities will hang you wherever and whenever they find you, and they will do it sure. We aro conquered, sub jugated ; we have no rights, but must accept such privi leges and favours as the Government may see proper to bestow upon us." Every Southern man feels that the day is lost, but the majority still hope that in Congress they may have another chance. Mr. Johnson knows this, and for the present at least will not admit the largest slaveholders to the benefit of an unconditional am nesty. They must ask pardon individually, and it can either be refused or denied them at the option of the Government. The North would not tolerate the removal of this restriction until public affairs are in a more settled state. In the meanwhile, Northern capital will very shortly Row into the South. It is now rumoured that Mr. Davis will be tried before a military Commission. Should this prove true, there will be great dissatisfaction caused. Even the warmest friends of the administration feel that the time has come when military tribunals should be discontinued, and civil courts everywhere restored. There are very few now who cry out for the execu tion of Mr. Davis, and even those few would rather see him condemned by a civil than a military Court, if he is to be condemned at all. The suspension by the President of habeas corpus in the case of Mrs. Surratt is loudly complained of by the Democratic party, and it would be considered a still more un pardonable infringement of the Constitution to keep up military Courts so long after the termination of the war. EX-PRESIDENT DAVIS.—A Washington despatch of the 11 th July states that a gentleman from Fortress Monroe reports the health of Jefferson Davis much better than it has been at any time during his in carceration. His meals are sent direct from the table of Dr. Craven, his attendant physician, by his daughter, and by her delivered to the officer having immediate charge over him. TlMM—After a twelvemonth's unsuccessful de fence of a University seat—not to speak of other trifles—and a two days' successful assault on a great county constituency, even Mr. Gladstone might confess to a touch of fatigue. It showed itself at Newton in a very usual form. Every orator and logician knows that at the last gasp of his intel lectual energies he can mount a hobby in the form of some very rampant metaphor, and so ride, if not to victory, at least out of the lists. When a pedes trian is dead beat he is glad of any lift—an omnibus full of old women, or the poacher's cart, taking, as he shrewdly suspects, his own pheasants to the sta tion. Thus it was that Mr. Gladstone got helped on, first by the policeman, then by the builder's fore man. As the mere movement of street passengers is backwards as well as forwards, indeed in all direc tions, that simile could not help Mr. Gladstone under the imputation of erratic habits. The proces sion of the thoroughfare is worse than a rope of sand, for it is quicksand continually shifting. The next metaphor that he seems to have selected for its fitness to sluggish and material apprehensions was architectural. if a man understands nothing else, he knows at least what a house is, and how it can be pulled down, or rebuilt, or enlarged, whether vertically or laterally. You can take your time over an architectural simile. It does not even pretend to run on all fours, for it does not run at all. It stands still till you have pulled it to pieces, and laid it by for future use. We submit, however, that the Bri tish Constitution, which is the matter in hand, and the study of this Constitution, are matters for the naturalist rather than the mechanic. The British Constitution is a living thing ; it has grown and de veloped itself in a very easy and often imperceptible way for many ages. It has undergone many changes, and a4ained to an immense enlargement, but there can be no doubt of its identity with the original sappling. if, then, it must be treated figuratively, this is the nearest emblem. We may borrow some thing from all the trees and all the plants we ever heard of, but we must still make it a tree. Let us fertilise, water, dig about, prune, give air and earth room, even graft, but we must still deal with our subject as a living thing, and according to the order of nature. This is a matter of more im portance than might at first seem. We cannot cut our tree down one day and put a better tree in its place to-morrow. We cannot at once alter its whole nature. As a feeling or fancy grows in the heart, so does a tree in the earth. We cannot thrust upon it anything that any inventive genius may deem to be an improvement. We cannot make it grow much faster or much slower. It will take its own time. We cannot send it back 500 years or push it on that much. We cannot adjust its vital circulation quite so easily as we could the irrigation of a water mea dow or the supply of gas in a town. We are bound by certain laws of nature—chains of iron if we fret against them, silken strings if we take them kindly. The principle of a natural growth in the British Constitution, as contrasted with mere motion, or mere construction, is fatal to suggestions from all sides. It is fatal to the idea that anything what ever can be incorported into this monarch of the woods unless it can be chemically proved to be in compatible. It is fatal to novelties, as such, for the newer a thing is the less likely is it to assimilate with the old. It is fatal to what are called fancy franchises. We have just witnessed the result of a fancy franchise far better than any lately proposed. James 1., among other most plausible pedantries, gave two (seats to each University. His alleged reasons were the representation of learning and the assistance of education, but he was suspected of carinc , more for strengtheningthe connexion between the Court and the Universities. Those bodies did not much value the privilege, and appreciated much more the nomination to benefices belonging to Roman Catholic patrons, then first given to them. We now witness a development never contemplated by the royal pedagogue, for the seats given to the Universities as places of education have fallen into the hands of the country clergy and squires. Such a perversion, of course, cannot signify much, and no one would venture to say that the seats are thrown away. But Mr. Gladstone may take warning from his own fate a g ainst innovation not quite i n th e li ne of natural development. The University representa tion is not a branch of the political tree, but a mag nificent fungus, more defensible on its own merits than as a part of the whole system. If changes are to be made, the first thing thing to be done is to discover the principle of growth—in a word, the true nature of our representation, and beware of any change that will involve a new principle. Large changes are possible within this restriction. An occupation franchise of £2O a year is not different in principle from one of £5O. A county constitu ency with 5,000 electors is not different in principle from one of twice that number. The representa tion of half a county or a riding is not different in principle from the representation of a whole county. The restriction of seats to boroughs with not less than 5,000 inhabitants is not different in principle from the limit of 2,000. The grouping of small towns is a principle found to work well in Scotland. South of the Tweed, composite rural boroughs, com prising many villages, have worked without com plaint. The old Aystem contained many varieties of qualification, of numbers, and of district, and varieties found to succeed might be tried on a larger scale. All this is to enable the tree to grow accord ing to its own nature and laws, not to invent a new tree altogether, and put it in the place of the old. The greatest innovation of the Reform Act was the introduction of three representatives in certain cases for counties. This has often led, it must be con fessed, to a satisfactory result in the representation of the minority, though it may be doubted whether that is a very English principle ; but it certainly has not tended to the peace of the counties victimised by the experiment, and the battle for the third seat has often proved fiercer than that for two. Mr. Gladstone, at the moment when he can wear at once the palm of the martyr and the laurel of the victor, has this additional fortune, that he need not pledge himself taanything or anybody. Other men have had to be carried over the country weeks and even months, ready to answer questions which they were often ashamed to listen to, though sometimes unable to answer. But with constitutional im petuosity he has been rushing into explanations for which no other reason can be given than that he found them on the tip of his tongue when he had nothing else to say. At a roadside inn abroad, if they have nothing else to offer, they will at least have sausage and ham, and Mr. Gladstone has a large store of such articles on his shelves. No one who has been dragged out of pleasant company to make a speech to absolute strangers upon no a propos whatever would wish Mr. Gladstone less supplied with commonplaces. But there is no neces sity to surrender the British Constitution, bodily and for ever, to the first dozen honest and well edu cated working men who think themselves competent to demand that concession. There is such a thing as a dangerous glibness of speech, which leads a man to say what he will often wish unsaid five minutes after. Upon the most important question of the day, that of Parliamentary Reform, we are either likely to open ground very shortly, or to re peat the memorable "As you were" movement of five years ago. We shall either be plunged into a serious and perilous struggle, or the two great parties will agree to resist the common foe. With a view to either event and either course, it is very unwise to propound broad principles which in the one case will be liable to abuse, and in the other will be con signed to the limbo of unmeaning, and therefore dishonest, platitudes. Now that the elections are over, and there is no earthly reason why speeches should be made, except as birds sing, to satisfy the irritability of their vocal organs, Mr. Gladstone may as well hold his hand—that is, his tongue. He has said quite enough for all practical purposes. Happily six long months will probably intervene between this and the meeting of Parliament, and that long period will be much better employed in considering what to do than in raising popular ex pectations, and so creating obstacles in the way of what could otherwise be done. PosT.--The American news which has just reached us contains an ominous announcement. It appears that the " Confiscation Department" which has been established at Richmond has seized a large amount of property for confiscation. Considering that the proclamation issued some short time since by the new President includes within its penal ordinances almost everybody but the very poorest class of per sons throughout the entire South, it seems probable that the "Confiscation Department" will find plenty of raw material upon which to exercise its ingenuity and its unprecedented powers. The final cause of the institution of this court seems to be the con version of the private property of the Southerner into the public property of the Federal Government. We prefer to specify the nature of this department by a simple statement of facts (though that may assume the shape of a somewhat prolix periphrasis) involve the de scribing it by a single epithet , as this would the necessity of employing a phrase of greater harsh ness and severity than might be considered courteous. The Americans themselves, however, appear to b© less scrupulous. Of course people have a ri g ht t o b e more plain spoken in speaking of themselves than others—having due regard to the amenities of civi lisation—have in speaking of them. The Americans plainly tell us they have established a C on fi scat i on Department. There are those who, viewing the case impartially from a distance,. may feel s urpr i se t h at they did not can't a "spoliation" department at once . But, after all, there is not much in a name, and for that reason w e prefer to describe thi s s i ngular insti tution by a simple statement of the fact. A rose, we know, would emit the same odour whatever name might be given to it, and this office which has been instituted for converting the private property of the Southerner into the public property of the Federal Government—in other words, for transferring the property of the South to the North, without any consideration having been paid for it, would remain just what it is, neither better nor worse, whatever designation it may receive from friends or enemies. Where the action of this court, or whatever it may be, will end, it is im possible to say. There is no more reason why one Southerner's property should be confiscated more than another's. All the Southerners were heart and soul in the war. Some Southerners, however, are innocent of the possession of property, and these must necessarily escape the action of the Confisca tion Department. Those, however, who are guilty of being property-holders, especially holders of landed property, stand convicted at once, and are ipso facto fit subjects to be dealt with by this extra ordinary tribunal. It is true that the owners of property have been so reduced through the universal ruin which the war has brought upon their unhappy country that they are in a state of pitiable destitu tion. Persons of wealth and affluence have found themselves in a position in which they have been compelled to barter away articles of furniture for food. But what difference does this make to the Confiscation Department ? There are the estates and plantations of these unfortunate Southerners occupying precisely the same geographical spot that they have ever occupied. Indeed, the Confiscation Department might urge, with specious plausibility, that large tracts of valuable land could be of no possible use to men who were reduced to utter in solvency. It might be further urged that, as the negroes are now free, and as those estates could only be profitably cultivated by means of the system of industry which has been broken up, their owners would not be able to cultivate them even if they possessed capital, instead of having been ruined and reduced to insolvency. To expect them, therefore, to make use of their desolated plantations would involve the same cruel irony as to require men to make bricks without the necessary straw. For these considerations, the court in its mercy will pursue the even tenor of its way, and proceed to transfer to the North the private property of such Southerners as may be convicted of possessing property. When we look back to the origin and history of the war we must confess that this is not, after all, calculated to surprise the reflecting mind. For what object, with what purpose, to what end, could we suppose that war was being waged ? Nobody capable of reflection ever imagined, we should con ceive, that the old Union could really be restored to what it was before the war. There is no power in the universe that can force amity and friendship upon six millions of men by murdering them and desola ting their country. To have supposed that the South would ever again take the North to its bosom, and that the two estranged halves of the Union would get on together as they had once done, would have been the extreme of absurdity. No man in the North capable of reasoning and reflection could have , imagined this possible. What, then, was it that the North was fighting for ? It is quite evident that the North had determined that, rather than suffer the South to become free, it would conquer the country and treat it as a conquered country. But there is this difference between a conquered country like Poland and a conquered country like the South. When a country is conquered by the foreigner it is the practice merely to hold it in subjugation without altering the ownership of the soil. A few of the chiefs may be put to death or exiled and their estates transferred to somebody else, but the great mass of the people are left in possession of their property. There is no pretence upon which to dispossess them of their property. They committed no crime, they have merely defended their country, and to re duce them to subjection is all that the conqueror requires. This will satisfy him, if his new subjects will only keep quiet and not revolt against his rule. But in a case like that of the South the conqueror takes a very different tone. The Federal Govern ment affects, however inconsistently and preposter ously, to treat the Confederates as rebels and traitors. The North pretends to consider the Southerners as guilty of high treason, and to have forfeited life and property together. Hence we find that the onus of making out a case of exemption is cast upon the Southerner. The North disclaims being bound to prove its case against the Southerner who stands convicted of the possession of property ; it is for him to make out a case to exempt himself from punishment and his property from confisca tion. As to those unhappy, or rather happy? Southerners who have no property at all, the North does not seem to think it worth while to give itself any trouble about them. They have got nothing which the North happens to desire. The North is humane enough, it seems, not to require their lives. Besides, a man without property is harmless enough ; but property is a dangerous weapon in the hands of an enemy, and a very useful weapon if you can only divest him of it and transfer it to your self. The North would not let the South go be cause it was unwilling to part with the profit which' it had always made out of the South. The resto ration of the Union as it was was quite out of the question. But though the Union could not be brought back, and though the profit which had been derived from the South could not be got back, the soil of the South might be seized and held as the property of the North. The Confiscation Depart ment seems to have been instituted for the purpose of carrying this object into effect. It has, we are told, already seized a large amount of property for confiscation. We have been told throughout by the Federals,and their partisans that the war was a war initiated and carried on by the large land holders of the South, or, to use their favourite phrase, by the slaveholding aristocracy. Was this charge against the planters intended to form a basis for depriving them of their estates ? Be that as it may, there is reason to suppose that the Confiscation Department, which has begun its labours by seizing a large amount of property for confiscation, will not cease from them till it has given entire satisfaction to those who instituted the system. COUNTRY MARKETS COLCHESTER-JULY 22. The supply of wheat was small, but a firm demand at is per qr advance upon last week's priced. Spring core in small supply, and at late rates. Wheat, white 420 46s Beane, Mazagan......330 3 .0 red 3.'s 42s Middle and smalt.. 3ss 400 Barley... 2(O 3 4s Peas, white. 35s 3 80 Oati ...20s 25s grey ...363 380 CHELMSFO EID-JULY 21. Thor was a thinner attendance at our market to -day than even last week. There was no great change in prices* Spring corn inactive. Wheat, old white.... 415 485 Peas, Partridge 368 3 1; new .. 4 15 985 White ....3(!5 31 ' old red ...... 405 92s new. 38 3 4 2s B Aling ........385 1g: Dun.... —3ls —9 Barley... 2ss 32s ditto,7o new....-5. , Chevalier 265 33s Beans, Tick, 01d......315 f , Grind ng O s . 89 new. ...-8 Malt .6ls 67' II -• ficks.3ss • _. Chevalier 's Cgs 68s Oats .arrow icks. new ifazagan 338 30. GRANTHAM-JULY 22. The recent rains have been of great service to the croP s in this district. Old white wheat, 41s to 465; old red, 87s to 42s ; ne lv. white, 43s to 47s ; new red, 39 s to 43s per 36 stone. ) 33 ley for malting, 29s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 24s to 26s Per 30 stone. Oats, old, 25s to 27s ; new, 22 s t o 24s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 39s to 41s ; new, 36s to 38s per 38 stone' Peas, 34s to 36s per 36 stono. ABERDEEN—JULY 21. We had a small attendance of farmers at this day's mar" ket. Prices unaltered. White wheat 36s Od to 38s Od Red wheat 34s Od to 36s Od Potato oats 20s Od to 20s 64' Common oats 19s Od to 20s Od Bere - 21s Od to 22s Od Barley 21s Od to 22s 6d Oatmeal 15s 6d to 16s 6d: Flour, fine 31s 6d to 32s Od 621 b Il bushel- 401 b bushel. 531 b 11 bushel• • boll of 140Ib• ?sack of 280' Births. BATH. --On the 22d inst., at 18, Belgrave-square, the gar" chioness of Bath, of a daughter. KNox.—On tho 22d inst., at 21, Montagu-square, the Sea' Mrs. Stuart Knox, of a daughter. PURVES.—On the 22d inst., at Kow, Surrey, the wife Colonel Home Purves, of a daughter. TAYLOR.—On the 24th inst., at 41, Grosvenor-square; th e Lady Juno Taylor, of a daughter. Marriages. CURRIE—GRAHAM.—On the 20th inst., at Saint Gswal ' i t Chester, Richard Henry Currie, Esq., of R ow ton late Captain Inniskil!ing Dragoons, to Charlotte, dello ter of the late Dr. Graham, Bishop of Chester. vet" JEFFREY—WELLS.—On the 22d i ns t ., at St. Mary's, - to my, James Jeffrey, Esq., of 70, Myddeltoo.square , -0 1 Jane Wells, niece of W. 11. Wells, Esq., of The Cedm Putney. Deaths. ARDEN.—On the 22d inst., at Hull, Arthur G. ArdEin, M.R.C.S., aged 38. BEvAss.—On the 20th inst., at 3, Bread-street, CheaPsi cle ' after a long illness, Mr. George Bevans, aged 59. DICKINSON.—On the 21st inst., at `Waterloo, Joseph P ic a. inson, Esq., M.A., M.D., F.R.S., F.R.C.P., of Bedfor street South, Liverpool. bsl DONELLAN.—On the 21st inst., at his residence, , Lodge, Paignton, Torquay, Malechi Donellan, "." Captain Royal Navy, aged 80. EAGAn.—On the 19th inst., at his residence, St. Hel ier Jersey, John Eagar, Esq., Captain R.N. 14%111/ HAMPDEN..—On the 21st inst., at 107, Eaton-place, the wife of H.P. Hampden, the Lord Bishop of Hera° . a PUGILE.—On the 20th inst., the Rev. Kenneth Mac kell4l- Pughe, vicar of Braintree, Essex, aged 50. STEwurr.—On the 19th inst., at London, Stair Hittl i°lll Stewart, Esq., of Physgill. London : Printed and Publi s h e d by WILLIAM AN. Tatt, c.„— 0, of No. 112, Strand, "'linter, at TH7 SUN Otlice, 11° 4 40f Strand, in the Precinct of th e S svo y , i n the Coln' Middlesex,--Tuesday, July 2, 1865.