The Sun. — London, England, 1865-05-29 00:00:00

HE NEW DERBY R ACE GLASS, T price 605., with Sling Case complete. Will show distinctly the entire race from " the start " to the "coming in." G uaranteed the cheapest and best glass (a new model) ever offered to the public. Sent carriage free to any part of the Kingdom. Post-office orders payable to WILLIAM CALLAGHAN, Optician, 23A, New Bond-street, W. (corner of Conduit-street). THE DERBY.-CALLAGHAN'S NEW DERBY RACE GLASS, price 508., with Sling Case com plete. This new m odel, combin d i be ng st hglass e igh power offered and p o rtability, is at once t he cheapest anver to the public. Post-office orGers have immediate attention. Wm. Callaghan, optician, 2.3.1, New Bond-street,Vi. (Corner of Conduit-street,, sole agent to Voigtlander, Vienna. ROYAL ITALIAN OPERA.—OPERA GLASSEi, in every variety of form and mounting, m atchless for their _rest mamai ying power and sharpness of definition. at CALLAUHAN'S, No. 2.1 A, new bond-street, W. (corner of Conduit-s reet). sple agent for the celeDrated Opera and Field Glasseg, by Voig - ,flander, Vienna. THEATRE -ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Lessee. Mr. Backstone. TIIIS EVENING, THE MILLER'S DAUGHTER. Messrs. Cooper, Whifrx, Braid, Clark, dm ; Mesdames L. Keeley, F. Wright, cicc After which, BROTIIER SAIL Messrs. Sothern, Back stone, Compton, &e. ; Mesdames Snowdon, Moore, Sze. , Ccncluding with FISH OUT OF WATER. Mr. Compton. To commence at 7. NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHL doIe Proprietor and Manager. sir. B. W eoeter. THIS EVENING, THE IRISH TIGER. Mess s. C. II Stephenson and Eburne ; Miss K. Kelly. After which, at 8, LEAH. Leah. Miss Bateman, sup ported by Messrs. Swinboure, Jordan, Stuart, Ashley, Stephenson, Eburne, C. J. Smith ; Miss H. Simms, Mrs. H. Lewis, Mrs. Stoker, Miss A. Seaman. To conclude with THE STEEPLECHASE ; or, In the Pigskin. Messrs. J. L. Toole, Paul Bedford ; Miss K. Kelly. Commence at 7. ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE. Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vining. THIS EVENING, a new Farce, by Mr. David Fisher, entitled HEART-STRINGS AND FIDDLE-STRINGS. After which, A.RRAII NA POGUE Messrs. Dion vault, J . J. Brougham, H. Vandenhoff, D. Fisher, D. Murray ; Mrs. Boncicault and Miss M. Oliver. To conclude with AN AMPLE APOLOGY. Commence at 7. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE. Sole Lessee and Manageress, Mrs. Swanborough. THIS EVENING, ONE TREE HILL Messrs. Craven, Stoyle, James, Belford ; Miss A. Swanborough and Miss M. Palmer. After which, ALADDIN. Messrs. Thorne, and James; Mesdames Ilughes, Weston, Thorne, and Eliza Holt. To conclude with UP STAIRS AND DOWN STAIRS. Mr. Stoyle ; Miss Simpson. THE LAST EDITION OF " THE SUN," Containing the Latest SPORTING INTELIAGEA flan be had Every Evening of G. R. GLENIE, Nnws AGENT, ITO. 4. Connaught-terrace, Hyde-park. THE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN" supplied, as soon as published every Evening by W. ALEXANDER (late BROOKS), Newspaper Agent, 21, Old Cavendish-street, Oxford-street. THE LAST EDITION of " THE SUN " supplied as soon as Published. containing all the LATEST NEWS and SPORTING INTELLIGENCE, by H. W. HARRIS, Newspaper Agent, 4, Blackiriars-road, London, S. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tsis DAY.—Morning, sh. Om.—Afternoon, sh. 20m. To-Iforatow.-Morning, sh. 40m.—Afternoon, 6h. 6m. - In 1 .11. 4 fgC l lke LIP P& UM 4. - ;:;,e 0 0 '4O LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 29, 1865. The Emperor NAPOLEON 111. has, during the course of his career, written—as the world knows full well—many remarkable historical documents. But, beyond any comparison, the most remarkable amongst them all is the one in which his Imperial MAJESTY has but just now pronounced words of crushing condemnation upon the extraordinary course pursued by his cousin the Prince NAPOLEON during the period of his MAJESTY'S absence from France in the province of Algeria. In addressing the Vice-President of the Council of State as the EMPEROR has done in this startling language, his MAJESTY has followed, as it appears to us, at one and the same time the simple dictates of calm common sense, of sound good judgment, of rational self-respect, and yet (in the same breath as it were) of manly and chivalrous indignation. The mere arrangement or construction of the letter has about it all the force of logic, all the cogency of a syllogism. His Majesty begins by saying to his cousin, " I cannot help apprising you of the painful impression I have experienced in reading your speech delivered at Ajaccio"—adding immediately thereupon—" In leaving you, during my absence, near the Empress and my son, as Vice-President of the Privy Council, I meant to give you a proof of my friendship and my confidence, and I hoped that your presence, your conduct, and your language would testify to the union which reigns in our family." It is pre cisely the very fact here alluded to—the suspi cious circumstance, namely, of the time thus selected by the Prince NAPOLEON for the putting forth these sinister and insensate, not to say in sidious and revolutionary, opinions of his in regard to the whole complex problem of European polity —that imparts to that most anomalous speech at Ajaccio a gravamen so disastrous and threat ening in its aspect as in a manner to necessitate its immediate and emphatic repudiation by the French Sovereign. The EMPEROR, in point of fact, had before him no alternative. Under the circumstances he had but one thing to do—to repudiate it ! and never, certainly, was repudia tion pronounced more decisively, more over whelmingly ! The EMPEROR tells his cousin in so many words " The political programme which you place under the aegis of the Emperor can only serve the enemies of my Government." He says further, and in a tone of quiet scorn, that is nothing less than withering—" To judgments which I cannot admit, you add sentiments of hatred which are not of our day." The two concluding paragraphs of the Im perial letter, however, comprise within them the whole force, might, and weight of the EMPEROR'S explicit and conclusive repudiation. Speak ing from the height of his own experi ences—so many of the magnificent pomps won through which have been lavished by him with an open hand upon the ungrateful Prince he is addressing—the EMPEROR thus writes to his revo lutionary Imperial Highness- 44 In order to know how to apply the ideas of the EMPEROR [the EM PEROR, observe! NAPOLEON LE GRAND, that is] — in order to know how to apply the ideas of the EMPEROR to the present time, it is necessary to have Passed through the stern trials of responsibility and power. And, besides," asks NAPOLEON 111., with a noble self depreciation that will elevate instead of degrading him in the estimation of those who read his words, " and, besides," he asks, " are we really capable, Pigmies as we are, of appreciating at its just value the grand historical figure of NAPOLEON ? As if standing before a colossal statue, we are un able to view the whole at once. We only see the side which strikes our sight ; hence the in completeness of the reproduction and the divergences of opinions." Thereupon it is, in effect, that comes the final gist, the ultimate result, the distinct and resolute conclusion of the whole of this necessitated and most memorable document —the Emperor closing it thus unmistake ably :—" But what is clear to the eyes of every one is, that to prevent anarchy in men's minds—that redoubtable enemy of true liberty—the Emperor had established, first in his family, and afterwards in his government, that severe discipline which ad mitted but one will and one action : I cannot hence forth deviate from the same rule of conduct." France has now, therefore, reason to thank the Prince NAPOLEON—not the Emperor NAPOLEON but the Prince NAPOLEON—for the compulsory continuance yet awhile of whatever there may be still rendered necessary for her—in the interests of her own prosperity, and in the interests, also, of European peace—in the way of dictatorship. Wise Governments are usually careful to heep out of political dilemmas, but the Administration of the United States seems to have voluntarily placed itself in a most awkward and perplexing position. If there ever was a case in which it was desirable to build a bridge for a flying enemy, it was certainly the moment after the evacuation of Richmond and the capitulation of LEE. The war was, temporarily at least, concluded ; all opposition was at an end ; the South had few armies left, and those were rapidly coming to terms ; there was nothing that the most distrustful or the most apprehensive could fear from the ex-rulers of the Southern States. The great difficulty which lay before the North was to conciliate the Southern people to the change, to induce them to abandon their four years' vision of independence, and to regard the much-talked-of Union as the object of their patriotic attachment. It was very well for demagogues and infuriated preachers, only seeking to inflame the passions of the unthinking multitude, and to fan the excitement of the hour, to talk of wholesale expatriation and confiscation, but the real statesmen and politicians of the North must know very well that any such endeavour would be as preposterous as it would be wicked. For the Northern States to attempt to hold the Southern States in military subjection would be simply ridiculous. The vast extent of the country to be held would alone make the task a hopeless one to a despot with unlimited hordes, but LiAe buoy commercial population of the Northern cities has certainly something else to do than to garrison ports and patrol cities. The Federal finances, moreover, are hardly in a condition to maintain a huge standing army, an institution al ways justly unpopular in a free country. On every account, therefore, the object of Northern states men should have been to conciliate the population of the South as far as possible, to avoid all unneces sary collision, all semblance of severity or oppres sion, and to endeavour, as much as was practicable, to obliterate the bitter memories of the strife. This policy there is good reason to believe would have been followed by ABRAHAM LINCOLN had he lived, (a belief which effectually disposes of the accusa tions against the Confederates), but unhappily it does not not appear to be the policy now approved of in Washington. The Southern people are justly proud of their leaders both civil and military, and the reputations of LEE and DAVIS are not Amelican simply, but European. The tide of fortune has turned against them, but we may easily imagine had events been different how they would have been praised and courted, and how the fugitive and the prisoner would have been transformed into the heroes of the age, the " representative men" of their country. The fair and honourable terms offered by General GRANT to his heroic antagonist were an important element in the termination of the war, and the Federal cause gained as much by the mode ration of its General as by the triumph of his arms. Had GRANT driven his enemy to desperation ; had he routed and destroyed the shattered remains of the noble Virginian army, killing, wounding, and capturing ; and had he then succeeded in dragging LEE to a military prison, there is no question that the lingering fire in the Southern hearts would have been freshly kindled ; that the bitterness and indig nation of the people would have been more dangerous to the Union than thousands of well trained soldiers. Why have not the civil rulers shown the same magnanimity towards their civil opponents ? Of the two, LEE was unquestionably more dangerous than DAVIS. His name alone was a tower of strength ; he was the idol of the army, and his abilities as a military commander were but too well known to the Federal armies. DAVIS, on the contrary, had lost all. However great his capacity for government, it was very un likely he would have the opportunity of showing it. His people had shown themselves rather inclined to underrate than to over estimate his services. His calm, temperate, and enlightened Government had only been too little inclined to adopt vigorous mea sures. There could not be any grounds for ap prehending that after the evacuation of Richmond, the surrender of LEE, the capitulation of all the minor forces, and the virtual overthrow of the Con federacy, JEFFFERSON DAVIS would personally prove dangerous to the Union. Captured, the Government would be compelled to decide upon his treatment, but it is undoubtedly an occasion on which a prudent Cabinet would have refused to see him, would have ordered so faint a pursuit as to leave him every chance of reaching the coast, and would, above all things, have avoided the awkward task of deciding upon the fate of so distinguished and unfortunate a man. But with a blindness and folly that seemed to court embarassment, the Washington Cabinet urged on the pursuit and stimulated it by the offer of a large reward for the capture of the very man whom they should have most dreaded to see in their power, while, as if still further to complicate their own position, they indulged in the most reckless accusations of murder and the most high-flown denunciations of treason. JEFFERSON DAVIS may be tried for treason, but every one knows that he was in fact the recognised leader of a belligerent state, and, disguise it as they may in words, the execution of the Southern Pre sident will be looked upon as the cruel and cowardly murder of a political antagonist, not as the just punishment of a ringleader of sedition. But it is not too late to hope that this fatal error may be avoided. It has unquestionably been a great mistake to arrest the fugitive, but there re mains a means of escape. Happily President JOHNSON has withdrawn the rash and reckless accu sation of connivance at a crime most foreign to JEFFERSON DAVIS'S feelings and sympathies, and therefore there is nothing but the open question of political opposition to deal with. The sentence of exile from the States will amply meet the exigencies of the moment; and if it were promptly carried out, and Mr. DAVIS escorted to the coast without delay, however much some fanatics may complain, the Federal Government will gain substantial strength, and win the approbation of all honourable and enlightened men not only in Europe, but in the Northern States themselves. The whole of that vast population cannot be swayed by the passions of an extreme party. We have seen how the unanimous feeling of the better classes of New York compelled the Government to change the secret trial of the so-called conspirators to open day, and the indignation expressed in all quarters at the famous Proclamation probably had a considerable share in undeceiving the PRESIDENT as to the nature of the evidence. In the same man ner the execution of the Southern ruler will disgust all those whose support President JOHNSON should be most anxious to obtain, while in England and France it will be received with un mitigated indignation. It is certainly an occasion on which the two foremost Governments of the Old World might justly enter an emphatic protest, and in face of their reminder of the light in which JEF FERSON DAVIS is held by Europe, the Washington Cabinet can hardly treat him as a common felon. But Governments, whether in the Old or the New World, sometimes mistake the temper of the people they govern. It is but too probable that the Wash ington Cabinet will outrage the feelings of all honourable Americans, as there is too good reason to apprehend that Lords PALMERSTON and RUSSELL will fail in this crisis to represent the character and the sympathies of the English nation. The Hon. CHARLES GAVAN DUFFY'S speech the other night at the St. James's Hall is well worthy of perusal, and will be found to contain some home truths for those parties who have been pluming themselves upon knowing a good deal of matters of which they are profoundly ignorant. The hon. gentleman has lately returned from the colony of Victoria, and thus additional interest was imparted to the proceedings. Sir GEORGE BOWYER, who pre sided on the occasion in a very efficient manner, paid a high compliment to the guest of the evening, and regretted his intention of returning to Australia, because he said that such men could ill be spared from this country. Mr. DUFFY declared that " all the fascinations of Europe would not have drawn him across the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans if there had not been also on the other side the friends of his early manhood." The hon. gentleman took a brief retrospect of his career, and was able to point out among the assembly many who had in former years been associated with him in various undertakings. He wisely refrained from saying much of Ireland, truly observing that after his ten years absence at a distance of thirteen thousand miles, it rather became him to learn than to teach. He preferred, he said, to speak of the country in which he had so long sojourned, and of which he possessed an intimate knowledge. It is satisfactory to find that Mr. DUFFY entertains the highest opinion of his adopted land, and speaks in the warmest terms of acknowledgment and gratitude of his sojourn there. He, therefore, deprecated the tone of criticism which prevailed in this country on the subject of Australian Colonies both in the press and in Parliament. It will be well if the warnings of one so well calculated to give an opinion are attended to, and if the captious critics, ever ready to depre ciate and detract, will abstain for the future from making unwarrantable assertions, which do an im mense deal of damage, and never answer any pur pose but the selfish ones of gaining a momentary advantage to an argument. Mr. DUFFY declared that there was " a generous and cordial feeling towards their native country among the mixed population of Australia, but they had thesensitiveness to unjust criticismwhich distinguishes every new people." What can be more impolitic than this tending to misrepresent a colony among those whose position gives us cause to suppose that they know the mischievous effects that may thereby be created, and which time cannot wholly efface nor care prevent from spreading fast and far. A notable instance was mentioned by Mr. DUFFY. In the Reform debate, Mr. GREGORY read an extract from an Australian paper to show that the Legislative Assembly in Victoria had refused, under " demo cratic influence," to grant fifty thousand a year to aid female immigration. Mr. GREGORY did not state that the newspaper which furnished the ex tract was nearly five years old, and that every year since that date fifty thousand has been spent on " assisted immigration ;" and the London papers of the very week in which his speech was made con tained advertisements offering free passages to the colony of Victoria to "suitable female immigrants." Nothing is more pernicious than the practice which has lately prevailed to a great extent of quoting certain passages which suit a particular purpose, and leaving the remainder of the contents untouched, so that ignorant and misinformed persons draw a totally different conclusion to that which is the correct version of the affair. The chief part of the mischief thus occasioned is, that many of those who hear the wrong story never hear the right one, and thus an erroneous impression prevails upon important subjects. Too much cannot be said against this habit, and the sooner it is put a stop to by the strictures of the community the better, for a false colouring is put upon things that is discreditable to all concerned. Mr. DUFFY mentioned that Mr. GREGORY also read an extract from an anonymous correspondent, which denounced the local Parlia ment in unmeasured terms. Now, the hon. gentle - man said, he would put his experience of ten years against the statement of this writer, who withheld his name, and declare that, taking everything into consideration, the Parliament of Victoria represented the community as adequately and effectually as the British Parliament represented these kingdoms. " It contained some men who would be distin guished in any deliberative assembly which he had ever seen." This mysterious unknown spoke of railway porters and ex-ploughmen as members of the Legislature, but, as Mr. DUFFY said, in a coun try where so many of the people live by cultivating the land, it was not singular that some farmers should be elected, and the complaint was that there were so few. Mr. DUFFY ingeniously turned the tables upon the correspondent by stating that an exporter whom he had sat with in the Parliament of Victoria for several sessions was more useful and less discreditable than a much more important railway functionary who had sat in " European legislative assemblies." The remark altogether was a very absurd one, be cause in a young colony it is natural that men of all classes should rise into eminence, and those who undertake really rough tasks may do so with im punity in comparison with the inhabitants of this country. If the members of the Legislative Assem bly truly represent the interests of the colony and protect its privileges, they are the fitting and proper persons to hold their trust, and should meet with respect instead of serving as butts for captious politicians to make game of. Mr. CAVE was also very free in his dissertations on Australian affairs, and Mr. DUFFY spoke with great force against the exagge ration and mistakes made by the right hon. gentle man, and finally extinguished his arguments by saying that if the Colonial Parliament sympathised with the colonial communities, he would bring against the opinion of a political philosopher like Mr. CAVE that of a greater, EDMUND BURKE, who said it was ' better for a Parliament to be inflicted with popular epidemics than for it not to care for the feelings and opinions out of doors. Mr. DUFFY concluded his eloquent discourse by saying that the people of this country should think that the people of Aus tralia were their own countrymen, " who had passed through the tropics to their new home," and were the better rather than the worse for the adventure. THE CONSECRATION OF DR. MANNING, the Arch bishop of Westminster, is fixed to take place at Moorfields on Thursday, the Bth.of Juno. Bishops Ullathorne and Grant will officiate. Dr. Manning will afterwards proceo4 to Rome. ROYAL HORTICULTURAL SOCIETY.—The Rhodo dendron tent now open at South Kensington Gardens proved a great attraction to the fashionable world on Satur day last. The weather was lovely, and the performance of the band of the Royal Horse Guards (Blue), under the di rection of Mr. Boosey, admirable. Among the visitors were the Earl of Roseberry, Sir C. W. Trevelyan, Major Gran moll, Rev. Mr. Brock, Sir A. Cumming, Sir a Lennox, Lord Ormond, General Cole, General Adam, Mr. Paxton, Mr. Fitzroy, Mr. and Mrs. Delane, Colonel and Miss Leslie, Marchioness of Waterford, Lady Egerton of Tatton, Capt. Cameron, Lady Howland, Mr. Chapman, Mr. Dent, Sir J. and Lady Johnson, Mrs. Witters, Mr. and Mrs. H. Lewis, Earl of Wicklow, Colonel and Mrs. Reeves, Lord Boston, Lady Rolt, Hon. Mrs. Lyons, Baron Brunnow, Lady Scott, General Hamilton, Earl of Westmeath, &c. The exhibition will continue all this week, and the band of the Royal Horse Guards will play daily. LATEST INTELLIGENCE. (REITTER'S TELEGRAMS.) WEST INDIA AND PACIFIC MAILS. SOUTHAMPTON, MAY 29. The Royal Mail Company's steamer Shannon, with the above mails, passed the Needles at 11.20 a.m. to-day. TEE BOMBAY MAIL. SOUTHAMPTON", MAY 29. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam ship Euxine, with the heavy portion of the above mails, has arrived here. She brings 104 passengers, .£22,724 in specie, gold bars value 650,000 rupees, diamonds value 10,000 rupees, and jewellery value 10,000 rupees, and 461 packages of cargo, including 175 bales of silk value £15,000. On the 20th she spoke the steamers Delta and Memnon, on the 24th the Syria, and on the 28th the Delhi. The British steamers Gibraltar, Amazon, Brenda, Hellenis, Latona, from London, the Hector and Memnon from Liverpool, and the Delta from Southampton, had arrived at Gibraltar. Gibraltar exchange on London, 90 days, was quoted 494 to 49i, on Paris 5.27, Marseilles 5.20, Madrid 2 dis. Freights unaltered. PLYMOUTH, MAY 29. The London and East India Company's steam ship Mauritius touched at Falmouth last night, and came on to Plymouth this morning. She left Cal cutta on Feb. 5 ; Madras, 22d ; Cape of Good Hope, March 28th ; and Fayal, May 22d. She brings 300 men of the 71st Regiment, to be landed at Graves end, and 73 men of the 60th, to be landed at this port—all from Calcutta ; also 80 passengers and a large Indian cargo. Her news have been fully anticipated. rHE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVEAING, • MAY 29, 186 a, FRANCE, BOURSE, May 27.—The favourable turn which took place in the various markets yesterday has con tinued since the opening )f business to-day, and the principal securities have been held firm with little modification in yesterday's prevailing rates. Threes, for the Account, have been transacted at 67f. 35c., and Mobilier Shares at 777 f. 50c. The Stock of of the Mexican (Old) and Italian Loans remain unchanged. The market closed as follows : 4} per Cents 93 4C Do. end month — 3 per Cents. 67 35 Do. end month 67 32i Credit Mobilier 780 Do. end month Bank Shares 3550 Credit Foncier 1255 Italian Loan 66 (5 Do. end month 66 - RAIL' Ditto Threes Now Mexican Do. New Russian 9O 50 Austrian Spanish Threes Home Debt — Deferred Roman 7G 'AYS. Orleans Cash. Acct. 835 832 50 Northern 1067 50 1070 Lyons and Mediterranean OOO ... 897 50 Southern 597 50 ... 595 Western 522 50 525 Eastern Sardinian 306 25 Austrian Lombard 5OB 75 ... 506 25 North of Spain 245 50 ... 243 75 Saragossa 33G 23 ... 338 75 Ditto to Barcelona l4O ... 137 50 Dinner to the Hon. Chas. Gavan Duffy. On Saturday evening a complimentary dinner was given at St. James's-hall to the Hon. Charles Gavan Duffy on his return from the colony of Vic toria—Sir George Bowyer, Bart., M.P., presiding. The company numbered about GO gentlemen, the large majority of whom were fellow-countrymen of the honoured guest ; and amongst the more distin tinguished. were Sir Colman O'Loghlen, Bart., M.P., The Donoghue, M.P., the Hon. T. Darcy M'Gee, Canadian Minister of Agriculture ; Mr. Maguire, M.P., Mr. Kennedy, M.P., Sir Rowland Blenner hassen, Bart., Mr. Blake, M.P., Mr. Mahon, M.P., Major O'Reilly, M.P., Mr. Moore, M.P., Mr. Lanigan, M.P., Mr. Pope Hennessy, M.P., Sir John Gray, Mr. M'Evoy, M.P:, Dr. Brady, M.P., Mr. Broderip, M.L.A.. Victoria, Mr. Hughes, late M.L. A.., Victoria. The toast of " Her Majesty the Queen" having been honoured, The CHAIRMAN proposed "The health of Mr. Duffy," passing a warm eulogium on the character and merits of that gentleman. His whole life, he said, had been unexceptionable. They were about to drink the health of a man whose entire career had been one of pure and unmixed patriotism. (Cheers.) It was well known that Dr. Johnson had said that " patriotism was the last refuge of a scoun drel ;" but the learned doctor spoke of those who made patriotism a marketable commodity—as a bill of exchange, or any other object which might pass from one hand to another; whereas the patriotism of his humble friend formed a wide contrast to the statement thus expressed. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Duffy entered Parliament with himself (the chairman) and he could conscientiously say that no man during his experience in the House of Commons had more easily or quickly succeeded in catch ing the eye of the Speaker. His policy was pre eminently Irish. He thought of Ireland before everything. In short, he had proved himself throughout a true Catholic, a true Irishman, a true patriot, an honest man. (Cheers.) Notwithstanding the distinguished position he achieved in this coun try, he had been' transferred to another land, and there he pursued a career of such brilliant success that all must regret that the scene of his labours was so far distant. He deeply regretted that it was the intention of the hon. gentleman to return to Australia, for Dan of his earnestness, ability, and integrity were much needed in our House of Commons, and such a man as Mr. Duffy was qualified to be their leader. His determination, however, was to return to his new-adopted country; and it was now their pleasure and duty to express a wish that he might live long, and that he might come back again to those who would be always delighted, as at the present moment, to give him a sincere and cordial welcome. (Loud cheers.) The toast having been drunk with true Irish enthu siasm, • Mr. C. GAVAN DUFFY, in returning thanks for the toast of his health, which had been very warmly received, ob served that as he glanced round the table the company seemed to present a strange panorama of his own life—every phase of it for more than a quarter of a century was re called to his mind by some familiar face. Having announced his intention of visiting Ireland, he observed that after coming from Australia he feared he was not fitted to look with much patience on the spectacle which his native country presented, he said he felt surprised and wounded at the tone which prevailed in respect of the Australian colonies in the press and in the Parliament of this country. He thought there was a great mistake of policy and a strange lack of good feeling in the eagerness with which every fact appearing to damage or lower the reputation of the Australian colonies was received in England. A century ago the same prejudices existed towards the colonies of North America, and the evil consequences had not died out yet, and perhaps never would die out. If there were a less friendly feeling towards this country in the America of Andrew Johnson than in the America of George Washington, the chief cause, he believed, was the ill-feeling created by that contemptuous criticism in England. (Hear.) There was a generous and cordial feeling towards their native country among the mixed population of Australia ; but they had the sensitiveness to unjust criti cism which distinguished every new people, and they might be made as hostile as America had been by the same causes. He was puzzled to account for this sentiment towards Aus tralia. What had Victoria, for example, done to provoke hostility ? She had never cost the Imperial Treasury a guinea except f6r strictly Imperial purposes. She had man aged her own affairs without pestering the Imperial Par liament, and had managed them with notable success. She had poured a tide of gold—averaging nearly a quarter of a million sterling every week—for the last dozen years into the commercial capital of England, from which wealth every class and almost every individual in this community was more prosperous than he would otherwise have been. (Hear, hear.) He might as well attempt to analyze the ocean as to refute the tide of misrepresentation ; but he would take as a specimen what he had himself heard in a single night during the present month. In the Reform de bate Mr. Gregory read an extract from an Australian news paper to show how the Legislative Assembly in Victoria, under democratic influence, had refused to grant £50,000 a year in aid of assisted female immigration, notwithstanding a great inequality of the sexes in the colonial population. But Mr. Gregory had omitted to tell Parliament that the sztract was from a newspaper nearly five years old; and he had also omitted to tell Parliament, if ho knew it, that every year since the date of that paper £50,000 a year had annually been spent on assisted immigration. In fact, the London daily papers of the very week in which his speech was made contained advertisements offering free passages to the colony of Victoria to suitable female immigrants. Mr. Gregory also read an exti.act from an anonymous correspon dent, denouncing the local Parliament in unmeasured terms. If he might venture to set his personal experince of nearly 10 years against the statement of the writer who withheld his name, he would affirm that, making reasonable allow ance for the necessary and essential difference between a country like this—possessing a class with abundant wealth and leisure—and a colony not yet 30 years in exist ence, the Parliament of Victoria represented the commu nity as adequately and effectively as the British Parlia ment represented these kingdoms. (Cheers.) It contained some men who would be distinguished in any deliberative assembly which he had ever seen. Mr. Gregory's corre spondent spoke of ex-ploughmen and railway porters. Though he had been a member of the Parliament during its entire existence he did not know to whom reference was made as an ex-ploughman ; but in a country where a large sectiai of the people lived by cultivating the land it was surely natural and proper that some farmers should be elected, and the real ground of complaint was that only ono or two had been elected. Four years ago an ex-railway porter had been elected by a mining constituency, and having sat in the same Parliament with him for several sessions he was of opinion that the ex-railway porter was a more useful and less discreditable representative than much more important railway functionaries who had sat in European legislative assemblies. (A laugh.) Mr. Gregory's correspondent cited the names of five gentlemen who he affirmed would have no chance of election with Victorian constituencies. Ho did not know how he arrived at that conclusion. One of the gentlemen named was Chief Justice, and he - had been elected for the most democratic constituency in Australia —that of Melbourne, when he was Attorney-General. Two others were a stipendiary magistrate and stipendiary sheriff, who had never tried to get into Parliament, and who could not get in without resigning their offices ; ano ther was a retired attorney, who had been elected to the Upper House, and had not by any means electrified it by his eloquence or statesmanship—(a laugh)—and the last was a squatter or sheep farmer, who, if his own class de sired to see him in Parliament, could easily be elected for any one of several constituencies, which never selected a member not devoted to the pastoral interests. Fancy some French or American critic dogmatically affirming that the English constituencies were debased, and citing as evi dence of it his conviction that Chief Justice Cockburn, the Recorder of Hull, or Mr. Norton, the police magistrate, would have no chance of getting into Parliament. (A laugh.) If Mr. Gregory wished to present to Parliament a startling contrast between the old country and the new, he would furnish him with one which had the advan tage of being founded on fact. He might ride over a district in Victoria larger than the county he represented without meeting a man who had not sufficient to eat and drink and wear, and without seeing a farmer who did not own the land he tilled in fee-simple, or hold it on terms of inde pendence ; without seeing a clergyman living at the cost of the country without a flock, or a church built by the State without a congregation. When Mr. Gregory could say as much for Galway he might throw the first stone at Austra lia. But on the same evening a much more important person, and one who ought to know Australia better, had been nearly as completely mistaken. He declared that the democracy of Victoria were prevented from applying for the franchise, because a registration fee of ls. had been es tablished by law, which they considered too high a price to pay for enfranchisement. But the fact was that to whatever extent the new system had diminished the number of elec tors—and the extent was much less than Mr. Lowe sup posed—it had not arisen from the paltry fee, but from the necessity of personal attendance at the registrar's office. Personal attendance in many cases meant losing a day's work, in a country where a day's work might mean a gold nugget. And there was the further necessity of proving local residence for six months in a country where a large portion of the population were necessarily rendered un settled by the nature of their pursuits as miners and shepherds. If he might call in question the logic of so accomplished a dialectician as Mr. Lowe, it ap peared to him a very inconsequential argument to contend that, because the working classes in Australia were totally indifferent to the franchise, it was dangerous to grant it to them in England, lest they might swamp all the other classes by their eager exercise of it. Mr. Lowe fur ther declared that the d emocracy had absolute control over the Australian Legislature, and used their power for class purposes. He was at a loss to know on what grounds the right hon. gentleman had arrived at that conclusion. He asked the gentlemen around him to remember that the people of Australia were simply their own countrymen who had 'passed through the tropics to a new home ; that they were not the worse for that adventure, but rather the better, as they had thereby given proof of their courage and self-reliance, and that the Mends whom they had left behind ought to rejoice in their prosperity, and feel that their character was part of the possessions of this country. (Cheers.) Opinions of the Press about the Emperor and Prince Napoleon• THE GOVERNMENT ORGAN, " THE TIME S."— The good sense which the Emperor of the French has so often brought to bear upon the proceedings of his relatives and his Ministers has not deserted him under the trying circumstances which have arisen during his absence in Algeria. The Emperor has given whole years of his life to illustrating the character, the writings, and the opinions of the First Napoleon. It might have been thought difficult for any one to speak in terms of the highest praise of the great French Emperor, and yet to give marked offence to his nephew and successor ; yet no letter of the Emperor's which we have seen since his acsession to the throne bears such strong marks of irritation. It may be said without exaggera tion to convey a bitter reproach to his cousin for the abuse of the opportunity afforded by the Emperor's absence, and of the high office to which the Prince was promoted. " While leaving you," writes the Emperor, " Vice-President of the Council of State, near the Empress and my son, I wished to give you a proof of friendslaip and confi dence, hoping that your presence, conduct, and discourse would testify to the union reigning among our family ; but the political programme - which you place under the aegis of the Emperor can only be useful to the enemies of my Govern ment, as furnishing grounds for judgments which we cannot admit." This is plain speaking, and has in it a tone of bitterness to which from such a source we are little accustomed. No doubt it is im possible to conceive anything more galling to a Prince like the Emperor Napoleon, whose theories are obviously and avowedly a great deal more liberal than his practice, than to be encountered by profes sions of Liberalism from members of his own family a great deal more advanced than any to which he is able to give effect. There is something disloyal in the proceeding. Prince Napoleon like every other Frenchman, has, no doubt, a right to his opinions, and he is capable of expressing them with force and clearness, but it is not right that he should receive so many benefits, honours, and emoluments from the Government of his cousin, and at the same time avail himself of his absence to place himself in the unenviable dilemma of being supposed either to secretly approve the expression of sentiments ad verse to his own published opinions and avowed policy, or else, as he has felt himself forced to do on this occasion, publicly and pointedly to disavow them. We speak impartially on this subject, for we neither approve the sweeping Democratic senti ments of the Prince nor the thoroughly restrictive policy of the Emperor. The first, we believe, would plunge society into infinite evils; the second keeps it in a state of pupilage, and prevents it from obtaining that experience which is necessary to the practice of political freedom. We took occasion to comment, and not, we think, unjustly, on the elaborate attempt of the Prince to palm off the First Napoleon as the advocate and champion of liberty—as one who was guilty of but one weakness in his life, and that owing to his too scrupulous good faith. Such statements as these cannot exalt the character they are intended to raise, and only attract to it the well merited censure which a free Press seldom fails to bestow where it isdeserved. We rejoice to find that the Emperor of the French not only reproves his cousin for the Democratic programme which he most unjustly ascribes to Napoleon, but also for his mistaken estimate of the true bearing of his charac ter and the true meaning of his career. " Can we," he says, " pigmies as we are, estimate at its true value the great historical picture of Napoleon ? Standing before a colossal statue, we are powerless to take in the whole at a glance. We never see but the side which strikes our view." We did not of course expect the French Emperor to give any countenance to such a view of his uncle's character as we have felt ourselves compelled by a sense of historical justice to present, but we are pleased to see that the censure pronounced upon Prince Napoleon is not confined to the political or religious doctrines of which he sought this occasion to make himself the exponent, but that he is reproved for the view he has giv m of the Emperor's character. He does not tell us in what respect he considers that the Prince has mis interpreted Napoleon, but he accuses him of taking partial and inadequate views, and dwelling too much on the side which is for the moment presented to him. In this criticism we cordially agree. What can be more preposterous than to seize upon isolated points in the character of a man like Napoleon, and to seek to found upon them views of his inten tions which the tenour of his whole life contradicts ? The Prince has culled from the Imperial records language addressed by the First Napoleon to the Poles and the Hungarians, and some aspirations for the unity of Italy, and concludes thence that Napoleon was in favour of the principle of nationa lities, although his whole life was one continued struggle to carry on the business of conquest by main force alone, without appealing to the people. How could it be otherwise when it entered into the plan of Napoleon to re-enact on the whole conti nent of Europe that which the long revolution be gun by Louis XI. and ended by himself had done for France—to fuse all nationalities into one, and to make Europe a single nation under a single head ? How could a man embarking on such an enterprise invoke in his aid that very feeling of nationalities which it was the whole aim of his life to overthrow and destroy? Whatever were his faults, Napoleon was a man of iron and inflexible consistency ; his objects were clearly defined; he. sought them with unflinching and unswerving pertinacity, and was of all men who ever lived the least likely to sacrifice the end to the means. In like manner the Prince would desire us to fix our eyes exclusively on the meditations of Napo leon at St. Helena, and the remarkable change which he says his mind had undergone during his residence at Elba. It was not unnatural that Na poleon, writing at St. Helena, should lament that the wonderful change which he represents as being wrought in his mind during his residence at Elba was not appreciated as it should have been by the rest of mankind. Kings and people feared him, but they were wrong ; he returned a new man. They did not know that he was an entirely altered person ; they did not understand that mode ration was now his leading characteristic. They fell into the error of believing he was the same man as he was a year before, not having the power of read ing in his heart the wondrous change which the Prince assures us had been wrought there. Nay, we actually believe they were strengthened in this opinion by the fact that Napoleon left Elba in defiance of treaties, and under circumstances which rendered it absolutely impossible for him to main tain his position except by victory in the field. They doubted his sincerity when he said to Benjamin Constant, " Let us have free elections, discussions, responsible Ministers, liberty—l want all that ; the liberty of the Press above all ; to stifle it is absurd. This surely was a one-sided view of the character of Napoleon, and to endeavour to persuade us that it was his real conviction is to set a few isolated expressions, used at a time when they were necessary for his success, against the consistent and undoubted tendency of his whole life. We do not wonder that the Empe ror objects to this sort of reasoning, which can only end in fixing keener attention on the weak points of the Imperial character. We can perfectly under stand, also, how distasteful it must be to him, while he is advancing so slowly and cau tiously in the path of reform, to find his cousin denouncing every characteristic of the present Constitution of France the restricted suffrage, the Press laws, the negation of the right of meeting—things to all of which we also object, but which it was scarcely fair in Prince Napoleon to condemn in such sweeping terms while he was con tent to receive so many benefits under them. We, therefore, see nothing to blame in the caustic admoni tion with which the letter concludes—" that in order to prevent anarchy the Emperor had to establish, first in his family and then in the Government, severe discipline, admitting but of one view and one action ;" nor are we at all surprised that Prince Napoleon has accepted the intimation thus frankly conveyed, and resigned his high position as Vice- President of the Imperial Council. THE CONSERVATIVE ORGAN, " THE STANDARD." —The Emperor of the French has supplemented his cousin's development of the Napoleonic traditions in a fashion which must make the orator of Ajaccio very sensible of the incompleteness of his study of that interesting subject. Napoleon, master of France and a prisoner in St. Helena, expressed a great many opinions of a very emphatic but very destructive character. He talked a liberalism in exile of the sincerity of which we can have no other test than the despotism he exercised when in power, and, dic tator of Europe, he professed a great many wishes and purposes to which, although the occasion offered itself, he never cared to give effect. By a judicious selection from these random opinions, the Prince was able to " disengage the idea of Napoleon upon those still unsolved questions which agitate and pre occupy the present generation" in such a manner as to make the idea a sponsor for his own extreme views. But in culling these choice sentences the Prince seems to have overlooked altogether a Na poleonic characteristic which one would have thought his father's history would have impressed above all others upon his mind—his uncle's inflexible rule of treating his family as his subjects • his avowed determination to subordinate their will en tirely to his own. Napoleon 111. is the inheritor of his uncle's power, and considers himself, and is pro fessedly considered by his cousin, the inheritor of his traditions. If for no other reason, therefore, the Prince, before extracting from the language of his uncle a policy which amounted to a declaration of war against Austria and the Papacy, should have submitted his ideas to his cousin, and asked permission to express them. He did no such thing. Without a word of warning he seized an occasion upon which all politics might very well have been laid aside to pronounce dogmatically upon the unsettled questions of Europe, and to pronounce upon them opinions directly contrary to those entertained by the Emperor, and consequently calculated to cause him considerable embarrassment. That was an offence against what we may call the unwritten family law of the house of Napoleon which could not be passed over, and the Emperor lost no time in writing to his cousin to announce the painful impression which the speech had made upon him, and let the world know how he had beenimpressed by publishing the letter in the Moniteur. The rebuff is a severe one, but it was tho roughly merited. A more mischievous speech could hardly have been made, and it was evidently the in tention of the Prince that it should be mischievous. It was designed to kindle revolutionary feelings against Austria, and to stimulate the revolutionary party in Europe, whose action is one of the great difficulties of the French Government. It breathed a hatred and rancour which, whether they be " no longer of our day," as the Emperor says, or not, deserve the utmost reprobation. It sought to set Europe by the ears, and to produce a series of wars after the pattern of those of the First Napo leon, in order-that certain nationalities might be re constituted, and the Napoleonic idea, which we pre sume means in Prince Napoleon's mind finding a throne for Prince Napoleon, be thoroughly carried out. It was more, it was an impeachment of the policy of the Emperor—to whom Prince Nopoleon owes alLthat he is—a kind of appeal to the French public to reverse their positions. " Look at me," said the Prince in substance, " I am the true ex pounder of the First Napoleon's ideas. I am the real Napoleon, who would unite democracy with glory. My cousin is a pitiful coward. He is afraid of Europe unquiet." Not content with denouncing in the bitterest language the policy of the Emperor on the Roman question, the Prince actually went out of his way to show his opposition to the Emperor's Mexican policy—a gratuitous and wanton offence. Under any circumstance the Emperor would have had a right to complain of such a speech, and to treat it as an offence to himself personally, but the particular circum stances under which the speech was made aggra vate very considerably the offence, and make the conduct.of the Prince perfectly inexcusable. The Emperor had recently elevated the Prince to the position of Vice-President of the Council of State, thus giving him, not mereiy a mark of confidence but a direct and powerful influence upon the policy of France. That appointment naturally induced many people to believe in an accord of opinions upon great questions between the two cousins, and gave to his words, in their estimation, a considerable importance as a probable reflex of the views of the Emperor. The Emperor was absent from France, and in his absence the opinions ex pressed by the Prince gained a further importance with many people, who fancied that the whole mat ter had been planned so that the Prince could speak and the Emperor gain time to discover from the ma nifestation of public opinion whether to adopt or re pudiate the views of the speech. We do not make the Prince answerable for the over-cleverness of con tinental politicians, but he must have known himself that the circumstances, whilst lending in the public eye a much greater importance to any speech he might make, imposed extreme discretion and re- Serve, and that if he really felt called upon to arraign his cousin's policy, honour and honesty alike commanded him to choose another season for doing it. To make such a speech at such a tune was to convict himself, not merely of political incapacity but of petty cunning. Had the opinions of the speech been as sound and just as they are wild and iniquitous, their expression under the cir cumstances would have been a blunder. As it is, the Prince has managed to combine the crime with the blunder. The letter of the Emperor is written with a very becoming dignity and great moderation. He gently rebukes his cousin for betraying his con fidence, for taking advantage of his absence to attack his policy, or, as he puts it, for " showing disunion in our family," and at the same time asserts with great decision his resolve to follow out his uncle's policy, and " establish in his familY that severe discipline admitting but one will and one action." The error of the Prince could not have been more mildly and yet more decisively condemned. That he has been decisively condemned he acknow ledges himself. Immediately upon the publication of the Emperor's letter he addressed a reply, resign ing the Vice-Presidency- of the Council of State and the Presidency of the Commission of the Universal Exhibition, and published it long before it could reach the Emperor. Prince Napoleon does not take correction kindly. He is evidently angry 04 well as mortified, but his anger will not disturb the Emperor, and be little noted in France- The Prince is, no doubt, a man of some ability', but whatever influence he may enjoy is due entirely to his cousin's favour and the presumption of his confidence, and that favour and confidence with drawn he will count for nothing. He may pout as much as he pleases, nobody will trouble about it save the little clique of Democrats who gather about and flatter him. France will rejoice at the rebuke which the Emperor has administered to him • will rejoice that the head of the state has repudiated the wild and rancorous views, any attempt to give effect to which would make of Europe a vast battle-field, whilst the mere suspicion that they were entertained by the Emperor would fill Europe with an alarm blighting to all progress and pregnant with the danger of a war waged to nip the purpose in the bud. POST.—The Emperor of the French has not hesi tated to fulfil the obligations imposed upon him by peculiarly painful circumstances. His Majesty's letter to Prince Napoleon will be understood in France and appreciated by Europe. The speech at Ajaccio was a political indiscretion that could not be passed over. It was indiscreet, in the first place, to substitute an essay for an elegy ; but Prince Napoleon travelled out of the province of the historical essayist, and, more particularly in sum raing up his argument, expressed sentiments which were susceptible of an interpretation incompatibl e with the principles on which the Second Empire had been established. As a matter of fact, it is the policy of Napoleon 111. that has modified the opinions formed of the policy of Napoleon 1.1 and reconciled Europe to the Empire in France. The Emperor of the French can apply the ideas of his great predecessor to the present time,' whereas Prince Napoleon has shown, both with reference to Austria and the United States, that he entertains those ideas in a sense generally inad; ' missable and which, carried out,tcould hardly toconfirmanew the teaching of history. This Is not dissembled by the Emperor, and anarchy, that is the formidable enemy of true liberty, would de stroy all, public confidence in a Government which/ corresponding to the requirements of the Frenc h people, commands the respect of foreign Towers. The Emperor's letter was published in the Monitearl and Prince Napoleon has resigned the office 01 Vice-President of the Privy Council, and also that of President of the Commission of the Universal Exhibition. THE OLD TORY ORGAN "THEMORNING HERALD. —lt cannot surprise any observant or reasonabl e man that the Emperor of the French should have thought it necessary to visit the recent speech of his impulsive and imprudent cousin with an outspoke n and peremptory rebuke. A more reckless an d mischievous speech could have hardly have been de livered by a personage whose position imposed uP° ll him the duty of peculiar prudence and reserve. The foreign policy of Napoleon I. is a topic, ~°I I which it behoves the descendants of his faralli, to speak in the vaguest terms and with the m ost cautious reserve. Napoleonic ideas of domestic go; vernment may be made the theme of unbounde d eulogy or the basis of developments suited to the,. genius or the convenience of his nephew witho ut any risk of displeasing France or disturbing Europe. But when Napoleonic ideas of foreign policy are the subject of discourse it behoves the speaker to veil them in that peculiar strain Or mystical language in which the present Emperor /0 so perfect an adept ; or to interpret them, as he well knows how to do, in a manner most unlike their apparent significance. For 12 years of that Empire which is peace have not taught Europe wholly to forget the terrors of that Empire which meant universal, desolating, ever-aggressive war ; and a Bonaparte on the throne of France finds not the least of his difficulties and dangers in the dis trust with which the name and the reputation he inherits inspire even the most friendly and the most powerful of his neighbours. It has been the study of the present Eta' peror, while keeping on good terms with the so-called nationalities, and never allowing theme entirely to disconnect their hopes and aspirations from his name and dynasty, to convince the Go vernments of Europe that they have nothing to fear from him •, that nothing is farther from DID intention than to play the part of a political fire" brand and plunge Europe into anarchy that Franc.° may profit by the confusion. Napoleon 1 : wise enough to know that no system of governrae% in France is strong and stable enough to have 1 , 1 , 0 need of the good-will, and no cause to dread t° o enmity, of the Continent at large; and it must bal d provoked him to as much anger as so calm an d self-governed a mind is capable of feeling to 0. 01 his cousin attempting to identify the Impe ri n f cause at once with the ambition of the founder " his family and the restless aspirations of the 8 452 " pean revolutionists. i f I_ 4 `l.' i jurL ~, 7 ~ VW ciA. if ,____l4,- i zAP 1 i tili: 14.4 , - HER MAJESTY. BALMORAL, May 2 5 • Princess Helena completed her 19th year to-dal' The Queen and Princess Helena drove out in th e morning, and in the afternoon the girls of t he Queen's School were entertained, in honour of th e day, with tea under the trees in front of the Castle' and afterwards played and danced on the grass. Her Majesty and the royal family were prese l/ during a part of the time. The Duke of Argyll had the honour of dining with the Queen and royal family. MAY 26. The Queen, with Princess Louise, attended 111 Miss Bowater, drove out in the morning. In the afternoon the Queen and Princess Helen* attended by the Hon. Mrs. A. Gordon, drove to Loch Callater. The Prince and Princess of Wales. The Prince of Wales went to the South Kensing: ton Museum on Saturday, and presided at a 11 3 e et 3i ing of the Commission for the Paris Internatloll Exhibition. The Prince and Princess of Wales, accompan ie l by Princess Mary of Cambridge and the Du ke °- Brabant, took a carriage drive. The Prince and Princess of Wales had a di ni : ef ir party in the evening. The company included t'' 6 " - a Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridg e a n Princess Mary, his Royal Highness the Duke, 01 Brabant, his Serene Highness Prince Ed-ware' "„ Saxe Weimar and the Countess Dornburg, the P 1 1%; of Rutland, the Belgian Minister and Mada me a n d de Weyer, the Hanoverian Charge d'Affaires ell , Baroness Blome, the Earl and Countess of W estin land, the Earl and Countess of Macclesfield, Countesf of Morton, Earl Granville, Earl Cowper, Be r 1 1: Sefton, Sir Charles and Lady Mary Wood, Lie„;:. General Sir Hugh Rose, Sir Rutherford Alcock, dY Laurence Oliphant, Colonel Home Purve s and fess Geraldine Somerset (in attendance on t he D Brc ~y ue'i cr, of Cambridge), Baron de Wykerslooth, and Dr. Smith (in attendance on the Duke of t.. bant), Lieutenant-General Knollys, and Lieutenan Colonel Keppel. ePIA e Jos th Dr. Gunz, Mdlle. G. Schubert, and Mr. Labor (Pianist to the King of Hanover) had honour of playing and singing after dinner- , rte . Mr. N. G. Cusins accompanied on the piall° l ', De with 1 1 ' it , The Prince and Princess of Wales, Countess of Morton and Lieut.-Colonel SePTleilei Waiting, attended Divine service at the- 1 ) Royal, St. James's , yesterday morning. iv We deeply regret to announce the corn _ of sudden death of the llcn. Thomas E. Stonor, e ldest . 5 . 0 0 0 . 0 he died, yesterday morning, at his residence try' Lord Camoys, in his 41st year. After a very short 17 0 ; street, Piccadilly.