The Sun. — London, England, 1848-03-07 00:00:00

T enamoured of it. He thought it was a tax that should be reserved for a time of war. The House of Commons, however, assented to it, and the country accepted it with a greater acquiescence than he could have expected, in order to give the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) an opportunity of proceeding with his commercial reforms. If that course was found necessary in 1545, it was much more so at the present period. It had been said that the reduction of duties effected by the Right Hon. Baronet had proved a failure. Hi, (Mr. Labou chere's) conviction was of a different kind, and he firmly believed that if the springs of industry had not been relaxed by the measures alluded to, the country would now be a worse position than it was. --(Hear, hear.) He thought the country had reason to rejoice, that in consequence of them, British commerce bad been enabled to supply the unfortunate calamities which a deficiency of food bad brought upon it. He should look upon it as a most unfortunate circumstance if the House were to agree to the motion of his Hon. Friend and limit the income-tax to a year. It would be 'eel false economy and false policy, to take any step which should have the effect of giving a shock to the credit of the country. And he could not disguise hie apprehen sion that the House, in assenting to the proposition 0; his Hon. Friend, would give a great blow to commerce and to the credit of the country both at home and abroad. He hoped that peace won!el be preserved both at hone and abroad, but looking to the circumstances of the times, it was most desirable, whatever Minister the House Might choose to have, that the credit of the country should be sustained, and that union should exist amongst all parties upon this point. Let them cut down all unne cessary expenses, but let the honour, character and credit of the country be upheld at all events.—(Hear.) It was desirable that their system of taxation should be revised; but let them nut, under present circumstances. throw things into confusion in the hope that something might come from it. Such conduct would be an unpar donable error in the House. The Hon. Gentleman had spoken of the prostrate position and fallen condition o; the country. It was true they were suffering from the effects of a great calamity; but he denied that there was anything in the state of the country to inspire them with despondency.—(Hear.) lie believed it only required time, peace at home and abroad, union and politic,' tranquillity, to make this country spring forward in the race of prosperity ; and all calamities would pass away like clouds. Let them not judge of their pro gress in prosperity by a single year, but let them judge of it by periods of twenty years. He would read for the House a comparative statement which had been drawn up by officials in the Board of Trade, of the Wealth of the country as shown by the income-tax in 1815, and as shown by the returns of 1842. The result would show how greatly the country increased in pros perity during the interval; and it should be recollected at the same time that in the year 1815, all incomes above 50/ a year were taken into calculation with a depre ciated currency, whilst in 1842 all incomes under 1501. Were exempted, with an appreciated currency. Under schedule A, including real property, the amount rated to the income-tax for 1814 15 was 60,000,0001.; in 1842 3 it was 94,000,000/. Under schedule B, including the occupiers of land. &c., the return for 181415 was 38,000 ; 0001.; in 1842-3, it was 43,000,0001. Under schedule C, including the public funds, the return for 181445 was 31,000,000/ ; in 1842 it was 27,000,0001. Under schedule D. including trades and professions, the return for 1814-15 was 35,886,000/4 in 1842 3, it was 64,344,0001. In schedule E, including sala ries, the amount, in 1842 43, was considerably diminished—a fact to ehieli he begged to direct the attention of his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose. the amount rated under the head of salaries to tee income-tax, for 1814-15, was 13,642,000/.; in 1842 3 it was 10,195,0001. The result of the whole was, that in 1815 the amount rated to the incemeetax was 179 000,0001.; in 1842 it was 240.000,000/. It was impossible to give a more striking and satisfactery proof of the steady in crease of the wealth and prosperity of the country.— (Hear.) Since 1815 taxes to the amount of 53 milions had been reduced, and others to the amount of 13,782,0001. had been imposed, leaving a balance of more than 39,770,000/. If they were not enabled to make the revenue cover the expenses of the year, they were resolved that upon an average of years there should be a probable expectation that the income vvou'd equal the expenditure. No man could predict with cer tainty with respect to future expenditure and income. All he could sty was, that the Government in submit ting their financial proposition to the House, had asked for as little taxation as was consistent with the efficieecy of the public service of the country, and he hoped the House would not disturb the credit of the country by assenting to the proposition of his Hon. Friend. Mr. OSBORNE said that the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, had said but little in support of the income-tax, but that might be expected, when it was known that the Right Hon. Gentleman had said on a former occasion that " he never met with a statesman or any man experienced in political affairs, who did not declare that the imposition of such a tax was most ob jectionable, and above all to be avoided•ia time of peace, and that before having recourse to such a scheme of taxation he must exhaust every other."—(Hear, hear.) Why had not the Right Hun. Gentleman exhausted every other scheme of taxation, and why did he not support the motion of the lion. Member for Cockermouth (Mr. Elorsman)? But the Right Hon. Gentleman supported the motion brought forward by the lion. Member for Liskeard, now a membsr of the Government, which had somewhat a similar object in view. Mr. LABOUCHERE said he did not vote for it. Mr. OSBORNE—The Right Hon. Gentleman did ne t Tote for it, but be del net vote against it. Ile was of Opinion that the tax ought to be rendered more equal, and though they might not be able to arrive at mathe matical accuracy, that was no reason why they should not endeavour to render it more palateable to the petiple, The Right Hon. Gentle man the Chancellor of the Ex chequer quoted the authority of Mr. Pitt, but itsshonld be recollected that when Mr. Pitt imposed the income tax the country was engaged in a war fur her existence. When the renewal of this tax was proposed by tee Right Hon. Baronet, the Noble Lord (Lora J. Russell) made the following motion:—" That, considering the various means of supplying the present deficiency, it is the opi nion of the House that tee renewal of a tax inquisitorial in its character, unequal in its pressure, and hitherto considered exclusively as the financial reserve of the nation in time of war, is not called for by the public ne cessities, and is not, therefore, advisable."—(Hear.) He did not think that there was any greater necessity for this tax now than when the Noble Lord made this motion, In 1816 the House of Commous refused an income-tax by a majority of 37, and the public credit was not shaken, nor did Ministers resign in consequence. But in 1842 the Right Hon. Baronet smuggled the income tax through the House, and promised that the amount of the tax would be made up by the saving which would result from the commercial measures which he proposed. He (Mr. Osborne) never yet saw the person who said that he effected any such saving.—(Hear.) He'denied that he had a right to look to the exigencies of the State alone in imposing taxes; they moust also look to the exigencies and wants of the people, and he believed there never was a time when the people were less able to bear a tax, not of five per cunt., but of three per cent.-- (Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Coventry (Mr. Ellice) said that the income-tax did not affect the poor. He denied that. It was well known that it induced all persons to curtail their expenses. The poorer classes were beginning to comprehend that, and they were therefore determined to oppose it. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War, in 1842, and the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir. R. Peel), in 1833, admitted this. He thought the whole question of taxation should be referred to a Committee, instead of the current expenditure, which was a dan gerous precedent. He thought the time was come when the people of this country would insist on cheap government, and would not tolerate the system of ne potism by which the members of the aristocracy were provided for in their public offices. In 1842 the Noble Lord said he saw no reason why a legacy duty should not be imposed on real property in preference to the in come-tax. But now not one Member of of the Govern- bent said a word on this subject. He was sorry the nonottrable Member for Manchester had withdrawn his motion on this subject, beeause, if there was any time !pore appropriate for bringing it forward than another, it was the present.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble La i rd in 1842 also recommended a tax on four-wheeled car riages and horses, from all wbich he calculated a revenue of 2,500,000/. He did not know bow the Noble Lord Could come• down to propose a tax which he had so much denounced in 1842. It was stated that the Irish Members would vote for the imposition of this tax. He should be surprised if they were so blind to their own interests and to the consequence of their votes if they gave them in favour of the tax.—(oh.) The Hon. Gentleman who cried "Oh" showed that he had already made up his mind to vote for it. But he begged to remind him and other Irish Members that the great loader of the Irish people, who was now no more, ex l pressed himself strongly against this tax. lie said, In proposing the income• tax, you are proposing what 15 unjust to the people of England, and, therefore, I will give such a proposition all the opposition in my power." Another authority of no less weight, still living, and a Member of the Government, said, "That of all imposi tions which a perverse ingenuity could devise the in• come-tax was the worst—a tax most repugnant to the interests, abhorrent to the religious sentiments, and re volting to the moral sense of the people of England.— (Laughter, and cries of " Name.") It was no less a Person than the distinguished Member for Dungarvan who used these words.—(llear, hear.) He (Mr. Os borne) fully participated in the sentiments of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and if the Members from Ireland sup ported the infliction and perpetuation of this manifest and revolting injustice on their English brethren, he believed the time had arrived when it should also be ime posed on the sister kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL—I think, sir, that it is important in considering the question, whether the income-tax shall now be continued for three years, that we should not exclude altogether from our consideration the circum stances under which that tax was imposed in 1842, and renewed in the year 1845 ; and I feel•it incumbent upon me, after the reflections which have been cast upon the tax itself, and upon the moives and conduct of those by whom it was imposed, to vindisate from the aspersions of opponents the Government by which this tax was Proposed to Parliament, ens! the House of Commons :which, by immense inejorities, consented to its original Imposition.—(Hear.) If, Sir, they believe all they have heard, this House of Commons, or rather those 'Mem bers of it who had no place in the last Parliament, can not but have formed a strange opinion of the conduct of their predecessors, and must be filed with surprise and astonishment that it was possible for any Minister to have persuaded a Legislature to consent to the impost Lion of the tax we are discussing. The Hon. Member who spoke last says tie. tax was " smuggled " through Parliament. Smuggled through Parliament ! Smuggle an income-tax imposing a burden of five millions on the pee2pla I Smuggled through Parliament !—lf you ri4116 Souse of Commons—are ashamed of the vote by which this tix was pasted, rescind it ! If new events have occurred convincing you that the policy was wrorg alter the policy ; it must always be wise to accept the guidance of experience ; it must always be nb,urd ta maintain a system which occurrences proves unsound. But it is a gross reflection upon the late House of Corn mons to insinuate, as has been done this night., that this measure was "smuggled" through Parliament, and it is an veiledly injurious imputation upon those who imposed the tax to say that they concealed the real motives of their conduct !—(llear.) By overwhelming majorities the tax was assented to. An Honourable Merneer (the Member for Finshury) told us the other eight that he was "fascinated " int' supporting it. —(A laugh.) A Representative of a large and important constituency, makes the humiliating avowal that he allowed a tax im posing a burden of five millions upon the people of Ecg land to pass this House, not because of his deliberate conviction of its justice and propriety, but because he was " fascinated" into supporting it.— ( Laughter.) Another Hon. Member says it was " smuggled " through the House. Why did you permit it ? Can it be pessible hat 'Members of large constituencies allowed so im portant a measure to pass in such a mariner ? Sir, on their behalf, I repel the imputation. I conceive that there never was an imputation more ill founded. I be lieve that there were great and important considerations of financial and commercial policy which induced you to Assent to this tax, in place of increasing the indirect taxation of the country. Let me review what occurred. I was appointed to office in 1841. I", in what I am about to say, I appear to draw any invidious contrast between the late and the present Government, let me at once disclaim any intention of so doing.—(firer, hear.) One of my motives for giving my support to this measure is, because of the great difficulties of the position in which the Government are placed. That is one of ray motives for supporting the measure. But, in vindication of the late House of Commons, I must state what is the truth. I will endeavour to make that statement from memory, with out troubling the House by referring to statistics. In 1841 the Government with which I was connected succeeded to power. There was a deficit in the revenue. It was not an occasional and casual deficit. In 1838, if I re collect rightly, there had been a deficiency of 1,500,0001. In 1839 there was a deficiency of half a million. In 1840 a further deficiency of 1,500,0001. In 1841 the deficiency amounted to no less than 2,400,000/. My estimate in 1842 was, that if no great effort were made, and if the estimates were to be continued at the same rate until 1843, my estimate was that we should have in chat year a further deficiency of 2,600,0001. On the sth of April in that year, if ray calculations were correct, we should have had an accumulation of deficit amounting to no less than ten millions sterling money ! That was the financial condition of the country ! What had taken place ? The House of Commons, when they assented to a fiscal alteration, which could not be resisted except on fiscal considerations—the House of Commons, when they assented to an alteration of the Post-office duties, pro- Cessed a fixed determination to support the public credit. They declared that there should be no deficiency. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in fulfilment of that pledge, had proposed to Parliament an addition of 5 per cent. upon the Customs and Excise duties, and had proposed that 10 per cent. should be added to the issessed taxes. What had been the result of these addi tions to the general taxation? If I recollect rightly, the Chancellor of the Exchequer estimated that the 5 per cent. added to the Customs and Excise duties would pro duce about 1,900,0001. The actual income was, on the most favourable calculation, not more than 700,000/. Consequently there was a deficiency, comparing the esti :nate with the proceeds, of not less than 1,300,000/. But what had taken place as regarded the addition to the assessed taxes? The estimate was, that 262,0001. would be the produce of the 10 per cent. additional taxation epon this branch; but the actual produce was 300,0001. There consequently was evidence that indirect taxation had reached its limit, whilst direct taxation could hear a further impost. I ask, then, was it the more wise in 1842 to resort to direct taxation to supply our deficiencies, or to seek for a renewal of indirect taxes, such as the reim position of the duties upon salt and leather, and other Articles of general consumption? On that financial ground —guided by that great financial consideration—the House took the view that the income- tax was advisable. That tax was not " smuggled " through the House. It was assented to after long debates, atter strenuous opposition, upon the firm conviction that indirect taxation offered no opportunities of supplying the deficiency equal to the opportunity resulting from the imposition of that tax. — (Loud cheers.) But I have said that there were also commercial considerations which swayed the House. What was the commercial position of the country ? There existed a complete prohibition on the importation of those animals which formed part of the means of human subsistence. Not a cow, not a sheep, not a bul lock could be admitted! But this was not all. On bacon there was a duty or 1/. Bs. per cwt.; on hams, 1/. Bs. per cwt.; on rice, a duty of 7s. a quarter; on salted pork, a duty of 12s. a barrel; on salted beef the same; nay, there was even a duty of 2s. a cwt. on potatoes, and well I remember that when I proposed to reduce that duty there were the greatest remonstrances from the growers of the root, and the loudest prophecies of total ruin to all the districts in which it was cultivated!—(Hear, and cheers.) But, to go beyond this, what was the state of the corn-law at that time? If the price of wheat was 675. 11d. a quarter, a duty was imposed of 183. Bd.; if the price was 635. 11d., the duty was 1/. 3s. 81; if it was 625. 11d., there was a duty of 11. 4s. lid. I greatly modified all these duties. I proposed also to remove all prohibitions upon the admission of other classes of articles, and to permit their importation et certain specified rates. I proposed to admit all raw materials at rates of duty not exceeding five per cent.; to admit all goods partially manufactured at rates not exceeding twelve per cent.; and all goods wholly maim • lectured I proposed to admit at rates not exceeding twenty per cent. Those propesitiens were acceded to after repeated discussions. To supply the deficiency thus crested in the revenue, I proposed an income-tax to last until 1845. In that year it would have expired in the ordinary coarse of things. But, looking now at the evsnts of that year I beg to recal to the recollection of the llouse what was the statement I then made. I told the House that in that year there would be a surplus revenue amounting to five millions. I stated that it' they allowed the income-tax to expire there would be in 1846 a surplus of 2,600,000/. I stated at the same time that in the opinion of her Majesty's Government it was advisable to add greatly to our naval estimates. The progress of steam navigation—the impossibility of re pairing our steam-vessels in the Channel—the unfitnesi of our ports for steam navigation—rend: red it in our opinion advisable to lay the foundation of those works which have since been carried on. We thought it also advisable to add to the number of our men in the navy. I stated that to the House before I asked them to renew the income•tax. I told them that it was open to them either to abandon the income-tax or to retain it, dispensing with duties upon other articles. I said, it you retain the tax you will have a surplus of 3,600,0001. I asked, in what mummer will you apply that surplus ? I entreated the House seriously to consider whether or no they were prepared to repeal the income-tax, or, retain ing that tax, to repeal the excise dimes on glass, &c , and to make an alteration of the sugar duties. So far from talstrig the House by surprise those propositi ons were fully submitted to their consideration. The Howe affirmed the increase of the estimates ; they affirmed the renewal of the income-tax ; they affirmed the re peal of taxes which involved a gross loss of two mil lions to the revenue ; a loss of 600,000/. on glass, of 680,0001. on cotton, of 300,000/. upon the auction duty, together with other items, making a total less to the revenue, which it was impossible to recover by any indi rect taxation of the same sort, to the extent of not less than two millions at the least. It was with a full cognisance of all these facts that the House of Commons consented to the scheme. Now, it has been said that I concealed the real objects with which I made those propositions. —(Hear,- hear.) It has been said, that addressing myself subsequently to a body of merchants in a distant town, the subjects of another country, I made a decla ration at variance with my then expressed opinions.— (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) Why, I utterly deny it.---(Ministerial cheers.) Why, I have seen in the newspapers a letter purporting to be written by me, which, in the first place, appeared to have been a German translation of what I did write, and then an English re-translation of the G erman edition.--(Laughter and cheers.) lam little desirous to repel these attacks; I care little about them; but here is the letter I really did write, which is that I apprehend by which I am bound. "The property-tax was intended"—that is not the commencement of the letter, but I suppose I need not read what does not refer to the subject. I re ceived an address from these gentlemen, and I wrote to thank them for it. After expressing my thanks, I pro ceeded— " The property-tax was intended not merely to supply a deficit in the revenue as compared with the public ex penditure, but to lay the foundation of juster principles Of taxation, to afford means for repealing duties on the raw materials of important manufactures, for exempting useful branches of domestic industry from vexatious re gulations of excise, and for remitting taxation from several tirades imported from abroad which are essential to the comfort and enjoyment of the industrious classes of the country." That was what I wrote—(hear, hear); and I beg to ask if that was not in direct coincidence with all I had ever declared, and if I was not fully justified in saying that my object was to " lay the foundation of juster principles of taxation ?"—(Cheers.) There were 1,200 articles of consumption subject to duties which led to restrictions and regulations much more onerous even than the taxes themselves. On 700 of those articles the duties were re duced, and on 500 they were enti re ly re p ea l e d. W as not that the foundation of a great commercial change ? If you say to me, " You did not use words to that effect in this house,"l reply that the very wor d s o f t h e l etter are identical with words which I used in debate. On the 23d of March, 1842, an intimation having been thrown out that the Government were not in earnest in proposing the chat;ge, and that I had not asserted or implied that the Government staked their exis'ence upon the success of their measures—en the 23d of March, 1842, I used the following v•ords in debate :—" I propose this as a measure which ievolves the fate of the Government. To have made such a declaration appears to me scarcely necessary. Ido propose it—l speak not of minor de. tads, but of :the measure itself—as the basis of the financial and commercial policy of this country— I.oud cries of " Hear, hear.") Well, there is a dif ference certainly between " basis " and " foundation." I leave you to make the most of it— "—and as a measure which I never could have contented to propose if I did not manifest my conviction of its necessity by risking my fate as a Minister on it. The snore I consider the subject the more deeply am I con vinced that this measure, and the measures which ac company it, are necessary for the welfare of the country." Those are the exact expressions which I used in 1842. I did then certainly express a strong doubt if it would not be better to continue the tax for five years rather than for three, hut I expressed a sanguine hope that at the end of five years it would be possible to repeal it. And when 1845 °Arne my anticipations were realised, for T SUN, LON DON, I was able to show you in that year that there was a surplus of s,ooo,oool.—that the buoyancy of the revenue was such as nearly to supply the void which had pre viceiely existed, and that it was then in your power, had yon so pleased, to have repealed the tax, instead of adopting a measure for the increase of the estimates and the remission of duties upon other articles. It was with a full knoe ledge of all these facts that the House consented in 1845 to a revive' of the tax of 1842. Now if the House regret this, as I said before, I must obviously con cede their right to express that regret, and to take a different course, but I do not want to shelter myself under their authority. So long as I live I shall never repent that I proposed this alteration in the com• mercies' policy of the country—(Cheers)—and induced the House of Commons, not by fascination, not by smuggling, hit by a full and explicit statement of facts, to impose and continue the dirt-et tax in question, in lieu of the repealed and reduced taxee to which I have re ftirred.—(Hear, hear.) I have made this steternent in justice to those Ni ho, however they fell off from me in 1846—(Laughter)—were my cordial supporters in 1845. —(Hear, hear.) There is nothing further from my wish than to revive :any of the discussions of 1846; but we roust draw a clear lino of distinction between the com mercial line of policy of 1845 and tl-at of 184 G. Now, there were some predictions made at the time of the in come-tax being proposed which it is not immaterial to recall. We were told that the substitution of direct for indirect taxation to theextent which Iproposed was most unwise, and that, though we might receive a large sum as income-tax, we should find a material counterbalance in the falling off in other taxes, as, for example, in the assessed taxes. Noe such has not been the case. In 1842, before the direct tax, the income-tax, was imposed there was received of assessed taxes 4,190,0(10/. In 1847, after the several years' collection of the direct tax, the income-tax, there were received, of assessed taxes, 4,334,000/., so that so far from there being a falling off in assessed taxes on account of the simultaneous imposi tion of the income-tax, there was an increase of consi derably more than 100,0001.—(Hear, hear.) In 1842 and 1845, I meant to lay down nu principle with refer owe to the proportion which direct taxation should boar to indirect taxation ; I simply said then, as I say now, that I thought the impossibility of 3 per cent., oa the income of the country, as a substitute for the taxes repealed or reduced, on articles of subsistence, on the raw materials of manufactures, or articles which pecu liarly lead to smuggling, woud be a beneficial substi tute.—(Hear, hear.) I am quite aware that there are limits to the imposition of direct taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I do not agree with those who would substi tute direct for indirect taxation as a general principle. —(Hear, hear.) In times of peace I am not at all pre pared to say that I could wish—except for special and temporary purposes—to carry direct taxation to any much greater extent than we have now carried it.— (Hear,: hear.) I um quite ready to admit - that there are great evils accompanying direct taxation. There is a strong inducement, no doubt, in evil times, to derive revenue from direct rather than from indirect taxation—(Hear, hear)—but I am not prepared to assent to any general rule for the substitution, though it is one accordant, I believe, with the opinions of very many Members of this House.—(liear, hear.) I admit that there are many cases of individual hardship under the income-tax, as there are under every tax that is raised, but I do not admit the hardship of the principle upon which we now proceed.—(Bear, hear.) I think the tax ought to be distinctly a tax upon income. If, in deed, you wanted to make some great national effort, for some distinct national purpose, then you might up ply to capital. If you wanted, for example, by a great national effort, to pay off all, or a part of the national debt—l do not say this were a desirable effort—but if you desired to make it, then you must apply to realised capital; but I am now speaking of annual exertions to meet an nual demands, and the direct tax towards these an nual demands, I say, after long consideration of the subject, ought to be an income-tax, without any dis tinction between the different sources whence it in derived.—(Hear, hear.) I would never consent to re lieve incomes derived from trade, or incomes derived from professions, for the purpase of throwing an in vidious, and. as I think, unjust, burden on what is called realised property.—(Hear, hear.) The taxes which had been repealed or reduced, fell, certainly, as heavily upon the tradesman and upon the professional man, as upon the owner of realised property. There is no distinction made between these various classes it, the duties upon articles of luxury, in the window du ties, in the assessed taxes; why, as to the income-tax. are you to throw the whole or main onus upon real property? To say nothing of the pledged faith ae owe to funded property, every reason of policy is against the oppressing that class of property with a heavier share ut taxation than is called for from trading or professional incomes, in the way of direct taxation.—(llear.) In a word, I consider that no principle can be more just, or more free from objec tion, than that which we have acted upon; and I should greatly dread the introduction of any other principle. —(Bear, hear.) I come now to the question raised by the Hon. Member opposite, whether or no it is expe client that this tax should be continued for three years. or only for one year. I shall give my decided support to the Government in maintaining the tax for the period of three years.—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Member for Montrose says one year only ; and with his opinion that an immense reduction may be effected in the extent of our naval and military forces, that proposition is con sistent enough ; but, how the Hon. Member for War wickshire can vote for the one year amendment I do not so well understand.—(hear, hear, and a laugh.) This Hon. Gentleman announces that he shall give his cordial support to Government in ineintainieg the full comple ment of forces they judge necessary under existing circumstarces. Now if these forces are to be so main tained—and I am decidedly of opinion they should b —(clear, hear)—l cannot foresee such a reduction in the estimates as will enable us to dispense with the income tax on the nth of April, 1849.—(1-lear.) Trus the lion Member for Warwickshire, while he said he would re tain the full navel and military complements, intimated there were other items on which great reductions could be made ; but, on coming to particulars, we find that the Hon. Member's contemplated retrenchments apply just to the subject of education charities, and to money paid to the Hon. Member for Belton for inquiring into an improved mode of keeping the national accounts.—(Laughter.) Now, as to the money paid t o t h e Hon. Gentleman opposite, that is clearly irrecieverable.--(Liiughter.) And as to the other possible retrenchment of the lion. Member for Warwickshire, I don't believe it would realise a saving of 1,000/. a year, manifestly a small matter. That large reductions may be made in the details of the naval and military expenditure I am clearly of opinion—(Hear, hear)—and I am equally of opinion that economy in the details of other departments may be introduced. Nor would I advocate the continuance of the income tax for three years, if I thought its continuative would operate against the most strict and searching inquiry into the economy which may be effected in all the public depart ments; but, at the same time, I would hare the House and the country feel that there is a degree of econonea which in the end / proves anything but economical.— (Hear, hear.) 1n'1835 the estimates, indeed, were lower than they have been since; but, observe, we were very shortly afterwards comp lied to raise them very mate rially.—(ilear, hear.) I shall support the Government proposition, Lecause, while deeply impressed with the necessity f economy, I am, on the other hand, as deeply impressed with the essential necessity of insiintaining the public credit.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen opposite, indeed, say, " Oh, as to the public credit, there can be no question nbi ut maintaining that; we propose to revise the whole system of taxation, to apportion the taxes mere equally, but we entirety concur in the universal feeling as to the necessity of maintaining the public credit." Yes, very true ; but I would rather have the income- tax in reserve, before we set about considering an amended system of taxation. If a new system of taxation were to be proposed in February next, with the certainty of the incotne-tax expiring on the sth of April folio 'sing, notwithstanding the profession of your determination to support the public credit, I should be rather apprehensive on the subject, should the new scheme by any possibility turn out a failure.—(Hoar, bear.) On the other hand, should the new scheme answer, it will be very easy to repeal the income-tax. At all events, the fact of this reserve against necessity will give the opportunity for more mature consideration of the subject, without shaking the confidence of the public creditor.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot conceive it possible that there will be such a reduction in the public expenditure, as will enable us to dispense with five millions of revenue; nor do I think it likely that you will be prepared, by next February, with any scheme which will produce you such an amount at so little cost in the collection, and so little onerous in itself, as is the tax now before us. Had the Government found it abso lutely necessary to persevere in the larger taxation they at first proposed, in order to avoid debt in time of peace, so great is my dread of the incurrence of such a debt, I would hale supported them; but at the same time I am far frees blaming them that after the decided expression of public opinions on the subject they withdrew the addi tional 2 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) With reference to the probability of an increase in the customs revenue, there was certainly never such a co m bi na ti on o f c i rcums t ances affecting that revenue as that combination of circum stances which has existed during the past two years, and by which the trailing and commercial energies of this country have been paralysed.—(Hear.) I find it, therefore, my duty, in this period of commercial de pression, to assert my continued adherence to the prin ciples on which the remissions I effected took place.— (Cheers.) I have the firmest confidence in the justice of those principles.—(hear.) Their operation has been impeded by that combination of circumstances to which I have referred, the necessity of supporting the people of one of these islands by ten millions of loan, raised here, the necessity of importing enormous quantities of foreign corn for the consumption of our own people, the,derange meats, commercial and monetary, which affected our whole commercial and trading community; but taese facts, to far from making me regret the proposals which I made respecting the improvement of our commercial policy —so fez- from making me distrust the princi ples on which th os e pr o p o s a l s were ma d e , h owever dis heartening the facts may seem in some respects, have led me to a totally opp os it e conc l us i on —h ave ma d e me rejoice that when the relaxations were proposed they were adopted.—(Hear, hear.) I still retain a confident expectation that the energit s of thi s country w ill r i se superior to its present commercial depression, and that we shall live to are the time when the revenue of the country shall flourish as it did in 1845, and even-with increase.—(llear, hear.) And here let me observe, that one of my reasons for assenting to the renewal of the income tax for thrt e years, is precisely the re collection that it was immediately after the year of pros perity to which I refer that the heavy debt and the paralyzing circumstances under which we now suffer were thrown upon us.—(hear.) I must own further, that I am influenced in my support of the tax's continu ance for three years very materially by reference to the wonderful events which have taken place within a very recent period in a neighbouring country.—(Hear, hear.) I regard them as amply justifying this country in not consenting to incur any risk of a large debt in this period of three years. I should feel it to be utterly in consistent with sound policy, with my sense of duty, to make any detailed reference to events which must have fluted all here present with utter astonishment.—(Hear.) Of this, let me say, I am perfectly coefident, that the true policy of this country will consist in the most complete, the most absolute abstinence from all interfer ence whatever in the internal affairs of the country in which such a wonderful revolution has taken place. I hope we shall continue to be enabled to exercise the rites of hospitality.—([fear, hear.) I think it is of the utmost importance that this country should always be enabled to offer a refuge to the victims of political con valsions.—(llear, hear.) England has been such in other times, and I trust it will long continue to be so. When the hospitality of this country has been taken advantage of to diturb the peace of ether monarchies, I have al ways protested against such an abuse being permitted to exist; and I am equally ready to take the sense course with respect to a Republic.—(Hear, hear.) I earnestly trust that this place of refuge, and that the hospitality accorded to fugitives in this country, will not be abused; and that all parties will set their faces against any in trigues that may be set on foot; for I hold that the same rule which applied to a monarchy is equally good with respect to a Republic. I confess that I heard with the greatest satisfaction the declaration from her Ma jesty's Government that they were resolved to abstain from all interference in the internal affairs of France.—(Hear, hear.) If this determination be carefully and strictly observed, it will discou rage all other nations from any attempts at inter ference. I cannot but bear it in my mind whilst regard ing the present state of things, that France is at this moment enduring the throes of a great experiment; and I therefore am not disposed to attach any importance to the heats which manifest themselves in the journals of that country. I look with considerable interest at the position of the Provisional Government that is estab lished, and I cannot refrain from expressing my most earnest hopes that those who may be called upon to govern the destinies of the French people will content themselves with directing their efforts to their own social condition. I sincerely hope that they may succeed in constituting a Government which shall be strong and permanent in itself; and that whilst they endeavour to reconcile the perfect independence of their country with the rights secured by existing treaties, they will not set an example of aggression, or of that desire for territorial aggrandisement which will, if manifested, peril the peace of Europe, and inflict an irreparable injury on the whole of the civilised world.—(Cheers.) Lord G. BENTINCK reminded the House that when the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down passed so high an eulogy upon his sagacity and foresight in respect to his commercial policy, he had totally omitted to state that in May, 1841, he had supported two resolutions, on the first of which Lord Melbourne's Government was defeated in the proposition for admitting foreign slave sugar at a fixed duty of 12s. The Right Hon. Baronet then said that not only the interests but the honour of England demanded the continued exclusion of slave srown sugars, whereas in 1846 the House and the nation learned from the Right Hon. Baronet's lips that neither the House nor the interest of England required any such exclusion to be kept up.--(Cheers.) But then came another resolution affecting the duty on foreign corn, which the Government of Lord Melbourne pro posed to fix permanently at Ba., and the Right Hon. Baronet opposed that proposition successfully, whilst lie now asserted that he never should repent of having finally abolished all duty on foreign corn. He (Lord G. Bentinck) might truly say that the Honourable Members around him would never cease to repent their misplaced confidence in the Rignt Hon. Baronet. —(Cheers from the benches near the Noble Lord.) The Right Hon. Baronet had endeavoured to prevail on the House to believe that he had introduced the income-tax, in 1842, with a view to the commercial reforms in the tariff to which he had referred. But when the Right Hon. Baronet brought in the tax, he stated moat dis tinctly, that whilst he did certainly contemplate fixing the duration of the tax for five years, yet, as ho did not intend it to produce more than was absolutely necessary to cover the deficiencies in the revenue, he should only ask the House to confirm the tax for three years. Then again, in 1845, the Right Hon. Baronet told the House that he had 5,000,0001. of taxes at his disposal, and it was for them to say whether they would maintain the national defences, and the troops and seamen required, as shown by the estimates. It was then in the com petence of the House to reject the income-tax altogether, but the Right Hon. Baronet never gave any intimation of his intention to let foreign corn in free of duty.— ( Loud cries of " Divide.") The Right Hon. Baronet gave no intimation in 1845 of his intention to revoke that protection which he came into power to maintain, and the protection party supported the re-imposition of the income-tax in that year, because they were befooled and beguiled by the Hon. Member for Tamworth. The Noble Lord here entered into a general review of the sugar-duty question and its results, comparing the latter with the prophecies of commercial prosperity uttered by the Right Hon. Baronet at Tamworth, in 1847.—(Loud cries of " Question.") He had supported l‘naigdn itli intte propertywai sy avant I la g 1 ° i r e ' " the property-tax in 1845, because by its aid large excise imposts were done away with, and • with them a great number of excise officers ; but the duty on cotton was a tax which would cost nothing in the collecting, because the tide-waiters who were put on board the ships to prevent the smuggling of tobacco could collect the cotton duties. His argument was that the taxes we had remitted were taxes on the industry of the oreigner, and that their remission had produced no corresponding relief to the home consumer. Such lad been the case with tallow ; and on brandy, which previous to the reduction was to be had for Is. 91. the gallon in bond, had in 1847 risen to ss. 11d. tie v. ould also ask the Hon. Member for Liverpool elo ther the increase in the consumption of brandy, en which that Hon. Member had congratulated himself, had (nut been met by a corresponding decrease in the con ounption of British spirits and malt liquor ? In the article of timber a similar result might be traced ; the price, which was 48s. the load before the reduction of duty, had since then risen to 59e .40., and the foreigner nail pocketed 421,000/. by the change.—(Hear, hear.) the consequence of the alteration in the sugar duties had been, that while foreign slave-grown sugar went up 101. a ton British colonial went down 71. There was also :he corn duty, which in the last two years had produced 850,0001. a year, and if they had preserved them last year they would have produced 1,747,0001. His propo sitions did not tend to the reduction of the revenue. No ine in that House was more ready in times like the ~resent to keep unimpaired the resources of the country. At the same time be was no advocate of aggression ,n France, for there was no gentleman in that House who had looked with greater admiration on the moderation recently displayed by the French He did not believe that history of conduct so magnanimous and so displayed by the entire people of only changes express th were h proveif moderation so " r , a a t a h s e o chivalrousFp recordedero France.—(Loud 1 c e t.. - —. ____( a : naLo i :i:;s;ti cheers.) da h e e be a ee r e . n And so far as their internal sovernment was concerned, he would not have the impertinence to pass an opinion as to whether recent heartfeltad betterrwains advantageous that( , o u t gt h h e et r ow republicani otherwise. that t Ho c w inh o t s u rt) l t. d : subdivided, as they had to our rivals.—(Hear, to anticipate Hear, hear.) But while he ad miredand chivalrous courage of the it t 4 rat er i o ooha u .voids, ne s r i;e lit t mi ght French, he could not forget that the latter virtue was often accompanied by a thirst for military glory. He could not but remember how efficiently the spirit-stirring pbaeteenwuhseadt ambitious hNitaihpuoa leaders might arise out of the present struggle to assert the right of France to the Rhenish bouudary.—(Hear.) Chat boundary England was bound to preserve by treaties from which her honour would not permit her to swerve.—(ol), oh.) To maintain the frontier of Prussia we might be dragged'into a war, and for that reason he, for one, would not consent to leave the military and naval defences of the country in a weak or inefficient state. The secret of being safe was to be brave, and to preserve without ostentation a dignified attitude of de ;once. But to come back to the question of taxation, he was prepared to support the motion of the Hon. Member for Montrose. If they would only retain the duty which Unitedbt following which had laid cot an cotton ad would valo rem came in force that da y (the corn duty) it would produce 850,000 L, and a dut y o n Baltic timber, which would only affect the fo rei g ner, would be worth 700,0001. Cot ton, without inju r y to manufacturers, might produce 650,0001.; and , besides, a tax on American foster its production in I nd ia. In laying on this duty ire practice a modest distance the only follow them at a mod e s t dis tance , , for while these duties were 28 per cent. , he did no t propose to exceed ten or twelve per cent. on the val ue. Tallow was one should duty of onlyth 2 e p e r cent.a States, on at our exorts. He would of the articles on which he would impose a duty of 10 per cent. Foreign wool was another. He would tax nothing colonial—(Hear, hear)--and on all the other great articles of import be would impose the same rate of duty.—(Hear, hear.) On the foreign manufactures he would impose a duty of 30 per cent. ; and there were few of our articles of manufacture upon which the United States imposed so low a duty as 30 p er cent— (Hear, hear.) What would be the result of an import duty of 30 per cent. on foreign silks might be judged of from what had been the result of the reductions of duty made by the Right Hon. Baronet. In 1 836 there were 14,000 looms going in Spitalfiulds. In 18 45, when the trade hat"; been ruined by the foreign competition the Right lion. Baronet had by his laws encouraged, there were 10,000—(Hear, hear) --and at this moment there were but 3,500 of these working. By those changes in the law, not only had 169,0001. a year of revenue been lost in this article, but the operati ves had beers robbed of 150,0001, or the means of employing 7,000 families. The same disastrous result had followed the reduction of du ties on shoes and other articles of manufactur e; and yet, with these facts before him — wi th the knowledge that thousands of the hard-working operatives of this country had been reduced to a state of ruin and destitution by his acts, ho had the heart to toll them that he did not repent the policy which had entailed upon his country men so much distress and suffering.—(Hear, hear.) He remembered well when the Right Hon. Baronet told the Cornish miners, when they c „ r eplained of his bringing in foreign competion against them, that they must con sider the advantage ho gave them in admitting goose feathers duty free—(Hear, and a laugh.) —that they would be enabled to sleep on down beds. —(Laughter.) What were the down beds on which they were now Cornwalre posing ? He need nut go so far as I—he would take Staffordshire; and there he found that out of 160 furnaces 60 were out of blast, and the miners who were to have enjoyed such unheard-of luxury found that they were either thrown out of work altogether or their wages were reduced fifteen per cent.—.(Hear, hear.) Except the usurers—the representatives of the money bags—he knew of no trade that had prospered under the operation of the Right Hon. Baronet's free -trade policy. —(Cries of " Divide.") The country was in the last gasp before the Chancellor of the Exchequer would TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH l, )848. consent to remove the Bank restrictions, in order to bring the rate of interest below eight per cent. There was another tax in which a considerable in crease might bo obtained at a less cost, perhaps, than by any other means. An additional penny on the postage would prodnce, he believed, 850,0001.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Why, that would not be so great a grievance as the income-tax.—(Hear, hear.) When the reduction was made, it was estimated by the pro moters that within three years the number of letters would increase 51 times, and that 2i millions would be added to the revenue ; but had these predictions been fulfilled ?—(Cries of " Question," and "Divide.") The question was, whether or not the country was to have imposed upon it for three years longer the income-tax, which had been extremely odious to the coun try, and not the less so because on each pre vious occasion of its being put on first ia 1842, and then again in 1845—the country bad been distinctly promised that it should be but for a short time.—(Hear, hear.) Faith had not been kept with the country in this matter, and the people were dissatisfied, as they had a right to be when states men deceived them by false promises.—(Hear, hear.) Either they must retrace their steps and raise taxes from foreign imports, or, if the luxuries as well as necessaries of life were to bo reduced, let them take 25 per cent. from the incomes of those who lived on the taxes of the country.—(Much cheering, mingled with cries of " Divide") When they feund the wages of the Spitalfield's weaver reduced 20 to 25 per cent—whe 20,000 operatives were out of work in Manchester for months together, and these meetings of which he had an acconnt in his hand—(ob, oh)—but would not read at that late hour, were being held to consider whether or not the operative 3 of Lancashire and Cheshire were to be sent across the Atlantic to share the fate of the wretched Irish ethigrants—(Hear, hear)—they must not allow the large birds of prey to escape scot jfree with their large salaries and cheap luxuries.—(Hear, and cries of " Oh, oh" " Question," and "Divide.") If this was to be made the cheapest country in the world, cheap because the wages of labour were ground down to the lowest possible rate, let the aalaries of those who fattened on the public taxes be reduced also. Lot 25 per cent. be taken off the salary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who, being a free trader, himself, could scarcely object when it was necessary to maintain his own views. And let all the other public officers suffer a similar re duction.—(Hear, hear.) What he recommended was to allow this income-tax to remain another year, and in the mean time ascertain whether they could not reduce the expenditure of the country without impairing the efficiency of our establishments, and, if not, whether they should re-impose this tax for a still longer period or have recourse to a different system of taxation alto gether.—(Hear, hear.) He would conclude] by calling upon his friends around him to remember "That an honest man might once take bad advice, But idiots only could be deceived twice." Mr. BROTHEIiTON, amid loud cries for a division, moved the adjournment of the debate. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER hoped a division would now be allowed to be taken.—(Cries of " Go on," "Adjourn," and " Divide.") Strangers were ordered to withdraw ; but after a few moments they were re-admitted, no division taking place. Mr. WILSON said, though he should be sorry to in commode the Government, yet this being the stage at which many Hon. Gentlemen who had not yet spoken were anxious to express their opinions, he could not— especially after the speeches of that evening—which had given the debate a turn some. Hon. Members had not expected—(Hear, hear)—think it proper that a division should be taken until all who wished to speak should have had an opportunity of doing so.—(Hear, hear.) Sir G. GREY observed that if the Hon. Gentleman did not propose to address his remarks to the question of whether the tax should be continued for three years or one year, but to the general question, he would have full opportunity to speak hereafter.—(Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI called upon the House to remember that the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had been entering into the merits of the new commercial system to which he and his friends believed the present defi ciency was owing. It was necessary, therefore, they should have an opportunity of showing their belief that there would, but for that system, have been no necessity for this tax.—(Hear, and cries of " Divide.") Mr. WILSON intended to speak to the motion before the House—that of the period for which the tax should be continued, for in that the whole question was involved.—(Hear.) He agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet that if they did not continue this tax it would be impossible to carry out the policy which had of late years governed the House. Mr. WARLEY was decidedly in favour of an ad journment, though not on the same grounds as the Hon. Gentleman who had jest spoken. If the tax was to be continued for three years Government was bound to give some substantial reasons for it, which they had not yet done.—(Hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER con sented to the adjournment, and The debate was then adjourned till Friday next, and the House resumed. PASSENGERS BILL. Mr. LABOUCHERE having moved that the House go into Committee on this Bill, Sir P. Nugent, Sir F. Burke, and other Irish Mem bers, urged its postponement, which was opposed by Mr. M. J. O'Connell, Mr. Maunseli, Mr. Aglionby, and Mr. Cardwell, on the ground that as the emigration season was approaching, it was of great importance that the question should be settled, as much evil would arise from further delay and uncertainty. Mr. Forster and Mr. A. Stafford thought it would be better to give up the Bill altogether, as there was no probability of its being passed for several weeks. After a conversation which lasted half an hour on the propriety of going into Committee, Mr. Virawn, who said he was opposed to the Bill altogether, moved as an amendment, amidst much laughter, that the Speaker leave the chair that day fort night. The House divided, when there appeared— For the motion For the amendment . Majority —93 _ _ The House then weiit into Committee, but Mr. WAWN protested against their beim called upon to proceed in Committee with a Bill which had only been delivered that morning, and moved that the Chairman report progress and ask leave to sit again. Mr. LABOUCHERE felt that the interests of humanity demanded of him to persist, if supported by the llouse—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Go on")—more particularly as he had reason to believe that it would be generally concurred in by the shipowners. Captain ELLIOT said he would sit there until four o'clock in the morning if necessary, in order that the Bill might be passed through Committee. Sir R. FERGUSON, although opposed to the original Bill, supported it in its amended form. After some discussion, as to the evils of further delay, Mr. Wvivri consented to withdraw his motion, and the Bill passed through Committee. CONSOLIDATION OF PRISONS. On the motion of the ATTORNEY.GENERAL, a Bill was brought in to amend an Act for consolidating the Queen's Bench, Fleet, and Marshalsea Prisons, and for regulating the Queen's Prison. AGRICULTURAL CUSTOMS COMMITTEE. The following Members were appointed on this Com mittee :—Mr. Pusey, Mr. Nowdegate, Mr. Stafford, Mr. E. Denison, Mr. T. Egerton, the Earl of Arundel and Surrey, Mr. Henley, Mr. Hayter, Mr. Bouvorie, Sir C. Lemon, Mr. W. Miles, Mr. Colvile, Mr. Burroughes, Mr. Drummond, and Sir J. Trollope. The House then adjourned at a Quarter past Two o'Clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the Thuse of Commons.) MONDAY, MARCH 6. SEVERN NATIGATION IMPROVEMENT COMMIS- SION BILL. Motion made, and Question proposed, ." That the Bill be now read a second time :"—Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six mouths." Question put, " That the word now' stand part of the Question." The House divided:— MINORITY—AYES, 91. Adderley, C. B. Fox, W.V. Pllkinston, James Arkwright, G. Fuller, A. E. Plewden, W. 11. Arundel, Earl of Gaskell, J. M. rower, Dr. Bailey, Joseph Graham, Sir James Raphael, Alexander Bailey, Joseph, Jan. Hardcastle, J. A. Rendlosham, Lord Barrington, Viscount Hay, Lord John Rioardo, J. L. Bellow, R. M. Hayter, W. G. Ricardo, Osmaa Benbowpohn Heatheote, Sir W. Robinson, George Birch, Sir Thomas Hill, Lord Marcus Rushont,,Captain Blakemore, R. Hughes, W. B. Sanders, George Bewring, Dr. Hams, Joseph Scholefleld, William Boyle, Colonel ! Humphery, Ald. Sidney, Thomas Bracktey, Viscount Inglis, SirAR. • Smith, Vernon Bremridge.:Kichard Ireland, Thomas J. Stanfield, W. R. C. Bright, John Jackson, William Staunton, Sir G. Brotherton,y. Kershaw, James Strutt, Edward Brown, W. Labouchere, Henry Theeiger, Sir F. Carew, W. P. Langston, J. 11. Thompson, Colonel Childers, J. W. Lucelles, W. 5. Thompson. Aid. Clay, James Lemon, Sir Charles Thornely, T. Cobden, R. Littleton, E. R. Townshend. John Colvile, C. R. Locke, Joseph Turner, E. Cubittt, William Mackinnon, W. A. Verner, Sir W. Deering, John Maitland, T 4 Villiers, Charles Divett, E. Marshall, William Wantsley, Sir J. Drumlanrig, Via. Maoterman, J. ' Ward, H. G. Drummond, H. Melgund, Visootutt Willoughby, Sir H. Duncan, Viscount Mitchell, T. A. Duncuft, John I Molesworth, Sir W. MUMS. Edwards, Henry Movratt, Francis Spooner, R. Evans, William Ord, W. Ingestre, Viscennt Fordyce, A. 1). Patten, J. W. MAJORITY—NOES, 104. Abdy, T. N. Emlyn, Viscount Parke, C W. Adair, Hugh LI Ewart, William Paget, Lord 'George Anson, Viscount Fagan, William Pendarvee, Edward Baldock, E. H. Ferrer, James Finney, W. Baring, Henry ' Fitzroy, Henry Powell, Col. Barnard, E. G. Forester, G. C. Pugh. David Bateson, Thomas Fox, S..L. Rice, E. R. Beckett, William Gaskell, J. M. Rutford, Francis Bentinck, Lord G. Gore, W. 0. Scrope, G. P. Berkeley, H. Goring, Charles Seyiner, Henry Ref Berkeley, Grantley Gower, Leveson Shelbunie, Earl of Blackall, S. W. Granby, Marquis of Shirley, Robert A. Boldero, Henry Heneage, G. H. W. Smythe, G. Broadley, Henry: Henley, J. W.; Somers, J. P. Brown, Humphrey Hervey, Lord A. Somerville, Sir IT. Bruce, C. L. C. Bildyart, It. C. Sotheron, T. H. S. Buck, L. IT. Hildyard, T. B. T. Stafford, Augustus Buller, Sir J. T. Holland, Robert Stanley, Edward Bunbury, W. Hood, Sir Alexander Stanton, W. H. Burke, Sir T. J. Hernby, John Stint, Henry G. Burrell, Sir C. Hudson, George Talbot, J. H. Cavendish, G. H. Hutt, William . Taylor, Thomas B. Charters, Francis Knox, Colonel Tenison, B. K. Clive, H. B. Lascellet, E. Trollope, Sir J. Codrington, Sir W. Lygon, Gen. Vane, Lord H. Conolly, Col. Mackenzie, W. F. Vyvyan, Sir R. Cerbally, M. E. WGregor, John Waddington, H. S. Cowper, W F. Maher, N. Wall, C. B. Cripps, W. 3,fenners, Lord G. Wawn, J. T. Davie, Sir IL Martin,l J. Wilson, Matthew Deedes, W. Miles, P. W. S. Wyld, James Devereux, John T. Milaes, R. M. Wynn, Sir W. Douro, Marquis of Morris, David Wyvill, Marmadnke Duncan, George Neeld, John TELLES.. Dundas, George Newport, Viscount Hope, Henry T. Dune, fra,nois P. OT lahtrty, Aatliou7 Periwig, Captain SKETCHES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY LEADERS. (Concluded from the Weekly Dispatch.) 111.—M. ARAGO. This gentleman, who is the first astronomer of the age, was born in the year 1786, and the greater portion of his life has been devoted to study and passed in scien tific pursuits. During the last few years he has, however, appeared conspicuously upon the political stage ; and from the first moment that he set foot in the Chamber of Deputies he declared him self a Republican. Immediately joining the small but staunch band headed by Garnier Page; and Dupont de l'Eure, Arago proclaimed war against the re-actionary policy of Louis Philippe and his Ministry; and no liberal Deputy spoke more boldly from the tribune than he. When the atrocious September Laws (as the coercive measures in respect to the Press were denominated), came on for discussion, Arago de clared that the ruin of the House of Orleans was thereby placed within the range of prophecy ; and when called to order by the President, he bent an indignant look upon that functionary, and proceeded with his argu ments in a strain that produced a marvellous impression upon the Chamber. But, perhaps, the most brilliant oratorical display of this gentleman was on the occasion of a learned or literary debate that arose about twelve years ago in the Chamber of Deputies, and in the course of which Arago found himself pitted against De Lamar tine. We shall permit a French historian to relate this incident in his own florid style:—" M. Arago, the illus trious representative of science amongst us, attacked the worship of antiquity, and placed the learned men and the philosophers of modern times far before the masters of art and of imagination. M. do Lamartine could not control himself at a speech which displaced from their pedestals Homer, and Virgil, and Plato, and Cicero, — all the poets of antiquity—all the gods of his youth. And with what genius, with what prevailing grace, with what an earnest and intimate conviction of the spirit, did he handle the cause of taste and imagination that cause which was thenceforth his own I M. Arago, in turn, replied with admirable temper, with sound logic, and with a deep conviction also ; it was a combat in the lists, with the arms of courtesy, between contemporary science and contempo rary literature, each represented by its most distin guished professor. The Chamber gazed upon this elegant and loyal passage of arms, applauded the com batants—and found both in the right. That was a brilliant day of repose and reaction amidst our political annals. The public business, to be sure, was not a bit advanced by it ; but the world had the opportunity of hearing two men of genius speak their own language—and the result was two fine discourses the more, and perhaps one law the less." Arago is a man endowed with all the strength of an unbending spirit—self-possessed, even amidst that generous political enthusiasm which made him a Republican. When the Pritchard Indemnity Bill was brought in, he denounced it as " as the most detest able job that had ever disgraced a servile, truckling, and unprincipled 2ilinistry," and declared that " war with England were even preferable to such a degrada tion,"—although his principles had always been for peace. A contemporary writer has described Arago as " an excellent patriot, a sworn enemy of privileges, a hater of monopoly, a friend to free trade, and an ardent defender of the rights of the people." Such, indeed, he has consistently shown himself ; and now we find him associated with De Lamartine, between whom and himself that " loyal passage of arms" took place,— associated, too,with those fine republican leaders, amongst whom he took his seat the very first day that he entered the Chamber of Deputies. M. Arago has written a most admirable and much esteemed biography of our cele brated improver of the steam-engine— James Watt; his works upon astronomical and other scientific matters are numerous; and ho has long filled the honourable post of perpetual secretary of the Academy of Sciences. He is likewise a member of the Office of Longitude, and president of several scientific bodies. IV.-M. CREDIIEUX. It is a somewhat singular fact that at a moment when the English Legislature is discussing the question of removing Jewish disabilities—as if there were any question at all relative to the propriety, wisdom, and justice of such a measure—a Jew should be holding a conspicuous place in the Provisional Government of France. Yet such is the case ; and the gentleman alluded to is the subject of the present sketch. More remarkable and more significant still is the circumstance that M. Cremieux is Minister of Justice, a department with which is associ ated that of public worship. Thus the gallant and liberal Parisians are not afraid to entrust the control of the Catholic Church to the hands of a Jew, while, in Eng land, Sir Robert Inglis, and the other old women of the same claas, are whining over the probable destinies of the Established Church and the Protestant Creed should Jews be admitted into the British Parliament. " They order these things better in France," we may observe with Sterne. .hl. Cremieux has long sat in the Chamber of Deputies for the Electoral College of Chinon; and from the very first he has proved himself a staunch ' friend to the people and to political freedom. To the Guizot Cabinet he was an unflinchin , ,!, opponent—losing no opportunity to assail its ini quitous policy, and to proclaim the necessity of radical reform in every department and institution of the State. Ile was ever most energetic in supporting M. Duverp,ier d'Haurranne's annual motion for the ex clusion of paid functionaries (the Ministers excepted) from the Chamber; and he advocated the broadest and most comprehensive principles of free trade. Where the game-law, initiated iu the Chamber of Peers, came on for discussion in the Chamber of Deputies, Cremieux gave it his most vigorous oppositLn ; but, finding that the Ministers were resolved to carry it by means of their iniquitously packed ma jority, he fought hard to procure the suppression of the clause which exempted Crown lands from the provisions of the measure. In this aim he was successful; but the Peers restored the obnoxious paragraph. When Du ehatel made his memorable declaration, three weeks ago, to the effect that no reform would be granted, and that the Government had resolved to put down the banquets, Cremieux called out, " There is blood in this !" and be prophesied truly. It was he, also, who encountering Louis Philippe and the ex-Queen Amelie in the middle of the Place de la Concorde, on the Thursday of their flight, recom mended them to depart immediately, "no hope for them being left." Ho then proceeded to the Chamber of Deputies, where, rejecting the appeal made in behalf of the Count of Paris, he advocated—nay insisted upon. the formation of a Provisional Government. Thus, con sistent to the last, Cremieux used all his influence to lead France to the fulfilment of her highest destinies in the establishment of a Republic. V.-M. DUPONT DE L'EURE. This distinguished patriot and staunch Republican deserves a similar eulogy to that which we have passed upon De Lamartine—to the effect that his private life is as pure as his public career has been honourable and glorious. lie has reached the advanced nge of 81, hav ing been born on the 27th of Feb., 1767; and, though young at the time, he acted a conspicuous and noble part in the Revolution of 1792. From that period until the present date his life has been passed in the service o! the Liberal cause, which he has advocated unflinchingly, and often to his personal detriment and danger. But it would be impossible, in a limited sketch of this nature, to follow M. Dupont through all the varied and remark able phases of his existence. Suffice it to say that ho has ever been true to those Republican opinions which he acquired and cherished while Louis XVI. yet sat upon the French throne. In the Revolution of 1830, M. Dupont took an active part, and was one of the eight Deputies to whom I have alluded in the sketch of Odillon Barrot. The establishment of a Republic was the hope which M. Dupont entertained ; and when he heard the design mooted by Lafitto in favour of the younger branch of the Bourbons, he sought General Lafayette at the Hotel do Ville, and said, " I understand that there is an intrigue going on to give the throne to the Duke of Orleans ; beware ! for a Bourbon is sure to betray you !" The warning was unfortu nately neglected, but the prediction remained—and has been fulfilled. M. Dupont was present when the follow ing memorable dialogue took place between Lafayett , e , and the ducal candidate for a crown: — " You k now, " said the General, " that I am a Republican, and that I consider the Constitution of the United States as the most perfect that has ever existed." " I think as you do," replied the Duke of Orleans, who would have uttered any falsehood at the moment in order to gain the object of his heart's ambition; " it is impossible to have passed two years, as I have done, in America, without being of that opinion; but do you think, in the situation of France, and according to general impressions, that it is proper for us to adopt it?" " What is at present necessary for the French people," returned Lafayette, "is a popular throne, surrounded with Republican institutions." " It is exactly so that I understand it," replied the Duke. After this conversation, Lafayette drew M. Dupont aside, and asked him what he thought of it ? " I still hold the same opinion," was the reply : " the Prince will assuredly deceive you. The idea of a throne with a Republican basis would be ridiculous any wh ere and in any case ; bat wh en that idea is expressed by the lips of a Bourbon, it is more—far more than suspicious." The reader may gather from this anecdote, that Dupont de I'Eure is a far-seeing man, and that he knows too much of the world to " put any confidence in princes." A Liberal Deputy of such sagacity and inde pendent spirit, and possessing great talents, could not do otherwise than shine in the French Chamber; and M. Dupont accordingly became one of the leaders of the Republican party. In 1842 his indignation knew no bounds when he beheld all the Deputies of the Eure voting in a most servile manner in favour of the Soult-Guizot Minis try; and after reproaching them bitterly for their conduct, which he stigmatised as a " scandal and a shame," he threatened to stand at the ensuing election for all the different places then represented by that menial crew whom he thus denounced. He kept his word, too, and was chosen by four Colleges of the Department of the lure; but having subsequently to elect for which place he would sit, he chose Evreux. This incident aroused the bitterest wrath of the King and the Conservatives against M. Dupont—but he cared nothing for their hos tility, and never lost an opportunity of exposing the selfish designs of the Monarch, and the corrupt policy of his creatures. When the " grand scene" took place last Thursday week in the Chamber of Deputies, and Sauzet (the President) abandoned the chair, M. Dupont de I'Eure was installed in the seat of honour, while the names of the members of the Provisional Go vernment wore read; and his own standing first on the list, he became Prime Minister. There is no doubt but he will be chosen President of the Republic, when the National Assembly meets. VI.—M. LEDRTJ-ROLLIN. The Provisional Minister of the interior, who is the subject of this sketch, has not long been before the world as a politician; but during the few years of his public life, he has conducted himself in a manner calculated to insure the confidence of the French nation. An uncompromising Republican and a splendid orator—endowed with grey moral courage and a fine spirit, and evergiving bold utter ance to his honest conviction, Ledru-Rollin is eminently calculated to become a leader in agreat popular movement. Besides, even though his political career has been short, he has undergone a test, and was not found wanting, For when that fine old friend of freedom, Garni6r Pages —the father of the present Mayor of Paris—died, Ledru Rollin offered himself as his successor in the representa tion of Mans. The address which he put forth to the electors was replete with the most generous and fervid Republican sentiments ; and the Government set every engine of corruption to work in order to defeat him. But he was returned by a large majority ; and then he delivered a speech not merely echoing the opinions con tained in his address, but enunciating all the best and most logical reasons in favour of a democratic form of government. He like% ise made a masterly exposure of the selfish ambition of Louis Philippe, and the unprin cipled policy of his servile hirelings. The speech not only produced a deep sensation at Mans, but throughout France ; and a prosecution was instituted against him. lle stucAl his trial, and was condemned to six months' imprisonment. But as the Chambers were sitting, and his person as a deputy was inviolable, he could not be arrested ; and the day before the usual prorogation took place he departed for Eng land or Ireland—we forget which—where he re mained during the recess. This plan he adopted for five years, when the statute of limitations, which ex tends in France to such cases, purged him of the al leged offence and annihilated the sentence passed upon him. M. Ledru-Rollin is married to an Irish lady; and this fact may have given an impulse to those sympa thies which on his part have been manifested towards the Emerald Isle. When the state trials took place in Dublin, M. Ledru-Rollin set on foot a subscription to aid in defraying the expenses of the defence, and offered to head a deputation to O'Connell, expressive of the good feelings of the French people; but the arch agi tator churlishly and rudely rejected the generousyropo sals thus made to him. On the occasion of the Pritchard Indemnity, M. Ledru-Rollin attacked the Ministers with extraordinary vigour, and used epithets so strong that the President called him to order. But nothing could stop the torrent of his indignant eloquence; and when the Chamber divided, the result led Duchretel to whisper to a friend, who has since recorded the anec dote in print, "Ledru-Rollins's speech lost us seven votes." This secession was immense in a Chamber so corruptly packed ; and the admission of the Minister of the Interior was a high compliment to the eloquent orator. M. Ledru-Rollin carried his independence in the Chamber to such an extent, that he would fearlessly blame even those with whom he usually acted, if he thought that they were in the wrong. Thiers and Odillon Barrot, being less liberal than he, were fre quently assailed by him; and Dufaure often came in for a taste of his lash. his special organ has, for some time, been the liejormc newspaper, in which be possesses a considerable share. V11. 7 A GROUP OF EMINENT MEN. Armand Marrast, one of the secretaries to the Pro visional Government, is the principal editor of the National. He is of diminutive stature, and very thin, with a light graceful figure, and a pale pensive coun tenance, and his age borders on forty. He married, some years ago, an English lady—the daughter of M. Berti Ambrosse, the author. His talents aro of the highest order; and the vigour of his style is appreciated by every ono who is accustomed to peruse the " leaders" in the Nalional. A stern and unflinching Republican, he has suffered prosecution—persecution—and exile, on account of bis opinions, during the despot sway of Louis Philippe; and he now occupies a pround position in that democracy which he helped to establish. Generals Bedeau and Lamoriciere ar both young men, and earned a high military renown in Algiers. The former is an admirable tactician in the art of war: the latter is cha racterised by a dauntless, dashing, Diarist kind of bra very. Admiral Baudin, who is nominated to the com mand of the Mediterranean fleet, is one of the finest naval officers in the French service. He can boast of never having been beaten, although he has seen a fair share of hard fighting. He commanded the squadron which, some years ago, blockaded Mexico; and his splendid achievements of taking the fort of Saint Juan d'Ulloa in six minutes is well known. Garni6r Page!, the Mayor of Paris, has been an unflinching Republican ever since he was capable of forming opinions for him self. M. Carnot, the Provisional Minister of Publics Instruction, is the son of the famous Conventionalist of the same name. He is now in his forty-sixth year. Albert, the artizan, was foreman in a factory in one of the faubourgs, and is a well-informed, enlightened, shrewd, and, at the same time, an unassuming man. TILE RIOT AN]) COLLISION WITH 'TIE POLICE IN TRAFALGAR-SQUARE. [The greater portion of the following appeared in our Third Edition of last night:—] When our reporter returned from Trafalgar-square to The Sun Office, shortly before three o'clock , for the purpose of framing the report which appeared in our last edition, he was led to believe that the people would quietly t3isperse : indeed, a great many left the place, but it seems that as many as 10,000 or 12,000 persons remained, apparently with no settled purpose. No expressions, as far as we were enabled to ascertain, escaped the crowd that remained after the termination of the meeting, from which ono might judge of the settled purpose which they had in view. We heard one man cry out in French—" Death to Guizot," " Long live the ilepublie," but he sot med afraid that any one should observe that he was the utterer of such senti ments. At two o'clock, or a little after, a large number of of the police, consisting of dr•titehments of the U, E, A, and B divisioiat, took up their position at different parts of the iquare, and proceeded simultaneously to clear away the crewel, elio resisted the rather sum mar). way in which they began to put their orders into force. In fact the people—and it is right to state that a vast number of them were young men and boys of the labouring class—did not relish the interference of the police, eh°, in order the better to accomplish their object, struck with too much violence right and left. They were assailed with the most dis cirdant yells, and we saw several stones thrown at them. Some were severely punished, and the truncheon cf one was wrested from him and thrown into the basin amidst cheers. We were informed by several persons, who, seeing us with a note-book and pencil, gathered round us to give infor mation, that a little boy was struck so violently across the head by one of the A division, of whose violence a great many complained to us, that he fell, and that the blood flowed from beneath his cap; also, thet a young man was knocked down like a bullock by one of the same division, and carried off for dead. A man told us that 63 A acted with the most unnecessary violence. It is right to mention that the tempers of the police were sorely tried. When we saw them strike they did so with unnecessary force, and seemed altogether to have lost their tempers. Many respect able persons with whom we entered into conversation, agreed in opinion that if the police had not interfered, no acts of violence would have been committed. Between thirty and forte men and boys have been taken into custody for assaulting the police in the execution of their duty. Some of them are severely wounded about the head. A great many were taken to the Charing-cross Hospital to have their wounds dressed; a few came back with plasters on their heads and exhibited them to the mob. At the time we write, two persons, a man and a boy, are in the hospital, being treated for rather severe wounds ; but we were informed that it was not unlikely that they would be in a condition to be discharged in the course of the night. Inspector Baker, 19 A, had his eyelid severely cut with a :Acme; he received also a severe wound at the back of his head, and was obliged immediately to go to the surgeon of the force. About three o'clock that portion of the pali ngs of the Nelson monument n e are s t the National Gallery was torn down, and a number of men and boys got on the plinth of the column. Two or three persons who stood on the margin of the basins mere pushed in out of sheer fun, and did not escape without a severe ducking Police constable 48 A had his eye severely cut, and the police are more or less injured. The greater portion of the police were withdrawn at half•past five °clock, and as soon as they went order was in a great measure restored. We have seldom seen a mob more inveterate against the police. Had they not mustered in such large num bers some must have been killed, for there were bitter cries of " throw them into the basin." Th e p eop l e were exasperated at being struck with th e ir t runc h eons. The fierce rushing to a nd fro of l arge k nots o f people chased by the pol i ce, now closing upon them, then struggling fiercely, and shouting with all their might, with the batons striking away in all direc tions, had the appearance of a formidable riot, looking down upon it from the steps of St. Martin's Church. The club windows, and in fact every available spot from which a view of the conflict could be obtained, was crowded. About five o'clock the great body of the mob left Trafalgar-square and proceeded along Pall-mall, into St. James's Park, breaking the lamps at intervals and tearing up the wooden rails placed round the young trees, with which latter they armed themselves. Pro ceedieg up the Mall, they passed Buckingham Palace and returned through Westminster. In passing up Tothill street a baker's shop and beer shop were menaced by the mob. The baker very discreetly emptied his shelves, and threw out all the bread he had to the mob, many of whom eagerly devoured it. The police coming up with the crowd here, took several of the ringleaders into custody. The great body returned up Whitehall to Trafalgar-square, where they remained in groups up to ten o'clock. A correspondent sends the following:—. Eleven o'Clock.—At the present time the erowd,which two hours since numbered in Trafalgar -square and its t v o i i aboutni t)- fifteenfive hundred. thousand persons, has dwi n dl e d down The parties who are still lingering behind appear bent upon mischief. Imme diately under the equestrian statue at Charing-cross, a man, evidently insane, has been addressing about two hundred persons for the space of five minutes. His lan guage, however, was most inflammable; he advised the little knot of persons around him to go to Buckingham Palace and insist upon the Charter being given; cif it was refused, to do to the palace the same as the people in France did. He should like to see, provided they did not hurt the Queen, the throne burnt in the middle of Tra falgar-square. The speaker had hardly uttered his treasonable sentence than the approach of a body of police made him run from his position. As he departed he was loudly applauded by the rabble. Half-past Eleven.—The crowd has considerably dimi nished, and there is no appearance of any further mis chief being done. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yes terday, at his official residence, in Downing-street. i