The Sun. — London, England, 1866-05-09 00:00:00

ITtifililAl PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD Ca&Ncirrzoit took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PETITIONS. The Bishop of OXFORD presented petitions from Exeter, praying for the house to take into consideration a bill for settling the question of a final court of appeal in reference to ecclesiastical questions. He presented peti tions also from Ashbourn, in Hereford, against the aboli tion of church rates and the alteration of the law in re spect to marriage with a deceased wife's sister. THE NES TOBIANS IN PERSIA. Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE asked his noble friend (the Earl of Clarendon) for some information re specting the sect of Nestorians in Persia. That sect had for a long period been subjected to persecution from the professors of religion in Persia and from the Roman Catholic body in that country. The Nestorians were very closely united to the Established Church, and their history was very interesting. lle understood that the King of Persia had not only given the sect in question a site for the erection of a church, but had contributed £lOO towards that object. Ile wished to know whether the Government had received any information similar to his own, and whether they would act so as to show their ap preciation of the encouragement that had been shown by the King of Persia to the sect in question. The Earl of CLARENDON said that the information of the noble lord was correct, and that the attention of her Majesty's representative in Persia had been directed to the subject, which he brought under the consideration of the Persian Government. Her Majesty fully appreciated the act of the King of Persia, and that approval had been sig nalised to his Majesty. After a few words from Lord SHAFTESBITRY , The Bishop of OXFORD said that there were different doctrinal points between the Nestorian sect, and their chief similarity was protesting against the power claimed by the Church of Rome. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Congleton Gas and Improvement, Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (West Riding Branches, &c.), Metropolitan District Rail way, and Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (Blackburn and Padiham). and Wexford Junction Rail- The Waterford, New Ross, way, and Magdalen Hospital Bills were read a third time and passed. The standing orders were dispensed with in reference to Taylor's Estate Bill, which went through its different stages. LEGITIMACY DECLARATION BILL. This bill was read a second time. DOCKYARD EXTENSION ACT AMENDMENT BILL. On the motion of the Duke of SOMERSET, The house went into committee on this bill, and the different clauses were agreed to. CONTAGION DISEASES BILL. This bill went through committee. DRAINAGE LAND IMPROVEMENT BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. The Labouring Classes Dwellings Bill was read a second time. AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, AND ITALY. The Earl of CADOGAN asked whether her Majesty's Government had made any offers of mediation, either alone or in concert with the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Russia, to the Courts of Austria, Prussia, and Italy, with a view of assisting the Governments of those countries in arriving at a pacific settlement of the questions between them. He said that, notwithstanding the answer which had been given to a similar question, he thought it would be desirable if a statement were made by the head of the Government in that house on a matter of such grave importance. He thought his noble friend (Earl Clarendon) had too keen a sense of the imminenee.of the danger which threatened Europe by the present aspect of affairs on the Continent, not to have felt a desire to bring the moral influence of this country in the councils of Europe to bear on the subject, with a view to avert the evils of war. Tho Earl of CLARENDON having thanked the noble lord for the tribute paid to him 2ersonally,said as far as the action of Government was concerned, there was no inten tion to depart from the principle of non-intervention in the event of war being declared. There was no intention on the part of Government to refuse any information that might be required, but he could only give the same answer that had been given in the other house last night. Ho regretted to say that the aspect of affairs was very threatening, and the circumstance of 1,000,000 men being armed and assembled on the fron tiers face to face was one of those facts which give rise to serious fears that Europe would be condemned to witness the calamity of a war without the ground of a just cams (Hear, hear.) Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE observed that it was obvious that in spite of the influence of public opinion in Europe, those at the head of great armies were disposed to carry out on the one side their ambitious projects, and on the other they were resolved to act on their apprehen sions. The consequence wets that Europe would be in volved in a war of a magnitude not witnessed in the pre sent century nor in the past, and that this country, with all its lova of Fence, would be fortunate if it were not drawn into that war. He regretted that England had not now the power which it once had of exercising her influence to control a policy which would turn out, if persevered in, most pernicious to the interest of Europe. He did not be lieve that Austria could be an aggressive power. (Hear, hoar.) Her doubtful position in Italy and in Germany made it perfectly impossible that she should be willing to bring on a war. (Hear, hear.) And it was lamentable to the last degree that the peace of the whole world was to be compromised in order to effect the ambitious and aggres sive schemes of any Power. (Hear, hear.) Earl GREY—I must say that I do not look upon this quarrel with the same surprise as the noble viscount. It seems to me that what is now taking place in Europe is the natural consequence of that conduct which we thought it right to pursue some two years ago. (" Hear, hear," from Lord Derby.) Your lordships will remember that it was then laid down, ostentatiously I may say, as the rule of conduct of this country, that we were never to interferein the quarrels of foreign States except our interests were di rectly and immediately threatened. (Hear, hear.) The rule with reference to intervention, which had been understood in a very different sense by our great statesmen, had been abused to some extent. In former times, when the principle of non-intervention was invoked, what was meant was, that no State had a right to interfere with the internal affairs of another. It was considered a scandal and abuse if one nation prevented another from settling the general government in the manner it thought best for its own welfare and pros perity; but no man ever dreamed that the principle of non intervention applied to the case of the disputes which arose between civilised nations. It was never supposed that a great country like this had no duty to perform in endeavour ing to prevent the oppression of a weak State by a strong one—(hear, hear)—not only to secure peace, but in the in terest of justice throughout the world. (Hear, hear.) My lords, this is a new doctrine for the first time put forward, and for the first time acted upon in a manner which has I; e [t ar a stain up on th e f a i r f ame o f thi s coun t r y. S ome t wo inan s n a e g r o we not only ac t e d upon thi s p r i nc ipl e , b u t i n thi s we deluded unfortunate Denmark by implications, if not by promises, of our false positi on , in whic h support. We brought her into a we abandoned her. (Hear, hear.) P I always fore saw th at U this • ciple was to be laid down and acted upon, an d we were to proceed upon the purely selfish principle of thinking onlye own interests, that it would very soon happ en that some of esrtrong and unscrupu lous Power would avail it se lf of thisf nu w principle to guilty of acts of spoliation and th e violenc n e e ; so t o ha er be peace of Europe would be endangered, and that n should see these principles of wrong and violenceer wlahteicrhwwede have encouraged by our sufference rise to suc h a height b e app li e d i n such a manner as to fill the world with bloodblood and with misery.. (Hear.) I venturedto express at that time my conviction that this would be the effect of the policy then pursued. We encouraged by our sufferance scandals, - wrongs, and robbery, which we stated in our official papers to be scandals, wrongs, and robbery, when I am persuaded that a single word properly said at the right time, and with proper firmness, would have stopped the whole mischief without any real danger. (Hear, hear.) We were told it was a great triumph by the Administration of that day— that they had kept us out of war. (Hear, hear.) I beg to say they ought not to boast until they h ave seen the end of l ; and looking now at the thre a t en ing state of affairs in Europe,inmore danger will any man tell me that we are not at t his moment Chad we should of being drawn into a European contest bolder 4 have been if we had taken at that time a if the position are wn: The consequences may be awfu l, but sponsible for theseiliall hold her Majesty's Government re- Earl RUSSELL_ ear' hear.) the remarks of my no d e lords, I must say a few words after —1 do not know that 1 1' 1 ,39. I never he ar d it laid down country should not anyinterten rn: ever laid it down—that this interests were directly or immediately exc e pt w h ere it s ow n thattely concerned. What 1 la said on a former occasion was,if neither your honour nor your interests were concerned you must consider with long deliberation before you enter into a. va If you enter into a war meraly for the sake o, (Hear, h ear .) f g enera l b a l a nce of power in Europe, without your 110 i n t ere sts being involved , y o u ought to see whether or year i n t eres ts not incur far mo re danger than you can possibly remedy.youm (Hear, hear.) My noble friend said that thi s was no ques tion of Denmar k being at war, of Germany being at war but here was an opportunity of going to war, and we ought to have availed ourselves of it. I 'differ entirely f rom friend, and I really cannot the policy of my noble accept his representation of the conduct of her Majesty' s Government. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of DERBY —It is not possible to more com pletely misrepresent my noble friend the noble earl upon the cross benches (Earl Grey) than has been done by the noble earl at the head of the Government, when he said that the noble earl had laid it down that it was no question for us as to whether Denmark orGermany was in the wrong, but that he desired the opportunity of dragging this coun try into a war. Nothing could be more different from the language of the noble earl. His language was this, and I entirely concur with him, that you had laid it down that the action of the Gorman Powersin the affairs of Denmark was a wrong and a robbery—that there was no question as to which was in the wrong and which was in the right'; and the question was whether you, after having gone to such an extent—after Prussia told you in answer to one of your braggadocio despatches, that it was, in point of fact, a de claration of war—after that time, when Denmark called for support—the ques tion was whether you were your assistance, and depended u p on y our moral, if not upon your material justified in taking the opp ortunit y of withdrawing from the contest and abandoning an ally whom your encouragement had led to hope and expect you would defend and maintain. (Hear, hear.) Earl RUSSELL —I beg to state more distinctly, and in explanation of the course which her Majesty's Government took at that time, we maintain, with regard to the engage_ ments which Denmark had taken with Austria and Prussia, that Denmark had given cause of offence to Austria and Prussia., and we advised Denmark to set herself right with those Powers. She was inclined to do that at first; but she afterwards determined to resist, and she refused the advice which her Majesty's Government gave her. We afterwards urged that course upon Denmark, and Lord Wodehouse went to Copenhagen with a view of endeavour ing to persuade the Danish Government to adopt that course, and we asked the German powers to give Denmark an opportunity of setting the matter right by negotiation, and we stated that they had no right to go to war until after negotiations had failed. At the last moment Denmark was prepared to do full justice to the demands of Germany, and we said that Germany being satisfied, the consequences of any war must fall upon themselves. But the German Powers had a good right to complain that Denmark had made engagements with Austria and Prussia which she had not fulfilled. The Earl of HARDWICKE—I should like to ask a ques tion of the noble earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. I see by the report of what occurred in another place last night, that a distinguished member of her Majesty's Government stated that "it would be unadvisable for her Majesty's Government to enter alone into any communication with a view of offering their good offices to the Powers now upon the verge of war." It struck me as being a very remarkable thing that this country should be unable to do anything alone—that it has not of itself power and weight enough to appear before Europe as an arbiter, well-wisher, or adviser, but that it mast, forsooth, go to some powerful neighbour, and say, " Will you act with ns, because we are so feeble that we can do nothing alone ?" I should like to know whether that is really the condition in which we are placed? (Hear.) The Earl of CLARENDON—I can tell my noble friend that is not the state of things in which we are placed. I do not know what report my noble friend has read, but it is certainly not a correct report. lam not aware that we are not in a position to make our voice heard in any part of Europe, or any part of the world. I suppose it is necessary between Governments, as between individuals, to see first whether advice will be accepted, and not to give it if you see that you are more likely to do mischief than good. We did take means to ascertain whether our good offices would be accepted, and the answer we got was not encouraging. We addressed ourselves to other Powers holding the same view as ourselves; but we found them in the same position as ourselves, and we could not do any more. The subject then,dropped, and their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS--LAST EN - ENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed:— Great Northern Railway (Additional Powers); Lynn and Sutton Bridge Railway (Works at King's Lynn) ; Lynn and Sutton Bridge, Spalding and Bourn, and Norwich and Spalding Railway Companies; and Spalding and Bourn Railway. IMPERIAL GAS COMPANY'S BILL. Mr. STANILAND moved the second reading of thi's bill. Mr. TITE moved as an amendment that tho bill be read a second time that day six months. It was proposed to erect a gigantic gas-works in the neighbourhood of Vic toria-park; and after the great exertions there had been used to procure the formation of the park, it was a great hardship on the great number of inhabitants to sanction the erection of a great gas manufacturing business in such a locality. Mr. COWPER said he had thought that it might be pos sible to erect the works under certain arrangements. How ever he found that the works were proposed on such a large scale that nothing but the rejection of tho bill would meet the evil. Mr.S TANILANDS said if the house would agree to the second reading of the bill, he would pledge himself on the part of the company to withdraw all the clauses empower ing the company to purchase land in the neighbourhood of Victoria Park. The bill would then be strictly limited to the raising of additional capital. Alderman LAWRENCE hoped the house would protect the health and rights of the great number of poor people who frequented Victoria Park, and not allow them to be subjected to the nuisance of having a gas works within 300 yards of their park. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DODSON should like to know if the works pro posed by the bill were abandoned, for what was the addi tional capital required. Re hoped the hon. member would not put the house to the trouble of dividing on the measure. After a few words from Ur. STANILANDS, the bill was withdrawn. NEW MEMBER. Sir J. HAY took the oath and his seat for Stamford. ADJUTANTS 1N MILITIA REGIMENTS. In reply to Mr. F. SURTEES, The Marquis of HARTINGTON said it was not the intention of the War Department to alter the existing re gulations in order to give pensions to adjutants and quar termasters in the militia. MEDICAL OFFICERS IN THE ARMY AND NAVY. Col. NORTH asked the Secretary of State for War whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to carry out the recommendations, as regards increased pay, &c., of the committee which was appointed to inquire into and report upon the grievances of medical officers of the army and navy ; and if there was any objection to lay the report upon the table of the house ? The Marquis of lIAB,TINGTON said the whole matter was under the serious consideration of the Admiralty, the War Department, and the Treasury. As soon as any definite conclusion had been arrived at he would com municate with the hon. and gallant gentleman. He did not think it would be desirable to produce the report re ferred to. RE-DISTRIBUTION OF SE .TS BILL. In reply to an HoN. MEMBER, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the return which had been placed in the hands of members contained an error with respect to the city of Aberdeen. Corrected lists would be prepared for the use of members without delay. Colonel SYKES said he should in committee on the bill move that an additional member be given to the city of Aberdeen. ARMY MEDICAL OFFICERS. Sir R. ANS TRUTFIER called the attention of the house to the proposed alteration in the system of promo tion amongst medical officers of the Brigade of Guards, and moved an address for copies of the Warrant or 01 der of 186 Q, under which a change in the system of pro motion amongst the medical officers of the Brigade of Guards was to be made ; and also for any communications from the War Office or the Horse Guards to the officers com manding the three regiments of Guards, intimating the proposed change of system to the officers affected by it. He contended that a great hardship had been done to the gentlemen who had entered the service by the conceal ment of the existence of the warrant by which their pros pects in life had been altogether destroyed. He was of opinion that the worst results would follow the altera tion. The warrant of 1858 ought to be held inviolate, because it was signed by her Majesty, and there was no knowledge in the service when the alteration which so much affected the position of the assistant-surgeons in the brigade of Guards was made. He thought they had a right to ask that the warrant should not have retrospec tive action. Lord H. PERCY thought the medical officers in the Guards had a right to complain of the hardships inflicted on them. He thought that retrospective measures ought only to be sanctioned in the extremest cases. He thought the difficulty could be got over by allowing the gentlemen at present complaining to have their promotion in due course under the regimental system, and that when they were absorbed their promotion for the future could be by brigade. After a short discussion, in which M r . B RADY, Colonel DAR sox, and Mr. INGHAM took part, ' The Marquis of HARTINGIOI4 said be should not agree with o ppose the motion, but ho could n o t the mover of it, that great injustice had , been done H e thought the decision of 1860 was quite in accorda o n n c e. e with the warrant of 1858, and that al though it had not been officially promulgated, yet the whole of the medical officers in the Guards were perfectly well aware of its existence. If it was good for the other regiments in her Majesty's service, he could not 6430 why it should not bo good for the brigade of Guards. CHURCH RATES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in moving for leave to introduce a bill for the abolition of compulsory church rates, stated that the measure provided that no suit should hereafter be instituted, or proceedings taken in any ecclesiastical court, or before any magisterial court, to compel the payment of church rate in any Parish or place in England and Wales. It also made pro vision for the discharge of debts contracted on the security „ . a ritY of church rates under the system now existing. it 1 Aber provided th a t, no t w ith s t an ding anything con tained in the act with regard to the abolition of suits and proeeses• for the recovery of church rate, it should b e lawful, church ra t e was s w ittn ith the ex ce pti on o f p ar i s hes where or fixed fu n d s, for the eiently provided for by endowments parishion ers i n ves t ry assembled to assess a vol un t ary ratetaori e applicable to any purposes far which church ra t e had been heretofore lawfully applied. Another clause defined the class of parsons who were to enter upon the di scuss i on or decision p d that, ffenetdat n n g y s daisffnent i n g the vol un t ary rate. It of Proceedings ' sion a difference o f opinion ar r o e s vd e i a e nd a poll w as demanded, the votes should be entered in a book or on a schedule, de daring the willingness of the persons who gave their votes to pay their quota towards the rate in case it were passed by a majority. Bat the most important clause in the bill was that which provided for compensation for the compul sory abolition of processes. He further proposed that persons who declined to pay a rate should, after a certain lapse of time, be deemed ineligible to fill the office of churchwarden for ecclesiastical purposes. The only other material provision was that persons who had declined to pay a voluntary rate should, if they changed their minds, on payment or tender of payment of their proper propor tion of the voluntary assessment, be entitled to all the power of voting, as if they had in the first instance volun tarily paid their share of the assessment. He made the proposal in a spirit of peace, and the offering had already been accepted by a large portion of those who had been engaged in this controversy ; and being made in the spirit of peaee he sincerely trusted that the attainment of peace would be the result. Mr. NEWDEGATE feared the measure would be at tended with the danger of introducing elements for con firming a variation in the system of carrying out the ser vices of the Church in different parishes. Mr. B. HOPE appreciated the excellent feeling and good spirit in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had subor dinated political and religious differences to an honest desire to settle this vexed question. He believed the mode proposed was the only one by which that object was to be secured. Mr. CANDLISH inquired whether the bill would over ride and supersede local acts empowering an assessment to church rates. Lord J. MANNERS, so far as he could form an opinion from the statement of Mr. Gladstone, didnot think that the proposal could be regarded by Churchmen as a satisfactory C,ompromise. Mr. CIT MBERS agreed that it was not a compromise but a victory for the Dissenters, inasmuch as it abolished church rate. As a Churchman he objected to it that it kept up the form of compulsion without the force. The truth was that the church rate was abandoned, and that the Dissenters had won the whole battle. Sir R. PEEL regarded the bill as made in the spirit of conciliation, and cordially approving of the course taken by the Government, trusted the house would give them its support. He wished to know whether, if a Dissenter re fused to pay church rate, he might claim a right to inter members of his family in the parish churchyard. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, replying to the questions of Mr. Candlish, stated that the bill was intended to supersede local acts such as had been referred to. To Sir R. Peel's inquiry, he returned the answer that there was no disability imposed except as to the making and application of the rate, the election of churchwardens, and the right of serving the office of churchwarden for ecclesiastical purposes. Mr. BRIGHT drew attention to the subject of Easter dues, which he pronounced a more offensive impost even than church rates, and recommended that their abolition should be made part of the present measure. Leave was then given to bring in the bill. Mr. M. GIBSON nominated the select committee on the Thames Navigation Bill. The Transubstantiation, &c., Declaration Bill, the second reading of which was moved by Mr. Cogan, called Mr. Whalley to his legs, and the hon. member made a charac teristic speech, aimed at the influence of the Society of Jesus, who, he declared were at the bottom of every mis chief afflicting the British empire, and had even insti gated the late rebellion of the natives of New Zealand against the supremacy of the mother country. He bad given notice of an amendment to read the bill a second time six menthe hence, but he finished his speech, which was well laughed at by the Roman Catholic members, without making the motion. Mr. C. Fortescue and the Chancellor of the Exchequer having expressed the thorough approval of the Government of the bill, Mr. Newdegate administered a sharp rebuke to Mr. Whalley, who, he said, was always playing into the hands of his opponents. He warned the hon. member, if he ware really a Protestant and sincere, that he was damaging the inte rests and misrepresenting the feelings of the Protestant people of the country, and bringing into contempt in that house feelings which were deeply and sincerely enter tained by a large number of his fellow-countrymen. With regard to the dec:aratioa which it was proposed to repeal, it was in his opinion no more than a reasonable one to be required from any man who took office under a Protestant Sovereign. Mr. O'BEIRNE having thrown out a challenge to Mr. Whalley to substantiate the allegations he had made, the motion for the second reading was agreed to. The Exchequer and Audit Departments Bill was read a third time and passed. The other business on the paper was disposed of, and The house adjourned at a few minutes to 12 o'clock. ELEC nos IN LELLIGENCE. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 9, 1866. on Friday he had been told that Sir G. Jenkinson bad written to a friend inßristol, and this gentleman had unfortunately let the cat out of the bag, the news having reached his ear. Sir George says—" I have been sent over to Nottingham by the Carlton Club. (Hisses.) This club is to pay my expenses, and they are also going to pay the expenses of Mr. Osborne." (Shame.) If Sir G. Jenkinson denied this he would give the name of the parties. Lord AMBERLEY said that Mr. Cossham and him self were the only candidates on the Liberal side. The people knew that by supporting any other can didates, whether calling themselves Liberals or Libe ral-Conservatives, or anything else, they would be only doing harm and not good to the Liberal party. (Cheers.) He had been charged with being the ad vocate of Sunday amusements. He certainly did think that the British Museum would be a more suitable place to spend Sunday in than a public house. (Cheers.) He charged them not to be de ceived by those who came forward as Liberals, but who were playing into the hands of the Tories. The supporters of all the candidates are busy can vassing, and there is no doubt it will be a hard struggle. __ _ All the candidates are to address meetings of their supporters to-night (Tuesday), and parties gene rally are anxiously waiting for the nomination. There is great excitement in the town. SANDWICH. CLOSE OE THE POLL. Capper ... ... ••• ... 466 Brassey Majority for Capper -8 STAMFORD. The election to fill the vacancy occasioned by the withdrawal of Sir S. Northcote took place yesterday (Tuesday). There was only one candidate—Rear- Admiral Sir John D. C. Hay, who was nominated by Mr. Thompson and seconded by Mr. Alderman Handson. The MAYOR having declared the candidate elected, Admiral HAY addressed the assembly at consider ablelength. Speaking first on the subject of Reform, he said he thought the extension of the franchise to householders was coming down too low. There were many men of intelligence and education living in lodgings, to whom the franchise ought justly to be conceded ; and he believed that an arrangement such as was contemplated by the Reform Bill pro posed by Lord Derby in 1859 would be much more acceptable to the people of this country than any scheme solely based upon the value of the house in which a man might happen to live. (Cheers.) Al luding next to the complications on the Continent of Europe, the hon. baronet said he thought the wisest and safest policy for Austria to adopt under present circumstances would be to get rid of Venice, and hand it over to Italy. He trusted that the pOlicy of our GOVernment would be dignified, and that we might not be led into war ; but, in order to insure that, we must be cautious, and the voice of the country should be raised to influence Lord Russell and prevent him from meddling in the affairs of other States when he was not prepared to support by arms the policy which he recommended. (Cheers.) On the other side of the Atlantic a more peaceful policy was about to prevail ; and all must have wit nessed with great satisfaction the conduct of the American President in endeavouring to suppress the disturbances and the aggressions threatened by the Fenians who had sought refuge in the United States. (Cheers.) With respect to the Jamaica Commission, although it must be matter of regret that 450 lives should have been sacrificed in th at unfortunate revolt, he hoped that Governor Eyre would come out of the inquiry uninjured in public opinion. (Cheers.) Passing on to naval affairs, the hon. member depre cated large expenditure upon fixed forts, giving his preference to iron ships. He also advocated the creation of harbours of refuge. Replying to a ques tion from Mr. C. Healy,Admiral Hay said that if the game laws were abolished it would be necessary to render-the trespass law more stringent. After paying a graceful compliment to Sir S. Northcote the hon. member concluded amid general applause. A vote of thanks to the Mayor terminated the proceedings. NOTTINGHAM The election is one of the most exciting that have ever taken place in this town. The Conser vatives are making a great push, and Lady Jenkin son is busily canvassing for her husband. The other candidates are all actively engaged. On Monday evening there was a mass meeting in the Market place, more than 30,000 persons being present ; Sir R. Clifton presided, and Mr. Osborne vindicated himself from the charge of splitting the Liberal party in the borough. Mr. OSBORNE said that the Liberal deputation who waited upon him in London made a distinct proposition to him, asking him in case Lord Am berley did not accept their requisition, whether he would stand under their auspices. His reply was, " What do you take me for ? I am a gentleman unaccustomed to play double parts, or to go with opnuetaptianrty askedwhen I t o a m b e pledged to t oanother."the e next day (Sunday.) He unwillingly assented, but took the precaution to have a witness in the room. That morning the deputation had publicly denied his statements. As soon as heheard of it he telegraphed to his friend in London telling him of the denial that had appeared, and saying, " I will stand or fall by your testimony as to the truth of what I said." It was a warning to him not to have any more private interviews with the three gentlemen of the Liberal Society. " Liberal Society" did they call it ? A more illiberal set of men to have usurped a name not belonging to them it had never been his fortune to come in contact with. It seemed to him that they were actuated not by the spirit of libe rality but of persecution, and were determined to hunt him down. They were desirous of affixing a stigma to his name, and acted on the principle of throwing dirt, for some of it might stick. But they did not know the man with whom they had to deal; he was not a man to fly or turn his back upon his opponents. He would meet them foot to foot, and if he could not give them a sound Liberal thrash- ing in this conflict, he should call his supporters exceedingly injudicious seconds and worthless bottle-holders. He was not going to mince matters with this coterie or clique. He had had something to do with men who " Forget the dunghill where they grew, And think themselves the Lord knows who." And feeling that he was supported by the honest and unpurchased electors in the town, he was deter mined not to submit to dictation on the part of those who wished to throw dirt on an honest and straight forward man, and to drag him down from the re spectable position he had hitherto occupied. What man with the spirit of an Englishman in his heart would be satisfied with a set of men, however wealthy and respectable they might be, who sent their emissaries east and west, right and left, to select two members for their choice ? It reminded him more of the middle ages than of the year 1866. (Cheers.) They were told that the Liberal party —and who were the Liberal party if not those before him that night ?—had done so and so. He wanted to know who were the more Liberal—the men who, in the light of day, accepted a stranger after listen ing to his sentiments, or the men who went through the back streets, here and there, in Birmingham, London, Manchester, and Liverpool, begging for candidates ? This was no common contest. It was a contest where their freedom and their rights were at stake, and if they did not willingly support him as the exponent of independence, they would henceforth be branded among the constituencies of England as a body of serfs—as a body content to take the nomination of their candidates from that class which was styled " No. 30," meeting in a room which, like another place, was paved with good in tentions. (Cheers.) Lord Amberley and Mr. 11. Coasham addressed the electors and non-electors in the Market-place, on Monday evening. Mr. COSSIIA3I taxed Mr. Bernal Osborne w coming down to divide the Liberal party at Notting ham. He said Mr. Osborne might say what he liked, but he came here the nominee of the Tory party. He came to damage the Liberal cause. He came to endeavour to transfer the Liberalasentiment in the town to the Tory side. (Hear, hear.) He did hope before Mr. Osborne's reputation was quite gone he would retire. He had come here not half so honestly and so honourably as Sir G. Jenkinson. (Cheers.) Since he (Mr. Cossham) left Nottingham WINDSOR Yesterday, in accordance with the notice issued by the Mayor, Mr. J. Jones, a meeting of the magis trates of the borough was held at 11 o'clock in the forenoon at the Town-hall. The Mayor presided, the magistrates including Mr. llarris (ex-Mayor), Messrs. Blunt, Bedborough, Driver, Hanson, Pearl, and Holderness. Sir H. Wolff and Col. Gardner, the Conservative, and Mr, R, Eykyn and Mr. C. Edwards, the Liberal candidates, were all in attend ance, their respective agents, Messrs. Long and Phillips, Mr. Darvill and other gentlemen, being also present. The MAYOR stated, as his reason for convening the meeting, that he had received letters from elec tors stating that prize fighters had been engaged by one of the parties for the purpose of causing a dis turbance on the polling day. He wished to have some guarantee that endeavours would be made to preserve the peace from both sides. Mr. C. EDWARDS repudiated any complicity in such an intention. He had not, and never would, authorise such a course of proceeding as that which had been stated. Two gentlemen of the class named came to him at the committee-room and offered their services at the election, and he advised them to put themselves in the train and go back again. Mr. LONG thought that was far the best advice that could have been given to the men. Some of them had put themselves in the train and had gone back. Sir H. Worm' said that to the best of his belief the men had never been near the Conservative committee-room. Mr. EYKYN inferred from the men calling upon them that they had been rebuffed at the Conserva tive committee-room and then came to them. The MAYOR trusted that all the candidates would give their attention to the matter. The magistrates could, of course, swear in any number of constables. He wished, however, to avoid unnecessary expense. Mr. LONG, on the part of the Conservatives, and Mr. DARVILL, for the Liberals, having agreed that no boardmen or bands should be engaged, the pro ceedings, so far as the candidates were concerned, terminated, and they left the room. Several more special constables were afterwards sworn in. Tuesday Night. At a meeting of Conservatives, held at the White Hart, this evening, Mr. Hanson presiding, Sir H. D. Wolff and Colonel Gardner retired from the con test, as, after a review of their canvass by Mr. Long, their agent, and the committee, it was found that the Liberals would upon polling have had a large ma jority. Mr. R. Eykyn and Mr. C. Edwards, there fore, at present remain unopposed, A PROLIFIC FOXHOUND.--A few days ago, at the Southdown kennel; Ringgier, the foxhound bitch Sing well gave birth to no less than eighteen whelp; 15 of which are still alive and d o i ng we ll . [ADVERTISEMENT.] Dyspepsia (indigestion) , constipa tion, debility, consumption, and all nervous , b i lious , stomach and liver complaint s i n ever y stage, are only aggravated and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfectly cur able by Du Barry's health -restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been con sidered hopeless, such as - cough, asthma, also diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, no'scs in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, im purities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irrit ibility, sleepless ness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, eebility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in preg nancy or at sea, sinkin g fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness 01 the chest, pains in the pit of the stomach and between th e shoulders, &c. We quote a few :—Cure No. 46,276 . Mr James Roberts, limber merchant, of Fernley, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and par tial deatness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobi, of ex treme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings; low spirits, and nervous fancies. -Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, lord Heat. of ateriord, of many sears' dyspepsia,-No. 49,832. Fifty years' Indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting—Maria July.—Cure No. 54,8:6. The Rev, James T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torpid ity of the liver, which had resisted all medical ti eatment.— In tins, 11b, 2s 9d ; 21b, 45 03 ; 51b, 11 s ; 121 b, 22 s ; 241 b. IN.—Barry Du B arry and go., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; likewise at 61„ Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate street Within ; 63, k 1 . ,0 , and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Strand; 54, Upper Baker-street; 103, Tottenham-court-road; 96, Upper-street, Islington, N. ; Harvey, Notting-hill; Close Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St. John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and che rntsts.—Beware of spuriqus imitations. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—At this momentous crisis in the affairs of Europe it is well that the position of the British Go vernment should be strictly defined. No one, in deed, will suspect that this country has been con cerned, directly or indirectly, with the disputeswhich now endanger peace. The errors of two years since have not been repeated. The parties to the Treaty of Gastein have been left to keep or break it at their pleasure. The military occupants of the Duchies are free each to expel the other according as their strength may lie. Though the sympathies of this country are with Italy, not one voice has been heard in favour of an aggressive war on her part, and certainly no British statesman has suggested or would encourage an attack on the Quadrilateral. So far the lesson of 1864 has been well learnt. We have lectured nobody, we have given much less advice than usual ; there has been no appeal to treaties which we do not intend to support, no hints of assistance which are afterwards to be retracted or explained away. Lord Clarendon could, therefore, last evening meet the questions of an Opposition Peer with entire equanimity. His answer was simple, and as far as British interests and credit are concerned, satisfactory. Lord Cadogan, after some prefatory rem arks, asked whether her Majesty's Government had made an offer of mediation, either alone or in concert with the Em peror of the French and the Emperor of Russia, to the Coart of Austria, Prussia, or Italy, with a view of assisting the Governments of those countries in arriving at a pacific settlement of the questions at issue between them. The answer of Lord Clarendon was in the negative. He said that if there had been the least reason to suppose that the good offices of the Government would have been accepted they would have been freely offered and conscientiously employed. " But, my lords," said the Foreign Secre tary significantly, " we have stood alone, and alone we could do nothing against the determination that war is the most effective means—the only effective means—of accomplishing an ambitious policy." Lord Clarendon went on to say that war is not actually declared, but more than a million of men are now armed and prepared -for the conflict. Europe is menaced with a war for which there is no cases belli, and for which there is no justification. We are glad that at such a moment the British Government is able to make such a declara- tion. The country will approve Lord Claren don's reprobation of the war ; but it will also ap prove his refraining from importunate solicitations of the rival Powers. The wilful will have their way. It is useless to expect that princes, or states men, or nations, mad with ambition and hunger ing after a frontier, or a maritime territory, or a completed nationality, will be dissuaded by any cold scraps of morality about the wickedness of war and the folly of wasteful armaments. A time, in deed, may come when wars will cease from the face of the earth, but that will only be when nations know their own interests so well that one will not desire to keep what it is for the general interest that another should possess. So long as one Power covets what another will not yield, no considerations of morality or economy can secure a permanent peace. The nation is in a state of political unease; at any moment the fever fit may seize it, and slaughter and bankruptcy lose their terrors. The only thing, then, that can prevent hostilities is the dread of defeat. This is the wholesome fear that prevails when every other is cast away. It cools the enthusiasm of the people, and fills the minds of their rulers with scruples which conscience could never raise. If it were now to become clear to Count Bismark that a union of the minor German States with Austria would put such an army into the field that the Prussian levies would infallibly be crushed in Silesia, if the Italian Court and nation could be convinced that the war would bring an Austrian army to Milan, and that no ally would in terfere to drive it out again, we might count on more pacific counsels at Berlin and Florence. The prime movers of war would then soon begin to dis cover that religion, humanity, and the rights of Treaties forbade them to use force for the gaining of their ends. But the two Powers which in the event of a war would now be the aggressors have no such apprehensions. They believe in their success, and look forward to substantial gains from a short campaign. They think that Austria will be over matched, and that she will have no choice but to yield. They trust they have the sympathy, to say no more, of the first military Power on the Continent. Each has a definite purpose, the first. step to which must be an extension of territory. The confidence of the Prussian Minister and of the whole Italian people is ominous of a convulsion. They have long had their schemes, and they now think the accom plishment of them is near. Hence military prepara tions and financial prodigality which astonish the world, accustomed as it is to the extravagance of later days. Only one power exists which can check these two ambitious States. It is the strongly expressed will of the French ruler and his people. The an tagonists have almost lost the ability to check them selves ; but if Napoleon were to bid them pause, if he were to utter a warning which should be a menace to whoever struck the first blow, peace might yet be preserved. Unfortunately, the arbiter of the Continent speaks only to spread dismay on every Exchange by some doubtful utterance. What he may do none can tell ; what he is doing is plain to every beholder. his is a case where inaction is interference. The whole world is beginning to think that some great scheme of European change has been formed which is to be effected by a war, and of which Austria is to be the first victim. If they are wrong, they may be set right in a day. Napoleon has only to disclaim complicity with the designs of his neighbours, and Europe will be dice more tranquil ; public waste and private ruin will be checked, at least for a time. This happy an nouncement is, we fear, not to be expected. We must be content to look on the saddest spectacle that the world has seen in our time. If the accounts we receive be correct, Lord Clarendon's estimate of a million of men in arms falls very far short of the truth. Prussia has placed five Army Corps in her central and south-eastern provinces on a Aar foot ing, and four more in other parts of her territory, the whole amounting to 365,000 men. Reserves, which may be called out at any moment, would add 210,000 to this force, so that the Prussian Army, in case of war may be made to reach the enormous number of 575,000 men. On the morning of the 2d instant an order to place all the Austrian armies on a war footing was issued, and 630,000 men will soon be under arms. The levies of Italy will probably amount to 400,000 men. The minor German Powers have considerable armies. Such are the forces about to be marshalled in this strife. The wars of former times hardly bear com parison with that which threatens us. Germany had not half this number of men in the field when she fought for her national existence in 1813. We can only hope that at the last moment France will in terpose to prevent this fatal war. Perhaps it may be in vain to speak to Austria of the cession of Venetia, but if the Imperial pride could so far stoop, all pretext for the conflict would be taken away, and the sympathy of the world would be completely on the side of Austria and its German allies. The designs of Prussia can only be repro bated by all just men. It may be that Count Bis marck has in view a sort of unity for Germany ; that he wishes to complete the work of the Prussian Kings, by making his master the ruler and consoli dator of the Fatherland. But even union and nationality are not to be forced on a people at the point of the bayonet. The Prussians may be tempted by the prospect of aggrandisement to ac quiesce in the policy of their Minister, but it is evi dent that the rest of Germany distrusts and fears him. There is nothing in the cause of the aggressor which can make us willing to excuse the aggression. HERALD.—The bill introduced by Mr. Chichester Forteseue " for the Amendment of the Representa tion of the People of Ireland" has been met with the all but unanimous disapproval of the Irish members belonging to all shades of political parties. The member for Athlone professed his determined oppo sition to any connection of the immaculate borough which returns him with Portarlington—not, we are sure, because the hon. gentleman at all fears that the small admixture of Conservatism resulting from the junction will in the slightest degree influence the Liberal opinions of his constituents, but because he perfectly, well understands that the fusion will raise the value of their votes, and considerably in crease the trouble and expense of his election ; while Dr. Brady and Mr. Kennedy, going ahead in their demands, as Liberal members are accustomed to do, declared " That the changes proposed would be of no value to the people unless they had the ballot to protect' them," the latter gentleman assert ing, " That the elector in England was a free man, but in Ireland he was a serf, liable to be turned out at six months' notice after voting for the man of his choice, and liable to be distrained, as of ten t happened, within .a few weeks after he had recorded his vote." Now, if proof were needed of the perfect freedom from restraint on the part of the landlords with which the Irish electors are accustomed to exercise their rights, it is to be found in the very cases of those members themselves, who,' for the sake of acquiring popularity, demand further p rot e c t i on , in the face of facts which conclusively prove that it is not at all required. Both absolute strangers, previously unknown and unheard of, and quite undistinguished by any peculiar qualifications to recommend them, they were originally returned for the counties they represent without possessing a particle of property in either. The former gentle man has, we believe, since acquired a small estate in Leitrim ; but the latter does not possess as much land as would sod a lark in Louth. Yet both were chosen at the last general election in opposition to two of the largest and best resident landlords in Ireland, one of them a Whig pur sang, and although this remarkable success was achieved in opposition to the almost unanimous wishes of the landed pro prietors of both counties, we challenge either of them to name one solitary instance in which tenants at will have been evicted for what (with the know ledge of the clerical influence brought to bear upon them) we consider is most erroneously described as the independence with which they exercised their constitutional privileges in their behalf. But when we come to carefully examine this at first sight ap parently fair redistribution scheme of the Govern ment we at once perceive that the Conservatives must certainly lose four seats at least, while the Whig gain will most probably be increased to six by the returns from Dublin city and the county Cork under its action. Portarlington, always here tofore returning a Conservative, but now designated as a Whig borough, because it happens to be at pre sent represented by the Irish Attorney-General, who succeeded there, according to Mr. Whiteside, " because he had threatened the electors with dis franchisement if they did not return him," is sure to be swamped by Athlone, containing a constituency 20 times more numerous ; while Bandon, exclusively Conservative, will be swallowed up by Kinsale, and a third vote will be lost in Ulster by the amalgama tion of Dungannon with Enniskillen, both Conser vative to the backbone. That the representative of the Queen's University, increased as the voters will be by the admission of those educated at the Catho lic University, must of necessity give his support to an Administration pledged to the overthrow of the Protestant Church and the destruction of all aristo cratic influence, cannot be doubted, as the religious statistics of the students who will compose the future electors show that a vast majority of them must be under the spiritual guidance and political control of the Roman Catholic bishops, who_now gratefully receive the boon as a recompense for past and a retainer for future services. Thus we find that should the Ministerial proposition be adopted three Conservative boroughs will be virtually disfran chised, and a fourth vote gained to the Whigs through the representation of the Queen's Univer sity. Whether New Ross may not be lost to the Conservatives by its amalgamation with Ennis corthy, and Coleraine by its junction with Bally mena, remains to be seen ; and although any fur ther influence the Whigs may acquire in the other proposed amalgamations in the Munster boroughs cannot be ascertained before the arrangement of their boundaries, we think we have stated quite enough to convince the Conservatives of the abso lute necessity of offering the most strenuous opposi tion in all its stages to a one-sided measure, which must, if successful, so materially diminish the nu merical strength of their party. The Civil Rights Bill. We have been frequently asked about the pro visions of the " Civil Eights Bill," and the following excellent synopsis will give an intelligent concep tion of the main features of the important docu ment Sec. I.—All persons born in the United States, and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, of every race or colour, are declared citizens of the United States, and all alike have the right to make and enforce contracts, sue and be sued, give evidence, hold and dispose of real and personal property—are entitled to full and equal benefit of the law to these ends, and subject to like punishment, pains and penalties, for offences against law. Sec. 2.—Any person who shall subject any in habitant of any State or Territory to deprivation of any right secured by this act, shall, upon convic tion, be punished by fine not exceeding one thou sand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, at the discretion of the Court. Sec. 3.—Provides that the District Courts of the United States, to the exclusion of the State Courts, shall have cognizance of crimes and offences against this act, and also concurrently with Circuit Courts of the United States of all causes affecting persons who are denied or cannot enforce their rights in the tribunals of any State or locality. Sec. 4.—District attorneys, marshals, deputy marshals, commissioners, officers and agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, and others who may be spe cially empowered, are authorised and required to in stitute proceedings, &c. Sec. s.—Said commissioners shall have concur rent jurisdiction with judges of the United States Courts to issue warrants, and, upon examination, to discharge, admit to bail, or commit for trial. Sec. 6.—Defines the duty of Commissioners, and imposes a penalty of SI,QOO on marshals who shall refuse or neglect to perform the duties prescribed by this act. Sloe. 7.--Provides for punishment of persons who hinder or prevent the execution of any process or warrant. Sec. B.—Prescribes the emoluments of officers who carry out the various provisions of the act. Sec. 9.—lt shall be lawful for the President to direct the Judge, Marshal and Attorney of any district to attend at any_ place at any time he may designate, for the more speedy arrest and trial of per6ons offending • and it shall be the duty of such officers to attend requisition. Sec. 10.—It shall be lawful for the President to employ the land and naval forces of the United States or the militia to enforce the act. Sec. 11.—Upon all questions of law the final appeal shall be the United States Supreme Court. British Amer ca and tho Fisheries. The abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 imposes upon the Government of the United States the duty of protecting a class of American citizens in the possession of certain rights, which belong to them according to the common view of the lawyers and statesmen of the United States, while they are disputed by Great Britain and the British Provinces in North America. We refer to the fishery question—a controversy bet seen the United States and British America of more than fifty years' standing, and now once more engaging the serious attention of the country. An able report on the history of the controversy was submitted to the House of Representatives, on April 10, by Mr. Raymond, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr. Raymond showed that the original right of the Americans to partake of the fisheries on the coast of Newfoundland had been enjoyed in common with the other colonists previous to their independence, and had been recognised as an existing right by the treaty of 1783. The people of the United States continued in the undisputed exercise of the right until the war of 1812. The treaty of 1814 made no pro vision on the subject, the American Commis sioners at the Peace Conference being expressly instructed not to allow the right of fishing on the coast to be brought into question at all. Disturb ances took place, however, between the rival fishermen, which led to the Convention of 1818. By that treaty the Americans received the right which heretofore they had claimed as conform able to the law of nations, of fishing within one marine league of the coast, and they re ceived the right to fish within three miles of the shores of the British provinces. New disturbances arose in 1851, when the Provincial authorities put upon the Convention of 1818 a new construction, namely, that the line by which the three miles were to be measured was to be drawn from headland to headland of all the bays along the coast, includ ing the great Bay of Fundy, the Bay of Chaleur, Northumberland Straits, the Straits of Canso, &c. This construction of the treaty would have excluded the American fishermen from some of the most valuable fishing grounds. The law officers of the English Crown had previously decided that the claim to draw the line from headland to headland was a good one ; and, also, that the treaty of 1783 had been for ever annulled by the war of 1812 and the treaty of 1814. This decision the Government of the United States refused to recognise, and the English Government waived it. The Americans consequently remained in possession of what they claimed to be their right until 1854, when the Re ciprocity Treaty was agreed upon, and the Americans again received an absolute right of fishing all along the coast. The abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty revives the controversy as to the rights which American fishermen can claim. The Ameri can Government claims that if England regards the treaty of 1783 abolished by the treaty of 1818, then, for exactly the same reason, the treaty of 1818, in its turn, would have been abolished by the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 ; so that the Americans were thrown back either on the origi nal concession in the treaty of 1783 or on the rights which were enjoyed previous to that time. This is the present stage of the controversy. Mr. Raymond stated that both Governments might agree upon returning to the treaty of 1818, but that Americans could not yield further, since that year has been regarded in the United States as the cor , red interpretation of that treaty and the rights of American fishermen, which in consequence of that construction have always been asserted, and vreM without interruption, exercised from 1818 to 18 54 ' —Anglo-American Times' A Wedding Ceremony Stopped• Yesterday morning unusual excitement was oceasionee at the church of St. Paul, Deptford, by a -wedding, Which was being proceeded with by the rector, the Rev. B. a Ffinch, being forbidden, the intended bridegroom being man who has attained the agd of 67, and wh o was itar" wards given into custody on a double charge a bigaral' his first two wives being in church to greet h im. On (who ing W ach' ing the outside of the church the disappointed bride O, has reached the ago of 40) and her gay dece iver were by a large mob of persons, and thebridegroom be thingl.t e . s hands of the police they set upon the unfortu nate bride, being rumoured that she well knew the man to but he was about being wedded was already married, but seP a " rated from his wife. Later in the day he was taken before Mr. Trail at the Greenwich police-court, and gave thenaalrae of James Naylor, an out-pensioner of Greenw ich hospit' The first wife, now an inmate of the Greenwich ITni°n't said she was married about 35 years ago to the p risenerB t Frinsbury, near Strood, Kent, and they lived together !t_ Chatham. They afterwards removed to Gree nwich, but 26 years ago they searated. The second wife, Ann Young, of 3, Robin hood lane' Poplar, said that between 18 and 19 years ago, after tin!? months' courtship, she was married to the prisoner, but su e left him five years since owing to his cruelty towards list. There were four children by such connection. re . The prisoner here asked that the first wife might "" a called, and, in answer to a question, she admit ted that Pe' to their marriage taking place she was married to a serge ; of the Royal Marine Artillery, but that he having 9 ' vf : living at the time, and her friends discovering this, 511° never lived with him. Mr. Traill informed the parish officers, who attended to watch the case, that in prosecuting the priso ner it Wealcis be necessary not only to prove the first of the marriage° with the two womenthen present, but also th at at the tirad, of this marriage taking place the man to w hom she! t mitted having been before married had a wife livingatligli time. Without all this could be done there w as un Je if° evidence as to which of the two women was hie lawf ul /be —and if the first of these two marriages was void, th en be prisoner, not having actually completed the w.orl d ' il t % o a intended that day, had not, in the eye of the lAA - guilty of an offence. It was intimated that this proof was not likely to be tainable, and the prisoner, after being cauti oned, was (L' charged. On reaching the public streets the old man was ,a col pea and yelled at by a large number of females, but injury. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. ,h i s• The arrivals from Ireland and coastwise s ince week have been small. At this day's marke t they amore a fair attendance of the town and country trade, a l ' s or business was done. Wheat met with a brisk co rate`' tive demand at an advance of 3d per 100 lb on race°, roor° In flour a fair inquiry, and sold at 6d to Is per sarougbt money.' Oats i-d per 451 b dearer, an d oatmeal 0 full prices. Barley slow, but in pr i ces there Iv e change to note. Beans and peas advanced fully 2s 5 Ic, I:a-- Indian corn was more inquired for, and veil ,a for at the close of the market 29s 9d was generally prime mixed American. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TUESDAY' A be' l 4 The supply of wheat was middling, the detonrl'A firm at higher quotations than last week for clic"c' ties. Oats and beans a meagre show. 6 stu n t e ' White wheat, 52s to 56s ; red, 43s to 48 s per 3 gas po Barley for malting, 36s to 39s per qr; feed, 30s ta D esql 30 stone. Oats, 26s to 335. Beans, old, 0 0 s to 535; 43s to 46s per qr. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. R I 19 0 61 Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....l7 o .- 4 ,, 11 White do New red do New white - do do ..• • 180 Od 0 ~,, Beans do do do r d s s 0 6 1 1 " )2 74 . 6 1 do Peas, per qr. . „Od 370 ri 1 80 04 400' r- Grinding barley, per qr 3• 0 od d 414 A Malting barley, r o 3BB Od 01 , Oats, do 27 0 4 F10ur.... is td to 2i Od per 141 b, BRISTOL—TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was about the usualcisoo of wheat; trade was active, and a good busbies eitsier is per qr dearer. Barley pressed, and is per t i t jug Oats in moderate sale, and at previous quotation s • corn quiet. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TrEsPO r Pe Old white wheat, 50s to 54s ; new red.: 46s to O r 3 0. stone. Barley, fine, —s ; other kinds, 28 s to 3 85 P e n s, e l Oats, new, 24s to 30s ; old, 29s to 33s per qr. P c ` 48s to 525; new, 42s to 46s prr qr. LEEDS—TUESDAY. ~ war gee There is only a small show of grain at this daY yo 10, 0 For good qualities of both old and new wheat ' o f l 6 had a good consumptive demand, at an advatlecave,;ci 2s on the prices of last Tuesday. Fine barl e y s „ sell readily, and fully as dear. Beans were s c3 " -e e ' i 6 " ° brought fully is more money. In other articles tb change in prices. 4 1 30 W e" The average prices for the week ending Al n-- 1.14. Wheat, 48s 4d per qr. ; barley, 41s ; oats, `2l) COAL MARKET. d, Price per ton at the close of the get . mar ..1. 5 s. d. 1 7 9 Walls End Haswell 18 6 Kelloe .. ... . ........... .16 9 Tees Walls End Jetton Hartlepool Tunstall Ships at market, 38; sold, 36. Foreign Mail Packet List • MAILS DUE. SO. Australia and New Zealand, via Southamptoi l ••n lo/ isf Ditto, via Marseilles ................. ......... 600 .3 ;' " Brazil and Cape V er d e , by British packet ...... • • 'At/ 1 0 5, Ditto, by French packet .......... ........... o gO Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena- • %ga l China, - Penang, and Singapore. via SouthamPten. . go/ Ditto, via Marseilles .......................... Falkland Islands ... ................................. I, Gibraltar, via Southampton ..... ............ a y `2 ,l ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampto n ' .. gal• 14 Ditto, via Marseilles .......... • •••••• 13 . 1aY ‘ , 3 India (Bombay), via Southampton. ................. go Ditto, via Marseilles ....................... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton ...... yf• a Y Ditto, via Marseilles ........................ . 7 , Mauritius, via Southampton .................... ~, Ditto, via Marseilles. ........................ • .0# Newfoundland ,••" joie Portugal . ..... Ditto, by private ship .................. 9. United States and British North America, bY I3 .2,f 51 tish packet ........................ ......... • • Ditto, by United States packet, via Bout/AMP ton .. . ▪ 1 1, Ditto, via Cork • •. gal 1 3 , Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderri %s o West Coabt of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerife r West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas an Honduras) • • • ............. Cuba and Mexico ..• •• ' fial 9 , Bahamas, via New York. ........................... Bermuda, vla Halifax ........... .ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's vi ntras— fs , G p 4 .0.• Effectual Aid.—ln the sad thus of sickness " co 1. 0 43 to know that a remedy does exist, and that lend piPtiocl duced at a little cost. Holloway's ointment raatioo,o43, invaluable in relieving pain, reducing int l3lll o Do ° fa ir regulating disordered actions. They neve r ca tise,, 0 plied, nor can they under any circumstances pot °°, chief. Taken in appropriate doses they arc v' tit, 0 10 a the rich when suffering from indigestion, g ° e y . c lovi o ioo eases, &c., and a boon to the poor when s tril ue poSS e ho illness. Holloway's medicines should be in tion of all soldiers, sailors, and emigrants, who w " be ll Si ° a position to relieve pain and cure diseas e W assistance cannot be obtained. ______ ..-- BRANCII—On the Bth inst at 67, Ch ter -43411 ' -re. tllO 1110: of Charles Branch, Esq., froftahn. Chester-0 FAN to s n . , A th wE e Lady FORBES— On the sth instat 32 PalznetraA sre,n Da Forbes,!r haweEsq of . a of s a on s . on. if. of J. G. Fan lace, the 6th • tat 33, WIWI-P -ins ~ ISAACSON—On Bth inst., the wife of W in ' - . l/te • v 10'r Esq., Willoughby House, Newmarket, of a dox . 01 PE b utsE ridge — , Pthil:Pßen Marriages. 10 , P h ' .1 Hants, eldest son of H. Pe se, Esq., °J., _ l ta vt O n n en th ry e B T th . pinesat;,seiatrt;o42%' el,eiptc;itthee terrace, to Mary Louisa ar Sophia,. e_COPCI tu n '', 11) STEAD- 4H e o Henry Koppers, O K . Kn O o r p r p eE Henry, R rs S - Hon. and Augustus F. and Lad s MarY r' .. .,,,"`' s sii g e /111 ,1 1 , c 1 Stoke Newington, to Emilio Maria Isabel°, lsq., of Havana. Esq., aged 60. CITATTERTON— On the 6th fast at IV, " • 10 01 1 1 O e n ld t e h st e Bth son Lu'ofyst.u, a.tee,ipyter,clitt:tig,:te'r 0 Deaths. vv . —• 0 Clo t - G GR Aa iv . E du — On the .6th lust., Captain.' gen t "' lb Grcfre' S : ; Manchester, O n the Frederick ith ins t E . , E. at G A a d d d r e i a m F I , V i s s q ° • , : 1 1 . ° 1 :; s ci e T 0 611 . 13 °1 : 1 : 1 : 0. 4 : 0, t . KELsoN—On the 3d inst., at Red Lion -e°ll ti 1, 10 1 aged 93. gal 141 LILWALL—On the 4th inst at Tottenham' '7 1. , Lie llt Esq., aged 90. RAWDON—On the sth inst., at 34, Princes-P.° pad" Rawdon, aged 63. Tironwron—On the 4th inst., at 28, B°s-all'ieetig't'sroi. Lieut.-Col. G. Thornton, of the late Doug; t og, ' WOODS—On the Bth inst., at 20, Bloaeluel 4. 6 b urne-terrace, Benjamin Woods .Esq. , a t' ' , 0 -', / AN9 it _ &O N o , of London : Printed and Pub li shed byWlLLThinac, -,,oti of No. 112, Strand, Painter , at TaS VS " t v CO" Strand, in the Precinct of the SavoY I n Middlesez.—Wednesday, May 9, 1666.