The Sun. — London, England, 1848-02-19 00:00:00

.4-_-~ racismor..•••-• IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 18. Their Lordss met at Five o'clock. JEhipWISH DISABILITIES. The Bishop of SALISBURY presented several petitions against the admission of Jews into Parlia ment. Messengers from the Commons brought up several PAUPERS. Lord HATHERTON moved for a return of all paupers who shall be chargeable in any parish or union in Englgrad and Wales on the 25th of March, 1848 ; distinguishing adult males and females and children under 16 years of age; distinguishing also those chargeable to parishes and those chargeable to unions ; and distinguishing further those who are relieved as vagrants, tramps, and wayfarers. The motion was agreed to after a shirt discussion. NATIONAL DEFENCES. Lord HARDWICKE said it was very desirable that the House should know whether it was the in tention of Government to resist the motion of which he had given notice, and he begged to put that ques tion to the Noble Marquis the President of the Council. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was not in a position to answer the Noble Lord's question. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE COURT OF ROME. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from Glasgow against the Bill for establishing diplo matic relations with the Court of Rome. On the question being put for going into Commit tee on the a , ove Bill, Earl FITZWILLIAM said he highly approved of the principle of the measure. It was of the utmost mportance that this country should have an accredited agent at the Court of Rome, and he for one thought no Man could look at what was at present going on in many parts of Europe without being convinced of this. A struggle was going on beti,veen absolute Governments and free institutions, and when he remembered that the Pope was favourall3 to the party who supported the latter mode of government, he could not help thinking thr ; it ViTS their bounden duty to give him the support of such a measure as this. But what could be more important to this country than being placed in a position to communicate officially with the Pope of Rome on the subject of his relations with her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, particularly with these who resided in this country, and being, therefore, a supporter of the principle of thin Bill, and ready to vote fur going into Committee to consider its provisions, he was anxious to throw out a suggestion that the objections of some of its oponents might be obviated by changing the phraseology in which it was worded. Lord CAMPBELL, in answer to a call from the Noble Earl who had just sat down, could assure the House that there was nothing now on the statute book, or in the common law of the land, to prevent her Majesty from establishing diplomatie relations with the Court of Rome, and he trusted, therefore, that there would be no obj(ction to the form of this Bill. Their Lordships then went into Committee. Lord STANLEY suggested that the existing pre amble should be struck out, and the words following substituted :—" Whereas doubts having arisen as to the power of her Majesty to establish diplomatic rela tions with the Court ofßome, without the sanction of an Act cf Parliament, be it therefore enacted," &c. This would probably remove the objection alluded to by the Noble Earl who had addressed their Lordships before going into Committee. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not think it advisable to make such an alteration. The Bishop of WINCHESTER objected to the words " Sovereign Pontiff," and wished that some other title should be applied to the Pepe. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said it might perhaps remove the objection of the Right RQV. Prelate if they inserted the words, the " Sovereign Pontiff of Rome." _ The Bishop of WINCHESTER said it would not, because the term " Sovereign Pontiff " implied that the sovereign holding that had a supremacy over the sovereigns of other countries than Rome. If the Noble Lord would simply introduce the words " Sovereign of the Roman States" it would meet his objecion.—(Hear.) After a few words from the Earl of SHREWS BURY, _ _ The Bishop of ST. DAVID'S saw no objection to the words as they stood in the Bill, for the term Sovereign Pontiff did not imply any superiority over the sovereigns or ecclesiastics of other nations. The term "Sovereign Pontiff," was to be found in Hume's " History of England," and many other works of eminent Protestants, anl he could see no just reason why it should not be introduced into this Bill. The Bishop of EXETER said, notwithstanding what had fallen from the Right Rev. Prelate, he must still object to the words used in the Bill. Ac cording to the doctrine of the Protestant Church, • there was no Sovereign Pontiff in Christendom, and it was no reason because some Protestant historian bud loosely used the term Sovereign Pontiff while speaking of the reign of Henry the Second, that it ought to be introduced into the Bill. Indeed, the great question in dispute between the Bishop of Rome and the Reformed Church was, whether he had a right to adopt the title of Sovereign Pontiff, and although the term might have been used in his tory, he most decidedly objected to its being now for the first time applied to legislative forms. Lord COLCIIESTER warned their Lordships that it might lead to future difficulty, for it might so Jiappen that the Pope of Rome might not be the sovereign of the Roman States. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the term So vereign Pontiff had been applied to the Pope of Rome as a title of courtesy for many centuries, and as it was used in this Bill in the same sense he could not see upon what ground their Lordships could object to it. Still he had no objection to adopt the words " Sovereign of the Roman States." The Duke of WELLINGTON said the Bill had for its object the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Roman States and this country upon political matters ; it appeared to him that the term or title " Sovereign of the Roman States" was prefer able to Sovereign Pontiff. The amendment was then agreed to. Earl of EGLINTON considered that it was ad visable that diplomatic relations should be established with the Court of Rome, but these diplomatic rela-. tions ought to be strictly of a political character. He should, therefore, move as an amendment to that part of the Bill empowering her Majesty to receive an Ambassador from Rome, that the following words be inserted in page 2, line 26, after tlae word what soever, " not being in holy orders in the Church of Rome, nor a Jesuit, or member of any other reli gious order, community, or society of the Church of Rome, bound by monastic or religious vows." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not think it was expedient for their Lordships to dictate to the Court of Rome as to whom they should send to this country as ambassadors; and he must, therefore, resist the introduction of the amendment.—(Hear, hear.) This Bill would only place her Majesty. on a footing at the Court of Rome with other Pro testant sovereigns of Europe, but the Noble Earl opposite wished that the Pope should be compelled to concede more to her Majesty, and he, for one, could not agree that this country had a right to make such a demand. The Earl of ABERDEEN rose to record his vote in favour of the amendment. He had had very consider able experience, and he sincerely deprecated the resi dence of a Papal nuncio in this country—(llear, hear) —not .from any anti-Catholic feelings upon his part, for ealhis life 'he was in favour of the removal of Boman Catholic disabilities, but his objection proceeded en tirely from the great inconvenience to which the resi dence of a nuncio in this country must necessarily lead. A nuncio must be an ecclesiastic , and be invested with almost liosted as such he would power. He would possess acknowledged whole Roman Catholic spiritual superiority over the . people of this country. The appointment of a nuncio was in fact ansfering the If, however, must exist, he Vatican to England. should much rather see it remain at Rome h t e h a an that it should be transferred to London.— The Duke of WELLINGTON thought the ) Noble Lord (Eglinton) was out of order. There would be no necessity for the proposed clause if the Noble Marquis (Lansdowne) adopted the suggestion made last night, and inserted the words ‘‘ diplomatic relations;" it w ou ld put an end to the necessity for specifying the classifica tion or denomination of the p articular persons to be a p . pointed. He thought it desirable that tthehe appointed questio n of the rank and description of personthe should stand entirely open.—(Bear, he a r o . ) Lord BEAUMONT expressed his regret and surprise at the reasons assigned by the N oble Lords opposite for their opposition to the measure as it was proposed. He considered it not only expedient, but necessar y and most important, that there should be a diplomatic con nexion established between this country and Rome. If no other advantage was to bo r ea p ed from it 'than to deprive Dr. WHale, and other such persons, of the opportunity of making misrepresenta tions respecting the state of Ireland, the measure would be of the utmost use and importance. Dr. APHale, and ?,hers of his class, send th e ir accredited agents to Rome, and from those p ersons an d th e r e presentations. they w thou g ht proper to make, all knowledge of Ire l an d ev as er obtained by t h e P ope. He (Lord Beaumont ) an d y enlightened man in . this country believed that, circumstanced as Ire land as far as he It th efre6 tivelY, through ti ' is, it will be governed most e instrumentality of Rome. But that the less they ' had tOpinion prevalent hi Italy was to do with Ireland the better. — (Hear, , hear, and a laug h .) were party who objected to the measure out of doors, Oa thu e u r e e the ultra Protestants, opposgarty in Ireland, no —reasons. The one and the ultra-itoman doubt for opposite —very - _because they imagined the measure would give thei r Catholics ~.. -1....„ . ):, . ..nepts more power, and the ultra-Roma op , Q,--:--5i.:% 4 ,-f 1 -, . ip&fld it because they knew they would lo n t,l :1-; , :f",W. : .ianfluence acquired by the means and fanirsenhoowf ~ kT•Co's . N, I B : 4 I Ei s; y . them, to make the grossest misrepresentations 4 v l_, 4,, ~....,,,,,..,.....,, TILE StlN, The Earl of SHREWSBURY opposed the amend ment, which would, in his opinion, render the whole measure nugatory. He wished to see a diplomatic rela tion established between this country and Rome upon principles of perfect reciprocity. A Protestant migh . t be appointed from this country, and why should there be any restriction as to the class or description of the per son to be appointed as the representative of Rome ? In fact there were no persons in Rome except ecclesiastics who were adapted to the discharge of diplomatic duties or had received such an education as would suit them for such an office. The cases of Russia and this country were not parallel cases. But even so, if the Emperor refused to receive a nuncio, the Pope had equally re fused to send a minister either to Russia or Prussia. He would oppose this amendment, because he thought that if the clause proposed was adopted it would not only take away the grace of the measure, but would render it altogether useless. Lord STANLEY said that he spoke for himself and for the people of this country when he expressed his opinion that this amendment was of the greatest im portance, and he considered it of such importance that he should be mainly influenced in his ultimate course by its adoption or rejection by this House. The Noble Earl who had just sat down said that it would not only take away the grace of the measure, but render it en tirely useless. So far ae there was any ground of offence on the part of the Popish Court, the Prussian Government were equally open to the charge. In the year 1845, the Russian Government was asked to receive a nuncio from Rome, and what was the an swer? That Russia was ready to stand on the same footing of entire reciprocity, The answer was, " Send us a lay envoy, and we will send one to Rome." The argument of the Noble Earl would apply, if the British Government proposed to ask Rome to dispatch a Protestant envoy to this country, for then there would be no reciprocity. It was said that the question ought to be left to the discretion of the Crown, which discretion would change from day to day; but he wished to impress upon their Lordships that novr was the time, when euch a Bill was proposed to them, for their Lordships to interfere and lay down the condi tions on which they were to enter into diplomatic rela tion with the Court of R' The case of Prussia was compared with that of this country; but their Lordships should recollect that the Sovereign of this country hell the Crown under settlement, and under a so!emn com pact to support the Protestant religion, and that there was a law in this country which was stronger than the power of the Crown, to the effect that no person in the character of a Roman Catholic Ambassador from Rome should reside in this country. , He opposed the rejection of the amendment as inurious to the peace and welfare of the Protestant community of this country, believing that it would be a step towards transferring the Vatican from Rome to London, and introducing new elements of confusion and difficulty in the administration of affairs in this country. Lord CL i RICARDE complained of the amendment, because it fettered the Crown without fettering any other party. The Duke of RICHMOND said that the Crown was already very much fettered es regarded the Roman Ca tholics, and if this fetter were taken off it would be in future taken as a precedent for removing the others; and thereby they would be going one step turther in giving the Roman Catholics a chance of beating down the Protestant religion in this country. The Earl of HARROWBY said a few words in sup port of the amendment. Lord CAMPBELL said that the real question was, whether they were to prevent the Crown from using its usual prerogative and to encroach on the law of nations, which he thought they would do by carrying the amend ment, which, on that ground, he opposed. The Duke of WELLINGTON proposed the intro duction of the words " diplomatic relations," which would remove the necessity for carrying the amend ment. After a few words from the Earl of SHREWSBURY and Earl FITZWILLIAM, who, though he felt considerable objection to see an ecclesiastical official from the Church of Rome in this country, yet opposed the amendment, because he thought it would limit to too great a degree the power of the Crown, The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he, on the part of the Government, adopted the suggestion of the Noble Duke. lie had already stated that he was 'pre pared to adopt the suggestion of the Noble Duke, and he would have done so formally the night before, only he wished to know what was the meaning, the precise legal meaning. of the words" diplomatic relations." _ . 'The Earl (4*ELLENBOIiOUII wished, befere their Lordships proceeded to a division, to ask the Noble Marquis (Lansdowne) how the proposed alteration of the terms of the Bill, by introducing the words " diplomatie relations," was to have the effect of the clause proposed as an amendment by his Noble Friend (Lord Eglinton). That clause was to have the effect of preventing her Ma jesty from receivinlz in this country any ecclesiastic as ambassador from Rome. It was right that the Sove reign of these realms, who for 200 years could not ap point an ambassador at Rome, should now be relieved from any difficulty of diplomatic relations between this country and Rome where deemed expedient ; but then they were not prepared to go so far as to forget the whole interest and spirit of the Protestant legislation of this country ; they would, under no circumstances, re lieve the prerogative of the Crown, so ns to enable any Minister to injure the Protestant Established Church. If an ecclestastic was sent from Rome to this country, it would not only be injurious to the interests of Pro testantism, but a direct offence to every Protestant in the country. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE assured the Noble Earl that be had never said, or meant to say, that the introduction of the terms suggested by the Noble Duke would have the effect of the clause proposed by the Noble Earl (Eglinton). What he stated was, that he was prepared to adopt the suggestion of the Noble Duke, and that he would have previously stated his de termination to do so, but he ;wished first to ascertain the legal meaning of the terms proposed to be intro duced into the Bill.—(" Hear, hear," and " Divide.") Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— Contents - 67 Non• contents Majority fbr the amendment —3 Lord REbESOALE proposed another amendment, which was in the following terms: " That it shall not be lawful for her Majesty to receive any ambassador, en voy extraordinary, minister plenipotentiary, or other diplomatic agent, until the Court of Rome shall have declared that it doth not claim, but distinctly disavows, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within these realms, or any part thereof." The Marquis. of LANSDOWNE opposed the amend ment. The Earl of SHREWSBURY said it would be much wiser to leave the Bill as it was, and rely upon the good sense and good feeling of the people of this country. Whenever there was any intrigue or encroachment by foreign powers, the people of England would be, as they ever had been, able and willing to resist them suc- cessfully. Tho Bishop of SALISBURY said, as he had agreed to the principle of the Bill, their Lordships should not defeat it by a proposition such as that made. He should therefore resist the amendment. After a few words from Lord STANLEY, who re , commended the withdrawal of the amendment, Lord REDESDALE accordingly withdrew it. The Duke of RICHMOND proposed a clause pro viding that no ambassador from the Court of Rome should be permitted to do anything which a subject of this country could not do. Lord CAMPBELL said that from the constitution of the Bill such a clause would be quite unnecessary. The Duke of RICHMOND then withdrew his clause. Their Lordships then resumed, and the report was ordered to be received on Monday next. Their Lordships then adjourned, at twenty minutes past Ten o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 18. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. The Dundee and Perth Railway Bill was read a first time. George 111. prevented them from investing their funds, amounting to 600,0001. a year, which relieved upwards of 1,000,000 males .and females, under the Friendly Societies Act, and praying for a remedy. LONDON WORKHOUSES. llr. WAKLEY presented a petition, complaining of the way in which the casual poor were treated in the London workhouses. JEWISH DISABILITIES. Mr. G. BERKELEY presented a petition frost West Gloucestershire in favour of the removal of the Jewish disabilities. POPISH BULLS. Mr. HENLEY presented a petition from Oxford against the admission of Popish bulls into this country. JEWISH DISABILITIES. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a petition against the admission of persons professing the Jewish religion into the Legislature. Mr. FRENCH presented a petition in favour of their admission. SECOND READINGS. The following Bills were read a second time : Barrow Harbour; Battle-bridge and Holloway-road Act Repeal ; Brighton Gas-light and Coke Company; Bristol Docks Transfer; Clerkenwell Improvement; Dundalk ' Castle Blayney, and Carrickmacross-roads; Lambeth Waterworks ; Leeds Improvement Act Amendment,. Low's Patent ; Middle Level Drainage Acts Amendment ; Payne's Patents (Improvements in preserving Vegetable Matters); Sufferance Wharves (Southwark) ; andWorc ester New Gas-light Company (additional Capital and Amendment). Two new Members took the oaths and their seats. GLASGOW WATER WORKS. . Mr. M'GREGOR presented a petition against this Bill. HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition in favour of this Bill ; as also did Mr. GRANGER. JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL. Petitions in favour of this Bill were presented by Mr. Thornley, Mr. G. Thompson, Sergeant Tal fourd, an Hon. Member from Essex, and Mr. Adair, from Ipswich. NAVIGATION LAWS. Sir T. BIRCH presented a petition, signed by 7,500 of the merchants of Liverpool, in favour of these laws. THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON presented a petition from the Tower Hamlets in favour of the repeal of the punishment of death; as also from the Society of Friends in Readinyl THE DEFENCES OF THE COUNTRY. Petitions against any addition to the defences o, the country were presented by Mr. Cobden, Mr. G. Thompson, and Mr. Willi ams . REPEAL OF THE WINDOW-TAX. Mr. WILLIAMS and Mr. WAYLEY presented peti tions in favour of the repeal of this tax. THE CHARTER. Mr. ADAIR presented a petition from the working classes of Ipswich in favour of the Charter. THE TEA DUTIES. Mr. PILKINGTON presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Blackburn in favour of the repeal of these duties. EDUCATION. Mr. HAMILTON presented a petition against the Government scheme of education. THE ODD FELLOWS. themselves Mr. C. L U „ J S NG presented three petitions from three societies o f Odd Fellows, one of which called _,y Buffers announ cement which L exe , liseq much laughter, complaining that the 29th of DUTIES ON TEA. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from the Presi dent of the Chamber of Commerce and 470 mercan tile firms in Manchester, praying for a large reduction of the duty on tea. NATIONAL DEFENCES. The HON. MEMBER also presented a petition against any increase in the naval and military establishments of the country. Mr. HUDSONpresented four petitions from Sun derland against any alteration in the navigation laws, and a petition in favour of the Jewish Dis abilities Bill. Mr. HUME presented a petition from New South Wales complaining of the operation of the navigation laws, and the sconstitution of the Admiralty Courts. On an early day he should move that the petition be printed with the view of founding a motion upon it. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from Glasgow praying for relief to the West India Colonies. Lord LINCOLN presented a petition in favour of :he Health of Towns Bill. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, it was ordered that the House at its rising should adjourn to Mon day n'xt. RIVER STEAM BOATS. Mr. BRIGHT wished to know what powers her Majesty's Government had to control the steam boats of the river. Mr. LABOUCHERE thought that it would pro bably be necessary for him to apply to Parliament for some powers on the subject. SCOTCH ENTAILS. In answer to a question from an Hon. Member, The LORD ADVOCATE said that he hoped to be able to bring forward a Bill on the subject of Scotch entails in a few days. CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY. Mr. OSBORNE wished to know what steps had been taken by the Government with respect to a re cent accident on the Chester and Holyhead Railway, by the giving way of one of the bridges upon that line of railway ? Mr. LABOUCHERE said that inquiries had been instituted upon the subject, the result of which would be laid upon the table of the House in a few days. THE BUDGET. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE- Q,SER, the House then went into a Committee of Supply. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER having then, pro forma, moved a vote of eight millions, Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to make the annual fi nancial statement. He said—l feel my strength so unequal to perform adequately the important task I have undertaken, that I believe I shall best discharge that duty by laying before the House an outline of the finan cial policy of the country, leaving to future discussion the greater part of the arguments which may be required to enforce that policy, and to recommend the conclusions which I shall propose to the Committee to adopt. I shall, therefore, proceed at once by reminding the Com mittee that the year which has passed over our heads, or I should perhaps rather say the last eighteen months, have been a period which, except in cases of foreign war and domestic insurrection, have been without a parallel I think I may say in the history of this country.—(Hear, hear.) The changes, the vicissitudes of prices, the difficul ties of commerce, the panic which more than once has pre vailed, the extreme physical distress of one portion of the United Kingdom, and the extraordinary efforts made to relieve that distress, have altogether affected the condi tion of this country to a degree wholly unprecedented in its annals. (Hear.) , To give merely a notion of these vicissitudes I will refer to the changes in prices of wheat, to the changes in the rate of commercial discount at the Bank of Eegland, and to the changes in the amount of bullion' _held by that establishment. In the first week of September, 1846, the average price of wheat was 495.; iu January, 1847, the average price was 705.; in the week ending May 29, 1847, it was 1035.3 d.; on the Bth of September following, it had fallen to 495. 6d., being only sixpence difference between it and the avi rage price in the previous September, but more than one hundred per cent. difference from the price which ruled in the preceding May. The rate of dis count—the lowest allowed at the Bank—was in No vember, 1846, 3 per cent.; in April, 1847, it was raised to 5 per cent.; in October, 1847, the lowest rate of in terest charged by the Bank was 8 per cent. ; and in January, 1848, it was again 4 per cent. The amount of bullion held by the Bank on the 10th of October, 1846, was 15,787,3501. ; in October, 1847, it was only 7,865,4451., and again on sth February, 1848, it was 13,821,854 Z Now, lam referring to these changes, not with the view, at present, of speaking either of the causes which may have produced them, or of the reme dies which, from time to time, have been proposed in Parliament for some of the more aggravated symptoms of these calamities; I refer to them merely for the pur pose of showing to the House how great the changes in cur position have been, and how much suck changes mast have affected the revenue of the country. It is obvious, in the first place, that there could not have been such great vicissitudes in the price of corn, without very much affecting the consumption of exciseable goods, both by the agricultural and by the commercial classes.—(Hear, hear.) This, likewise, is shown by another return, exhibiting the number of hands em ployed et Manchester, at full time and at short time, and unemployed, at the different periods to which I have referred. On the 16th of February, 1847, the number of hands employed, full time, was 21,698 ; on the 2d of November, the number had fallen to 14,861; on the Bth of February, 1848, the number had risen to 32,146. The number of hands employed short time was, on the 16th of February, 1847, 13,404 ; on the second of November, 1847, 16,578 ; on the Bth of February, 1848, 4,901. The number of hands unemployed was, on the 16th of February, 5,600 ; on 2d November it had risen to the enormous extent of 11,616 ; on the Bth of February, 1848, it had fallen to 7,500. I think the House will be of opinion that it was impossible for such changes to take place, for such dis tress to be felt, and for the revenue from excise duties not to be very much affected by such a state of things.— (Hear, hear.) The commercial vicissitudes to which I have referred must: also have affected the customs' re ceipts to a very considerable extent. When in April, and again in October, 1847, there was so wide-spread and 80 great discredit—a discredit amounting to panic —that no man was sure what bills he could take up, and the greatest commercial houses, even though not in actual danger of stopping, were at least compelled to undergo the greatest privations, it was inevitable that there must be most extreme embarrass ments in trade, and that merchants would countermand, as they did countermand, orders they had given to foreign merchants, and would require payment to be made to them in bullion, or other shape, other than goods; and the equally inevitable result of this would be that the trade of the country would be materially paralyzed, and that the revenue would suffer severely, as it had suffered.—(Hear, hear.) I will allude here to a statement of Mr. Huskisson, in July, 1817, after the country had suffered from the misfortune of a defi cient harvest, and there had been a coisequent defi ciency in the revenue. " The falling off of 10 per cent. in a revenue of fifty millions," said the Right Hon. Gentleman, " is not to be wondered at, when we con sider the scarcity of provisions and the want of full employment for the people;" so that the Right Hon. Gentleman regarded a deficiency of 10 per cent. in a revenue of fifty millions as a deficiency at which no man could be surprised, under the circumstances. Having thus stated this general case, to the details of which I will not further allude, because every Hon. Gentleman in the House must have fully in his memory the state of alarm which at different times prevailed, and the discussions which have already taken place here on the subject, having, I say, stated thus much, I will now go on to state that which I think is due to the present Government to state, especially after the gross misapprehensions which have been spread abroad. The Right Hon. Gentleman who held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer in the late administration, made, be fore he went out of office, a statement marked by the ability and plainness which usually characterised his financial explanations, a statement of course, applying only to the year of which he was speaking, the Right lion. Gentleman manifestly not taking into his estimate for that year the sums which would naturally fall under the next year, which sums happened tops() very consider able. In the first place, with reference to some of the military estimates, the Right Hon. Gentleman only took three-fourths of the year, owing to certain changes in the mode of keeping the particular accounts ; and, in the next place, there were several sums voted which were considered as compensations for the change in the corn-laws, and of which the burden did not fall on that year. In the following year—that is, last year, there was an increase in the estimates, as compared with the year 1846-7, of 932,7001. ; but then the services unprovided for in 1846 7, and which fell upon 1847-8, involved a charge of 628,500/., so that the actual increase in the estimates of last year was not 932,7001., but only 304,2001. The present Government, in the year before last, made an alteration in the sugar duties, the result of which had been a very great increase in the revenue derived from those sugar duties. In 1845, the revenue derived from the sugar duties was 3,574,000/. ; in 1846, 3,€73,000/. ; and in 1847, 4,414,000 L, exhibiting an increase, as com pared with 1845, of, in round numbers, 840,0001., and, as comparred with 1846, of 541,7801.—(Hear, hear.) Thus, under the head of the sugar duties, did the revenue increase concurrently with diminished impost upon LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1846, the individual consumer. I will now proceed to refer to a paper which is in the hands of the House—the balance-sheet of this year, presented on the 3d of February. From that balance-sheet it will appear that there is an excess of expenditure over income of 2,956,683/. But in reference to this apparent excess'of expenditure, I would impress upon the Committee that among the sums inserted on the aide of expenditure, there is a considerable portion of the grant made to relieve Irish distress, amounting to 1,525,000/. ; and I would further explain that among the receipts there is the sum of 440,0001. under the head of China money, which amount, instead of having been received here, was stopped, on its way to England, at the Cape of Good Hope, and placed in the military chest for the pur poses of the Kafir war. Deducting these two sums from the apparent excess of expenditure, the real excess of expenditure over income would be only 981,6831. I will now advert to the estimates under the different sources of revenue, which were set forth by my Right Honour able Friend in his budget last year, and the sums which, as well as we can now calculate, approxi mately, will be received under those heads, taking the whole year up to the Sth April next. 'I he revenue estimated by my Right Hon. Friend as to be derived from the Customs was 20,000,000/ ; the sum we now estimate to be received from these duties is 19,774,6001. The estimate in relation to the ,Excise duties was 13,700,0001; the estimate we have new formed is 13,340,0001.; the estimate in relation to the stamps was 7,500,0001.; our present estimate is 7,150,0001.; the estimate of taxes was 4,270,00o1; we now calculate that the taxes will produce 4.340,0001.; the income-tax, it was thought, would yield 5,300,0001, we now expect from it 5,450,0001.; the Post-office receipts we set down at 845,0001., the present estimate is 923,0001.; the Crown lands we estimated would produce 120,000/., we now anticipate from this source 60,0001; under the head of miscellaneotis the estimate was 3,300,0001, our present calculation is 3,250,0001. The whole estimate from these various sources made by my Right Honourable Friend was 52,065,000/. the estimate now formed being only 51,362,0651. This, no doubt, is a considerable apparent felling off in the revenue ; but, at the same time, adverting to those circumstances which I have men tioned, to the dreadful scarcity in Ireland, to the com mercial panic, to the very sudden and extreme changes whi c h have taken place in the course of the year, I must confess that the falling off in the revenue appears to me to be less than might have been expected under the pre sent circumstances —(Hear.) I will now take some of the items in which there has been a falling off, and some of those in which there has been an increase, my state ments in reference to which apply, of course, only to the sth of January last past, while the more general es timates which I have stated refer to the year ending the sth of April next. Of articles from which an increased revenue has been derived there are molasses, on which there has been an increase of 31,431/. ; sugar, on which there has been an increase of 540,0001. ; rum, on which there has been an increase of 64,000/ ; butter and cheese, on which there has been an increase of 24,000/.; and tobacco, on which there has been an increase of 111,620/. On the other hand, there has been, as of course was to have been expected, a decrease in the duty on corn of 705,890/. ; on timber, of 143,7511. ; and on wines, of 133,361/ With respect to the Excise duties, there has been the large decrease on duties on spirits of 605,000/., and ox malt of 664,0001. —or together, 1,359,0001. But the amount of expendi • tare actually voted, together with the sums which I have shown were not included in the budget, was 52,315,709/., whilst the estimated receipts were 51,362,060/., leaving a deficiency of 953,649/. I shall now proceed to state what I calculate will be the pro duce of the different articles which constitute the re venue, during the year commencing in April, 1848, and ending in April, 1849 ; and I take these different items from the usual sources, and calculate their amount in the manner always adopted on these occasions. The following is the estimate which I have formed of the revenue of the ensuing finan cial year ; Customs, 19,750,000/. ; Excise, 13,000,000/. This item I have estimated at a somewhat higher amount than is shown by the returns furnished up to January last, because the consumption of malt and spirits may be expected to increase in the ensuing year. Stage coaches I have estimated at 500,0001.; stamps at 7,200,0001.; taxes at 4,340,000/. The income-tax, which in 1846 was estimated at 5,084,0001, and in 1847 at 5,464,0001, I have taken, during the ensuing year, at 5,200,000/. The Post. office, which, in the year ending April 5,1848, will have produced 922,000/., is estimated to realise, in 1849, 900,0001. The actual amount paid into the exchequer on account of the Crown in 1847-2 is estimated at 60,0001.; I have set it down at the same amount for the ensuing year. The miscellaneous estimates, in 1847. 8, amounted to 325,0001, which includes a sum paid in on account of House of Commons fees ; I have set them down at 300,000/. The whole of these different items con stitute a prospective revenue for the ensuing finan cial year of 51,250,000/. I should state to the House that fur several years past there has been a regular decrease in the amount received of China money, and that now there are no hopes of any more being paid.— (Considerable laughter.) Taking the whole amount of the expenditure as voted last year at the estimated sum of 52,315,709/, and the receipts as already enumerated at 51,250,0001., there will be a deficiency between the receipts and expenditure of the ensuing year of 1,065,7091. That is to say, the deficiency which I have stated will exist, supposing the expenditure is the same as last year. But there is also a large sum to be voted for the excess of the navy expenditure during the year 1847, and also the sum of 1,100,0001. required to defray the expenses of the Kafir war. Those two items con stitute a total amount of 1,845,5001., which, added to the deficiency of 1,065,7001„ which will exist, supposing we maintain our establishments on their present foot ing, will constitute a total deficiency in the revenue of 2,411,2001. Now, Sir, I have wished to lay the foregoing statement of the finances before the House of Commons at this early period, in order that the House may take into its most deep and serious consideration the state of the finances and the circumstances of the country, and from those two elements to come to some resolve with respect to the course which shall seem most befitting to the interests and the credit of the country to pursue. There are various courses open for us to take. All that I in tend doing to-night is to propose to the House that course which the Government has deemed it best to pursue under the circumstances, leaving it open to the deliberation of the House whether the propo sitions which we bring forward are worthy of adop tion, or, if not, what other course will be most suit able to the circumstances of our financial position, and to the future welfare of the country. And, Sir, it can not but strike every one who looks into the facts which I have detailed, that there is a great question involved in the existing state of our finances—namely, that we must either supply the deficiency which I have pointed out, by increasing our taxation, or else that we must come to a resolution to the effect that we can make very great reductions in our military and naval establishments, whereby we shall be enabled to reduce the expenditure of the country, and thus meet the current demand upon the revenue, without being obliged to have recourse to increased taxation. Those, Sir, are the subjects which I have wished the House to take into its consideration, and it now becomes my duty to state what views the Government entertains upon these questions (Hear, hear.) Sir, there have been, I think, extreme opinions held and expressed out of doors on the subject of our national defences. These opinions comprise on the one hand, as it appears to me, four different propositions. First, that we may at ally moment of time be suddenly involved in a war ; second, that we were liable to an invasion ; third, that the foreign powers, and particularly France, had been mak ing great military preparations of late ; and, fourth, that our defences were at the present moment totally in adequate to offer any effectual resistance in the event of any attack or invasion being suddenly made. On the other hand it has been urged that we are at this mo ment in a state of profound peace with the continental powers, and that our relations with France in particular are most friendly, so that an invasion on her part is the most improbable occurrence that could have been suggested.—(Hear, hear.) It has likewise been stated that all these circumstances were argu ments for the reduction of the expenditure, and that the establishments of the country were not only not upon a low footing, but were, on the contrary, extravagantly high. These, Sir, aro the,propositions pro and con which have been urged out of doors upon the subject of the national defences; and I confess and feel the difficulty, not to say delicacy, which surrounds the subject, and which makes me somewhat diffident in approaching it. But, Sir, so largely and frooly haw. all these topics I.7I;CLL discussed out of doors, that I feel I cannot refuse to state to the House what are the views enter tained by the Government upon this question. Let me, in the first place, most carefully guard myself against the supposition that I think in our foreign relations, and especially in respect to France, there is the smallest reason to fear that any rupture of the existing peace is to be anticipated.—(Hear, hear.) No man in this House is more fully persuaded than I am of the advantages to England, to Europe, to the whole world in short, of the continuance of the existing peace, and, above all, of the importance of preserving our pre sent friendly relations with France.—(" Hear," on all sides.) Sir, it is my belief that these twolgreat coun tries, both of which possess the advantages of a repre sentative and a constitutional government, both of which have earned glory enough to satisfy the most ardent thirst for military reputation, it is, I repeat my opinion, that on those grounds there exist no reasons why the relations between France and England should not hence forth be of the most amicable nature ; and, Sir, it is my earnest wish that our intercourse may be most intimate in future.—(Hear, hear.) There is, however, another point of view from which the existing relations between France and England have been judged of, and which it is necessary for me to bring under consideration in looking at the present question—l find it stated in a pamphlet, written, I -must say, in the most friendly spirit by M. Michel Chevalier, and exclusively devoted to the subject we are now considering, that the Duke of Wellington had thought it necessary to make a sort of pamphleteer ing manifesto in answer to the Prince de Joinville. Now, I will venture to say that nothing could have been further from the intention of the Duko of Wellington than to make any such com munication.—(Hear, hear.) I know well that nothing could have caused hi m greater pain than the publicity which had been given to an opinion which he expressed privately and in a confiden tial manner.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke . of Wellington, Sir, has from time to time communicated to the Go vernment, and - does so now, that which he considers ought to be done in respect to the defences of the country, and he has pointed out wherein there exists any deficiencies iu those defences. But, in doing so, nothing could have been farther from his intention or his wish than to make any appeal to the country or to inflame the people cf England so as to disturb or endanger our amicable relations with France. Nothing, Sir, can, in my opinion, be purer than the patriotism of the Duke of Wellington—(Hear)—and when I speak of patriotism, I do not mean that instinctive feeling which prompts a man to love his country above allothers. To the Duke of Wellington's patriotism there has always been joined an opinion which I share most cordially with him, that one of the reasons why it was most desirable the indepen dence of England should be maintained was, because that independence was a guarantee for the independence and civilization of Europe, and of the other countries of the world.—(Hear, hear.) No man, Sir, is justified, or inched is able to cast blame on the Duke of \Vellington, if he expressed his opinion in the way I state it to have been conveyed (Hear, hear)—and I should think it quite unnecessary to defend him, or to refer to the sun ject of his letter, if it had not been that I have the mis fortune, in the first place, to differ from some of his opinions; in the second place, to have become cognisant of the fact, that not only foreigners, but also many persons in this country have mistaken his views; and, lastly, that however strong his cause may be, ho has always scorned to have recourse to self-defence. Having said thus much respecting the Duke of Wellington's letter, I will now refer to the four different points of view in which I regard it. With respect to the first supposition that has been expressed, that, namely, of the probability of our being involved in a war, which unhappily, notwithstand ing the existing peace, is a contingency that ne one can deny the existence of; since the great peace of 1515 we I have had questions with the United States, Russia, 1 France, and other foreign ;powers, which, if they had not been managed with the utmost forbearance on both sides, might have led to a rupture and to a state of war. Even so late as the year 1644, at a moment when our re lations with France were of the most friendly descrip tion, a question arose of the most deeply compromising character to those relations. An insult was offered to a civil officer of the British Crown at a distant station, and some hesitation was displayed by France in making a reparation for that insult. The Right lion. Baronet opposite (Sir R. Peel), who was then First Lord of the Treasury, spoke in this House respecting that trans action in language which was not only justi fiable but necessary ; and yet I have been as • sured by French gentlemen of great judgment and poli tical knowledge that the language made use of by the Right Hon. Baronet on that occasion had rendered it difficult for the Government of France to tender the necessary reparation. If that was the case upon the cc elision to which I refer, what circumstances might not daily arise to bring about a similar difficulty, and what a degree of susceptibility does it not show to exist on the part both of England and France, which, possessing great strength, are acutely alive to any oucurrence which may tarnish their honour? When such slight accidents as these arise to threaten the existence of peace, how little is it in the power of the Executive Government to foresee the moment at which that peace may not be dis till bed. I cannot, therefore, but admit, that however tranquil the aspect of our foreign relations may be there is always a possibility that a rupture may occur; and when I recollect that Mr. Pitt, with all his sagacity, predicted, in the year 1792, a long peace, I cannot discover any reason why England in the present time ought not to be on the look-out for the contingency of a war breaking out, nor is it other than impossible fur me to foresee the moment at which such an event may suddenly occur. With regard to the second point which I adverted to—namely the danger of an invasion, although I am not one of those who either dread or anticipate such an event, yet however irnpro bable it may be deemed, it is one to be guarded against, During the course of three hundred years, as any render of history will readily recollect, there have been nume rous occasions on which invasions of England have been projected and attempted. The elements on more than one of those occasions have stood our friends, and expe ditions fitted out with the greatest care and equipped most completely have been defeated by adverse winds, and the armaments intended for our destruction have been scattered and destroyed.—(Hear, hear.) But the science and skill which have been exer cised of late years, since the general peace of 1815, have enabled our sailors to traverse the sea against the hind and tide, and, in defiance of the elements, to conduct a vessel across the seas. Other nations are possessed of the same advantages; and it is possible that a hostile force may, under such appliances, be conducted into our harbours, or appear on our coasts. With regard to the third point—namely, that prepara tions for war have been made by foreign nations, and by France in particular—it must be recollected that of late years, and since the revolution of IS3O, that country has been governed by a King who is, I believe, a sincere lover of peace, notwithstanding that .he has, during the whole of his reign, maintained an increased and an increasing force. That increase cannot be said, as in our own case, to be necessary for the defence of wide colonial possessions, or to protect an extended commercial navy, scattered over the ocean, and laden with vast riches. Neither the extent of the French colonies, nor the extent of the com- merce of that country, require such a large in - crease in her forces as I find to have taken place within the last few years. In the year 1833 I find that the increase in the naval conscriptions was 101,000 men. In 1847 the conscription for the navy was 134,000 men. The effective force of marines in 1833 was 11,000, and in 1847 it had increased to 20,000. The value of th© annual consumption of material increased from 640,0001. in 1833 to 820,000/. in 1847. The number of vessels at sea in 1833 amounted to 153, and in 1847 to 216.—(Hear, hear.) Of this number, 66 were steamers at sea; the whole force of steamers in the Fveneh navy being 111. The number of seamen increased during the same period from 16,807 to 29,000, and the expenditure from 2,280,000/. to 3,902,3201. The amount of stores now afloat is 3,000,000/., and the amount in the French arsenals, and in preparation, are in proportion. But then, I am told that in the French estimates fir the present year there has been a reduction. It is true that in the natal estimates there has been a reduc tion or saving to the amount of 81,000/. in the wages of seamen, but then there has been an increase of 112,000/. in stores for the fortifications and dockyards, making altogether this year an increase of 31,0001., and no diminution of expense.—(Hear, hear.) I have here another statement respecting the navy of :the French, with which it is not worth while troubling the House, but it shows the: whole sum voted for the army sad navy for the year 1849 to be 3,817,107/. Now I do not allude—and I am sure the House will hold me right in this respect—to what may be the military forces of foreign powers. I do not allude to what may be the number of the standing army of France, or Austria, or Prussia, or any other foreign country; but when I see a great increase in the naval estimates of another coun try, then I think the subject requires attention, and should be placed within the knowledge of this House and the country.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there are— of course I need not say so, for every one has heard the statement—there are eleven in number of these French steamers which would carry twelve or fifteen hundred men each, and which might be prepared for the business of transport in a very short time. I come now to the fourth point, which is this, that while the French force has been thus increased —while we have been exposed to this danger, which may even ruin England, all on a sudden destroy our castles, or lead to the occupation of the capital, there has been no adequate naval or military preparation going on on our part. Now I do beg the House to attend to what has been made a matter of reproach by some Hon. Members, and which ought to be a source of consolation to those who are so fearful that our forces can never be made sufficiently great. I shall tell both the increase of force we have made since 1835, or, rather, I should say, in two partic u l a r years. My Right Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated in 1836, that in one 3ear there was an increase of 5,000 seamen. The Right honourable Gentleman opposite, when he came into office in 1845, further increased the number by 4,500. The whole increase in seamen, boys, and marines, has been from 15,500 seamen in 1835 to 27,500 in 1448, boys to 18,000, and marines from 9,000 to 13,500, making an increase in all from 26,500 in 1835 to 43,000 in 1848. The army has been increased from 100,991 to 138,769, making an increase of 37,778. The ordnance has been increased from 8,262 men in 1835 to 14,294, being an increase of 6,072. So that the whole of our regular force, army, navy, and ordnance has been increased from 135,742 men in 1835 to 196,063 in 1848, being an increase of 60,321 in that period of time. I have now stated every item of increase. I think that our force was inadequate in 1835, and that therefore those items of increase have been very pro perly voted by this House ; but, at all events, it can not be said that there has been any neglect or unwill ingness on the part of this House to vote what were deemed necessary estimates.—(Hear, hear.) There have been also of late years other kinds of forces which kayo boen drilled and organized, and which, I believe, will be found, iricase of the necessity arising, most useful and effectual. Under the late Government 15,000 old soldiers of the lino were organised as pensioners. Under the present Government there have been enrolled dock yard battalions, a very efficient force I believe, and amounting to 18,900 men thus composed:—Artillery, 2,843; boat battalions, 2,016; infantry, 3,428; sappers and miners, 586. The number of guns allotted to this force is—field pieces, 168; ship guns, 144; battery guns, 336, worked by the artillery; and 432 worked by the infantry; making in all 1,080 guns. A great part of this force could at any time be sent to another part of the kingdom with their field pieces, supposing that part in which they are stationed not to be threatened. There has likewise been a plan for organising and drilling the coast guard, and in adding to that force other men who, for a certain small amount of pay attend on certain days for drill, and will make, as I believe, a very efficient Force 6,000 supplemental on 6th,oeoocoarnstong.uarld dob that the ground of the number of men, there has bean any e going t 2" think, ooo aed therefore, the part of the Governments of unwillingnessthe different onp the eriods to which I have alluded, or on the part of this House, to make adequate provision for the national defence.—(Hear, hear.) The amounts voted have increased at least in proportion to the number of men I have stated ; so much so that, con fining myself to the various items of army, navy, and ordnance, the estimates have increased from 11,730,073/. in 1835, to 17,340,096/. in 1848. The question then to which I come is this, whether we should now make a very great reduction in our forces, whether we should, taking the opposite view, make a very large increase, or whether we should continue adding from time to time to such parts of that force as may seem to the Govern ment and the country to require increase, resting satisfied with such additions and alterations as may be suited to circumstances. Our view is, that, in the first place, considering the position of this country, considering her immense empire, the number of colonies which have been added to that empire, the various great changes in our military force, the possibility of war, the duty of this coimtry to defend herself, and to maintain our indepen deuce, it would not be wise to endeavour to make our ex- 1 penditure equal to our income by any large reductions. On the other hand, we are no less of opinion that there is no reason for sudden alarm or precipitate preparation. Our belief is, that, taking the different forces you have o f navy, army, and ordnance, with mod erate additions to certait, parts of these services, this country will be i n a fit state of defence, and thereby obtain the best security for peace.—(Hear.) I say security for peace, because I consider that the object of all these armaments is to ob• tain that security.—(Hear.) Let any one consider what would be the effect, in case there was such an ac- cicL•nt a 3 I have alluded to in 1844,. concurrently with such an unfortunate state of relations between this country and a foreign power as existed in 1840. (Hear, hear.) In every country the people aro in such cases divided into two parties. One party is for the maintenance of peace ; while there is another for rushing at once into war.. -(Hear.) If the party which is for war can say, "Look ; your neighbour is totally defenceless. Now is the moment for a de cisive blow, which she will never recover." I say that, under such circumstances, the war party would have a . great advantage in discussion,—(Hear. hear.) On the other band, if the peacerparty can say, "You are mis taken in that view : look at the preparations she has made, all her forces quite ready. Any attempt by sud den surprise to overpower that country must be met by signal defeat." I say that with just foundation for such an answer the peace party would gain an immediate victory.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, what is our state So far as regards the navy, we propose in the navy estimates of this year an increase of 164,0001. Of this, 94,0001. is for services not strictly naval, leaving 70,0001. only for the increase of our naval expenses. I have-in my hand a privateletterolLord Auckland's :vs it ten to me in consequence of my desire that he should pay every attention both to the estimates he had of the French navy, and those which were to be laid before the House of Commons. Without troubling the House with the early details of his letter, Lord Auckland says : [The substance of the letter, which the Noble Lord read in a low and rapid tone of voice, was a statement of the present force of the French navy in commission, consist ing (as we understood) of six ships of the line in com mission de rade, and four in commission de force. Against this it was proposed that we should have eleven ships in commission, six with Admiral Packer, and five with Admiral Napier. In addition to ail, the Bellerophon would soon be completed, making twelve ships of the line. But by reducing ono we could maintain three guardships, in a condition equivalent to the French commission de rade. If these later were required for sudden service they could be fitted np with marines, and if required for ordinary service they could be fitted up in the usual manner, and sent to a. !foreign station. The writer further proposed a reserve of steamers, first at Portsmouth, consisting of 3,386 ! to:se-power; a small cquadron at Cork, and another at Sheerness, five at each place. As the new steamers were brought into active service the old ones were to be adtepted to harbour:de fence, and to be manned with a ishort complement of officers and men. The expense of keeping their boilers in order would be considerable, but not hing like so great as the expense of sea-going steames.] The Noble Lord continued—l think that is a wise precaution. It refers to that which must be our first defence in case of war; and let it not be forgotten that if there be advan tages in the invention of steam for the purposes of conveying troops rapidly across the sea, there are other advantages attached to the invention :for the purposes of blockade, and of watching ports, of which, with the skill and science of British seamen, this country would not be slow to take advantage of.—(Hear, hear.) I should hold, therefore, that with the present votes we should be fully prepared, so far as naval preparations are concerned. I do not wi>le to enter more particularly into details, nor do I think it would be de sirable.—(Hear, hear.) I should state, however, that its the naval estimates of this year we propose, in confor mity with the declaration of last year, to increase the marines by 3,000, that is to say, to add 1,500 to the 1,500 which were voted last year. Then with regard to another point to which I have not been immediately alluding now, to the estimates of tlee present year, with regard to what created a great deal of alarm at ono time —namely, the defence of the dockyards and ports, I should state that that subject attra eted the most serious attentioit of the late Government, lead was most carefully examined, and when examined was attended to, a thing I must say which had for some years been greatly neglected. In looking over what hat I been spent during the last few years since 1844, he fo and that on Ports mouth was spent 101,210/4 Plymosith and Devonport, 57,000/.; Pembroke, 33,6331.; Sheern-ass. 70,8761.; making a total of 262,7961., of which 54.,0001. was for the purchase of land. I believe thae, the fortifications which have been erected were ma tde by skilful engi veers. I know that the Commander -in- Chief, the Duke of Wellington, and the Master-Gene sal of the Ordnance inspected them last year, and the Duke of Wellington assured me that he was perfectly satisfied with what was doing. With regard to the army it should be stated that, although we do not pr-epose the increase of a single man in the estimates, and attlueugh there appears a diminution, yet the number of men in the United Kingdom will be very materially increased by the number of regiments returning l:rom India. I cannot put down the number that will ariive during the present spring and summer at less than • 5,e300, and it may pos sibly be snore than that. The reduotion of the army in India has been accoMplished by the care and economy of Sir Henry Hardinge, who, after terminating the conflict by his skill and courage, determined, e hen peace had been restored, to place the finances in such a condition as to secure the credit of the Go vernment, and ho therefore took upon himself the unpopular task of retrenchment.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I may state perhaps in this place, that with all this reduction, the peace of India was never so well secured. We have there, after all these returns, an army of 240,000 men, of whom 28,000 are Europeans; and this, too, after having reduced the expenditure by the amount of a million sterling.—(Hear, hear.) The effect of all this will be considerably to increase the number of men in this country during the present year, so that the number of rank and file in the United King dom, being at present 55,000, will be /increased, I ex pect, to 60,000 in the course of the summer. I believe it is a long time since there was so large a force in the United Kingdom, It is not produced fey proposing au increased vote, but partly by bringing men home from the colonies,—a regiment from the West Indies, and some others,—and it will, no doubt, be increased by a regiment from the Cape, as Sir Harry Smith has pro mised that the return regiment, which was lately detained there, should be immediately sent home. The number. of men in the United Kingdom has been increased by more than 20,000 since the year I mentioned, 1835. I will not detain the House with details, as on the army estimates the Secretary at War will explain them fully. The amount of increase for the army is 43,000 L, but with regard to the ordnance we propose a more consi derable increase. It has appeared to us that with respect to the infantry of an army you may make rapid increase, but that with respect to the artillery and the corps of sappers and miners, they form a description of force which you oould hardly make efficient under a training of eighteen months or two years. Taking that view of the question we' proposed last year, and we propose again in the present year, an increase in the number of the artillery and the sappers and miners. The increase we propose to make in the first vote is 90,0001., which will give an increase of 400 sappers and miners, and 1,451 royal artillerymen the total increase being 1,902. We also propose to make an increase, and a consider able one, in the ordnance estimates, under the head of stores. From the statement of the Master- General of the Ordnance, who I desired to lay fully before the House all the particulars of the charges connected with his department, it appears that an increased supply of small arms, and au additional stock of gunpowder will be absolutely necessary during th e present year—these being articles which, in case of war suddenly breaking out, we could not depend upon ob taining an adequate supply of immediately, and there fore it is necessary we should make provision before hand. The increase in the estimates will be, therefore, in the Ordnance 245,0001.—in the Navy Estimates, for naval purposes, 70,0001., and in the army the increase will be 43,000/4 making a total addition of' 358,000/. There is another species of force with respect to which we propose to lay a measure before the House in the course of the present session, and with regard to which I also propose to take a vote for a sum of money in the estimates I am now laying before you. However effi cient that amount of force connected with the three ser vices I have named is, it is to be considered—amongst the chances of a war, the remote chances if you will— but it is always to be considered possible that an enemy might land on our shores, and you would then have to garrison Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the other dock yards, and places of defence on our coasts. It does not appear that your number of 60,000—large as that number is as compared with the force you have had at your command in former years—would altogether suffice for the purpose of garrisoning those places, and at the Dame timoloavc you a sufficient di3pocable force for the general defence of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, the force to which the country has in former times been in the habit of looking in aid of the regular army i for the purposes of internal defence—and t has always been stated to be the constitutional force o f this country —(Hear, hear)—and one that has bee n ke p t up in former times in periods of peace—a force, too, which was the favourite one of perhaps the greatest man this country ever produced—Lord Chatham—(Hear)—is the militia force.—(Cheers.) I am aware that difficulties attach to this subject now which did not formerly exist. The habits of the country are so changed that in dealing with this question you find yourselves pl ace d b etween these two difficulties, If you take substitutes, such are the migratory habits of the lower classes that you could not depend upon having them when wanted, while, on the other hand, it you refused substitutes you would be im posing on the people a hardship in respect to military service to which they have nev e r b e en accustomed, and which would be galling and distasteful to them.— (Hear.) Such are the difficulties with which this ques tion is beset. We shalVpropose such a measure, how ever, as appears to us to be best calculated to meet these difficulties.; and I am most anxious that that measure should be considered by the House, and, should it be approve d of on ;the second reading, that its provisions should be fully discussed in Committee as to whether the measure is one which is in every way fitted for the pre sent circumstances of the country. It will be for the House to decide whether a militia force is one that can and ought to be raised under their present circumstances. It you can make it practicable, I believe it is correct in principle, as it is, I know, useful in a national point of view, to have a portion of the . p e ople trained to the use of arms, who, in case of hostilities, might be brought together, and marched at once to any spot that might be threatened. And, though there are ma n y reasons i n favour of such h a force, still, should the House nut at once conclude that it would be desirable now to establish a militia force, that measure might, nevertheless, afford the means next year, or in future years, of providing such au ex tension of the regular military force of the country as should ensure us at all times a sufficient force to oppose against any enemy who threatened to invade us.—(Hear, hear.) I propose, therefore, to take a vote of 150,0001. in the estimates of the present year for the purpose of laying the foundation of this military force. I have stated what are the difficulties of the ease, and I have only to add that 1 shall be most happy to have the assistance of the House in coming to such a conclusion a ...as/ . - .. ea --- as shall be most to the advantage of the Co altar ~ , (Hear, hear.) I will now state what will be tl ie eiht expenditure under the different heads for the y ear from: the sth April, 1348, to the sth April, 1849. ' neelierr for the funded debt is 27,778,000/.; unfi ye ded de," . . 752,600/ ; making together 28,536,6001. ' El le conso ls . dated fund charges I take at 2,750,000/. •th ee xpensesW_. o have to pay for the Kafir war, 1,100,0001.; travel eseT: for the year before last, 245,5001.; c' ,urge for th navy for this year, 7, 726,6101 .; army , 7, ' 1 62 , 996 L; e !`t „ nance, 2,924,835/. ; miscellaneous, 4 , 006 ,000/.-msil lh t in all, including navy, army, ordnanc g, and Iliad_ laneous, 54,446,500/. I add to this 1 JO,OOOl. for the militia, and we have a total of 54,59 ea,500/.-(H esr oo f hear.) It is evident, therefore, if her . , Majesty's G . _ 1 - eminent are correct in the view they has . e taken of tr. necessities of the country-if they are ' righ tin belier ! that, looking at those necessiaiese it its not expediect.! make large reductions, but that it is texpeder eat rather lg . go on maintaining and improving the for as s we ha v r e i it is obvious that nut only must I propo se a reneleal:;, the income tax, which will expire this y. tat ', but diet; will be necessary, supposing the House should ger% of our estimates, or anything like the f !Rtimates of t o la past year-it will be necessary that adi liberal w att . 1 ! be imposed.-(Murmurs.) In advertii ig to this g u t cion 1 am specking of that which I thin k are the races ; sities of the time to conic. It is obvi. ma that a g rey portion of the deficiency to which I allude d 0 the commencement of my statement, is dependent o °, l , state of the country, afflicted with sea: !city, and e°llDna que nt commercial and manufacturing • distress; 11 0 though it would be idle and presumptuo' as to say tha t 0 are at once to return to a state of prt asperity, Yet 00 may, I think, look forward, within no x !cry long 00e ee d of years, to an improved condition of ,commerce T'a i manufactures.-(Hear, hear.) If we are blessed !d eb bountiful harvests, the effects of that si :ar city of lit 1, we have had to speak will in time be no , do übt retnorli and, as regards the income of the cotintrt C, we 03 1 Y; 54 -4 1 0 no very distant period, look for improver iente. hear.) And, with respect to the statement I have a l so as to the expenditure, it must be remenibe red that, ~ less than 1,100,000.1. is required for the TO to for de l l, ing the express's of the Kafir war, a rid the las t c i f i pitches we have from the Cape contain a Letter been t o ; :arry Smith, in which he states that, ft eta the soot, fore erect' to him, lie has every reason to leselieve thetTo war is at ae end. I cannot, however, sa. 7 that there C o conseqeently, an end of the bill-s (A laugh I pre erne the next vote we shall have to take for ~.--a purpese V. ill be considerably less than t lie present•dlly that tae war being ended, we may tool t to the spc-. 0 termination of this source of expense.-( 'An observe°, was here made by the Chancellor of the Eeteheee e ' i 000 1 My Right lion. Friend says truly, that This 1,100, des it' is fel- two years, therefore we must not expect, lin os any circumstances, a charge of the like .amount hi e , estimates of next year. Oa both these ger( 'unds, tile first, en the ground of future inaproveuxe et in the 1, 2,„ venue-though I will not be so sanguine :as to estiar4 in the present budget to what extent that improveta% may be in the ceurse of the ensuing year- -and 001 ! ground of diminished expense on account of the Jr,'," ~ war, we may, I think, fairly hope that on'ey a tempoT e , increase will be required in our esti; nates.---( 11 , 1 hear.) In saying on what, in any view e the incre; of taxation should be, I shall consider the present ett!e, of the country, together with the g. teat redu ce. " made by the late Government and by n irmer Goer!: merits on articles of general consumption . I think aid l attempt to impure a per tentage on those . taxa bl e artio t would tail in giving you the revenue req aired.-(b 1 . 5 0 ; hear.) Any new tax on those articles e lf consumo 4 woule in my opinion, be very unwise at This moln!", and much more so if you thought such ins Tease of l et would not last beyond a short period. .49 .nd for 0 ' reason, that you would have all the diffical ties and e ,. barrassments consequent upon the prepare. tions for efx lectiog and the expense of bringing into co llectione e , which woulai be imposed only fur a short period; the r 0 tore the propes . ticn we have to make is, a ad I ineY ea well now state it at once-(!ber, hear)-the propositity we have to make is to renew the presont incor; • tax from April next, when it would other expire, for a period of five years-(Clies of oh")-and that the House should rote an i be crease of that tax from 7d. to ls. in t o pound, or from three to five per cent. fo 5 4 period of two years.- (Murmurs of dissent if"; various parts of the House.) And now, Si.-, I will stags without going into the argument on the subject, w ee considering the very great distress which f o r the i two years has prevailed in Ireland-considering too, you did not originally in 1842 impose this tax ur; Ireland-taking into account also the very great stil l glen now =kite ., iu order to adapt the social condit l of Ireland to the great changes which have taken K s in that country, and that all classes-landlords in woof improvement of laud, and farmers in the payment_, wages-are required to take part in that great chaogri, taking these things into,eonsideration, we t hei n k-ehoeg, fully admitting in the abstract the justice of impel this tax upon Ireland, as well as upon England-( l 4 s hear)-1 say, though fully admitting the justice of tP o g proposition-(llear, hear) -we consider that this is .h .° o the moment for extending the income-tax to P: 0 country.-(Cheers from the Irish Members, and en of " Oh, oh," from other parts of the House.), o s must beg Gentlemen, when . they come to n o argument, a little to consider that we have not 014,4 deliberate on what may be abstractedly fair and 74 with regard to the imposition of taxes in England 0 1 Ireland, but that we have likewise to take into a cconli ed the fact that the prosperity of the whole of the Unit e Kingdom is bound up together, and that if you cbev f the exertions Ireland is making to place herself in state of future prosperity, you in fact place a check uruP ,' the prosperity of the United Kingdom generalljt: . (Hear, hear.) But if, on the other hand, you ref from imposing upon Ireland burdens which she n3le t li at the moment be unable to meet, reserving them un,. she is more equal to bear them-(Laughter)-you do provide for the prosperity of England and Se'Z' s land, as well as Ireland.-(Hear, hear.) 11, propose, therefore, to take the income-tax exactly?' it has been imposed in past years ; on the same PO; ' ciple on which it was originally proposed and defend ed by Mr. Pitt • on the same principle on whic h it was afterwards increased by Lord Grenville and 1 4 Lord Lansdowne-(Cheers and laughter)-and ° l / 4 the name principle on which it was again imposed 0 defended by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir l a Peel).-(Derisive cheers.) I am aware that I vote d against that tax when it was proposed by the Right 11l Gentleman-(lmmense cheering)-and I hold that , was, perfectly right in so doing.-(Hear, and a log" I know, too, that I voted for it in 1845-(Hear, hette)l and I neither regret the vote I gave in 1842, nor te which I afterwards gave in 1845.-(Hear, hear.) I Right Hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth (Mr- .' T. Baring) said, in the discussion upon the q uestionl 1845, " The question in 1842 was, wheth er y ou w°lll, continue other taxes-whether you w ou ld diminli"l, protective duties, or impose an income-tax. y o u ball taken your course, and now, in 1845, it would be, think, inexpedient to repeal that tax, or allow it t e ° fall, for the purpose of imposing other t axes ." I thin"' my Right Honourable Friend was right in that vie w ' and that was the principle on which I eupported the measure of 1845. and on which I now bring nervier(' the present proposition. On looking at this question' may I ask for a short time the attention of th e House to the great reductions which have been made from time to time in the duties on such articles as 00 010 into the consumption of the great body of the people. Adam Smith said there were three or four taxes on the necessaries of life, and he mentioned candles, leather, coals, and soap; the duties on these four articles hal been taken off. He stated also that the taxes on Mir' and beer were equal to about twenty-five or twenty per cent. on the malt. That that tax has beenconsiderabl reduced is well known. The tax on salt amounted yearlYte 1,490,0001.; on candles, 482,0001.; coals (brought coast' w ise), 958,0001.; leather, 600,000/; beer and c yder, 3,080,000/.; glass, :647,0004; sugar, 2,300,000 L; butte r and cheese, 11 2 ,0001.; and you may add, taking th e average of the last five years, the d u ti es on gra in 1 10 " meal, which will be taken off next February, 862,000 1 4 the whole amounting to 10,543,0001. of yearly tao l removed from articles entering into consumptio n by the great body of the people. .In addition to this, i t must not be forgotten that there are very many artialee now admitted which were formerly prohibited, and which I have omitted. I have, therefore. in this estimate understated the amount. The tdole amount of taxes taken off since the peace, deducting the income-tax an d all other taxes which have been imposed during th at time, arc equal to a reduction of taxation of not less than 39,705,341/. a year. I do not think, therefore• when such has been the diminution of taxation, that II are now asking too much of the House when we °s e ll upon them for a temporary increase of the present ele. rect taxation, in the face of the circumst ances of almost unparalleled difficulty which have oc curre d d ur ing th e past year, and with a view of keeping up our establish' ments, I trust not extravagantly, not inordinately, bu t with a view to the permanent maintenance and defenc e , of the country. The res u lt wo uld b e an ex p en dit u re Sds e t have stated, of 54,596,5001., and an income of 51,250,00 0 " increased by the income-tax, which I take at an amen!!t less than I might take it if there bad not been so much commercial distress, namely, at 0,500,000/., so as to make the total income 54,750,000/. There is one ta% which presses very severely upon one species of industrit which sins against those principles you have of late years adopted, and which might be taken off without that great diminution of revenue which the reduction of the duty on tea, or the removal of the window-OX. would inflict. I allude to the tax upon copper ore io' posed in 1842 upon the ground that it was to be ad' ;flitted at a small duty, instead of smelting in bond , and that that duty would not produce any serious effect' Now although the duty was considered small, the effect of it, or if not the effect of it, the concomitant effe° 4 had been that smelting has been performed in Chin's where it had not been used before, and the smelting establishments in this country have in consequence, greatly suffered. I d o not t hi n k t h at t h e : owne rs °' copper mines w ou ld b e i n j ure d if we too k o ff t hi s small duty, while by doing so we would remove those oh" stacks whien impede the prospects of smelting fr° l2/ resuming their favourable aspect. Repealing that Mat which I take at 41,000/, the amount it was last yea r ; we should have 34,750,000/. of revenue and 54,637,0'; as the expendit u re, leaving a surplus of 113,000/. Tha t surplus, I must again observe, would be considerab l t 'eager but for the extraordinary expenditure " 1,100 000/., and would have enabled us to take off ()ther taxes wlech press heavily on the people. Althoun I stated that I should confine myself to an outline, 4 have La en obliged to enter considerably into deg r e e b all as regards the diminution of revenue, and the estimates we propose for meeting it. I have done . !(' with the view of laving those estimates faitl.y before the House, that the House might make UP I ,!*, mind calmly rind deliberately upon the subject. We wig; have asked for the navy and army estimates, ter a small inerease, and postponed our statement at sh r la period; nut I think it is due to the House of Comi that they should know fully what is the question b efore 1 it