The Sun. — London, England, 1866-05-08 00:00:00

LEPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at 5 THEocloc THREATENED HOSTILITIES BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA. Earl CAD OGAN gave notice that he would ask the Go vernment to-morrow whether an overture had been made on behalf of her Majesty to the French Government with a view to a peaceful settlement of the difference between Austria and Prussia. The Dockyard Extension Acts Amendment Bill was read a second time. The Contagious Cattle Diseases Bill was read a second time. The committee on the Selling and Hawking Goods on Sunday Bill was postponed until Monday next. The Drainage and Improvement of Loads (Ireland) Bill went through committee. The Exchequer Bills and Bond Bills were read a third time and passed. The house then adjourned. HOUSE OF COINIINIONS--LAST EVENING. The Smumn took theNEW chair at four o'clock. . Mr. Lefevre and Mr. Scourfield took the oath and their sea t s for Reading and Helston. HEREFORD ELECTION. The report of the Hereford election was brought up. It stated that Mr. Baggallay and Mr. Clive were duly elected. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed: — Bristol Harbour Junction Railway and Wharf Depot, Llynvi Valley and Ogmore Valley Railway Companies, Nelson Local Board, Slough Gas, and. Whitmarsh's Disa bilities. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Col. TAYLOR, a now writ was ordered to issue for the election of a member for Aberdeenshire. CHURCH RATES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQITER gave notice that to-morrow he should move for leave to introduce a bill for the abolition of compulsory church rates. THE REFORM BILL. The right hon. gentleman also gave notice that to morrow he should move for certain returns in relation to tho boroughs it was proposed practically to disfranchise. CHELTENHAM ELECTION. The report of this election committee was brought up ; it reported that Mr. Schreider was duly elected. ITALY AND AUSTRIA. Mr. Alderman SALMONS asked the Under Secre tary of State for Foreign Affairs if he could give the house any information on the present untoward aspect of continental affairs, and if her Majesty's Government had, either by itself or in accord with France, made any friendly offers to the Governments of Italy and Austria, with a view of soothing existing differences and averting from Europe the threatened calamities of war? Mr. LAYARD said he much regretted he could not give any satisfactory information or satisfactory assurance with respect to the aspect of affairs on the continent. It was well known to Austria, Italy, and Prussia that her Ma jesty's Government were perfectly willing to interpose if the good offices of the Government were applied for. It would be satisfactory to enter into negotiations, but very undesirable for this country to enter into the matter alone. He thought the ]souse would agree with him that it was undesirable for him to enter into any further detail in the matter. WHITSUNTIDE RECESS. In reply to an HON. MEMBER, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the usual course would be followed, viz., the house would atits rising on Friday adjourn until the Thursday following. THE DERBY DAY. An HON. MEMBER asked whether it was intended to adjourn over the Derby Day ? The CHANCELLOR of iho EXCHEQUER said such an arrangement was effected by private arrangement. THE REDISTRIBTION OF SEATS BILL. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER having moved that the orders of the day be postponed until after the notice of motion relative to the Redistribution of Seats Bill and the amendment of the Representation of the People in Scotland and Ireland, said—l rise, sir, to ask leave to introduce a bill for the Redistribution of Seats; and though my duty will not, I hope, require me to detain the house for any great length of time, yet I will commence by point ing out that I shall have to advert to three subjects seve rally. The first will be to the redistribution of seats pro perly so-called ; the second will be as to certain questions appertaining to the provisions most fit and convenient to be made with regard to the boundaries of Parliamentary boroughs ; and the third will be with respect to that ques tion of procedure upon those bills on which so much has been said, and so much interest is felt. Now, with regard to the redistribution of seats, I will say a word in the com mencement as to the principles on which it should proceed. And I must state, on behalf of my colleagues and on my own behalf, that we have never seen any room for doubt or entertained any desire for innovation in regard to those principles. There is, indeed, in detail an almost boundless number of questions that may be raised in disposing of the subject of the redistribution of seats, and there may be a fair difference of opinion, also, as to the scale on which those principles should be applied. The process is a double one : first of all, there is the process of disfranchisement ; and secondly, the process of enfranchisement. And I do not think, as to one cr the other, there has ever been developed in this house, or among the various Governments that have dealt with the subject, any serious difference of opinion as to the principles on which these two processes should be conducted. In every case in which there has been an attempt to bring about a redistribution of seats, namely, in 1854, 1859, and 1860, the seats which it was necessary to obtain have been obtained, not by extinguishing, but by limiting the representation of small boroughs. Now, with respect to these small boroughs, it is well we should understand in -what view and in what sense we propose to deal with them. There is an impression too widely spread, perhaps, in the superficial opinion of the public, that by the extinction or restraint of the representation of small boroughs which may be attempted in a Redistribu tion of Seats Bill, we may attain the invaluable purpose of putting an end to corruption at Parliamentary elections. Now, no person who has ever been cognisant of this sub ject in a responsible capacity has dreamt of carrying the process of redistribution of seats and the extinction or re straint of the representation of small boroughs to a point which would make it in any way effectual fOr the purpose of putting a stop to Parliamentary corruption. When we speak of small boroughs, there is no precise definition of the term. We may, however, be generally understood to mean towns under 8,000, 10,000, or 12,000 inhabitants. But it is not the fact that corruption in this country is ex clusively to be found in boroughs with, say, under 10,000 inhabitants. (Hear, hear.) It is not even the fact that corruption is especially to be found in these boroughs. (Hear, hear.) So far as the subject may bo illustrated by returns, I think it can be shown—by taking for the test the boroughs which hav e been the subject of Parliamentary investigation, on the score o f a ll ega ti ons o f bribery for a considerable course of years— that not only bo roughs from borou hs from the very lowest figure up to 10 000 but those from 10,000 to 20,000 i n a very considerable' degree indeed—and those above that, perhaps in a less but still in a sensible degree, to 30,000 and 40 , 000 —would be found, melancholy Therefore,with the most dis graceful as it is to make the conf ess i on, tainted corruption. (Hea r , h ear.) not attempt the representation of small bor oug h s, we must in limitin g to recommend such a scheme upon the snpposin that it has effectual tendency to exterminat e thi s evil. No doubt h it will have the effect of striking at certain b oroughamh being small, may be corrupt. And perhaps we may carry our opinion as far as to say that where a small borough is corrupt it is more difficult to cure than a much larger borough, because there is no sound public opi n i on in the constituency to which we can appeal. In former times there has been an opinion that as, on the one hand, small boroughs were liable to the special demerit of cor ruption, on the other hand they were entitled to claim the special merit of opening the d oors of this house to a class of representatives who could no t otherwise have found their way here. (Hear, hear.) I confess, as I have already expressed in this house, I am distinctly of opinion that in former times and circumstances they did ver y ex tensivelysnbserve that u ose. With respect to one particular class 13 rP * of Persons—a ver important class —namely, young m en Who very important as to entitle family connections are not of such a constituencies— wehthem to the confidence of large county advantage of the greatly to their credit and to the persons out of .hope for are usually willing to return family positio n -1 am bound the future and in a trust of their k to say upon examination, having watched th e wee especially during th e last tw o g etion s' elections, of the s ma ll b oroug hs, said in these days to possess that e speci a l we cannot be degree which at on e time mightsal advantage to the (Hear, hear.) If I take th e case of have been h o p e d f or . come into Parliament within the lastgentlemen who have which may be held to be young —that 'is years, at an age years of age—and who have not come heroes'ulny'd under 30 di rect influence of family interest, I think thereer*the single instance in which such a gentleman may be ts but a said to hold his seat for a moderate-sized constituency. T hat one instance I may name—and it is a conspicuous one —the rather because I draw it from the benches opposite. I think the hon. number for Canterbury (Mr. Butler-John stone) came into this house some four or five years ago —and Canterbury is a place w i t h a population of from 20,000 t o 30,0(0. It does not appear, indeed, that the largo tow ns and constituencies, in the present state of things, are more indisposed to entertain the claims of young men to whom the opportunity is not open of being returned for the very small boroughs. It is neither, then, upon the grounds of their very special utility, according to the actual working of our present system, that the general retention of the small boroughs can be effectually defended. Nor, on the other hand, is it upon the ground of especial cor ruption that their extinction can be recommended. I think we must bo prepared to take our stand upon this ground. There are large and important communities, many of them growing communities, both in counties and towns ; others of them stationary, but having one le tture in com mon—that they are not represented within the walls of this house in proportion to what we may fairly call their just demands. If, then, we are to search for the means of making the representation of those great communities more adequate, is it not clear that wo can only obtain the means of meeting the demands of a growing population by resort ing to the restraint of the very abundant—nay, super abundant—system of small boroughs wh ich still continues to prevail in this country ? I ma y now g o on to sa y that it fn haswh what way e ly agreat object with the Government to consider we could most conveniently and equitably apply principle to the small boroughs. At the time of the Reform Bill there were a great many boroughs which c ould not be dealt with except by way of extinguishing th is them. With regard to Galton and Old Sarum, and with respect to many more which were not only very small but insignificant boroughs, but also so entirely close that the mass of the population even of those boroughs had no in terest whatever in the representation, it would, I think, have been quite absurd to study the means of retaining those boroughs on the list of boroughs returning members to Parliament, whether in conjunction with others or by themselves. But by the Reform Act there was a great change produced, and every borough now, however small it may be or however ill-constituted—for many of them are extremely ill-constituted —every one, at all events, has this to say, that the member who sits for it does in some sense or another represent a real local community. Therefore we approach the question of restraining the representation of small boroughs at the present moment under conditions different from those under which it was approached by the framers of the Reform Bill. These local communities exist in possession of a great Parliamentary privilege, and but few of them are believed to be extensively tainted with corruption. Those of them which are, or which may upon evidence be proved to be so tainted, I hope, and have little doubt , • it will be the disposition of Parliament to deal with summarily and l severe y. (Cheers.) In passing I must venture to extend that proposition, and to express an ardent hope that the treatment of larger boroughs which may be found guilty of corruption will be as different as possible from the feeble and inefficient measures which we pursued some sessions back, both as signifying our opi nion of the gravity of the offence, and as helping to put a check upon the prevalence of these cases of corruption. (Cheers.) Most of these boroughs, I think, we must in fairness contemplate as being free from the taint of corrup tion, and likewise as being in the exercise of a Parliamen tary privilege which they have not forfeited by any fault of their own. Whatever abridgment, therefore, we pro pose to make of their Parliamentary privileges, or whatever restraint we propose to impose upon their privileges, we should impose in the mildest manner. We have accordingly come to the conclusion —departing from the principle upon which many of those constituting the present Cabinet adopted when they framed the bill of 1854—that it will be most consonant with equity to decide that no borough shall be absolutely extinguished—(a laugh)—but that in lieu of extinction— in lieu of incorporating in our bill was what was called a Schedule A, we should adopt a principle which is almost new in England, but not new in Scotland, viz., that of grouping certain boroughs together. (Hear.) There is another thing which has weighed in a material degree with the Cabinet in arriving at this conclusion. We have had now more than 30 years'experience of the Reform Bill, and I think the whole of that period goes to show if any one class of boroughs is entitled to be selected for the praise of at least comparative purity from among the rest of our representative towns, it is the grouped boroughs. (Hear, hear.) I doubt very much whether since 1824 there have been more than two or three petitions presented in connection with those boroughs complaining of bribery. Mr. M. DUNLOP—OnIy one. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I think there have been two, ono of which was Inverness; but apart from that I think we may say that the annals of these boroughs are almost free from the taint of bribery, so far as taint can be measured through the transactions of the committees on election petitions. The same thing may be said of the Welsh boroughs generally. In point of fact, there is no doubt, I think, that having to conduct an election in a plurality of places does offer serious practi cal impediments to the growth of those habits of corrup tion. We are therefore sanguine enough to entertain the belief that the system of grouping boroughs would be a real measure of reform in that sense of the word which wo have all equally at heart, viz., a reform which would tend to purify our election proceedings of what is a grievous na tional reproach. Now, with respect to the limits within which these principles are to be applied—those appear to us to be matters more of policy than matters affected by urgent considerations of equity and justice. In the year 1854, as I have stated, several members of the present Ca binet were parties to the introduction of a bill which pro posed to disfranchise 19 boroughs altogether, and to take one member from between 30 and 40 more. I think 61 seats, or some such number, was what we proposed to ob tain by that operation in 1854. In 1860, on the contrary, we proposed only to obtain a total of 25 seats by the mild operation of taking one member from a certain number of boroughs which were in possession of a double representa tion. I think it is plltin, with reference to the actual state of opinion regarding it, and to the magnitude which this sub ject has assumed in the public view, that that last number is a number by proposing which there could be no just or fair expectation of settling this question. (Hear, hear.) I greatly doubt whether, if we were to go to the extent of the bill of Lord Aberdeen's Government, we should not, by disturbing so considerable a number of seats, lose our best hope of a settlement of the question. Those who, like ourselves, have thought that the satt!)rnent of the franchise is the gravest and most important of all the questions in volved in a reform of the representation of the people may very naturally feel that it is their duty to be guided with reference to their treatment of other parts of the question in a very considerable degree by a consideration of what method of handling them is most likely to contribute to a general settlement of the most essential points. The number of seats which we propose to obtain for the purpose of redistribution by the bill which I am about to lay on the table of the house is 49 ; and this is done by a double operation. We propose to withdraw one member from every borough having a population under 8,000, which now returns two members, and by that pro cess thirty seats will be placed at the disposal of Parlia ment. The second part of our proposal is to group as many of these boroughs as can be joined together with geographical convenience. It appears to us that geographi cal convenience is, in the main, the most important ele ment. Of course this must be understood with a certain latitude ; for it does not apply equally in all cases. But geographical convenience is, perhaps, the best rule to be adopted in the regulation of the grouping of boroughs. In some cases it will bo convenient to group two, in others three, in others four ; and the population of the groups will differ. In reference to that difference in the population of the groups, we propose to assign to the group one or two representatives, as the case may be. Where the popu lation of a group amounts to less than than 15,000, our pro posal is that there should be one member; and where it is above 15,000, our proposal is that there should be two members for the group of boroughs. I may say that the lowest population in any of these groups will be something under 10,000 and the highest about 20,000 or 21,000. Per haps the house will choose, seeing that I have thus stated the principle upon which we have proceeded, that I should mention what the groups are. (Cheers.) They are as follows : 1. Woodstock, Wallingford, and Abingdon—two mem bers. 2. Liskeard, Bodmin, and Lunceston —two members. 3. Totnes, Dartmouth, and Ashburton—ono member. 4. Bridport, . Honiton, and Lyme—one member. 5. Dorchester and Wareham—one member. 6. Malden and Harwich—one member. 7. Tewkesbury, Cirencester, and Evesham—two mem bers. 8. Andover and Leamington —one member. 9. Ludlow and Leominster--one member. 10. Eye and Thetford—one member. 11. Horsham, Petersfield, Midhurst, and Arundel—two members. 12. Chippeztham, Malmesbury, and Calne—two mem bers. 13. Westbury and Wells—one member. 14. Devizes and Marlborough —one member. 15. Ripon, Knaresborough, and Thirsk—two members. 16. Richmond and Northallerton—one member. Besides these groups there are eight of the towns I have described, viz., with a population under 8,000, which we have not found it practic a bl e t o bring, with a reas ona bl e regard to local circumstances and g e ographical conve nience, within the limits of any group. These will remain with one member, the names of these places being-- Bridgenorth, Buckingham, Cockermouth, Lichfield, Stam ford, Stafford, Marlow, and Newport. I think I have now stated all which is necessary to lay before the house so far as this part of the measure is concerned. We now come to the a proposals for enfranchisement, and heree a ga i n I must t ran sactions of former periods ha ve l a id d o wn lines which are socea clear and fixed as to have a the should be sy that the i mpor t an t bearing upon ge neral course that sh pursued. A c onsiderable portion of the seats liberated by di s f ranc hi seme nt have in all cases bees assigned to divi sions of counties, and the re has been a tendency, or rather increase a just tendency, perhaps, to in • s n e the number of seats so assigned in proportion as the number obtained by dis franchisementthere are the claims of the towns to be considered, and has been enlarged. But besides counties these under two heads :—First, those large town commu nities which h ave now reac h e d such a point as to make it and secondly, expedient to divide them, or which at all events tiave claims to some addition to the actual number of their re presentatives,nege, a avriesibeloen towns,• those rising communities which, in a country like shapeti continually ly and magnitude. t c h o l ta a, m N:th its varied development of its industries and with respect to those new assumi coming int have dealt with those seats as follow s : We propose to give 26 seats o existence ve and We propose to divide tho southern division of the a population of 627,000, into county o of Lancaster, which has to each three m em b ers, the Wwholedisutiiavmc.ts, and to give mem bers at present. Th us th ree seats out o g f 26 aref three dis posed of. We then take every county or division of a county not already possessed of three members, and having a population of not less than 150,000, with a single exception, which I will mention presently. Of these we find 23, and there are 23 seats given to so many divisions of counties having populations of not less than 150,000. These calculations, I should say, are made up from the census of 1861, which we have followed in our calculations both for disfranchising and enfranchising. When I speak of the population of counties I exclude the population of the boroughs which are enfranchised, or which we may expect to enfranchise. The two divisions of South Lancashire will be the south-west, the Hundred of West Derby, and the south-east, the Hundred of Sal ford. The 23 which will each have a new member are Chester, North ; Chester, South ; Cornwall, West ; Derby, North ; Devon, North ; Devon, South ; Durham, North ; Durham, South ; Essex, North ; Essex, South ; Kent, West ; Kent, East ; Lancashire, North ; Lincoln, parts of Lindsey; Norfolk, West; Somerset, East; Somerset, West ; Stafford, North ; Stafford, South ; Surrey, East ; York North, West Riding North, West Riding South. We have not included in this list the county of Middlesex. We have forborne doing so because, on the whole, the county of Middlesex for this purpose should be regarded rather as having an affinity to the metropolitan represen tation than to that of the rest of the country. In dealing with the metropolis, though we propose some increase, we do not propose that it shall have the same increase of representation ; we do not propose to apply to it the same principle as to representation as we apply to more distant places, because it is quite plain the representation of the metropolis is, owing to its proximity and other circum stances, more efficient, and gives greater weight than a similar number would in other parts of the country. We do not propose to give to the metropolis the extraordinary numbers it would claim if we dealt with population alone. The twenty-six seats have, therefore, been disposed of. We propose to give a third member to four boroughs, whose populations exceed 400,000, namely, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds. That raises the number to thirty. We propose to give a second member to Salford, which has only one representative for a popu lation exceeding 100,000, and which is the only town in the country so situated. (Several Hon. members: "In England.") That disposes of 31 seats. We propose to divide the borough of the Tower Hamlets—(hear, hear) — which has the largest population of any represented dis trict of the country, exceeding even South Lancashire by about 20,000. The population of the Tower Hamlets is 647,000, and it is proposed to divide it into two divisions, and to give to each division two members ; creating, in fact, en additional metropolitan borough, without altering the representation for those boroughs. We propose, also, to take Chelsea and Kensington, which in 1861 had an united population of 133,000, out of the county of Middle sex, and to make them into a borough returning two mem bers. It will be borne in mind that Chelsea and Kensing ton embrace a district of considerable extent, with a growing and an increasing population. We then propose to give one member to each of six unrepresented boroughs, having a population exceeding 18,000. The effect will be as follows. (Cries of "Name.") Well, I will name. They are Burnley, Stalybridge, Gravesend, Hartlepool, Middles borough, and Dewsbury. In all of these except Hartlepool we follow the existing limits of the municipal boundaries. We have now disposed of 41 seats out of the 49. The 42d we propose to give to a constituency now numerous, and constantly and rapidly increasing—the University of London. (Cheers.) We have then to consider the very important, and indeed irrefragable claims of Scotland. (Hear, hear.) Whether the basis of population or the basis of population combined with property as tested by taxation is taken, it is impossible to overlook the claims of Scot land to an augmented representation. When such claims arise, the habit has been in all cases to deal with them by way of compromise, as in 1832. We do not propose to give to Scotland the precise number of seats to which she would be entitled if we were completely reconstructing our Par liamentary system, but her moderate demands we certainly are not prepared to resist. We had to consider whether we should deal with those demands by way of transfer ring seats from England or by an addition to the mem bers of this house. Now, that is a matter purely of policy and convenience, and not of principle, and we have concluded, upon the whole, that this House is dis inclined to add to its own number, because if the barrier is once removed lit would be found difficult to stop the constant intrusion of new claims. Governed by this con sideration, we propose that _England shall of her abund ance minister something to tho poverty of Scotland--(a laugh)—and that the remaining seven seats, the difference between forty-two and forty-nina, shall be given to Scot land. The grounds for this disposal will perhaps be best stated by my learned friend the Lord Advocate, but I may state briefly that the substance is this : We propose to give three additional 'members to the counties of Ayr, Lanark, and Aberdeen ; a third to the borough of Glasgow, a third to the city of Edinburgh, and a second to the town of Dundee. We propose, also, to give a member to the Scotch Universities- (cheers) — which, like London University, already possess a very large constituency, and one likely, I hope, to increase year by year. This disposes of all I need say with re spect of seats. With respect to the Irish question, we have left that to stand entirely upon its own grounds. It is quite clear, when we compare the present population of Ireland with the share she possesses of the representation of the United Kingdom, we shall see that Ireland is not in a position to make any new claim, and there is, on the other hand, no necessity to make any claim against her. Neither have we thought it necessary to make any pro posal with regard to 'Wales, because the Welsh boroughs aro already to a great extent grouped together, and the system works in a satisfactory manner. I now come to the question of boundaries. In the bill of 1859 it was proposed that the Enclosure Commissioners should :appoint assistant commissioners, in order to re arrange the boundaries of all boroughs in such a manner as to include within them all the population substantially belonging to such boroughs. The difficulty of that course is, that the (authority thus empowered to visit every bo rough in:England and Wales would have no adequate guide to enable it to interpret the terms under which it was to act. In England we have many Parliamentary b ni o u ro st u n g h ot s beexftoerngdoitntgenf in c t a y s o i nd derin th g ei t r he n d a i t s ura pari l tylimbeittsw. between boroughs and countiesin point of numbers, that many small boroughs are the headquarters of an agricultural district, and that many boroughs are under the dominant influence of farming districts which have been attached to them. If you have a general re-distribution of boundaries, the boundaries of such boroughs must be reconsidered with a view to abridgment when they include rural districts of the kind I have described. Now, we are not willing to set afloat such a distribution of the boundaries of boroughs as this would create ; nor do we think that it would be possi ble for the Enclosure Commissioners to decide what is the population properly belonging to each borough. Largo boroughs are no doubt in a state of rapid extension. There is the extension of buildings for the purpose of business, with which come shops and dwellings for the labouring classes. But there is also a large amount of residential en largement, consequent upon the wealthier classes seeking the advantage of semi-rural residences, which are loosely scattered over the suburbs. It would be very difficult for any body of commissioners to deal with an extension of the latter class. Therefore we have sought some other mode of proceeding. We shall propose two enactments of a positive but limited character, and one of a prospective nature. There are, in the first place, certain cases where the municipal boundaries of boroughs include a larger area than is included in the parliamentary boundary. Where that happens we think it a sufficient proof that the natural boundary of the town includes something beyond the parliamentary boundary, and we propose to enact that the municipal should henceforth be also the parliamentary boundary. Secondly, we propose that the enclosure com missioners shall consider the boundary of the newly en franchished boroughs, and also those of the two proposed sections of the Tower Hamlets, and in the meantime, fol lowing the precedent of the Reform Act, provisional boun daries are fixed by this bill. Now, as to the prospective enact ment. We propose that in future the parliamentary boundary of a borough shall follow the local rule. Our parliamentary boroughs are now under three kinds of local government —some boroughs have municipal corporations, some are under the Local Government Act, and some are under special local acts providing for their government. My right hon. friend the Secretary of the Home Department will introduce a bill to facilitate the extension of the boun daries of small boroughs by providing that when the in habitants forming a local community, governed in any of the ways I have described, address her Majesty or a Secre tary of State, proposing that an adjacent district should be added to their town, then if the inhabitants of that dis trict express their willingness to be so added, her Majesty shall, subject to the approval of Parliament, have power to sanction the union between the town and the suburban district for local purposes. And we propose that when such an enlargement takes place for local purposes, the borough shall be enlarged for Parliamentary purposes also. I have now come to the question of the procedure to be adopted with these bills. I assume that leave will bo given te introduce this bill, and also those which the Lord Ad vocate of Scotland and the Chief Secretary for Ireland will ask leave to lay on the table. We shall then have four bills relating to the representation of the people before us. But I may for the present leave out of consideration all but the Franchise Bill, and that for the Redistribution of Seats in England and Wales. Looking back to the terms of the amendment which we have recently discussed for so many nights, I find that its terms and the wish which it expressed are now literally complied with. What was asked was that the whole scheme should be before the house. But although that was all that was asked by the amendment, more was asked in the debate. I cannot perhaps proceed more conveniently than to refer to the terms which I think were used by the noble lord (Stanley), who said some thing like this. He used the word guarantee. He said we want some guarantee that the two subjects of the franchise and the redistribution of seats shall be in the hands of one and the same Parliament. Well, sir, that is the end that Ito have has neverb e e been the fe lend t th samee invariably degreein inconvenience from a possible ourthe heeoeutseerehpaicaltiinenN.-ieTv. or casual separation of the two o jealousy which w and s the e xp r s e a s n s i e e d by amount the of noble l apprehension ord.a nd others. t f h a e n r s y . advantageous, and . h esu t a e same said that it was more questions should be dealt wit by Parliament. h ble, that these two c ß o u n t ven V i e en h t, ave always felt and THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 8, 1866. The modes of attaining that end may be varieusly sug gested. My right hon. friend the member for Gateshead suggested a kind of suspension clause in the Franchise Bill. My hon. friend the member for Wick suggested that these two bills should proceed pari passe; meaning, I sup pose, that the corresponding stages of the two bills should be taken in succession, one at a time. But even then, if our minds had arrived at a certain stage of jealousy, that does not wholly attain the point, inasmuch as you cannot read the two bills a third time at the same moment ; there fore, it is an abstract possibility of the separation, even at the last moment, of two Siamese twins. Another proposal —I do not remember whether it was made in the debate, but it has been mentioned—is the incorporation of the two bills into one. No doubt there is but one point of view in which we have ever felt a difficulty with respect to the combination of the two bills. When this question was in troduced we did not feel ourselves in a condition to say to the House of Commons, " We now ask you to amend the representation of the people, and we ask you to make what ever sacrifice of time and personal convenience which may be necessary in order to complete the treatment of the mea sure." But at a subsequent stage of our discussion I did state to the house that we had no objection whatever to go on continuously and successively with these subjects pro vided it were understood they were not to be dropped, but that we should persevere till they were disposed of. That statement did not necessarily mean an altered session, be cause there is another method which has been adopted on rare occasions, and which might be again resorted to to Prevent the dropping of a measure, viz., a lengthened ad journment of the house in the months of July or August until the month of September or October. (Laughter.) It is quite evident from the laughter of lion. gentlemen oppo site that they are not anxious for the combination of the two bills. (Hear.) I wish to describe simply but clearly to the house what is the position of the Government. What the Government object to is the loss of the year. (Cheers.) We are not willing to be parties to the loss of the year and to the postponement of the subject. We may have been right or we may have been wrong, but we felt it to be wise to approach the subject during the pre sent year, and we believe that we were right. (Cheers.) What I think is obvious is, that having approached it we ought not to recede from it. (Hear.) Our intention is to per severe with that which we have proposed. If it be the ge neral desire of the house to adopt any other method—and other methods may be suggested besides those I have men tioned—for attaining the object of the noble lord (Stanley) viz., of guaranteeing that these questions shall not be se parated, we are perfectly ready to adopt such method— (hear) —subject only to the condition that we go forward and we do not throw over the subject for the year. (Hear.) On a former night, looking back to what had been done at the period of the Reform Act, I did state that we had come to the conclusion that it would be impossible to dispose of the subject of the redistribution of seats within the limits of the session. The house is aware of the difficulties under which computations of that kind are formed. If there is a disposition to agree to the redistribution of seats, there is no intrinsic difficulty in the matter which requires very prolonged discussion ; but, on the other hand, if there is a disposition to treat the question of the redistri bution of seats as a matter of controversy, and to stickle for every point as it arises, the points which may be raised upon it are so numerous that there might be a very large demand indeed on the time of Parliament in order to get through it. It was in view of the probability of such a large demand that I said we had come to the conclusion that we could not probably dispose of the whole subject during the session. But in regard to that matter we are in the hands of the house. We should be very glad, if it be the pleasure of the house, to proceed with greater despatch than wo had been sanguine enough to anticipate, and which will be in our view all the better for us and for the country. (Hear.) However, sir, the point which has been urged upon us is that the subjects should not be sepa rated, but that one should securely and certainly follow in the train of the other. The point which we have to urge is that the year shall not be lost. (Hoar, hear.) And, therefore, if it be proposed to combine the sub jects, either by combining the two bills into one or by any other method satisfactory to the house, we shall give a wil ling consideration to the subject, if only it be understood that we adhere to our original proposition, and that is, that as a Government we have no intention to advise a proro gation of Parliament till the whole subject—meaning by the whole subject the question of the franchise and the question of the redistribution of seats—isdisposed of by the judgment of Parliament. (Hear.) Sir, I hope what I have said has made clear to the house the position in which the Government desire to be understood as standing. I will not at the present moment say anything specific with res pect to the proceeding on this bill. Our impression is that the members of the house have been waiting to learn the character and substance of the bill, and that they will probably come to a final judgment on the question of pro cedure. I will therefore only at present remind the house that in the debate on the amendment I stated generally that which I am now endeavouring to explain fully and clearly, viz., our desire not to quarrel with any portion of the house, agreeing with us as to the end in view, upon the question of procedure. (Hear.) If we have had de bates which have involved matter of warmth and interest, the whole of these debates I put out of view and memory. For the present purpose I assume we have met together for the prosecution of this bill with all despatch compatible with a due consideration of the subject. There is one method—a resolution to prolong our labour till the whole matter is disposed of—by which, as it appears to us, the ends of combining the two subjects and of not losing time are brought into harmony. Be that as it may, there is no element, as I hope the house will see, of reproach, suspi cion, or controversy in the declaration I now make. We are frankly ready to enter into such arrangement as will give the house the best security that it will retain in its own hands the power of dealing with the whole subject, only we must not lose the time and labour which have been already spent. I have now only to add that her Majesty's Government will not advise a prorogation till the whole matter be disposed of, if it be the desire of the house to combine the two bills into one. Of course I must be understood as reserving all causes of public ap pm os b e ho l bt ai a cejo en e d er y pee t v ldtr o l t S ei ro wen e va e d ga a e : P snn i w i p n t g do l io : t y t t s n uh h pbr oc e olr yn i set O c l eg wy r : im ht n i o. oi n tdi :neat. h r e nt er t ain y o ira a( s t tioc a nh e C y h a ai O as s ne a u e egyh r ru s o t s s i e h ep. )ss a : of fmeotnlhnnyooba onobservations these manner method or f s b e matters devised f time and convenience. I am sure it will be eminently satisfactory to the Government that we, having addressed ourselves to the settlement of a question of such vast im portance, should treat it with that earnestness of purpose which on every ground it appears to demand. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving for leave to bring in the bill. ssrsioiolonmlrmesa tuionntwould being ot uhli ds Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I rise only to touch on one of the three subjects which the Chancellor of the Exchequer has brought under our consideration. When he rose I did not contemplate I should have to trouble the house on either of those subjects ; but I shall confine myself entirely to the question of procedure. I must say I have listened to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on that subject with feelings akin to astonishment. (Hear, hear.) It is generally considered the duty of a private member of the house,when he brings forward a bill or proposes a measure, that he should at least indicate the mode in which ho in tends to ask the opinion of the house, and the time ho thinks it may be convenient to ask for that opinion. But so far as I could collect from the Chancellor of the Exche quer, he has not at all given any means to the house by which they can arrive at any conclusion as to the course which the Government propose the house should adopt in this matter. Irrespective of being a member of this house, the Chancellor of the Exchequer brings forward this mea sure as leader of the House of Commons, and it is his duty to regulate the general course of business of the house. But hero is most important business before the house, which has engaged our attention during a great portion of the session, and which is contemplated by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer as being likely to engage the rest of our time, brought before us, so far as I can learn, without any explanation. lam really at a loss to know on what day, and in what manner, the opinion of the house will be taken upon the important subject introduced by the Government. I must put it to the Chancellor of the Ex chequer that the usual practice has been to offer the house information with regard to the mode of procedure, which is one of the most important duties of the Government. I hope we shall be informed on what day our opinion will be called for upon this most important subject. (Opposi tion cheers.) There were loud cries of " Gladstone, Gladstone," fol lowed by repeated ironical oheers. Mr. BOUVERIE remarked that the proper time to take any issue on a bill was on the second reading. The real pinch in all this question, he believed, was the redistribu tion of seats. He urged the house to settle the matter in the manner proposed by the Government, which, while he believed it would be satisfactory to hon. members, would, he was sure, be acceptable to the country. Sir IL CAIRNS pointed out that the Government, hav ing been reproved and condemned by a minority of the house (which, but for Cabinet Ministers and Scotch votes, would have been a majority), now declared that it was for the House to dictate what the course of the Cabinet should be. Seeing, then, that the Government had relinquished the reins, it only remained for the house to resolve itself into a committee to consider how the affairs of the country should be carried out. General PEEL announced that at every stage the mea sure should meet with his most strenuous opposition. Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER denied that the Government were justly chargeable with the abdica tion of power. At present, he proposed to place the second reading of this bill on the paper for Monday next. After a few words from Mr. ROBERTSON and Sir R. KNIGIITLEY, Leave was given to introduce the bill. _ _ The LORD - ADVOCATE briefly explained the Reform measure relating to Scotland. It would reduce the borough franchise to £7, which would increase the electoral body by 26,000, of whom 17,000 would bo working men. In counties the franchise would be reduced from £5O to £l4, which would nearly double the number of electors having an occupation franchise. The property franchise would also be reduced from £lO to £5, with the condition of pre sent residence. A sharp discussion arose, in the course of which Sir W. MAXWELL argued that another member should have been given to the universities of Scotland. Mr. H. BaILLIE inquired why the Government had not proposed to deal with small constituencies in Scotland as they intended to do with those in England. Mr. 3PLAREN considered that they ought to' have had a 40s. freehold franchise for Scotland. Instead of the Government having done too much for Scotland by their bill, he contended they had only just begun to do justice. After a few words from Sir D. DUNDAS, Leave was given to introduce the bill. Mr. C. FORTESCUE, in stating the terms of the mea sure for Ireland, said that it was not intended to touch the county franchise in consequence of recent legislation. The present rating occupation franchise, it was proposed, should be reduced from £8 to £6. This would add 5,500 voters to the borough register. The lodger and savings bank franchises would also be applied to the sister country. There were only three cases so peculiar as to justify a transfer of seats ; and an additional member would be given to Dublin city and Cork county, while tho Queen's University would be put on the same footing as the Lon don University, and have a right to return one member to the house. To provide these three seats six smaller boroughs would be thus grouped—Bandon with Kinsale, Portarlington with Athlone, and Dungannon with Ennis killen. There were also seven boroughs with a population under 8,000 which would be united with other places. The scheme was criticised by Sir H. CAIRNS and opposed by Mr. WHITESIDE, who said that the Government dodge this time was to give everything to Scotland and nothing to Ireland. A number of other Irish members spoke, and ultimately Leave was given to bring in the bill. The house then went into committee of ways and means, when the whole of the resolutions for the purpose of giv ing effect to the provisions of the financial statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were agreed to, after a slight discussion on matters of detail. In committee on the National Debt Acts, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved a resolution authorising the creation of terminable annuities for £24,000,000 on account of savings banks, as detailed in the Budget scheme. After some discussion, the proposition was agreed to. The Waterworks Bill passed through committee, and the Harbour Loans Bill was read a third time. The Naval Savings Bank Bill and the Landed Property Improvement (Ireland) Bill, together with several other measures, were advanced a stage. The house then adjourned. President Johnson. (From the Times' Correspondent.) In the perplexed and uncertain state into which public affairs have fallen, it is impossible for me to send you any information more important or valuable than the particulars of an interview which I had with President Johnson at the White House on Thursday last. The President's opinions, espe cially with reference to the Freedmen, have been so wilfully misrepresented in the Radical press of this country, and his general policy towards the Southern States has been exposed to so much un justifiable perversion, that Mr. Johnson's own ex planations on both these subjects may have some weight even with those who are most embittered against him. The President first adverted to the condition in which he found the country on his accession to office, and pointed out that ever since that time the Radical party, which now has the control over Congress, has been preparing for the issue forced upon him. Their object was manifest, and it was one which, from their point of view, they could scarcely be blamed for pursuing so eagerly. They knew perfectly well that when the South came back into Congress their day of power would be over— the Southern representatives would stand as a unit ; they would probably fall into alliance again with the Democratic party, the old issues of slavery and State sovereignty would be dead and buried, and the party which now ruled would be stripped of its power. Their talk about philanthropy and bene volence to the negro meant nothing more than a desire to work upon the feelings of the North, so that they might be enabled to carry everything their own way. It was arenewal of an old conflict. The two sections of the country were ready to go to war before the rebellion broke out—the one to preserve slavery, the other to destroy it. Each side was willing to sacrifice the Government in order to gain its object. The South struck first ; the rebel lion was subdued at the Southern end of the line, and now it is swinging round to the other end. " These men," continued the President,—and he always used these words to denote the Radical party,—" are almost ready to go into rebellion again rather than have their supremacy destroyed by the re-introduction of the South. They know nothing practically of the real state of the South. The very man who had drawn up the Civil . Rights Bill, what are his means of judging ? I left him in the Senate during the war, and went out to Tennes see and saw it all, and bore my share of the troubles. He stopped at home, and now endea yours to make his theories square into the events of the war, and legislate on ideas which he had never put to the test." The President then went on to speak of slavery and the negro. He had been brought up, he said, under the very shadow of the institution of slavery, He had bought and owned slaves, but still he had always been for abolishing slavery upon any basis which could be adopted with safety to the country. When it came to the question whether slavery should be abolished or the Government broken up, he never had a doubt as to the course which he ought to pursue ; he decided to give up slavery, and he abided by that decision. But the South now would treat the negro with greater kindness than the North if it were let alone and not exas perated. " They talk of justice to the negro," con tinued the President. " God knows my heart yearns towards him when I think of the end which these men are preparing for him. I see that end clearly enough—they are going the way for a conflict of races. When that occurs we all know how it will fare with the negro. How has such a contest always ended? When the time comes there will be no struggle. The result will be decided with out that. Now, then, what do we find ? The very thing which we said these Southern States could never do, which we fought these four years to pre vent them doing, these men affirm that they have actually done—namely, been out of the Union. The Southern States are ready to come back upon our terms, take loyal oaths, and acknowledge their allegiance, but these men say they shall not. Why, if they had offered to come back, or any of them, during the rebellion, should we have turned them away on the ground that they had placed them selves out of the Union ? Mr. Lincoln offered to receive the whole Legislature of Richmond—a rebel Legislature, and would have welcomed them with open arms. Would he have refused to receive these States now that they have fully submitted ! " The President next referred to the misrepresen tations of his policy which have been so industriously spread abroad. " These men " had for months past had the public mind open to them, and had poured into it whatever they pleased. Now it had become incrustated, as it were ; but once let that incrustation be broken through, and the truth would begin to find its way. "I am not discouraged," added the President ; " either these States must be brought back, or they must be kept out. It is like doing a sum in addition—some sums want figuring up more than others before you can get the answer, but I believe it will come all right in the end." Mr. Johnson then enlarged with considerable detail upon the operations of the Freedmen's Bureau, and said that its machinery was now being used to get negroes conveyed from the North back to the South by the very men who were asserting that the lives of the freedmen were not safe in the South. They had hired or bought land, they wanted labour, and they got their negroes transported at the ex pense of the Government. The Freedmen's Bureau compelled the negroes to go, or they stopped their subsistence allowance. It was little better than another form of slavery, only that it was solely conducted by Abolitionists ; for the Freedmen's Bureau would not assist a Southern man in getting negroes from the North, where many thousands of them have taken refuge during the war. A gentle man from Falkland county, Virginia, had been to him, the President said, only a few days ago, saying that he had sent 300 negroes to the district (of Columbia) for security during the war. lie now wished to hire them, but the Freedmen's Bureau interposed obstacles, and would give him no help in transporting them ; whereas the Government railroads were placed at the service of other specu- lators. In all that he said it was evident that the President approved some plan for protecting the negro and giving him succour, but that he con sidered the administration of the Freedmen's Bureau was not all that could be desired. It did not accomplish the true object for which it was founded. Passing from this subject, the President said that the Radical party in Congress talked to the people as if they had to fear some act of oppression on the part of the Executive because the Civil Rights Bill had been vetoed. " But the Veto power," he said, " could never be made an engine of oppression. It has only a negative force—it originates nothing. It can only say when it sees unwise or unconstitutional legislation attempted, ' Now stop. Consider this thing a little further. Pass the Bill if you will by your constitutional two-thirds majority, but I think it will give you an opportunity to think over it again.' They have passed the Civil Rights Bill, and it will not be long before a judge is arrested for carrying out the laws of his State. Then the case would be brought to the Supreme Court, and the people would soon see which was right—Con gress in insisting upon having it, or I in endea vouring to dissuade them from it." here again the President distinguished between the principle on which the Bill is professedly based, and the Bill itself ; the former he was anxious to see carried out, but the means proposed he considered obj ec tionable and hazardous. " Congress," the President further said, "repre sents the States, but the men who voted for them individually all voted in my election. I am like the Tribunes elected by the Roman people—l am to stand and represent their interests. And what other object can I have but to represent those interests —the interests of my country ? I have no party objects to serve—no selfish interests to promote. If I were a man of ambition, I do not know what I could desire more than I have gained. I have gone the whole giddy round, from alderman upwards, and I do not value this office (here the President spoke with great earnestness and feeling) except for the good which it may enable me to do. I want but a corner of this house to live in, and I do not care a bawbee, as the Scotch say, for all the rest. Let me but see the country at harmony and peace, and how gladly would I give 'up all ! I suppose I may say that I have done enough to satisfy any reasonable ambition, and feel that my race is well nigh run. These men want power ; I have enough, and am indifferent to what I have. We think " —he said these words with a smile—" we think this a great position, with our ideas—we are edu cated to do so ; but I can assure you that I am often here twelve [hours a day without it ever occurring to me that lam President." He evidently meant, without the pride of power occurring to him. " These men," he also said, " have raised the cry of ' mad dog' at me, and the people seem to be getting afraid. They will understand me better by and-by, and understand these men too. I could not expect to get through without a struggle." Yet it was most extraordinary, he continued, to think of the course which " these men" were pur suing. By being united again the country would stand respected in the eyes of the world. It was now labouring under the evils of an inflated cur rency, and while trade is being restricted by the South being kept in uncertainty—an element of danger in the State—such evils could not be cor rected. Yet there were signs that people were beginning to be alive to the truth. " Look at Peoria "—and he mentioned several other towns where meetings in support of the President's policy have lately been held since the passage of the Civil Rights Bill. "It is like water trickling along the ground," said Mr. Johnson. " You can see the damp places here and there, and you know that it will gradually spread. It will take time ; but, after all, what good can be accomplished without trial and difficulty ? If I fail, my regret will not be for myself. I will hope that some one wiser will rise up to do the work." The President uttered these words in a somewhat weary and sad, but very earnest tone. He continued with great animation :—" My convictions are firm and strong, and strong convictions arc a great source—the best source—of courage to a man. I have fought disunion nearly all round the circle, and if I am called upon to complete the circle I will. Then I could say most heartily that I would that I could depart in peace." Such, so far as I feel myself at liberty to repeat them, were the remarks made by the President. I believe that I have repeated his very words in most instances, but there were many illustrations which he employed which I am unable to recall,, and in a conversation of nearly two hours there must neces sarily be a great deal which I cannot pretend to remember with sufficient accuracy to repeat. 'I hat the President is as firm and unshaken as ever it was impossible to doubt after listening to him. He relies upon the good sense of the people to bring the present crisis to a favourable end ; but it is clear that he has no personal objects to serve. He told one of the most distinguished of American politicians only yesterday, as he told me on Thursday, that he will never consent to be a candidate for the Presi dency again. I will only add that the President looked better in health than when I saw him some months ago, and that he speaks with great clear ness, force, and ability, and brings to bear on the subject upon which he is talking many very sug gestive and felicitous figures and illustrations. Death of Mr. Daniel S. Diekincon. This eminent American statesman died in New York city on the 12th April, of strangulated hernia, after suffering for several dayr: it was not generally As death shocked th e com known that he waFt indisposed, seriously the announcement of his munity in which he reseed, and caused a feeli ng o f regr et throughout tl whole country. Mr. Dickinson was a native of C onnec ti cut, having been b r en at Goshen, in that St a t e, on t h e 11th of Se p f,lmber, 1800. His fath er soon after ward removed from Connecticut, an d se t t l e d i n t h e Chena 4!,0 Valley, in the State o f N ew Y or k. D a ufel grew up on his father's f arm , ass i s ti ng i n ies cultivation, and also for a time learning a mechani cal trade. But politics seemed to have a charm for the boy-farmer, and he entered the arena on the Democratic side, becoming, in the course of a few years, one of the most prominent and active leaders of the party. In 1827 he was admitted to the bar, and directly won for himself an enviable reputation as a ready lawyer. In 3836 he was elected Senator for the Sixth District of New York, and while in the Senate exhibited that talent for debate which afterwards was so fully developed in his public career. In 1840 he was nominated for the office of Lieutenant-Governor of the State by the Democracy, but his ticket was unsuccessful, although a couple of years later he was chosen to the posi tion. In 1844 he was a delegate to the conven tion at Baltimore, which nominated Mr. Polk for President, and during the same year he became one of the United States Senators for New York. When the National Democratic Convention assem bled in 1852, the Virginia delegation complimented Mr. Dickinson with their votes for the Presidency, and when Franklin Pierce was elected he tendered the Collectorship of the port of New York to his distinguished friend and competitor, who, however, declined the office, and retired comparatively to the walks of private life. But little was heard of him after he left the Senate until the Rebellion broke out, when he did not hesitate to fairly and squarely meet the issues made by the traitors of the South. His voice was heard on many occasions eloquently pleading with his hearers, and urging them to rally to the defence of the National flag and the National life. During the war the Union party elected him Attorney-General of the State of New York, and in 1865 President Lincoln appointed him United States Attorney for the New York City District. Mr. Dickinson was a gentleman of fine attain ments, and was universally esteemed. His life has been one of eminence in the political annals of the country, and in his death the Union has lost one of its staunchest supporters, and humanity and liberty one of their most able and zealous defenders. As a fitting close to our sketch of Mr. Dickinson, we append the following eloquent despatch from Secretary Seward to Robert Murray, United States Marshal, New York : 64 WASHINGTON, April 13. Robert Murray, United States Marshal, New York :—I learn with profound regret the death of Daniel S. Dickinson, late District Attorney of the United States at New . York. The President authorises me to tende r condolence to the family and friends of the loyal and single-hearted statesman, whose voice sounded like a clarion to animate patriots during the war through which we have so successfully Pas sed ' without the loss of a State or a stain upon the national honour. " WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Germany and the United States• Germanic and American civilisation are uvula solubly connected by those elevating influences which the religion of Luther grafted upon th e Cromwellian stock of the Pilgrim Fathers. Who, indeed, would attempt to investigate the origin of American civil and religious liberties, without tracing it to the grand German reformer, the fathe r of them all? At the time of the first war of Ja dependence in America there were but few Ger"' lall soldiers of liberty in that country except G eneral Steuren, General De Kalb, and a Within the last two generations, however, the Ger man-American population has risen to imposil3l proportions, the moral and political strengt h b ° o which has been fully revealed in the history of United States during the past generation, arli; particularly in the late war for the Union. d the German-Americans in that country have proved to be the most trustworthy foreign-born auxw ar d stop I of freedom, the German nation at large has at the same time, faithfully by the side of civil' s % few others. tion and the Union ; and at the present june ttir t of affairs, when the hard-won victories of L iberty are again assailed by one 4i dressed in a little bri ef authority," the German press is again foremost I:. re-echoing the sentiments of the enlightened ° s he man-American press, and in rallying hound sovereign people of America and its representatives in. Congress. While the war lasted, Germanic sympathy' W ith the American Union operated in two equally be lle ficent directions. Firstly—ln the United Sta t T i army by the valour of the German soldiery 30 , the laurels of the German commanders, and a moral; the non-combatant German population by the el l y thusiastic support of Abraham Lincoln. B e c°llci —ln Germany by the aid and comfort given to ,he f Northern cause by the investment of upwa rds ° by $500,000,000 in United States securities, an u islic the moral support of the liberal press and pub men of the country, and the people go er ", 1 . 1 : These are historic facts, and the destinies of ureere many :should be endeared to America as a as matter of gratitude for such invaluable services. Anglo-American Times. COUNTRY MARKETS. NORTHAMPTON—MAY 5. - pt „ . old New white wheat, 45s to 49s ; new red, 40s to 'xv ict l r lel white, 48s to 535; old red, 44s to 49s per 36 stone. -",,r for malting, 38s to 40s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 38 1 0 0e. stone. Oats, old, 30s to 34s ; new, 28s to 32s per 24 posh Beans, old, 46s to 50s ; new, 42s to 45s per 38 stone. 36s to 40s per 36 stone. CHELMSFORD—MAY 4. , Tb ° Here to-day we had a moderate supply of whe3" rose best sorts and also inferior were is c h ea p e r. BarleY et w ith late rates. Peas were much inquired for. Beal:WI :13 a dull sale. Best oats in good demand. s 39 4 . 0 Wheet, old white....44s 5 s P eas , P ar t r idge .... . •3 98 . 3 , new .4zs 5( 8 White ...... ...ii s 9r, old red 3is 44s Bali n g .. •• • • .. 3 '68 VI new. 35s 94s Dun.... ..... .• _ 4 „ Barley... 2ss 33s ditto, neW•••:,, A , 9v ... ! Chevalier 3Sa 42s Beans, Tick, old.•••• •• yi 0 34 Grindlng *cgs 348 new; • a go 4 ,', Malt 58s €Os Harrow lick s lo 4" Chevalier 60s 624 new..••,3340 :gi Oats ... 228 26s Mazagan .•• GRANTHAM—MAY 5. efl Old white wheat, 52s to 545; old red, 498 to 3 25 ; 133r white, 49s to 52s ; new red, 44s to 47s per 36 5t0ne.,.,,, n et ley for malting, 36s to 42s per qr. ; gr i n ding, 30s to;JI,-10 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 3 08 P e o ne• stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s ; new, 44s to 46s per 3 °. Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER—MAY 5. A very small supply of wheat, all descriptions of W 1 11 . 1. 1 1 sold readily at is per qr more money. Complaints of g o a jug crop very general. Beans and peas were s carce ' is dearer. 410 Wheat, white 168 !Os I Beanp, Mazagan....• .F i ; 4 00 red 403 50s Middle and small.- 34 9 42 0 ...... Barley 3os 438 Peas, white. ... `""- 0 ...30 Oats .... .. —s s grey ABERDEEN—MAY 4. t the There was a moderate attendan ce o f dealers a market to-day, and higher rates were again current' White wheat 40s Od to 45s Od bushel. Red wheat 40 s Od t o 45 s Od) Potato oats 25s Od to 25s Gd t 401 b ? busbet' Common oats 24s Od to 24s 6d) el• Bere 3os Od to 31s Od t 531, TO bus vi Barley 32s Od to 32s 6d) f 00' 19s 6d to 20s Od ll Oatmeal boll 0 OlD' Flour, fine 3G s Od t o 37 s Od sackV - of 93 • KIRKCALDY—MAY 5. lin 3 ' vci Small supplios of wh ea t, b ar l ey, an d oats Iv itil a business at recent prices. Wheat. Barley. Oaq First...—. 44s Od ' 35s Od 28 , 0 6 d .*-_ e,...c,nd.... 45s 01 I 368 Od 3., Od Third— 478 Od —s od J Foreign Mail Pa.let List --+- Cape D o i f t . t g o, o v o i d a Mars: ; AIL . 0 . MAILS Australia and New Zealar, via Southampton....“ J." 1 4 .gaY -. no 4 .• Ditto, by Pre —a Brazil and Cape Verd. Eby British packet . D- , ?. MAY 2 5 . . .......... packet rope, Ascension, and St. Helena.....ggavY ;0. china, p e p.ug, and Singapore. via Southampton.• °ill ' 4 gal 1 . Ditei, via Marseilles ?att. - and Islands ............. 4, liDi ' (NOraltar, via Southampton 74a y 2 7 . India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton litY 0 . ......b Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. .............••• lvlaY Id. 9 •1 " Ditto, via Marseilles . ... . 1 14 , Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton ....... JP , 14. idtti Ditto, via Marseilles Ida/ '4 , 7 - Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseille 3, 9. Newfoundland . Jun 4. Portugal . ........ ... .......•• • Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. ............. United States and British North America, bYl 36 " g 9. .... .... tish packet ..... 3/ Ditto, by United States packet, via Southallla" ton Ditto, via Cork .............................. 314 Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry • . i 3. West Coast of Africa, Idadeira, and Teneriffe •• bDI West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and ~f 4 O Honduras) . ............ . 29. AO/ Cuba and Mexico ..................................... 31. Bahamas, via New York. ........................... Bermuda, via Halifax ............ IVia [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment a- 4 „ r po There is no question whatever that rheumatism, ne-sesfri and such like painful maladies, are more rife this . 40 o than for some years past. The number of testiniel*o3l cures effected by Holloway's remedies is unprecea;oooo and should be enforced on the attention of all IlT o fe from these complaints. The parts in pain sh0 111 ; o cl 1 111 4 ; mented for some minutes with warm brine, drieclL,7o mediately well rubbed with the ointment. It at re i into the pores of the skin and give the groate-iabt Many valuable lives are annually lost which t h e se re f ,i saved if early recourse in illness were made to wia-0001'' markable remedies, which must necessarily prove be and cannot do harm. Births. 0 IV ilti BAnKER—On the 6th inst., at L e i g h Hill, Esser' th BLACKWELL B —On the 6th inst., arker, Esq., of a daughter. at Highfield, Bil s '''' I,ac- 11°°1 000 4 Mrs. S. J. Blackwell, of a son . a the HUGHES- On the sth inst., at 45, Belgrave-squa - ' Mrs. Hughes, of Kinmel, of a daughter. fr o° °ll HuxLEY—On the 7th inst., the wife of Tho S- ' F.R.S., of a daughter. Marriages. h 13 11 '; c 1 BODDY—RANDALL —On the sth inst , at the Plutj e c y- 119 ;11: Rainham, Kent, Walter E. Roddy . , Esq., of Oa il od London, to Mary Ann, youngest daughter of 11 ' Esq., The Parsonage, Rainham, Kent. o GRAHAM —HERON —On the sth inst., at St. ."'""" ington-park, Hornsey-road, W. F. Grabalm 0 0"13 1 Ja d li d :Oli c Woodberry Down, Stoke Newington, to daughter of the late James Heron, Esq./ 111- Yorkshire. Deaths. Ar D ,A . s L i . z— Ag On ss t i h: E s s t ci h „ iir a t e ., d a tl t 6 ll . awkwood, Chfe lel°lltl ji • ! toif rr Al s t chili shire, u J L o n h — n , 0 s u e the ci st s h o i n n s o t . i , a t t h T e h i tt r a t o p j s t . ° A n t re lt b r o t u ll _i cly s 4 Ja" aged 32. JEFFREYS —On the 3d inst., at 35, St. Jainos'S-Pl4c°' Jeffreys, Esq., aged 80. ; e si Jor sel, LANE—On the 3d inst., at La Motto, S. li el ' e- 69. 0 Jchu Lane, Es 4., half-pay, unattached , aged r 1 3 , . t ; 3 J, PARKS—At 9, B owa t er - cre scent Woolwich, ~,Sakt9esPl widow of the late Lieut. Parks, of Gr eenn' of 30 ' aged 69. s(i. , STEPHENS —On the 3d inst., Gilbert Step hens, ar Chapel-street, Belgrave-square. " Af . ° ei STYCHE— On the 4th inst., at 179, City-road S , r Styclic, aged 63. e a 1 3 ' WALKER— On the 3d inst., Miss P. Walk er, °g - it -th __. Ar ty- i v, London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM- $o• o f --- of No. 112, Strand, Painter, at THE SON Owee'coluitY Strand, in the Precinct of the SioNY .111 the Middlesex.—Tuesday, May 8, 1860.