The Sun. — London, England, 1866-03-31 00:00:00

..----- Yr. Bright on the Education of the Poor. Mr. Bright presided yesterday at the annual con ference of Sunday-school teachers of Lancashire, Cheshire, and Derbyshire, which was held at Roch dale, and was very numerously attended. The hon. member was received with great applause. Mr. BRIGHT-I find myself this morning in a very unusual position, and I think I owe it to the meeting to explain how it happens that I am here. It comes, I am afraid, rather more from what may be termed my good nature than my good sense. (Laughter.) Some months ago, my friend, Mr. Pollitt, asked me if I would take the chair at the Sunday-school conference that was to be held here on Good Friday. I had no idea of the magnitude of the occasion or of the gravity of the duty, and as I knew that he was a very zealous man in this. good cause, I, in an unguarded moment—(laughter) —consented. In fact, I was very much like some un fortunate men in business, w ho thoughtiessly put their names to a bill at three or six m onths' date, with a vague notion that it will never become due. (Laughter and applause.) But there is nothing so sure to come due as a bill—(laughter)—and there is nothing much more sure, I suppose, to require fulfilment than the promise I made to- my friend Mr. Pollitt. (Applause.) I feel that I have no right to be here from any participation I have in the labours of those around me ; for I am con nected with a small sect which until within the last few years has not done much in Sunday school teaching ; and, more than that, I have bad a good deal of hard work—(hear)--it may be M a more conspicuousbut not, certainly, in a more noble field than that in which you are engaged. (Ap- plause.) But if I have not laboured with you, I can say with the most perfect honesty that I have strongly, and all my life, sympathised with your labours, and on more than one occasion I expressed my sense of the immeasurable obligation which this nation is under to the teachers of its Sabbath schools. For I may say, without any wish to corn- Aliment those who are engaged in this work, that believe amongst all the agencies which are now a' work with a view to redeem our people from the bar barism which seems constantly contending for the mastery of our race that there is not one which de serves a higher place than the agency of Sunday schools. And probably, if I were to look over all the districts of the country, I should scarcely find one in which this agency had been more actively em ployed and with greater result than in this town and district where we are now assembled. I have no accurate figures with regard to the number of Sun day schools, taken as a whole, or the scholars at tending them, in this town and neighbourhood, but I am informed that, in connexion with the Sunday school Union, taking this town as a centre, and ex tending eastward as far as Littleborough, southward as far as Milnrow, northward as far as Whitworth, and an equal distance to the west—perhaps a circle of five miles in diameter—there are not less than 50 schools, with more than 1,700 teachers, and more than 12,000 scholars. And if I were to add to these whatever schools and teachers and scholars there are connected with the Established Church and the Roman Catholic Church in the same district, pro bably I might add one half to those numbers. Ex tending our view from what is done in this neigh bourhood, and looking over all the 'country, I am told—but I don't give it with any pretence to per -feet accuracy—that there are no less than 200,000 teachers, and there are not less than 2,000,000 of Sunday scholars. It is impossible by any stretch of the imagination for us to take in any fair picture of the vast effort which is involved in these numbers. It may be said, shortly, that the agency of the Sun day school covers all the country, and fertilises, although it may be in many parts with but a feeble rill, almost every corner of the land. But when we are looking at it in the mass, we cannot help but perceive that all this labour is car ried on under difficulties of no common kind. You will recollect that the Sunday school is a school only for one day out of the seven—that during that day it does not occupy on the average more, I suppose, than from two to three hours, and that in the schools, as far as what is ordinarily called education apart from religious training, almost the only branch that is much attended to is that most important of all—that of reading. I presume that not a few of this vast number of children who attend Sunday schools have very little of any other teach ing and of any other training. They enter, not all of them—perhaps only a minority of them—for the most part ignorant, and the labour of bringing them on even in the first steps in their course of learning is the heaviest labour of all, and seems at times almost insurmountable. But I believe that that minority, if it be a minority, who enter the Sunday schools wholly untaught, is constantly, and I hope rapidly lessening. (Hear, hear.) I find from the return of the published census of the country, that whilst in 1851 the number of scholars, as far as could be ascertained, in all the schools in the country—l am not apeaking now of Sunday schools, but of all the ordinary schools of the country—was 2,297,000 ; in 1861 that number had increased to 3,150,000. And, therefore, it follows inevitably that in the ten years there had been added to the number of chil dren going to schools 800,000, and that the number of those who come totally ignorant to Sunday schools must to some large extent have been dimi nished. But still, whatever we may allow on this point, I am quite sure that the obstacles to any great success are very great, and I fear that, after all the labour that is bestowed, the feeling must come home to Sunday school teachers very often that there are difficulties in their way which are absolutely inluperable ; and it is only by the devo tion of the teachers, by their continuous labours extended often over many years, and by the per severance of the scholars, that anything really is done that tells upon the mental, and moral, and religious condition of the country. By all who have been living in this district of the country during the last half century I think it will be uni versally admitted that the whole spirit of the work ing classes has been touched and moulded by the influence of these schools. (Applause.) It may be said, indeed, of them—if I may quote the words of a very pious man who lived near 300 years ago— George Herbert—whose poems some of you may possibly have seen—in speaking of the Sunday, he says : The week were dark but for thy light, Thy torch doth show the way. (Applause.) And I think those words may be well applied to the agency of the Sunday schools in this district. But leaving out all that has been done, and not confining ourselves to the one day in seven, but looking to the seven days, how much more re quires to be done ? I should like to give one illus tration of it to this meeting, because I think there are facts which cannot be too prominently brought before the public. There is an institution in Man "ester called the Manchester Education Aid Society. It alras at assisting the children of those who are not able to Pay for their schooling to attend school. It is a society not long since formed, and can make but very little 'Way in the midst of the ignorance of a large portion of th e population wherein it wo r k s . I reg ret to say that, only two days ago, one of its zealous friends.. most man revered and beloved who knew him--Ed by those ward Brotherton, was carried to his g rave. I have reas on t o b elieve that his illness and his death were oc cas i oned by a visit which he paid to a family of the very Poorest class, whose habitation at the time was filled with There remai n an atmosphere of typhus. in Man chester thousands who will mourn his loss, and may seek long to find again such Aid Society ch a friend. (Applause.) Now, this Educat ional tells us that in every 100 children that are liv ing with parents or guardians who are not at work, there are 40 at school and 60 not at school. They say that everywhere a majority of the children between the ages of three and twelve years are found to be neither at school nor at work. They state that they have made a most accurate canvass of a considerable portion of Man chester and Salford, and judging from what they have canvassed of the whole, they come to certain conclusions which are positively appalling. In can vassing a tenth part of Manchester and Salford there were found " 7,055 children of all ages above three, who were neither at school nor at work, and 5,787 of these were between three and twelve. These figures show that former estimates of educa tional neglect in Manchester and Salford are by no means exaggerations, but rather fall short of the truth." They state further that they have been furnished with the numbers of children in average attendance in all schools receiving the• Government grants in Manchester and Salford in the year 1864. The schools are 92 in number, and the total average attendance for the year was 24,271. They say that there are some schools not under the Government grant, and they assume the total average, including these, might be something short of 30,000. But now here comes a fact :—" In Manchester and Sal ford there are now not fewer than 97,000 children between the ages of three and twelve, or between _ . 'our and thirteen ; and of the classes which attend Jiese public schools, and those which are still lower in the social scale, there cannot be fewer than 85,000." Then it follows that there must be some- thing like perhaps more even than 50,000 children n Manchester and Salford who are receiving no instruction whatever. And these 50,000 children will become hereafter the parents of not fewer than 20,000 families in that great city. And of these, no doubt, vast numbers are not reached even by the agency of the Sunday school, which seeks to de- scend even to the very lowest and the humblest ranks of the people. I agree with this " report" en tirely in another sentence which I shall read from it. They say that they are instrumental in sending 7,000 or 8,000 to school, and in promoting the in crease of schools, but, they add, " the com mittee believe they have proved that no private or voluntary effort can reach the depths of this evil in the social state, and that further legislation is urgently needed—such leg;slation as shall boldly seek to provide for, and, as far as possible, secure the primary education , of every child in our great community." (Applause.) Now, I shall give you a contrast to this to sliow you what has been done elsewhere, and what might be done here, and I shall try for a moment fterwards to show how much all those connected \ with Sunday schools are interested in the view of th:3 question which I am taking. I will ask you for a moment to go with me to a portion of the United States of America, which was peopled from this country some 240 years ago—to the States which are called the New Eng land States. As you look upon the map of the United States you will find a cluster of small States to the north-east of the State of New York ; and those six States, which go by the name of New Eng land, are those which were more than any others originally settled by Puritan emigrants from Eng land. This district to which lam confining your attention—for I am not asking you to look over the whole of the United States, though in all the free States the same system has extended to a great de gree, and is gradually promising to produce similar fruits—the New England States contain a popula lation of about 3i millions. When the Puritans landed in that country, they had some idea of what was necessary for the prosperity of the people, and they, amongst other things, made this declaration —I take it from Mr. Bancroft's " History of the Colonisation of the United States." They say that " none of the brethren shall suffer so much barba rism in their families"—mark the word barbarism" —" as not to teach their children and apprentices so much learning as may enable them perfectly to read the English tongue." And further, they say —" To the end that learning may not be buried in the graves of our forefathers," it was ordered in all the Puritan colonies "that every township, when the Lord hath increased them to the number of fifty householders, shall appoint one to teach all children to write and read ; and when any town shall increase to the number of one hundred families, they shall set up a grammar school, the masters thereof being able to instruct youth, so far as they may be fitted, for the university." (Applause.) Bear in mind that this was done by your own coun trymen—countrymen that were driven out from this country by the tyrannous supremacy of the church of that day, and by the folly and despotism of the dynasty of the Stuarts. They were driven out, forced emigrants, outcasts as it were from their na tive country, landed on shores that then promised little for the future, and 220 years ago they passed these resolutions or laws which I have just explained to you, and established a system of education which from that time to this has gone on with ever gather ing force, raising the population of those states to a condition which is not equalled amongst any other people on the globe. (Cheers.) As to the results, I might give you the statements of travellers. I give you the statement of one friend of mine, who is now no longer living, I refer to a very eminent member of the House of Commons, the late Mr. Ellice, the member for Coventry. Mr. Ellice tra velled in America, as he had done two or three times before, very near the close of his life. Some six or seven years ago he visited Canada and the United States. In a conversation with me after his return, he said that in the New England Staten there was " the most perfect government in the world," there was " the most equal condition and the most uni versal comfort amongst the people," and he said the whole population, he believed, were " more in structed, more moral, and more happy, truly, than any other equal population had been in any other country, or in any other age of the world." And the whole of this is to be traced, not to the soil, not to the climate, but I believe to the extraordinary care which the population from the days of the Pilgrim Fathers until this day, have taken that every child, boy or girl, should be thoroughly instructed, at least in the common branches of learning. I met a man once who told me that until he was about 20 years of age he had never seen a man who could not read and write, and when he saw him—and I believe he had come from Europe —(laughter)—he looked at him with amazement, as you look sometimes with astonishment, and also with great sympathy, at persons who have some ex traordinary natural defect. And the census shows that, speaking generally, there is scarcely to be found one person—that is, one native American—certainly you could not find one out of many hundreds in the New England States --who cannot read and write. The influence of these States is enormous. They send teachers all through the American Union, and the opinion and the influence of those small States —containing not more than one-tenth of the whole population of the American Union—are felt to the remotest corners of that vast territory. (Hear, hear.) Now, in New England they consider that their plan is the only plan. They have tried it for 200 years. Its auccess is beyond all contest, and absolutely complete ; and there is nothing like it that has been equally successful in the world. And what their Puritan ancestors—for aught I know they were our ancestors, some of them, as well as theirs—what their Puritan forefathers did in the New England States, if the people of England had the sense to comprehend their true interests they might compel to be done in this country as well. (Loud applause.) Who is there, except the unhappy children who are left in darkness, who are so inte rested in this question as you, the Sunday-school teachers that I see before me ? If these children were taught reading and writing, the ordinary branches of what is called secular instruction, in the week, how much less laborious would be your work in the Sunday school, and how much more prolific of great and blessed results. Will the time ever come when in this country such a change will be made ? I think it may,come, and perhaps it will come. When the Government of this country is more " of the people" and " by the people" then it will also be more " for the people." (Applause.) And I believe now, if it were possible to poll all the men and women in Great Britain, th a t th ere wou ld be a prodigious majority in favour of establish ing some great system which should bring the Ivebryelieve ther a e tis P blessin gs humb ol e co at t p u e m o o l n e s i chool education l down to the p the realm. know nothing, nothingh that can so contribute to as a tat Hess freedom happiness and the true great ness of a nation gh, comprehensive, and complete system of instruction for its people. (Ap plause.) But I turn now again to the matter which is more immediately before u s , t h at i s, of Sunday schools, and I shall keep you but one minute or two longer. These schools are not all that we wish ; * es ; b u t they are encompassed with many difficulties; the work is a noble work, and I have no doubt, though it is not compensated in money payment, it has ample compensation for those who engage in it, THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 31, 1866. the adjacent States ; and hence we may see how hopeless it is to imagine that any filibustering expedition from one country into the other can ever be rendered absolutely impossible. More over, the peculiar organisation of the American Government, and the conflicting powers of the dif ferent States, render it even more difficult for the authorities at Washington to prevent any tempo rary infraction of our frontiers than it was for the authorities of Montreal to check the raids of the Confederate filibusters. It is therefore quite within the bounds of possibility that Fenian sympathisers in the States may make an attempt to cross the fron tier with the object of plundering and sacking some of the towns near the border. The utter impossi bility that such an attempt should be crowned with permanent success is, as we have seen recently in Ireland, no positive reason why it should not be made. Moreover, with good fortune, the raiders would have a very fair chance of effecting their way back into the States before they could be over taken by the Canadian troops ; and .once safe upon American soil, they might rely on the facili ties of escape afforded by the immensity of the country, with the reluctance of a Maine, a Vermont, or a Michigan jury to convict them in the impro bable event of their arrest and trial. Nor, indeed, would the attempt be so absolutely insane—we are leaving aside all considerations of its wickedness— as might appear at first sight to English judgment. General Sweeney, Major Morgan, and the other United States officers of Hibernian extraction who have offered their services to the Fenian cause, are doubtless well aware that they have as little chance of occupying Montreal or Quebec with an army of Irish filibusters as they have of marching with the same army into Lon don or Liverpool ; • but yet they may see considerable advantages in sacrificing a certain number of lives to accomplish a raid into Canada. In the first place, by any overt attack upon the integrity of British territory, they would hope to keep alive the disaffection in Ireland, and to stimulate the somewhat flagging enthusiasm of American sympathisers ; and, in the second, they might calculate that the excitement created by the invasion would lead to an imbroglio between America and Great Britain. This calculation is not absurd in itself. The certain arrest, trial, and execution of a number of Fenian filibusters, claiming, and probably with justice, to be Ameri can citizens, would inevitably create strong excite ment in the United States.' The Irish population in the large cities would be sure to raise an outcry for interference on behalf of their compatriots, and with the embittered state of feeling between England and America we arc forbidden to assume that the outcry might not be supported by men and classes of far higher standing and position than the " mere Irish" of the States. Hitherto the Govern ment of Washington has acted towards us in the most honourable and loyal manner ; and we have every reason to believe that it is as anxious as our own to hinder any occurrence which might lead to bloodshed. But nobody can tell what might be the effect produced in America by the repulse of an invading force, and by the punish ment which we must, however unwillingly, inflict, if the authors of so gross an outrage should fall into our hands. Should the peril be averted by the decisive measures of the Canadian authorities, we shall owe them a debt of gratitude for the promptitude and energy with which they have put forth their strength at the first alarm When it is clearly understood that any invasion of British territory will be resisted by the Canadians to the death, and, if needs be, will be repulsed by the force of the British Empire, even American Fenians will think twice before they engage in such an act of lawless piracy. The Herald blames the United States Govern ment for not interfering with the Fenians. Up to the very eve of the projected Fenian invasion of Canada, says our contemporary, Government has shown so much consideration for the Government of the United States that it has abstained from even the faintest remonstrance which might have brought the Executive at Washington to a sense of its duty. The question is—ls it, or is it not, the bounden duty of a Government to prevent its subjects from levy ing, war on a friendly Power? It seems almost in credible that in tolerating all this the Americans in power can have kept within the letter of their own legal code, lax as it is. It is certain that from no Government in Europe would such proceedings be tolerated. It is certain that the President and his Cabinet have been able at any moment, by the simplest act of authority, to put a summary stop to these enlistments and these wicked plots. It cannot be tolerated that such filibusterism should be winled at just because it is not clearly a viola tion of the American Foreign Enlistment Act. As there is no foreign power in the field against us enlistments for such foreign Power cannot, of course, have taken place. It cannot, how ever, be borne that the Government at Washington, while shielding itself from the risks of a collision with the might of England, should suffer evil-dis posed persons within its borders, shielded from punishment by its flag, to mature their plots in security and to lay their plans for the slaughter of British subjects, the conquest and annexation of British territory. It is well, we think, that Mr. Johnson and Mr. Seward should be made to understand that the invasion of Canada by any sort of disciplined army from the United States will be an American invasion of Canada and resented accordingly. And yet it is only at the eleventh hour—at the very last moment, and too late, as we fear and believe that Sir F. Bruce has been instructed to prefer an urgent re quest to Mr. Seward that he would take some public notice of the Fenian conspiracy. Mr. Seward is reported to have answered that so long as the Irish leaders kept within the letter of the law the Ame rican Government could not, or would not, interfere. They will have broken the letter of the law, we suppose, when they have crossed the Canadian fron tier, but not before. The power which has been summarily exercised in the case of a vessel that was to be fitted out by the South Americans to make war upon Spain, cannot, it seems, be put forth in favour of the English Government. 'The American Government conceives that it has a debt to pay us, and is bent on punishing us for the disasters caused by the Alabama and She nandoah. Unless some sort of explanation can be given of it the behaviour of Mr. Seward does seem most unfriendly to this country. If a conflict should ensue in Canada, as seems only too probable, the Government of Washington will be to blame for it in the first instance • while for the Canadian difficulty, as well as for the larger trouble which may spring out of it and deluge the world with blood, we shall have to thank our pusillani mous Ministers, who were too feeble, too fearful, or too indolent, to take measures in time to avert those direful calamities. • President Johnson has assured George T. Down ing, chairman of the coloured delegation at present in Washington, sent there by the coloured people of the States North and South, that no sudden change will take place affecting the occupancy of the lands to which Gen. Sherman gave the freedmen a possessory title. The Presi dent suggested that the freedmen should continue to cul tivate said lands. 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Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derange ment, and partial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure No. 54,b16. The Rev. Jas T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion and torpi dity of the liver. which had resiste . all medical treatment.' In tins, Ilb, 2s 9d; 21b, 4s 61 ; 51b, lls ; 121 b, 228; 211 b, 408.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London ; also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; likewise at 61, Gracechurch-stre , t; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate street Within ; 63, 250, and 208, Oxford-street ; 830, Strand ; 54, Upper Baker-street; 103, Tottenham-court-road; 96, Upper-street, Islington, N.; Harvey, Notting•-hill ; Close Brothers, 65, high-street; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St.. John's-wood, London ; and all respectable grocers and che atists.— Beware of spurious imitations. and as I have said before, and believe most truly, that it produces great and excellent fruit to the ad vantage of the nation. At this moment I have be fore my mind's eye the recollection of an old friend of mine, who is now no longer here—one of my oldest friends, and one of our most respected towns men. If I mention the name of James Littlewood, I shall recall him to the memory of many in this audience. I recollect a conversation with him on the subject of Sunday schools many years ago. He told me that he had for more than 40 years, with almost no exceptions, given portions of the Sunday to teaching in the schools. The day which to many of us is a day of rest, and perhaps not always so profitably spent as it might be, was to him a day of zealous work. Ile died, and I followed him, amongst many others, to his grave. I remember very well e thoughts which were present with me on that I said to myself, " How precious must Cumberland and Westmoreland Society. ---~-- -~ Last year there was an unfortunate difference in this most excellent nociety—excellent in its charac ter from the good performed to the various charities of the " two counties." Last year one party went to Cremorne, the other to Islington, and the old fable of the " bundle of sticks" was, to the cost of all, verified by their want of Union. Under the courteous and good advice of J. Thwaites, Esq., after the wayward sons of Cumberland and West moreland had thus frittered away their means of doing good, this year the scattered bundle of sticks have been again tightly bound together, and yester day saw again one' united society, the good results of which were apparent .to the gratification of all who wish well to the society. And yet, for all that, the arrangements, good as they appeared to be, were in a great measure upset by the immense suc cess of the gathering, At five O'clock more than 17,000 had paid for admission to the building ; at eight o'clock it was calculated that more than 20,000 were present. The galleries were crowded ; re served seats and select seats (2s. 6d. and 55.) were crammed to suffocation ;' all round there was clam bering up to see ; even the portion set apart for the Press was so obstructed that if ever reporting un der difficulties took place it was at the Agricultural Hall' esterday, to give an account of the ancient " back-hold wrastle." The happy results of the amalgamation were manifested also by the vast number of entries and the great increase in the value of the prizes. No more need be said of the late schism, and we now proceed with our description. The magnificent building, the Agricultural Hall, was splendidly fitted up with innumerable seats, and hundreds of chairs ; and at the end under the clock there was a row of boxes tastefully arranged, with rows of seats in the rear. The galleries also con tained a number of spectators, and/the amphi theatre on each side of the organ afforded, as did in fact all parts of the extensive premises, an ex cellent view of the arena, which was in the centre of the circle, and which measured 190 yards around. Mr. Rudkin, of the Salutation Tavern, Newgate-gate, who has also refreshment rooms at the hall, provided in the large apartment a substantial entertainment, of which, about twelve o'clock, the wrestling committee and other gentle men partook. The umpires were Messrs. Leggett, John Richard son, Robert Atkinson, and Edward Stanton. The referees were Mr. Richard Margetson and Major Wills. Mr. J. Hodson is the treasurer, and Mr. W. Gilchrist hon. secretary. Committee of Management.—W. R. Margetson, chairman ; Mr. James Hodgson, treasurer ; and Mr. Joseph Gilchrist, honorary secretary ; Messrs. W. Armstrong, R. Atkinson, W. Atkinson, Thomas Baty, Hugh Brown, James Brown, Archibald Bell, Thomas Charlton, Richard Coulthard, George Gib son, S. Hewitson, W. Jameson, J. Illingsworth, Isaac Lawson, W. Leggett, W. Little, Christopher Little, Thomas Main, John Richardson, Alexander Scott, Edward Stanton, George Tomlinson, Philip Twentyman, Robert Weatherall, Joseph Wills, and Joseph Wright. The various prizes announced for competition amounted in value to 300 guineas. The sports opened by the wrestling by 9i-stone men, resident in London, and from the North, for whom the sum to be given was £l2. This was-fol lowed by a grand display of pole leaping for a hand some prize; prizes, amounting in value to 30 guineas, given to be contended for by residents in the metro polis, not exceeding 11 stone ; and after this, a prize given for a hurdle race round the arena, 190 yards ; the sum of £3O and a handsome belt given to all comers from the North, not exceeding 11 stone ; and, to vary the attractions, a prize was offered for a bell race ; and wrestling matches for money prizes, amounting to £35, and champion belt, open to all men of all weights from the northern counties, no exception being made on this occasion to the two noted champions, Richard Wright and William Jameson. The wrestling commenced at one o'clock, and as the entries were numerous, the 9i-stone men, num bering about 80, and others in proportion, some time was necessarily occupied before it was completed. The residents in London were confined to 9i stone. For the last tussle, the best of three falls, a most exciting struggle took place ; both, however, were won by Graham, after a hard trial for superiority. Graham gained the first by the swinging hipe ; the second by the inside click, or nearly by half-hipe. THE HURDLE RACE.—Two heats and the final— In the first heat there were eight starters, which was won by Musgrove, of Cumberland ; Robinson 2d, Baker 3d. In the second heat Williams came in first before eight starters ; Hope close up for 2d. The final heat was won easily by Musgrove. In the wrestling by list men resident in London, for the Agricultural Hall Cup, presented by Thos. Rudkin, Esq., Graham beat Armstrong in the first fall by the inside click. When they met for the next time, Graham, after a severe struggle, gained the second bout by the inside hank. Graham has, therefore, won both prizes of 9st and list, and was most deservedly cheered on retiring from the ring. POLE LEAPING.—R. Musgrove won the first prize by clearing 10 feet 6 inches. Winter - and Baines tied at 10 feet 3 inches, so they agreed to divide the second and third prizes. The Prize of £3O and a Belt. Open to all corners from the North not exceeding 11st. Final Round—J. Scott, of Carlisle, and J. Mil born, of Weardale, the best two out of three falls ; Milburn threw his manby the swinging hipe. Second round—Scott became the victor, making one fall each ; thrown by cross buttock, in excellent style. Last fall—Milburn no ff triumphed over Scott by a clean back fall, throwing him in an admirable man ner, amidst the cheers of his friends. RINGING THE BELL.—This afforded fair fun, the men being masked, but some confusion ensued by the ring not being properly kept, and no one could ascertain how the affair ended. WRESTLING BY MEN OF ALL WEIGHTS. —Th e prizes, amounting to £35, were open for competition by men from the northern counties, the winner in addition to have a champion's belt. Final Falls, Two out of Three.—J. Jameson, of Penrith, and R. Wright, of Longton. This excited immense interest. Each tried for a favourable hold, and after several times getting together and sepa rating. This dodging continued up to the 15th time, when they got a good hold, when Jameson after a very sharp struggle by superior strength al most pulled Wright down, and then back-heeled him. Second bout—Both made several more at tempts to obtain the grip, when Wright downed his opponent cleverly by the outside stroke ; in fact, it may be considered a - half-buttock. Last bout— More trying for the best hold, and now an hour had elapsed since they first came together. At length they closed, and another very sharp en counter ensued for the fall, which Wright obtained by the hipe, and deafening cheers for the smaller man and of lighter weight. We should have been glad to have gone further into the last closing struggle, but the confusion was so great that we were unable to do so. ACTS OF ,PARLIAMENT.—The number of Public Acts passed in the present session up to the adjournment for the Easter recess was 13. Two acts were to apply money out of the Consolidated Fund for the service of the current year ; one was for £1,137,772, and the other, passed on Friday, was for £19,000,000. MATRIMONIAL ADVERTISEMENTS. —A gentleman who has received numerous answers to a matri monial advertisement has written a letter to the Birmingham Ga•ette, in which he says :—" I observed curiously enough that the suitors for my hand wore sharply divided into two classes. One was made up of women who were young, or comparatively so, and who could spell, but had no money. The other class was old, and had money, but could not spell. There was not among the applicants a single young woman' who had money. There was not a single old woman without money. The facts arc curious, but easy of explanation. A young woman with money easily gets married ; without money she is sometimes reduced to desperation, and takes to answering advertisements as a last resource. And an old woman without money is so undesirable a mate, and her case is generally so hopeless, that she thinks it useless to make any matrimonial over tures whatever, even through the medium of an advertise ment. If she have money though, she has some hope; however infelicitous all her other circumstances may be." occasion. be the retrospect of a life passed in so great and such blessed service." (Applause.) I speak now to many such labourers. There are in this assembly those who for various periods-10, 20, 30, pro bably some for 40 years--have given their time to these labours. I feel, and I say it with all sincerity, that I am unworthy to be among you except as a humble listener and a learner ; but I venture to offer you, however little it be worth, the tribute of my admiration and of my reverence, for the unwearied labour you have given to instruct and to train up in all that is good so many millions of our countrymen. (Great applause.) The conference then proceeded with the reading of papers and with discussions relative to Sunday ,school work. The 'United States and the Fen'ans. The Times has grave reason for apprehension at the Fenian movement in America, and believes that the Fenian conspiracy is about to prove that it can do more than foment internal quarrels and squander hardly-acquired money. Regarding the threatened invasion of Canada, the Times asks what has become of the American Government ? We are told, and believe, that the American Govern ment, though willing to allow the Fenians to talk as much as they please, is ready to take very vigorous action the moment they evince any incli nation to go beyond threats ; that the President will issue a proclamation, and enforce it, if neces sary, by all the military resources of which he dis poses. The time has nearly come when this excel lent resolution must be put to the proof. The Fenians are doing at this moment what, so far as we know, was never done within the precincts of one country at peace with another. They have, with every circumstance of formality and publicity, set up in the most populous city of America a Government which purports to be, not only de facto, but de jure, the Government of a portion of the do minions under the rule of a Sovereign at peace with the United States. The absurdity of the thing does not make it less an act of hostility. This so called Government is enlisting men, raising money, purchasing arms, and taking every step in its power towards the invasion of Canada. To meet the threatened attack everything in Canada is placed on a war footing. It cannot, then, be said that England has been over hasty in requesting the American Government to take such precautions as may prevent its territory from becoming a base of operations for the invasion of Canada. We hope, and believe, that the promptitude and decision of the American Government, when the time for action arrives, will compensate for the passive atti tude it has hitherto assumed in a matter so nearly affecting the amity and good understanding between the two nations. The Morning Star does not regard the threatened Fenian invasion of Canada as a serious danger. In the first place, our contemporary has a strong re- liance upon the discretion, the firmness, and the good faith of the United States Government. That Government can undoubtedly put a lion's paw at any moment down upon the Fenian move ment, and we believe it is perfectly resolved to exert its power when necessary. It is utterly impossible that any Fenian expedition of formidable proportions could make its way into Canada against the determined • opposi tion of the American Government. When fili bustering expeditions of a similar kind were success ful, or partly or momentarily successful, before, it was only because American Governments were then in existence which were not opposed to them, but in fact secretly sympathised with them, and allowed their sympathies to govern their principles. We have recently had a proof that such days are gone by. No popular sentiment can be much stronger in America than hostility to the Franco-Austrian occupation of Mexico. Every representative and official member of the American body politic has in one way or other pronounced against that occupation. Yet we saw how decisively and firmly the American Government put down the other day an attempt at an irregular and un lawful expedition across the Mexican frontier. We cannot believe that it will act with less vigour and less good faith in regard to a Fenian movement of which it is ostentatiously and noisily fore warned. Again, this very forewarning is in itself a reason to cause us to distrust the sincerity of the Fenian movement. We cannot muster up credu lity enough to believe in the genuineness of a pro gramme of invasion which is announced long before hand in its minutest details by platform orators and in confidential "editorials." We have read so very lately of this sort of thing about the invasion of Ireland that we are not flexible enough to bend our power of be lief at once into a -- new and unexpected direction. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland seems to have quite burst up the plans for the in vasion and redemption of green Erin. A similar measure broke up the Directory and the plans of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and precipitated the abortive rising of '9B ; the same sort of practice caused the explosion of Emmett's project five or six years after ; the same policy again confounded Smith O'Brien, and led to the fiasco of 1848. Our Government in Ireland is in fact a Government by suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. We al low, like a reckless free-liver, all sorts of 'noxious humours to grow up by our want of enlightenment and care, and then we purge the worst of them off at stated intervals by a bolus of Habeas Corpus suspension. This assuredly is not statesmanship, and it can only at best postpone the evil day. But it 'has been efficacious for its immediate purpose thus far, and if it has left Ireland always rebel lious it has kept it from ever rising to the dignity of anything like formidable rebellion. Now, we can see no reason why a demonstration of executive power like• that which proved effective in Ireland should fail to mar the projects of Fenianism in America. Numerically formidable as the organisation in the States may be, we do not think it will require a great effort on the part of the American Go vernment to knock the wind out of it Deeply, therefore, as we regret that such a movement should find so much popular support anywhere, and that there should be so general a sympathy with its objects among the peasantry of the south of Ireland, we await with composure the break-up of its hopes on the other side of the Atlantic. It is destined, we think to fall, not before the heroic resistance of the patriotic Canadian volunteers, but before the inter vening action of the police authorities of the Ameri can States. That it may—nay, that it must—do mis chief is unfortunately only too evident. We here shall feel some of its effects in additional expense for the security of our North American provinces, and per haps in the new lift given to vast and futile schemes of defence which were - lately falling into disrepute. But it is quite certain that so long as we decline or neglect to remove the main causes of the strength of Fenianism it is hopeless for us to expect to escape some of its evil effects. The Telegraph does not regard a Fenian raid into Canada as an event beyond the range of possibility. The frontier lines between the United States and Canada are continuous over thousands of miles, through desolate, if not uninhabited, country. East and west of the great chain of Lakes, British North America and the Union are divided by a mere line drawn arbitrarily across thinly populated plains. Our own experience has taught us the impossibility of hindering a small gang of Southern despera does located in Canada from making raids into General Meeting of the Jockey Club. -o-- The annual general meeting of the Jockey Club will be held at Newmarket, after the races, on Wed nesday next, when the following proposals will be made : By the Stewards : Whereas, it is enacted by the 65th Rule that, in estimating the value of any prize, no deductions shall be made except of the winner's own stake, and of any sum or sums required by the conditions to be paid out of the stakes to the owners of any other horse or horses in the race ; and a practice has been introduced of advertising prizes in money with de ductions varying from 25 to 10 per cent. to be re turned by the winners, to their double injury, inasmuch as such subtractions cannot be recognised in estimating the value of prizes, and a winner of 100 sovs Plate with 20 deducted is obliged to carry the extra penalty of weight imposed upon winners of 100 sovs, we propose that the Jockey Club should ' appeal to the stewards of country races, the racing committees, and the lessees to discontinue this ob noxious and unfair system, and to advertise the real net addition only. AlEo, That the Jockey Club should recommend that in races to which no public money is added there should be no condition requiring the winner to pay any sum to the race fund or the expenses of a meet ing. At the same time the stewards will bring under the notice of the meeting Rule 34 of the Jockey Club, on payments to the judge, with a view to its repeal or modification. And, That Rule 40 of the Jockey Club, on the subject of handicappers receiving presents, &c., to be trans ferred to the Rules concerning Horse Racing in general, which was intended when the rule was passed. By Mr. Craven, To add to Rule 32 the following— " And should any such horse be discovered to have run and come in first, he shall be liable to be objected to at any time within twelve months." There will be a ballot for the Jockey Club ; can- didate, the Earl of Cork ; proposed by W. G., Craven, Esq., and the Hon. Admiral nous. The prize list of the Agricultural Hall Horse Show, which is to open on the Saturday in- the Epsom race week, has just been published. The classes are somewhat fancifully arranged ; with four divisions for hunters, weight carriers, without conditions as to weight, not over fifteen two in height, and four years old on Ist of May. There is then a combined class of cover hacks and roadsters, another of roadster trotters, with four lots of park hacks and ladies' horses, and three classes for ponies. There is a prize for carriage horses in matched pairs, _ and first and second prizes for "stallions for getting hunters," without any further conditions, so that any mongrel will be qualified to enter ! This must go far against the legitimate success of the meeting, as there is no local show now of any re pute but where the conditions insist upon a stallion for getting hunters being thorough bred. In fact, without such a proviso a horse show can do little good in the way of example, or in establishing a principle, and the Islington company thus wilfully impairs its own authority. We gather, further, that the absurd " jumping" business is again to be enacted, while on Whit Monday there are to be " Time races," round the ring, we suppose ; but is it worth while, for the sake of securing a few holiday shillings,' to countenance such scenes in the circle, or to fill up a class with cocktail stallions? PEMBROKE STEEPLECHASES.—Theso chases created the usual amount of excitement among the Welsh turfites, and were well attended. There were four events on the card, the first being the County Members' Plate, which was won by Mr. Flutter's Sailor (R. R. Flutter), beating Agnes, Six and-a-Half, and Ace of Clubs. The Open Steeplechase was won by Mr. G. L Phillips's Newton (T. Palmer), beating Gaylad, Wings, and Shanagurka. For the Far mers' Plate there were six starters, and Mr. James's Flight won cleverly. The Handicap Pony Race was won by Mr G. 0. Phillip's Physic, beating three others. THE SCOTTISH NATIONAL STEEPLECHASES.—We must congratulate our north country friends on - the progress which our great national sport is making "over the bor der," and in proof of this need only call attention to the very attractive programme of this meeting. The entries for the two handicaps close on Wednesday next, to the clerk of the course, Edinburgh, and, judging from all accounts, the meeting promises to be highly successful- The Metro politan has 100 sovs added, with promise of an additional 10C soya provided there aro forty subscribers, and the Had dington Handicap, which will be the principal feature on the second day, has 80 sovs added. The qualification for gentlemen riders will be according to the Grand National, and not the new Jockey Club rules, as originally an nounced. NEWCASTLE AND GATESHEAD HARRIERS HUNT MEETING. —This popular annual gathering was held on Wednesday last, near Birtley, in the county of Durham. The Har riers' Hunt Cup, value 39 sovs, added to a sweepstakes of 2 sovs each, 1 ft, 12st each, about three miles and a half, was carried off by Mr. W Miller's ch g Yellow Diamond, aged, 12st (owner), beating five others. The Northum berland and Durham Hunt Steeple Chase of 30 sovs, about three miles and a half, was won by Mr. C. Curry nd b g The Owl, aged, 12st 41b (Mr. J. Dale), beating three others The Selling Steeple Chase of 20 sovs, added to a sweep stakes of 2 sovs each, 1 ft, for hunters, about three miles and a half, fell to Mr. G. Stockdale's br m Unlucky Lass, aged, list 41b (.£2O) (Mr. W. Miller), beating seven others. The winner was not sold. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The imminence of a rupture between two of the great Powers of Europe is a fact which, if it could be absolutely credited, might well create universal alarm. A collision between the armies of Austria and Prussia might be the beginning of another Seven Years' War and the signal of a Euro pean conflagration. We have been threatened with no such calamity in recent times, for it is certain that such a contest would involve the principal States of the second class, and too probable that it would attract the intervention of greater Powers. But the truth is, that as yet the world, and espe cially the English world, is incredulous on the sub ject. We cannot persuade ourselves that Austria and Prussia, however fiercely they may wrangle, will actually fight. They have been on the verge of hostilities before without coming to blows, and, in deed, were nearer war in 1850 than even at this moment. We can hardly avoid thinking, therefore, that they will find some way out of their present quairel, desperate as it appears, and this view of the case is probably aided by an involuntary indif ference to the result. It is so impossible to sym pathise with either party to the dispute, and so diffi cult to escape the reflection that whatever befalls either of them will have been well deserved, that we instinctively dismiss the subject from our minds as either unimportant or unpractical. This great Ger man war, however, is really believed to be immi nent. While our attention has been engaged by domestic topics and anticipations of trouble inAme rica, Austria and Prussia have been exchanging re criminations and menaces till all but the last words have been reached. What renders the case more alarming is that the question is not speculative. The dispute can no longer be conducted by those tor tuous dialectics in which Germans delight. The question has emerged from the region of " ideas," and stands out sharply expressed in facts and pur poses. After a year of shameless manoeuvres, Prus sia has at length thrown aside all hypocrisy and re serve, and declared her intention of annexing to her own dominions the two Duchies which were wrested from Denmark on the pretexts of injured na tionality or doubtful succession. Austria refuses her consent to this apppropriation, and, as she is in actual possession of half the territory, she can drive Prussia to the alternative of humilating re treat or open war. On this policicy she now seems to be bent, and, as Prussia is more likely, of the two, to fight than to retire, we may learn any morning that the peace of Europe has been broken, and that the two great Powers of Germany are at war. It is hardly possible to discriminate between merits or demerits in a cause like this, for, though Prussia has been undoubtedly the arch de linquent in the transaction, her policy was em braced and promoted by Austria up to so late a stage of the proceedings that the responsibility for the result seems to be pretty evenly divided. At this moment, however, and as things now stand, the views of Austria would certainly be more in accord ance with the views of Europe and the dictates of right than the views of Prussia: Prussia is simply advancing with unabashed audacity to the consum mation of a scheme every step of which has been signalised by violence and wrong. She has unhesi tatingly discarded, one by one, the pretexts on which she justified her successive approaches to the end, and, after gradually showing that her object in the Danish war was not right but robbery, she now proposes to take possession and make open appropriation of the soil. Austria opposes this design, and, in opposing it, represents, so far, the principles of justice and the policy of Europe. It may be true that her motives will not bear inquiry, and that her past conduct detracts fatally from her present pretensions ; but, nevertheless, the settle ment which she desires would be more consistent with sound European policy than the propositions of Prussia. To that extent we may give Aus tria our sympathies. The preference is not indeed very decided, but it at least exceeds anything we can bestow upon Prussia. Prussia can challenge no admiration, except it be that which is usually forthcoming in some degree for unqualified audacity and brute determination. Since Frederick 11. has found his eulogist, even M. Bismark may reasonably hope for partisans. It is bewidering to contemplate an event so terrible as that now in prospect, and to feel at the same time that we can discern on either side no claim for our sympathies. THE "ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES" ON FREE-TRADE LEAGUES.—Germany, or rather the portions of that country includ ed in the Zollverein, or Revenue Union, presents to-day the strongest argument in favour of free trade that can probably be advanced. Except ing the free cities of Lubeck, Bremen, and Ham burg, a few of the minor duchies and Austria, all of Germany is included in the league, and through out this populous territory, the home of not less than 34,000,000 of people, all interchange of com modities is absolutely unrestricted, and the maxi mum duties that can be levied upon any goods or articles of foreign growth or production is ten per cent. i while for the past twelve or fifteen years the raw productions of foreign countries have been ad mitted almost free of impost charges. And yet the income to Government has increased largely, and the wealth of the people immensely so under this sys tem. It is such facts as these that show how injurious to a country like the United States must prove not only the increased protection for which some of the manufacturers of New England are so clamorous, but the high tariff rates now existing—which on nearly every description of imports are five times as great as the maximum of these German States. The principal of fostering an unhealthy business or trade, by imposing restrictions upon its natural competi tors, and thus burdening the legitimate interests of the country in order that the exotic plant may prosper, is radically wrong. The few may thus be made to prosper, but it will always be at the ex pense of the many. Believing that the pro ducing or agricultural sections of Amer: ca. must inevitably suffer to a great extent by the proposed legislation of the manufacturers, as urged by their representatives in Con gress, we cannot but feel gratified at seeing so strong an organisation springing up as is the " American Free-Trade League." We some time since noticed the fact that, in several of the West ern cities, such an organisation had been started ; but, since that time, it has been organised in New York city, and obtained considerable strength there. This will be seen at once by perus ing the list of officers, which leads off with the editor of that conservative old journal, the Evening Post. The officers are as follows :—President, Wm. Cullen Bryant ; vice-presidents, David Dudley Field, Lucius Robinson, Isaac H. Bailey, Alfred Pell ; corresponding secretary, Charles Astor Bris ted ; recording secretary, Robt. Pell ; treasurer, W. B. Scott. The organisation is to be a permanent one s the sum of fifty dollars constituting a life member. The platform of the Free-Trade League is strong and to the point, boldly enunciating the principles for which the company was formed. It holds that men should have the right to exercise their indus try, to dispose of its fruits in any market which to them may seem best, and with the proceeds to buy whatever and wherever they please. The " paren tal" interference of Government with private pur suits is strongly protested against, the League being convinced that the less Government is felt and seen the better for all concerned. This is a good doc trine, which did not admit of putting a Government agent into every corner and hole of the country. The society further believes that the " protection" of the manufacturer is robbery of the consumer, with added hypocrisy of pretending to look after the interest of the latter. There are many reasons why a moderate protective policy is temporarily desirable in the United States, but none which can justify the high protec tive legislation advocated by the manufacturers of the Eastern States. The great staples of America for a century to come will be grain and cotton, and nothing but Free Trade, or a very moderate tariff for revenue purposes, will ever satisfy the great agricultural interests of that vast country. COUNTRY MARKETS. DERBY—TmsDAY. The market was held to-day (to-morrow being Good Friday), and there was a small supply of wheat on offer, for which the inquiry was inactive, at prices tending downwards. The demand for barley was firm, and rather more money was realised. We had a middling show of oats, which maintained their value. Beans rather better sale. New white wheat, 48s to 50s; old red, 50s to 51s per 3 6 stone. Barley for malting, 38s to 40s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 32s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 21s to 265; old, 28s to 30s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 51s to 525; new, 44s to 48 3 per 38 stone. WAKEFIELD.—TauRsDAY. The market is of a broken character. The little busi ness passing in wheat is at last week's prices. Barley firm. Averages, March 26—Wheat, 1,216 qrs, at 46s s c l ; barley, 523 at 40s 10id ; oats, 58, at 30s ld. S TAMP ORD.—THURSDAY. In consequence of Good Friday interfering with our usual market day, the corn market was held to-day. The wheat trade was slow, and prices were rather lower. Barley a limited show, and, with a healthy trade, fine sorts realised a slight advance ; other sorts as before. . 6 • middling show of oats, which moved off at late price S • Beans unaltered. New white wheat, 46s to 48s ; red do., 43a to 45s per 7. ' stone. Barley, malting, 38s to 41s • griding, 32s to 361 per qr. Oats, new, 24s to 288 ; old, 28s to 30s per 24 stone Beans, 44s to 46s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. LINCOLN.—TILURSDAY. In consequence of Good Friday interrupting busineSS to-morrow, the corn market was held to-day. There was not much passing in wheat, and recent rates could haral be obtained. Superior parcels of barley met a fair sale high terms. No alteration in oats. A small show of bean at higher prices. Peas about the same as heretofore. 36 New white wheat, 52s to 55s ; new red, 42s to 47s di stone. Barley for malting, 38s to 44s per qr ; griudi'; 32s to 35s per 80 stone. Oats, 24s to 30s. Beans, 405 51s per 38 stone. Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton., April If Ditto, via Marseilles April 13 Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet April 6 Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena April -3 china, Penang. and Singapore. via SouLhampton Ap Ditto, via Marseilles. April 13 Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton April 5 Ditto, via Marseilles' ... India (Bombay), via Southampton . Mar 31 " April 5. Ditto, via harseilles Malta, Egypt, and Aden , v ia Southam p ton hat'. 3 7. • Ditto, via Marseilles April Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseillei April 7. gewfoundiand ... .... Portugal ....•••• ••• Ditto, 6. • Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. ...... ... • • • • United btates and British North America, by Bri April 6 . tish packet .... .• . • • Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork ..... Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry.. April 8' West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Mar. 31 ' Honduras) .. gar* 3 . /. Cnba and Mexico .. ...... .................. Bahamas, via New York. ........................... Apri l 7 Bermuda. via Halifax . . ..... .. ................... April ,2` West Coaat of Africa. Madeira, and Tencriffe .... Ar" Since the close of the war, Gen. Grant has De" presented with pro p er ty including horses, *Word crib, &c., amounting to $170,000. Madame Murat, of Tallahasse, Fla., widow of Colonel Archie Murat, and first cous in of Louis Naproleorti has received from the latter a life an nuit y of 50,000 f. The health of the venerable Lewis Cas death i s is rapic ll failing. He scarcely sitstp at all, an d his &ill' expected. ' Births. GRAHAM -On the 29th inst., at the Camp, Aldersho, the Po H n o T wife of Lieut. Col. Gerald Graham, V.C., Royal Engi-, neers, of a son. Mrs. Portman, oj a daughter. Hon.nMA--On the 30th inst., at 42, Portman -square, the REARMAN—On the 29th inst., a t Essex House , Putney, S the widow of the late M. Shearman, Esq., of a daughter. Idarriages. at St. PIIGH —CLEAn—On the 29 th inst., Bar th o loniele o Church, St. Pancras, Lon don, R. B. P u gh, of er Wa o f the tfOrd, Huts , solicitor, to Sa rah Anne, eldest daught late Henry Clear, Esq., of Meldreth, Cambs. PARSONS —CROCKER— O n the 28th inst., at Neufchatel, Switzerland, George Pars ons, of London and M Crocker, e lbourne, Victoria, to Nora, third daughter of the late G. of Manchester. Deaths. BAux—On the 29th inst., Mr. James Daily, of 60, Fen- CAMPBELL—On the 28th inst., church-street, E.G., aged 75. viving son of the late John Campbell, Esq., of lover liever, Argyllshire, aged 62. Col. C. Campbell, only snr- CORDEAUX—On the 29th inst., Mr. Richard G. Cordeaux, 13 E 8 2;1 Moul - of 6, New Basinghall-street, London. Ginsos—On tho 25th inst., John Gibson, of Deleombe House, Milton Abbey, Dorsetshire, aged 46. aged 69. ' 3fosEs—On the 27th inst., at 2, Portland-place, New Sent - Norwood, Sur road, Samuel Moses, Esq., aged 62. 3,I4CLELLANDOrt the 28th inst., at Upper aged 3 , 1. Ro r G e E y its , .t moo: tAhleC2leBlanidn,situ.,na.,t say, Surrey, 1 1 7% Rogers, Esq., barrister-at-law, London : Printed and Published by WIL LIAM A.N DREW S • of No. 112, Strand, Punter, at Tnz Son ofillo. N°. 112 i Strand, in the Product of the Savoy the Cant/ ° Aticl4ltiess7fiatuday, Much 31, 1866.