The Sun. — London, England, 1835-04-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE P-ÜBLIC JOURNALS. The public are already aware that Lords Grey, Lansdowne, and 'Melbourne had been consulted by the King upon the appointment of a new Ministry, but of the actual construction of which nothing was de termined on, or, at least, nothing was known up to a late hour on Saturday night, except that it was gene rally reported Lord Melbourne was to be its chief. Whether the political labours of the Sabbath have advanced the work of Cabinet-making nearer to a conclusion, we know not, and we have no desire to supply the impatient curiosity of the public with our own conjectures or the fictions of others in place of ac tual information. The question of greatest impor tance connected with the formation of the new Cabi net, is not who is to be its chief, but, upon what basis is it to be constructed ? We admit that, whatever the basis of construction may be, the efficiency of the new Government will greatly depend upon the cha racter and qualifications of the person who shall be at its head. If it be truly stated that Lord Melbourne is to be its chief, and if great powers of mind, active energies, and supe rior political talent be necessary for that station, we can only say that Lord Melbourne has never yet displayed, either as a Legislator or a Minister, a mind above mediocrity ; far less has he exhibited any of those high or splendid qualities which are charaCteristic of that statesmanlike genius which is fitted to rule the destinies of a great empire. We believe him to be of a more manly and straightforward disposition than some of his former intriguing and tricky colleagues ; but it cannot be denied that he wants those powers of mind and energies of character which might enable a Minister to grapple successfully with the difficulties of the present crisis. This is not the time for ambitious mediocrity to take the helm. The pilot capable of weathering the storm with which the vessel of the State now labours must be one calculated to inspire confidence not more by his courage than his skill— one not likely to mistake feebleness for caution, nor rashness for intrepidity—one prompt to discern the right course, and firm to pursue it—not substituting uncertainty of purpose for deliberation, or a dogged obstinacy for decision. Is Lord Melbourne such a man ? His flatterers dare not say he is, and the country cannot. We are, therefore, sceptical as to the stability and duration of his Government, if, indeed, Lord Melbourne is to be again first Minister of the Crown. As to the basis upon which the Cabinet is to be constructed, nothing positive is yet known about that, but reports are not wanting upon the subject. It has even been asserted that the King has agreed to the formation of a Cabi net upon the basis of Lord John Russell's resolution touching the Irish branch of the Church of England, and sanctioning the principle of confiscating a portion of the property of the Protestant Church for the use and advantage of the members of the Church of Rome. That his Majesty has so readily agreed to capitulate with the enemies of the Protestant Establishment, and to surrender to them at discretion the Church of which he is the lawful and sworn guardian and protector, we cannot believe, until we have much better evidence of the fact than has yet been afforded to the public. We confess we are as little disposed to give credit to the statement, at present, as we should be to believe any person who told us that the Noble house of Russell, anxious to prove the sincerity of its coalition with the Church of Rome, had resolved to restore to the Holy See the abbey lands which be longed to its monastic children, and which that family hold by no better tenure than the Church of England holds its possessions, and certainly for purposes far less useful and national, being merely for the aggrandisement of a single family. The house of Russell had better be cautious how it lends a hand to unsettle the rights of property enjoyed only during a period of 300 years. England has had to undergo the struggles of a reforma tion in religion, and it would now appear as if she were destined to undergo the struggles of an attempt at a counter-reformation ; and as the house of Russell took a prominent part in the former case, so it takes a leading share in the latter, but on the opposite side. Is this a proof of repentence for sharing in the confiscation of the property of the Church of Rome ? We doubt very much that it is that species of repentance which will amount to anything like voluntary restitution. In the mean time, and while the mountain is in the ago nies of parturition of the new Ministry, the Whig- Radical papers tell us of the wonderful disinterestedness of Mr. O'Connell in keeping aloof from intrigue, and wholly neglecting the advancement of his own personal ambition—Crectat Judaus ! Mr. O'Connell must laugh in his sleeve at such nonsense, while he hugs the money-bags of the tribute collected from the hard hands of his starving countrymen, as a reward for his patriotic services in labouring to procure for them a repeal of th e U n i on . T a lk o f the disinterestedness of the Repeal-Agitator, indeed ! whose whole life has been a struggle for his own personal aggrandisement, while he denies to his famishing countrymen the be nefit of laws to provide work for the unemployed, and a provision against absolute starvation for the sick, aged, blind, and infirm ! But upon this subject he and Mr. Spring Rice—an Irish landlord—have a per fect coincidence of opinion, and " when they do agree together," as the play says, " their unanimity is wonder ful." The attempt of the Whigs of the present day to confiscate a portion of the property of that Church of which their ancestors were the champions, will not stop with the Irish branch of the Establishment—the attack is made on the outworks before the citadel is stormed ; but we confess we do not think the principle of confiscation the worst part of this Whig measure. It is the avowed intention of appropriating the confis cated property to Papal objects which strikes us with most alarm. An allusion is made to the Church of Scotland, but there is no analogy. The Scotch Church is a branch of Protestantism, but the Church of Rome is an antagonist Church to Protestantism in all its branches. The Whigs would devote a portion of the property of the Protestant Church to the purposes of a religion which sets out with denying the knowledge of the Scriptures to the people, and yet the Whigs call themselves the friends of universal education. But the sacrilegious attempt has roused the Protestant spirit of this land, and though the assailants are eager and fierce, the temple of the Reformed faith shall not want for defenders.—Morning Herald. Hardly had Lord Melbourne received the King's commands, before the Tories went about observing, with elation, that the negotiations made no progress, and imagining " insuperable difficulties." On Saturday they looked at their watches and knowingly said, " What ! no Ministry yet ?" as if an age had been wasted in an abortive attempt. These gentlemen do not play their part well. If the event were to corre spond with their wishes, it would be supposed that there was more of privity than of prophecy in their very early knowledge of what was not to be, and that the "insuperable difficulties" had been settled from the first. Why should the Tories require such dispatch in the con struction of a Liberal Ministry? They have not set the example of rapidity in the , completion of their ar rangements. Rome was n o t reac h e d i n - a d a y by the Queen's Page. The Liberal, though they have not to send to Italy for a Chief, may beg to be allowed something more than eight-and-forty hours for the con struction of a Government. It must be remembered that Lord Melbourne cannot make use of the expe dients of the Duke of Wellington. If, like his Grace, he could dispense with responsible colleagues, and par cel himself out into the principal offices of State, he might form a Provisional Government in a trice, and a Cabinet at leisure. It would be a convenience to a party always to have an important member of it on his travels on the Continent, so that any delay might be attributed to his absence, and the time for bringing him home gained for contrivance. But these advantages are confined to the Tories. if we are to believe some of the stories of their partisans, they have other privileges pecu-. liar to themselves and unknown to the Constitution, and in withdrawina, from the King's C ounc il s may l eave be hind them a barrier to the success of those who may be summoned to succeed them. It is currently boasted that his Majesty's late advisers counselled him to make a firm stand against the principle of appropriation— the creation of Peers—and the employment of Mr. O'Connell. If this be true (and as it is reported by the Tories, we must admit that the probability is infi nitely great against its truth) the ex-Ministry has car ried its powers beyond its responsibilities, and must be accountable for the transgression. The ear of the King is abused by any official advice which extends beyond iE'"j"~~,.' tilt administration of the adviser, and puts a veto on the counsels of a 'successor, or may make it impossible for any others to undertake office. A resignation is a farce, a deceit, a mockery, if the party withdrawing can persuade the King to refuse the necessary powers to their opponents. For what do they go out if the principles under which they sunk are to remain in, citadeled, as it were, in the King's breast, and refusing the trust of Government to any who do not assent to them ? This is surrendering the fortress and leaving a mine to explode under the conquerors. It would amount to this, that on quitting office the Tories, with their matchless modesty, had said to the King, " We go out because the House of Commons will have it so, but we pray your Majesty to suffer no others to come in, and we shall appear to be called back as matter of necessity ; and should the Commons continue to oppose us, we will tell the country that the Reformers would neither serve your Ma jesty themselves, nor let us serve you ; and that the al ternative is the Tories or no Government." We re peat we disbelieve the story that in resigning, the Tories established impediments in the King's mind against the success of his opponents—that they have, in effect left behind them a legacy in the Royal will, cutting off the Opposition with a shilling to buy a halter. We have no faith in the report, because it is of Tory origin ; but the mere fact that men of that party circulate such a rumour, true or false, without any perception of the character of the conduct de scribed—nay, even making a boast of the abuse of opportunity—shows the unconstitutional extremities. to which they are capable of going for the recovery of power. They have no notion that any thing can be wrong which serves their ends. All their political morality is summed up in the self-interest of the party. —Morning Chronicle. The people of England ought to be made aware in time, of a case on which the Russell Cabinet is now sitting, and in the decision of which case the King of England and all his subjects are, we grieve to say, too deeply interested. Every one knows that the delay and difficulty hitherto experienced by Lord Melbourne in his attempt to form a Whig-Radical Administration have arisen from the servile fear entertrined by his Lordship's party, of the repeal agitator O'Connell. Intelligence, which. We fear may be true, states, that this conspirator against the King's dominion over Ire land knows the length of his own tail, and has con trived to get the length of another person's foot also. He has sent in to Lord Melbourne an abstract of the terms on which only he will grant a capitula tion to the Whigs, and save them from the necessity of replacing Sir Robert Peel in the post from which, by their short-sighted intrigues, they have removed him. Listen, Englishmen, to the proposals of this enemy to your name and nation. As the price of supporting a Whig-Radical Government, he insists that the law officers of the Crown in Ireland shall be nominated by him (O'Connell I!) He insists that he (O'Connell) shall have a veto on the appointment of the Viceroy, the King's representative in Ireland I I He strongly urges that the elective franchise in Ireland shall be lowered to 5/. ; that he, O'Connell (not having yet power enough over the Irish constituency, which has returned near 50 members at his bidding), may be enabled to command a sufficient number of votes to give stability to the Whig-Radical Government I The Agitator does not ask to be appointed himself to office. He is too cunning for that. Ist, The King has the sense and firmness resolutely to refuse it ; 2d, If the King were willing to receive into his service the bitter enemy to his Irish crown, Mr. Daniel O'Connell knows very well that the honour would cost him a higher price that it could by possibility repay—that he would lose by it his despotic sway over the multitude, and with it his infamous but enormous rent ; and lastly, that instead of being at the mercy of the Whig Ministers, by their powers of discarding him from office on misbehavour, he would hold a scourge over them, by threatening, whenever the spirit moved him, to withdraw from them his Parliamentary support, and leave them in a minority. But, great Heaven, do we live to see the day when such a negotiation can be entered upon by any Nobleman or Gentleman having access to his Majesty's presence with a man of O'Connell's history, political principles, and projects ? Can, we ask, any Minister, or candidate Minister of the British Crown, dare so much as to whisper within the Royal hearing the demands of such an adventurer upon his Majesty's patience, and on the honour and dignity of the people of this great country ? What I name the law officers of the Crown, and have for his creatures those indi viduals whose official duty it may become to begin their functions, as public prosecutors, by a criminal process against their own patron I What ! restrain the Sovereign of the British empire from nomi nating for Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland any Noble man to whom this turbulent and scheming Papist shall object ! A British Minister representing a once English party, permitting a demagogue like this to force upon him a measure almost tantamount to universal suffrage, on pretence of enabling the said mob tyrant to serve more completely the Administra tion of to-day, when, after having acquired through such extension of- the suffrage a 'dominion over the electors of 90 out of 100 representatives, he may to morrow play upon the fears and profligacy of his Mi nisterial menials, and drive them into the perpetration of any political crimes, however desperate in their na ture, however deadly in their consequences, to the peace, the unity, and safety of the realm, on pain of being, by a nod of this " infernal Jupiter," at once hurled out of office. We cannot, we dare not, in dulge the mingled terror and humiliation which tid ings like those conveyed to us in the course of yester day, and to the effect above stated, have raised with in our minds. If the Whig Lords, who have so far listened to O'Connell, plead the bard neces cesity of their condition, and exclaim, " What can we do ? how can we forin our Ministry without his help ?"—our answer, and, if we mistake not, the answer of all England will be, " Then do not form your Ministry." The hardship of the case , upon these ambitious personages is, that forsooth they are urged on to disgrace and crime by a necessity of their own creating—by a party necessity—a factious neces sity—a necessity of which no honest Englishman ad mits or sees the pressure, beyond the pale of their own Whig-Radical clique. Who asked them by a succes sion of factious votes to turn out the Minister of the King's free choice, that they Might seize his power ? They say it is " necessary" to their Cabinet, that they should serve implicitly O'Connell's will ; in other words, it is more necessary that Church and State, and Protestant Ireland, and the existence of the empire, should be sacrificed beyond redemption, than that the Whig leaders and their Radical confederates should remain for six months longer out of office. Once mere, and in all sincerity, and in bitterness of heart, we appeal to our countrymen, whether they will thus allow a band of selfish place-hunters to roll the Crown of the United Kingdom in the dust ?—Times. 'There is nothing known up to the present moment —at least we know nothing, notwithstanding all due dili gence in making inquiries—respecting the formation of a new Cabinet, beyond that which we communicated to our readers on Saturday—namely, that Lord Mel bourne had, with the advice and concurrence of Lords Grey and Lansdowne, undertaken the formation of a new Cabinet. Upon what terms, however, we are not aware—whether he undertook the office condition ally or unconditionally ; but of this we are perfectly certain, that every obstacle has been thrown in his way both as to men and measures, and that the resignation of Sir R. Peel is now considered in all quarters to have been a mere trick for the purpose of being again called upon by the King to remodel his late Cabinet ; and, in case of its failing, to gain time, and thereby the con fidence of the country, and to try the effect of a second dissolution. We cannot vouch for such being the fact, but we believe it. It has all the semblance of a Tory trick—it is a manoeuvre which a high personage, prompted by a Tory Court party, would hail with in finite satisfaction as the very acme of political finesse —it is in accordance with the character of Sir R. Peel and a majority of his supporters—and we shall not, there fore, be in the slightest degree surprised to see our suspicions realized to the very letter before eight days have passed over our heads. There are good grounds for our suspicions in every way. For what was the Melbourne Administration dismissed ? Because it halted on the threshhold of Reform ? No : but be cause it was _determined to remedy abuses wherever abuses had been discovered to exist. For what rea son was Sir R. Peel called upon to accept an of fice which, after repeated defeats, be found him self unable to execute ? Why, because his sentiments were well known to be of the Conservative genus— adverse to Reform, and favourable to the existence of abuses inimical to the best interests of the people. Why did he remain so lon g in office after it had been plainly told to him that he and his Cabinet did not enjoy the confidence of the country ? Simply to gain time, and by gaining time, to catch his opponents in some snug error, as well as to catch waverers by the exhibition of apparent popular designs meaning no thing. However, all these things are so well known, that it is almost folly to repeat them. Look again, however, at what may be termed his dying speech-- the speech ad captandzon—a speech intended to make an impression upon the public in his favour—but a speech in which he declared, and most empha tically declared, that he and those who acted with him " enjoyed the entire confidence of the King." There is no mistake about the words ; but their meaning was not fully understood until Lord Mel bourne and his friends waited upon his Majesty, and learned what we are not at liberty to mention. Why, again, was Sir Robert Peel at the palace on Satur day.—Why was he also at the palace yesterday—and 'that, too, if we are rightly informed, for two hours? Is this honourable on the part of the Tory Baronet? Does the country call upon him to give his advice to the King ? To cut the matter short, however, there is not the slightest doubt that. the whole ob ect and intent of the late resignation was to throw the liberal party on- their back, by proving that they would be unable to form an Administration. That game has failed, in consequence of every, liberal member having declared his willingness (Mr. O'Connell among others) to relinquish all preten sions to office rather than embarrass the formation of a new Ministry. This is noble conduct, and de serving, in every respect, of the gratitude of the coun try. It must greatly raise the " Representative of all Ireland" in the estimation of the public, and pave the way for his future occupancy of office. But with this self-denial on the part of Mr. O'Connell and others, we would humbly impress upon Lord Melbourne the necessity of being firm upon two points—the first that he shall have his choice of men in support of his Go vernment—the second, that he shall have a carte blanche for the management of the House of Peers. There is no safety for him, in case of his being able to form a Government without having both signed and sealed. Let him, if he be wise, remember his groundless dis missal—let him also remember that " no lady's arm is now around him twined ;" but, on the contrary, that of a desperate faction, intent upon mischief, and care less of what may be its result.—Morning AdvertLer. As we have stated, there is .a strong probability that the formation of a new Administration will be publicly announced to-night to the two Houses of Parliament, an Administration which, if we are cor rectly informed as to the principles upon which, and the auspices under which it is constituted, cannot cer tainly, with any degree of propriety, be called a Whig Administration, or a Radical Administration, or an Administration composed of the two elements of Whig gery and Radicalism, or described- indeed by any ap pellation, simple or compound, which conveys the meaning that it is to consist of a body of British states men, acting upon British principles or feelings, or with any regard to the inclinations or the interests of the great body of the inhabitants of Great Britain. The new Mi nistry is to be essentially an Irish Roman Catholic Ad ministration, and whoever may be nominally its head or its members, to have Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. O'Connell alone, for the mainspring and controlling power, of every movement it will be permitted to make or to attempt. For an administration of such a character we need not bespeak the condemnation and resistance of the Con servatives of the United Kingdom. These, we already know, will be prompt, instinctive, and universal. But will the Whigs of England, we ask, quietly submit to that degradation and ruin of themselves as a political party, which some of their -treacherous or infatuated leaders have prepared for them ? Are they contented to range themselves under the banners of the Roman Catholic agitator of Ireland, and to extinguish for ever their party name and being, in abject submis sion to the authority of one whose lips have yet scarcely closed from the utterance of the fiercest denunciations and the most virulent invective against them, their character, their principles, their temper, their habits, and their aims ? Are the Whigs generally prepared to admit the truth of all that O'Connell has from time to time said of them, and for what we know, says still ; or, on the other hand, to acknowledge that he, having fairly surpassed them in the arts of falsehood and calumny, has thereby acquired a title to be their ruler ? If the Whigs can submit to this, alfsome of their leaders have already submitted to it, they must all be what these leaders un questionably are, the meanest and basest wretches that ever dishonoured the form and degraded the name of manhood. For political integrity we never gaVe the Whigs ot our day much credit. Therefore we say nothing of their abandonment of the Protestants of Ireland to the mercy of their inveterate persecutors, which is plainly implied in their present prostration at the feet of O'Connell. Nor do we remind them of the arguments and the pledges by means of which they urged forward, through many years of Parliamentary toil, the measure of Roman Catholic Emancipation. Neither do we speak to them of the calamities to Ireland and to Great Britain, which this ill-omened confederacy is calculated to produce. These are topics which should be addressed to men of intel ligence and integrity. But some remaining s entiments of pride may still exist even in the bosom of degene rate Whigs; and we ask if they, 'the followers within our memory of Fox, and Burke, and Wyndham, and Sheridan, and Tierney, and Grey, and Whitbread, can be satisfied with the new character and position which their present leaders have assigned them, of humble retainers to Daniel O'Connell, a prolongation merely, the most worthless extremity, the ultimate tip of the Agitator's tail ? We have been led into the above remarks from certain facts and circumstances which have come to our knowledge connected with the recent, and yet, perhaps, unfinished, negotiations for the formation of the new Government. These facts and circumstances are such as can leave no doubt in the mind of any rea sonable man that the new Administration is to be the slave of Mr. O'Connell, and that Mr. O'Connell is elevated by the very fact of its existence to a station as repugnant to the Constitution as it is dangerous to the freedom and welfare of the country, that of su preme Governor of the State without responsibility. A communication was made by Lord John RusSell to Mr. O'Connell, requesting, in general terms, to know if the latter had any suggestions to offer with respect to the construction of a new Administration, and declaring at' the same time that the Noble Lord considered him self to be completely identified in political character and objects with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, whom he was determined not to give up, although a separation between himself and all his political friends should re sult from his firm and persevering adherence. This produced, as it was no doubt intended to produce, an exposition from Mr. O'Connell of the terms which he regards as indispensable to his support of the new Ad ministration ; accompanied by an intimation that he is not personally desirous of office. We do not know that we have obtained full information of all the condi tions demanded by the imperious agitator, and yielded, we believe, unreservedly, by the crouching and abject Whigs ; still less do we believe that Mr. O'Connell will be long satisfied with these conditions, ex travagant and pernicious as they are ; but our readers will see that they arc such as imply what is little, if it all, short of treason to the King and the Constitution of Great Britain on the part equally of the proposer and the acceptors. Ist. Mr. O'Connell demanded that he shall have the absolute nomination of the next Attorney and So licitor-General for Ireland, with the power of filling up any vacancies that may occur in those offices.- 2d. That he shall have an absolute vote on the ap pointment of the new Lord Lieutenant during the ex istence of the forthcoming Ministry.--ad. That three great measures of State policy for Ireland shall be framed by him, and supported in Parliament by the whole strength of the Administration. The public will be astounded to learn that the whole of these con ditions are acceded to without reserve. In pursuance of the first article of the O'Connell treaty, Mr. Perrin is, we believe, already nominated for the office of At torney-General, and Mr. O'Loughlen for that of Solicitor-General of Ireland. In pursuance of the second article of the treaty, Lord Mulgrave has already been honoured by Mr. O'Connell's approtation as the new Lord Lieutenant. With respect to the third article extensive explanations were demanded and given, the particulars of which we have not learned, except that one of Mr. O'Connell's remedial measures is a considerable enlargement of the elective franchise throughout Ireland, by means of lowering the qualification. This measure is, we un derstand, and the public will not be slow to believe, founded upon such principles as, when brought into practical operation, will give Mr. O'Connell an effec tive nomination of nearly, if not quite, the whole body of Irish representatives in the House of Commons. It is stated to us, and we believe correctly, that Lord Melbourne and the Marquis of Lansdowne objected at first very strongly to the articles of this mon strous treaty ; but when Lord John Russell as serted that the support of Mr. O'Connell is abso lutely necessary to enable any Government to carry on the public business in the House of Commons-- and when he declared moreover his fixed deter mination not to form part of any Government of which Mr. O'Connell is not either a member or pledged supporter—the Noble Lords at length and re luctantly gave way. We learn that Sir John Carn Hobhouse, with the full approbation of Mr. O'Con nell, is to be the new Irish Secretary. It is said also, and we have heard the statement from such a quarter as leaves no doubt in our mind of its correctness, that various attempts have been made to extort conditions from his Majesty with respect to the creation of Peers and other exertions of the Prerogatives of the Crown ; and we rejoice to add that to all such attempts his Ma jesty has offered a determined and a successful resist ance. It is probable that to-night or to-morrow several new writs will be moved for in the House of Commons, to supply the vacancies created by the new Ministerial appointments, and it gives us great pleasure to state that every one of the new Ministers will have to en counter a vigorous opposition to his re-election. These contests will show what the country thinks of the trai torious cabal which has presumed to barter away, in infamous traffic, the prerogatives of the Crown, and the rights, the welfare, and the religion of the country.-- Morning Post. COURT OF CHANCERY. ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. SHORE AND OTHERS. The further hearing of this appeal was proceeded with on Saturday, according to the arrangement made when the case was last before the Court. The Lord CHANCELLOR took his seat shortly after ten o'clock, accompanied by Mr. Justice Pattison. The other Common Law Judge, Mr. Baron All.erson, who heard the former arguments, did not attend, being detained on circuit. Mr. KINDERSLEY ,who is second Counsel for the re spondents, appeared to support the Vice-Ceancellor's judg ment. There were five objects of Lady Hewley's charity: —first, poor and godly preachers of Christ's Holy Gospel ; the widows of such poor and Godly preachers ; exhibitions to students, who were intended to be preachers of Christ's Holy Gospel ; the almshouse for poor persons ; and the salary of the minister of St. Saviour's Gate Chapel. These being the objects, the Vice-Chancellor was perfectly right in deciding that the funds ought not to be applied to Uni tarian purposes, as such application was inconsistent with the intention of the foundress. This intention was to be collected from the terms of the endowment, and the wills of Lady and Sir John Hewley. The rules for the interpreta tion of these instruments were laid down by Lord Eldon in the case of the Attorney-General v. Pearson. Lady Hewley and her husband, and Dr. Colton, held doctrines purely Trinitarian upon the several points in Scripture on which the Unitarians rested their dissent. These were original sin, the moral impotency of man to work out his own salvation, the atonement, imputed righteousness, the sAisfaction made by the sacrifice of Christ for man's re denrption, which is the same with the atonement, and the efficacy of Christ's merits. That the Unitarians, some of whom are trustees of this charity, and many of them partaking of its benefit, disbelieve all these essential doctrines of the Christian religion was manifest from their publications. He then called attention to Lady Hewley's will, an ex tract from which he read to this effect I recommend my immortal soul to God, and hope for salvation through the sole merits and mediation of his son Jesus Christ, my Redeemer." Sir John Hewley began his will by these words :—" Having first committed my immortal soul into the hands of my dear Redeemer Jesus Christ, to be washed by his blood." These words were nearly the same which St. Stephen used in the Scriptures upon which there was a commentary in the new i version of the Unitarians. The commentary was to the effect that the words of St. Stephen do not, now that Christ is out of sight, authorise us to offer prayers to him. Was such an interpretation consistent with the words "preaching Christ's Holy Gospel." The will of Dr. Colton contained similar expressions. These were all in evidence in the Court. But the Court was particularly to remember that no one dare preach Unitarian doctrines at the time of the foundation of this Charity (in 1706). They were forbidden by law, and the Act against Blasphemy was particularly directed against Unitarianism. This was one ground for the judgment of Lord Eldon in the case of the " Attorney -General v. Pearson." What next, and princi pally, showed that Lady Hewley was a Trinitarian in reli gious belief, was her directing the use of Bowles's Cate chism, and the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Command ments, &c. &c. • Mr. RomiLLY followed on the same side. The LORD CHANCELLOR thought it would be better not to open the case on the part of the trustees, the appellants, until Mr. Justice Alderson should be present. He had heard the arguments of Mr. Knight on the part of the re spondents. THE SUN, JAN - DON, MONDAY, APRIL 13, 1835. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. OXFORD ClRCUlT.—GLoucisrEn ' APRIL 10. Henry Nurden was capitally indicted for maliciously shooting at George Young, a farmer, at Birley, on the 6th of February, with intent to mbrder him. Mr. ALEXANDER (with whom was Mr. GREASES), stated the case. Mr. GODSON defended the prisoner. Mr. Justice COLERIDGE summed up the evidence at great length, and the Jury, after a few minutes considera tion, returned a verdict of Guilty. The Learned Judge then proceeded in the most solemn and affecting manner to pronounce sentence of death on the prisoner, telling him that not the faintest hope of mercy could be held out to him. The prisoner burst into tears. SATURDAY, APRIL 11. Oliver Manning and John Hazzle were indicted for breaking into the house of Mr. Thomas Kitchen, in the parish of Woodmancote, and stealing a watch, a sovereign, and sundry articles of wearing apparel.—Not Guilty. LIBEL.-NEALE, CLJRK, V. SINCLAIR. This was an action against the defendant, a captain in the navy, at the instance of the Rev. Mr. Neale, Vicar of Slaverton, in this county, for a libel contained in three letters in the Cheltenham Press. The dispute between the parties had originated in the Rev. Gentleman having dis missed his parish clerk, whose part the defendant had, from humane motives, espoused ; and, failing in re-esta blishing him, he inserted a letter in the Cheltenham Press, an imadverting on the pastoral character of Mr. Neale. The defendant justified the libel. After the cause had proceeded some way, and the Bishop of Gloucester had been examined in favour of the defendant, the matter was referred to Mr. Justice PARK, who declared that the Rev. Plaintiff went out of Court with unsullied fame, and ordered a verdict of 5/. for the plaintiff, with the costs. The civil cases here, during the Assizes, have been of he most uninteresting description. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. Thomas Dunn, aged 30, and David Lloyd, aged 36, were indicted for stealing 1661 b. of hops, value 71. 10s., the property of Messrs. Barlow, Gill, and White, hop factors of the Maze, Southwark, and Joseph Butter, aged 40, with feloniously receiving the same. In this case, which was not concluded on Saturday when we went to press, the RECORDER summed up at very great length, and the Jury, after some deliberation, acquitted Dunn and Rutter, but returned a verdict of guilty against Lloyd, who was sentenced to be transported for 14 years. Hastings Moore, aged 54, and IV. Groebecker, 46, were indicted for conspiring together to defraud Robert Wyatt Grange, of Uxbridge, of 300,000 bricks —value 540/. The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty against both the prisoners, and Mr. Sergeant ARABIN said that it was one of the worst cases of conspiracy he had heard for years. The law would be put in full force. John Wright Baldock was indicted for maliciously wound trig, with intent to kill and murder, Francis Browne, on the 15th of March. The prosecutor, who is a serjeant of the G division of police, on the 14th of M arc h sent t h e pr i soner, who be longed to the same division, on his beat in Shoreditch ; and o n going his round in the middle of the night, he found him staggering on the road, and charged him with being drunk, and carried him before the inspector. Shortly after prose tutor met the prisoner in HolywelWane, when the latter rushed upon him, and struck him repeatedly. Prosecutor then ran away, pursued by the prisoner, who continued to strike at hire, but was, after some time, secured ; he, hovill ever, broke away again, and attacked the prosecutor a second time, and gave him several violent blows, accompa nied by threats of his determination to kill him. The Jury found the prisoner " Guilty of an assault with intent to do some grievous bodily harm, but not to murder." THE INDIAN CHIEF. Mr. PHILLIPS was instructed, on the part of the prose cutors, to apply to his Lordship for a postponement - till next Sessions of the trial of Muc Coonce, the Indian Chief, on the ground that Mr. Hooper, one of the principal wit nesses for the prosecution, was so seriously disposed as to be unable to attend. Mr. Baron GURNEY inquired whether the Indian Chie: was in prison, or out on bail? Mr. PHILLIPS—He is out on bail, my Lord. Mr. Baron GURNEY—The application cannot be heard unless the accused is present. Mr. PHILLIPS—His recognizances are, my Lord, and I will bring himself immediately into Court. The Counsel for the defence was about to make some remark, when he was interrupted by Mr. Baron Gurney, who said that as he had not heard what Mr. Phillips was about to urge in support of his application, he could not at present hear any thing from the opposite side. Shortly after the Indian Chief appeared in Court, and excited great interest. He was accompanied by Mr. Gale, late of the Victoria Theatre, and another gentleman, whose name we did not learn. He is a middle-sized man, rather inclining to corpulency. He is apparently about fifty years of age, is of a copper-coloured complexion, has rather an intelligent expression in his face, and his demeanour is by no means unpleasant. He appeared to be quite self possessed. Sir Augustus D'Este, one of his bail, was in Court, and spoke to him in the most friendly manner. Mr. Adolphus, one of the Chieftain's Couns e l, b e i ng engage d in the other Court, Mr. Phillips could not proceed with his application. After a short time the Chief, accompanied by Mr. Gale and another friend, left the Court. Soon after which. Mr. Adolphus entered, when the Chief was again sent for, but some time having elapsed before his arrival, the Court proceeded with another case. In about two hours afterwards, Mr. Clarkson, who is also Counsel for the prosecution, again applied to the Court for a postpone ment of the trial till the next sessions. Mr. Baron guRNEY-I cannot hear the application, as there has been so much time lost already. Why don't you apply to the other court. - Mr. CLARKSON—Because, my Lord, there are nearly twenty cases of felony in it which are yet undisposed of. Mr. Baron GURNEY—There are also several cases of felony undisposed of in this court. All I can say just now is, that I will not take the application before five o'clock. In fact, it is probable I won't take it at all. _ . The Chief and his friends then left the court. Mr. Sergeant ARABIN was of opinion that the case should Lie called on on Monday. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. Charles Whiteley, the person who brought over the Indian Chiefs to this country, appeared before the LORD 1\1!-Yort for the purpose of denying the truth of Muc Coonce's statement, made before his Lordship on Saturday week, and published in The Sun of Monday last. Mr. Hobler, jun., attended as his solicitor. Mr. Whiteley was desirous to be sworn, but the LORD MAYOR refused to allow a voluntary oath to be taken. He declared that while he was a merchant in Detroit, in Ame rica, a. man offered to procure for him a party of Indians to travel with him to England, and to exhibit the manners and customs of their nation. ' The proposal was accepted, and Muc Coonce and his followers were introduced to him, and consented to enter upon the speculation. On the journey to New York, Muc Coonce exhibited his papers, upon seeing which he (Whiteley) said they might be the means of gaining him an introduction to the King. This was all that was ever said of his Majesty. At New York the Indians played in the Bowery Theatre for the first time, and, instead of disliking the business, they expressed a wish to appear again ; and Muc Coonce said his men would do better hereafter. Articles of agreement were subsequently drawn up between him (Whiteley), the In dians, and the other parties, sealed with the great seal of the United States, and signed by all in the presence of an attorney of the first respectability, who read them to the Chief in the French language. The In dians, upon arriving in England, played at Liverpool and Manchester, and then went to Birmingham, from whence he (Whiteley) told the Indians he must go to Lon don, for the purpose of forming engagements for them there. He most positively denied having run away from them. On the contrary, he had supported them in the most liberal manner, and was induced to come to London, in order to get them engaged. In London he tried to obtain engagements from Mr. Bunn and other managers, but finally came to terms with Mr. Glossop, at 50/. a-week. All, however, he ever received was 241. Afterwards, a friend, named Gale, who had been in his employment in the affair, told him that he (Gale) and Glossop had made an engagement for the Indians, who were to receive 101. per week, as well as board and lodging, and that he (White ley) was excluded totally, except that he was permitted to sit at the table. He then determined to proceed by action ; but the Chief was prosecuted, three of the six Indians were dead, and Glossop was a bankrupt. Thus, after all his toil, the outlay of fifty-three dollars per week, and great agita tion of mind, he was deprived of the means of returning home, and insulted with the charge of having inveigled the Indians to this country. _ _ _ The following is the substance of the articles of agree ment, which appeared to be drawn up, signed, and sealed in the regular way : _ ~ United States of America. " Memorandnm made at the city of New York, this,3d day of November, 1834, between Charles C. Whiteley, acting for himself and his co-partner, George J. Sutton, of the first part, and Francois Maconques, otherwise called the Little Bear, acting for himself and his party, consisting of four. Indian war riors and two squaws, of whom he is the Chief of the second part. " First—The said Charles C. Whiteley agrees to take the said party to Europe, for the purpose of exhibition, and agrees to pay all their expenses there, and whilst there, and back to their own residence, in or near to the Michigan territory, and to provide them during the said period with good and sufficient board, lodging, and necessary apparel, and return with them himself to their homes. " Secondly—The said Chief, Little Bear, for himself and said party, agrees to accompany the said Whiteley to Europe for six months, and to exhibit their manners and customs to the Europeans under his direction, on consideration of the forego ing agreement, on his part, and to act in all things under his direction. " Signed, sealed, and delivered. " The said C. C. Whiteley agrees to advance from time to time, at the request of the said Chief and Indians in London, funds to be remitted to their families in Detroit, by way of New York. And it is agreed that -- shallthve money ad vanced to pay his expenses from New York to Detroit, he having concluded to return home." Then follow the signatures and seals of all the parties. The LORD MAYOR said it appeared from these testimo nials that the Indians had consented to come to England ; and it appeared also that Mr. Whiteley had done what he could to secure a good profit to himself, for the 501. a week wpuld have answered the purpose of travelling to England very well, if the speculation had turned out as he expected. His Lordship thought, notwithstanding the statement, that the Indians had not been treated well. Mr. Hobler, jun., stated that Whiteley had entered into a very wild speculation ; but it was evident, from the terms of the agreement, that no imposition had been practised by him. THE FEMALE SAILOR.—A mystery _ hangs over the history of Jane Ann Thornton, the female sailor, whom the Lord Mayor, a short time ago, sent to Ireland. It will be recollected that by inquiries made by the Lord Mayor through the Postmaster-General he ascertained that the father of the girl had sailed for Canada ; the girl too, it will be remembered, expressed the strongest desire to go home to Donegal, where she stated her sister resided, and after she heard that her father had left Ireland for Canada. On the day of her departure she manifested so much impa tience to leave London for Liverpool that the Inspector of Police, who had received instructions from the Lord Mayor to see that she had every comfortable accommodation, be lieved that if any further delay had taken place she would have set off for Ireland without consulting anybody, trust ing to Providence for a safe return. On Saturday his Lord ship received the following letter : Donegal, 6th March, 1835. "My LORD—I am in gratitude bound to inform your Lord ship that I arrived safe at Liverpool, and was well taken care of by the coachman. I cannot find terms adequately to ex press my thanks to your Lordship for your kind attention to me. Suffice it to say that my blessing shall accompany your Lordship and your family to your graves. After my arrival in Liverpool I was confined a week with a severe sickness, but, thank God, lam quite recovered. I have arrived safe in Do negal with my parents, who were glad to see me. I again return your Lordship my most sincere thanks, and have the honour to subscribe myself your Lordship's most humble servant. " THE FEMALE SAILOR." MARYLEBONE. THE LATE 2,0001. ROBBERY OF JEWELS IN MANCHES TER-SQUARE.—A resp ec t a bl e -l oo ki ng m iddl e - age d man, who gave his name Robert Orating, was placed at the bar before Mr. SHUTT, charged with attempting to obtain under false pr e t ences f rom M rs . C. C. Collins, 26, Manchester-square. Mr. Wm. Collins reminded the Magistrate that Martha Handcox, the lady's maid, was charged at this office on sus picion of stealing the jewels, on Monday, the 30th ult., when she was discharged. On Monday last, the day on frit which the butler and housemaid underwent tlielr examination, his (Mr. C.' s ) mo th er rece ived the folio' note : " Honoured Madam,—lf you will forwar ‘ d ‘A r the i it l 84 1 1831 ; bl i note as below, and keep the matter a secret, to j° Ü be mean, I can give you inform a ti on o f th a t n ature which fl the means of recovering some part of your property: but en ) ali should have kept in cu s t o dy M art h a H an dcox, and ~ dot would have been correct, also another p er son, whom I nee,rer, mention. You must first put in the Morning AdvertiseLPoe Lyall, all is enclosed safe,' before you -will hear fc again, as I am obliged to be in such matters very part icn " I am, honoured Madam, your's most respecfullp " Carrol's Coffeehouse, " GEORGE LY A' Tavistock-row, Covent:garden." rsde No answer was retu rne d t o thi s epistle, and on the following was received : „ April 8, 1833 'ct " Madam,—Unless I he ar f rom you immediately I Casn o S be of the important serv i ce I cou ld wish, in being t he ' T r, be of restoring to you back your jewels. They are ncwi obtained, but you must keep Martha and the bailer in cu- r isei as when the secret comes t o b e di vu l ge d, y ou will bej A O LL at the receiver. t‘ G. L " ; fl "P. S. But you mu s t s t a t e i n t h e paper I alluded ' ape r previous letter, The note is enclosed to Lyall.' Th e P is published in Fleet-street." bjec t ' Witness then consulted Inspect or Tyrell on the su e td when it was agreed that th e a d v ertisement recll'hich should be inse r ted i n th e b e f ore - ment i one d paper, i n ` hor it appeared on Friday m orn i ng , an d l e d to the aPP re sion of the prisoner. er Inspector Tyrell deposed that he and constable Cie, D 81, were i n a tt en d ance on F r id ay at Carrors cc' for house, in expect a ti on th a t some person would corn . e cte j the 5/. note, w hi c h was t o b e l e f t t h ere i n a note chre rn ing to Mr. Lyall. No one cam e , h owever , and this 0 1 °, e C he and Cooper again proceeded to the house, a nd b 7 remained long before the prisoner presented him toe? asked if a letter had been left for Mr. Lynn. the prr and Cooper then came ou t o f th e par l our , when ored, soner took to his heels, but was,' after a hard run, s ec w bo Nothing was found on him to lead to a knowledge -- he was. a tle' The prisoner, i n re ply, sa id h e was as ked by a kge f o r 3 man in the street t o go to the coffee-house, and as letter addressed to Mr. Lyall. He ran away be cag' ' suspected something wrong. "11 1 He was then remanded till Monday, when b e ` sl, , brought up with the p r i soners c h arge d w ith the robber) LAW NOTICES. SITTINGS OF THE LORD CHANCELLOR D i 11? • EASTER TERM. Seal before Term.—Tuesday, April 14.—AttoreeY" Gen°1 v. Shore, and motions. Motions.—Wednesday, April 15. Petition Day.—Thursday, April 16. bforgl a P No Sittings.—Friday, Ap r il 17 ; S a t ur day, is ; 20 ; and Tuesday, 21. Rehearings and Appeals.—Wednesday, April 22. Motions.—Thursday, April 23. ( 10, 0; Rehearings and Appeals.—F r id a y, A pr il 24 ; Satur Monday, 27 ; Tuesday, 28 ; and Wednesday, 29. Motions.—Thuriday, April 30._ adg , Rehearings and Appeals.—Friday, May 1 ; Sa t Monday, 4 ; Tuesday, 5 ; and Wednesday, 6. 9 ; Motions.—Thursday, May 7. Rehearings and App ea l s .—F r id ay , M ay ; Sani rdsl ' Morz!a:. , 11. Motions.—Tuesday, May 12. d .11 tlle Those days on which his Lordship may be engage l at teo House of Lords are excepted.—Sit at Westminst er ' each day. aIS 6 • SITTINGS OF THE VICE-CHANCELLOR EASTER TERM. Seal before Term.—Motions.—Tuesday, April 1 4 ' Motions.—Wednesday, April 15. Petition Day.—Thursday, April 16. ) I°4'' No Sittings.—Frid a y, April 17 ; Saturday, 1 8; 20 ; and Tuesday, 21. r Pleas Demurrers, Causes, Exceptions, and Furt- e tions.—Wednesday, April 22 Motions.—Thursday, April 23. Pleas, Demurrers, Causes Exceptions, and Further per tions.—Friday, April 24 ; iaturday, 25 ; Monday, 27; • day, 28 ; Wednesday, 29. Motions.—Thursday, April 30. De Pleas, Demurrers, Causes, Exceptions, and Furtbersdap tions. --Friday, May 1 ; Saturday, 2; Monday, 4 and Wednesday, 6. Motions.—Thursday, May 7. Pleas, &c.—Friday, May 8 ; and Saturday, 9• Short Causes, Pleas, &c.—Monday, May 11. at K Motions.—Tuesday, May 12.—Sit at Westin , te r each day. OLLS COURT. t e General Petition R Day.—ThursdApril 16, at n. EQUITY CHAMBER EXCHEQUE R ' Sittings in Easter Term before Lord Abincrlikw' Petitions and Motio ns . —Th urs d ay , Aprill6, and f Paper of Exceptions, Pl eas , D emurrers, an d Furthe tions.—Saturday, April 25. Petitions and Motions.—Thursday, April 30. Fug' Paper of Exception s , Pl eas , D emurrers , an d FariP -- tions.—Friday, May 1. Before Mr. Baron Alderson. Causes.—Saturday, May 2, and Tuesday 5. Petitions and Motions.—Friday May 8. Aar V P- Paper of Exceptions, Pl eas , D emurrers , a nd nu— tions.—Saturday, May 9. Causes.—Monday, May 11. Petitions and Motions.—Tuesday, May 12. ) 14S. ARCHES' COURT, DOCTORS' COMoi- -10°' Sittings in Easter Term. a Se" ,; First Session, W e d nes d a y', A pr il 15 ; • Second WY Wednesday, April 29; Third Session, Thursday' Fourth Session, Thursday, May 14. OO' ADMIRALTY COURT, DOCTORS' COM - Sittings in Easter Term. First Session, Thursday, April 23; Second P c , a tb " day, May 1; Third Ses s i on , S a t ur d ay , M a y 9 ; - sion, Monday, May 18. „NO , PREROGATIVE COURT, DOCTORS' C°' -. a ,, Sittings ar ' Sittings in Easter Term. t First Session, Friday, Ap r il 24 ; Second Session, -lessi°' May 2 ; Third Sessi on , Monday, May 11 ; Fourth Tuesday, May 19. APPEALS COURT, DOCTORS' COM- ° Ta i Sittings in Easter Term. First Session, Satu r d a y, Ap r il 25 ; S econ d Seg! -- ,f , r tb day, May 5 ; Thi r d S ess i on , T ues d ay , M a y 12; ro s:on, Wednesday, May 20. i „, 1 -110 R CONSISTOY COURT, DOCTORS' Cv*, il , ;cl, First Session, Tuesday, Ap r il 28 ; S econ d SeE:, - , nesday, May 6 ; Third S e ssi on , W e d nes d a y, May Session, Friday, May 22. sto ol - Letters from Hamburgh received this morn in „F'Ste ; ° e, that the General Steam Navigation Company's n e. iv orl''' Ship, John Bull, which left the River on SaturdaYvoclo,; last with the mail, arrived at Hamburgh early 01 ! ' a stO c v i:, having performed the passage in 50 hours, a gain' fl; be head-wind, exclusive of 4 hours, during which, froln bor ness of the weather, she was compelled to lay at an,S„, of v :.13 River. The size and strength of this splendid aTr„,, tons, and the perfection of the machinery of her engi e- o 'o3° ° b, are of 200 horse power, with the beauties of her a,ce D ourg i v Eons, appear to have excit e d genera l a d m i r ation at 1 1 _4, and the number of p e rsons w h o v i s it e d th e v essel in a pQi on her arrival, were unanim ous i n th e i r ex pressions e bation. oft' DIED. nA K e- e t' On the 10th inst., i n C urzon - s t ree t, th e D o wager L.--Y, lO OO On the 21st ult., in the East India Dock-road, John' ~, ort P j ain, Esq., aged 69. , Is p On the Bth inst., at the Rectory, Aldwincle All SainiT o ns, $ amptonshire, aged 54, Mary, wife of the Rev. Henry ' A Oi lec only sister of Si r Willi am Hill ary , B ar t. On the 3d i ns t., M r . Th omas B owman , l a t e of Llol s q ' house. ‘ ii Henry P3s*.e On the Bth i ns t., a t St. M argare t' s , R oc hester, • 11 P l ' Esq., aged 65. On the 9th inst, in Broad-green, Croydon, S urre/ ' ca t. ;to' Brookes, Esq, in his 95th year. ail- On the 9th inst., Mr. Nathaniel Wainhouse, of Col o f in his 71st year, baying survived his wife only sixteen (1 4;, 1 0 ' 0 , On the Bth inst., in Tavistock-square, Mrs. aaseo)o., d i , 0 of the late Lieut.-Colonel Gascoygne, of he Hon. Eas t I'l ft Es o q. n , o th f e D l a o ls t t h o. WeV pany's service. f L. On the 9th inst., in her 48th year, Sarah, wife 0- C• chsi. Host., at Mitcham, Henry, of lki r ' Rivington, re li c of Queen-square, aged 10 montr na .„,: he h, r e ° i f On the 9th inst., at River-terrace, Islington, r 4 i" -- t ..ag ' the late H. W. Mortimer, Esq., aged 81. s e co nd ' ° On the 10th inst., at Tunbridge Wells, Robert, 61'4- Mr. F. Sparrow, of Ludgate-hill. npoinie n ea' In Ireland, Lieut. and Adjutant Lee, of the 89th .. - w. e d bl o t was occasioil6 ci tos and e10a1L ._......._.________5_................. .,„,..• 4 which, failing merly quartered at Devonport. His death deavouring to swim across a canal, encumbered wowed attempt. • --o ti °‘ .........-„ _ , vNG, Al to accomplish, he was dr London : Printed anil Publishe'd — by M URI) 0 1 ( d ) ia the c ° 112, Strand, at The Stitt Office No. 112, 6 tr an ' • of Middlesex. eelpreetpiaosnitoefthite, end e gas . n 17;e5efirwe reflected NOTICE LLnd Shillinm: morning u 1 th e completii descent by th again resumed: st BIRTHS. - of j a fr to ck On the 9th inst., Mrs. Alexand er Willi s , Scott's-Ya r- 'porii - On the 10th inst., the lady of Edward Gibbs, Esq" place, Clapham -road, of a son. MARRIED. the we On the 11th inst., at St. Stephen's, Coleman-street{ the Josiah Pratt, jun. M.A., to Sarah, younger daughter ° e rtn e rt James Weston, Esq., of Fenchurch-street and Upper W i f - v . flo he ,e On the 9th inst., at Streatham, Surrey, by the L` s e t he a" p e r, Price, vicar of Shoreham, Kent, James, second son 01 Co Rev. Robert Price, to Sarah, youngest daughter of Jam e j, Esq., of Brixton-hill, Surrey. On the 3d inst., at Ingleby Greenhow near Stok esleyT deeo Webster, to Miss M. Mudd. It is remarkable that the bt has had three weddings, twelve births an d twelve fune rals himself only a middle-aged man. g b of At her father's house, Balleyhask e y, nea r Newt°";:ed Miss Martha Kennedy, aged 18, to Mr. Hugh Cullen , Knockbrack, near Letterkenny, county DonegO, Irelan • ..ft,