The Sun. — London, England, 1866-04-07 00:00:00

8/.olMl.l.oman. ing, when they were going home from their work, and passing by to and f ro. I saw one person of an age to receive as a working man stop near this w group; and baying listened listened for about half a minute he went on with evident indications of contempt. (Laughter and cheers). And that is the sort of thing which-has been produced in the minds of the mas s of the, com munity. It is not one symptom only ; the importa nce of these s y m p toms would be much misunderstood if they were taken as anything but indications of the wide-spreading universal change; but it is that change and that improved and constantly-increasing capacity which we say consti tutes not only a fitness, but, in a moral sense, con stitutes a right to expect at the hands of the Legis lature a fair and a reasonable extension of the fran chise. The real difference between us and those who oppose the bill is this, that, as I have said, they regard every demand for the concession of increased political privileges to their fellow-countrymen as an evil—an evil they would sanction in order, perhaps, to evade greater evils, such as the burning of their houses over their heads ; but they are not prepared to recognise it as anything but an evil ; hence it is we have these extraordinary demands to know how many exactly there will be in this town andn that. It reminds me ve r y much, gentlemen, of what I took place about the time of the repeal of the corn laws, when our admission of corn from abroad was regarded as a tremendous evil, and it was ascertained with a jealous, feverish, and scrutinising curiosity how many quarters of corn would come from America, how many from Russia, and how many from Odessa and the Baltic. (Laughter.) We were told that there would be an inundation of foreign corn, and this maul mischief of an undue o le aug mentation of the quantity of food for the was regarded with perfectly sincere, real, and true, but we all n ow see most ridiculous and contemp tible, apprehensions. Very ridiculous were the errors into which men were betrayed b y this tem p erament. y ou may recollect one of the most distinguished of the opponents of the repeal of the corn laws dis covered that there was a place in Russia called Tam boff, and that it was credibly reported, as he had every reason to believe, that the imports from that place alone, after the bill passed, would amount to about 36 millions of quarters of corn per annum. (Cheers and laughter.) Gentlemen, just as reason able apprehensions are entertained now. For my own part I stated in the House of Commons, as a kind of challenge, what I hoped would be repelled with eagerness and indignation. I said to some gentlemen who were discussing this subject, you seem to treat the working men who are about to " be , admitted to the Constitution as an invading Pain -- tha t To my great astonishment—to ray imputation, which I had hoped great would be in di gnantlyfectly true repelled, was warmly accepted "a (Cheers.) description of the views taken by them. Is this really so or not ? N in this free country, in (o' lae.) Is it true that Christian country, a country that assumes to be ' not far , from the hea d of Christian civilisatio n, after 1850 years illum i ned with its wisdom, teaching, and example, is it really true—have we come to this, that the best we can gland is that there shall be only a h o pe in Old En privileged class within a small precinct which we call the Constitution, and outside of it the toiling masses of our countrymen are to be told, when they approach too near its sacred doors, that they are an invading army. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I must say that life would be scarcely worth having, and that certainly the institutions for which we are so thankful would be the cause of shame and disgrace if such be their character and if such be their resolutions. (Cheers.) What do we mean when we make a boast, as Englishmen, of our local government, of our self government, and of our parochial government ? Is our municipal government a good or an evil ? If it be good, why is it good? Because it is the instance of public education, and this is its fruit. If to give a vote for the management of a parish or a borough is an instance of public education—l ask you, is it not a much more powerful instrument of public education to have a voice in the election of the men who are to make the laws under which we are to live? (Cheers.) What is the case with respect to those who are called the upper classes ? Did they at once jump into perfect fitness for the exercise of political power ? Did they at a moment's notice adapt themselves to the working of a constitutional system? Most certainly not. Our constitutional system in its pre sent form, although not in its original elements, may be considered to date from a period of about 200 years ago— from the Revolution of 1688 ; but for several generations after that revolution how was Parliamentary government in this country carried on ? Why, undoubtedly by gross corruption, and only by gross corruption in a great degree. That corruption, indeed, was not so much among consti tuencies as of Parliament itself. (Cheers.) If it has taken time to apply a remedy to these evils, is not that a proof of the educating power of political privileges—the political franchise. And if such has been the result of the enjoyment of that power by certain classes of the community, why are we not to believe that the very same human nature will receive an analogous benefit from an analogous discipline ? It is, in point of fact, not only to seek fitness in the people before admitting them to political power, but we give it, recognising the use of the franchise for propagating, in creasing, and perfecting that fitness. I must say, there is one of the institutions of our country which has assumed a form thoroughly national, although it is one amongst the most recent of our institutions, whteh I think illustrates the manner in which the national strength is augmented by an extension of political privileges from time to time, and within the rules of prudence and of safety. I refer to the Volunteer movement. You will judge whether I am wrong in my opinion. Although it may sound at the first moment very like a paradox, if I connect the Volunteer movement with the Reform Act of 1832, it has been essentially a middle-class movement. At any rate the great bulk of that force are members of the middle class—of that very class who were enfranchised by the Reform Act of 1832. (Hear, hear.) Ido not doubt for a moment that under the pres sure of any immediate danger Englishme n o t f h all classes would have rallied roun d the throne f of the country, and f ree l y g i ven their lives on itse dbeefhenllcef but I do not believe that 40 y ears ago i t would have been possible to have called forth anything like what we have seen in the Volunteer movement. (Cheers.) I believe that it is the indirect but perfectly true and legitimate result of the manner in which the middle classes have been imme diately and intimately associated in the government of the country. They have felt more than ever that they have a property in its institutions, and have shown a readiness to give both ti me an d money for the purpose of adding to its apart from any apprehension o f d anger , strength,fo r , thank areaO God, , no such apprehension threatens it from any quarter. There is another illustration which I cannot it . refrain from menti on i ng, althoughl nn s possible that I may expose myself and oth ers to some misunderstanding—l mean an illustration from th e c i v i l war a i n A go when Parliamentarim America. It , is now five or six years a under discussion, that it was the fashion t o re f er to thewas in stitutions of America as a perfect f a il ure , an d long oration were delivered in the House of Commons, setting forth all the causes of that failure, and holding up those institutions as a bugbear to terrify us from proposing any addition to the franchise, and as an invincible e argument maintain ing l. for • constituencies. the narrow limits of the several Gen tlemen, what has take n place since then? lam not going to deliver a generallecture upon the civil war in America ; above all, l a m not going to draw any i nv idious distinc • tion, or any distinction at all, between one section and another section of that commun it y, for my part my earnest and devout aspiration is, an d I b e lieve that to be t he thaspi ration and desire of England at large, forhtehtehwerelftarehe whi t e that e nationin every p ar t and portion of it, Ng or black, whether it be North or South—(loud cheers) — neither, gentlemen, am I going to hold up American insti tutions as institutions to be preferred to our own; but w hat . I am going t o d o i s this : I think it i s ou r business, as men . of sense, to d raw lessons from the experi e nce of mantilla , and from the facts that come under our view, whether they be in despotic countries or constitutional countries, or in countries republican or democratical. The point I ask you to look at is this, not the comparative merits of American institutions, but the one single and important point, of the effect that has been produced in America by a largely. ex tended population franchise, by a widely-spread participa tion on the part of the people in the choice of their gover nors. The wonderful, the unexampled, the almost in credible effect that has been produced by that system, of giving force of expression to the national will, and enabling the Government to develop the energies and give effect to that will, such as probably have never been developed in an equal time and amongst :an equal number of mon since the race of mankind sprang into existence. (Cheers.) Less than . 30,000,0 00 —I don't speak of the negro popula tion, which can hardly be said to have constituted a dis tinct party in the war, thankful as we may be for its ulti mate effect on their destiny—(cheers)- - less than 30,000,000, 20,000,000 in the majority qnd 6,000,000 in the minority, coming to the bloody issue of war on a matter held vital by both, common justice requires us to admit developed an amount of heroism, apower of self-sacrifice, an energy, a perseverance, and a forgetfulness of every personal interest, an amount of force arrayed in support of their chosen rulers such as I know not where to seek for in the annals of the history of the globe. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, what I would say to you is, let us learn lessons where we can learn them—from our brethren, the children of our l oins, in America. (Cheers.) The position of England, giuhedeuetlzietmen, is a peculi ar pos iti on i n th e w o r ld. England has Irons bygone ages more, perhaps, of what VA most august and venerable in those ages than any other European country ; and at the same time that her traditions of the past are so rich and fruitful that all our minds and all or characters have, both within our knowledge and be yond our knowledge, been largely moulded by them, she has likewise been exposed in the highest possible degree to every moderate influence which the 19th century has brought into activity. As y geongraphiiecaalelhy the sh o s hestands ee w e i h th e Europe on one side of her and America stands between those feudal instit utions on which European tr, society was formed, and whi ch have given her hierarchy is not of class, and on the other s ide, those principles ofequality which form the basis of s ociet y in America, she a servile imitation of either the one or the other to forge her own glorious history, but, on the contrary, it is for her to cherish everything she has invented and to improve it, but to improve it for the sake of preserving it. (Cheers.) But it is her duty while she looks on the past to learn like -wise from the present Recent events which have taken Iplace on the other side of the Atlantic have demonstrated to us how, by enlarging the franchise, augmented power can be marshalled on behalf of the Government, and in creased energy given to the action of a nation. I say that, without forgetfulness of the rules of prudence and circum spection, always acting within the limits of modesty and moderation, but with firmness and determination, we ought to observe, we ought to copy, and wo ought to appropriate the lessons which may be gathered from the experience of other portions of the human family. (Cheers.) It is some times said that the measure we propose is a democratic measure. The word " democracy" has very different senses. If by democracy be meant liberty—if by demo cracy be meant the extension to each man in his own sphere of every privilege and of every franchise that he can exor cise with advantage to himself and with safety to the State, then I must confess I don't see much to alarm us in the word democracy. (Cheers.) But if by democracy be meant the enthroning of ignorance against knowledge, the setting up of vice in opposition to virtue, the disregard of rank, the forgetfulness of what ourfathers have done for us, indifference or coldness with regard to the inheritance we enjoy —then, gentlemen, I, for one, believe that all I have the honour to address are in that sense the enemies of demo cracy, that in such a sense this is not a democratic Govern ment. On the contrary there is a love for that arrangement and constitution of society which we have inherited from former times, and I do not believe that of the entire com munity there is one man in a hundred who would disturb it if he could. If there is anything that could make this country, so aristocratic in its feelings, become a country de mocratic in its feelings —that day, I think, would be an un happy day, and I know nothing that could bring that day to arrive unless it were a forgetfulness by the British aris tocracy that their order has in all times beyond any aris tocracy of the world been trustful and confiding in its tem per towards the people —mild and forbearing in its use of s honour and ilirty. .) privilege, and ready to g ive leaders to . the nation in every cause connected with itl am sor ry, gentlemen, whenever, even for be s and I moment, and in a part i cu l ar instance, there is a disposition to de ep:lve:from the noble and glorious traditions of the British ar i s t oc racy. lam sorry that at the moment lam now speaking immediate danger to the measure that the Govern ment have introduced should proceed from a name hon oured in the lists of the aristocracy. A notice of motion has been given by Lord Grosvenor for the purpose of defeating the bill—and as the announcement has been publicly made without contradiction, we are, I suppose, truly told—that that notice is to be seconded by Lord Stanley. I know no two individuals more entitled to respect and honour in the position they occupy, but I am bound to say that I think a more deplorable arrangement was never made—(great cheering) - a more gross blunder never was committed than when in the councils of political party, with that kind of cleverness which so often outwits itself, it was deter mined that the two representatives of two of our noblest and most ancient houses should come forward combinedly for the purpose of defeating an act of grace, but what is likewise, besides being an act of grace, an act of justice to the great community of the country. (Loud cheers.) However, gentlemen, much lamenting that unhappy instance, I am persuaded that that is not to be taken as an indication that there will be a fundamental change in that wise moderation which has hitherto for the most part distinguished the conduct of the most favourite members of society, those on whom the bounties of Provi dence have been poured in the largest abundance. I do not think that that movement, formidable though it may be, is likely to succeed. (Cheers.) We have framed a measure, I think, in the strictest spirit of moderation. We do not desire—we should be the first to resist sudden and violent sweeping changes ; but the progressive enlargement of the popular franchise, with due regard to the state and circum stances of the country, we consider not to be liable to the application of any of the epithets employed. (Cheers.) Having produced this measure, framed in a spirit of mode ration, we hope to support it with decision. (Continued cheering.) It is not in our power to secure the passing of the measure—that rests more with you and more with those whom you represent, and of whom you are a sample, than it does with us ; still we have a great responsibility, and are conscious of it, and we do not intend to flinch from it. (Here the whole audience rose in a body and cheered for several minutes.) We stake ourselves, we stake our existence as a Government—whether it be worth much or little is not for us to say, but, such as_ it is, we stake it, and we also stake our political character, on the adoption of the bill in its main provisions. (Renewed cheering.) You have a right to expect from us that we should tell you what we mean, and that the trumpet which it is our business to blow shall give forth no uncertain sound. Its sound has not been, and I trust will not be, uncertain. We have passed the Rubicon, we have broken the bridge and burned the boats behind us. (Cheers.) We have advisedly cut off the means of retreat, and having done this, we hope that, as far as time has yet permitted, we have done our duty to the Crown and the nation. The result, gentlemen, is in other hands than oars. I beseech you, I beseech all reflecting Englishmen, in whose hands by the well-under stood constitution of our country the ultimate settlement of this great issue is lodged, to consider what the future is to be. I cannot doubt from the extraordinary working and movement of society that there is on the part of the masses of the community a forward and onward movement, which forward and onward movement will be perfectly safe and harmless, and not only safe and harmless, but infinitely pro fitable if we only deal with it wisely and in time. (Cheers.) But read the signs of the times—the voice thatEbnce spoke as never man spoke rebuked those in authority who could not read the signs of the times. Does any man really sup pose that the political limit signified by the number 10 is to be for ever and ever, from generation to generation, the limit within which all are to enjoy, but beyond which every man is to be deprived, the enjoyment of the franchise? Cer tainly not. (Cheers.) The defeat of the bill, what would it procure ? An interval, but not an interval of repose —an interval of fever, an interval of expectation, an interval for the working of those influences which might possibly arise even to the formidable dimensions of political danger. Let the great English nation be wise, and be wise in time. Let it not, through any unwise dallying, through any unwise neglect of an opportunity as favourable, I believe, as ever offered to the Legislature, and, through the influence of weak, or cowardly, or selfish apprehensions, refuse the granting of a boon which I am firmly persuaded, if granted now, will be received as a boon in a spirit of gratitude— (eheers)—and tend to increase the attachment of the people to the institutions of the country and its rulers. (Cheers.) Let them not convert what is for their own advantage into an odcasion of danger and of evil ; but let them, in regard to the duty of the day and the prospects of the future, rally round us and strengthen us for the task which we have in hand. If they so rally round us, whatever'diffi culties lie in our way will soon be surmounted, and the next time we meet in these now crowded halls it will be to congratulate one another on the passing of this measure into law, and on the evident fruits which it may have begun to produce in the augmented contentment, attach ment, and loyalty of the people. The right hon. gentleman then resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic cheering. A. vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Gladstone and briefly similar acknowledged beeny t Ya h s e s r d i gh t t l 1 I I o n . E g e vr n a r t t l e m f o a r n p , r a e n s d i d a ing, the proceedings terminated e sh o ortly r. before ten o'clock. LAW INTELLIGENCE —(This Day SHERIFFS' COURT. THE LAW OF LANDLORD AND TENANT-JONES V ISAACS. This was an action to recover rent for certain premises which were destroyd by fire. Mr. Bu chanan appeared for the defendant. Plaintiff deposed that he claimed three-quarters' rent for the tenancy of premises from Michaelmas, 1864, to Midsummer, 1865. Cross-examined —I never had any notice from the defendant that he meant to quit. A fire broke out in the premises in October, 1864, and they were b u t defendant continued occupation. Notwithstandingdestroyeh atbhseenficreeol still held n i e defendant from hi as s . m y tenant in t ave beenrmeb.uilt, and I have not The premises h locked defendant out of them. r d e the m ise s defendant, na til the who n sw a na a gr lo hilS' t d rt i h r e i c i l o e ht a h : : : o n a g ß e a c t in i e n ti ff t uh td c_ h r w ehr e a i i e t ond h ca e a m b e r special he e c n up t i h ed en tl e ie all p e gave a month's notice to the plaintifflnunNdoevr ihin never inO. c t :r e e l . e , plaintiff r.lreamw was au burnt yearlynt down. te n a n . t . I have to dlBt6o4.aceept a month's pay my full rent under the terms of my lease, accept a month's notice. Defendant— I gave plaintiff notice t me h rebuilt plaintiff locked His Honour asked ploainrffd When the premises were quite sure plaintiff agreed to out, notwithstanding that stances of the, fire he 1 i m f me undero v e over the possession. cirnum - claim. would take anything off his Plaintiff agreed to take off one quarter, and his Honour said that was very fair. It was clear that although the fire occurred plaintiff was entitled to a verdict, and he would have it. Vgdict for the plaintiff. THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.— sole Lessee and Manzgar, Mr. Backstone. THIS EVENING, A. ROMANTIC ATTACHMENT : Mr. Compton, Mr. W. Farren ; Miss Ada Cavendish. After which, THE FAVOURITE OF FORTUNE: Mr. Sothern, Buckstone, Chippendale, Rogers, Ste.; Mesdames Chippendale, Saville, Moore, Fitzwilliam, Hill, Lindley, &c. Concluding with SHOCKING EVENTS: Biz Chippen dale, Mr. Compton, &c. Commence at Seven. ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.- Under the sole Management of Mr. Fechter. THIS EVENING, SIMPSON AND CO. Massrg. S. Emery, C. Ilorsman ; Mesdames Elsworthy, Henrade, Hors man, and F. Boyce. Alter which, THE MASTER OF RAVENSWOOD. Mr. Ftchter; Messrs. Jordan, Emery, Widdicomb, "Vezin, J. H. Fitzpatriw , , D. Evans; iteschmesTernan, Elsworthy, Lavenu, and C. Leclercq. Box Office open daily from Eleven till Five. NEW THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPIII Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster. Messrs J. L. Toole, 11 Phillips, Billington ; THIS EVENING, THROUGH FIRE AND WATER: 'Plies Woolgar and Miss 11. Simms. Alter which, THE WRECK ASHORE: Mss J. L. Poole, P. Bedford. S:uart, Bil li ngter, Ashley; M e ssrsola Ind Miss 11. Simms. To conclude with BEHIND TIME. Illessrs. J. L ?hints, Eburne, C. J. Smith ; Miss A. S e aman, Am L. Toole, R. ROYAL PRINCESS'S' THEATRE. Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vining. 'llll5 EVENING, A GHOST IN SPITE OF HIMSELF. After which. at a quarter to Eight, THE STREETS OF LONDON. Messrs. Vining. T. E. V. Murray. Shore, Villiers; Mrs. 11. Marson, Miss E. j iarnett, and Miss K. Rodgers. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE. Sole Lessee and Manageress, Airs. Swanborough. THIS EVENING, at Seven o'clock, P TI ERFE' , ON. Ai ter which will be pro duced a grand Easter Burlesque, PARIS t or, Vive Lempiere : Ra nham,t Soyle, horne,Jame. one, Mesdames A. Swanbovougb, y Simpson. Johns Ranoe, and Holt. To conclude with DEAF AS A POST : Mr. Belford. ADLER'S WELLS THEATRE. — Under the Sole Management of Mr. W. 11. C. Nation.— ItE-OPEN for the Summer Season. During the recess the Theatre has been renovated and decorated ; entirely new Orchestra Stalls, with a se; striae entranc -, , added ; the Dress Circle and Pit S, ats recovered, and no expense spared to render this Theatre one of the most elegant and cornier able in London. THIS EVENING (t'ATURDAY), and during the week. ~vill,be presented the great Domestic Drama, in Three Acts, of BELPHEGOIt : Messrs. T. Swinbourne, Barrett. G. Bet more; Misses Ada Dya., Hudspeth, and Mrs. Poynter. Alter which (fourth time at this Theatre), the Ever-green Burlesque, by F. C. Burnand, Esq , of IXION : Misses Lizzie Willraore, Fanny Gwynne, Ada Berland, Hetty 'Tracey; Messrs F. Banby and G. Belmore. To conclude with David Garrick's Farce F of A MISS IN HEM TEENS : Mr. G. Belmore and Miss Fanny Gwynne. Box-office open daily from Eleven till Three. No charge for booking or programmes. Bonnets are not admitted in the Dress Circle or Stalls. Doors open t halt-pas Six, commence at Seven. Entirely new Orchestra Stalls t , with spring Muted seats and backs , and equal to those of the West-end Theatres, 4s. ; Dress Circle, 35.; Boxes, 2s. ; is. ; Gallery, 61 ; Private Boxes, £1 ls., £1 108. and £2 U.—Second price at Nine. Acting Manager, Mr. NYE CHART. ~MOSES AND SON'S . LONDON HOUSES, 154, 155, 158, 157, Minories; 8 8 B6, 87, 88, 89, Aldgate 506, 507, 508, New Oxford--street; 1,2, 3, Ilart-street ; 137, 138. Tottenham-court -road ; 288, Euston-road. Country Branch—Bradford, Yorkshire. MOSES AND S 0 N • respectfully call attention to their large and well assorted stock of JUVENILE CLOTHING. The newest latsrica are combined with the latest and most fashionable designs, and the best workmanship. E. MOSES and SON give particular attention to this important branch of their iisiness, and they can with confidence affirm that the prices ire such as must satisfy the most economical. This depart s is in a gre nistinct pl at of•theremises, which will be found convenience for ladies and children. rpHE " SANDRINGHAM " and " DANISH " -I- WRAPPERS (introduced Dy them) are the nest est and most fashion lb.e styles of Overcoats for the season. READY-MADE CLOTHING for all classes and all ages. BESPOKE CLOTHING for all classes and all ages. UNIFORMS for the ARMY, NAVY, and VOLUNTEER SERVICE. LADIES' RIDING HABITS. LIVERIES. THE celebrated " INDISPENSABLE" SUIT , 3. from 30s. ROSIERY and DRAPERY for all classes and all ages. H ATS and CAPS for all classes and all ages. B OOTS and SHOES for all classes and all ages. ourFrrs for all classes, all ages, and all cliinate!. MOSES AND SON'S Fj • Establishments are closed every Friday evening at sunset until Saturday evening at sunset, when business is re sumed until 11 o'clock. All articles are marked the lowest prices in plain figures. Any article not appnved of will be exchanged, or the money will be returned. List of Prices with Rules for Self-measurement, Fashion Card, and our new pamphlet, " The 4ilosophy of Dress," zratis and post tree. MOSES AND SON'S • LONDON HOUSE 3, 154, 155, 155, 157, Minories ; 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, Aldgate ; 506, 507. 5 08 , New O x: ord-street 2. 2,3, 11 art-street ; 137, 138, Tottenham - court-road; 285. Euston-road. Country Branch—Bradford, Yorkshire. T"E "SUN" NEWSPAPER. - G. R. GLENIE, Sporting Library, 4, Connaught terrace, Edgware-road, is specially appointed AGEN to deliver the LATE EDITION of • " THE SUN " at the earliest possible moment alter leaving the press. He is able to deliver copies in Town, the Suburbs, and in many parts of the Country at a comparatively early hour the same tvening, say 40 miles by 9 o'clock. T" "SUN" NEWSPAPER.- G. R. GLENIE delivers the LATE EDITION al Chelsea, 7.40; Kilbu n, 8; Starch-green, 8; Woolwich, 7.30 Uxbridge, 9.20; Walford, 8.45. .YHE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN" supplied, as soon as published every Evening, by ALI 4 IX ANDE it (late B ROO KS), Newspaper Agent, 21, Uld Cavendish-street, Oxford-street. THE LAST EDITION of " THE SUN "- supplied as soon as Published, containing all the LATEST NEWS and S2ORTING INTELLIGENCE, by W. HAIM'S, Newspaper Agent, 4, Blacktriars-road, London, S. - THE LATEST EDITION of "THE SUN." J. HOLMES begs to inform his friends, and the pubiic generally, that he supplies the LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN " as soon as published —No. 16, Hampstead road, N.W. PORTING.—JOHN ROBERTS supplies the 1. LATN.ST EDITION of "TIIIG SUN" as soon as pub- Bath-street, City-road, E.C. HIGII WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. THIS :DAY.—Mornimg, 6h. 10m.—Afternoon, 6h. 30m 1 1 0-Itlonnow.-Meruing, 6h. 55m.—Afternoon, 7h. 23m 4 4,40? • „ '°\ tt 14;1 4 1C4 ` ThKrf teir Wa" 1nu 0 LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 7, 1866. Mr. GLADSTONE is apparently determined that the days of the recess shall not be passed in inaction ; in fact he is turning them to better account in the service of the Reform Bill than would have been possible while Parliament was sitting. The elo quent appeals and enlightened arguments which have been addressed to the people of Liverpool, and through them to the whole population of the coun try, could not have been uttered while the leader of the House of Commons was forced to be nightly at his post, and fettered by the obligations of Parlia mentary routine. The invitation to the Liverpool banquet gave him just the opportunity ho wanted, while his popularity among his new constituents, and their well-known sympathy with Liberal prin ciples, enabled him to speak with that sense of freedom and confidence -which is so great an assist ance to the orator. Mr. GLADSTONE'S speech at the banquet on Thursday was calm and moderate in its style, dealing with many subjects, and arguing on behalf of the special merits of • the Ministerial measure, while endeavouring to extenuate its defects and shortcomings. At the meeting last evening, held in the Amphitheatre in support of the Govern. molt Reform Bill, Mr. GLADSTONE took a d ferent tone. Leaving the pemliar :charac teristics of the measure before him, he passed to a larger and more comprehensive view of a great national question. His speech was 1 throughout an appeal for Reform, not for an iso lated or p ar tial measure, not for the WELL: pion or exclusion of a particular class, not for t he retention or extension of an especial franchise, by Lt an earnest, eloquent, and impassioned discourse„ setting forth with all the abilty of which he is ma; aster the true merits of the case. As for the Co rernment Bill itself we honestly believe that Mr. GLADSTONE can hardly be entirely satisfied with it. No doubt he is sincere in his efforts to carry it thro ugh Parliament and to recommend it to the public. No doubt he firmly believes it is the best and most liberal measure which the present Government, with all the recu sants in the council and traitors in the camp, can propose with any hope of success. But the details of. the bill hardly realise Mr. GLAZSTONE'S often- repeated convictions. lie asks whether any one could seriously believe that an arbitrary limit of £lO could suffice to us for any length of time. But we should have been glad to have seen him admit the feasibility and the justice of an educational franchise, in conjunction with that mere money qualification, which is in itself so unsatisfac tory and so shifting in its nature. Had Mr. GLADSTONE been allowed to consult only his own wishes, and what he believed to be the interests of the people, we have no doubt that he would have framed a really comprehensive and liberal mea sure, which would have laid the vexed question of constitutional reform at rest at least for our generation. As it is, he has had difficulties to contend against without and within, and the worst that can be said of the bill is that it does not go far enough. It at least admits those principles which Mr. GLADSTONE has consistently upheld, and which he never advocated with more force and eloquence than last evening. Arguing first from the fundamental principle ? , of constitu tional government, that taxation should be the basis of representation, Mr. GLADLTONE proceeded to examine into the facts of the case. The in come of the working classes he estimated at about three-sevenths of the whole income of the country, while they have only oae-seventh of the constituency. He further declared his opinion, founded on no insignificant official expe rience, that at least one-third of the revenue, as it now stands, is contributed by the working classes. "With what justice," he exclaimed, " can we ask the working population to pay this proportion of taxes and put them off in return with the miserable fraction of one-seventh of the representation ?" Passing to a survey of our social condition, Mr. GLADSTONE declared that the most superficial ob server must perceive the vast improvement which has taken place during the last five-and-thirty years. The improving agencies of religion, of education, of the Press, have all been actively at work in promoting the moral, and social, and intellectual elevation of the people, and the result has been that contentment and in dustry have taken the place of that bitter and un settled state of mind which took pleasure in ridicule and abuse of the existing authorities. But having achieved so much—having used every means to raise and improve the working-classes, we are to turn round in defiance of our own work, and refuse the very men ,we have striven so hard to elevate their natural and proper reward. The manner in which the national strength is augmented from time to time by an extension of political privileges was aptly illustrated by Mr. GLADSTONE by the Volun teer movement. The great bulk of that force, he said, belong to the very class which was enfranchised in 1832, and though, before that time, Englishmen of all ranks would no doubt have combined for the defence of the country in presence of an immediate danger, it would not have been possible to have called forth anything like that spontaneous move ment 40 years ago. Mr. GLADSTONE drew a fur ther illustration of his argument from the unity and force with which the popular will is expressed on the other side of the Atlantic, though he dis tinctly disclaimed any sympathy with the Ameri can form of Government. With happy eloquence he described England as occupying, politically, the same position which she does geographically. " She has inherited from bygone ages more, perhaps, of what was most august and venerable in those ages than any other European country. She has likewise been exposed in the highest possible degree to every moderate influence which the nineteenth century has brought into activity. As geographically she stands with Europe on one side of her and America on the other, so she stands between those feudal institutions in which European society was formed, and which have given her her hierarchy class, and on the other side those principles of equality which form the basis of society in America. Mr. GLADSTONE'S own temperament and principles incline him to look with sympathy on both sides, and to perceive the possibility of uniting the merits of both the old and new systems in one harmonious action. With regard to the measure of which he was the special advocate, Mr. GLADSTONE declared, in no measured terms, the resolution of the Government to stand or fall by it. They were, he said, fully conscious of their responsibility, and did not intend to shrink from it, a declaration which excited the most vehement demonstrations of approval, the whole audience rising to applaud. They staked, he said, their existence as a Government, and their political character, upon the main provisions of the bill ; and he said this in full knowledge of the strength of the opposition which it is likely to en counter. The men who censured them for not having given enough were really those who complained of their giving anything at all, and the meaning of their motion, as he declared on Thursday evening is, "We don't know how to get rid of the bill by direct means, so we will do it by indirect means." But, Mr. GLADSTONE asks, " What will the defeat of the bill procure ?" An interval, but not of re pose—an interval of fever and expectation. Of this we have of late years had more than enough, and it is more becoming the dignity of the Parliament to make the necessary concessions with grace and promptitude than to delay and delay, until the heart, sickened of hope deferred, has produced that L feeling of irritation and suspicion during the exis tence of which no statesman can legislate. Austria and Prussia are still vacillating betweei peace and war, and it is extremely difficult to say what they will do next, for it rests upon a chance whether they patch up a reconciliation or proceed to warlike extremities. No doubt for many reasons it would bo unfortunate if hostilities commenced, but at the same time there is much to dread if a sort of truce is completed. We know from experience that Prussia is so exacting in her demands, and so per severing in her efforts, that it is almost certain she will in the end gain her point, notwithstanding all the efforts which the Austrian Government may make to preserve the balance of power and maintain' the division of interests. Count KARALYI'S Note seems to have produced great effect upon the minds of the Berlin Cabinet, and they have made a semblance of stop ping their warlike preparations, which they were so hastily pushing forward to watch the Austrian efforts. The reply of Count BISMARK is, to all appearances, however, decided and satisfactory, and he repudiates the notion that there was any intention' on the part of the Government of King WILLIAM to provoke hostilities. It would appear, indeed, as if the two German rOlYgrii had been playing a game of cross questions and crooked answers until they nearly changed the appearance into the reality, and they drew back half ashamed and half afraid of the result. At any rate, it is evident that the amicable appearance, which to all intents and purposes has prevailed for the last two or three years in the discuSsions of the allied Powers, has recently been changed in a very sinister fashion, and that the mask has been thrown off by each party, never again to be resumed with the same success in the eyes of Europe or before the inferior States of Germany. Many causes are assigned as having conduced to create the change of the last few days respecting the chance of immediate hos tilities. The Emperor of RUSSIA has been very active, no doubt thinking that it would not serve his purpose just now to see these countries at war. The Russian General RICHTER has arrived at Vienna with a letter from the CZAR to the Emperor of AUSTRIA. Before this the General had delivered a letter from his SOVE REIGN to the King of I'AtUSSIA. It is said by the Vebatte of Vienna that the warlike preparations of Austria have been suspended. This may or may not be true—though if they are, we have no doubt that things are already arranged in such a manner that the authorities will not be taken by surprise in case of a renewed misunderstanding occurring. It is stated by the official journal of Prussia that Austria has despatched a Circular Note to the German middle States, in which she de clares that she will, under certain circumstances, appeal to the Federal Diet to settle the Schleswig- Holstein question. It is said that this declaration has not yet been carried into effect, but that this Circular Note is not in any way connected with the note addressed by Austria to Prussia. Au " over whelming majority" of the German Governments have, it is affirmed, approved of both the documents set forth by the Vienna Government. It is a sort of retributive justice that so much court should now be paid to the minor States by the two Cabinets which had, a few short months ago, affected to ignore their very existence, as it were, and treated all their representations, protestations, and remonstrances with supreme indifference, indigna tion, and contempt. Now it suits the turn of these overbearing Powers to profess the greatest respect for the opinion of those they despised, and to appeal to them for the solution of a question which they professed to consider out of the scope of their intel ligence, and quite removed from the sphere of their influence. In Hamburg it is thought that the peace between the two great German Powers will not be disturbed, and perhaps there is sufficient reason for the belief. One satisfactory consequence of this affair has been that Count BISMARCK has certainly received a check in his aggressive designs, and must now retrace his steps in a great measure. The Aus- xian Note of the thirty-first was a clever produc tion, and must have taxed the wily statesman's powers of invention to the uttermost to maintain a show of dignity or a semblance of composure. The excitement of the military preparations has certainly wakened up the powers that be in Aus tria, and infused an animation and a spirit into their style that were long wanting. Prussia is called upon to imitate the example of Austria, and to tender an assurance to the effect that she will respect the fun damental stipulation of the Federal Act of Germany, so that all disputes between the mem bers of the board may be settled in an amicable manner, and other things to the same effect. The King of PRUSSIA is not desirous of war being de clared, if he can possibly avoid the alternative; yet, on the other hand, Count BISMARCK is equally un willing to recant his previous assertions, and question allegiance to the Federal Act. If one thing more than another has distinguished his career it has been his determined opposition, di rectly and indirectly, to the principles of this act, and of course he will not be willing nowadays to foreswear himself after having gone to such lengths, and made himself so conspicuous in his hostility to it 'provisions. Under these circumstances it has been hinted that the only extrication from the position in which Prussia has been placed can be found in the retire ment of Count BISMARCK, and certainly the chances of peace with Austria would be forwarded by his withdrawal. Such a contingency is of course a very remote one, and the King is certain to try all kinds of things before he decides upon such a sacri fice. It is said that, in self-defence, Count BIS - 31.irtcK will suggest to Austria that Federal Reform be inaugurated, but it is very unlikely that the attempt will succeed. Aus tria is not likely to accept such a compromise, and will very probably return to the charge, and demand a definite answer as to whether or not the Federal Act is to be maintained in its integrity. It is hinted that more than one important personage advocates the resignation of the Minister who has thus brought the political affairs of his country to such a crisis ; and if this confusion result in the resignation of llerr Von BISMARCK, it will have been at least ten mal pour me bien, for he is the great enemy of all liberty, whether at home or abroad, and has worked with a zeal worthy of a better cause in the crusade that has been waged against all popular rights and free institutions. CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) PARIS, Friday Evening. The Journal des Debuts, if not avowedly, is in reality, an official paper, and a good judgment may be formed of the state of affairs in Germany from its summary to-day. It says :—" No news from Germany. It appears that of ter the circular of M. de Bismark and the Note of M. de Karolyi, Prussia and Austria both want to reflect. Indeed M. de Bismark is waiting for the answers of the Secon dary States, and these answers are beginning to arrive at Berlin. According to reports, more or less well founded, the majority of these States will follow Austria in the Constitutional path in which she has placed herself, and will see, like her, in Article 11 of the Federal compact, the only mode of arriving at a pacific and legal solution of the differences which exist between the Great Powers. M. de Bismark, however, does not see things in this light, for it would appear that he wants to take advantage of the Federal right. Ac cording to the Cologne Gazette he has no idea of convoking, by some mode yet undetermined, a sort of German Parliament, which will sanction the con centration of the land and sea forces of Germany under the direction of Prussia. That journal, how ever, although very amicably disposed towards M. Bismark, thinks the idea rather chimerical, and does not consider that it can be an efficient agent in pro ducing a pacific solution." The illoniteur of to-day says :—" The troubles which lately agitated the Kesronan and the districts north of Lebanon are now completely appeased. The Turkish troops are now evacuating the moun tain, and they will temporarily occupy the route from Tripoli to Beyrouth. Youssouf Kaparan has taken refuge with the Metualis. The firman, dated March 19, by which the Sultan gives his consent to the arrangements concerning the Suez Canal has been sent to the Viceroy of Egypt, so that this long vexed question may be considered as arranged, and now there will be no further obstacle to a free navi gation between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. As the sporting public of Paris are looking with interest and betting largely upon the races under the patronage of the society for the encouragement of horse-racing in France, which will take place in the Bois de Boulogne on Sunday, I send you the programme of the five prizes. Prix du Boulogne, 3,000 f. The winner may be claimed for 7,000 f. Prix du Longchamp, 3,000 f ; Prix de la Seine, 10,0001. ; Grand Prix de l'lmperatrice, 15,000 f. ; Prix du Acacias, 6,000 f. The delegates of the various scientific bodies of France continue their sittings at the Sorbonne, which excite some degree of interest. In the section of history yesterday, at which M. Amedee Thierry, Senator, presided, M. Quenault, Sub-Prefect of Contances, corresponding member of the Academy of Caen, read a paper upon the attacks of the English in 1758 upon the coasts of Normandy and Brittany. M. Quenault, remarking upon the cir cumstances which preceded and followed the cap ture of Cherbourg, said that excesses and outrages of all kinds were committed by the English army in the town and environs. 116 alluded, in an excited tone of patriotism, to the " odious conduct" of the English soldiers, but consoled himself that "this was the last success of England, and that after all the war was more disastrous for her than for France." They who believe in omens may be struck with an incident in connection with the death of the late Queen of the French. A few weeks ago her Ma jesty intrusted a devoted friend of the Orleans dynasty, General Dumas, with a confidential mission to proceed to Paris, with the object of inducing the French Government to make a cession to the Orleans family of the re publics of Dreux and St. Ferdinand, as a final rest ing place of the members of it, there being so many branches of it already interred there. On Thursday, two days before Queen Amelie died, her Majesty sent for General Dumas, and he arrived at Clare mont about eight o'clock in the evening. Her Majesty was then apparently in perfect health, and she talked for some time with the General, referring particularly to the sepulchres of the Orleans family at Dreux, and the mission with which she had entrusted the General. General Dumas was about to enter into some details upon the subject when a lady with whom Queen Amelie was upon very affectionate terms was announced. The Queen excused herself to the General for wishing to put an end to the interview, as she said she was very desirous to have " a chat" with the visitor. The General, of course, immediately rose, but as _ _ . he was about to leave, her Majesty shook hands with him, and, referring to the conversation about the republics in France said, " We will talk about them plus lard." " That later," writes the General to a friend in Paris, " was destined to be never." LA TEST INTELLIGENCE. (REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.) AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA. VIENNA, APRIL 7. Baron von Werther, Prussian Ambassador at Vienna, has delivered to Count Mensdorff the reply of the Prussian Government to the Austrian Note of the 31st ult. To this Note Count von Bismarck states that the Austrian armaments admit of no satisfactory explanation, that they cannot be accounted for by any question of internal policy, and are provocative of difficulties be tween the two States. Austria cannot really consider herself threatened by Prussia, other wise she would have appealed to Article 11 of the Federal Constitution, which provides for dis agreements arising between members of the Confe deration. The armaments of Prussia are caused by the attitude assumed by Austria, which has created the present difficulty between the two states. Prussia repudiates the accusations of Austria. She has no intention of attacking that Power. The King of Prussia in no way doubts the per sonal friendly feeling of the Emperor of Austria, and will maintain his own friendship for his Austrian Majesty, unaltered by political considerations. The Note states, in conclusion, that it will be in the power of Austria to prove by her course of action her friendship for Prussia. The semi-official Norddeutsche Zeitung states that the situation has not changed, and that the arma ments are still going on. THE PAPAL STATES. ROME, Arm, 4 (Via Marseilles). An addresss, signed by 400 Frenchmen, has been presented to the Pope by the Duke de Rohan. His Holiness, in reply, expressed his gratitude for the assistance so constantly rendered by France to the Holy See, and referred in eulogistic terms to the speeches recently delivered by th 3 Emperor Napo leon at the opening of the French Chambers, and on receiving their replies to the Speech from the Throne. An extraordinary meeting of Cardinals has been held, in consequence of certain diplomatic.-commu nications which have been received here. Monsignor Ledochowski, the new Archbishop of Poson, was invested, on his departure for his dio cese, with the same spiritual jurisdiction as was exercised by the Primate of Poland before that country's division. SPAIN. MADRID, APRIL 6 (Evening. To-day in the Senate the Minister of Finance stated that the formation of a new Bank was neces sitated by the:inability of the old Bank to deal wtth the present monetary crisis. INDIA. (By Direct Overland Telegraph.) BOMBAY, APRIL 4 71b. skirtings, Br. 2a. Cotton quiet. llhollera, 435 r. Exchange on London, 2s. lid. The latest London date is the 31st inst. CALCUTTA, APRIL 3. 71b.' shirtings, Br. 2a. Exchange on London 2s. 2d. Freights, 455. FRANCE. BOURSE, April 6, Three ;o'clock. —The marke closed at the following quotations :- 4i per Cents 97 ' Do. end month — 3 per Cents. 67 75 Do. end month 67 60 Credit Mobilier Do. end month Bank Shares 3540 Italian Loan 56 95 Do. end month 56 7' Mexican Loan 45 25 Do. Bonds — Spanish Threes Home Debt Deferred reYs. Cash. Unis — Do. end month — Acct. ... 865:, - __ ... 1130 - Orleans Northern Lyons and Mediterranean Southern Western Eastern Sardinian Austrian Lombard North of Spain Saragossa Ditto to Barcelona Boman - - 877 50 - - 545 - - - 540 - - - 540 - - - ... 105 - - - ... 386 25 - - ... 400 - - - ... 160 - - ... 205 - Release of the Abyssinian Prisoners, FOREIGN OFFICE, April 6 Accounts, dated Feb. 7, received this afternoon through Massowah, Aden, and Cairo, from Mr. Rassam, state that he had been received in the best possible manner by the King, who, after the first interview, ordered that all the European prisoners, including the missionaries and Frenchmen, should be delivered at Debra Tabor to Mr. Rassam, who would take them with him out of Abyssinia about the end of March. THE LIBRARY OF MDLLE. RACHEL will be sold in Paris, at the Maison Silvestro, on Tuesday next. Pro fessor A. Farranc's musical library, the dispersion of which will occupy several days, is announced for sale by auction at the same placo, on Monday week and following days.— The Reader. 79 611111 ic Cirtidar HER MAJESTY. WINDSOR CASTLE, Friday. The Queen, accompanied by her Grand Ducal highness the Princess Leiningen drove in the grounds this morning. Their Royal Highnesses Princess Louise and Prince Leopold also went out driving. THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO OSBORNE.—The Queen, with the members of the royal family, is expected to leave Windsor Castle on or about Thursday next for Osborne. After a few weeks' stay at Osborne her Majesty will return to Windsor, and then make a spring trip to Balmoral. 'their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales returned to Sandringham from liolkham llall yesterday afternoon. _ The Marquis and Marchioness of Westminster left Grosvenor Houso yesterday for Motcombe House, Dorset. The Earl and Countess Howe arrived at their residence in South Audley-street yesterday from Gopsall Hall, near Athorstone. The Earl and Countess Russell and family have returned to their residence in Chesham-place from Pem broke Lodge, Richmond Park. The Earl and Countess of Clarendon and Lady Emily Villiers will come to town for a permanency on Thursday or Friday next. The Earl of Derby is greatly improved in health, and will, it is thought, be able to resume his duties in the House of Lords_ on the resumption of business next week. The marriage of Rear-Admiral Eden (one of the Lords of the Admiralty) with Miss Fanny Grovillo will take place this month. Marriage of Miss Benedict—This Day. This morning the marriage of Reginald Palgrave Simpson, Esq., of Weymouth, and Miss Maria Georgina Benedict was celebrated at St. Thomas's Church, Portman-square. The bridegroom is the second son of G. E. Simpson, Esq., of Norwich ; and the bride is the second daughter of Jules Bene dict, Esq., of Manchester-square. The bride, who was accompanied to the church by her father, wore an elegant robe of white moire antique, and an exquisite wreath of orange blos soms, from which (iescended a rich lace veil. The toilette of the bridesmaids, Miss Simpson and Miss Lablache, in attendance, was remarkable for its taste and elegance. The ceremony was performed by the Rev. W. W. Champneys, rector of St.- Pancras, and canon of St. Paul's. There was a very large assemblage of friends to witness the interesting ceremony ; at the conclusion of which the happy pair left the sacred edifice amidst the congratulations of all present. Piince Napoleon's Villa. The " Roman villa " built some years ago by Prince Napoleon in the Champs Elysees, and lately sold, is spoken of in the following manner by the Union :—" In the point of view of art, or rather imitation, the house of Diomede appears to us to have only partially succeeded. The architecture of the residences of Pompeii was taken as a model, and as all the Roman houses were constructed on a uniform plan, a pretty exact specimen of the domestic architecture of the ancients could be had. Unfortunately, the inclemency of the climate, the habits which are the result of it, and the meanness of the age, have led to certain modifications which would probably not have been to the taste of a Roman architect, and which shock all competent judges. On the whole, neither the Pompeian villa of which the name has been adopted nor the most common model of the other houses of Pompeii have been reproduced. The atrium is dark, con fined, and covered in with glass, instead of being in the open air. The tablinum and fauces or corridors which served as a communica tion between the atrium and the peristylium, and opened such charming perspectives on the two extremities of the house, do not exist. The ieristylium, which was of so great importance in Roman domestic life, being, properly speaking, the family sanctuary, is almost sacrified ; it is replaced by two large rooms without style or beauty, which open into each other, and are also covered with glass. They contain neither colonnades nor por ticoes, which rendered that portion of the Roman habitations so noble and majestic. The numerous small chambers, cubicula, which surround the peri stylium and even the atrium, as in the house of Pansa, at Pompeii, are suppressed in the new build ing. There are only one or two rooms for the mas ter to the right of the atrium. The lower sides of the peristylium and atrium are occupied by the library, kitchen, and dining room, and, further on, by a sort of Moorish apartment in two or three divisions, which forms a most unsightly contrast with the remainder of the building. Imagine a cor ner of some alcazar cut out and transformed into one of the houses of Pompeii, and then may be under stood the impression felt on finding this balneariain at the end of a Roman villa. One is reminded of the architecture of those rococo Moorish or Pom padour cottages which shopkeepers contruct for themselves in the neighbourhood of large towns to gratify their innocent artistic tastes. The in ternal ornamentation and furnishing are not less shabby nor more antique than the general archi tecture. There are but few objects of taste and articles of furniture, and those seen there are of modern shape and quite out of place, such as clocks, zinc flower stands, moquette carpets, and large beds, surrounded with curtains. The fire-dogs and can delabra seem to have come from the shoe of the neighbouring ironmonger. What an association ! clocks, soft carpets, and gas in the midst of an atrium in the Moorish style, and an impluvium with columns. And, then, how pitiful the details! Cer tain statues are supported by a sort of scaffolding of boards, covered (who would believe it ?) with hangings of glazed calico. The shows of strolling players are better treated than this false patrician villa. As to the works of art, and the ornamental paintings and statues, they are very mediocre, to say nothing worse. The paintings are a lamentable imitation of the antique, and besides three-fourths of the panels are still empty. The statues are miserable copies, in marble or bronze of antique works. Around the atrium was formerly a row of portraits and family busts, but as they are nc longer there, it is needless to refer to them. Were the statues of the mythological personages to dis• appear also, probably no one would think of re. I gretting their absence." 0 A NEW JEWISH JOURNAL written in Hebrew entitled Lebanon, of which the seventh number has jus reached us, is published by M. S. Guerin, ruo du Petit Carreau, in Paris. FATAL BOILER EXPLOSION IN GLAMORGANSHIRE —The Cwmfelin tin-works, near Swansea, have been Ur scene of a terrible disaster. A steam-boiler explosion ha not only caused a vast amount of danger to the works an , the expensive machinery employed at them, but has als hurried five of the unfortunate workmen into eternity, au ;mused severe injuries to four or five others. The work belong to Mr. David Davfes, and they give employment t as many as 300 hands. Owing to the accident, these wi be thrown out of employment, at any rate for a time, as tt works will be brought to a stand-still until the damage I the machinery, &c., has been repaired. It is thought th: the money loss to the proprietor will be £2,500, but f: more is the sad loss of life which has spread a mournf l gloom over the neighbourhood. PROPOSED NEw PIERS.—The Board of Trad have approved several applications for provisional orde (to be confirmed by Parliament in this Session) for the cot struction of piers. Among them is the Alexander-pier Hastings, to be erected opposite Warrior-square and exter 1,200 ft. sea wards; a pier at Llandudno, commencing on C Church-walks and terminating at high-water mark, fro which point there is to be a solid embankment of 450 ft., at thence a pier extending seawards in au easterly directid 1,670 ft.; a pier at Scarborough, commencing on the nori shore opposite the north end of Blenheim-terrace, and e: tending seawards 1,000 ft.; at Redcar a pier extending CO wards 1,200 ft.; at Dawlish a pier near the railway static extending 800 ft. seawards ; at Penzance a pier opposite ti Queen's Hotel extending seawards I,oooft. The Board Trade have also approved schemes for piers at South Bla . c pool, at West Cowes ( to low water ) , at llornsca, Yorksha extending: seawards 1,200 ft., at Plymouth (floe), and throe or four other loss known places. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY ENI G, AP .