The Sun. — London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

s. the 1 0 1i n absolutely absurd, and more than absurd, most noxious in the eyes of Enrope, wien, by the same post they read in the journals the Lord President of the Council ex pres,sing an opinion so as to call on the Spanish Secre tary for Foreign Affairs to produce a dispatch expressing the entire approval of his owu Government at home. That is the position in which Sir Henry Bulwer was Placed, an'. it is the position which is the key to all these unfortunate circumstances; and now I come to in quire, and that is the important business of the night, *'by this misunderstanding took place between members of the same Cabinet. That brings me to the policy of the Noble Lord. It has been shown to-night, frankly avowed by the Master of the Mint, who seemed to glory ia the circumstance, that all this is the necessary conse qhuoeidoscenpofththee quadruple treaty. The Master of the Mint quadruple treaty as a magna charts of di- Pl°W aq. He says it is the quadruple treaty by which We bound the crown on the brows of the Queen of Spain. aThis was flattering, to go by the next post to Madrid. ttimes we w ere to ld that the Spaniards had t h at natu ralßad high b orn sensitiveness that they could not b ear slightest allusion to the Peninsular war—and considerable time had elapsed since then—that they 4 ° 111 (1 001 bear allusion to vietories which redeemed their fr HOW much more agreeable is it to be told, 4 ," that they owed their freedom to the British nation, Sec that the Sovereign owed her crown to an English what treaty of State? This is what they have told to us. ? I hat treaty has produced all this importent mischief member when I first entered this Assembly that ee s " any one made an allusion to the subject, it was a'waYa receives} with unanimous derision. It seas not ; : l e of the mo s t magnificent monuments, not only of of ugligh diplomacy but of the march of Liberalism, and es e lee 8 1011.4 of Liberal opinions. What was this quad as tieaty? The Noble Lord who became Lord Se cretary of State, necessarily, from his position, : not only th e organ and expounder, b ut, f ortunate ly, ;01tranoit able expounder, of this great diplomatic talis - esti; was supported by the Liberal party. He was bi• -c4c.ly was by the Liberal Members of the Ca tir- There was not an occasion on which we were o n n o s t es ° ' w hen subjects connected with external relati • w ere brought before the House, that whatever course libell°'' England was to identity herself t w .o i n th s in a 4 co urse, to be the patron ot liberal institu for ! ' "% countries and the Noble Lord accepte . d . and , Thiteilltained himsel ' f in power by advocating these opinions. of Y were introduced into this House by a great master rhe to me,fia r i roe.. and the House was persuaded that the e e „ ", t foreign liberalism would never lead to /s ° l e b i r misconception or foreign war. Accordin to the the e Lord, " peace, reform, and retrenchment," . were (k r tti ?,_ t "° of the Government, and when my Hon. Friend 'se m i "lakes) reminded the Noble Lord that non-inter- Ot re n ry , ll was one of the grounds upon whichthene h w *era,Tta, e ht was to rest, the Noble Lord repudiated . t e but `ciliol; him the word used was not intervention, a n r h e e ite e• There was not the slightest reason, how . ever,. lagf'ut that the word in the mouths of the Whigs of kid 1.14nd 1832 meant non-intervention---(Hear, hear)— Lat es t : 6 Noble Lord is not correct in stating that non ha did did nut form one of the pleas put forth by Riird`TY Ministry for the purpose of attracting to- La e i d A d t Popular support, and indicating the policy it re e t % e r ` l a t" pursue. I find in a book, which contains of ti le mi of the declarations made by the Members h ig Government in 1830 and 1831, a speech, to •gch it is said, " our true principles are Pat e • mat ll 4 t ,'lin universal peace." So the speaker anticir th 41) House will observe, the lion. Member for is se is to definition Riding of Yorkshire—(Laughter)—and here is to uefinition of the peace policy :—" Our true policy feree4tintain universal peace, and therefore non-inter to be is o ur principle, th e g r ea t principle which ought nis~ry• att dwlll be heartily adopted by the present M- Wore: eaow, that statement perfectly justifies the l Ata, - ': . ,de use of by m y li on . F r i en d, b ut w hi c h was re there a otnewhat abruptly by the Noble Lord, and Weir. is ,. no doubt that they did, by meddling in the thi e j. c4 other countries, secure universal peace. My to liber a li sm i s this, that it is the introduc high e fh b ) the p ractica l b usiness o f lif e, an d o f t h e tiou,, s t °lode of lif e — po l it i ca l lif e —i t i s th e introduci- Ple 3 , - ,,_Philosophical id eas , in s t ea d of political princi tate t ' s ` u ats in fact, when a man goes to Madrid, he is tor e s c onsid er hi s operations with reference to t h e in tcd England, but t o set aside all practical rules, Prin ciples in in their s t ea d cer t a i n a bstract philosophical tsa il ,,nes, and th e promu l gation o f t h ese principles be %tee toe bond of broth er hood of some miserable fac hoed Which would h ave b een ex ti ngu i s h e d but for such You th q b rotherhood. A sma ll p art y in this House told tout s at this line of policy would never do ; that . you thin liot conduct English affairs on this foundation ; Ulm t ,' ) Practical advantage could be obtained from it ; (list;t,would never yield you commercial treaties.-- (41 11 C " a r.) By lending, however, all the moral' aid YOathietlheountry to some miserable faction, you did p h" la ge4 ; but in every country and state in which tiiilii4e interfered, from Athens to Madrid, you have .n st l : t h ed the substantial prosperity of such nations cod have deteriorated the condition or the people, 4, 4 ( 1; 4 the seeds of infinite confusion. The Noble het o eeeded in this course, he became the great 13Toon liffeip, li beralism in the management of the foreign te s hf thie -ay - country ; and I must do him the justice Tech De ' cu il at it was impossible fur any one entertaining ,°Pia,,. °ll s and dangerous ideas to conduct their de , 'Att l e e - 1 ; 41 a more business-like manner than he did. 11 441 : 1 'V e t%) The Noble Lard was certainlyedu- f n uat i ; i‘ h one of the best schools, and . o Ns . B e - ''',°° l he became one of the most die ;4ll)le4 - r e " Pupils; but, notwithstanding the quad tl4tl -- notwithstanding the fostering of .con rlCeii°l)l:e, 4 o Greece, in Portugal, and in Spain a -tt ; t , a r , ll dio:: he was forced by his party to con - di j ; "" with England, in this great work %hid tai•tsin, under the idea that France and England 1 (1 e 4 P li e term the alliance by which the new policy see h4 1 (1 Lr , 'elly be pursued, he found that the system . ' 51 %) work. And how could it work ?-- . (flear, f° r) 4 °II l'Ale, of late years, introduced a sentimental (i skueC' f a constitutional principle in foreign affaire.- 5 " ;n ter 4 hd cheers.) You wish to abolish slavery, t t l t tati u ; w ant all the world to join you, without any t e 4 „‘ r , e, a n S o whether or not you are, by the course you 4i 4 ',ilste; e •ruting the horrors of slavery, and laying the of endless dispute between us and foreig i r s t ,? w ever, the Noble Lord, when he saw h o t4i rik P'l "ks did his business like a man; and no man, e i title -ete ti Upou such misconceptions, could have more u'illetc,ts:thattnelieed' extricating himself from the conse krlPPosi • )'lle conduct—(Laughier and cheers from the h tlie What have they done ? They have talked Itatisseu-ogielath Constitution as if it were the model con oifollite)etb"e world_ a model farm—(Cheers and rk the but in carrying out their views of foreign , D4 ' 4 414 41 -I only I , mked to a great general system . l ot te rti etil er ' w hich had nothing whatever to do svi!!.h . the t ° kippo ,interests of England.—(e Hear, hear, from V e t} 1 118 ) i : e lt s iu n.) In 1839-40, things began to get very I , t 'tri the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston)—than eC, ri gla n c ' d tt better understands or regards the interests hi t c%td , or has more ability to sustain them—was . l'Ztil l ) t i lli itee: tter ifice the interests of England because of f air s L e , d w ith France, and what then happened? The o ut ' wi t h si .found that he could not manage foreign af the thls alliance with French liberalism through ;e"rld . • Oesp senEa—Question. rte . 'AELI—The gentleman who calls question he t ' ta - PPear to understand the question.—(Laugh sittliiess s l a y hat that in 1840 the Noble Lord set about his ti , ci a I yorkman-like manner, like a great Mi. }o to If f r d id a ll t h at he could to extricate hes, i ,with s i n the difficulties which he had get and B a rd to the affairs of the Levant years w ere r then arose the misconceptions with bY 5 4 418 46, when t h e N o bl e L or d an d hi s f r i en d s I t% Y th e in accident ca ll e d to power, what occurred ? 1,„? aout le ,tended colleagues of the Noble Lord entered a disgraceful cabal—to keep the Noble d o v• h.) the Cabinet. —(Bear, hear, from the oppo ss(t,ia spec s eak of that with which I am acquainted. v'Nr,i;k from mere rumour, as others have done. tie 4 went4 r .) And what was the ground upon which la ts t h to prevent the Noble Lord front having . a he C ? Why, upon the ground of his (le tt ap p , eY---the policy which years before they so ka t hf the°-‘,,Yett of. I have already alluded to the con ties *hat Lord with respect to France ; but 1 s ti° all el , Wect must it have, had upon his influ avtiekise dot o urope when Isis own colleagues exhibited r e nt t h at ell they could to cross him in every way? e t ," re ßm ,:t enough alone to lead to a misconception 0 tO t h (l/ e e relations between France and Eng ,ea, hear.) Here let me observe that while te e ; circumstances which caused his fall, I te st p u z iol who ruled France at that time as a NT'. at l ast r`°".--(llear, hear.) The Noble Lord has C h et o,.the result of endeavouring to carry out the it is it ' liberalism in other countries—he has found uteri is d4ogerous course, and that it is not wise to '44 t°4 ouch • "' 44 d er n,tiwith regard to the internal . kbitire et al !, or to attempt to select their Ministers % eh ° Lo rd ell' ad ministrations. It is easy for . the "t t° say that the calm expression of opinion 4 / b t to be e s c), b a matter of censure.—(Laughter.) It sa t , ns :eria ure ie not wise to take that course; for e, ip ot do t h e respect to that expression of opinion, the f ekist eo el lt any serious harm—it will not terminate er e , or --:(Cheers and laughter)—and we are by hi et ° 4 up u , htreursietances obliged to express our "er happened of sthe.most remarkable circumstances , °Uta r , lessened with regard to the interference or vr ki !lik r foreign affairs. This dismissal of our budkid Wl, ic t' 4o result of the policy with regard to foreign w 100 long characterised this country, Pes,ea r ight y be said to the contrary, we h e , i ght to t(l4 dig,,,uotrago complain of the gross and un which has been committed against ti} i 1i5t2.... Y ( 0 0 f the Sovereign and the honour of the ud cheers•) h 1.0 be , We ought not to allow our a e aue the :cape -goat of the foreign policy ki e t Y of this adopted. In alluding to the foreign ,I3 ter eoante 1 oev, i, Ot th, p o l i Y .( 0 not attack the individual , )r , jace ip e , for f o y t htch he has been too long forced 41eee that t 1 owing . his ministerial career I re tee ha t he d ' e t t cea and historic achievements, and I endfd the honour and independence r / `;' ll otry , tin ° Pre t• le, ' the power of the empire.—(Cheers.) t his O'ntaie a;d that •h an insult to the tali " , of E n , l - such e,;:wev ee r Y of p u ts and was an unparalleled fact . in e e '' with ,gars to (Hear, hear.) The complaint, 0 _ t: a e :p e e ret to e to the interference was as_,m r much the the manner as to the matter, fo toin teif Secretary for Foreign Affairs had not 1e,. / r que e ll e t te told In A t i niu . nic , atto • ith the Court of our t us M w adrid to apply to is ) t- ' l2l ti t i n q the - tt l er " -- (Ll: E i l gte r r) a — . one of all her sex l in re kw th e e et unhappy notoriety, and least like y 41 %4 4 4 t . pr,eoOhfideuce of this country. It was a most Si r e b t i ti w k i c i h ing, and it was still more so from the 40 4 •". it Was conveyed. 11, t , the Icobris'Sir, I have heard with great satisfac httio44.lesty,: Lord declare that it was the intention of 1 1 of ti„ Gov ernment to avow their public appro -‘v conduct of Sir Henry 13ulvier, and to adopt the responsibility for themselves of that conduct. — (Hear, hear.) I can assure the Noble Lord, however, that in the speech he delivered he did qualify the appro bation of Sir H. Bulwer's conduct, by stating, as he is represented to have said by the Hon. Member for Buck inghamshire, that the Government would assume the greater part of the responsibility for the conduct of Sir H. Bulwer. The Noble Lord's subsequent exclamation led me to think that he would adopt the more manly and more just course in this case, of adopting for the Go vernment the whole of the responsibility, and identify themselves with Sir Henry Bulwer. Sir, I think it but just that they should do so. I think it the more incum bent on the Government now to adopt that respoeibility, and to give their sanction, because it appears recorded in these papers which have been laid before Parliament, that one of the causes assigned by the Spanish Govern ment for removing Sir Henry Bulwer was this, that public opinion was adverse to him in Spain— Several Hon. ME.MBERS —ln England. Sir H. PEEL—In Spain! The public mind in Spain was excited, and the papers say, " flow can we tees:well,: Spaniards to your maintenance as Minister here, when. in your own country, the Government gives you up?" Sir Henry Bulwer was placed in Spain not by the Noble Lord, but by my Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen, who preceded him. He was sent there by my Noble Friend, nut from political connexion between them, but because my Noble Friend thought Sir H. Bulwer's past conduct in the profession he had chosen entitled him to the fa vour and confidence of the Government, oven though he differed in politics with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend thought, and thought most justly, that the diplomatic profession should not be made subser vient to the commotions of party polities.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend thought that the diplomatic profes sion partook of the character of the naval and military professions, and that it would be most unjust that a man who had entered into the profession and had proved himself worthy the confidence of any Govern ment should be removed from the position to which his abilities entitled him merely because he differed on politics with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend has been blamed by acting upon that sentiment; but I am sure the true way to encourage diplomatic ex ertions is to show that, provided there was no such dif ference of opinion as to disentitle a man to the confi dence of those who employed him, those who engaged in that profession and served their country faithfully and honestly should not lose the prospect of reward because the party entertaining different political views came into power.--(Hear, hear.) It was on these grounds that my Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen advised her Majesty to place Sir H. Bulwer in the responsible and difficult posi tion of Briti.sh Minister at the Court of Spain, and I must say that during the whole period Sir H. Bulwer acted in communication with us, his conduct was such as fully to justify the confidence we had reposed in him.—(Hear, hear.) I confess that looking at these dispatches now before the House I do not see the shadow of any grounds for imputing blame to him in these recent transactions. The instructions sent to Sir 11. Bulwer by the Noble Lord opposite were such as to defy any man to draw any other conclusion from them than that it was meant to instruct Fir H. Bulwer to make the communi cation to the Spanish Government, and also at a fitting opportunity to the Queen Mother.—(Hear, hear.) Such was Sir H. Bulwer's construction of the Noble Lord's dispatch, and accordingly, as he tells us, he took an op portuuity, and made the communication to the Queen Mother. Whatever might have been the intention of the Noble Lord opposite, I think that Sir IL Bulwer was justified by the circumstances under which he made the communication, in communicating the letter of the Noble Lord in eatenso. Let it be remembered that Sir H. Bulwer had seen the fall of thrones around him—he had found that his own representations and remon strauces to the Spanish Government were of no avail— that since he had received those instructions there had been an insurrection iu Madrid; and under these com bined circumstances he felt it necessary to make a strong appeal to the Spanish Government, but he doubted his own powers of remonstrance, and thought they would be made in vain unless he could show that he was armed with higher authority than his own fears, and therefore he communicated to the Spanish Government the opinion of the Government of England as stated in the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palmerston.) I think Sir H. Bulwer exercised a wise and just discretion in the peculiar circumstances in which he was placed, and I further think that if the Government had abandoned him, they would have set an example which would have warned every honest and faithful servant of the Crown against incurring a similar responsibility.—(Hear, hear.) Hence it is that I heard with satisfaction the declaration of the Noble Lord at the head of the Administration, that the acts of Sir H. Bulwer are adopted and defended by the Government. But the imEnediatepatter for us now to decide is,how wo shall dispose of the motion brought forward by the lion, and Learned Member for the county of Dorset (Mr. Bankes). The Hon. Member for Buckingham shire says that we have three duties to perform on this occasion: first, to manifest our determination to exempt. Sir 11. Bulwer from all blame or censure; secondly, we are to manifest our determination to support the British Government in maintaining the honour of England, which has been outraged by the Court of Spain; and, thirdly, we are not to condemn the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, but the system of liberal ism which has influenced our diplomatic proceedings with all foreign nations. Now, I confess that I cannot see how we shall fulfil any one of these duties by voting for the resolution which has been moved by the Hon. and Learned Member fur Dorsetshire. First of all, I see in it no recognition of the good conduct of Sir H. Buie er, but I do see a resolution which, it adopted by the House, would imply that he had acted improperly. At least there is no distinction made between his con duct and that of the Government ; but we are called upon to vote that " a proposed interference with the internal concerns of the Spanish Government, as con ducted under the authority and with the entire approvel of her Majesty's Ministers, has placed the British Go vernment and our representative at the Court of Madrid in a position humiliating in its character." If we really wish to ex mpt Sir H. Bulwer from any share of the responsibility, we ought. if we are to vote any reso lutten, distinctly to declare that we do not disapprove of his conduct.—(Hear, and cheers.) Another of our duties is to manifest on the part of the House a desire to support the Crown in vindicating the insulted honour of the country. If so, we certainly ought to convey the expression of our opinion in some less equivocal form, if we wish to put on record that Spain has com mitted an outrage by her abrupt dismissal of our Minister, and the assurance that the House of Commons will sup port the Crown in vindication of its honour.—(Hear, hear.) Instead of that, if we vote " that a proposed in terference with the internal affairs of the Spanish Go verninent has placed the British Government in a posi tion humiliating in its character," so far from aiding the Government in vindicating the honour of England, you send the British Government to conduct this negotiation with disgrace round its neck by a vote of this House, and you incapacitate them from making the vindication you wish.—(Hear, hear.) How is a Government, branded with this vote of censure, to take a high tone towards the Spanish Government? The Spanish Government will reply, "We cannot defend Sir H. Bulwcr, if you will not defend him; we will pay no attention to your representation; for the House of Commons has told you that you have placed the Government of England in a humiliating position. Had you approached us armed with the express authority of that House, we must have deferred to it; but, as you have been cen sured by the House of Comntons, and have consented to remain in office after that, it is utteely impossible for us to attach any weight whatever to your represen tations."—(Hear.) Therefore, I think this second duty would be most ineffectually discharged by affirming his resolution. With respect to the third duty, of condemn ing the system, and not the Noble Lord (Palmerston), I know not what the Noble Lord's feelings might be after this vote; but as it distinctly recognises him as the author of the interference, which it says has placed this country in a humiliating position, I think the Noble Lord would not be able to maintain his post, notwith standing the construction put on the tenor of the resolu tion by the Hon. Member for Bucks—that it goes to con demn the system, not to inflict punishment on the indi vidual.—(Hear.) Therefore it appears to me that no one of these three objects will be accomplished. Now, although I cannot concur in this resolution, yet I must not have my refusal to concur in it to imply approbation of the course the Noble Lord has pursued.—(Hear.) I think the Noble Lord was fully entitled to give warning and advice to the Spanish Government. I don't object to the thing; I do object to the manner in which it was done.—(Hear.) After all our relations with Spain, seeing the peculiar position iu which Europe is placed—seeing the tremendous events that have been and still are of daily occurrence, I do not think it was an illegitimate or an unfriendly act of the Noble Lord to say to Spain and the Spanish Government, "Beware—be cautious— watch the events that are passing—place not your reli ance on armies, however numerous or however disci plined—conciliate the general good will of the people, on whose support alone you can safely rely."—(Hear.) I do not find fault with that. But, adverting to the true description of the Spanish people and of our relations with them, which has been given by the Noble Lord— remembering that they are a people inferior to us in power—a people under deep obligations to this country, not only for advice tendered, but for exertions made, for vast sums expended, for noble blood shed in the defence and vindication of their liberties—remembering, above all, that they are a gallant nation, peculiarly jealous of their independence, sensitive upon the point of honour— (Hear, hear) —it is because I believe that the Noble Lord has correctly described our relations with them, has formed a just estimate of the Spanish Government, and has justly dwelt upon its pride, its gallantry, its sensitiveness, its jealousy, if you will—that I do think, if the Noble Lord wished to make an impression upon the minds of that people, it would have been wiser to have held different language, and to have presented it in a different manner to what he has done.—(Hear, hear.) Of course, the object of the Noble Lord was that the friendly advice tendered by him should be adopted and followed in a cordial spirit ; but I think there is an abruptness in the original letter that was presented— (Hear, hear)—there is the assumption of a tone of supe riority which I think was calculated to offend the Spanish Government—there is that recordatio of past assistance which has very much the air of exprobatio, which I think might as well have been avoided towards a people sensible, no doubt, of their obligations to us, but not very fond perhaps of being reminded of them. — (Hear.) But the first letter, I think, m ight be excused ; it is perh a p s not very surpr i s i ng t h a t the Noble Lord wrote hastily, and I really do not find so much fault with reminiscence to the first l e tt er as I do with the secon d . —(H ea r.) There thati uswhich t of s thee an g ui r in e t a ed totboliggaitvieonostrwenhin? Spain underis That persona[ appeal t o t h e Spanish Min i sters, ' i n which Noble ..aord remind s t h em that but for Brit i s h ass istance w or certainly conciliate t not he m they might then h ave been exiles from t h e i r coun lthaet try , warc i a n i t c o ula th te e a calculated tdoupawionutnhteitrhocon fidence, ad vice he was ,tendering.—(g ear, hear.) N ow t h e Noble 4 Lord the Prime Minister vindicates the Noble Lord (Palmerston) by reciting a story which he had from Lord Holland, which did not appear to me to be very germane to the matter. Lord Archibald Hamilton had the alter- native in that case of laughin g atilleoffender or knock ing him down, and it might d o very well to do either one or the other.—(Laughter.) But here the Noble Lord had done both.—(Bear.) If Lord A. Hamilton, after adopting the milder alternative, had addressed the of fender in the longest sentence that was ever written in the English language—(L aug h ter )— an d had ended by saying, "Sir, if it had not been for me, you would now have been a beggar in th e s t ree t s ," Lord Holland would certainly not have admired him for choosing the mildest of the two alternatives. Look at the sen tence of the Noble Lord (Palmerston), in which, after declaring that he was not in the slightest degree in offended, he p rocee d s to a d m inister punish ment twenty-nine consecutive lines—he was so im patient that he did not take breath till he had penned the whole.—(Laughter.) I think he is much more like Sir Fretful Plagiary than Lord A. Hamilton ; for he winds up with that reminiscence so painful to these Dukes and distinguished Generals—" If' it had not been for me and my Liberal policy, you would have been at this time exiles from your country." That is ungracious; and I think that is the part of the transaction which is most to blame.—(Hear.) At the same time, I apprehend it is very difficult to conduct the diplomatic transactions of this country without occasionally making errors, and even grave errors. The error in this instance, in my opinion, is not an error of act, but an error in the mode in which the Noble Lord has exercised his authority, which is much to he regretted. I regret the more, be cause I feel that he has defeated his own end. Instead of conciliating the Spanish Government, and establish ing the legitimate influence of England, by making them feel that we were a friendly power, amidst all these storms and convulsions, animated by a sin cere desire for Spanish welfare, the Noble Lord bas alienated the Spanish Government and a part of the Spanish nation entirely by the mode in which good advice has been tendered to them. On that account I deeply regret it.—(Hear.) I do not think the terms of this motion well chosen. On the very second letter that was presented it appears that the Duke of Sotomavor invited Sir H. Bulwer to an interview, when Sir 'H. Bulwer gave his advice very cordially, and it was well received; and even Narvaez himself admitted the justice of Sir Henry's views, and was ready to conform to them as far as he could. It seems that when advice was pre sented to him in a proper form he went so far as to say that he would abandon office, and let the Progresistas come into power, with the provision, I think, that they should adopt Moderado opinions. —(Great laughter.) Still it is quite clear that Sir H. Bulwer had the oppor tunity of offering advice to the Spanish Government, and that it was taken in a kindly spirit when offered in the manner that wisdom and true policy dictated—as a friend speaking confidentially on affairs of state. Sir, I object to this resolution, because I do not think it con sistent with justice. If there has been an error in the mode of conducting this transaction, I do not think it would be just to visit in so heavy a manner, with the censure of the House of Commons, the Minister by whom these transactions have been con ducted under such difficult circumstances. I also object to it, because the question is still pending as to the reason of the dismissal of Sir Henry Bulwer in a manner which, judging, from these papers, appears to me to be wholly unjustified.—(Hear, hear.) The passing of this resolutiou would tend to weaken the authority ut the Government ; it would make us appear as partisans of the Spanish Government, and assailants of our own ; and it would prejudice the chance of a perfectly amicable and satisfactory settlement by showing, at an eventful time, that there was a material difference of opinion be tween the Ministers of the Crown and the House of Commons.—(Hear.) Sir, I will not put upon record, that my country is in a humiliating position.—(Hear.) I will not take the first part of a transaction, and visit the conduct of those who have beer and still are engaged in it with censure. The period at which the resolution is proposed is altogether premature.—(Hear.) If the House is to express an opinion on this matter, it would have been much better to wait for the whole of the reports and transactions, than to select the first act of a, complicated and unperformed drama, and take one particular scene in that act, and visit it with censure, unmindful of the effect it may have upon the denouement of the drama.—(Hear, hear.) Upon these various grounds—because I think the motion premature—be cause I think the conduct of the Noble Lord, the act of giving advice, as distinguished from the tone and manner of certain dispatches, was justifiable—(Hear,:hear)— because I think the penalty would be far too severe for the offence, for the heaviest penalty that can be inflicted on a Minister is the censure of the House of Commons —because I think it unwise fur this House to place upon record that the country is in a humiliating position— (Hear, hear)—because I believe that such a record of:our opinion would paralyse the Executive Government, lead the Spanish Government to entertain false expectations, and place us in the situation of partisans of that Govern ment, instead of impartial arbiters, with a natural lean ing in favour of our own—because I think that the public interest will be affected by our affirming this re resolution, I shall, instead of staying away from the House (which would perhaps have been justifiable, as I have hardly read the second delivery of papers pre sented this day), give that vote which certainly will not imply entire approbation of the manner in which this corresponaence has been conducted,—l shall vote for parsing to the Committee of Supply, instead of affirm ing the resolution of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dorsetshirc.—(Cheers). Viscount PALMERSTON—Sir, I certainly concur in what appears to me to be almost the general opinion, even in the view of the Hon. and Learned Member who has made this motion, that the motion itself is prema ture and inexpedient.—(hear, hear.) For while the Hon. and Learned Member expressed a wish to vindi cate the honour of the country, if it should turn out to require vindication, he begins by proposing to us to affirm that the country is in a state of humiliation. That certainly is not the mode in which his object can best be accomplished. if he finds fault with the first part of the transaction—the dispatch which I wrote, and which was communicated by Sir. H. Bulwer to the Duke of Soto mayor—to that his motion ought to have been directed, and upon that ground I should have been prepared to defend myself, as I now am. First of all, I will answer the question ,he put, as to who was responsible for the approval of Sir Henry's conduct. Sir , I have no hesita tion ry in a s c a t ) C i f ng th t a i t ia k t i l nd a , n f d or l th a e lo s n igm alone am of approval communicated from that department over which I pre side; and if the House be of opinion that that approba tion was improperly conveyed, and that Sir H. Bulwer's conduct ought to be censured, it is upon me, and me alone, that that censure ought to fall.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think no censure is due for that approval; because, in my opinion,Sir. H. Bulwer acted according to the best of his judgment, and exercised a proper discretion; and I think I was borne out in giving him the approval which that dispatch conveyed.—(Hear, hear.) But I must add, that that dispatch of mine of the 16th of March was not for the purpose of being commui cated in writing to the Spanish Government. Any man who reads it will see that it was not so intended. —(Hear, hear.) First of all, the form is not that of the draft of a note to be presented to the Spanish Govern ment ; had it been so there would have been a greater development of views, and it would have been written in a very different manner.—(Hear, hear.) However Livonian the sentences may appear to the on. Member opposite, undoubtedly if I had been writing a note to be sent to a foreign Government it would have been written in a very different manner. It was a text upon which Sir Henry Bulwer was to speak, not intended to be presented in the shape in which it stood. After what has fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, it is hardly necessary for me to justify myself for having written that dispatch, instructing Sir Henry Bulwer to give advice upon those matters to the Government of Spain. Those gentlemen who have looked at the from dispatch,papers will see h that,ad information before I wrote Sir the course Henry which h t , h i e n Spanish n i G o n o , v ewransm likent 13w:a to s p m r. o e d d u i To t i ga n r g e a t opposition in Parliament, if Parliament co ntinued to sit; that the opposition was likely to induce the Government to prorogue and get rid of the Parliame nt ; and that if' that course were pursued there was the greatest danger of insurrection in the different parts of the country, more especially where the Carlist party . was in force. The state of Europe at the time, the mighty and disastrous events which came to our knowledge from day to day, and the representations or the course likely to be pursued by tke Spanish Government, and its probable conse quences—l thought a full justification for instructing Sir 11. Bulwer to bring under the consideration of the Government of Spain those matters which pointed out danger on the one hand, and on the other the means by which that danger might be averted. I had no reason to think that such a course would give offenee to the Spanish Government ; because it will be seen that on a recent occasion the Duke of Sotomayor had had a conversation with Sir H. Bulwer on other matters, and of his own accord, had turned the con versation towards the internal condition of Spain; he spoke to Sir Henry of the intentions of the Spanish Government; Sir Henry's opinion being invited, ho gave it, and they discussed in a very friendly and animated spirit the opinions and the reasons by which they were supported.—(Hear.) Now, I have been asked about the asterisks in one of the dispatches with all that curiosity which attaches to something unknown; it is supposed the passage contained some grave and important matter bearing on the question we are now discussing. I have here the dispatch from which the extract is given, and I , Fan read to the House the passage omitted, but perhaps it will not ask me to do so when l state the nature of the passage, which is this:—That the Duke of Soto- ' mayor stated to Sir H. Bulwer what were the views and intentions of Spain with regard to her rela tions pith a third power. It had nothing to do with the relations between England and Spain, but with the relations between Spin and a third air power; r t t o o t p h u e b a i s s l t i t r l i i s a k t ( B H o e L a h r , t hear. e S o o f power; and I think the H ouse w ill agree w i t h me t h at it s. he na u w c o h a l l v d i regard not 6e Sotomayor and General Narvaez permitted Sir Henry Bulwer to talk freely to them on the internal affairs of Spain, and I had no _reason to think that th e instruc tions which I gave Sir H. Bulwer w ere calculated to produce irritation or unpleasant fe e li ngs , In point of fact, the instructions of the 16th of March only stated that which Sir H. Bulwer had before stated verbally, thus anticipating the instructions whi c h h e a f terwards received. Then the question is, was Sir H. Bulwer ' having received that dispatch which was m ean t to b e only personally and verbally communicated, justified or not in applying that dispatch to a different purpose ? and in communicating it to the Government of Spain I think he was, and the reasons he has given for pursuing that course were sufficient to justify him in exercising his discretion.—(Hear, hear.) He had exhausted all means of personal and verbal exhortation; he represented ,-the facts and arguments to the Duke of Sotemaysr and the Duke of Valencia, but he found that his represen tations were unavailing. Under these circumeances, he was naturally desirous of giving to those represen tations that weight which they would derive from its being manifest that they came not from himself, but from his Government. Another motive fur putting his representations in writing was, that by so doing they were likely to come to the knowledge of persons to whose knowledge they would not come if communicated per sonally. I was of opinion, and I still am of opinion, that Sir H. Bulwer was borne out in the course he pur sued, and, therefore, I gave him that approbation, for which lam respousible.—(Hear, hear.) If I bad even doubts, which I have not, as to the discretion which he exercised, I think that when the dispatch and letter were rejected as they had been, it would be a shabby abandonment of a public officer, if I did not arm him against the Government from which that rejection pro ceeded, by giving him the full and entire approval of the head of the department under which he served. His letter was not calculated to produce the irritation which it seems t o h ave excited. It was not transm i t t e d in that formal ma nner i n which diplomatic documents are usually com mun i cated. It did not say, the under signed is instru c t e d to i n f orm you, ' but he says , "I beg to transmit to y ou some remarks which flats's, teceived from the Secret ar y o f S tate, " qualifying t h e dispatch which he com mun i cate d not as advice to b e g i ven , but " as remarks communicated to him on the state of affairs in Spain. With regard to the right to give friendly ad vice, I do not put that simply on the ground of obliga tions which we have conferred, not on the g round of gra thetr e s t establish of S p titude due from the Sp an i s h nat i on and Govern ment for g fr r t o e u n n d d ly i ai t v h in in e k tb w r the m i i e services rendered by E ng l and, though even u p o n that ain aitscel were liable under t reaty to b e called on for ass i s t a nce by Spain in cases that may ar i se. The quadrup l e trea ty was nut an engagem en t vo l uteered by this country . It was urgently sought for by th e S pan i s h E nvoy, w h o WAS sent to l a f i ; m but t c) I givepu it on the higher and more i n di sputable groun d, that we this country for the express purpose of eatreating the English Government to step forward and assist Spain. It was said we gave that assistance because we thought the Queen of Spain had the best right of the two claimants. That only formed a part in the decision to which the Government came. Undoubtedly if we did not think the Queen of Spain had the best right, we would not have given her the support asked for; but we would not have given it merely on that ground, but be cause we believed that her cause was identical with the liberties and independence of the Spanish nation; and that the people of Spain were almost universally enlisted on her side, and that the banner under which they fought was not the banner of Isabella, but the banner of the constitution ; and that, therefore, we would be backed by the approval and support of this country.— (Hear, hear.) It was upon that ground that support was asked for when the first-act of that transaction was complete, and when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were expelled from Portugal and Spain, and when applica tion was made to complete the additional articles, which applied more specifically to Spain, the ground on which additional assistance was asked for is thus stated by M. Martinez de la Rosa:—He dwelt on the manifold evils which were to be apprehended from a return of the Pretenders to the Peninsula. He said that the question was not only one relating to the suc cession of the thrones of Portugal and Spain, but to those constitutional principles which agitated Europe, and which sooner or later would disturb England and France. It was on that ground that the support of England was asked for. If that were so, into what position would this country be put if we were appealed to under the conditions of the quadruple treaty, not to assist the Spanish nation in establishing the constitu tion, but for the purpose of enabling the Government to overturn that constitution, and to establish in Spain that very despotism against which the treaty was originally made.—(Hear, hear.) It has been said that it is a boastful assertion to say that the Queen of Spain owes her throne to the support of England. It may be boast ful, but it is founded on fact. And it has been matter of reproach to me in this House by gentlemen who were in favour of the contending Prince. There was on the one band the great bulk of the Spanish nation con tending for Isabella and the constitution, and on the other a small party, but a party supported by foreign influence, whose expenses, as is now well ascertained, were supplied by large contributions of money from withuut.—(liear, hear.) It was not, therefore, a mere contest between two parties in Spain, but one of a larger and more comprehensive description.—(Hear, hear.) We have been told that non-intervention, in addition to peace, retrenchment, and reform, was the creed of Lord Grey's Government. But what did that non-interven tion apply to? It was to what was going on in Belgium where a revolution had taken place, in which it was ap prehended that England and other powers would inter fere by force of arms to compel the people of Belgium to acknowledge the authority of the King of the Nether lands. But so far was Lord Grey's Government from be ing founded on the principle of non-intervention, that one of the first proceedings they were obliged to adopt was the joint interference of the Five Powers in the dispute between Belgium and Holland.—(Hear, hear.) I contend that in writing the dispatch of the 16th of March I did no more than on point of principle the Government was entitled to do; and when the Right lion. Baronet thinks there were words in that dispatch which were not calcu lated to conciliate or persuade, my answer is, that it was nut intended to be communicated. The Right Hon. Baronet thinks that there was no allusion to benefits conferred; but he will find that it is not so, the allusion to past benefits being in the subs( quent dispatch.— (Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Baronet says that I both laughed at and knocked down the Government of Spain; but sonic Gentlemen think that in that dispatch I was not spirited enough, and that I ought to have been more offended than I stated myself to be; whilst others think that I showed too much irritation. I leave those who entertain these different opinions to discuss them amongst themselves. It appears to me that this is a case in which the British Government need nut be offended; and I Wive any person who reads the note of the Duke of Sotomayor, in which the dispatch was returned, will say that it is not calculated to raise any feeling of auger or indignation in the mind, but that it is calculated to raise a far different feeling.—(Hear, and laughter.) If I erred in showing too much forbearance to the Government of Spain, I can only say that I would rather be blamed for being too slow in taking offence than for being too prone or too prompt to resent it.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the other stage of the matter, communications aro going on with the Minister of Spain on the subject. When these communications are completed, and when her Majesty's Government shall be able to come to a decision, I shall be prepared to communicate to Parliament the correspondence that has passed. While these communications —I will not now call them negotiations —are passing, I am sure the House will feel that it would be highly improper in me to state the precise nature of what is passing, or that I am prepared to lay the papers on the table of the House.—(lleur, hear.) Though I declined to have any direct communication with Count Mirasol, as having no official capacity and no diplomatic character, and whose assurances therefore could have no official value, and whose statements could have nu official authenticity, I nevertheless expressed to M. Isturitz, the Minister of the Queen of Spain, that her Majesty's Government were ready to receive any statements which he might think lit to communicate. I shall only say that, in a country like Spain, which had been subject to such multiplied changes, it is difficult for an Ambassador who represents a foreign court not to hold communications with men of all parties.—(Hear.) In a country where, between 1632 and 1847, there have been 30 Presidents of the Council —(Laughter)—and 38 Ministers of Foreign Affairs — (Laugh ter)—l think it must have been difficult indeed for any man having to deal with those various and suc cessive Ministers not to hold social and personal inter course with those who for the six months may be in office, and that it cannot be considered surprising if he keeps up habits of intimacy with the 'thirty-seven Ministers of Foreign Affairs besides the one in office, or the twenty-nine ex-Presidents of the Council, which were in habits of personal intercourse with him.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I really feel, after the manner in which this question has been discussed, and after the small difference of opinion on the material points which has prevailed, that I may leave the matter in the hands of the House, little doubting how it will dispose of the question.—(Hear, hear.) But, if any re sponsibility attaches to any person, I am ready to take on myself that responsibility which it i s.. my duty and my desire to take on myself.—(Hear, hear.) It seems to be the opinion of all that no blame attaches to Sir H. Bulwer for his conduct on this occasion. If that be so I was right in approving of it also; but if any censure is due, if any error was committed, on me let the judg ment of the House fall, and on me let the responsibility rest.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. HUME said he hoped , after the debate which they had heard, that the motion . w ould be withdrawn (Hear, hear.) He entirely approved of the conduct of enabled th em t o Sir H. Bulwer, as far as the documents judge, and he considered that the Spanish Governm en t were guilty of the greatest ingr a titude towards this coun try. He hoped the Noble Lord would take warning frothem this, and would not interfer e any more affairs of foreign countries.—(Hear.) Mr. URQUHART (w t i e rose amidst strong mani festations of impatience) said he would only ask th e minutes, whil e he for five attention of the house proved that the conduct of Engla nd in Spain h a d been the bane and curse of f this country ever since she oommenced intermeddlingin the affairs of that coun as h coun try. (The Honourable Gentleman, yroceeded, was met by such constantb cries and such to anon, as render his obser vations inaudible.) He expresser)sup porting the motion of the Hon. Member for Dors e t s hi re, as a means of bringing home to one Minister the the conse quences of c onduct for which all Cabinet were that the circumstance of that responsible, satisfied rendered fr . Noble Lord being; Foreign Minister, friendly rela tions with foreign powers impossible t —(Cries of Oh. " ) Mr. BANKES said he did no wish to divide the House. LorSbELL - , if the Hon. Memb er d J. RU does not divide he must allow the motion to be negatived. The motion was then put, and negatived without a division. The House then went into Committee of Supply, but immediately resumed. LAW OF ENTAIL (SCOTLAND) BILL. Mr. SCOTT hoped that the further consid eration of the report would be postponed. The Bill had been very briefly discussed in its various stages. The LORD ADVOC ATE had no objection to post pone the Bill until the following evening. Mr. F. MAULE hoped his Right Hon. Friend would press the Bill through the present eagts, Any discus sion could be taken on the third reading. The further consideration of the report was then post poned until to-morrow (thi s day) . The other orders of the day were then re a d , and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSE\ MESS (From the Votes and Proceedinga of the Rouse of Cominv ns .) MONDAY, JUNE 5. STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutioni were reported from the above Committee:— 1. That in the case of the Farmers' Ertate 'Society (Ireland) petition, for leave to deposit a pe titian for a Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispens ed with:_ That the parties Abe permitted to deposit a p et ition for a Bill within three clear days after the prose citation of this report. 2. That in the case of the Lancashire and 1 orkshire Railway (Amendment of Acts and Reg& r ation of Capital) petition, for leave to ;deposit a petit ion for a Bill, th e s t an di ng or d ers oug h t to b e dispense( 1 with:-- That the parties be permitted to deposit a pet ition for a Bill within three clear days after the presenta',;ioa of this report.—Resolutions agreed to. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. The following Bills are ordered to be : read a third time on Wednesday, June 7:— London and Blackwall Railway (Improvement and Branches to the St. Katharine's and London Docks). Bristol and Exeter Railway (Branch from Bleadon to Wells, Glastonbury, and Street). Bristol and Exeter Railway (Taunton and Castle Cary Branch). Strathtay and Breadalbane Extension Railway. Great Northern Railway (Isle of Axholme Extension . Drumpeller Railway. Low's Patent. North and South-Western Railway (Harrow to Brent ford). Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway (No. 2—Deviati o n o f Li ne, and Power to Shrewsbury and Birmingham, and Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Railway Companies, to contribute and make Arrangements). PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Yotes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) MONDAY, JUNE 5. HORSHAM WRIT. Motion made, and gaestiou put, " That Mr. Speaker do issue hie Warrant to the Clerk of the Crown to make out a New Writ for the electing of a Burgess to serve in this pre sent Parliament for the Borough of Horsham, in the room of John Jervis, Esquire, whose Election has been determined to be void.." The House divided:— MINORITY—AYES, 117. Adderley, C. B. Ferrer, James Neeld, John Ansley, T. C. Floyer, John Newdegate, N. Archdall, Captain Forbes, William Newport, Viscount Bailey, Joseph Fox, S. L. Noel, G. J. Balllle, 11. J. Fuller, A. E. O'Brien, Sir Lucius Baldoek, E. IL GalwaY, Viscoint O'Connell, M. J. Bank es, G. Godson, Richard Oswald, A. Baring, Thomas Goulburn, Henry Peel, Colonel Barrington, Lord Greene, Thomas Powlett. Lord W. Benbow, John Grogan, Edward Reid. Colonel Bentinck, Lord G. Male, R. B. Repton, G. W. Bentinck, Lord H. ILeil, Colunel ' Robinson, George Beresford, William Hamilton, G. A. Rushout, Captain Blackall, S. W. Harris, Hon. Capt. Scott, F. Blandford, Marquis Henley, J. W. Seaharn, Viscount Bolling, William lierries, J. C. Seymer, Henry Ker Bourke, Richard S. Ilodgson, W. N. Shirley, E. J. Bowles, Admiral Hogg, Sir J. W. Sibthorp, Colonel Boyd, John Hope, Sir J. Sidney, Alderman Bramston, T. W. liornby, John Sotheron, T. Breturidge, Richard liouldsworth, T. Spooner, Richard Bruce, C. L. Ingestre, Visct. Stanley, E. Buck, L. W. Inglis, Sir R. H. Stuart, J. Buher, Sir V. Jones, Captain Taylor, Thomas E. Burrell, Sir C. Keogh, William Thompson, Alderman Chichester, Lord J. Kerrison, Sir E. Thoinhlll, G. Christopher, R. Knox, Colonel Tolleinache, F. J. Cobbold, J. C. Lascelles, E. Trollope, Sir J. Cocks, T. S. Law, lion. E. C. Tyrrell, Sir J. T. Colvile, C. R. Lennox, Lord G. H. Urquhart, David Darner, Colonel Lowther, Hon. Col. Vyvyan, Sir R. Deedes, W. Lygou, General Vyse, R. H. Disraeli, B. 3iackeazie, W. F. Waddington, H. S. Drummond, Henry Mahon, Lord Walsh, Sir J. Duncombe, 0. Mandeville, Viscount Welby, G. E. Dundas, George Manners, Lord G. Willoughby, Sir H. 1)e l're, C. G. Meux, Sir Henry Wodehouse,E. East, Sir J. B. Miles, W. TELLERS. Euston, Earl Mullings, J. R. Goring,,C. Farnham, E. B. Mure, Colonel , Stafford, Augastul A land, Sir T. D. Adai r,.Hugh E.l Adair, R. Shafto Aglionby, H. A. Anson, Colonel Armstrong, It. B. Armstrong,:R. B. Ashley, Lord Baines, M. T. MAJORITY-NOES, 231. Fitzroy, Henry Sorreys, Lord Fitzwilliam, G. W Norreys, Sir D. Fortescue, Chichester Nugent, Lord Fortescue, J. W. O'Brien, J. Fox, W. J. O'Brien, Timothy Gibson, T. 3f. O'Flaherty, Anthony Gladstone, W. E. Ogle, S. C. Glyn, George Carr Pudic, C. W. Graham, Sir J. Paget, Lord Clarence Granger, T. C. Pukington, Sir J. S. Gratten, Henry Palmerston, Viscount Greenall, Gilbert Parker, John Greene, John Patten, J. W. Grenfell, C. Pascoe Pat tison, J. Grey, Ralph W. Pearson, Charles Grosvenor, Lord H. Pechell, Captain Guest, Sir J. Peel,;Sir Robert Halford, Sir Henry Pendarves, E. W. Hallyburton, Lord Perfect, Robert Ilastie, Alexander Pilkington, James Mastic, Archibald Power, Dr. Hawes, B. Pusey, P. Hay, Lord John Raphael, Alexander Mayes, Sir E. Rawdou, Colonel Ilayter, W. G. Ricardo, J. L. Headlam, T. E. Ricardo, Osman Heat!moat, John Rice, E. R. Heneage, G. 11. Rich, Henry Ilerbert, Sidney Richards, Richard Ilervey, Lord A. Robartes, T.J. Heywood, James Roche, E. B. Hill, Lerd Marcus Romilly, Sir John Hodges, T. L. Russell, Lord John Hood, Sir A. Russell, F. C. Ilorsman, Edward Rutherford, A. Howard, C. W. Sadluir, John Howard, E. 11 Salwey, Colonel liumphery, Ald. Sandars, George Johnstone, Sir J. Scnolefield, William Keating, Robert Shell, It. L. lieppel, George T. Simeon, John Kershaw, James Smith, It. Y. Kildare, Marquis Smith, John A. King, Peter John Smith, J. Benjamin Langston, J. H. Somerville, Sir W. Lascelles, NY. S. Stausfield, W. R. Lemon, Sir C. Stanton, W. 11. Lewis, Sir T. Strickland,' Sir G. Lewis, George C. Stuart, Lord D. Lincoln, Earl of Sullivan, Michael Lindsay, Colonel Talbot, J. IL Littleton, E. It. Tancred, H. W. Loch, James Tenison, E. K. Locke, Joseph Thickness°, It. A. Lockhart, A. E. Thompson, Colonel Lushington, C. Towneley, Charles Macnamara, Major Townelcy, John 31`Cullagh, W. T. Townley, It..G. If'Gregor, John Trelawny, J. S. 31"laggart, Sir J. Turner, Edmund Mahon, O'Gorman 'Vane, Lord 11. Maitland, T. Verney, Sir Mangles, R. D. Villiers, Charles Marsh 11, J. iG. Vivian, J. H. Marshall, William Ward, 11. G. Martin, J. Watkins, Colonel Matheson, A. Westhead, J. P. Matheson, Colonel Willcox, Brodi e Maule, Fox Williams, John Mines, R. 31onckton Williamson, sir Mitchell, A. T. Wilson, James Moffatt, George Wood, W. P. Morgan, IL K. Wrightson, W. B. Morris, David Wyvill, Marmadnke Mostyn, E. M. L. 'Young, Sir John Mowatt, Francis TE,LLESS. Mulgrave, Earl Hume, Joseph Mintz, G F. Hamner, Sir J. Baring, Sir ,k'. T. Barnard, E. G. Bellew, R. M. Benett, J. Berkeley, Grantley Bernal, Ralph Birch, Sir ThornaS Blackstone, IV•. Blake, M. J. Bowring, Dr. Boyle, Colonel Brackley, Viscount Brand, Thomas Bright, John Brotherton, J. Brown, W. Bulkeley, Sir B. Bunbury, E. 11. Burka, Sir ThomaS Buxton, Sir E. Callaghan, D. Campbell, W. F. Cardwell, Edward Carter, J. B. Caulfield, Colonel Cavendish, C. C. Cavendish, G. H. Cayley, Edward S. Charturis, Francis Childers, J. W. Cliolineley, Sir M. Clay, James Clerk Sir George Clitlord, 11. M. Cubden, B. Cochrane, A. Cocabura. Alex. Colebrook, Sir T. Corbally, M. E. Cowper, W F. Craig, W. G. Currie, Henry Dalryinple,:daptain Davie, Sir Henry Dawson, T. V. Denison, W. J. Devereux, J. T. D'Eyncourt, T. Divett, Edward Douglas, Sir C. Drumlanrig, Via. Drummond, Home Duncan, George Duncombe, A. Duncuft, John Dundaa, Admiral Dunne, F. Y. . Ebringion, Lord Egerton, W. T. Ellice, Edward Elliot, John E. Estcourt, J. B. B. Evans, Sir De Lacy Evans, John Evans, William Ewart, William Fagan, William Fellowes, E. ?ergo, John SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S.—YEsTERD AY . THE ASCOT STARES. 6 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Vampyre, 4 yrs, 6st 51b—taken 6 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Lady Wildair, 6 yrs, Bst 4lb 10 to 1 agst Sir G. floathcote's Nestor, 4 yrs, Est 31b 10 to 1 agst Lord Glasgow's Miss Whip filly, 4 yrs, Est 111 b 12 to 1 agst Sir R. Bulkeley's Montpensier, 4 yrs, 7st 61b—taken 12 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Chanticleer, 5 yrs, ',Bst 71b —taken 12 to 1 agst Sir R. Bulkeley's Miss Orbell, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b—taken 12 to 1 agst Lord Egliuton's Plaudit, 6 yrs, 7st 91b 12 to 1 agst Mr. Shelley's Tarella, 4 yrs, Est 51b 12 to 1 agst Lord Stradbroke's Marpesus, 4 yrs, Est The only horses backed with anything like spirit were Vampyre, Lady Wildair (both in force), Nestor, and the Miss Whip filly; business, generally was very dull. It is thought that there will be upwards of twenty mutters. THE QUEEN'S VASE. 5 to 2 agst Captain Harcourt's Ellerdale 3 to 1 agst Sir J. B. Mill's Cymba 4 to 1 agst Lord Lonsdale's Jericho It will be seen that Cymba has changed owners. THE EMPEROR'S PLATE. 5 to 4 on Mr. J. B. Day's The Hero 2 to 1 agst Mr. Bouverie's War Eagle—nominal 4 to 1 agst Mr. B. Green's Flatcatcher—taken War Eagle was altogether friendless. ST LEGER. Offers to t a k e 2 to 1. about Surplice DERBY. 3,000 to 90 agst Mr. Payne's Crucible—taken 3,000 to 60 agst Mr. Holmes's Montague—taken. The Ascot Heath Races commence this day at half past one o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen visited the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. Her Majesty was attended by Lady Portman and Colonel Buckley. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode out on horse back yesterday, attended by his Equerry in Waiting. Lord John Russell had an audience of the Queen yes terday at Buckingham Palace. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty and Prince Albert yesterday. The Royal Children took their accustomed walks and rides yesterday. The Queen and Prince Albert inspected yesterday the Emperor of Russia's prize for Ascot, which was sub mitted by Messrs. Hunt and Roskell. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness also inspected the Royal Hunt Cup. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House. A deputation, consisting of Messrs. George F. Young, William Hutton, and George C. Redman, had an inter view with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing -street. Mr. Hume, M.P., had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday, at the Colonial -office. The Earl of Straffbrd had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday, at the Home- office. Colonel Tempest had also an interview yesterday with the Right Hon. Baronet. A deputation from Scottish Railways, consisting of Mr. Anstruther, Chairman of the Stirling and Dun fermline Railway; Captain Steuart, of Binny, Chairman of the Edinb urg h and Bathgate Railway; Hon. Colonel I Cathcart and Mr. John Miller, two of the Directors of the Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway; the same for the Dumfries and Carlisle Railway; Mr. B. Bruce, of Kennet, Deputy• Chairman of the Scottish Central Rail way; Mr. T. Grainger, representing the Edinburgh and Northern Railway; and Messrs. Forbes and Deans, so licitors, had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial ' office, from the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope. DISTRICT REFORM MEETINGS. Mr. Cobden has hit upon an admirable mode of pre venting the Chartists from interfering with public meet ings during the agitation, which we are glad to find is about to be carried on for the promotion of further re form in the State, in the manner which they were accus tomed to during the meetings and agitation of the Anti- Corn-law League. The Reformers of Lambeth, it appears, have resolved to hold a Reform meeting on the 6th of June. To this meeting Mr. Cobden was invited, but, for the reasons contained in the following excellent letter, he has declind to attend:— " Sir,—l have to thank the committee for inviting me to take a part at the public meeting of the borough of Lambeth, on the 6th of June. It has long been a rule with me to decline all invitations to attend local meet ings, because I am of opinion that the less they are in terfered with by strangers the more powerful and in fluential are they considered by Parliament and the Government, as an expression of public opinion. If, therefore, you would wish to give the best possible support to Mr. Hume's motion, let all your speakers be local men. There is one class of men which will be opposed to this rule. I mean those who run from meeting to meeting, with a handful of followers, many of them, I suspect with the wages of despotism in their pockets, creating confusion, under the pretence of advocating the six points of the Charter. These dis turbers will be thrown out of employ by the adoption of the good old Saxon rule of meeting in parishes and dis tricts, and therefore they will resist it until they be brought to reason by the good sense of the public. " I am, sir, your obedient servant, " RICHARD COBDEN." The good old Saxon rule of meeting in parishes and districts is certainly the most effective plan that has been yet devised for putting down and frustrating the mischievous designs of the Chartists, or at least that portion of the Chartists who, there is some ground for suspecting, " with the wages of despotism in their pockets," were accustomed, under the pretext of advo cating the Charter, to intrude themselves upon all public meetings, and interrupt and disturb the harmony of the proceedings. The plan proposed by Mr. Cobden will prevent disunion from being sown amongst the ranks of Reformers; it will enable all classes of Reformers throughout the country to speak out their opinions without fear of hinderance or interruption, and, as such, by or ganising public opinion, and bringing it to bear in a proper manner upon the Legislature, it will do more to attain the object which Reformers now have in view than could ever be achieved by noise and violence and uproar.—Sunday Times. THE REFORM MOVEMENT AND THE BALLOT. On Saturday, the th ult., a meeting of Members of Par liament assembled at the Free Trade Club, at which a work ing model of a b a l lot-box was presented by Mr. Edward Gibbon Swann. This box is the invention of Mr. Samuel Kingsford, of Canterbury, and some years ago, when in a far less perfect stage, it had attracted the attention of Mr. Grote. The contrivance is, perhaps, the most ingenious which mechanical tact could devise; and, although a casual observer would di scover no possible alteration to complete a the e s r tr u m m o e d n a t i Mi c ri n gs s f a o ni r d e is e a r c y t u t a ri l v lyi a o l c n c b u j p e i c e t d i n in n making entirely obviated. Rill The ballot is now undoulstedly a sine qua non in the pro gress of popular reform ; inasmuch as without the means of asserting their rights, protecting their interests, and re dressing their wron gs , the people will never obtain a just system of government. They are nominally represented in a Parliament which unscrupulously- sacrifices r essential interests, and mercilessly f their eeds and fattens most upon their spoil. The peopl e have selected, or are supposed to have selected, members of t h e i r own body, to defend them against the encroachments of privilege or the presumption and oppression of power and fortune; yet are those members chosen by the very exercise of that very power and fortune, and through the influence of the dangerous privilege. And, withal, when the people are told that electoral reforms are what they require, they deceive themselves too often into the idea that such reforms are the end and not the means; and thus, without considering the connexion of political alterations, calmly reply that they require a reduced taxa tion. But it is time to impresss spon the people of this which country—to repeat and repeat again, that all they su ff er h as t i i t i s e first mischievous is c o n ri: e g v i n n a i s n tl3 e radical error sysiteminiabiriedw, exclusivenessof of the aclass is maintained, flourishes upon the reduction and suttjection of the industri ous masses. And how are these mischievous tendencies to be obviated? By extending the franchise, and giving the people a larger share in that part of the Legislature which professes to be composed of burgesses or commons? By making that as sembly more subject to the inclination of the constituencies? Tes, undoubtedly. But if the extension of the suffrage is essential, there is one thing which must accompany it, in order to render it available—it must be protected—its free exercise must be shielded and guaranteed. And by what? By SECRET VOTING. 'We have heard many methods of attaining this object up held as the best—the American, the French, or our own Club-house fashion ; but, although we ourselves have no po sitive objection to the registration ticket system, or to any of those in common use, we know that thousands entertain an aversion to them, because they suppose that violence and fraud are to sway them, and the interest of the candidate, or of the moderate and peaceable portion of the community, is to be sacrificed to the mob. It is for this reason that we look upon Mr. Kingsford's exquisite invention as a kind of god-send at this crisis. For the most timid politician, if he be sincere, will be compelled to admit that by means of this ballot-box all fraud and violence are thwarted, whilst the most profound secresy protects the innocent and conscientious, but helpless voter. It is impossible to tamper with the poll without detection, though no one is present to observe the dishonest voter,whose object may be to vitiate the election in favour of Isis own favourite, or in favour of his suborners. It is impossible alike to violate the secresy or the integrity of the election. Another very important point, for large constituencies, is that all the trouble and confusion of an immense scrutiny ' and calculation (such as occurred recently at Paris) are avoided by the spontaneous operation of the instrument. The Members to whom this production was exhibited were, as we understand, one and all, particularly struck with the remarkable ingenuity of the contrivance ; and, if a differ ence of opinion prevailed concerning its usefulness in the pre sent emergency, it was altogether one of method. And, as we have before stated, it is by proving the security of the method that the arguments against secret voting are to be combated. At least that is the opinion deduced from our own experience. We are extremely glad that Mr. Swann should at this moment have interested himself actively in behalf of Mr. Kingsford's invention, for this very reason ; because, appa rently Mr. Swann possesses some influence in his own neigh bourhood, and may attract the attention of many to the con sideration of the subject who would otherwise have let it pass unnoticed. We are informed, moreover, that the exhi• hition of this instrument has effe c t e d more than one convec tion amongst those who dreaded only the operation of the ballot, which they had ever looked upon as the engine of a party rather than as the safeguard of a community. It is as the advocates of peace and order, and as the par tizans of a regular but equitable Government, that we take up these questions ; because we foresee the imminent peril incurrel by society in the protraction of inequality in legis lation, and the indefinite postponement of what should be timely reforms. Perhaps, therefore, we may hope to be listened to by the impartial tribunal of Public Reason, and trust to an impartial adjudication of the people's wrongs, which we too clearly see, and whose effect we daily more seriously dread. THE 29TH OF MAY ! TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIII,—A second speech in the House of Peers, from Lord Brougham, on the subject of the placards of "the 29th of May ;" and the rejoinder of the Marquis of Lansdowne, to the effect that he believed their ominous publicity was in tended to indicate "the opening of Cremorne Gardens," has given a notoriety to a very humble expedient, which it was never intended to attain, and led their Lordships into a couple of errors, which I hasten respectfully to correct. The authoress of the placard of " the 29th of May," was no other than the inoffensive gentlewoman who has the honour to subscribe her signature to this epistle. "The 29th of May !"—lt was a simple line, and indeed I intended it to be big with no other destiny than that which might await the attendance of the members of my Fine Art Club Subscription, at Exeter Hall, to receive the distribution of their allotments according to an appointment, of which many thousands of them bad still to be made cognizant. The harmless ruse of exciting a little extra curiosity over a great event of publication, bad, I thought, became already familiar to the public. Mr. Murray's " ()moo" and " Typee," and the yet more terrible question of " Where's Eliza?" eventually answered by the information that she was to be found at a popular theatre, were recent examples of the inno cent kind of banter which had stimulated public curiosity on the metropolitan walls. And in adopting them with re ference to " the 29th of May," I had no objection that the public should ask, what that meant ? and learn that it did mean " The Distribution of Mrs. Parke's Subscription Club." No solemn warning ever whispereil itii prophet-voice to me. No " Ides " did I seek to forte]. My faithful and loving loyalty would have more revolted than even the Chartists themselves, at the idea of a constructive associa tion with their destinies. I never dreamt of the honour of a notice from Lord Brougham (except, perhaps, some distin guished patronage for those beautiful engravings which I have published from the stirring and romantic history of his country), and I would not for worlds have created even the mistake of the Noble Marquis of Lansdowne—that the' line of mystery " was intended for " the opening of Cremorne." No! "Exeter Hall" was the locality —my "Club Dis tribution " was the event. And to prevent all further mis apprehension in the matter, I have the honour to state, that I have postponed the said event to the 19th of June instant, in the same locality, and to the same end. This all the difference in my lay— The variance in my tune ; That what was " 29th of May," Will be " 19th of June." Your obedient servan MA t, 22, Golden-square.MAßY PARKES. THE NaLsox COLUMN.—Mr.Woodington has com pleted his model for one of the compartments of the base of the Nelson column in Trafalgar-square. The inci dent the artist has chosen for the representation is one that occurred at the battle of the Nile, where Nelson, being wounded in the forehead by a musket ball sad car ried down into the cockpit, declined the immediate care of the surgeon, directing that officer to attend to the rest of the wounded and to take him in his turn. Mr. Wood ington has grouped his figures in a very- impressive man ner, and told the interesting story as well, perhaps, as such an incident could be told through the medium of sculpture. The style is broad and simple, and the prin cipat figure—that of Nelson—is finely conceived, both in attitude and expression. Mr. Carew's composition for another of the compartments, representing the death of Nelson, was completed some time shwa ; and when the other two subjects are finished the whole will be cast in bronze and placed upon the column. LAUNCU.—On Saturday, at noon, a most splendid new ship, built for the East India trade, was launched from the building-yard of Mr. Joseph Steel, Baffin-street. The day being remarkably fine, an immense concourse of people assembled to witness her introduction to her future element. On the signals being given she glided most gracefully on to the bosom of the old Mersey, amidst the plaudits of the assembled multitude, receiving her name, Helen Walla ce , f rom Miss Brice, t he accom plished daughter of Mr. Brice of this town. She will measure about 650 tons, is a most beautiful model, and a fine specimen of the perfection of British naval archi tecture.—Liverpool Albion. THE ARMY. ------ LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR C. NAPIER.—A fortnight ago, • and more, we announced the arrival in this country of the very distinguished soldier whose great military skill and indomitable gallantry achieved the conquest of Sinde with a handful of men opposed to hordes of military barbarians. Nevertheless, it has not fallen to us to communicate the fact of there being any fites in preparation to celebrate the return of Sir Charles Napier. Neither clubs nor ccrporations appear to be on the alert, though there is not, perhaps, a single British General to whom the highest amount of public gratitude and admiration are so peculiarly due. We hope that this has arisen from accidental circum stances—from a desire to let the Hardinge testimonials subside —or from a recent calamity which has thrown society into meurning. On no other grounds, excepting his own disinclination to receive homage, can the ap parent neglect of Sir Charles be comprehended or justi fied.—United Service Gazette. Major-General Thorn, C. 8., commanding in the north-east counties, has established his bead-quar ters at Bradford, in consequence of the riutous pro ceedings of the Chartists in the town and neighbourhood. The following force is now stationed there:-1 troop of Royal Horse Artillery, under the command of Captain Lake; 2 troops of the sth Dragoon Guards, under Captain Yorke; 3 companies of the 39th Regi ment, under Major Nixon; 5 companies of the 52d Light Infantry, under the command of Major Davis ; 100 men of the 81st Regiment, under Captain Stewart • 70 Enrolled Pensio ners, under Major Orange ; the staff, officers, and two troops of Yeomanry Cavalry. On Thursday last an accident occurred on Woolwich common to Lieutenant Oldershaw, of the Royal Ar tillery. Lieutenant Oldershaw was at exercise with, the field batteries, when his horse stumbled, fell, and rolled heavily on him, breaking his sword, and inflicting serious injuries upon him. The ship Ellenborough, with a division of the 28th Regiment on board, from India, arrived at Gravesend yesterday. The troops will debark this day, and march to Canterbury to join the other portion of the regiment. The Blenheim, transport, with the 32d Regiment on board, bound to Plymouth, still remains at Spithead. Major-General Sir Charles F. Smith, 1i.C.8., has been appointed to the command of the Royal Engineer& in Ireland, in succession to General Vavasour. liIIELAT PRIZE MONEY.— We are happy to announce that the East India Company is prepared to pay over to the Paymaster General of the Forces the sum of 5151. 16s. 11d., being the unclaimed shares of the Khelat prize-money of the two regiments of the line, the 2d and 17th, which were engaged upon that expedition. The nominal lists have been forwarded to the Commissioners of Chelsea Hospital, and the distribution will take place in about three months.—United Service Gazette. Paymaster Grimes, of the Invalid Depot, Chatham, after a most honourable service of 50 years, civil and military, in all parts of the world, is about to retire from the service. Paymaster Leech, of the 9th Lancers, is named as his successor. The Stebon Heath, freight-ship, sailed from Graves end on the 2Gth of May, for the Ceve of Cork, to receive on board the drafts of the following regiments, to juin the head-quarters at Halifax, Nova Scotia :—Captain Wynn, Lieut. Hoare, 2 sergeants, and 80 rank and file, of the 7th Fusiliers ; and Lieut. Layard, Ensigns Fisher and Watkins, of the 38th Regiment. 44th Regiment, 2d Battalion—Under orders to embark at Cork for Malta to replace the Ist battalion 97th Re giment, ordered to Canada to relieve the 23d Fusiliers, returning home. Capt. Massey's company, with Lieut. Parker, embarked at Spike Island, Cove, 23d of May, and joined head-quarters, on being relieved. Captain M'Mahon is on leave of absence to 31st of May, and Ensigns Baker and Pye to 28th of July. Lieut.-Col. Clunie, C. 8., is commanding. The 49th and 59th Regiments are ordered to recruit to 1,000 rank and file each. ATTEMPTED CHARTIST MEET ING AT CLERKENWELL-GREEN . thatof L e n a t Last tim© d tme aev night, oaufreinwg a p b to o ol u ite t et s o i fu x O'clock, a body of Chartist speake rs arr i ved on Clerkenwell-green, for the purpose p th a e G me d e iv ti i h s g io ' n, T w h h e o r s e e w ap e p r e e a a re t anee tended to prevent the object in view. A crowd, however, began to collect, when, as it was evident that arrangements were being made by them to deliver some speeches, information was sent to the station-house of the G division for a reinforcement of police. Before their arrival a set of disorderly fellows commenced flinging stones at the policemen on the green. One of the fellows was observed by Mr. Child, High Constable of the Borough of Finsbury, to be most active, when he forced himself among the crowd and seized hold of him. Just then, a number of Policemen, ender the orders of Inspector Julien, came on the green, and the man was secured, but unfortunately Mr. Child had pre viously received a blow on his head from a policeman's truncheon, who thought he was about to rescue him, but which did not inflict any serious injury, The arrival of this additional body of police put an end to the intended meeting, and the Chartist delegates soon after disappeared. It was expected that a further attempt would be made in order to obviate which, about half-past eight o'clock., Inspectors Penny and Gibbs brought a further reinforce.. ment to the spot, at which time there were about 200 men of the division on the green. In a few minutes after they arrived, information was received by the Inspectors that there was a disturbance in Turnmill. street. A serjeant, with six men, were accordingly sent there, but., they were assent d with such a shower of bricks and stones, that they were compelled to make a precipitate retreat. Inspectors Penny and Julien in stent!y, with forty men, hastened to that locality. Their appearance at once cleared the street, the mob running into the numerous courts abutting into it. Brickbats and stones were burled at them from the houses, scarcely one of the body having escaped without being struck. Inspector Penny was knocked down by a blow on his neck, and he was compelled to be assisted tip; and In spector Julien also received a blow in his side by a brick bat. This neighbourhood is inhabited by costermongers, Irish labourers, &c. The police were expected to be on duty there till twelve o'clock at night. The effect of these Chartist demonstrations is most disastrous to the trade of the district, and loud complaints are made by the inhabitants, many of whom yesterday had their shops closed at four o'clock in the afternoon. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JUNE 5. STOCK EXCHANGE.—Very little business has been done to-day, and the tendency of prices is downwards. Great Western, Quarters, 2 dis.—Leeds and Thirek, New 50/. Shares, 20% dis.—London and. North—Western, Quarters, 1 p.—Ditto, Quarters (A and B), 1 3 ,4 p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Eighths, 5% dis.—Ditto, 101. Preference, par—Ditto, Quarters, 5 1 / 2 dis—Midland Stock, New Halves, 6% dis.—Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester, dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 3, 87,:, dis.—Ditto, No. 4, Thirds, 3 dis.—York, Newcastle, and Berwick (N. and B. Exteusion), No. 2, I , A, p.—Ditto (G. N. E. Purchase), 3 / 4 p.—York and North Midland, 140 c. MANCHESTER, JUNE 5. STocK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are—Lancashire and York shire (West Riding Union), 374 dis.—Ditto, Preference. 5-16 p.—London and North-Western, M. and B. Quarters (A and B), 1 3 / 4 c. p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln shire, Preference, par—North Staffordshire, 2 9-16 n. dia.-- South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, 2 15-16 c. dis. WHOLESALE HORRIBLE MURDERC—Advices re ceived on Saturday at the Home Office, from his Excel lency the Governor of New South Wales (Sir Charles Fitzroy), communicate the particulars of several revolt ing murders, alleged to have been perpetrated by Mr. Thomas Coutts, one of the most wealthy settlers in the colony. The shocking transactions took place at Graf ton, in the district of the Crown lands. Early in the year 1840 Mr. Coutts arrived in the country, and entered into an agreement with the commissioners of Crown lands for a very large allotment of ground. On taking possession he stocked it with from eight to nine hundred head of cattle, and upwards of five thousand sheep. For the first two years the natives evinced the most sincere feeling towards Mr. Coutts, but subsequently became discontented. Two of Mr. Coutts's agents were waylaid and murdered, and also a fine intelligent boy. The stock was either missing, sold, or killed and boiled down. Other settlers suffered proportionately to the extent of their stock. These losses, coupled with the horrible atrocities previously alluded to, led to a feeling amount ing to revenge against the aborigines on the part of the English settlers, and it is stated, though not clearly sub stantiated in evidence, that, all means to detect the ringleaders haying failed, secret poisoning was had re course to, and a great many particularly on Mr. Coutta's estate have fallen a sacrifice. Numerous suspicious deaths coming to the knowledge of the commissioners of Crown lands, they, in company with the chief constable and a party of policemen, proceeded to the district, and entered on a searching investigation, the result of which led to the immediate apprehension of Mr. Coutts on the charge of being implicated in the wholesale murders. In a camp on Mr. Coatts's land were discovered eight dead bodies, whose deaths, it was ascertained, were the result of poison —arsenic, it was supposed. Several Other bo dies were found in other parts. On the 7th of February the prisoner was brought up before the Chief J ustice, Mr. heavy y S s e e r o j o e a r i n t t i Manning , s—himself seif i s: and o a o d o m i . 1 a t te n d d t w t o o bail sOOO ; i n t i v e s e ry o f 5001. each. [ADVERTISE • SIERT j—A Diseased Elbow Cured by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Mrs. Dunham of Scrubby, near Alford, was dreadfully afflicted with as enlargement of the elbow joint; for several months she lest the use of her arm, during which period she was under the treatment of the faculty in Lincoln, Notting.. ham, and other places, but obtained no relief, and from the intense pain she constantly endured, it was decided that nothing but amputation or death could relieve her sufferings. In this state, Holloway's Ointment and Pills were resorted to, and these truly valuable medicines aeon effected a permanent cure, and restored the complete use o w f a h y e ,s r E ar s m tsa . oblldis M hb r my an. Establishment, n2 to 4r n 4o, , g bookseller, Louth, w ill t es tify ' to this. sgitsratso,danLdooadt London Hollo- WOOLWICH, JUNE s.—An accident of a very se rious nature occurred this morning, between seveaand eight o'clock, which, it is feared, will prove fatal to Commander Chads, of the Styx steam-vessel, recently returned from the coast of Africa, and ordered to be paid off on Wednesday next. The gallant officer was at that early hour superin tending the lowering of tae large guns from the deck of the Styx into a boat lying alongside, tor the purpose of convey ing them on shore to be placed amongst the stores until the vessel is re-commissioned. When one of the guns was lowered, he leaned over the taffrail, to ascertain if the boat would hold any more stores, and the taffrail, being insecurely fastened, gave way with him, and he fell across the gun wale of the boat, fracturing his left arm in two places, and receiving severe internal injuries. At the moment of his falling from the deck of the Styx, he caught hold of two of the men of the vessel, one of whom succeeded in holding on , and the other, named Robert Shearman, was precipitated into the boat with the commander, and was severely hurt in the face and on several parts of his body. Up to three o'clock in the afternoon slight hopes were entertained of the recovery of Commander Chads, the severe injuries having brought on a ,state of collapse, which required the use Of * stimulants. i I