The Sun. — London, England, 1866-10-10 00:00:00

social Science C,pnference. MANCHESTER, Tuesday. Sir X. P. Kay Shuttleworth, Bart., this morning read a. paper, which he entitled " A Sketch of the Laws of Social Progress, illustrated by the Growth of the Freedom and Political Capacity of the Manual Labour Class in England." He said—How necessary an element time is in all permanent changes becomes evident also, if we reflect that revolutions seldom accomplish the objects which are embodied in their principles, except after the lapse of a long period from that of the destructive oatbreak. For example, the French revolution was in the first instance most powerful to destroy all privilege, to confiscate and disperse the estates of the noblesse, and on this basis to Create, not simply equality of civil rights before the law, but, as far as the law could accomplish it, to provide an equality of civil conditions by the compulsory subdivision of property under the law of bequest. But the idea of personal and civil liberty has been of slow growth, and that of self-govern ment has not had power to develope itself, under the centralised bureaucracy of France and the mili tary organisation which have subordinated personal and civil liberty to that of the external influence of France in Europe. France has become an armed democracy, with a chief wielding the military and civil power, but holding his authority as the expres sion for the time being of the strongest force in the revolution, viz., that love of equality which tends ultimately to the domination of numbers,and which, having failed repeatedly to establish a republic in France, exalts a chief on the condition that he make himself its instrument. The French are, therefore, far from liberty, and they have attained equality only by the creation of a despotism supported by the peasantry, the artisans, and the army. The fruits of the French revolution cannot be said to be reaped until among this subtle and enlightened people there is perfect freedom in the expression of political opinions, nor until the faculty and institu tions of self-government are developed. The revo lution of 1792 was, therefore, powerful to destroy privilege and to establish equality, but probably another century must elapse before the French people attain the powers of self-government and all the privileges of personal freedom. Time is, there- fore, required for great changes, and all changes are the results of the continuous operation of na tural forces which evolve phenomena in a regular succession. Nothing endures which is not in harmony with this law. The improvement in the condition of any class, the growth of any in- stitution—such, for example, as a representative go verning body—the relative powers and privileges of the great forces which create and sustain society. It is impossible to overleap intervals of time, so that conditions of society which a philosophic observer may foresee to be possible and to be ultimately bene ficial, shall exist otherwise than as the result of that irresistible development to oppose which is to enter into a war with nature. Thus, in our own history, no change has been permanent which has not been a logical consequence of other antecedent conditions, all proceeding from the same social force, and has not also been in harmony with surrounding condi tions. The progress of civilisation is continuous, and for the most part not interrupted by catas trophes, but when such revolutions occur they result from the accumulated force of social causes, the na tural effects of which have resisted, and which at length break the orderly succession of events. Re volutions, however powerful to remove obstacles, contain in a less degree the constructive principle. They destroy the obstacle, and the formative forces then proceed with the new creation ; but this may require centuries for its development. But if a re volution establish some institution or form of go vernment which is not the effect of the formative force, or in harmony with surrounding conditions, the new creation will soon perish. All sanguine expectations of the rapid evolution of the new forms of government, in nations ill-prepared by their an tecedent conditions, are not warranted by the expe rience of history, and generally all sudden transitions in national polity, as, for example, from the go vernment of one class to that of another, unless brought about by the irresistible force of the growth of intelligence and virtue, partake of the character of revolutions, and of their weakness in the presence of surrounding conditions not in harmony with them. One of two things would therefore be con sequent on such rapid transitions—the new condi tion must subordinate all surrounding farces to itself, or it must perish. The triumphs of intel ligence over matter have been accompanied by manifestations of a higher moral sensibility as to the condition of the masses of our fellow-country men, which has tended to inspire a religious ardour for their elevation. This has been manifest in nume rous efforts of civilisation. For example—a mitiga tion of the severity of the penal code, founded on a recognition of the truth that, however terror may act as a deterrent, it has little or no reformatory power. In the improvement of prison discipline and reformatory training for the young. In the amend ment of the laws for the relief of indigence, whereby the traces of serfdom will ere long be removed from the most pauperised portions of the indigent classes. The regenerative power of education has been applied to the children of paupers, and we are, I t rus t, on the eve of providing for impotency, sickness, and age, with Christian solicitude. In the first steps towards an obligatory system of national education, in which we have only very partially recognised s i what is needed for the preparation of an intelligent freeman for the discharge of his duties as a citizen. In the emancipation of labour from all restraints on its association, and in the freedom of all trade and industry. In the extention of the municipal suf f rage, thus creating in the borough a school for the training of the people in the discharge of political duties. In the cheapening of justice in all the smaller disputes which affect the condition of the labourer, small householder, and humble tradesman. In the spread of political education by means of freedom I of meeting for public discussion ; and by a cheap press, which has, by its general enlightenment and nigh morality, become the most truly conservative of all our institutions. In the universal publicity of all political discussion, whether in or out of Parliament, making the press like the market place in which Socrates disputed, or the forum in which Cato, Cicero, or Ca3sar pleaded. For our own manual labour class, barely emancipated from the semi-barbarism of preceding ages, the Reformation did little by means of schools, yet this was the only means the original Saxon idea of personal dig nity and civil freedom could be attained by the poor. The Reformation did not extend this form of free dom to them. It is not improbable that the " iron sides" who fought with Cromwell had received some training in the grammar schools. They had at least been trained by the congregation in the dialectics of the Calvinistic doctrine, and through it in a stern sense of duty and personal rights. But the common people, with thig exception, continued to be immersed in the consequences of serfdom. The serf had been the chattel of his lord. His descen dants bad nothing to do during the feudal period with the local government of the tything, or parish, or hundred, any pa r ti c i pation in su Probably the villeins did not rise to he government until a very late period of the Tudor reigns. Those who had constituted the folkmo r t e ,or who were sent to the wittenagemot, we re freemen, shires, n.The burgesses of towns and the elect ors of the res, were certainly Saxon neither serfs nor villeins. The idea of liberty was therefore consistent with the slavery ancient ery of the serf. Institutions, whose roots wer e in o polity, had a representative constitution Saxon the serf played no part, and in which the in which vitlei only gradually rose to participate, and that joia of j ust i n proportion as he was admitted to the possession personal property independently of the lord of the so il. The gradual transition from the occupatio n of e land by villeinage to the cultivation of the " lean" or loan land, and the freedom of the tenant to migrate, to carry with him his acquisitions, and acquire land as a personal possession, are chief steps of advance of the villeins to the class of small tenant-farmers such as now exist, and to the establishment of the inde pendent class of yeomen and statesmen who culti vated their own land. We thus recognise some of the sources of the present condition of half-paupe rised agricultural labourers, and unlettered small tenant-farmers, and the causes of their unfitness by the want of intelligence and independence, to dis charge beneficially to the commonwealth the poli tical duties of freemen. They are still, politically speaking, the thralls of the possessors of the soil. In proportion as they are admitted to the possession of the franchise the landlord augments his personal power—but no privilege is, for the time being, ex tended to the people. The result of the extension of the franchise to any class thus enfeebled by tra ditional dependence, by ignorance, and habits either sensual or servile, results in its political subser viency. In like manner the elite of the manual labour class have aided in the growth of the public polity, by their disinterested sympathy with other principles capable of a wide application. The ex tension of the franchise to the middle classes by the Reform Bill, the extinction of the slave ;trade, and the emancipation of the' slaves in our colo nies, received from them a wise and generous support. Though they, like other classes, are re sponsible, both in times past and at present—for the most persistent opposition to the adoption of well ascertained principles in industry and trade, yet they were led by a true class interest, to appreciate, before the pure economists, the economic as well as the social value of a shortening of the hours of labour in factories ; and though they did not promote, they assented to the compulsory provisions for the educa tion of their children, which were inserted in the Factories Regulation Acts. In all these measures, and in many others, they have co-operated with a portion of the middle classes, led by men capable of a philosophic or philanthropic view of all the interests concerned. But the independent and spon taneous action of the working classes, though in many of its earliest and some of its recent manifes tations it has been deformed by the errors insepar able from such efforts in an unlettered class, has given proof of a power of organisation and asso ciated action, which, whether for good or ill, cannot but be regarded as important elements in the social organisation of any nation, and especially of one in which industry, commerce, and agriculture are among the main sources of national prosperity and power. One of the highest qualities of statesman ship consists in the power to think calmly in the midst of popular excitement. This faculty re sembles that of great generals, whose genius re ceives its highest inspiration from battle, and is to he contrasted with the impulsiveness of the orator, whose imagination or passion is fired by popular excitement and overcomes his reason. A great statesman knows how majestic and irresistible is the operation of the intelligent convictions of a culti vated nation—the seed of which convictions he may have deliberately sown. He calmly watches their development—he wisely fosters their growth—he waits like the husbandman for the harvest. As no impatience can hasten the gradual operation of the natural forces so no insensate outbreak of turbu lence can bring about the true development of the national policy, which is the fruit, not of physical force, but of the highest intelligence and virtue. A great statesman will therefore strive to assuage the sense of political injustice, and to prevent the de structive outbreaks of passionate misery, and will calmly lead the ablest and best among his fellow countrymen to redress all proven wrong, and peace fully to remove every obstacle to the development of all the institutions of freedom. Twin Screw Turret-ships. Messrs. Laird Brothers, of Birkenhead, have just about ready for launching a vessel which, we be lieve, is the largest twin screw ironclad yet built. Her completion will be looked forward to with some interest, as illustrating the advantages to be derived from the application of twin screws to vessels of war, among which are supposed to be great additional power of turning and manoeuvring, and greater speed where the draught of water is limited. She is to be called the Prins llendrik, and has been built for the Dutch Government. She has been designed to carry the same weight of guns as the Scorpion and \Vivern but, being larger in tonnage, has more roomy and complete accommodation for officers and crew, and carries her upper deck 3ft. or 4ft. higher out of the water, in order to make her better suited for cruising at sea than those vessels which were originally de signed for coast defence, although their performance when under the command of Capts. Commerill and Burgoyne on the trials off Portland last autumn, and the further trials of the Wivern during the spring and summer, and now with the Channel Fleet, has proved them to be well adapted for occasional sea going. 'There is little doubt that when the altera tions recommended by these officers in the arrange ment of hatchways and hurricane deck are carried out, as we understand they are now being done in the Scorpion, these vessels will be able to keep their position with any fleet in cruising. The Prins lien drik is a vessel of 2,100 tons and 400 horse power, with a speed of more than 12 knots an hour, on a draught of water of 18ft., throwing a broadside of 1,2001 b. from her two turrets. The dimensions are about 240 ft. extreme length, 44ft. breadth, 28ft. deep, and '2,100 tons measurement. The hull is built of iron, and is divided internally by bulkheads into watertight compartments, so as to enclose her tur rets, magazines, engines, and boilers in separate compartments. In addition to this provision for the ship's security, there is a double bottom under the engines, boilers, turrets, and magazines extend ing up to the lower deck. The armour-plating is 4 ihl• thick, and rests on a teak backing 10in. thick. It is arranged on the belt system, and for that portion of the ship within which the turrets and machinery are placed, which may be called the fighting part of the ship, it is carried to the upper deck, which is 9ft. above the load water line, and at the extreme ends up to the lower deck. By this arrangement, without sacrificing the proper protec tion of the vital part of the ship, it has been pos sible to get an upper deck well out of the water, and superior accommodation for the officers and crew, ventilated by large side scuttles, fitted in that part of the side above the armour-plating at the fore and after ends. There is free communica tion from one end of the ship to the other by iron sliding doors on all the watertight bulkheads, and the spaces in the storeroo m an d magazines are ample for the stowage of six months' provision. The tur rets are cylindrical in shape, covered with armour plates sfin. thick, and are placed one before and the other abaft the engineroom, and are fitted with slides and carriages for two 12f-ton 300-pounder guns on the system of Capt. Cowper Coles, R.N. The rig is that of a bark, the fore and main masts being fitted as tripods on Captain Coles's patent, to give greater range of training to the guns in the turrets. There are two separate pairs of engines, each of 200-horse power nominal, having cylinders 56in. diameter, and 2ft. 3in, stroke, driving two screw propellers each 15ft. diameter. The cylinders have steam jackets and improved expansion valves, and are fitted with surface conden sers and other approved appliances for economis ing fuel; and have been designed and con structed at Messrs. Laird's establishment. The Euphrates is one of five ships now being built by Messrs. Laird and other builders to carry on the improved India Relief Troop Service, by way of Alexandria and Suez, which will effect a great sav- ing of time as compared with the present system of sending the reliefs by the Cape of Good Hope, and add very much to the health and comfort of the troops. It is intended that two of these vessels shall do the service between England and Alexan dria, two between Suez and the Indian ports, and the fifth shall be 'held in reserve for any particular use that may be required. These five ships have been designed by the Admiralty to carry out the requirements of the Transport Board, under the direction of Capt. Mends, R.N., and have been most carefully adapted fur the intended service, in order that they may have the greatest possible space, and best sanitary arrangements for soldiers and passengers, together with the highest rate of speed compatible with the necessary s t owage for military stores and coals on a draught of water not exceed ing 21ft.. They are to be exactly alike in all re spects, and fitted tocarryl 450 persons, of which number 1,250 are military, ;lid 200 the ship's offi cers and cr ew . The accommodation well ventilated, an d the wholeofthe i s arrangements .ton nage, of the most perf ec t d escription. The s are—length, 355 feet; width, 49 feet 3,263 tons. Th e work is in au advanced state, state, the decks being laid, and the • cabins THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 10, 1866. and other fittings in progress. It is expected that she will be floated out of the dock in which she is being built next month, to receive her engines, which have been been designed and con structed at Messrs. Laird's establishment, and arein the engine-fitting shop. Theyare of 700 horse-power nominal, but will exert an actual power of not less than 4,200 horse. Her cylinders have a diameter of 94in. by 4ft. 6in. stroke, and these and the other parts, although of enormous weight and size, are finished with the greatest accuracy and in the best style of workmanship, and, we believe, are the largest engines that have been made in the port. They are fitted with surface condensers, and other appliances for economising fuel. The speed of these ships is intended to be 14 knots an hour, and thebunkers will contain enough coal for 15 or 16 days' consumption. —Liverpool Albion. Association for Promoting the Education of Adults. A meeting of the Metropolitan Association for Promoting the Education of Adults, in union with the Society of Arts, was held last evening in the theatre of the society, John-street, Adelphi, for the purpose of distributing the prizes gained at the re cent annual examination. The chair was occupied by Mr. H. Chester, vice-president of the Society of Arts. The CHAIRMAN said it became his pleasing duty to distribute the prizes to the various candidates to whom they had been awarded. He should, in the first place, offer some explanation of the shortcom ings of the association during the past year. They had arisen from circumstances which it was not in their power to control—having originated in his own serious illness, whereby he was incapacitated from acting an active part in the mangement of its affairs. After a considerable interval Sir. F. Sand ford became chairman, but unfortunately his voca tions in the office of the Committee of Council on Education engaged so much of his time that he was not able to give to the association the attention it required. He was happy to say that Mr. B. Shaw, long and well known for his earnest work in the cause of education, and particularly the education of adults, was now chairman of the committee of management. Another cause of their short comings was that they were for some time without a visiting officer, and that cause also no longer existed. The association had now been established four years. Its operations might be mainly classed under two heads. They aimed at taking up young persons of both sexes at the time they finally left school, and encouraging them to carry on their education to as late a period as they thought fit. The association acted as metropolitan agent to the Society of Arts. It afforded facilities to young people to obtain the advantages which that society offered, and that not only in London, but through out the entire kingdom. They had at present in union with them more than 150 local schools or in stitutes in various parts of the United Kingdom. Many of the large towns possessed boards with which the association was connected, and from the nature of the organisation the young people of the smallest villages could avail themselves of the ad vantages it offered. (Hear, hear.) One great result of the scheme which the Society of Arts pro jected in 1851 was the immense increase that had taken place in the system of examinations through out the country. The local examinations at Oxford ani Cambridge, and in the London University, and in Durham, of which they had heard so much, and the examinations conducted by the Government, in connection with the Science and Art Department at South Kensington, had sprung in the first instance from the operations of the Society of Arts. (Hear, hear.) No one could avail himself or herself of the examinations of that society who was under 16 years of age ; but as it was necessary that some thing should be done to provide for the interval between 10 or 12 years of age and 16, and also to encourage those who had already attained their 16th year to continue their education so that they might derive the benefit of examination by the examiners of the Society of Arts, this association had been formed, and he was happy to say that on the whole it had worked successfully. They had elementary examinations—examinations in general proficiency, in arithmetic, English his tory, geography, &c., in religious knowledge, in sanitary science, domestic economy, cooking, and in needlework ; and they also encouraged physical exercise, by giving prizes for proficiency in athletic sports. Most of the prizes in the lower grade had already been given ; in that grade only the prizes for religious knowledge remained to be distributed. The awards had been made, not by the association, but by independent examiners. The chairman then proceeded to distribute the prizes, which consisted of elegantly -bound books. Amongst them were large editions of Shakspere, Macaulay's History of England and Essays, copies of the Bible, Dic tionary of the Bible, Students' Hume, Waverley Novels, Scott's Poems, Decisive Battles, &c. They were awarded as follows : ELEAIENTAILY KNOWLEDGE. Lower Grade.—T. Morrell, Curzon schools; Ann Robins, Burlington schools; William Abbs, Lambeth; and Alice Chillingworth, London Mechanics'. Arithmetic.--John Bickle, Eugene V. Barrett, and C. S. Cook, London Mechanics' ; and G. W. Tooley, West Lon don Youths' Institute. Gospel History.—J. R. Curtis, Wost London Youths' Institute; and Eliza Starkings, Grosvenor School. English History.—E. V. Barrett, London Mechanics' ; and G. 11. Neale, West London Youths' Institute. Geography.—E. V. Barrett, Loudon Mechanics'; and G. H. Neale, West London Youths'. General Proficiency.—E. V. Barrett and John Bickle, London Mechanics' ; G. H. Neale, West Loudon Youths' ; and Eliza Starkings, Grosvenor School. RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE. Higher Grade.—Walter Peters, Grevillo House; and W. Rourton, St. George's, Hanover-square. Lower Grade.—J. R. Curtis, West London Youths' In stitute ; and Eliza Starkings, Grosvenor-school. The CHAIRMAN continued—He had now a prize to give which was of a peculiarly interesting character —namely, one given by the Princess of Wales. (Applause.) Her royal highness has contributed a prize to be competed for by females of the working classes within the metropolitan district—the exami nation to be in reading, writing, and arithmetic, and in plain needlework. When the association was formed his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales be came patron, and her Royal Highness the Princess of Walespatroness ; and, in order to give a stimulus and encouragement to young females of the working class to acquire useful knowledge, her royal highness said she would each year give a prize to candidates who should obtain from the examiners certificates of pro ficiency in plain needlework, and the highest number of marks in reading, writing, and arithmetic. The prize was adjudged to Ellen Louisa Wollard, of Lam beth, daughter of a journeyman carpenter, who was bringing up his family in a most creditable manner. He was happy to be the medium of giving it away. The prize, which consisted of a beautifully bound copy of the Bible and a sum of two guineas was then handed, amid loud applause, to the successful competitor. The CHAIRMAN said he regretted that the report of the examiners showed that there was a great de ficiency of religious knowledge shown by the exa minations. He trusted that in future an advance in the most essential and important of all informa tion would have to be reported. (Hear, hear.) The certificates and prizes awarded for religious know ledge were signed, not by any officer of the associa tion, but by the bishop of the diocese in which the parties examined resided. The intolerable depth of ignorance into which of late years light had been thrown would not allow them to rest until the great evil which now existed was remedied. This country was greatly behind hand in the matter of education. Ile had had great experience on the subject in the Privy Council-office and elsewhere, and from making it a subject of much thought and investigation he was impressed with the conviction that some great means should be taken to rouse the country to a sense of its actual state, and that some sweeping measure was necessary to remove the ignorance which prevailed. They had recently had a great example of what an educated nation could do. Com pulsory education prevailed in Prussia, and he was in favour of compulsory education for England also. That we are too free for such a system was, he con sidered, quite ridiculous. They would not allow people to ill use each other, and how could they pos sibly ill-use the people more than by leaving them without education ? He rejoiced that the public mind was being aroused on this subject, that the press had taken it up, and that influential people were reading papers and making speeches about it. Ile earnestly hoped that it would be pressed upon the attention of the Government until somedecisive and comprehensive measure for the education of the people was adopted. (Cheers.) The Rev. Mr. MACILWAIN, hon. sec., next ad dressed the meeting as to the importance of the work in which the association was engaged, and urged the friends of education to recommend it to their several districts. Mr. B. SHAW, in moving a vote of thanks to the chairman, as the founder of the association, remarked that preparing for examinations had a very benefi cial effect upon young people. They would not read superficially, but with method, and while they so read they laid up knowledge in their minds in a pro ducible shape. They also acquired a habit when young which they would find most useful in after life ; they would continue to read as they had read for examination, laying up the information which they gathered in such a way that it wou ld b e pro ducible at the proper time. (Hear, hear.) The Rev. Mr. BRUCE seconded the motion, which was carried by acclamation. _ The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, and the pro ceedings terminated. The Recent Collision and Loss of Life off the Suffolk Coast. The Board of Trade inquiry into the circum stances tten di n g the collision between the screw steamer Cobden and the schooner East Cornwall, off the Suffolk coast, on the morning of the 14th ult., was resumed yesterday at the Greenwich Police-court before Mr. Trail, police magistrate, and Captains Baker and Hight, nautical assessors. Mr. Hamel attended for the Board of Trade, and Mr. Cohen and Mr. Cooper for the owners of the East Cornwall and the Cobden respectively. Wm. Claxon, boatswain of the Cobden, said that he was on deck, and reported seeing a vessel to the mate about three or four minutes before the colli sion. It was on the starboard bow. The mate re plied, "All right," and gave the order "Hard aport." The steamer answered her helm very slowly. He saw no light from the schooner until about half a minute before the collision, and he then saw a red light. Wm. Brown and Nathaniel Mulitt, seamen on board the Cobden, gave similar evidence. Whitfield Wood, the mate in charge of the steamer at the time of the collision, made a length ened voluntary statement. Coming to the time of the collision, he said the morning was very dark, and it was raining. He attributed the collision to the fact of not being able to see the light of the East Cornwall. The Court then retired to consider its judgment, and on returning Mr. Traill handed it to Mr. Bou stead, the chief clerk, and which was as follows : "In giving judgment in this case the Court has come to the conclusion that to the default of the mate in charge of the Cobden must be attributed this fatal collision, for having, in the first instance, neglected to call the master when the weather be came thick and dark, according to orders given to him on leaving the deck, and in the next place in not having reduced the speed of the ship when the weather became so thick that the hull of a vessel could not be seen much more than a ship's length, as stated by the master of the Cobden and by other witnesses. The master of the Cobden states in his evidence that had he been called, as he had given his orders, he should have considered it proper to have slowed the engines to half speed, which in all probability would have avoided the collision. The mate of the Cobden, in the opinion of the Court, acted promptly by passing his helm to port and hard aport, also in stopping the engines ; but he should have made these orders more effectual by reversing the engines full speed, particularly as the ship did not answer her helm readily when the engines were stopped. Giving the mate of the Cobden credit to this extent for the means he did adopt to avert the collision, the Court is of opinion that in this case it is not absolutely necessary to cancel his certificate, but his default must be visited in such a manner as to afford protection to the public. The certificate of Mr. Whitfield Wood is hereby suspended for two years from this date. The Court is also of opinion that no blame can be attached to the master or person in charge of the schooner E as t C ornwa ll, by whom everything appears to have been done that was possible to escape from the collision." The pr oceedings then terminated. Mr. IL Ashworth on the Progress of Lancashire. On Tuesday evening a number of the members of the Social Science Association assembled in the Crown Court to hear the reading of a paper by Mr. Ashworth on the progress of Lancashire: After describing the condition of the kingdom, and particularly of this district, at the time of the Conquest, as given in Doomsday Book, and quoting from the old chroniclers on the same subject, Mr. Ashworth related the early commercial history of L ancas hi re, an d mentioned the various inventions which have led to the development of the cotton manufacture. Ho then pro ceeded—For a considerable time after the introduction of the first great changes consequent upon the invention of machinery, the cotton manufacture continued to be a house hold occupation. The raw material whilst under proc ess of manufacture was conveyed from one f am ily t o anot h er to undergo the various operation s o f b eat i ng, carding, roving, and spiuuiu g , preparatory t o weav i ng . S uc h a course of proceeding was tardy, and soon became weari some. With a view, therefore, to economy of time and quickness of production; the idea was suggested of concen trating the various processes in large rooms ; and soon afterwards, under the pressure of inc reas i ng necessity, still more commodious factories were ere c t e d , i n which every department of the ma n u f acture could be arranged and brought under more complete control. The attractions thus presented by a well-paid and regul ar emp l oymen t brought a great number of persons from the surround ing country, and the Population of the various districts where manufactures were carried on increased with and 1861 with that great rapidity. The extent and rapidity of this in f. comparing the popu learteiaosen may Lancashire aybe in 18 of England and Wales during the same period ; for whilst ascertained b 0 the population of England and Wales increased in the 60 years 225 per cent., that of Lancashire increased 360 per cent. The most remarkable increase of population has taken place in Liverpool and Manchester. A hundred years ago Liverpool had 30,000, and Manchester 25,000 in habitants ; but the decennial increase of the two places dur ing the last 60 years has been unprecedented in any other towns in the kingdom. The following figures denote the respective progress of each :—Liverpool increase in GO years, 539 per cent.; Manchester increase in 60 years, 484 per cent, In tho northern hundreds of Lonsdalo, Amounderness, and Leyland, although they are to a small extent engaged in manufacturing, the increase in the 60 years only reached 127 per cent. ; whilst in the three southern, or more com mercial hundreds of Blackburn, Salford, and West Derby, the increase in the corresponding period has been 288 per cent. As a measure of progress, it is a striking fact that, whilst in the year 1760, according to Dr. Percival, the entire cotton trade of Great Britain did not return for ma terials and labour more than .£200,C00, in 1860 the returns of our cotton manufacture were estimated by Mr. B azley, M.P., at the sum of £85,000,000; and that, whilst in 1764 the weight of raw cotton imported was 3,870,0001 b, in 1860 the weight of raw cotton consumed was 1,083,600,0001 b. The figures we have quoted above show that we have in this brief period increased by more than 400 times the value of the cotton products, and that we are consuming in the operation 270 times as much weight of raw cotton as was consumed a century ago. By way of illustration of the ex tent and perfection attained in the cotton manufacture, it has been stated that in this country we employ 36 millions of spindles, and that in ono minute we can spin a length of cotton yarn which would wind four times round the earth. Every d a y 10 millions of yards of cotton fabrics come out of our looms; and it seems to baffle our power of calculation when we say that, after having supplied the wants of our own population most abundantly, we have 100 millions of pounds of yarn, and 2,000 millions of yards of plain and printed goods to spare, which we export to supply the wants of the people of other nations. With abundance of labour at our command, and by the use of econo mic appliances, the cost of production and the selling price of every article of cotton manufacture has been greatly reduced. In the year 1786, the price of cotton yarn, No. 42, was 10s. 11d. per lb. ; in 1860, the price of cotton yarn, No. 42, was 11d. or lb. In 17 86 the price of cotton yarn, No. 100, was 38s. per lb ; in 1860 the price of cotton yarn, No. 100, was 2s. Gd. per lb. In proof that an appreciable amount of the a d van tages of cheapness has reached the consumer, in 1790, the mother of an eminent manufacturer still living purchased a white cotton dress at 6s. a yard ; while in 1860 the same quality of fabric was ob tainable at from 21. d. to 3d. ayard. Compared with wool or flax the economy of cotton is very striking. Taking the cost prices as they existed in 1860, the relative value of the three fabrics was as follows :—A garment of 11b. in weight, made of flannel, cost 3s. ld. ; a garment of 11b. in weight, made of linen, cost 2s. 4d. ; a garment 11b. in weight, made of cotton, cost ls. The effect of this groat commercial and manufacturing development upon the value of land in the district where it has taken place has been enormous. In the course of 174 years, the property in the county of Lan caster usually denominated freehold has increased in value by upwards of 11,600 per cent. In 1692, the gross annual value of Lancashire was £97,242 ; in 1815 it wa5.£3,087,774 ; in 1865, it has been placed at £11,453,851. In the hundreds chiefly agricultural, the increase in value has been at the rate of 4,776 per cent. ; whilst in the hundreds chiefly com mercial and manufacturing, the increase has been at the ratio of 13,991 per cent. It thus appears that the balance of progress is nearly three to one in favour of the district which is mostly engaged in manufactures and commerce ; but the mighty change effected by commerce alone is mani fested to a much more remarkable extent by reference to the receipts of the shipping dues in the port of Liverpool, which increased in 106 years 30,662 per cent. In the year 1760, only a few years before the invention of spinning by machinery, the annual receipts for dock dues were £2,330; and the year 1865-6, the annual receipts from dock and harbour dues were £716,754. Wo have another striking exemplification of the extent of the progress made, in a re turn of the gross amount of assessment forincome received annually from realised property and profits on trade, as they have been assessed to property and income-tax, under the schedules A and D, relating to the county of Lancaster for the years 1814 and 1864 respectively. In Lancashire the gross increase of income during this period under schedules A and D has been in the ratio of 570 per cont. ; whilst in England and Wales, for the same years, the increase has been only in the ratio of 228 per cent. In 1814 this county stood assessed under the above schedules at five and a half millions, and in 1861 at 31 millions sterling, or, in the last 50 years, the ratio of the above contributions to the impe rial revenue from this one county has increased from one sixteenth to little less than one-sixth of the entire amount raised under these schedules of taxation in all the 52 coun ties of England and Wales. The increase of the wealth of the landowners resulting principally from their having large portions of their estates withdrawn from agriculture to meet the requirements of manufacturing industry, has yielded to the owners an increase of value in many instances amounting to from 10,000 to 50,000 per cent. beyond what the same land had previously been worthfor mere purposes of cultivation. The cotton manufacture is no longer con fined within the limits of the county of Lancaster, as at its commencement ; it is now extensively carried on in parts of Yorkshire, in Cheshire, Derbyshire, Lanarkshire, and to some small extent in Ireland and in Wales. Lancashire is, however, still pre-eminently distinguished as the home of the cotton trade, and retains a sort of monopoly in the ex tent of its productive power. According to a Parliamentary return in 1862, Lancashire possessed nearly 80 per cent. of the total number of factories in England and Wales. Nearly half a million of persons are directly occupied in this single industry, but to these must be added engineers, builders, machinists, bleachers, printers, and other auxiliaries. Since the number of hands actually employed (315,620) appears comparatively small for the results produced, it will be ne cessary to bear in mind that the greatest operators are the machinery and the steam engine. Other estimates show that the entire number of persons directly employed in, or indirectly dependent upon, the cotton trade is about four millions, or 20 per cent of the population of England and Wales. The importance of the cotton manufacture, in its individual character and in a national point of view, can only be estimated by comparing it with the various other branches of industry ; and in order to do this with accu racy, it will be necessary to go back to the year 1860, during the normal state of our cotton industry, anterior to its disturbed condition by the American war. By reference to the Board of Trade tables of the exports of British and Irish produce and manufacture, we find that upwards of 40 per cent. of the total exports of the country consisted, at that date, of cotton goods exclusively, the three other tex tile branches having contributed 20 per cent., whibt the remaining 40 per cent. consisted of all the other articles of commerce exported from this country. This advanced progress has not, indeed, been either rapid or constant. Ere the cotton trade attained to its present magnitude it has had to encounter many bitter and costly obstructions. In 1815, after the close of the war, the annual exports of cotton manufactures had reached the sum of £18,158,172, and it was hoped that peace would restore our wonted prosperity, but this hope was not realised. Our commercial legisla tion, based as it was upon erroneous economic principles, imposed most injudicious restrictions on manufactures. For upwards of a quarter of a century this suicidal policy was persisted in ; resulting, as regards the cotton manufacture, in a reduction in the value of the exports from £18,158,172 'in 1815 to £13,907,881 in 1842, notwithstanding the fact that increased cheapness had caused a very considerable increase of the quantity of goods produced and exported. Fortunately, about this time, it became apparent to many that no attainable amount of mechanical skill, no economy however rigid, could cope successfully with the obstacles involved in such a system of commercial restriction ; and the league of free-traders was formed, whose labours, after years of peaceful and energetic agitation, were crowned with success, and the beneficial results realised have far exceeded the highest anticipations of the most sagacious and fur-seeing leaders of the movement. Under our new commercial system, the total ex poils of British produce and manufactures since 1812 have increased 250 per cent., and there has been a similar increase in the quantity of raw cotton imported. In the export of piece goods and yarn there has been an increase from 24 millions in 1810 to 57 millions in 1865. The con clusions to be drawn from these statements not only con firm the most ardent anticipations of the free traders, but they servo also to substantiate the remark of the late Mr. Senior, " that our cotton manufacture is one of the pillars of our national wealth." "If figures can ever be magnifi cent," says Mr. Arnold in his " History of the Cotton Fa mine," if naked totals ever reach the sublime, surely the cotton trade of 1860 clainis our admiration." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Mr. Bright's speech on Monday at Leeds was little more than a repetition of his speech at Manchester, as that was but a renewal of the argu ments used on other platforms. Mr. Bright's an swer to this obvious criticism is that the subject is the same, and that therefore what is said on it must be the same. This, however, is a fallacious reason ing, for the subject of Reform is a large one ; it has occupied the attention of Parliament for many years ; it has furnished a theme to all our most able statesmen, and the opinions upon it have been iu the highest degree diverse and interesting. When we say that Mr. Bright says nothing new, we mean that he does not carry the discussion further than the repetition of those stock common-places which have been the property of every orator from Frost and Feargus O'Connor to the present_" Reform League." The half-dozen rotten boroughs, the two or three score small and more or less decayed boroughs, are opposed to the great seats of industry and the masses of population, after the manner of all previous agitators on this subject, while the arguments which are known to have had the greatest force with the educated classes and to have swayed the decision of the House of Commons are never alluded to, much less answered. We have now before us, it may be assu me d, a ll the reasoning that is to be laid before the gatherings of working men during the autumn and winter. The anomalies of the present franchise will be paraded before them in the most striking form, whether by tables of statistics, or by the comparison between some small borough, which may happen for the moment to emerge from its obscurity, and Manchester or Leeds. Mr. Lowe will be held up for the fiftieth time as the frightful example of the hatred towards working men which prevails in the House of Com mons, and the audience will be once more advised to have the extract from his speech framed and glazed. Somebody or other will be denounced as wicked, or base, or malevolent, and the speaker will resume his seat amid the usual cheers. It is evident, however, that beyond these rudiments of the subject, the working men will not be enlightened. For any real knowledge of the state of the Reform question, and the manner in which it is likely to be treated by Parliament, they must refer to the debates in the House of Commons itself during past Sessions, or to the discussions which have taken place in the Press. Their present leaders are like themselves. They ascend the platform only as a " demonstration." They tell us that one of the legitimate uses of public meetings is to make demonstrations—that is, proclaim loudly a settled opinion, and threaten to enforce it. This is what the Radical leaders are now doing, and it is obvious that the more the meeting partakes of this character the less necessary it is that the arguments should be calculated to :persuade opponents. All that is wanted is to excite friends. If the account of the rotten boroughs and the coerced counties fulfils its purposes of making the audience more eager and more determined in their pursuits of the franchise, it matters little that there are other persons who do not look upon the arithmetical part of the question as all in all. If so many thousand people can be .roused to indignation at the idea of their own ex clusion, the opinions of those who believe that a property qualification produces a more trustworthy and laborious assemblage than universal suffrage may be disregarded. Hnce, though we should look with interest on any demonstration that may be in store, and duly read the speeches of the chief orators, we may say that we consider all real discussions as at an end till February next. If anything has been made clear by the agitation of the year, it is the immense superiority of Parliamentary over platform oratory, not less in genius than in usefulness. Last Session raised, if possible, the character of the British House of Commons through the singular force and eloquence with which the question of Reform was debated, all the consequences of the change philo sophically examined, and the Government measure in particular subjected to a criticism which, whether friendly or adverse, was generally based on sound reasoning. There was hardly one of the leading men in the House, except, perhaps, Mr. Bright, who did not sustain his reputation, and several new speakers distinguished themselves by the skill with which they addressed themselves to a great problem. But what has the platform given us? Of all the harangues that we have read during this year as pro ceeding from town-halls and concert-halls there has not been one of merit. It is not only that a vein of coarseness runs through all, that verbosity and vul garity seem to suit the taste , of the audiences and to be duly supplied by the speakers, but there is an avoidance of any real grappling with the difficulties of the question, which would make one think that the debates of some four or five Parliamentary ses sions devoted to Reform had been in vain. There are, however, differences even in Reform speeches, and we are glad that Mr. Bright on this occasion abstained from dragging in the Queen's name, and also that he did not think it necessary to repeat his premature denunciations of any and every Bill which may proceed from the present Government. No one is better aware than Mr. Bright thatthe Queen's Speech at the opening of a Session does not reflect the individual opinion of the Sovereign, but the de cision of the Cabinet, and that to represent the Queen as opposed to the' dominant class" in the country is wholly incorrect. While Lord Palmer ston was Premier the Queen said nothing about Reform in her speeches ' • last year she mentioned it under the guidance of Lord Russell, and if by any chance the present Ministry were to decide agains t bringing in a Bill, her Majesty might, perhaps, even utter some anti-Reform sen ti ments. M r. Bright, iu a sudden access of loyalty, has been pushing the Queen forward on more than one recent occasion ; but as it cannot be the desire of the Sovereign to accept any such invidious and unjust laudation, we are glad to find that it has been abandoned. It is also an improvement in his latest speech that he does not call upon his followers to reject a Reform Bill from the present Government before they have seen it. He does not, indeed, fail in his usual invectives, for we are told that there are men on the present Ministerial benches who would sell the mace from the table of the House of Commons in order to keep in office. But it is probable that, like the rest of the Liberal party, Mr. Bright will now be con tent with opposing the Government Bill after he knows what it is. The present agitation differs from the one which preceded the Act of 1832 in this, that then men of all ranks and professions joined in the demonstrations, while now they are confined to a single class. Mr. Bright was the only Member of Parliament at Leeds on Monday, with the exception of Mr. Forster, whose speech ex pressed as much divergence from as agreement with the views of the meeting. The other Members of Parliament for that part of the country staid away, and therefore the West Riding Demonstration, how ever multitudinous, cannot claim the weight accorded to it by Mr. Bright. The agitation has, indeed, now gone far enough for us to perceive its character and strength. It has given us a better means of estimating the opinion of the country than we pre viously possessed. It has shown that while the pro gress of education and the sharp discussions of Par liament have created a desire for the suffrage among the uneufranchised class which ought not to be dis regarded, there is throughout the whole educated class a determination that the political power shall not be transferred in mass to the poor. Not half a-dozen Liberal Members of Parliament acknowledge the principles of Mr. Beales, and we believe we are not wrong in saying that the majority of them will be ready to accept a just and moderate measure of Reform, from whatever party it may come. The haste, the indiscretion, we may almost say the vio lence, of the late Government caused their ill-con sidered bill to fail; but there is in Parliament as well as in the country a conviction that safe and beneficial reforms may be made. But no demon strations, however imposing, and no platform elo quence, however vigorous, will make Parliament, and the higher and middle classes who support it, give the power of the country into the hands of the slaves of the Trades' Unions. Such atrocities as that reported from Sheffield are but the extreme cases of a tyranny which is at this very moment paralysing a large part of the trade of the country. Every year sees these organisations more powerful, more pitiless, and more unjust. The middle classes, who have so long and so successfully governed, will not abdicate power to place it in such hands. HERALD.— What are we to say of Mr. B r i g ht' s oration at Leeds, but that it is precisely like the oration at Birmingham and the oration at Manches ter ? We must repeat this, even at the risk of its being taken for a compliment to our demagogue. Mr. Bright, borrowing a retort from " one of the wisest of the ancients," asks us whether he is to say a different thing about the same thing ; and his crushing answer to his critics is that when they have refuted what he has told them already about this thing he will tell them something new. Unfortu nately for the peace of society no one has succeeded in convincing Mr. Bright that on " this thing" he is wrong ; and therefore we are doomed to this "damnable iteration." Neither age nor custom can wither or stale that infinite sameness. The text never varies; the sermon, like Mr. Tennyson's brook, " goes on for ever." It is clear, because it is shallow ; it is noisy, because it cannot get loose and become a big river. "Labilur et labetur in =no volnLilis revum." The rustic on the bank is almost sick of hoping that the stream may die away. Sometimes it flows with a dull, oily motion ; sometimes it is obstructed, and then it rages and foams furiously. What may we do to dam it, and prevent its becoming a nuisance to , the country ? If Mr. Bright's course is only to be varied when Mr. Bright himself admits that he is confuted, we fear there is but small prospect of any immediate change. That the House of Commons is the only real basis of the representation of the people—that it can only fulfil its function when every man is permitted to have au equal vote in the representation—this is the perpetual burden of Mr. Bright's complaint. On this one note the never-ending variations are abuse of the Tories, laudations of Mr. Bright himself and his colleagues for their, former efforts, the attack on Mr. Lowe, and the fulsome adulation of the work ing classes. The arguments, such as they are, have been heard a hundred times before. Because the working men are the most numerous class, because they are the foundation of our national prosperity, because they have contributed by their labour to establish our manufactures and to make our wealth, therefore they are fitted to exercise the privilege of the franchise. Because as a body they exist, and are not drunken, or venal, or ignorant, therefore they are bound to take a part in the elec tion of members of Parliament. The conclusion may be at a long distance from the premises, but as these meetings are avowedly demonstrations of force rather than demonstrations of opinion, any defect of logic is not likely to affect the popularity of the orator. What answer can any of Mr. Bright's opponents give to this kind of argument that could have the blessed effect of silencing Mr. Bright, or at least of making him change his tone ? No one has denied that there is a great deal of sobriety, of intelligence, and of honesty among the working classes. No one denies that -they have contributed to build up the fabric of England's greatness—that they are an essential part of the body politic, and ought to be included in the Constitution. What we have affirmed is that the good qualities and good deeds of the working men do not establish a neces sary claim to the franchise. A man may be sober, and honest, and even intelligent ; it does not follow that he should have a vote for the election of a member of Parliament, or that the House of Com mons is an imperfect representation because he does not directly take a part in its constitution. The House of Commons does not pretend to be a repre sentation of every unit among the people., It is a representation of the whole people according to classes and interests. It would not, we affirm, be a representation of the whole people, but only of a portion of the people, if it were elected by manhood suffrage. Inasmuch as the working class, though not the most honest or the most intelligent, is the most numerous of all classes, to give them the franchise indiscriminately would be to swamp all other classes, and to make the House of Commons not an assembly of our best men or most capable legislators, but simply an assembly representing the peculiar views and interests of the most numerous class. Hence it is that, under our Constitution, it has been deemed fairer to all classes, and in the interests of the liberty of all, to place such restrictions on the enjoyment of the franchise as shall make it not a mere animal right but a pnivi lege—a grade of citizenship, which is open to every man equally, but which can only be reached by the elite of the working men—by those who are the most industrious, the most sober, and the most thrifty among th e i r fellows. This is the plain an swer to Mr. Bright's position, in which we cannot promise that there shall be any variation. It is the answer not only of the party whom Mr. Bright calls the Tories, but of the great majority of the men of all parties, comprisingby far the largest portion of th e i n t e lligence and worth of the nation. We may differ among ourselves as to what limit should be placed to the extension of the suffrage ; we are all agreed that there should be some limit. Even Mr. Bright and Mr. Forster, the only two prominent m em b ers of the so-called Liberal party who have joined this movement, confess that they are in favour of some limit ; that they do not be live in manhood suffrage. What pretence can Mr. Bright have therefore for decrying the Tories for being enemies of Reform ? Is every one who does not desire manhood suffrage an enemy of Reform? The Tories, according to Mr. Bright, have proved their unfitness to be entrusted with the question of Reform in having joined with the Adullarnites in turning out Mr. Gladstone's bill. Yet so little do the Reformers themselves think of this bill that there is not one single word which has been uttered , •••mr by way of epitaph to its memory. Not a singly public nieeting has been held in its favour ; nor is it pretended that these demonstrations of force arc demonstrations for anything else but manhood suffrage. Will Mr. Bright himself have the ira' pudence to tell us that the tens of thousands who have been 'gathered together at Birminghar o l at Manchester, and at Leeds, are actuatea, by any other motive th an to get ma nhood suffrage ? If it was not out of sympathy with Mr. Gladstone's bill that they came, then it is nothing more than a piece of party malign/1f which makes Mr. Bright denounce Lord Derby ass Reformer, because he was opposed to one particular partial scheme of Reform—a scheme which, by Alr; Bright's own showing, was imperfect and bad, and unconstitutional. But, in Mr. Bright's philosopllf any weapon is fair against an enemy. A pubhs meeting, which is a demonstration of force, is pre' cisely the very safest place in which to utter caluny vies of a political opponent. From that coward 0 castle, a demagogue's platform, there is nothing too, vile, too absurd, too false, which may not be uttere a , with impunity. There is no one there to contradict Mr. Bright, nor is there any contradiction needed I for is not this a demonstration of force? Proceed' ing from vituperation to prophecy, Mr. Bright de' dares that the object upon which working men have set their hearts will be accomplished, because the best and most intelligent portion of the middle clash . , and those " just of the highest social class," will and iu their accomplishment. There is a powerful middle class movement, we are told, in favour of the work' ing classes, and it is on this Mr. Bright calculates We can only hope that this is his main ground 0 I reliance. Yet we can hardly believe that Mr. Bright is so much a dupe of his own self-conceit as seriously to imagine that the middle class is with him in tbJl agitation. He must be ten times more vain than to took him for if he does not perceive that he is doing his very best to estrange the middle class from hie side ; but if there is one policy more than another which is likely to influence the middle class against him it is the policy of these demonstrations of force. There never was a man worse calculated to lead the middle class of England than Mr. Bright, the mar ber for Birmingham. There never was a man wh° has made himself more obnoxious to the middle class than this very same gentleman. There never was a greater delusion than to suppose that, he cause the middle class helped Mr. Bright and Mr' Cobden to fight the battle against the corn 10/ 0 1 therefore the middle class is prepared to help Ntr,' Bright to introduce manhood suffrage. What IS the truth about the corn-law agitation ? The, greater part of the middle class who then aided Messrs. Bright and Cobden were the manufao' turers and the people dependent on them who wer e personally interested in the question, and with whom it was a political and social battle against ts 7 landed proprietors. The working classes swellel that movement simply because it was a question 01 ' the price of food, which is the nearest of all queS; tions to the working man. But it is just as absurd to set down the working class as upholders of fre e trade as to believe that the middle class are sur porters of manhood suffrage because both tho l classes were united i n th e ques ti on o f th e re peal the corn laws. In the present day the safety of th a t country and of the Constituti on aga i ns t M r . Brigh t s mainly due to the f ac t th a t th e great ma j or ity_oh the middle class is opposed to manhood suffrage+ r and opposed to Mr. B r i g ht as a popu l ar l e ader' There as not one quality which that gentleman LT e which can entitle him to the confidence of the middle classes. As a Liberal his career has been nothing but a fruitful source of ridicule and damag e to Liberalism. As a Reformer he has appealed to physical force. He is not even an Englishman rn any proper sense. He never loses an occasion fo r vilifying his own country. He sees liberty, justice, and greatness everywhere but in England. EYe: in the Atlantic Telegraph he c an see nothing but triumph for America. The middle class of England believes that it has done something to achieve ths" , great work ; but, according to Mr. Bright, it is ISt: Cyrus Field, a " friend of mine "—who « by bit' • cable has moored the New World to the Old V' COUNTRY MARKETS. LYNN—TUESDAY. The show of wheat at our market to-day was about ar i average for the time of the year. The root crops are v ie spoken of in this locality, and the pastures are in a 110 10 condition. With a limited demand, the very best sor t 3 were not much cheaper, out of conditioned lots la to per qr. down. Barley was well represented, and the de' mand was dull at., hardly so much money as last Wer t Oats were disposed of at extreme rates. Tne demand fo beans was tolerable and high rates were quoted. New wheat, 55s to 58s ; new red, 49s to 53s ; old vib i t i „ ° ; 52s to 51s ; old red, 49s to 51s per 36 stone. Barley '; malting, 46s to 48s ; secondary, 28s to 30s. Oats, P e „,"' 23s to 25s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 47s to 495. re -36s to 40s per 28 stone. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. At this day's market there was a good attendance of t b !, town and country trade, and rather more disposition buy. Wheat was in moderate request for consumPl and without change in value. Prime flour was, firmly be ; but common descriptionsonay be quoted is per sack 101' 0 on the week. Oats and oatmeal with a slow sale, must s quoted ld to 2d par 431bs. and 24per load lower since 'li l a day week. Barley, beaus, and peas continue scarce, o v a brought full prices. Indian corn was in fair supply, aj) „o the demand being limited, mixed Ameri ca n could 1 0 ' 6 been bought at 28s 3d to 28s 6d per qr., showing a declill of is to is 3d per qr. on the week. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TUESDAY. 9 6 Old white wheat, 57s to 62s ; new red, 50s to 585 per stone. Barley, fi ne , 46 s ; o t h er ki n d s, 34 s t o 37 s pe r 3v id, Oats, new, 22 s t o 32 5 ; o ld , 30s to 34s per qr. B ean s, 53s to 555; new, 46s to 48s per qr. LEEDS—TUESDAY. holt We have a good s h ow o f gra i n t hi s wee k. The w- ip trade has ruled very dull to-day, the best qualities scarc e di realise last Tuesday's rates, while inferior sorts are 2s per qr. cheaper. Barley, unless good, is to 25 P a qr. lower. Oats and beans without change. SHEFFIELD—TuESDAY. We had a pretty fair supply of wheat at our market t° :t day, the demand for which was i nac ti ve, an d i n t h e w° descriptions a decline o f i s or 2 s per qr h ad to be 1,, ‘,„ i, ", L i mitted to to effect sale s . B ar l ey was a moderate shoal, ' r ; the best sorts m ove d o ff a t l ate pr i ces ; other kinds l o w io buyers readily, and realised extreme rates. Beans were small supply, and prices had an upward tendency. o d Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....2os Od to 218 nd White do do ....2:s Od 248 od New red do do ....198 Od 2 08 v d New white do do ....21s Od 233 of Beans do do —.198 Od 2 03 o i Peas, per qr Grinding barley, per qr 34s Od 378 o d Malting barley, vo 3Bs Od 4 28 v Oats, do 27s Od 325 Qd F10ur....1s 10d to 28 od per Mb., Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton 00t. 20. Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 1 Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet ..... No v . a' Ditto, by French packet Oct 2 . 1 Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and at. Helena Oct. --°- China , Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton—Oct 2 0. Ditto, via Marseilles. Oct. I*. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Oct. 13 ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Oct. 20 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Oot. 13 Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 13 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Oct. 13 " Dittd, via Marseilles Oct. it Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles . Oct. l'' Newfoundland Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon. .. United States and British North America, by B.: Nov. 5. 1- Ugh packet Bermuda, via Halifax - Oct. li Bahamas, via New York. Oct. IS' Births. O a CoLES—On the Bth inst., at Madeira Villa, Ventner, wife of Capt. Cowper CUles, R.N., of a son. A tli ° SUTHERLAND-On the 7th inst., at Wilcroft, HereforiA, f wife of Captain Sutherland, late Scots Greys , ° daughter. 13° 1 ' TAxi..Eun—On the 6th inst., at 18, Chester-street, barrister' grave-square, the wife orC. W. Tayleur, Esq., barri s ' at-law, of a daughter. WALLis—On the Bth inst., at King's-road, Claphara - t Mrs. S. Wallis, of a son. Marriages. BAINBRIDGE —RErvE—On the 4th inst:, at St. g a ga' Bryanston-square, Arthur Bainbridg, Captaila“; Light Infantry, youngest son o f th e l a t e G en era , 01 Bainbridge, K.C.8., to Lucy Jane ' younger daughw" Ellis Reeve, Esq., of Mont agu . square. TATLER —HUBLE—On the Bth inst. 1 at St. Marg, 8 r - 4 (3 Westminster, William Rob er t, f our t . h son of Cha l ndost 'Tyler, Esq., of Fleet- s t ree t, t o S ara h Ann, (3 ' daughter of A. Ruble, Esq., Coldstream Guards. Deaths. t f 013), BOTTOM—On the 6th inst., at Newmarket, Mr. C. ) 3° "" aged 61. CROOKE —On the 7th inst., at Fernloigh, Cheltenha a Crooke, Esq., aged 52. Oa , DOERING -On the 6th inst., at Bcnn, Edward rw e Esq., late of The Hurst, Walton, Surrey, aged 7 5 . oo r Moxox—On the Bth inst., John Moxon, Esq., of 3 , over-terrace, Regent's-park, London, aged 78. 14' READY—On the 7th inst., at Billericay, the Rev. Tho s 'oct Ready, M.A., LL.B., vicar of Mountnessing, F-4 2(11 formerly of Peckham, Surrey. ROYCE— On the Bth inst., at Boated Hall, Essex, ,j 0 Royce, Esq., aged 76. s TUFNELL —On the 7th. inst., at Edburton Rectory, - 11 the Rev. John C. F. Tufnell, aged 69. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AND- Na 11,, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tau SUN °free , Strand, in the rreeinet of the Say, in the Co‘ — liliddletex. 7 —Wedneaday, October 10,18%.. I,(1N A This c Dublin Pi It is P some. Sold in by tho 2 wholosalF R, GRI Obsery Cne SI f-pric OCTO Palace. or contai time. MUI 14, !WS F Prompt free o n ni cou] FURN Partic month a AU 5 , Age NAB suPport from vie Many fr althougl No. 28 Subsol llatchai NII the car 11 0151 t lishmex easily and a-I Minute a sand prospec 'ground proprie Vol prospe In t' £20,00C In tl £26,00( In t £37,00( In tl 444,801 For lir. Ei tion of or ligi as not obseri be fot meth() ful op lOose, tion. in ma X' for I n to r i r; l I'll an Stren act a s opera perk* from Frien 4 Q Lown Be perm ] nave CALI the or ev To Patty th e such &a. 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