The Sun. — London, England, 1848-07-11 00:00:00

measure °Govern th. Conr the Mau s, hat. not meeting of there for decided uty of 10s. ) the plan discussion opinions [ding the who Wolver- and ad maintain- mding all ch, which se as that .ar, hear.) )ers. I know ,s the one roceedings labour , etely sh" by Par' .able un: 3 allowed r, was it m in that loors, W n which linly king the of that y which r, hear) State for all the 15, most drawing lan who od faith THE SUN, and religious feelings. The people of this country said they would not permit a slave to remain in one of our colonies: the slaves were the machinery by means of which the planter produced his sugar, and when we deprived him of them, we, in point of fact, broke up his machinery.—(Hear.) If, instead of doing this to the British colonies, they had interfered with the manu facturers, then they might have claimed compensation. It would not have been difficult for the sentimental part of the people to have made out such a case against the manufacturing system, as to cause the philanthropic to say, this system shall no longer exist in this country. If they looked into the reports of the factory inspectors, they would find the number of children wounded, of persons killed, maimed, and otherwise injured by the factory system in one year, exceeded in amount all the casualties of one of the most brilliant battles in our his tory. The victory of Trafalgar, by which we won 26 ships -of-war, took 27,000 prisoners, and secured the un disputed empire of the sea, only cost us 1,690 killed and wounded, while the annual average of the killed and wounded in the manufacturing districts was 2,276. If Parliament upon such a representation had interfered, and said " your steam-engines shall no longer set ma chinery in motion to create such a waste of life, we shall stop them and pay you 6s. Bd. in the pound of our own valuation of the worth of your machinery, leaving you all your other property, your tall chimneys, to work with human labour as you best can "—if Parliament had acted thus, and it was precisely a parallel case to that of the West Indies, then he said the manufacturers would have a claim for compensation. But instead of that it was at the bidding of the Manchester school that the Act of 1846 was passed, which deprived the West Indies of the protection to which they had been declared duly entitled. The people of Great Britain stood by and saw that bargain made, and they were now bound in honesty to come forward and see it fulfilled.—(Hear, hear.) The slaves were the machinery by which sugar had been made, and they had no right to take it away and then to refuse either compensation or protection.—(Hear, hear.) They ought to pay the colonists that reasonable compensation. The Noble Lord, after showing at some length the inefficiency of the proposed loan for emigration, inasmuch as it was inapplicable to revenue islands, where labour was plen tiful, contended that these islands at the same time la boured under great pecuniary difficulties in consequence of our legislation. Above all, he reminded the Com mittee that we exacted a public tribute from our - colo nies of 3,700,0001., and a private one amounting to 500,0004 Let them contrast this state of things in the colonies with that of the manufacturers. Until 1825 they had a protection of 37 per cent. against the cot tons of India.--(" 80 per cent.") He thanked the Hon. Member. We levied that large per centage on their goods while we obliged them to take ours at a duty of per cent. Was that no protection to our ma nufactures ?—(Hear, hear.) Bat how had we dealt with the East Indies as compared with the West Indian colonies ? He found that in the year 1808 the imports of Indian goods into this country was be• tween three and four million sterling; and coming down to 1220, that they amounted to 1,600,0001. In 1847, by means of the Act of 1846, we had given them compensa tion for exactly the latter amount of trade we had taken away from them, by importing East Indian sugar to the amount of 1,600,0001. What had been the consequence of this importation? Why, that they ruined almost all those engaged in growing sugar in the West Indies. But we could not inflict injury upon our colonies with out that injury recoiling upon ourselves and our manu factures. He held returns in his hand which had arrived by the last overland mail, from which they might see the ruin that had overspread the colonies, and the conse quent reaction on the trade of this country. The returns showed a total diminution of 1,104,854 pieces of piece goods of various descriptions, and of 5,410,265 lbs. of twist, upon a total trade of 16,264,950. But a still more remarkable fact was shown by these returns. We were told that the distress of our manufacturing districts arose from the present dis turbed state of Europe. Our exports to our own colonies actually exceeded the whole of the European trade. In the year 1845, the latest return he had in his possession, it appeared that the imports of cotton, woollen,ginen, silk, &c., to the British colonies amounted t o 11 ,581,5641 In the same year our exports to Europe, exclusive of yarn, which he looked upon as a semi-manufactured article, were 11,131,264/., thus showing that our own colonies exceeded the whole of our export European trade by 450,000L—(Hear, hear.) The export trade to Asia and Africa, and America, exclusive of British possessions, stood below both of these amounts, being only 1 0,810,470/. This was sufficient to show the relative value of the colonial and the European markets. In order to show the value of the goods exported to Europe, as compared with the exports t o our colonies, he had a return prepared by Mr. Burn, the author of the " Commercial Glance." By a mistake he hid returned Egypt along with Europe. These re turns contrasted the value of the exports to the British c2lonies with those to Europe, including Egypt, up to t?e 40th of June. It was alleged in the manufacturing districts that all their difficulties arose from the falling off in the European trade. That falling off only amounted to 3,000,000/. That would not account for the entire falling off in our trade. But the return of Mr. Burn Showed where the evil really lay. He found by that return that the export of this country to different Parts of Europe, and to Egypt, amounted, in 1847, to 61,960,000 yards of calico; and in 1848 there was a much greater increase. Again, with respect to printed calico, he was also supplied with documents that there was an increase of 2 9,000,000 yards, for in 1847 there were only 45,000,000 yards, whereas, in 1848, there were over 50,000,000. Again, he would say that there were only 25,000,0001b5. of yarn exported from this country in 1847 , while on the other hand he was pr e p are d t o s h ow that there were 30,000,000 in 1848. It should at the same time be borne in mind that the exportation of 1848 Was much less than that of 1847, because there has been a falling off of not less than 50,000,0004 with regard to the export trade of this country. He would next re f er to the yarn exported, and hesitated not to state, that while the export of that article amounted in 1847 to 14,778,0001b5. it was less than half that number in the following year, because it was only 7,780,0001b5., and thus there was a difference of very great consequence to the interest of this country. It was well known to the House that when some ships went to Cuba, Brazil, and Antigua, they had returned - with ballast, whereas those that traded to our own colonies always returned with a freight suffi cient to ensure the expenses attending their voyage. He would next ask, when it was stated that the creoles were so prosperous, was there anything like prosperity in their receiving only sd. or 6d. per day? and could they, with such trifling wages, be of any advantage to the commerce or industry of this country? He hoped that yet a gleam of sunshine would appear, so that the com• reerce of this country, respecting its exports, would again resuscitate. He would ask the House to look to the condition of the raw material in respect of exportation, and he felt assured that, if the interest of this country was their interest, as he believed it was, the differential duty would be settled in such a manner as to protect the colonies of this empire. The Noble Lord then quoted the evidence of Sir W. Gomm and Sir Robert Farquhar, that unless the British colonies were to be protected by the British Legislature, that they would ultimately be totally lost to this empire. He now came to the consideration of the financial question, and in the observations he should have to make on that subject, he would endeavour to avoid all reference to the three budgets which the Right Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex chequer had brought "neck and heels" into the discussion. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government and his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer had reiterated their statement, as if reiteration only were needed to establish its truth, that the recommendation of the Committee would lose 960,0001. No man who had considered this subject could believe that the consump tion for the year commencing on the sth of July, 1848, Would be such as to justify the assertions of the Right Ron. Gentleman, and, unless that were believed, he was suite at a loss to understand how he and the Noble Lord could presume to say that such a loss would be occasioned to the revenue by adopting the plan of the Committee. Lord J. RUSSELL—I did not say so. The state ment was that there would be a first loss of 700,0001., which would most probably be increased to that amount. Lord G. BENTINCK—The Noble Lord was wanting in frankness and candour in taking credit for 210,000 tons of sugar, when it was admitted that a greater consump tion than 290,000 tons could take place under the proposal of the Com m i ttee. The reduction of the Noble Lord cuuld not be represeuted by any coin of the realm, and therefore it could have no place in the details of the weekly consumption of a poor family. Re would not deny that the increase might amount to 110,000/, but when the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer considered the details of his financial mea sure, and estimated the foreign and colonial sugar brought into consumption, he must say he showed an ignorance of the wh o l e sugar tra d e, such as was never before evinced. The Hon. Gentlemen, also, the Mem bers for Liverpool and Oxford, had manifested in their calculations only a little acquaintance with it, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer seemed to think that he might pass over all the sugar colonies. But he should reflect that he could not abandon the sugar plantations and have the sugar too; or, if he could, where did he "Poet to get a supply of 240,000 tons of colonial anger ? With the best attention he had been able togive the subject, he had come to the co nc l us i on at, in the year 1848-9, there could not be expected f rom,,, the British possessions in Mauritius more th an ' 35 ,000, from the British West India islands not more than 120,000, and from the British East Indian islands net more than 46,000 tons. The conjecture was borne out by all the accounts from those possessions. Those from the Mauritius of April last told them of a f alling off on shipments of 15,000 tons, and th e impor tations of last year amounted to 59,000 tons. But a great Part of the exportations of the Mauritius had already arrived, and would form no part of those embraced by the current year. From Calcutta, in February last, also, they had been told that the exports had been 44 per cent, less than those of the preceding year. The ques tion, so far as the revenue was concerned, turned upon this, whether their supply was to come from their cold or from slave countries, the former at a duty of Isa and the latter, according to the Government plan, of 135.; but, according to the plan o f the Committee, of 108, ow, the entire stock of sugar in the several Ports and stores of Europe, on the Ist of January last, 114 8 145,000 tons, as against 110,000 tons, the stock on toe same day in the preceding year. But on the Ist of January last, it was 150,00 0 tons , a s a g ainst 120,000 of the last year. After going through the stocks taken On the same day in the preceding years, it would aPPear that the stocks were greater on the I st of June last than was ever known in the history of Europe. With regard to the stocks in England, the speculation he made, when on the Committee, was, that the st ock in England on the sth of July, of British colonial sugar , would be 65,000 tons. Now it seemed that on the Ist of July, there was a stock of 76,511 tons, against 73,178 Wag in the preceding year, showing an increase of 3,333 tons. Eut there had been a decrease in the deli veries of June, on account of the expectatinu of a reduc tion in the duty, to the extent of a shilling a hundred weight, if not of tour. In the months of May and June this decrease in the deliveries took place to a very large extent. Therefore there were at least 11,000 ton , of colonial sugar, artificially included in the stock by a sus pension of legislation. That stock had been increased by the prevalence of western gales in the month of June, owing to which circumstance an extraordinary arrival of 23,000 tons of colonial sugar had taken place. The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought that 240,000 tons would come into consumption during the current year. There had been an increase in East India sugar during the first half of the year, because the fall of prices here had not had time to operate in India. If, there fore, future importations would not exceed 200,000 tons, with a stock numerically of 76,000, but in reality only 65,000, making altogether a stock of 266.000 tons, what man in his senses could think of 240,000 tons, entering into consumption? In the years 1845 and 1846, 28,433 tons was the average increase of consumption. There was a fall of 11s. 9d. in price in 1845, no fall in 1847, giving an average fall of price for those three years of ss. I Id. At the same time the average annual increase of consumption was 28,000 tons. But there was a fall in the present price, as compared with that of last year, of 4s. Bcl., and the 28,000 tons was not an increase on 290,000. The Honourable Gentlemen, the Members for Dover and Liverpool, had made several observations on the falling-off in the consumption in the months of May and June. But although there had been this decrease in the consumption of sugar, yet there had been a great increase in the consumption of molasses, and that would fill the pockets of the Chancellor of the Exche quer quite as well as duty on sugar. The increase of duty on this article was equivalent to that on 995 tons of sugar. The course which the Government proposed was unjust towards the poor of the country, while that of the West India Committee, of which he had had the honour to be chairman, was different. The Committee did not give mere lip-service to the poor like that of the Hon. Gentleman opposite the Member for Manchester.- (Hear.) They proposed a plan which would give cheap sugar to the poor man, by taxing it in proportion to his means. If any gentleman would turn to the report, pages 17 and 18, of the Whitebook, and 19 and 20, of the Bluebook, he would find, taking the coarse sugar, which was that used by the poor man, and the higher class of sugar, which was that used by the rich, that 231. 10s. per ton was the lowest quality used by the poor man; that 281. was the better quality, and that 47/. was the highest quality; but the Noble Lord and the Chancellor of the Exchequeor would find that by his proposition he proposed making the poor man's sugar cheaper than either the Hon. Member for Manchester or the Government proposed. Taking the highest quality of sugar at 285., the ad valorem duty on that sugar would be 17s. 6d. Under the proposition of the Hon. Member for Manchester the poor man would pay 145., and under that of the Noble. Lord and the Chancellor of the Exchequer 13s. He now came to the lower sugar at 23/. l Os., that was 235. 6d. per cwt., and at the ad valorem price that would be 2d. the lb. The duty paid under the ad valorem scale would be 10s. Under the proposal of the Hon. Member for Manchester it would be 145., which would exclude the poor man alto gether from that sugar, and yet the Hon. Member said that he was the friend of the poor. He now came to the higher sugar of the foreigner, and on that sugar the poor man would pay under his (Lord George Bentinek's) proposal 14s. 10d.; by the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, 18s. 6d.; and by that of the Noble Lord and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 20s. The doctrine of " the Manchester school" has been pro• mulgated by Mr. Alderman Brooks. He now came to the sugar which sold at aid. per lb., and that which sold at sd. and 6d. The Noble Lord showed the advantages that would arise to the poor man on those sugars under his plan, as compared with the plan of the lion. Member for Manchester, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies, then, after all the cry which the Government got up against the West India Committee, was trying to make sugar dear to the poor man. The Government had taunted the Committee with not having mentioned the name of the poor man in their resolutions; but he would show that it was they (the Committee) that had been working for the poor man.-(Hear, hear.) And had not all the influence of the Government been brought to bear against them, it was they who would have succeeded in giving to the poor man cheap sugar. His proposition would reduce the duty on the poor man's sugar three farthings in the pound weight. He had now, he hoped, succeeded in brushing away the prejudices which were raised against him, and shown that while the Committee were solicitous about the interests of the co lonists, they were not unmindful of those of the poor man. He had shown also that slavery had been stimulated by the Act, and that what the Hon. Member for Man chester had said on that branch of the subject was not correct. The Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord Palmerston) informed the House that the number of slaves imported into Cuba was 60,000 ; but Senor Cliff, who was himself engaged in the trade, had stated the number to be 72,000. The Noble Lord read some parts of a statement of this latter gentleman as to the barbarities of the slave trade. Captain Maxwell said that the slaves were packed in the slavers like salt fish, and Surgeon Macrae, of her Majesty's service, stated that he had seen them packed as closely as human beings could be packed together. Their suf ferings were excessive. After reading other testimonies, the Noble Lord said that the last news was that on the coast of Africa slavers were literally swarming; twelve thousand slaves during the first three months of this year were landed in four districts of Brazil. That was at the rate of 142,000 per annum, more than double what it had ever been before. And yet Earl Grey said that he abhorred the slave-trade, and would most gladly adopt any measure that would put an end to it. He asked the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial De partment whether he was not bound in honour to oppose this Bill, which had so much aggravated the horrors of the slave-trade. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Manchester, when he asked for protection for the cotton interest, forgot the protection which it had so long en joyed. The cotton interest had taken good care of it self.-(Hear, hear.) They got a drawback on soap.' Mr. BRIGHT said, that perhaps the Noble Lord would allow him to say that the cotton' manufactory did not require soap at all.-(Hear and laughter.) Lord G. BENTINCK said that whether they required soap or no, theyrhad taken good care of their own in terest.-(Hear, and laughter from the Opposition.) The moment the Noble Lord had chosen to deprive the ship owners of protection was most unfortunate. He must say a word or two on financial subjects. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had suddenly discovered one million and a half of available revenue. He rejoiced at that. The Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Gentleman ought to have known that when they proposed an increase of income-tax. There were sources of revenue concealed from them when he wished to get a renewal of ass aug mented income-tax for three year; when the existence of the British colonies was at stake, what excuse was there for not coming to their aid ? Had not the Noble Lord thrown away 40,0001. of the copper revenue ? He believed that the poor of this country were well able and willing to spare a halfpenny a day to put an end to the horrors of the slave trade. He believed that, strong in the principles of virtue and morality, they would object to any proposal not founded upon that basis. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Noble Lord was fully entitled to be heard by the House upon a question to which be had devoted so much time and labour, but certainly he must say that he had used his privilege to the utmost-(Hear, hear)-for it appeared to him that only a few words at the beginning and to wards the end of his speech were applicable to the question before the House. His speech was really against the motion which it was his object to support. He argued that the duties should be reduced, and yet wi w fe o rt u eb l d ec firvrgoenteerte:shaetf cheapnessththee du t H i w e ea s ns s . hould remain as they were. protec tive duties. Merely reducingnot t Member h e producedf c o o r l bnLeominsteryial duty, u t without reducing that of the foreign sugar, would notobef which fwb r havecthe v be s Hu l slave u e gar wa s to wasthssee effect w e e b c e t t suggested. bet two introduced pt rroedpuecs T t h e question eidi.onsvvheh , b test y i both of the two schemes sho u ld b e adopted? The which of them was most f ur t h e benefit of the consumer, was, of the West Isidies, and of th e revenue ? As to the consumer, it was established that the reduction of the 14s. duty to 10s. by the end of six years would be a be nefit of 1,200,000/. a year. That was a benefit to be de siderated. But it was said it was not for the benefit of the West Indies. lie (Lord J. Russell) said that the best chance the West Indies had was in some large in crease of consumption. Sugar should be reduced to such a price as would cause that large increase. It was a remarkable fact, the great effect which the various re ductioas made in articles of consumption had had, while it was to be observed that little or no change took place in the course of the first or second years after such re ductions were made. It was on that account they sup posed that in the course of the present year there would be an increase in the consumption of sugar of about ten or fifteen thousand tons. He had by him an average of the amount consumed in this country for the last five years, beginning with 1839. The consumption in that year was about four millions and eighty-one thousand cwt., or about 200,000 tons, while that of last year was 645,521 cwta., being an increase of one-half the whole amount consumed in 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, and 1843 respectively. A great diminution in price also took place, for while it was 635. and 625. in the former years, it fell to 595. last year, and finally, as we understood the Noble Lord, to 51s. a cwt. These figures proved to his mind that they might expect an increase in the consumption of this most useful article, from year to year, although, perhaps, for some time, they 2 7s. would 7d . nn t h n r a e v i e g n a ; d t h u e t y y e o n f u l l d 4 h s . a o r colonialn dexpect an and increase to take place as in former years. He (Lord J. Russell) should trouble the House with a few of the instances in which a great increase in the consumption followeda re duction of duty. Take the article of coffee. In 1820, when the duty was Is. a pound, the consumption was about seven million pounds weight ; while, in 1825, when it was reduced to 6d., it rose to eleven millions. No further reduction took place until 1830, yet it increased to 22 millions, and it being then further re duced by a diminution of duty on foreign coffee, it rose to 28,733,0001b5.; and in 1847, when again reduced to 4d., it increased to 37,470,0001b5. That is, an increase took place in consequence of a reduction of duty from an average of seven to seven and a half millions to thirty- seven million pounds. Then take cocoa. In 1831 the duty was sixpence a pound, and the consumption 502 ,0001b5., but the duty being reduced to 2d., that con sumption increased to 1,928,0001b5., and a further re duction to a ld. duty brought about a consumption of 3,10 7,00011a5. The duty on wine being reduced from 95. ld. to 48.10 d. per gallon, a consumption of 5,000,000 gallons increased to 7,000,000 and upwards; and an in crease of a similar kind on tea, the duty on which was not reduced, but the price came down from 3a. 6d. to Is. 6d. in consequence of the destruction of the monopoly formerly held by the East India Company.- LONDON, (Hear, hear.) The consequence had been that while ►he amount of pounds weight imported in 1842 was 37,000,000, it rose in 1847 to 46,000,000. If there was nothing last year like the increase in the article of sugar which might have been expected, it arose no doubt from various causes, but all must be aware how desirable it was that the middle and working classes should have a plentiful supply of this nutritious article, and how ready they were to take advantage of every opportunity offered them to augment the consumption. He should, there fore, say that it was bad policy, when they compared the two scales of duty proposed for the consideration of the House, not to adopt that which gave greater chance to a large increase of consumption, thereby improving the condition of the great body of the people, by enabling them to add to their domestic comforts, and giving the West India planters the best chance of increasing a demand for the article, without risking any injury to the public revenue.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Ox ford, who spoke on Friday night, objected to the plan proposed by her Majesty's Government on account of the loss which would accrue to the revenue, for he doubted if they should have such an increase of con sumption this year as they were led to expect. It no doubt may be so as regarded the present year, but the Right Hon. Gentleman and the House should recollect that various causes existed for that expected decrease; there was, in the first instance, the Committee sitting on the West Indian question a good number of months, and an uncertainty existing as to the changes which might be proposed, on the alteration contemplated in the duty on the article. In the beginning of the year there was a remarkable increase in the supply, and that no doubt would continue so, as well as in the consump tion, when the question became finally settled. But other questions were raised with respect to the state of the West Indies, and it was argued by Hon. Gentlemen, who said, that as they were totally ruined it was better to adopt the plan of the Hon. Member for Leominster than that of the Government. He (Lord John Russell) would not say what advantage the plan of the Hon. Gentleman had over that of the Government, which gave a protection of 7s. for the first year, 6s. 6d. for the next, 6s. for the third, ss. 6d. for the fourth. The Hon. Gentleman's gave a protection of 7s. ; but if the question was whether they should have a few shillings or not, he thought the proposition of the Go vernment was much to be preferred. With regard to the cultivation of sugar, he thought that even in that view it would effect more good, and that even taking the figures of the Hon. Member for Kidderminster as correct, there was no reason for despairing. The planters in Cuba, as he had been informed by a gentleman, suf fered as much as those in the West Indies, for every ton of sugar imported from that colony for the past year was done at a loss of 51. per ton ; thus showing that a large production in the West Indies—larger than any which had taken place for many years—had produced ill effects in Cuba as well as in their colonies in the West Indies. The Noble Lord opposite the Member for King's Lynn estimated that 200,000 tons of sugar would come into this country from their British possessions. He (Lord John Russell) had a statement by him — Lord G. BENTINCK observed that his statement was, a supply of 200,000 tons would come from the sth of July, 1848, to sth of July 1849. Lord J. RUSSELL—The estimate which he held in his hand calculated that 135,000 tons would come from their British West Indian possessions, 62,000 from Mau ritius, and 60,000 from the East Indies, including in all 257,000 tons. Of course he could not guarantee the perfect accuracy of that statement ; he could only state that he had it from the most authentic sources, and that he believed it to be the most accurate. For his own part, he thought they would have a consumption exceeding 300,000 tons from the beginning of July in the present year to July, 1849. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford complained of a statement made by his Right Hon. Friend, and said that, in his opinion, some additional taxes should be put up to make up the deficiency in the revenue. Lie (Lord John Russell) thought the Right Hon. Gentle man said that the Government proposed to diminish the expenditure 650,000/. : that 500,0001. being the amount of appropriation, by having it paid at once instead of talking it over, they might reckon the whole amount of deficiency to be 400,0001. or 500,0001. With regard to the suggestion of the Right Hon. Gentleman that they should get an additional tax to make up that deficiency, considering the present state of Europe, he, for one, was not prepared to say that an additional tax should be imposed on the people of this country. If it should ap pear at the commencement of the next session of Par liament that Europe was in so threatening a condition that it would be necessary to keep up their naval and military establishments, then he should say it would not be right to go on without making their income more than their expenditure ; but if, as the present induced him to think, that a prospect existed of the settlement of the peace of Europe, he should then say the Go vernment would be bound rather by the exercise of the most rigid economy to bring the expenditure within the income, than endeavour to make it up by additional taxation.—(Cheers.) But at all events, at present, with things so unsettled, and a threatening aspect in many quarters, it was not advisable to propose any change. It may be, as he had said, that peaceful counsels would: prevail, and that no danger to the general peace of Europe may exist in a few months hence, in which case it must be absolutely necessary to bring their expenditure within their income, without any additional taxation.—(Hear.) He also begged leave to submit to the House that there was no question of the prohibition of slave sugar, or humanity in one way or another, then before it. Those who had objec tions to the admission of slave-grown sugar must vote for such admission if they vote for the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman. There was no difference in that respect between the two plans; but that in the Govern ment was, that, without any undue risk to the revenue, it provided both for the great body of the people of this country by giving a supply of cheap sugar, and gave a better chance to the West India planters to ;recover their former losses. Mr. GOULBURN believed they were bound to take the best means they could to place their colonies in such a position as to enable them to undersell all foreign sugars whatever. In the consideration of the two plans before the House they ought to consider in the first place the interests of the colonies, and in the next, taking care that no undue encouragement should be given to the slave trade. The Noble Lord talked of abandoning this year 300,0001., 500,0001. in the next, and in the fourth year a million, as if a sum of that kind could be dispensed with in the present state of the revenue. He told them he could not perceive what exigencies the present state of Europe might give rise to, and yet he called on them to dispense with so large a sum of the public revenue. He (Mr. Goulburn) found fault with the two plans, because there was not a proper distinction drawn between those classes of colonists who were ruined by the legislation of that House, and deprived of labour by the slave trade, and those possessions of the British Crown in the East Indies, that were not so affected. When they looked at the two classes of possessors, and saw that the West Indies had a special claim, they should not only have given them an advantage over the foreign consumer, but against those classes of her Majesty's subjects who did not so suffer. Driven, however, to take a choice, he had no hesitation whatever in adopting the plan of his Hon. Friend, because he believed, in the first instance, that the plan of the Noble Lord would best nut seriously affect their fi nances ; an d aga i n, because he believed that that of hi s H on . F r i en d would give confi• dence and security to th e i r W est I n di an colon i es. If the revenue were flourishing, by all means h e s h ou ld say reduce the duty on sugar, and th e y wou ld h ave, as he believed, a great increase in the c onsum pti on . Th e Noble Lord admitted he should lose 250,0001. in th e fi rs t year, and 500 , 000 /. in the next. He referred to the articles of coffee and cocoa, to show the great advan tage of reduction, but they were not dealing with those ex ports, they were dealing with the reduction of one shilling in the pound on sugar. And as for the present state of was it possible for any man to say that be called on before long to put forward resources?—(Hear, hear.) And when the theythe i r would h ' st Europe, n d Noble Lord h taunted his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Oxford with asking him to inerease taxa tion, he totally misunderstood him. He was not liable to such an imputation,for he recommended the adoption of no such proposition. If it be true, as was said, that an increase of the protecting duty increased the amount of the consumer, it must follow that a reduction will have a contrary effect; but if the Noble Lord looked to the great reductions which took place in 1845, he would find that the consumer gained but a small sum , the reduction depending more on the supply than any reduction of duty. Then let not the House or the country be led astray by the notion that the plan of his Hon. Friend would impose an additional sum on the great body of the consumers of the country. lie believed that if the plan of the Government were carried the evils which now pressed on the West Indies would be continued, and it would therefore be impOSsibienot - to look these evils in the face OR a future occasion. The Noble Lord said that he understoodthe West I the ndi a planters;ef effect of the bt p l a e n — w s To o u b l i d o be Lord beneficiald not to b Lord had not t a k en i n t o account t h e f ac t th a t the Cuba shown in what w a y thi s a d van t age wou ld ar i se . The Noble a planter would act upon th e pl an , an d, by th e continued employment of s l ave l a b our , d e f eat t h e v i ews which he suggested. His objection to the Government plan had relation to its financial character, and his belief was that it would be a failure. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment Mr. MOFFATT moved the omission of the words " white clayed, or sugar ren d ere d b y any process equal in quality to white clayed, not being refined; for every cwt.," and the figures following these words. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER objected to take trom the West Indiana the protection which they had in this instance. The HoN. GENTLEMAN declined to accede, and the amendment was negatived without a division. The first resolution was then agreed to. The second resolution was then put, as it appears in the tabular form. Mr. BAILLIE, on brown clayed sugar, or sugar ren dered by any process equal in quality to brown clayed, and not equal in quality to white clayed, for every cwt., being proposed, moved as an amendment, that the diffe rential duty of seven shillings should continue for six years, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer might arrange the descending scale at the expiration of that period. He offered it as a suggestion, and if it was adopted, it would give great satisfaction. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he did not understand the value of the suggestion. He con sidered it better that the scale should descend during the six years, as proposed in the resolution. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said he thought his Hon. Friend, the Member for Inverness, was right in endea vouring to protect the colonial-grown sugar from the competition of slave-grown sugar. The amendment was negatived without a division. Mr. BOUVERIE then moved, " That provisions be TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 11, 1848. made for the admission of such foreign sugars as shall be cleared out of the foreign, West Indian, and American ports, before the Ist day of August next, and out of ports east of the Cape of Good Hope, before the Ist day of September next, at the rates of duty imposed on such sugars respectively by the Act 9 and 10 Victoria, c. 63." He said the duty on sugar from these ports was to be raised ,from 181. to 201., which would impose on the merchants engaged in the trade a positive loss of the difference i❑ the duty. The former duty was guaranteed to them by the Act of 1846, and when they altered that resolution they should give those merchants an indem nity. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said mch allowances were never made as those demanded by this proposal. It would be a great inconvenience to an nounce an intended increase of duty, which no Govern ment could be called upon to do. It was a general rule that parties giving orders for goods upon one scale of duty should be liable to pay any increased duty imposed in the interval. M. J. B. SMITH said, in May last the Noble Lord assured the merchants in the trade that no alteration would be made in the duty, and on the faith of that de claration orders were sent out to make purchases. Now, however, larger duties were to be imposed, which was taking the difference out of their pockets. Mr. GLADSTONE said, although all care ought to be taken in altering duties, that individuals should not suffer loss, he could not agree in the doctrine that Par liament could not make such alterations, though indi viduals might suffer, when a general good was to be effected; but it was a different thing when Members of the Government made certain declarations to the parties so interested. The case before the House was not that the faith of Parliament was pledged —it was not the Act of 1846 that occasioned any doubt in his mind; but it was the declarations which had been made deliberately and distinctly by her Majesty's Government in February last—not at the im portunities of the parties who now complained, but on motion proposed by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer declared there was not the slightest intention of departing from the Act of 1846, and added that he was anxious to make the declaration distinctly and implicitly, in order that there might be no uncertainty in the matter. The Par liament might have made an alteration despite of the Government, but these parties knew it was not the prac tice of Parliament to alter fiscal regulations of this kind except at the suggestion of a Government, and they had a right to confide in a declaration made by the financial Minister of the Crown, and repeated by the President of the Board of Trade and the Secre tary for the Colonies, and, lastly, by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government. The Noble Lord was asked, not by the parties who had to suffer, but by those who sought to alter the law of 1846, and by them stated so late as the 30th of May last, that Government did not intend to propose any alteration. Was it good policy, or consistent with public faith, lite rally or rightly understood, that the declarations should be considered as though they had never taken place, teed parties whe had acted on the assurances of the Minister of the Crown should not receive protection in having so acted? There were alterations in the circumstances of the colonies in June which were not known in May, when that declaration lwas made, and though he pro tested against the principle of all parties claiming com pensation for loss resulting in changes of public policies when acting on their own risk; but, on the solemn as surance of the Government, they were entitled to the justice they claimed, and he did not fear that the result would be that any dangerous precedent would be set. Mr. LABOUCIIERE replied, and contended that the alteration of the Act of 1846, as proposed by the Govern ment, was perfectly justified by the change of circum stances which occurred in June, subsequent to the Noble Lord's declaration in May. A desultory conversation, in which Mr. Nowdegate, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Goulburn, Lord John Russell, and Lord George Bentinck, took part, en sued ; after which the Committee divided, when their appeared— For the amendment 34 Against it Majority against the amendment —loB On the question that the Chairman report the resolu ions to the House, _ _ The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that in the resolutions the sth of July was named as the day on which the new duty was to Come into operation. He begged, therefore, to state, that on the next stage of the measure he should more that the 10th of July be inserted in place of the sth. The SPEAKER then resumed the Chair. The resolutions were reported, the report on them to be received to-morrow (this day), at twelve o'clock. The West India Islands Rehet' Bill WB5 read a second time, as was also the Parochial Debt and Audit Bill, the Poor-law Union Districts School Bill, and the County Court of Justiciary (Scotland) Bill. The County Cess (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and passed, and the Ecclesiastical District Assignment Bill went through Committee. On the motion of Captain PECIIELL, a copy of the general order of the Poor-law Commissioners to the se veral unions, bearing date the 16th of February, 1848, was ordered, and the House adjourned at a few minutes past Two o'clock till Twelve this day. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. ,From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. MONDAY, JULT 10. SUGAR DUTIES.—(IN THE COMMITTEE.) Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Duty on Muscovado, or any other Sugar not being equal in quality to White Clayed, be, from and after the sth day of July, 1848, to the sth day of July, 1849, for every cwt. 13s.:"— Afterwards moved, " That the Duty on Muscovado Sugar, or any other Sugar not being equal in quality to White Clayed, be, from and after the sth day of July, 1848, to the sth day of July, 1849, for every cwt. 14s. :"—Question put, " That the Duty on Muscovado, or any other Sugar, snot being equal in quality to White Clayed, be, from and after the sth day of July, 1848, to the sth day of July, 1849, for every cwt. 135." The Committee divided : Abdy,:T. N. Adair, R. Shaft° " Aglionby, Henry Alcock, Thomas Anderson, Arthur Anson, Colonel Armstrong, Sir A. Armstrong, R. B. Arundel, Earl of Baines, M. T. MAJORITY -AYES, 180. Greene, John Parker, John Grey, Sir George Pechell, Captain Grey, R . `lr . Peel, Sir Robert Grosvenor, Lord It, Perfect, R. Hall, Sir B. Feta, Samuel d iallyburton, Lord Pigott, Francis Harcourt, G. Pilkington, James Hardcastle, J. A. Pusey , P. Ilastie, Archibald Raphael, Alexander Ilawes, Benjamin Reynolds, John Ilay, Lord J. Ricardo, J. L. Hayter, W. G. Ricardo, Osman Headlam, Thomas Rico, E. R. Heathcoat, John Rich, Henry Henry, Alexander Robartes, T. J. Herbert, H. A. Romilly,,Sir John lie Ywood, James Russell, Lord John Ilindley Charles Russell, F. C. Ho bhouse, Sir John Rutherford, A. liobhouse, T. B. Scholefleld, William Hodges, T. L. Scrope, G. P. Howard, P.H. Seymour, Sir 11. Hughes, W. B. Seymour, Lord Jervis, Sir John Shinto, R. D. Kershaw, James Shell, R. L. Kildare, Marquis Shelburne, Earl of King, Peter John Smith, John A. Labouchere, Henry Smith, J. Benjamin Lemon, Sir Charles Somerville, Sir W. Lennard, T. B. Spearman, H. J. Lewis, Sir T. Stanton, W.H.: Lewis, G. C. Strickland, Sir G. Al'Cullagh W. T. Stuart , Lord D. M'Taggart: Sir J. Taucred,:ll. W. Maher, N, Thicknesse, R. A. Maitland, T. Thompson, Colonel Marshall, J. (G. Thornely, T. Martin, John Tollemache, F. I. Martin,:C. W. Towneley, John Martin, Samuel Townley, It. G. Matheson, A. Townshend. Captain Matheson, Colone l Trelawny, J. S. Maule, Fox Melgund Turner, Edmund Milner, W. M. , Viscount Tynte, Colonel Vivian, J. IL Milton, Viscount Wall, C. B. Mitchell, T. A. Ward, H. G. Moffatt, George Watkins, Colonel Morpeth, Viscount West, F. It. Morison, Sir W. Westhead, J. P. Morris, David Willcox, Brodie Mostyn, E. Williams, Johu Mumz, G F. Wilson, James Sorreys, Lord Wilson, Matthew Ogle, S. C. Wood, Sir Charles Ord, W. Wrightson, W.ll, Owen, Sir J. W,yld, James ... Paget, Lord A. Young, Sir Jolni l'aget, Lord Clarence TELL ER ,. Paget, Lord George Tufnell, Henry Palmerston, Viscount 11111, Lord Marcus MINORITY-NOES, 124. Baring, Sir F. T. Barnard, E.:G. Bellew, R. ➢i. Benbow;John Berkeley, Captain Berkeley, Craven Bouverie, E. P. Bowring, Dr. Boyle, Colonel Brand, Thomas Brocklehurst, John Brockman, E. 1). Brotherton,J. Brown, W. Browne, It. D. Bunbury, E. 11. Butler, I'. S.: Carter, John B. Cavendish, G. If. Cavendish, W. G. Childers, J. W. Clay, James Clay, Sir W. Coetburis, Alex. Coke, E. K. Cowper, W. F. Craig, W. G. Crawford, W. S. Dalrymple, Captain Davie, Sir H, Duncan, Viscount Duncan, George Dundas, Admiral Dundas, Sir D. Ebrington, Viscount 'Ellice, Edward Elliot. J. E. THE MAGAZINES. BLACK WOOD. Without being too political for those who eschew politics, or too imaginative for those devoted to the more sober themes of investigation, Blackwood for July has articles enow both upon the art of govern ment and upon subjects of a fictitious character to satisfy the readers of Great Britain—a class as mot ley as it is happily becoming fastidious. One sen tence we must quote at once, because it has arrested our attention so powerfully, because it conveys a holy and most awful truth, and because it expresses that truth in language singularly beautiful for its sim plicity. The sentence is contained in one of the po litical contributions—a letter from the American Correspondent of :Naga, entitled "American Thoughts on European Revolutions." After speaking of the terrible and extraordinary spectacle presented by the different kingdoms of continental Europe, the writer says, nevertheless—" I do not look without feelings of awe, for I am sure it is the shadow of God's own hand that is now passing over the nations." Who does not feel in his heart's core the correctness of that solemn conjecture ? Another word or two upon the other political contributions before we comment upon the miscellaneous effusions. "Centralization"—a subject which has latterly occupied a very considerable share of the attention and intelligence of the press—is here examined in its entirety, the writer treating succes sively of the morality of the question, its advisability, its possible consequences, and the effect which it must inevitably produce, not only upon the mother-country, but upon the British colonies themselves. To those Conservatives who swear by the Pilot who weathered the storm, and who are, consequently, not indisposed to relish a good stiff piece of sarcasm at the present Government—a piece of sarcasm combining some thing of the acidity of Mr. Roebuck, with much of the bitterness of Mr. Disraeli—we commend the verses called " Huzza for the Rule of the Whigs !" verses referring derisively to the increase of the epis copacy, to the stringent measures adopted towards Ireland, and to the contempt expressed for the Chart ists by the Whigs, those same Whigs, according to our delightful Christopher, being the most likely par ties, if out of office, to clamour against the Church, to shriek against the wrongs inflicted upon old Erin, and to side not only with the Radical Reformers, but with those respectable gentlemen who demand nothing less than the six points of the Charter. " Hum for the Rule of the Whigs !" cries Ebony : but would he, with all his satire, admire the 'Whigs the more were they to reverse their present system of ad ministration, were they, for instance, to mulct the two Archbishops and their suffragans to the tune of some thousands, were they to yield to the in timidations of Mitchel, and to cringe before the threatened asseverations of the fellow Fussell ? We doubt it. 'And, therefore, say we with a better grace, " Huzza for the Rule of the Whigs 1" Little sym pathy have we, either, with the sentiments expressed in the articles on the " Navigation Laws," and upon " Republican France"—the former, however, being written with great acumen, if not with a strictly logi cal explicitness. In the clever and epigrammatic article on " The Laws of the Land," being a criti cism upon a recent work by Mr. M'Culloch, there is this facetious observation—" The spirit of the age wears a pen behind his ear, and sits upon a high stool with three legs." The best of the remark is that it is as true as it is facetious. Part 11. of " Life in the Far West" reminds us in some way very vividly of the " Overland Journey Round the World, by Sir George Simpson." The graceful, and in point of mere style, really admirable tale called " The Cax tons" is continued; and the same contributor, as we conjecture, who reviewed, last month, " Stoddart's Book on Angling," this month analyses and eulogises the book written by the two Stuarts, heading his cri ticism " The Scottish Deer Forests." Besides a paper descriptive of the desolate scenery of Siberia, there is an exquisite poem, we know not who by, the signature being, however, the familiar initials W.E.A., called "The Buried Flower." At first the conceit of the poem is somewhat dim, but it grows upon the imagi nation ; as you proceed, it rises gradually . up through the obscurity of the introductory lines, just (to use one of the dainty metaphors of the writer) as— the mountain violet Spreads its blossom on the sod." In the rhythm, the suave and delicious rhythm, there is a delicate and almost indefinable resemblance to some of the best lines ever written by Tennyson, as in the verses— " 0 the merry burst of gladness; 0 the soft and tender tone! 0 the whisper never utter'd Save to one fond ear alone! " 0 the light of life that sparkled In those bright and bounteous eyes! 0 the blush of happy beauty, Tell-tale of the heart's surprise! " 0 the radiant light that girdled Field and forest, land and sea, When we all were young together, And the earth was new to me!" Or again, when the bard has summoned the buried flower of his love from her grave— "Lo, she cometh in her beauty, Stately with a Juno grace, Raven locks, Madonna-braided O'er her sweet and blushing face. " Not a word I dared to utter — More than he who, long ago, Saw the heavenly shapes descending, Over Ida's slopes of snow: " When a low and solemn music Floated through the listening grove, And the throstle's song was silenced, And the doling of the dove: " When immortal beauty open'd All its grace to mortal sight, And the awe of worship blended With the throbbing of delight. " As the shepherd stood before them Trembling in the Phrygian dell, Even so my soul and being Own'd the magic of the spell." There is something essentially Tennysonian in the composite expressions of " a Juno-grace," and locks " Madonna -braided." Altogether Blackwood for July is one of the most diversified, and is certainly not one of the least valuable that has yet appeared. Its supremacy is more than ever indisputable. It is now in truth par excellence—Maga. The article of Spanish Affairs in this month's Fra ser is from the pen of one who evidently thoroughly understands the subject, and who because he under stands the subject unhesitatingly expresses his ap proval of the conduct of Sir Henry Bulwer and of Lord Palmerston throughout the recent Sotomayor controversy. He, however, is of opinion that it would hare b een w i se at the commencement to have let the Spanish Government know that we were pre pared to at once resent an insult, and to have at once adopted the " knock down" alternative of Lord Archi bald Hamilton. We extract from this Tory periodical the following account of the pet of the Protectionists, General Narvaez:— "But let us study the public and constitutional history of General Narvaez, Duke of Valencia, the head of that Cabinet which has cast such an insult upon England. What are his antecedents? what confidence are we jus tified in reposing in him for the future in consequence of his past history? Narvaez has accused Mr. Bulwer of being privy to the recent movements at Seville. Seville is certainly one of those towns with all the movements of which General Narvaez ought to be well acquainted, inasmuch as he headed the rebellion there against his own Sovereign in 1838. It is quite his pays de connais sance ; and we should be very much astonished if in the end it were not to turn out that he created the move ment himself, in order to give some plausible ground for the tyrannical policy he has since adopted. Well, this is not all. Narvaez was the prime mover in the attack on the palace in 1841, when the misguided but most gallant Diego Leon fell a sacrifice to the wretched ca bals and perfidious intrigues of this very man Narvaez; and at the instigation of the Queen-Mother, whose only object was to regain her lost influence in Spain, the sanctity of the royal bedchamber was violated, and the Queen and her sister narrowly escaped with their lives. Narvaez, too, it was who accomplished his purpose in 1844, by overthrowing the regency of Espartero—of Espartero who, though a soldier of fortune, illiterate and uncultivated, was still the only man who had shown anything approaching to intellect or judgment in the conduct of the Spanish Government. It was after the overthrow and final expulsion of Espartero that Nar vaez brought back the Queen-Mother to Madrid, and afterwards formed the Cabinet. Subsequently, when the Roncali and Miraflores Administration broke up is 1841, Narvaez was again at the head of the Government, and he was recalled a few months since to the same high office, with all his bigotry and pretension only matured by the lapse of time. ‘' But it is to the year 1846 that we would principally direct attention, for it was then that Narvaez entered upon office with the loudest pretensions of respect for constitutional government and the liberty of the sub ject. No sooner had he accepted the seals than he pro mulgated two royal decrees—by the first of which the sitting of the Cortes was suspended; while by the second rigorous restrictions were imposed upon the liberty of the press." Snch is the man whom the Protectionists think it decent to uphold, whom they think it not unpatriotic to encourage in heaping insults on Great Britain, in plundering her subjects, and ruining her commerce, provided they can only make use of him as a tool for regaining political ascendancy, and with it the power of again plundering the great mass of their industri ous fellow-countrymen by a re-enactment of th e con? laws. " The State of th e A c t e d D rama " is an ad mirable article. The decli ne o f th e d ra ma is entirely attributable to the mismanagement of managers, and the gross selfishnesss of artistes. The writer's tippre elation of Min acready is most just—his art h imsel f _ y not himself in his art, has been his whole an object of pursuit throughout his career. Evderystoeathde; consideration has been sacrificed in orde h r e to h e a n s a n b o le t him to display himself; for this purp ose scrupled to mutilate Shakspere by cutting out all the best portions of Cordelia, or to ruin the fame of Tay lor by reducing the Clara van Artavelde to the di mensions of a walking lady. The example thus set by the " great actor," has been followed by all the minor ones, who not only imitate him in his jerking, growling, recitative style of declamation, in his poses plastiques, his strut and his stare, but in his determi nation to have no brother nor sister near the throne. Let English actors think less of themselves and more of their art, and the drama will revive; until they do so, and thus become artistes indeed, it will not, nay, it ought not to revive. In the article on "Denmark and the Duchies," the much vexed and roost obscure question as to the right of Denmark to the Duchies, is treated in an able and lucid manner. We have, in addition, a beautifully writt en G ree k ta l e, entitled' " Hyas the Athenian," the commencement of " The Autobiography of a Young French Widow," which promises well; an exc e ll en t d ro ll ery entitled " The Confessions of a Nervous Soldier," some interesting sketches of the "Mexican War," and a variety of other amusing papers. BENTLEY. The portrait of Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, which was to have illustrated the present number of Bentley, is postponed to the ensuing number in consequence of the delay on the part of the engraver. We have, however, the memoir of Sir Edward Bulwer Lyt ton, including, as the memoir of every literary man must necessarily include, a critique on his genius and productions. The following passages are worthy the attentive consideration of all who are desirous of adopting literature as a profession : " We may conclude this catalogue of his works by one or two traits interesting to literary aspirants. The first is that he has worked his way to eminence—worked it through failure, through ridicule. His facility is only the result of practice and study. He wrote a: first very slowly and with great difficulty ; but he resolved to master the stubborn instrument of thought, and mastered it. He has practised writing as an art, and has re-written some of his essays (unpublished) nine:or ten times over. " Another habit will show the advantage of continuous application. He only works about three hours a day— from ten in the morning till one—seldom later. The evenings, when alone, are devoted to reading, scarcely ever to writing. Yet what an amount of good hard labour has resulted from these three hours! He writes very rapidly, averaging twenty pages a day novel print. " Courage, industry, and perseverance are qualities which he has brought to bear upon high aims and dis tinguished abilities. The results have been adequate. His career is honourable to himself, and a lesson to men of letters. " One remark must be made before concluding, and that is upon the true conception of the literary man's position with regard to letters, as illustrated in Bulwer's career. He has avoided an error which is all the more common because the public encourages it. The man who has succeeded in any one department is always looked on with suspicion if he attempt another. People are reluctant in giving credit to various accomplish ments. They will admit your superiority of one point —it does not affect their self-love ; they flatter them selves that they are superior to you on others : but if you attempt to prove your superiority on other points, you invade their domain and irritate their complacency. Why doesn't he stick to his novels?' says the historian; Why does he attempt the drama?' says the dramatist; How absurd to fancy himself a politician?' exclaims the M.P. It is thought to be no answer to say that the man is versatile, has many faculties, and employs them: the public like a man to confine himself to one special topic. Division of labour is the grand thing: if you have made pins' heads, content yourself with that, and do not venture upon points. " Accordingly we see men always working the mine where they once discovered gold, and afraid to dig else where. They repeat themselves. All their works are but changes of name and costume. Like sculptors who having once carved from marble a statue which has been admired, they continue taking casts from that statue in different, and often indifferent, material. " Not thus has Bulwer worked. When once he has done a thing, he has done with it; new blocks of marble lie before him, new creations are wrought from them. Having once written a 'Pelham,' he writes no more dandy novels; having once written a Rienzi,' lie writes no more Tribune' novels. Athens' follows the Duchess do la Valliate,' and Maltravers ' follows Athens.' He gives no repetition of the Lady of Lyons,' though urged by actors, managers, and public. He writes just as the impulse urges him, not as,a clamo rous, foolish public wishes. Into various spheres of acti vity he throws his active mind, and always with new re sult. A resolute diver, he plunges into the dark ocean, struggles amidst the waves, and rises each time with a new pearl. The amount of wealth he has thus accumu lated should always be estimated when his career is spoken of. He has, we say obeyed his own impulse: the oirrio; has been within, not without. Although he has been, perhaps, more than anxious about pleasing the public and writing for effect, he has only done so in the matter of ',form. He has chosen, to please, himself; he has written to please the many." Maxwell continues his highly wrought story of "Robert Emmett and Arthur Aylmer." The scene of the death of old Reginald Aylmer, is most powerfully written. Sidney Bywater furnishes us a rich drol lery entitled " Horrible Delusions," which is illus trated con amore by Leech. A pleasant biography of " Madame Viardot Garcia" follows, and then we have " Pocahontas," an Indian tale by Odard. Abra ham Vanderdoort, under the title of "Pictures and Painters," gives us an elaborate, artist-like, and con scientious criticism of several of the picture exhibitions of the present season, and Prince Lowenstein conti nues his pleasant "Andalusian Sketches." Our friend, the Flaneur in Paris, gives us some pleasant sketches of " The French National Assembly," and dashes off a series of portraits of the principal mem bers with the hand of a master. A very interesting paper is that by the Baron Harthahsen entitled a " Visit to the Rusian City Jaroslaff," introducing us as it does to Russian life in the provinces. The re maining papers of this number are of more than aver age merit. TRE NEW MONTHL Y. Both the numbers of this eminent periodical for June and July have arrived together. Coming upon us in this double profusion of contributions we are reminded of the large amount of invention required in the composition of such a publication, the diver sities of style, the ingenuity in the fabrication of plots, the penetration requisite for the selection of the most appropriate themes, and, above all, the saga city, the taste, the patience, and the unwearying industry necessary for the fulfilment of the responsi bilities of editorship. But burdensome as those duties must ba, Mr. Harrison Ainsworth has nerve and skill enough to edite two magazines simultaneously, namely, the one which bears his name, and the one now before us a periodical already celebrated for its editors, from Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, to Theodore Hook, to Tom Hood, down to Mr. Ains worth himself. And, in addition to all this, we shall presently find that the editor of the New Monthly and of Ainsworth's Magazine has sufficient leisure left to revise the new and improved edition of his romance of " Crichton," now in cours e o f republica tion. Little as such literary labours are noticed, they deserve at least this passing commemoration from the newspaper critic, and the labours of Mr. Ains worth in particular justify us in terming him one of the most industrious, intelligent, and gifted of the magazine editors of England. Take a rapid glance at the contents of these two numbers of the New Monthly, by way of affording an illus tration to our remark. In June you are carried away at a hand-gallop to Southern Africa by Lieutenant-Colonel E. Napier; into the thick of the Paris Revolution on the Rosinante of Mr. Jolly Green, or into the lax coteries of Sicilian society by the writer of " The Confessional." Mrs. Actom Tindal sings to you, " Fear not to Die ;" and the melodious voice of J. E. Carpenter chaunts the dirge of pomp in two verses beginning " Treasure not the costly grm." Charles Rowcroft writes as merrEy as ever about " Tick ;" the author of " Chantilly" about " Paquerette ;" Dudley Costello about " Madame du Barri;" Charles Hervey about the "Paris ;Drama," not to mention papers on " Philip and his .Poodle," " Eastern Life," an " Evening Landscae," the " Richest Commoner in England," th e "Kafir War," " Continental Politics," the " Royal Acadeisay," the " Opera," and the " Palingenesia of the Aid lemists." Of the July number we may say ditto in regard to the• diversity, merriment, and abundance of ;the con tributions, the editor not forgetting that th a second title of the magazine is " The Humorist." AINS WORTH'S. Both the June and July instalments of .4' insivorth, ike its companion, the New Monthly, hal'e reached tis ; and conspicuously in both, not on: y as the upening portions, or as being illustrated by the e tching-needle of Hablot Knight Browna are the chapters of the editor's gorgeous romance of " Crich ton. The present chapters are those call ed " The I3ezoar," "The Jester,"„and " The Sarbaci am" In the July number Prince Itiladimer Odoje& ':sky con tributes a " Capriccio" as unpronounceably queer as the name of IL S. H.—"an odd name," a 3 the Irish say, "to open a pew-door with." The otle r contri butions are, in their different way, Treeable; especially the description of " The Homes tends of Brittany.' Enfield, Lord Evans, Sir De Lacy Evans, John Evans, William ➢'agan, William Fergus, John Ferguson, Sir R. Fitzwilliana, G. W. Foley, J. 11. Forster, M. Forteseue, Freestuu, Colonel Glyn, George Carr Graham, Sir Januis Acland, Sir T. D. Fitzgerald, W. R. 3mlaosntseerinu, alnv,iiJiitit Millie, 11. J. Fitz r .y, He n ry 0 ph Baring, Thomas Forbes, William Barrington, Viscount Forester, G. C. Itateson, T. Fuller, A. E. Bentinek, Lord G. Galway, Viscount is.N.l;rileealveepodllidd(elye,rg:jJaa'Orotl.seiAels:PN.h. Bentiuck, Lord H. Gaskell, J. M. e k O'Brien e,e . Sir lv I . .uci a 3 Blackstone, W. S. Gladstone, W. E. gton, Blandford, Marquis Goddard, A. L. Sir J. , Boldero, Henry Gooch, E. S. Paki n Bowles, Admiral Gordon, Ad mira l Palmer Robert Bramston, T. W. Goulburu, H Palmer, Roundel enr y Bremridge, Richard Granby, Marquis of Patten, J. W. Broadley, Henry Greene, Thomas Peel, Colonel Brooke, Lord Grogan, E. sseeo ntoy} Colonel Rowel Colonel Bruce, Lord E. Gwyn, Bowel Reid. Colonel Buller, Sir J. Y. Raiford, Sir IL Rushout, Captain Buxton, Sir E. Halsey, T. I'. Sanders, George Cardwell, Edward Hamilton, G. A. Chichester, Lord J. Hamilton, Lord C. F. Christopher, Christopher, it. Heneage, G. u..W. Sim Christy, Samuel Hervey, Lord A. SSom m y e t r h set j , o C h a n p u t3in Clerk Sir G. Iliklyard, T. B. Sotheron, T. H. S. Clive, henry B. Hodgson, W. N. I,v,rl,_._S, Spooner, urtiellaos,irienletyoer,pshe., T,( levB.rijrsy e ßichard soaun:G. 17 Cobbold, John C. Hood, Sir A. Cochrane, A. 110pe,.11. T. Cocks, Thomas S. Rotham, Lord Sutton, 11. M. Codrington, Sir W. Hume,) Joseph Colebrooke, Sir T. Inglis, Sir R. Corry, henry Jolliffe, sir W. li. , • Courtenay, Lord Jones, Captain Tyrrell, SrSi J. T. Knox, Colonel Denison, J. E. Lennox, Lord H fa. Disraeli, B.:: Lincoln, Earl of v yse, R., 11. - Dod, J. W. Lockhart, A. E. Waddington, David Drax, J. S. W. I N V r Wan, ho il d ‘lov e ug o hj ubyT, Sir H. East, Sir J. B. N . Drummond, HOMO Lockhart, W. Duckworth, Sir J. Lowther, Colonel Lowther, Henry se,E . Mackenzie, W. F. W orcester, Marquis Egerton, Sir P. l'it'Gregor, John Emlyn, Viscount lw liners Lord C. TELLERS. Estcourt, J. B. B. —a , , Ilarkly He Manners, Lord G. _. , Ferrer, James aides, William Fellewes, E. March, Earl of Motion made, and Question put, “T hat provision be made for the admission of such Fore i gn Su gars as shall b e c l eare d out of the Foreign, West India n, and A merican ports before the Ist day of August next, and out of ports east of the Cape of Good Hope before the I st day of September next at the rates of Duty imposed on such S ugars respectively by the Act 9 and 10 Vic. c. 63." The Committee divided : musToRITY—AYEs , 34. Bagge, William llerbert, Sidney eynaer 11. K. 1 Brown, W. Heywood , James S'd ' ney, Aldorraan Cardwell, E. King, P. J. Spooner, Richard Cobbold, J. C. Lincoln, Earl of Stuart, Lord D. Cocks, T. S. Lockhart, A. E. Sturt, H. G. Duncan, George moguad, Viscount Turner, George Edwards, Henry Mitchell, A. T. Williams, John Fitzgerald, W. It. Moffatt, George Wodehouse, Edmund Galway, Viscount Monsen, William Gladstone, W. E. Palmer,iltobert TELLERS. Glyn,;(l. C. Pechell, Captain Bouverie, E. I'. Hardcastle, J. A. Sandars, George Smith, J. B. Hattie, Alexander schoteneld, William MAJORITY-NOES, 142. DOLMAN'S. One of the very ablest numbers which h as ye t appeared under the present editorship—th E papers eig brief and diversified. A M r. L . A. B; tker, for example, has a lively chapter c a ll e d " An Adv€ nture at Sea ;" Mr. Scott Nasmyth Stokes issues a sort of semi-official manifesto on the subject of " 1 catholic Education ;" and Mr. F. A. Paley ha s an i n g enious "Apology for Roodscree ns ." Several of th e other papers have qualities superior to that of being merely readable. THE PATRICIAN. This valuable Antiquarian, Heraldic, and G 2ncalo- gical record f u ll y maintains, under the able edi torship of Mr. Ber nar d B urke, the high character w hich . it had attain e d un d er the superintendence of I tin late highly gifted father. • 41,3 TAIT. Politics for the time being have eclipsed literature, and Percy B. St. John is foremost among those con tributors to Tait's Magazine, who were very recently , led by George Giitilla n . M ont h after month, al though ourselves, of course, perfectly au courant with i `" events, as, in fact, every Journalist must be by necessity, we retrace our steps with pleasure to examine the graphic epitome of occurrences in the revolutionary chapters of Mr. St. John ; and these chapters we are gratified to see republished it-avery cheap rate by themselves. In the August number of Tait, for example, we anticipate with some satisfac tion the account which will inevitably appear of the late insurrection in Paris from the pen of this con tributor to the magazine. Himself a resident in the French capital, he has every opportunity - of rendering his description vivid and authentic. And this op. portunity he avails himself of, in everything at least relating to the French Revolution. When he writes upon other continental movements not immediately under his own observation, he is by no means feli citous, witness this the excessively foolish chapter upon the Papacy —one of the baldest and silliest effusions which has ever appeared in the magazine. " Miranda " is continued by the same writer, and the present is, to our thinking, more powerfully , written than all the preceding instalments put toge ther. Among the other contributions to the July number we must particularize the " Extract from a Drama," by Sydney Yendys. The scene is Rome, and the recent movements of the Democratic Monk. Gioberti will induce many, we doubt not, to devour this ambitious piece of versification with curiosity. The other papers in Tait are varied and intelligent. THE DUBLIN UNIVERSITY The present month produces an extraordinary number of poetic gems, all of considerable merit, worthy of the well-established reputation of our talented contemporary. Messrs. D. F. McCarthy, W. Lander, Percy Boyd, and, though last, not least, our own dear J. C. M., have contributed some exqui site translations. " The Lays of Many Lands " are now too well known to require any eulogium. We have the Sixth Number before us, and the same wild beauty, the fire, and energy that marked the previous efforts of the accomplished editor are fully main tained, aye, even with increased power. German, Norwegian, Spanish, Dutch, French, Swedish, and Moldavian are all ransacked, and the peculiar beauties of each brought out with the most powerful effect. " Stavooren," "Wreaths for the Non-living," " The Devil and the Wind," " The Death Garland," " The Santon and the Maiden, " " Fidelity," " The Parri c id e ," an d " Th e Treble Death," are the lays with which we are now greeted. " The Wreath of Student Songs," seven in number, by Mr. Boyd; " Ver Sacrum," by Mr. Lander; and " The Bold Mariner," by Mr. M'Carthy, are selec tions from the German, in which the spirit of the originals are well preserved. " The Secret in Words" is a sketch of one of Calderon's admirable comedies. Many of the scenes are exquisitely ren dered, and the distinguished author receives full justice from the hands of Mr. M'Carthy. " Our Portrait Gallery," gives us the likeness and a biogra phical sketch of Dean Kirwan, possibly the most brilliant and accomplished orator of the age in which he lived, the contemporary of Grat tan, Flood, Curran and Hussey—Burgh, of Clare and Avonmore, Bushe and Plunket, men of other times, when there were giants in the land, he was the courted and admired of all. Beloved as a friend, respected and revered as a Christian minister, his powerful advocacy can never be forgotton by any who had the good fortune to hear him. Grattan was accustomed to speak of him as the first orator of any age or country, and such praise from such a man evinced the power and genius of the object of his panj. genic. " China and the Chinese," is an excellent description of the Celestial Empir e , or a t l east o f t h ose parts to whi c h the English barbarians are allowed admission. Our settlement at Hong Kong is strongly censured; it is stated to be as insignificant in magni tude as it is deficient in resources and insalubrious in climate. We are promised a continuation of the narrative next month. We have also "The Natural History of Man," " Random Records of a Rambler," " A House and its Three Tenants," all of which are well worthy of perusal. " Chit-chat about New Novels" contains criticisms on " Rose, Blanche, and Violet," and on " Sir Theodore Boughton," the first of which is spoken favourably of, while the latter is severely cut up. The last article, " The Irish League," as might be expected, is strongly tinctured by political prejudice. It speaks of the contemplated union between all classes of Repealers "as a thing definitively settled." It has not, however, as yet taken place, and we much doubt if the conflicting elements can ever be amalgamated one with the other. The number altogether is excellent. COLBURN'S UNITED SERVICE. We have in the present number several able pro fessional papers, relieved by some interesting and amusing narratives. There is the happy mixture— the combination of the useful with the agreeable—to suit all classes of readers. Among the former, the first article " On Official Slow and Fast Coaches" is worthy of notice; it points out some of the abuses, more particularly in the mode by which promotion may be obtained, which we trust may speedily be remedied. " Military Education in France" is con tinued—the Royal Staff School and the School of Fortification and Artillery at Metz, are the institutions now described. " The Military Defence of Rivers," and "Field Movements," will afford valuable information to the mili tary student. Tristram again overhauls the Prince de Joinville's pamphlet, and refute s th e vari ous assertions put forward therein respecting the practical mode of assailing our country. " Abd-el- Rader" is concluded, and the career of the heroic Emir is traced up to his incarceration in France, where he is still detained, a sad example of the punica fides of the French nation. " A Leaf or Two from an Old Log ;" " Leaves from the Tropics ;" " Captain Jones," by the indefatigable Percy B. St. John ; " Shots from an Old Six-pounder ; and "Winter Weather off the Cape of Good Hope," will all be found admirable specifics against ennui, and excellent means of passing a dull and lonely hour without weariness or fatigue. There is in addition the usua amount of military and navy intelligence. THE BANKERS'. The recent report of the Committee on the Bank Charter Act forms the subject of the first paper; the various amendments proposed, and the parties by whom they were advocated, are given. The com position of the Committee, picked by Sir Charles Wood for 'the purpose of rescuing, if possible, his beloved Act from justly merited condemnation, is pointed out. There are few disinterested persons who will not cordially agree with the writer, that " the mere votes of Sir Robert Peel and Sir Charles Wood will not convince the commercial public, who forced the latter, in October last, to repeal the Act by _the Ministerial letter, and so restore confidence, and destroy panic, that that Act had nothing to do with the evils it so obvi ously produced." It was notorious that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had determined on carrying his own report; but surely it would have been more decent if others had been permitted to pronounce that judgment than Sir R. Peel and himself—and thus to save this cherished bantling, of which they were the legislative godfathers. The tables of the exports for the first four months of 1846, 1847, and 1848, present us with a startling view of the disastrous effects of the continental disturbances on our trade and commerce. There is a thlling off in the declared values of the exports during the four months ending the sth of May last and the cures. ponding period of last year of no less than 1,746,9371., while the decrease on a single month is still more formidable, being no less than 1,467,1171. There are many other interesting containinglimaipoerrms,ati information to u o a r as vast quantity commercia colfhsiegs,hlyby valuable whom this admir a bl e periodical will be estimated at its real worth. THE SPORTING REVIEW. As usual, " Craven " gives us the raci ng f or J une in his own peculiar style, which has sta mpe d hi m as on e of the first of sporting writers. He attacks the handicapping system, which is so f ramed that the i.)esthorseshall not win, with considerable vigour and effect. " Two Years in the Far West " i s continued. Maxwell tells some of his inimitable Irish tales in his best and most laughter compelling manner. We defy the most saturnine to preserve his gravity while perusing the false alarm, and the reproaches showered on the unfortunate but ler by the fair M rs. D owney and Ellen the house maid, for his int rus i on i n scant habiliments in the i r peculiar territory. Lord William Lennox again gives us his " Sporting Incidents at Home and Abroad." Mr. Lloyd concludes his graphic descriptions of ' " Bear Shooting." " The Crack Packs of England," are still reviewed by Actzeon, while " English Sports and English Sporting Quarter;" by Linton; " Foxhunting in Scotland," by Brushwood; and " A. Scrap or Two on Dogs and Guns," by Ti . Time= em, will all excite the sportsman, whether he delights in the chase, the trigger, or the rod. We have also an excellent portrait of " Surplice," the winner of the Derby, and the terror of the fielders ; and " Future Hopes," a litter of young-uns, full of playful pro— mise. There is also, the irst 16 pages of the Turf Register for the present year. THE MIRROR. The present number commences a new volume, and for the future the United Kingdom Magazine and Journal of the Club-houses and Scientific Institu tions will be combined with it, so that henceforth the Mirror may be considered u the organ of the Literary and Scientific Institutions of Great Britain. Mr. Holmes and Mr. Hunt had an interview with the Commissioners of Railways yesterday. '~i @s.