The Sun. — London, England, 1865-01-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 19, 1865. STATE OF TRADE, CARDIFF, Jan. 17.—The steam coal trade of the district is in an active state, and the exports during the last six or seven days have been considerable. There is a good demand from France, Italy, and other continental countries, and a large quantity of steam is sent to the Spanish markets, principally through French houses. Quotations are well main tained. House coal is in request from the west of England, and also on account of Irish buyers, and there is a moderate active inland demand. Prices remain without any material change. Very few orders are being given out in the iron trade, and both makers and buyers are waiting for the end of the month before entering into heavy contracts. No movement has yet been made on the part of the men with the view of resisting the proposed reduc tion in wages, and it is believed that they will accept the " drop " without any serious opposi tion. One of the iron companies of the district have accepted a large Russian order, which will keep the works in active employ for some time. The shipbuilding yards are, as usual, on full time, and one of the shipbuilding firms have large orders in hand for the construction of pontoons. DUNDEE, 17th. —The market was very quiet to day in all departments, and prices rather weak. Pri vately very little business has been done in flax, tow, or codilla, and for want of sales prices are nominally as they were. About 220 tons were put up to public sale here to-day, but only about one-third of the quantity was sold, the prices offered not being satis factory to the sellers. Yarns of all qualities were duller to-day than they have been for some 'time past, but as spinners are generally well foresold and not inclined to give way in prices, former quota tions are continued. There is little change in the demand for linens, some fabrics being still wanted, while others are dull, but former forward orders keep makers well employed, and there are almost no stocks of any description of goods in manufacturers' hands. LEICESTER, 18th.—There has been very little do ing during the past few days in hosiery gopds, ii being yet too early in the year for any activity. Al Loughborough, Hinckley, and the rural districts, business is also flat, and the operatives partially ern ployed. Wools are high in price, but not in mud request. The yarn market is quiet, high rates .be ing yet quoted. NOTTINGHAM, 18th.—There has not been much alteration in the lace trade during the past few days. Most classes of goods sell slowly, but more is ex pected to be done shortly. A few buyers have been in the market, but no purchases of a large amount have been made. The home trade is flat. There is a slight improvement in the demand for silk Mechlins and quillings, and there is a shade more doing in black laces. In hosiery there has been a fair amount of business doing. Buyers are purchas ing for the spring demand. Stocks are very light. Yarns continue firm. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Mestiv Scholefield and Bright at Bir mingham. BIRMINGHAM, Wednesday Night. This evening Messrs. Bright and Scholefield paid their annualvisit to their constituents, and addressed a densely crowded meeting in the Town-hall. Both the hon. gentlemen met with an enthusiastic recep tion. The MAYOR briefly opened the proceeding's. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD said it was not often that he had had the honour of addressing them on the last occasion of an expiring Parliament. i It was impos sible for him to say what were the intentions of her Majesty's Government. They might content them selves with the Budget and the usual odds and ends of legislation. They might, on the other hand, bring in, if not a great measure, at least some mea sure of reform, for the purpose of going to the country with an election cry. He considered that the Government had culpably neglected their pledges in 1859, but he still felt for them a vague respect for what they had previously done, and trusted that they would at least endeavour to meet the exigencies of the coming election. (Cheers.) He must admit that the Government of Lord Derby boldly and sin cerely brought in a reform bill, dangerous as it was in many respects, on which they staked their exis tence, whilst the present Government, in spite of their loud professions, had abandoned their bill, alleging the apathy of the people as their excuse. He believed, however, that if Mr. Gladstone would act up to the views which he had expressed last ses sion the people would at once rally round him in spite of this alleged apathy, which some ascribed at the time to the example of France and America. He deprecated any measure of ingenious contri vances, and with this opinion he had always voted for the bills of Mr. Locke King and Mr. Baines, rough and ready as they were. What they wanted was an extension of the franchise within the boroughs and counties, and a more equal distribution of elec toral power, the transfer of seats from insignificant places to places of greater wealth and population — and he would advise them to accept any measure which met these two points, although in a less degree than they might desire. He deprecated an extra vagant expenditure on the army and navy, but he did not want a narrow expenditure, which required ten times the outlay when an exigency arose. He looked at the attitude of America, which was not merely shown by popular demonstrations, but by the despatches of Mr. Seward and the language of persons in office. The Americans threatened to re peal the reciprocity treaty with Canada, in . violation of every sound principle of commercial policy. They had also given notice to put an end to that excellent arrangement (which he should like to see estab lished in principle in-Europe) for the regulation of the naval force on the- American lakes. Looking, therefore, at these things, whilst he desired economy he was not prepared to abate one jot of what was necessary for the security of the country. With re spect to intervention in foreign affairs, he was pre pared to lay down the rule that they ought not to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries ; but he would not advocate - the principle that this rule should be adhered to solely - for commercial con siderations. There was another subject which he de sired to avoid discussing on the present occasion, but in order that there might be no mistake, he must reserve his discretion, if there should arise a neces sity for taking Parliamentary action on the question of recognising the Southern States. (Cheers and hisses.) In conclusion, he thanked the constituency for the confidence in him which it had so long re posed, and which he hoped he should continue to enjoy. (C heers. ) Mr. BRIGHT, Who was greeted with several rounds of enthusiastic cheering, said—When my colleague and myself had the pleasure last year of meeting you in this place, there was one subject which was pressing upon the minds of all of us, Ad causing no small disquietude. We were encompassed by ru mours of war ; a small state in the north of Europe was surrounded by difficulties, mainly, I am afraid, of its own creation, and yet was assailed with what was considered almost a savage vindictive ness, by a powerful people comprising one great empire and several kingdoms. We were disposed to go into that contest, and to mingle in the war, and my hon. colleague spoke in the most emphatic language against the idea that we should enter into a war first with Germany, and perhaps afterwards with some other states in Europe on behalf of Denmark and I said that any Government in Europe that plunged us into war for the sake of the integrity of Denmark, deserved not only the condemnation, but the execration of the people. (Cheers,) Although we took so decided a view, we cannot conceal from ourselves that there was a cer tain restlessness in the public mind. The newspapers in London, particularly those which are supposed to represent the Government, were strongly urging the country to war, and the papers which were supposed to represent the Opposition were urging the Govern ment to pursue the same course, no doubt with the kindly intention of embarrassing and destroying the Ministry. (Cheers.) But we had to recollect that at the head of the Government are two very ancient statesmen— the Prime Minister and the head of the Foreign-office—and remembering that about ten years ago they were the Ministers mainly responsible "for the war with Russia, we could not but feel that the danger which impended over us was not entirely imaginary. How we escaped it we hardly yet know. Some say the Queen was very much opposed to the war, as doubtless she would be opposed to any war 'which she believed could possibly be avoided ; for that lam grateful to the Queen. (Cheers and la)ighter.) It has been said that we owe peace to the younger members of the Cabinet, chiefly to Mr. Gladstone. (Cheers.) If that be true, I tender my thanks to the majority of that Cabinet. (Cheers.) Some say that the unusual speculative monetary en gagements and investments of last year made all the moneyed interests of the country look on the pro spect of war as something absolutely appalling and ruinous. If that be so, I tender my thanks to the moneyed interests of the country. (Cheers and laughter.) During the session the question was in cessantly discussed, and the Government exhibited its usual feebleness, and the Opposition its usual folly. (Cheers and laughter.) If a question was asked about the destination of the fleet, an gi answer was ven which might be rea d one way or the other. If the Opposition were not in favour of war, they showed an incessant attempt t o d r i ve the Government to some act which would make hostili ties inevitable. (Cheers.) Towards the end of the session there was a long debate, and then the feeble ness of the Government and the folly of the 0P - a : ncl the two sides of the house s ition were manifest , had to make some ridiculous revelations of all the policy that in past times they had appeared to hold. (Cheers.) While the debate was going on I thought of the opposition of the ancient statesmen to whom I have referred. (Laughter.) They have in times past held and professed opinions which I consider altogether unsound and pernicious to the nation. In the year 1853, speaking on the subject of our foreign relations at Greenock, Lord J. Russell said, It is likewise to be considered, and I trust we shall none of us fo rge t i t, that the coun t ry h o lds anim portant position among the nations of the world, that not once, but many times, she has stood for ward to resist aggression, to maintain the indepen dence of weaker nations, to preserve to the general family of nations that freedom, that power of govern ing themselves of which others have sought to deprive them. I trust that character will not be abandoned by a people which is now stronger in means, which is more populous and wealthy than it has ever been at any former period. This, then, you will agree with me, is not the period to abandon any of those duties to wards the world—towards the whole of mankind, which Great Britain has hitherto performed." Now, you see what Lord Russell at that day proposed for us to do. You have heard that the hard-working man, and every one who receives his wages at the end of the week, was pledged by Lord Russell not to aban don any of the duties to the world which Great Britain had hitbarto performed. We were to defend all weaker nations, and to take care that nobody was molested in any part of the globe. I merely read this to show you what sort of language was used by a C a bi net Minister only 9 years ago at a meeting of sensible Scotchmen ; but if I were to take speeches of Lord Palmerston, I could find a cartload of rhetorical rubbish of this character. (Cheers,) During all these years these very statesmen having been using such language as this, and their newspapers have been reviling espe cially Mr. Cobden and myself for holding different views ; but now I find that Parliament by a unani mous vote has discarded, overthrown, and sent the whole thing—lie and superstition—to that recep tacle to which all lies and superstitions must ulti mately 'go. (Cheers.) I think that Lords Pal merston and Russell, in their mature age, must feel that they have either been greatly deceived them selves, or that they have done much to deceive their countrymen, and I hope they will learn from this lesson that it does not always happen that men are great statesmen because they fill great offices. (Cheers.) If Denmark was allowed to be dismembered, I do not see how other countries are to be protected, although I agree with my hon. friend that this country has other than commercial interests, and that it is a mean thing to do—as lam sorry to say our Government has often done—to count the exact cost and value of an island before it went to war or determined to maintain peace. My own opinion is, that taking the events of last few years, the war in Italy and Denmark, in which we took no part, coupled with the debate of last session and the great division which took place on this question—l think that I am rot much mistaken in pronouncing the theory of the balance of power to be pretty nearly dead, if it is not quite dead and buried. (Cheers.) It is impossible to enumerate the sufferings which this theory has entailed on this country. It rises up, as I think, upon it as a ghastly phantom which during the last 170 years, during which its worship has prevailed in this country, has loaded the nation with debt and taxes. It has sacrificed the lives of hun dreds of thousands of Englishmen. It has desolated the homes of millions of families, and it has left us, as the result of the profligate expenditure which it has cost us, a double peerage at one end of the social scale, and far more than a double pauperism at the other. (Cheers.) We may now rejoice that this foul idol—fouler-than any heathen ever worshipped —has at last been kicked out, and that one super stition the less has hold of the minds of English statesmen and the English people. If this is true, my hon friend need not have so carefully guarded his observations with respect to the diminution of armaments, for the nation has determined not to send armies to the Continent or fleets to blockade ports and people with whom we have no concern. And at a time when the American colonies are about to unite themselves into a great confederation in friendly affiance with ourselves--when the Australian colonies are so powerful that nobody dare molest them—. when the people of these islands are better fed, as I believe they have been for the last five years, and are more loyal to the Crown and the institutions of the country,—there is no necessity to maintain an annual military expenditure which is double that which the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel thought necessary 25 years ago. If we are not next session to have the question of Denmark, nor the question of Italy, nor the question of America, what is it that we are to discuss ? It is quite clear to me, at least, that, whether we have more disposi tion or not, we - shall have a good deal more time to discuss matters of home affairs. What is the ques tion which at Torquay, where a number of noble men and gentlemen enjoyed a good dinner and made some very foolish speeches, Lord Devon, copying the language of his leader, Mr. Disraeli, said was looming in the not distant future ? What is that question which will not go to sleep ? Let me remind you of this, that really great questions which affect the true and lasting interests of millions of men can never be laid fast asleep, but that somehow or other they come up again. There is a striking example of this in what is now taking place in the United States. For 30 years past the statesmen of the United States have voted the negro to be a very great nuisance. They would not talk about him, and they swore each other to silence. The negro's business was to grow rice, sugar, and cotton, and not to give trouble to Congress ; so they determined to bury that question, and they congratulated them selves that it - was buried. But now you see the North and the South engaged in deadly conflict, and the negro standing before the world rubbing the marks of the branding iron from his forehead, whilst the shackles which have so long oppressed him are drop ping from his limbs, and he is every day becoming more and more a free man. (Cheers.) So here there is a question that will not be put to sleep. It is the question of the admission of the people of this coun try to the rights which are guaranteed- by every principle, by everything which is comprehended in the Constitution of this United Kingdom. In 1861, as my hon. friend has decribed to you, this general question of Parliamentary Reform was voted a nui sance. It was betrayed, it was slain, and, as they thought, it was buried. It has been said that when a measure of this kind has been submitted to Parlia ment, the ministers by whom it is submitted ought to stand or fall by that measure. Earl Grey made the declaration, and said that it was their business and duty fo.bring in another bill if that before Parlia ment should be rejected, and that it would not be less efficient than the measure then under discussion. (Cheers.) There is not a man who was in the House of Commons in 1860, there is not a man in the present Cabinet who does not know that if Lord Palmerston had said that, on one evening in that year, - the bill would have passed through the House of Commons without one single effective hostile discussion—(cheers)—and I have heard it from au thority which cannot err on that question, that the sagacious leaders in the House of Lords had- re solved that if the bill came from the House of Com mons they would not take upon themselves the re sponsibility of rejecting it. (Cheers.) But 'that bill and that question are not dead ; it takes shape again, and somehow or other the Tories and those Whigs, who are like Tories—(laughter)—entertain uncomfortable feelings, which approach almost to a shiver. (Cheers and laughter.) NOw what is this apparition that alarms them ? -They are afraid of the five or six millions of grown=up Englishmen, men who are allowed to marry, to keep house, to rear children ; men who are expected to earn their living, to pay taxes, who must . obey the laws, who must be citizens in all honourable conduct—they are afraid of these five or six millions who by the pre _sent system of representation are shut out—and insultingly shut out—from the — exercise of-the fran chise. (Cheers.) We are proud of our country, and there are many things of which we have a right to be proud. We may be proud that England is the ancient country of Parliaments. With scarcely an intervening period, Parliaments have met constantly for six hundred years ; . and there was something of a Parliament before the Conquest. England is the mother of Parliaments. I ask you, men of Bir mingham, who are a fair representation of the great I ra of th e fi ve or s i x m i ll i ons, w h y you should e thus treated in your own land ? (Cheers.) You know our boast of what occurs when a ne g ro • slave lands in England One of our best poets says that— " I T f h their lungsomen t b t u h t eo b y r ra e r a e ht cf e or eu o en 7 ray and theiri r, (Cheers.) They touch u shackles fall. But what is the case with g r o e e s s Pe t o et th t o an Englishman ? An Englishman, if he e Cape, can vote ; if he goes to Australia he can vote ; if he goes to the Canadian Confederation, or to our grandest colonies, he can vote. It is only in his own own soil, where he was b orn , t h e v co ery unt s ry oil , onhis which he has enriched with his labour and the sweat of his brow, thath o e f is E d n e g n ii i s e h d in t e hi n s in rig th ht e which in every community world would be f ree ly accorded to him. (Cheers, and prolonged cheering.) I agree very much with the gentlemen at the Torquarhhope dinner di dasnotot the apparition which alarmed, but dis turb, their formidable and robust digestion on. e (Laugh ter.)this This apparition is not a pleasant , state of things is dangerous, and one which cannot perpetually last. It may happen that the eyes of the five or six millions all over the kingdom may be fixed with an intense glare on the doors of Parlia ment. It was so in the years 1831 and 1832. There are men in this room who felt then, and who know now, that it required but one spark to the train and this country would have been in the throes of a re volution ; and these men who are so alarmed at the proposition to give a £lO vote for counties and a £6 vote for boroughs would have repented in sack cloth and ashes if they had given a vote against Earl Grey's Reform Bill. Accidents are always happen ing, not only to individuals, but to nations. It was the accident of the French Revolution in 1830 that precipitated the great movement in this coun try. There may be accidents again, and I don't hold that to be statesmanlike which allows the se curity, the tranquillity, the loyalty of a people to be disturbed by any accident over which they have no control. (Cheers.) If these five or six millions of people once unitedly fix their eyes with an intense look upon the doors of the House of Commons, I ask who shall say them nay ? (Cheers.) Not the mace upon the table of the House—not the 400 easy gentlemen who lounge in and out of that decorated chamber under the same roof—(laughter)—not a dozen gentlemen who call themselves statesmen, and who dose in Downing-street, not even a power ap palling and more menacing that have their lodge ment higher up Whitehall. I say that, as opinion now stands, there is no power in this country that can say nay for one single week to the five or six millions if they are intent on making their way within the walls of Parliament. (Cheers.) This is the apparition which frightened the gentlemen at Torquay ; but it also gives trouble in other quarters I to which I would pay more respect. It is evident, from the pamphlets and letters which are written, and the speeches which are made, that every one who does not want Reform says that nobody wants Reform, and that people do not like it to be talked about. And yet they begin and make this subject the chief staple of their speeches. (Laughter.) Mr. Charles Buxton, a very amiable person, but I should be loth to affirm that he is a robust politician — (laughter)—puts forward a scheme, the effect of which would be that two of your townsmen would poll at the next election, one of whom might vote for Scholefield and myself, whilst the other :would give two votes to each of the candidates whom he might prefer ; the only justification for such a course being that this one lived in a house rated at more than £lO a year, whilst the other lived in a house under that sum. Mr. Buxton has found that nobody was in favour of his scheme, and as I understand he has withdrawn it ; and I hope he will keep it in the dark until it is asked for. The other person to whom I alluded is amember of the House of Lords, son of that Earl Grey to whom I have referred. He is an eminent and very capable man ; anything that he says de serves every consideration. I have a very great re spect for Earl Grey for two especial reasons. I heard him as Lord'Howick in the House of Commons make a speech against the corn laws, in which he quoted a grand and solemn passage of Scripture against that atrocious system, on which the Protectionists said that it was very vulgar to quote Scripture on such a subject. Earl Grey again made a great speech in the House of Lords against the Russian war,' which shoWed not only great moral courage, but also, in my view, great intelligence and patriotism. Therefore I come to the consideration of anything Earl Grey proposes with most favourable feelings towards him. He has undertaken to reconcile, with something like justice, the people to the existing supremacy of his order. It is not pos sible to attempt great political change without some disturb ance.- The object is to change something. The bill of 1832 disturbed the borough-mongers in a remarkable degree, and the repeal of the corn laws disturbed landowners and far mers, whilst it did them nearly as much good as it did the people. I don't care a bit about political changes because they may make some disturbance ; that is precisely what we want. What do you think Earl Grey proposed ? I wish you to see what one of the most accute minds in the coun try can suggest in opposition to the simple measures to which my hon. friend has alluded. He proposed to adopt a plan of cumulative votes; so that if there were two mem bers, each elector could give his votes for either candidate. Now the result -f this in Birmingham would be, that if Mr. Arland had a body of 3,500 supporters who would stick close together, they could give him 7,000 votes ; whereas if Mr. Scholefield and myself had 6,500 supporters, and were in equal favour with them,:we should have 6,500 votes apiece; and if Mr. Scholefield had one morevote than me, 1 should lose my seat, and Mr. Acland would have a large majority over both of us. I have heard of a race between donkeys, n which the last won—(cheers)—and in this case it would be the slowest animal that would bear away the prize. (Cheers.) Earl Grey also proposed to create more univer sity or similar constituencies ; but I don't think that for the last 70 years any university would have taken either his father or himself as their member. He also proposed that the professions should return members, not as citizens, but as lawyers and doctors. Now, I have had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the lawyers, and nothing can be more costly or more painful, except to fall into the hands of the doctors. I have a great respect for them in their professional capacity, but I object to placing political power in theirhands because they are lawyers or doctors. I know nothing like it, except the advice of old Mr. Weller, who recommended his son to consult a friend of his on a matter of law because he was a good judge of a horse. Earl Grey proposed that a certain number of eminent men should be nominated by the House of Commons to permanent seats ; and he also proposed that others should be elected by cer tain trades, enough to speak, but not enough to rely on to influence the divisions. I had always thought it was the duty of a statesman not to separate classes, but to unite them into one body, equally treated by the law and equally loyal to the Government and theircountry. Beyond these Earl Grey proposed some things that were right. He would extend the suffrage, and abolish many, if not all, the small boroughs. But, having made these concessions, he takes care to neutralise them in the way that I have just de scribed. I warn you again to look with great suspicion on all fancy propositions. The question is a plain and simple one, and if any man comes before you with a complex and involved scheme difficult to understand, take note of it that he does not offer you valid coin in payment of your claims, with the impress of the English constitution upon it, but he offers you either flash notes or coin of an inferior workman ship. (Cheers.) I am charged, as you know, with having too little reverence for the authorities of this country. Some have even dared in the public newspapers to charge me with disloyalty to the head of the Executive of this country, but there is one disloyalty which I hold to be worse than this, worse than turning back on the Crown and on the peerage, and that is disloyalty to freedom and the people. If representation be not an art—and who in this country shall say that is ?—what is the use of all these tricks not to complete representation, but to evade and escape it ? (Cheers.) What is the representation which we consider the foundation of liberty ? If all the five or six millions were assembled on Salisbury Plain to decide a public ques tion, the body would be too large for business, and chaos would come. It has, therefore, been resolved that people in different localities shall send men to meet at a certain time and place, and to act honourably in the face of God and the country on behalf of the true and solid interests of the nation. But if you decided a question on Salisbury Plain, the majority must carry the day ; and if you split the nation up into constituencies, the majority must carry the day. (Cheers.) There is a great fear of majorities amongst certain people. Why, what is a majority in Bir mingham ? It holds one opinion, and we are supposed to represent it. The majority in Liverpool holds a different opinion, and sends one man who agrees with it, and one who always contradicts him. (Laughter.) Surely the minority of Birmingham is represented in a certain sense by the majority of Liverpool; and taking one district with another, if there be an opinion that is held by any consti tuency it has a representative somewhere; who can speak in its behalf. (Cheers.) But surely no one would ask thaii minorities should send members to say "no" when the majority send members to say "aye." What is this fear of the people ? In Australia the franchise is lower than it is in this country; but still the Government legislates in ac cordance with the wishes of the people. Take the case of our North American colonies. They are going to form a con federation under the authority of an act of Parliament. Mr. Brown, one of the most eminent of the Canadian Ministers states the proposition to be, that the duration of their Par liament will probably be limited to five years—that it will be composed of a legislative Council appointed by the Go vernment of the day, and a House of Commons in which they are to obtain, what they desire to obtain, representa tion on the basis of population. Therefore the Parliament is going to pass a bill with regard to our British American provinces which those gentlemen say would be wholly de structive if applied to this country. (Cheers.) In the State of New York alone 700,000 men voted at the last Presiden tial election, and throughout the whole of the Free States not less than 4,000,000 of votes were given with, the most perfect order and tranquility. Our opponents may say, look at the legislative results of this wide extent of the franchise. I =ready to test it by those results, and I say, whether you go to South Africa, to Australia, to the British North Ame rican Provinces, or the Statesof the Union(excluding those States where slavery injures the state of society), you will find that life and property are as secure—that education is much more extended among the people—that there isquite as good a provision for their interests--that the laws are as merciful and just—that taxes are imposed and levied with as great equality—that the millions of our country men established in those countries aro as well in all cir cumstances of life as are the people of this country whom they have left behind them. (Cheers.) I will ask you to tell me what the people of Torquayare afraid of ? Inalmost every sentence uttered there something is said of our in stitutions, and it comes out that " our institutions " are Church and State. Now a man must be a blockhead be yond all power of argument to suppose that in this great community the ministers of our free churches and of the Dissenting sects would be less thought of than they are at present if their fears should be realised. What they fear is this—they seem to have a notion that some institutions which have come clown from mediteval ages, from what some people call the dark ages, may not permanezsy har monise with the intelligence and necessities of the 19th century in:which we live. Our institutions are safe enough if the Government be in the bands of the institutions; and if the peerage of theEstablistedChurch are to rule in Eng land, I feel sure the peerage and the Established Church in their present condition will ba permanently safe. (Cheers.) And so I may say of patronage. If it is to be dispensed per petually amongst the ruling •lasses, they :will take care of the patronage. Many men look upon patronage as a holy and untouchable thing. HoEea Bigelow says— " It's something a fulfilling the prophecies, When all toe first families are in all the.best offices." (Loud laughter and cheers) But I protest against the theory that the people of this country have an unreason able desire to shake or overturn institutions which they may not theoretically approve of. Do these parties know what they admit by the expression of this fear. lam also told that the people like the House of Lords very much. I have never thought it worth while to contradict this, for I am content to live under the institutions which the intel ligence, the virtue, and the experience of my countrymen, partly represented in Parliament, have determined upon. I have been told that when the present Government was formed I was to have been asked to take office with my friends Mr. Cobden and Mr. Milner Gibson. Mr. Cobden was then in America, and although they do not like him better than they do me—l suspect they disliked him rather less—he did not accept the offer, for reasons which were then made public, and for reasons given to me which came from Lord Palmerston, too, I suppose to be communicated to me, that I had delivered opinions with regard to the in stitutions of the country which the majority of English men deemed essential, and this made it impossible for him, although he personally had no objection, to offer me a seat in his Government. I had attended meetings here, at Glasgow, at Edinburgh, at Manchester, at Bradford, and the largest towns. Now, as all these places could not con tain one half of those who wished to hear something said on the question which I was then discussing, and the speeches then made were supposed to be tinged with less reverence for the institutions of England than some people thought proper, I was not thought fit to be your represen tative, and although thousands of people applauded those speeches, I was not thought fit to be a member of her Ma jesty's Government. Is it true that the people are against the Church ? Do they fail to hear with respect any one who acts as a Christian minister ? If it ;is the Church of the poor man, it is the poor man who ought to know it ; and can you imagine that the people acting through their representatives would do anything with regard to that Church which would damage its utility as a Christian in stitution, or make it less honoured or less influential in the spread of Christianity amongst the people of these islands? Why are they so afraid of the people if there should be a million more electors—and I believe that the last bill only proposed to admit half a million ? Is there any single inte rest which deserves the slightest consideration which a million electors joined with the present million would com bine in Parliament to repeal and destroy ? I take it that the Crown, the most venerable of the institutions, is not opposed to the admission of this million ; for on two occa sions the Queen has signified to Parliament her consent to it. I believe that the people are grossly slandered, for since the power of the Crown was limited 200 years ago, and since the power of the nobles was limited 30 years ago, good go vernment has gained greatly, and the people in all circum stances are better off ; and I am quite sure that their re spect for the Crown is more general by far than it was be fore. But our constitution involves a representation of the people ; and in asking for_this reform we stand upon a foundation from which no argument and sophistry can ever remove us. The House of Commons is in reality the only guarantee we have for freedom. If you looked at any other country and saw nothing but a monarch—he might be a good king, and might do his best, but you would say, " There is no guarantee for freedom," because you know not who would be his successor. If you saw a country with no crown, but with a handful of nobles administering the government of the country, you would say, " There was no guarantee there br freedom, because a number of nobles acting together have not the responsibility and the feeling of responsibility which one man has, and they will do things which one mat would not dare do." If there be a man here who feels himself and his, prejudices rise up against the statements I am making, at least he will admit that the real and only permanent foundation for political freedom in any country is the establish ment and maintenance of the system of representation in your Houses of Parliament. At that dinner at Torquay a nobleman presided whom I had the pleasure of knowing a little when he was a member of the House of Commons, and another nobleman whom I have also known made the prin cipal speech. Now, what do you think they did ? They had a number of toasts, which is a thing I do not much recom mend, because they do not generally drink them in cold water, and first after what are called the ceremonial toasts, they proposed the toast of the House of Lords; and then, after a long speech from Lord Devon, what did they propose next ? not the House of Commons, but " The Conservative party in the House of Commons." (Laughter.) They did not propose the Conservative party in the House of Lords; perhaps they thought the whole House of Lords were of the Conservative party, or else they thought the Liberal party in the House of Commons were not worth remember ing except to wish that it did not exist. (Laughter.) These gentlemen do not comprehend our Constitution at all. They do not know, apparently, that it is only because there is something which the people still believed to boin some de gree a representative body, and which stands between them and monarchical or aristocratic despotism—it is only the ex istence of that house which makes the institution they are so fond of safe and permanent at all, and they are afraid that the five millions should somehow or other get into it ; and I beg leave to tell them that five millions will get into it. They may not get in all at once, and perhaps few men de sire they should, for I am opposed myself to great and vio lent changes, which create needless shocks, and which are accepted, if they are accepted at all, with great alarm ; but I will undertake to say that a considerable and effective por tion of that five millions will, before many years are past, be freely allowed to vote for members of the House of Com mons. (Cheers.) It is not democracy, which these gentle men are always afraid of, th a t i s t h e per il o f t hi s country— it was democracy, in 1839., th a t was th e per il—it was the desperate ism of th e c l ass th a t th en h a d power , antagonism to the just claims and rights o f th e people—(cheers)—and not at this moment when they dine and when I speak, I tell them that Conservatism —they give it that name, but it is worthy of a very different na me — Conservatism, be it Toryism or Whiggism, is the true national peril which we have to face. (Loud cheers.) They may dam the stream —they may keep back the waters, but the volume is ever increasing, and it descends with an accelerated force ; and the time will come when in all probability, and to a cer tainty if wisdom does not take the place of folly, the waters will burst thir banks, and these men who fancy they are stemming this imaginary apparition of democracy will themselves be swept away by the resolute will of a united and determined people. (Great cheering.) Cast your eye over the face of Europe—there are only two considerable States that have not any representative institutions --Tur key and Russia—and Russia is making progress in freedom equal to the powers of any other State in Europe. Repre sentation is found in Italy, in Austria even, in almost all the German States, in the Northern States, in Belgium, Holland, France, Portugal, and Spain ; it is also a firmly settled institution. in Australia. Englishmen everywhere but at home are received into the bosom of this great, per manent, undying constitution and safeguard for human and national freedom. But here they are slandered, they are insulted, they are reviled, they are shut out, they are invited to have a hundred ways of amusing themselves ; but if they stand at the House of Commons or at the poll, and see their richer brethren go up to vote, they are not allowed to register their names in favour of principles for which their fathers before them and themselves have sighed in many bitter hour of disappointment. (Loud cheers.) I would change all this. I speak out of no hostility to any class or to any institution. That man who proposes to exclude permanently five millions of his fellow-countrymen from the right which the consti tution of his country makes sacred in his eyes—l say that is the man who separates England into two nations, and makes it impossible we should be wholly and permanently a contented people. (Loud cheers.) I demand this, then, which is but the right of the Constitution, that the House of Commons shall be made freely and fairly to represent the commons and the people of the United Kingdom. England has long been famous for the enjoyment of personal free dom by her people ; they are free to think, they are free to speak, they are free to write ; and England has been famed of late years, and is famed now the world over for the free dom of her industry, and the greatness and the freedom of her commerce. I want to know why it is that our people should not be free. (Cheers.) Who is that will meet me on this platform, or who will stand on any platform, and will dare to say to an open meeting of his fellow-countrymen that these millions for whom I am now pleading are too ig norant, or vicious, or destructive to be entrusted with the elective franchise ? I, at least, will never thus slander my countrymen. ' I claim for them the right of admission, through their representatives, into the ancient and vener able Parliament which at this hour exists amongst men ; and when they are thus admitted, and not till then, it may be truly said that England, the august mother of free na tions, herself is free. The hon. gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud and enthusiastic cheers. Mr. Alderman THOMAS LLOYD then nfOvad the following resolution :—" That the best thanks of this meeting are due and are hereby given to Messrs. Scholefield and Bright for their addresses; and this meeting also desires to express its unabated confidence in them as their Parliamentary repre sentatives of the borough." The motion was seconded by Mr. J. S. WRIGHT, and carried unanimously. The meeting then separated. CRYSTAL PALACE.—ONE SHILLING DAY, Wed nesday.—Admissions on payment, 1,677 ; ditto by season tickets, 1,192. Total visitors, 2,869. • [ADVERTlSEMENT.]—Holloway'sPills.—Enfeebled Exist ence.—This medicine embraces every attribute required in a general and domestic remedy—it overturns the founda tions of disease laid by indigestible food and impure air. In obstructions, congestions of the liver, lungs ? bowels, or any other organ, these pills are especially serviceable, and eminently successful. They should be kept in every family, as they are a medicine without a fault for young persons and those of feeble constitutions. They never cause pain or irritate the most delicate nerves, or most tender bowels. Holloway's Pills are the best knOwn purifiers of the blood, and the best promoters of absorption and secretion from both solids and fluids. The English Salmon Fisheries• WORCESTER, Wednesday. The annual meeting of the United Association for the Protection of the Fisheries of the river Severn and its tributaries was held here this afternoon. Sir E. A. H. Lechmere presided, and among those pre-. sent were Mr. Eden, one of her Majesty's inspec tors of fisheries. The report of the central committee (the 21st an nual report) stated that the past season has been an unprecedentedly dry one, so much so as to prevent the fish leaving the tidal waters. There was scarcely a fresh on the river throughout the summer, and the consequence was a scarcity of fish again in its upper waters during the latter part of the season, but in the tidal portion of the river it was univer sally admitted that never in the memory of manhad there been such a take of fish as was made during the last season, especially during the summer months when fish sold there as low as 6d. per pound and agents from various parts of the kingdom came over to buy. The report received of the quantity of breeding salmon which have ascended the Vermew, Severn, and Teme during the autumn freshes are greater than ever. The number of fish in the spawn ing bed on the Teme at Powick is unusually large. The passes on the Severn navigation weirs are now complete, and passes have been placed on two weirs on the Teme, namely, at Powick and Martley. The number of prosecutions instituted by the associa tion in the year was 37, of which there were 27 con victions. The report expressed general approval of the new Salmon Fisheries Bill, but suggested cer tain alterations. The report having been adopted, Mr. EDEN, her Majesty's inspector of fisheries, addressed the meeting on the proposed new Salmon Fisheries Bill. Alluding to the proposal to raise funds for the protection of the rivers by taxing all engines used for the capture of salmon, he said the Shannon, a river about the size of the Severn, had last year produced £1,300 by a tax of a like nature, and this year's tax would exceed £1,400. With regard to the pollu tion of rivers, he agreed with Sir E. Lechmere that it was most desirable that they should be cleared of their noxious stuff, but he thought a sal mon fisheries bill was not the best way of endea vouring to purify them. He had reason to believe that this matter was under the serious consideration of the Government, and he believed that a compre hensive measure would be introduced by them next session dealing with the whole question of the sew age. With regard to the proposal of a rate in aid where the funds raised by taxing salmon engines were insufficient for the requirements of the Board of Conservators, a difference of opinion had been . expressed as to the proper mode of levying it. It had been objected that a frontage rate would press unequally. The Severn had 70 or 80 miles of water free for everybody to fish. He was himself of opin ion, too, that water bailiffs ought to have power not only to examine fixed engines, but also to pass along any part of the river bank. At present they had not that power, and he could be warned off by any owner. He knew a case in Wales where a proprietor who owned a fishery warned off the water bailiff and carried on poaching to a great extent. He con sidered the sale of salmon spawn should be discoun tenanced. The act of 1861, in giving permission to take salmon for the purpose of obtaining spawn for scientific purposes, did not contemplate the removal of spawn from one river to stock another. He saw no reason, too, why the protection given to salmon should not be extended to trout. It would give great assistance to salmon protection, and would enlist the co-operation of many persons. He was glad to be in a position fully to corroborate the statement in the report about the increase of salmon in the Severn, and he attributed this result to the success ful, energetic, and spirited manner in which this as sociation had aided the carrying out in this district of the act of 1861. In conclusion, he would advise the association not to relax in their efforts, but en deavour, now that public feeling had been fully ex cited, to obtain such amendments of that act as would make the law efficient. The Government was anxious to give every assistance to the object in view, which they regarded as one of national importance, and both Houses of Parliament had shown their anxiety to devote their time to its full consideration. (Ap- plause.) Mr. COOKE, agent to Earl Fitzhardinge, com plained of the hardship of the weekly close time on the firth fishers. Mr. EDEN said there was no probability of the regulation being withdrawn, but thought inquiry should be made about it. The feeling of Parliament was so strong against fixed engines in the estuaries of rivers that there was a probability of their being swept away altogether. Resolutions were then adopted re-electing Lord Coventry as president, and reappointing the officers of the association, to all of whom thanks were voted. Mr. EDEN, in seconding a vote of thanks to the honorary secretary, spoke in the highest terms of the services rendered by that gentleman to the move ment of the preservation of our salmon fisheries. A memorial to the Home Secretary, pointing out the defects of the Salmon Export Act, was adopted, and a resolution approving of the new bill generally, but suggesting certain alterations, was also passed. The meeting was then broke up. TIMES.—When the Greek Constitution at last saw the light, we took the liberty of commenting on the folly which led the Assembly of Greece at so critical a time to spend a year in discussing the abstruse principles of representative government, instead of addressing itself at once to the task that imperatively required its attention—the reform of the local insti tutions and the regulation of the finances of a country yet palpitating and heaving under the throes of an unfinished revolution. Many, perhaps, thought that we bore too hardly upon a young people struggling into existence after centuries of slavery, succeeded by many years of gross bureaucratical corruption and oppression. Everything that has happened since, however, has tended to confirm the view we then took. No questions have arisen, or are likely to arise, calculated to test the wisdom of those minute provisions which the Constitution em braces, but we learn from the letters of our able and experienced correspondent in Athens that there is no want of subjects on which the power of the wisest statesmen and the most patriotic Legislature might very profitably be employed. He does not believe the Greeks to be, as is generally thought, a people difficult to govern. On the contrary, he seems dis posed to think that their capacities in this respect have never been tested, since, from the days of the Roman Empire up to the present time, Greece has never enjoyed a tolerable Government. So far from the revolution having done anything towards remedying the real evils of Greece, it has in some respects considerably aggravated them. The crying evils of Greece are corruption in all the branches of the Government, brigandage, and that which is closely connected with brigandage, the op pression practised on the inhabitants of the rural communes. From these causes combined follows the desolation of the country. The state of things may be compared to that which contributed so materially to the subversion of the Roman Empire, where the rural districts were depopulated because, from the want of police and the oppressive nature of the taxes, it was impossible to cultivate them. Thus the Roman Em pire died out for want of Romans, just as Greece is in danger of perishing for want of Greeks, who seem to possess the faculty of success everywhere but in their own country, simply, we suppose, because every other country is better governed than their own. Let us see how the Government of King George contrasts in these respects with the Government of King Otho. On the question of Ministerial corrup tion we will not enter, but content ourselves with remarking that we have observed no inclination on the part of the Ministries who have suceeeded each other in Athens to reduce the overgrown establish ments upon which the public revenue is lavished. In a country requiring perhaps more than any other in the world an enlightened and liberal expenditure on public works, not only the central but the local funds are absorbed in useless and superfluous offices. The Government is as completely centralised as that of France itself, and the patronage of every thing is entirely in the hands of the Minister of the Interior. In the latter years of Otho, brigandage, at any rate, had ceased to play the prominent part which it used to occupy in the rural history of Greece. The roads were comparatively safe, and such traffic as did take place in a thinly-peopled agricultural kingdom was attended with no serious risk. This state of things continued for some time after the revolution. It has now, how ever, totally changed. We learn that Attica is in fested by a celebrated robber and murderer named Kitzos, and the Greek papers announce the disper sion of seven bands of brigands in the Peloponnesus. Gratifying intelligence certainly, but leading to me lancholy reflections on a state of things under which seven bands of brigands could find existence in a country so small and so poor as the Morea. But worse even than the miseries inflicted on the people by their own hands seems to be the obstruction to internal improvement offered by the Government. Greece, as we have often remarked, is really very much in the condition of a newly-settled country. Its old civilisation has long died out, and its newly constituted society has not seriously set itself to contend with the bad legacy which 1,300 years of barbarism have bequeathed to it. j The marshes are undrained, and have become a fruitful source of deadly fevers; the quarries and mines are unworked, and, worse than all, there are no roads to connect the inland districts with the sea. " When we want a bridge," said an American, "we take a church to build it with," but the rural districts of Greece are allowed no such option. As an instance of misgovernment our correspondent cites the case of a rural commune in the fertile and beautiful island of Eubcea. The in habitants of the communes are allowed by the Con stitution the privilege of regulating their own budget —that is of settlingthe manner in which their money shall be spent. But, unfortunately, the Nomarch enjoys a veto upon the provisions of this budget. Stimulated by the excellent speeches which were made in the National Assembly in the fervour of revolution, and really believing that they were likely to derive some benefit from the change if they only showed a disposition to help themselves, these worthy Eubceans set to work to reduce the amount of their expenditure. We are assured that, without diminishing in any way the efficiency of their establishments, and without subtracting a penny from any object of utility, they contrived to reduce their Budget one-third. This, however, did not suit the views of the Minister of the Interior. It was an evil precedent. The existence of a num ber of offices, the patronage of which is vested in his hands, was threatened, and the prospects of local improvement were to him as nothing in comparison. He refused his consent to the Budget, and so the roads are to remain unmade, and the patronage of the Minister of the Interior to remain intact. It is to things like this that the Government of Greece should look, if it wishes really to reform the institu tions of the country. Compared with such a griev ance as this, what are constitutio na l quest i ons, q uorums, and majorities, and dynasties, and all the paraphernalia of free representative government ? The first end and object of g overnment is to obtain forits subjects protection for life and property. When this has been thoroughly done, when these things cease to be a matter of speculation and anxiety, when men f ee l a t h oroug h con fid ence th a t they will be permitted to reap what they have sown, and that they may sleep secure from midnight vio lence, they will naturally turn their .attention t) more abstruse political questions, and demand a voice in the bcpenditure of their own revenue, and in the nomination of their own ministers. But that which is necessary must come first, and Greece will not have made a single step towards real improve ment until she has abolished the bureaucratic influ ences which now paralyze her rural industry, and given the people the management of at least the direct taxation which they raise among themselves for local purposes. We cannot wonder that in a nation oppressed . by such miseries there should arise a strong feeling in favour of a regal, as opposed to a Parliamentary, regime. They see in their Assem bly the stronghold of the bureaucracy that oppresses them, and in the divided counsels and place hunt ing tendencies of their public men, together with the misgovernment which discourages cultivation and all honest labour, the cause of the brigandage which makes their lives full of peril and anxiety. They look to a king as the only refuge from the plunder of their fellow-citizens, and as the only power suffi ciently strong to coerce the bureaucracy under which they groan.' Such is the state at which the third year of revolution finds the Hellenic kingdom. HERALD.--An influential Viennese newspaper, bitterly hostile to the present Austrian Administra tion, whose policy, especially in foreign affairs, it is never weary of assailing, has lately published an analysis of a remarkable correspondence, consisting of twoldeipatches of Herr Von Bismarck, and two replies of Count Mensdorff. The analysis is, pro fessedly, an imperfect one. The correspondent who supplied it admits that he writes merely from his recollection—the documents were not before him when he summarised thercontents. That his ana lysis, however, is substantially correct we have the testimony of the Austrian official journal, which declares that the Presse could only have obt a i ne d it s information in a very improper . manner. That question, of course, is one with which we have no thing to do. We are concerned only to know what are the facts, and must leave our Viennese contem poraries to settle amongst themselves whether those facts have become publici pHs properly or impro perly. It appears, then, that on the 13th of De cember, more than a month ago, a we e k a ft er th e vote of the Diet declaring the execution at an end, the same day that he despatched the sco ldi ng an d warning to Bavaria —upon which we have already commented—Herr Von Bismarck addressed two despatches to the Prussian Charge d'Affaires at Vienna. In the first he takes credit for the mode ration he had displayed to war d s th e m i nor states, andjustifies his opposition to their pretensions on the ground that they are governed by their Cham bers, and that in resisting them Prussia is resisting the revolutionary principle. We can well un derstand that Herr Von Bismarck may have sought to win Austria to his views by representing the Saxon and small s t a te opposition as based mainly upon Democratic support ; but the argu ment of the dispatch is, no doubt, carica tured by the Austrian journalist, whose object was to hold Prussia up to the hatred and Austria to the admiration of Germany. In the second des patch of the same date the Prussian Minister, after intimating that he had desired his colleagues, the Ministers of War and Com merce, to draw up th e conditions upon which Prussia can recognise the in dependence of the Duchies without danger to her own safety and the interests of Germany, suggests that Austria and Prussia should come to a closer under standing upon the subject, and points out that Austria, from her geographical position, has no in- terest in incorporating any one of them, whils t 'A °l l the other hand, their annexation to Prussia R'o °t be advantageous to German interests, and wain n ot injure those of Austria. Prussia, however, eau ° , i $ take them without the consent of Austria, but sne, determined not to recognise anybody as their StT,,, reign until her position with reference to the future state is laid down. The interest of the corresP ° dente, however, lies in the replies of Count Me In, dorff, both dated, it is said, the 21st December• s reply to the first note of Herr von Bismarck, C ows Mensdorff, who was alleged to have formally Illy tested against the conduct of the Prussian Gover n ' ment towards Saxony and Bavaria, contents ,il i f e ; self with saying that if P russ i a h a d o pp os ed by o i , er a resolution of the Diet passed in opposition t 0 views she would have possessed no other right that that of the strongest, and would have had to ace e 4, the responsibility of her acts—the mildest pos s ' : :, form of saying " we are not t o b e cons idered a 8 operating with you in your policy of threateningLA minor states"—but at the same time no prer c i, against that policy. In reply to the second despa' bo the Austrian Mini s t er —p re tty i nnocen t !--saYs t r r he is at a loss to und ers t an d th e mean i n g of P e i , von Bismarck in stating that Austria and Fr u i t o ; can come to a closer reciprocal ag r eement Federal treaties impose upon them. But a I `" e , light afterwards breaks in upon him, and he , l,i, peats a declaration already made by Count Kai% Austrian ambassador at Berlin, to the effect '' o f Austria can only consent to the annexation. the Duchies by Prussia on condition of obtaing 113. an equivalent augmentation of her German t e tory. We have said that this correspondenc e remarkable ; but we draw from it a very diffe re 4 inference from that for the support of which it ' l 3O generally be used. So far from regarding it a s o , indication of any serious difference between the ta e Governments as to the settlement of the Duchies , take it as an indication that they are not far fro very hearty agreement as to the principle at lea s the disposition. The Austrian Minister is %; opposed to the annexation of the Duchies by Pru s y s re . he still would prefer to see the Augustenburg " - e . tender provisionally established ; but it is only_ cause he is unwilling to see Prussia aggranw; e t whilst Austria remains as she is, and Prussia has . 7 0 . offered him no sufficient compensation for his 1 0 , sent. He is disposed now to maintain the at t „ r g rity of the Diet, and to support the Augustenu li. pretensions, but if Prussia will offer him senri e :v vantages he will let the Diet and the legitimate e drop at once. It is merely a question of price. t o Austrian Government says, ci We are co -proprie of the Duchies. It is against all reason , and ir,e much against our interest, to surrender theta P t io tuitously to our co-proprietor, who may ttio nim it strength which our sacrifice would give him agf g et us. We would rather be loftily generous all'e• the benefit of the generosity ; give them to se 0 body who will remember that he owes them tore; and support us . in Germany as zealously as he at but if you, Prussia, want them very much wiling open to an arrangement. Give us a correspen o g advantage, and we will join you at once in aileg,rt, those impertirent littl e curs w h o y e lp at Fran ° a " at Dresden, at Munich, and in the little Thuri, l3 „V capital." at is what these despatches of no Mensdorff say, and in saying it, they give eer t y promise of ,an understanding which will giv i eot Prussian Government all it really wants, spa " ft too without any augmentation of Austrian territecoa For Austria is in a position in which Prussiao. but render her but too many services. Ti" $ ,O trian Government would abandon to Frl l 4o Schleswig-Holstein, and Saxony too, if F'tlie would, on her part, heartily support it jowl) policy it would pursue towards Italy. We 7 i er no fear that the settlement of the succession 4 - 0 tion, or, more correctly, the disposal of the /) 11c wrested from Denmark, will lead to any conni c t t O Germany ; but we do apprehend that froin cen t settlement Italian historians will date another deo of the German " barbarians" upon the fertile P lay of their too beautiful land. COUNTRY MARKETS SALISBURY.—TUESDAY. 0 4 1 A An average supply of wheat of varied quality VM S , - frOr at this market to-day. Quotations—Wheat realis e. ,, 36s to 428 ; barley, 28s to 33s ; oats, 19s to 28s ; be a n to 465; and peas, 34s to 488 per qr. Best bread/ household ditto, 9d per 81b. loaf. HULL.—T UESDAY. Since our last a moderate business has been s don ili ti oWj corn trade at prices barely supporting last week ' .aigijo,44j tions. Large millers are well supplied with foreig'iso the condition of English is not such as to tempt o,r, purchases. Yorkshire reds realise 36s to 38s ; wicin2 9l to 42s per 5091 b; mixed Dantsic, 40s ; high mi%lit , fine high mixed, 45s ; choice old, 485 per 4801 b. market to-day there was a moderate supply of . 1 " wheat, which met a slow sale at a slight reduction °OP' week's rates. Foreign neglected. Fine malting b s ' fair request at full rates ; inferior neglected. NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.—TtrEsDAY. At our market to-day there was a fair supply a .03,..° ; 1 0 wheat, and at the close sellers gave way 18 pe a r ( ;01 .4 :' foreign nothing was doing, holders asking fully .° ,41 more than buyers were willing to give. Beans pri'; steady, and oats held firm, without alteration w . e tioP During the week linseed has ruled steady ; transa have been limited, at rather weakened values. r iltn : Northumberland wheat sold from 328 to 445, N°, l ' t '2uc t ' Suffolk, 39s to 45s ; Dantsic, 39s to 468 ; oats, 21 , 6 , . ° BP' barley, 26s to 31s ; beans, 36s to 40s ;'ryc, 27s to 3 " Ms to 62s per qr.; flour , 26s to 28s per sack- LYNN.—T UESDAY. 0 1 ' 1 r egg 41s wheat, 43s to 45s ; new r e d, 38 s t o 395; , o ley 41s to 42s ; old red, 38 s t o 39 s per 36 stone . J' ‘ , 6o to „b oo malting, 32s to 34s ; secon d ary, 30 s ; Ordinarn e, ' l' praiqr.s ; small,eats 34520 s to 3 .to 22s per pe 38 stone.r24stone. B e ans, laSe to MARKET I3ARBOROUGH.—TUESDAY• There was a tolerable supply of ►rain at this' —New white wheat, 40s to 44s ; new red, 37s to 41s Pe r 4 f ' stone. Barley, fine, 34s ; other kinds, 25s to 3 08 F e wer / Oats, late prices were maintained. Beans and peas also at late rates. COAL MARE Price per ton at the s. d. :ET, JAN. 18. close of the market. S. 1 9 Walls End Iletton ..• 9 Walls End Haswell... 1 6 Tunstall ......... . ..... 1 5 d, Walls End Riddell 1 ,5 6 Walls End Harton 9 Braddylls Hetton ...... i g 6 Hartlepool ..? ........ 17 g 'Cello° . ... ......... 1 7 g Hastings Ha rt1ey' ... ...... Walls End Go ° 10 North Pelton G..... Byass's Bebside West, Hartley l7 3 Cowpen Hartley l7 3 Lambert's W. Hartley 17 0 Walker Primrose l4 6 Carway aM Duffryn Malting 22 0 South Kelloo lleugh Hall lB 0 East Hartlepool Russel's Hetton Ships at market 122; sold, 63. Foreign Mail Packet List. -c-- Po ew 5, ' is Australia and New Zeala n d, v i a S ou th a mpton.• •• • •••• 1 2 ' F Ditto, via Marseilles b• Brazil and Cape V er d e , by B r iti s h p a c L et ......... FI 0 Ditto, by British packet .. .1101. I;WeIN Cape of Good Hope, As ce nsion, and St. Helena.... = lik China, Penang, and Singapore, via Soui hampton. •Ja ll if. Ditto, via Marseilles JO' r Falkland Islands .llO 1 0 Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton...... P• ' go. .4 11 ' to Ditto, via Marseilles • .... . 0 go , ' India (Bcmbay), via Southampton. Jai l Ditto, via Marseilles JO' 0 Feb' fo Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marsell e 3... Feb' 0 Newfoundland Jail' 5, Fel i ' Poring .1 .. ...... •••• Ditto, by private ship to Li5b0n............ United States and British North America, byßri- 21' .. tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp- ton Ditto, ♦ia Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry. • 'Pr - fa , eIP West Ccast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ...... r West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba. 9 0 ' and Mexico •.....•••—• ...JO' 9 , Bahamas, via New York. Fe b 0 Bermuda, ditto Fe l). 25 , Cuba and Mexico J 0".,,,,. • Births. ASHDOWN.—On the 18th inst., at Pimlico, the W ii° Ashdown, Esq., of a daughter. COBBOLD.—On the 16th inst., at The Cliff, Ipsvilol4 J. P. Cobbold, of a daughter. ro, KIRBY.—On the 16th inst., at 5, Tredegar-sqll - b y Martin Kirby, of a son. OWEN.—On the 18th inst., at 27, Delemere-creSe wife of W. S. Owen, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. Gero HOOPER—GIFFARD.--On the 17th inst„ at HamPtll o Stanley Hooper, Captain Ist Madras Cavalry, t° Rose, eldest daughter of Edward Giffard, Esq. ro pe; MENDEL- - COOKSON.—On the 17th inst., at , f a r v „ii,. ,1 0 pf Westmoreland, S am M en d e l , E sq., o f M v , n l e y chester, to Mary, y ounges t d aug ht er o f Mrs. of How Foot. Deaths. iitli, c, BLAKE.--On the 13th inst., at Ford Park, Plya° - ~, i i , Hans Blake, Es q ., Commander RN., aged 7 4 . ptIlY BALL.—On the 15th inst., at St. Stephen's-gree n, .0 the Right Hon. Ni c h o l as B a ll, age d 74. th ,'s'lf DoE.—On the 17th inst., at Harrow Weald, Eliza he 0 of Thomas Doe, Esq., aged 92. ae GEARY.—On the 17th inst., at Blackheath, Nicho las ti Esq., late of Faroh am , aged 88. • 0 ) HAnuts.—On the 16th inst., at Southsoa, Captalii i c e Harris, R. + ee" MOSELEy.—On the 17th i ns t., a t 27 , B e df o rd -sty A, vent-garden, William Moseley, Esq., aged 56. 0 0 110 ROGERS.—On the 14th inst., at 1, Winchester-bn ci 1 tle ty, Richard Rogers, aged 70. 5 111)j TOLVER.—On the 16th inst., at Great Yarmout h, Tolver, Esq., aged Bg. „ <f te• ---- Niis 6 l o / London : Print e d an d P u b l i shed by - WIL I .IAD IA- To 0. of No. 112, Strand, Pinter, at THE SUN Of nce r :o 4 Strand, In the P rec i nc t o f th e S avoy, i n the ''' Middlesex.—Thursday, January 19,11865,