The Sun. — London, England, 1866-10-11 00:00:00

VENETIA. (From the Times Military Correspondent.) VENICE, Oct. 5. The last act of the great drama is rapidly ap proaching. There is still a delay before the ratifica tions can be exchanged, and the impatience of the Venetians will not be gratified just yet. Peschiera, Mantua, Legnago, Verona, Palmanova, all are to precede Venice herself in the path of freedom, being handed over to Gen. Leboeuf, and by him to their municipalities, one by one, in the above order. Ita lian susceptibilities are to be saved as much as pos sible, and it is very unlikely that any outward sign of French possession will be manifested. ,The actual terms of the treaty are not known here, but there is strong reason:to believe that the frontiers of Venetia remain as they were, Riva still being left in the pos session of the Austrians. There will no doubt be many to say that its retention is a fault and a folly, and that Austria is not showing a real determina tion to conciliate Italy ; but the Tyrol itself objects to the summary dismissal of a country that has long been considered an integral part of the province. The silk-producing slopes of the hills and the beau tiful shores of the Lago di Garda are not to be signed away without protest, and the close ap proach of frontier of a rather aggressive Power can never be a source of anything but anxiety. The Tyrolese may say, " Trent is an outwork, the first breakwater against the waves of an invading army. Why deprive us of a defence which we need and desire. Indeed, it is said that such has actually been their vote when consulted on the question. As far as military frontiers are concerned the question is really of little importance one way or another, for there are so many passes, and such various means of approach, that they cannot all be guarded against an army approaching from the north. It seems natural to choose the tops of a mountain range or a stream for a boundary, just as we should separate one garden from the next by a wall or a brook ; but the increase of means of communi cation lately partially removes the barriers that Na ture has placed between nations. Difference of reli gion might mark the various edges, if there were religions enough and they could be nicely dovetailed into one another, so as just to fit conveniently ; but that is out of the question. Language will not do, or more than one of us would find ourselves in trouble as well as Austria. If the people are to be appealed to whenever a foreign nation chooses to assert that the majority are discontented, the way would be thrown open for perpetual irritation and change backwards and forwards; so it really comes to this at last, that in the general scramble each must take and keep what he can. At present Austria is in pos session of the Trentina, and may very well say, " Why should I give up for nothing now what may serve me as an excellent article of exchange here after, when its price is higher in the market?" There will probably be a treaty of commerce before long, and the Trentino may buy a heavy concession if the people really wish to be united to Italy. Their trade is certainly with the south, whence they get corn, especially, in exchange for wood and cattle, and the one boon which they crave is that there may be no delay, expense, and warryof custom-houses between them and their buyers ; and hence it would seem that unless trade is freed from almost all restrictions the Trentiners will become settled in their desires, and those desires will lead them to be united with Italy. To this the Austrians reply, " Very well, wait till that time comes and we can then make a bargain with the Italians." It was necessary to make a stand somewhere, for every one knows that Italian aspira tions were not bounded by the spurs and valleys that run down towards the Lago di Garda, but that they demand now or hereafter that Trieste, and the coast of Istria at least, if not Dalmatia, shall become a part of the kingdom, and that the Adriatic shall be come again the Gulf of Venice—in fact, an Italian lake. There is doubtless a great deal to be said on their side of the question, but then Austria also happens to want an outlet in that direction, and the need will be the greater as her manufactures increase and the world comes to appreciate more and more the toughness of Styrian iron and the excellence of hungarian wines and tobacco, to say nothing of the wealth of corn, a small part only of which finds its way to the Danube and thence to the Black Sea. Perhaps, too, a competition between Venice and Trieste may stir them both up, and give us new facilities of travelling. They are old antagonists, and, having lost the power of making war upon each other, may expend their energies in commercial rivalry alone. The Venetians are very sanguine as to their power to recover their old wealth and mer cantile glory. They see already in imagination their channels deepened, docks built, crowds of steamers arriving an d d epart i ng every day, wh i le Trieste is to shrivel up and Lloyd's magnificent arsenal become overgrown with weeds ; and, in fact, there can be little doubt that the eastern port has been favoured somewhat at their expense ; but then the latter has now such a start as Venice will find it hard to overtake. Whether her harbour is again to resound with the rattling of cordage through blocks and the cheerful song of the sailor as he heaves up the anchor to the bows of his deeply-laden ship, or is still to remain glorious only from the wrecks of her old magnifi cence, Venice will always retain the prestige and charm of her past history, and Trieste, bustle as she may, can never rob her of the old traditions nor the nobility with which her misfortunes have in vested her. Tier fate and the faults that preceded it are not without their parallel in the nation that is parting from her at the present moment. Austria, like her, has fallen because a class succeeded, to their own ruin, in getting all the power into their own hands ; and in our sympathy for oppressed Venice we need not forget that the pride of her nobles had become so great that the people did not dare to walk near them during their hours of promenade on the Piaz zetta of St. Mark's ; her prisons were filled with the victims of tyranny, and her defenders foreigners and hirelings. Austria has not gone so far, and if the spirit of progress in Germany has swept away her armies, they were at least her own, and there is enough public spirit left to rally the nation again to the side of the Kaiser if he will but hold out a con ciliatory hand to them, and put away his bad ad visers. In the meantime the grave and gentle sol diers, whom no one accuses of cruelty or want of courtesy to the people, walk under the arcades of the Piazza with depressed and sad faces ; though anxious to make an end and resign the care of what no longer belongs to the Imperial Crown, they evi dently feel the loss bitterly. On asking one of them whether we might not once more hear their military music in the evening, since peace is at last established, he replied, " What would you have them play—a funeral march?" When young Italy comes bounding in, buoyant with life and the con sziousuess of having achieved success by persever ance in a set course, she may gracefully give a word or two of honour where ho nour i s d ue , an d, above soldiern all w t i h th i n thin gs , take care not to confuse Austrian with ustrian police—the bureaucracy of Vienn a co the defenders of Venice. Ricasoli's and d la er gratulatory telegram has pleased the Venetians, a warm feeling towards him and the Govetnnl e e: n tite s .: a lt ran as follows : "Peace has be en the x eo . ncluded at Vienna." The Government of Italy, not unheard throu hails Venice restored to hoot her long aspirations, re warded for her persevering h ero . an; a nevi strength, a new honour to the nation !" The answer of the Municipality Was.. 1 ' The Representative Municip a li ty of 'Ve nice exults in the signature of peace. Respectful (oss equ i osa) thanks for the kind and immediate notice, and for th e noble and com forting salute to Venice. Venice finds it a great reward. Venice forgets her griefs, joyful in the fulfilment of her long aspirations !" _ . _ The announcement of the Patrie, that England Russia, and America were engaged in a great plot to aggrandise themselves in Sicily, Turkey, and the Gulf of Mexico respectively, has not found much favour in the eyes of the Italians. The Opinione receives it -with great reserve, " and, above all, we do not believe that England has any wish to cast herself in Sicily into the same imbroglio from which she escaped at Corfu." The cholera seems to be subsiding everywhere as the weather cools. A long continuance of sirocco has hit us harder here than would otherwise have been the case, but up to this time the total number of cases has been but 71, of whom 35 died, nine have been cured, and 27 remain under treatment. Trieste has but eight cases reported from Oct. 1 to Oct. 2 in town and district ; total from the com mencement, 621. Genoa during the same time (Ist to 2d Oct.) has had only four cases and three deaths. Amersham and Chesham Agricultural Association. CHESIIAM, Wednesday. The annual ploughing match, for the encourage ment of industrious agricultural labourers and ser vants, took place yesterday afternoon on ground in the occupation of Mr. J. Field. A great number of prizes were also distributed to cottagers and others for the best show of garden produce. A dinner afterwards took place in the Town-hall, at which Lord Chesham presided. Amongst the guests were Lord Malden, Lord Curzon, Capt. Parkinson, Capt. Hardy, Capt. Fuller ; the Revs. C. Lloyd, R. Burgess, J. Greaves, A. F. Aylward, E. T. Drake ; Messrs. W. Lowndes, J. Hale, T. Nash, J. Field, E. Berch, &c. The toasts of the Queen, the Prince and Princess of Wales, and the rest of the royal family having been duly honoured, The CHAIRMAN proposed "The Bishop and Clergy of the Diocese," coupling with the toast the name of the Rev. C. Lloyd. (Loud cheers.) The Bishop of Oxford had promised if possible to attend the meeting, but he was now so busily engaged at York that it was impossible for him to be present. He was happy to see so many clergymen present, for it was mainly through their instrumentality that such societies were carried on in a satisfactory manner. (Cheers.) The Rev. C. LLOYD, in responding to the toast, said that the Bishop of Oxford was an extremely hard-working man, and as hard-working men were generally the most successful in a ploughing match, he felt quite certain that if there should be an epis copal ploughing match the Bishop of Oxford would come off victorious. (Cheers and laughter.) Capt. PARKINSON responded to the toast of the army, navy, volunteers, yeomanry, and militia. Lord MALDEN, in proposing " The Members of the House of Lords and the House of Commons," said he believed that, although Parliament and its assemblies were coeval with the kingdom, the first mention of the House of Lords and House of Com mons was about the year 1837. Ever since that pe riod the country had steadily progressed and im proved, not only inwealth and power, but in art and science, and he thought they might all congratulate themselves that these institutions still remained, and they were likely to remain under the same form of government. (Cheers.) However much the members of both houses might differ in politics or in the means to an end, they had only one object in view, and that was the general welfare of the country. There was a certain—what should he call him—lu minous demagogue possessing great talents, which,if directed in a proper manner, might have been of great advantage to the country, but who was en deavouring to persuade the public that the House of Lords was a useless encumbrance, and that men who, by their social position, by their education, by the stake they held in the country, were justly entitled to a governing voice, were nothing but a prejudiced set of useless old fogies—(laughter)—and that the sooner they were put down the better. Ile hoped there were not many men present who agreed with Mr. Bright in that opinion. (Cheers.) With respect to the House of Commons, the constituencies had the choice of its members in their own hands, and if they did not please their constituents they might give them a hint to retire. With respect to the question of reform, he wouldnot say anything about that—(laughter)--but he could not help saying that he thought reform was required in one sense. The test of a man's eligibility for Parliament in a great many boroughs appeared to be not the depth of his understanding or his capability to legislate, but the depth of his pocket and his capability of parting with its contents, (Hear, and laughter.) He begged to couple with the toast the name of Lord Chesham, who, during the time he wasa member of the House of Commons, spent his mornings in hot committe rooms and his evenings in listening to dull speeches, when he would have been from choice at Latiniers, enjoing the fresh air of Buckinghamshire. (The toast was drunk with all the honours.) The CHAIRMAN, who on rising was loudly cheered, said it was rather a difficult matter to return thanks properly for such large and influential bodies as the Houses of Lords and Commons. The manner in which the toast had been received assured him that his constitueats thought he had done his duty when lie was in the House of Com mons. (Hear). lie regretted to say that none of the county or borough members were pre sent. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was quite overwhelmed by public business, and although he had honoured some of their former gatherings by his presence he was quite unable to attend the pre sent anniversary. Mr. llarvey was labouring under the greatest affliction that a man could suffer—the loss of his wife, and Mr. Du Pre, on account of the delicate state of his wife, was obliged during the winter months to resort to a warmer climate. The absence of the county members was thus accounted for, but he hoped at the next meeting that the attendance of one or more of them would be secured, and then they would have the opportu nity fof stating what they intended to do with the Reform Bill. (Cheers and laughter.) Lord CURZON, in proposing " The health of the President of the Association," said that the manner in which some people had lately been abus ing the House of Lords might make any one some what nervous in proposing the health of a member of that illustrious body. But in speakin g to the men of Che s h am and Amersham and the adjacent parishes, he had no difficulty in proposing the health of Lord Che s h am. (Loud cheers.) As a resident landlord, he had always been a fervent friend to the town and neighbourhood, and had very lately offered to give a piece of gro un d and to raise money for the erection of abuilding to which thepoor might resort in case of sickness. (Cheers.) As a resident land lord, farming his own land, he was well aware of the effects of the late disastrous harvest upon the tenant farmers, and he also knew the advantage of improv ing and ameliorating the condition of the labourer, who well knew that for a good day's work they could always receive from his lordship a good day's wages. (Loud cheering.) The CHAIRMAN, in acknowledging the compliment, said that the subject of a cottager's hospital had been uppermost in his wind for several years, and he was glad that it was likely to be established. The town of Chesham had unfortunately been much stricken by disease, and he was convinced that if they could once persuade the poor people whose children were so afflicted to send them into an hos pital, where they would be as well attended to as in hospitals at other places, there would be a great diminution of disease, and that in the course of a short time it would be entirely exterminated. (Cheers.) He understood that infectious diseases were always prevalent'in the town, and that the in fection spread from one child to another in conse quence of their going out and mixing together too soon. It would be much better to place them in a n hospital and allow them to remain there until the infection was completely removed. (Hear, hear.) His noble friend had mentioned the condition of the labourers. He (the chairman) had been endeavour ing to increase the size of his cottages, not, however, with the idea of receiving any per-tentage in the shape of rent. (Loud cheers.) lie was quite con vinced that if a landlord wished to get a fair day's work out of a labourer, the man must go to his work, not half tired from having walked several miles, but fresh and able—(hear, hear) — and having done his work he ought not to be under the necessity of walking four or five e milestaken sto get home, but to occupy th e in cultivating his own gar d en. (Cheers.) be up the labourers were p roper l y treated they would morea ready to serve th e i r em ployers, a better day's would be of out of them, and, finding thei r cotta g they would be very l oth to fre comfortable, heaaaveb es mo them. (Hear.) In improving his cottages he chitect, and perhaps had drawn the e p e l n an h s is o wn r to la g oar but if the labourers fou n d th em comfortable th-aet, was all he desired. (Cheers.) There was One other THE SUN, LONDON, THuRSDAY EVENING, OCToBER, 11, ISM subject on which he wished to make a remark. Such buildings ought to be situate near water, and near a church—more particularly near a church ; because it was most desirable for the landowner to see the poorer classes clustered around him in the parish church on a Sunday. (Loud cheers.) It was im possible, in such a wide parish as Chesham, to pro vide a sufficient number of churches, but it was most desirable to make every possible effort in that direction. (Cheers.) He wished to throw out a suggestion which he hoped the committee would take into consideration. Instead of dining by gas light, he thought it would be much better to dine by sun-light under a tent, where they might be able to meet all the exhibitors and cottagers who had shown their garden produce. He should like to see them sit down and dine in the same tent, and then the landowners and tenants might hear a word or two from them, instead of having all the talk to themselves. (Cheers and laughter.) He thought the change he had suggested would have a good effect, and hoped that it would receive a favourable consideration. (Loud cheers.) Mr. W. LOWNDES then proposed " The Tenant Farmers and prosperity to the Association," which was responded to by Mr. F. MANN. The toasts of Lord Malden, the Vice-President, the Committee of Management, the successful com petitors, and several others followed, and were briefly responded to. going away, so I did not like to ask him. I hope it is not true. lam sure it has not been his fault. He says if they had only sent him before one battalion of Bersaglicri it would never have happened, because at the beginning there were very few ; but he had nothing but some recruits of three mouths' standing, who had hardly ever fired a shot before, and they could do nothing." Election Commission. GREAT YARMOUTH. GREAT YARMOUTH, OCt. 10. The proceedings before this commission on Mon day were of no special interest, but yesterday and to-day the importance of the evidence materially increased. Mr. Watkin, M.P., after referring to the election of 1857, deposed that it had been said by Sir E. Lacon, according to the report in the papers, that he had received £5OO from Mr. Mellor for the goodwill of Yarmouth. There was not a word of truth in that statement. After witness was defeated in 1859 he never intended to come forward again for Yarmouth. He was invited to come forward in 1864, and a correspondence ensued with Messrs. Livingston and Clowes, which resulted in a request that he should ask Mr. Brand; the then Secretary to the Treasury, to recommend two good candidates for Yarmouth. Mr. Livingston repre sented to him that the results of the registration in the previous year showed a large majority in favour of the Liberals, and that there was a certainty of two Liberal candidates being returned, and, as he believed, without the expenditure of a penny. Mr. Brand suggested Mr. Hawkins, Q.C., and some one else whom witness could not remember. The nego tiations fell through, and ultimately witness was requested to name two candidates. Eventually Messrs. Brogden and Marshman were selected. Witness informed Messrs. Brogden and Marshman of the state of the register as given to him by Mr. Livingston, and he told them there were a certain number of persons who were open to corruption. Witness told Mr. Marshman the cost of his elec tion in 1857 and 1859. The election of 1857 cost him about £BOO ; that of 1859 from £l,OOO to £1,200. He did not think the election of 1857 cost Mr. M'Cullagh as much as it cost him. The amount which witness paid from August, 1856, to the spring of 1858 was about £1,300 ; this included payment for shares which he took in a local paper, subscrip tions to local charities, registration, testimonials, &c. A portion of the money was paid on Mr. M'Cullagh's account, and witness thought it would have been squared, but some difference arose in the matter. After Mr. M'Cullagh was unseated he did not complain of illegal payments having been made, at any rate, not to witness. The ground of Mr. M'Cullagh's refusal to reimburse witness was, that he had spent a great deal of money between 1852 and 1857 in getting the register into a state which led to their return, and he thought that should be set off against a portion of what had been paid at the election. Witness had read in the papers that Mr. C. Steward disbursed between £1,500 and £1,600 at the election of 1857 ; he could not account for it, but he believed it to be an exaggeration. Witness's total expenditure in 1859 was £1,159 2s. 4d. lie subscribed £2OO towards the expense of the petition in the following year. He was asked for a further contribution, and he put down about £lOO ; other expenses amounted to about £lOO ; that made £1,500 odd altogether. He did not know how the money was disposed of which Mr. Mainprice received, except from the evidence gene rally. Witness was not aware until afterwards that illegal practices were resorted to in 1857. Ile did not send for a man named Rundle from Grimsby in 1857. In 1859 Mr. W. T. Clarke told him that Rundle was known to all the Gorleston voters, and that he would be very useful; accordingly, at Mr. Clarke's suggestion, Rundle was sent for. Witness was not aware that Rundle had been engaged in illegal practices at prior elections. Ile considered him a very respectable man. In conjunction with Mr. Young witness got a man named Reynolds the situation of postmaster at Gorleston. After the experience of 1859 witness thought the Conservatives would not again resort to illegal practices, and from the state of the regis ter as shown by Mr. Livingston he thought the elec tion ought to be carried by the Liberals. lle could not account for Mr. Brogden's supplying himself with so large a sum as £6,000. No doubt Mr. 13rog den had bitterly reproached himself since. Witness should like to see a compromise in Yarmouth, as it would extirpate the cause of corruption. With re spect to the petition arising out of the election of 1865, witness presumed that Mr. Brogden did not claim the seat, as to have done so would have neces sitated a scrutiny. Witness became aware that bribery was being practised in 1859 in this way. Mr. Young and himself canvassed the borough, and they had a decided majority o f p rom i ses . His own election at least was pronounced as " safe as brandy." On the morning of the election they headed the poll up to ten o'clock, but at half-past ten the numbers began to go against them, and Mr. Shelley showed him the names of several men who had promised the Liberals, but had then voted against them. Mn. Livingston told witness and Mr. Young that they omoney, but they said that uld they already provided more money than which was n e ith er a d m i tte d nor conly h l a win was by en was necessary, denied, and they declined to spend any more. The result was that they lost the election. Witness's experience of Yarmouth was that the great bulk of the constitu ency were honest and good men, although many were made bad by temptations thrown in their was a pplied as hard as it cou ld b e . In w ,, a s y cre a w nd , l oca l influences. He b e li eve d t h a t t h e Yar mouth it was a great evil and misfortune that the influence of the brewery of Sir E. Lacon should exist at all. If the Commissioners looked at the register they would observe that there was a larger number of persons who sold drink in Yarmouth than in almost any borough with 15,000 electors. Men liked power, and this was purchased in Yarmouth by the beer-selling influence. He thought that undue use was made of Sir E. Lacon's brewery influence. He did not say that it was done with Sir E. Lacon's knowledge—Sir Edward was too good-natured for that—but by his subordinates. Sir H. J. Stracey said he was a candidate for Yar mouth in-1859. He had been unsuccessful in East Norfolk, and being anxious for a seat in Parliament he came to Yarmouth. He believed he told Sir E. Lacon that he would stand with him and bear half the expense. He announced himself as a candidate about a month before the election. The canvass lasted three weeks. He did not know exactly what the election cost him. On inquiring of his bankers the state of his account he found that it required rectifying, as he had to settle for the county elec tion in 1858, the Yarmouth election in 1859, and the petition which followed it in 1860. He made a point of not inquiring what the election of 1859 cost him. He knew the character which Yar mouth bore. The borough was partly venal, al though the heads of parties were enlightened and respectable men. He understood that one-fourth of the constituency was venal. If he were asked what his conviction was about the election of 1859 he should say that there was corruption going on, but that he knew nothing about it. He had not a single document as to his expenditure in Yarmouth. Witness's agent, Mr. Reynolds, had carte blanche at his bankers for the election expenses. He never gave any instructions to Mr. Reynolds as to the ex penditure of money. Mr. Fitzgerald—lt appears to me, Sir Henry, that you are just the man for Yarmouth. (Laughter.) Witness, in answer to further questions, said he knew nothing about Mr. Nightingale having ad vanced money on behalf of Sir E. Lacon. Mr. Nightingale never made a claim upon witness. In 1865 witness intimated that he did not intend to stand again for Yarmouth, and he recommended Mr. Goodson to the electors. When witness first came to Yarmouth he thought there would be no opposition as Sir E. Lacon had great local influence, and witness also was a well-known county man. Witness did riot represent to Mr. Goodson that Yar mouth was a very venal place. Witness had heard of Mr. Cooper, the Conservative " illegal agent," but he did not know him even by sight, nor did he know in 1859 that Mr. Cooper had the spending illegal of money in an way. Witness's impression was that three-fourths of the boroughs of the United King dom were as venal as Yarmouth, perhaps not equally so. If Sir E. Lacon was of opinion that Yarmouth could be won without money, witness did not agree with him. Witness did not consider it a fair infe rence that because Mr. Nightingale advanced £l,OOO on behalf of Sir E. Lacon, therefore Mr. Reynolds advanced a similar sum on his behalf. He did not agree with Mr. Watkin as to the majority of the voters in Yarmouth being Liberal in 1859 ; he thought it was just the contrary. Witness was rather disappointed at Sir E. Lacon's want of in fluence. He retired from Yarmouth not because of its venality, but because he had other views. Mr. Watkin, M.P., before leaving the room, said he thought the constituency was made worse in 1859 than in 1857, and in 1865 worse still. He re quested his leading friends in 1859 to keep clear of all the difficulties which had distressed him so much in 1857. In 1860 he heard about Sir E. Lacon's de sire for a compromise through Mr. Rose, of the Carlton ; he supposed it arose from a desire to cover those things which persons were afterwards ashamed of. Mr. Fitzgerald—Sir E. Lacon says he knew nothing about bribery. (Laughter.) Mr. Watkin said of the money which he pro vided in 1857 and 1859 nothing was paid by checks—all in notes and sovereigns. The story about Mr. Mainprice finding a large sum of money in his pockets was quite new to witness ; he first heard of it through reading it in the Times. Mr. W. C. Reynolds said he did not draw upon Sir H. Stracey's bankers in 1859: he knew, how ever, that money was obtained from them. He now heard for the first time that he had carte blanche to draw upon Sir Henry. Witness learnt from Mr. Hill, manager of the bank of Messrs. Harveys and Hudsons, Sir H. Stracey's bankers, that money was to be sent in a particular way. On the Saturday before the election he received a parcel from Mr. Hill, of Norwich. It contained £l,OOO, and he gave it to Mr. Green, the leading Conser vative " illegal agent." Witness acted on behalf of Sir H. Stracey, in order to see fair play between him and Sir Edmund Lacon. One of the parcels of money came, but not through witness. He learnt about it from Mr. Green. He should say the total spent was about £1,500. Mr. E. R. ALDRED, the election auditor in 1859, deposed that the expenses returned were, on the part of Sir E. Lacon and Sir H. Stracy, £BO9 ; and on the part of Mr. Watkin and Mr. Young, £603. There were some miscellaneous expenses, amounting to £2O, but witness could not remember to which side these expenses referred. At their unopposed election in August, 1857, the joint expenses of Mr. Mellor and Mr. Young were returned at £375. Mr. A. W. YOUNG, late M.P. for Helston, said he formerly represented what is now the colony of Victoria in the Legislative Council of New South Wales. Witness returned to England in 1851, and was returned for Yarmouth with Mr. Mellor in August, 1857. Mr. M'Cullagh was a club acquaint ance. A gentleman named Humphreys, now coro ner for Middlesex, first suggested that he should come to Yarmouth. Mr. M'Cullagh, through Mr. Humphreys, stood his friend. It was generally understood among the Liberal party that he was ready and desirous to go into Parliament. There was no pecuniary arrangement between witness and Mr. M'Cullagh. Witness had heard long ago that he was said to have paid £5OO to Mr. M'Cullagh for his good will, but it was a mere idle rumour. When witness and Mr. Mellor first came to Yar mouth in August, 1857, there was every appear ance of a probable contest, but at the last moment Sir E. Lacon announced his intention to retire. Witness came down to Yarmouth with Mr. Watkin in 1859 to canvass. His election agent was Mr. Clowes, but Mr. Chamberlin was his pro fessional friend. He gave Mr. Chamberlin £25. His whole election expenses in 1859 were between £l,lOO and £1,200. A good deal of this sum was paid during the election. He brought down with him £5OO, and gave checks for £320. Afterwards he paid Mr. Clowes £3OO, Mr. Chamberlin, £25, &c. He subscribed £l5O to the subsequent petition, and a further sum afterwards. He knew that the £5OO was intended for Mr. Mainprice. He knew nothing about the great-coat-pocket story. Mr. Mainprice was known to be managing the election. Witness remembered a check for £BO being de stroyed on the morning of the polling-day. He never heard of Mr. C. Steward during the election of 1859. Mr. M'Cullagh never made any repre sentation to him as to his expenditure in Yarmouth prior to the election of 1857. Witness knew no thing as to differences as to money between Mr. M'Cullagh and Mr. Watkin. Witness never formed any opinion from his canvass in 1857 as to the electoral purity or impurity of the borough. He never heard at the election of 1859 that bribery would be necessary on the Liberal side. On the polling day he heard that the Conservatives had bought away Liberal votes, and he also came to the conclusion that the Liberals themselves had been guilty of corrupt practices. State of Affairs at Palermo. The following are some extracts from a letter dated Palermo, Sept. 24 : "My dear Father,—l have just received your letter with the enclosed one from —; but now the Government have had to turn their attention to Sicily with a vengeance. I hope you got the letter I wrote to you from the steamer, telling you that we were quite safe; but it has been a most dreadful time. has written a long account of it, and I should think he has done it very well. The first three days were the most dreadful I ever spent. There were bullets flying about in every direction, and shells bursting quite close to thehouse, and every moment we expected one to be in the house; and on Wednes day morning, at 6 o'clock, we thought anything better than staying here, so we got away, and hap pily arrived safely on board the steamer. Troops were arriving every day from all directions—Ancona, Taranto, Ravenna, &c., and a; number of ships. For the first few days the rebels got decidedly the best of it, as there were not enough soldiers, and the rebels had got possession of nearly the whole town, but on Friday such a number of troops had arrived that I suppose the wretches got frightened, for numbers of those from the country sneaked away in the night, and the townspeople got rid of their arms somehow, and pretended they had never done anything at all. Oh, it does make one so angry ! Those horrid cowards who a few days ago were fighting against the soldiers are now calling out ' Viva l'ltalia ! Viva Vittorio Emanuele !' and putting out the Italian flag just because they are too frightened to do anything else. If I had anything to do with the Government I would give up Sicily altogether, and not own such a set of rascals as they all are, every one. I hate the very sight of our own servants ; they are just as bad as the rest. When they were robbing the Garibaldi School, we saw our own groom go in and get a musket. William went and took it from him, and has just now gone with him and made him take it back. I wonder how he likes that ? Yesterday we went to see the poor;Garibaldi School, and it is too shocking ; they have not left one thing except the walls, even torn out the very gas pipes to make bullets, and anything they hadnot time to take away they have broken to bits, and such a nice place it must have been. At the hospital it is just the same. They even took the mattresses and beds from under the sick soldiers. These Sicilians are not like human beings, they are more like beasts. But I don't think they will try this again. There are 20,000 soldiers here now, and there are to be 60,000 quartered in Sicily. None of the higher classes of the Sicilians had anything to do with it ; but fancy what these wretches did --they took a number of gentlemen here prisoners, and made them go about with them, so as to mix them up in it, when they had nothing to do with it. The few poor soldiers who were here at the beginning held out very well, but they were so few. Their princi pal care was to guard the prisons, because the wretches tried hard to let the prisoners loose. There are 2,400 people in prison, and fancy if they had escaped ! But the soldiers managed to keep the prisons, though they were nearly starved, and the Palace, where the Prefect, the General, and all the authorities,w ere glad to eat horses ! The poor Syndic, they took everything out of his house and burnt it in a heap, made barricades of his carriages, and killed his horses. It is something awful the state the town is in ; you could not imagine it without seeing it—barricades everywhere, the pavement torn up, numbers of houses half ruined by cannon balls and shells. What could the poor soldiers do. They marched up a street which looked quite de serted, not a creature to be seen; when all at once from the windows on each side, through the green shutters, volleys were fired down on them, and they could see no one, and of course very few of the rebels were killed ; but they will catch it still, it is to be hoped. There are plenty of people who will recog nise them ; they will have no pity shown them, and, indeed, they don't deserve it. I have no pity for any of them. Yesterday there was a state of siege proclaimed ; no one is allowed to be out of doors after dark, and any persons found with arms on them are shot within 12 hours. They deserve it all. Some officers said to us Italy only wanted this to complete this year 1866's disgrace. Some people say that they are ashamed to say they live in Palermo. " The soldiers are searching every house now to try to get back some of the stolen things, but I am afraid they will get back very few, though people are afraid now of keeping things which will be re cognised, and they throw things away about the streets. There was a sofa standing in the middle of the Maqueda yesterday. The cholera has broken out among the troops, but it is to be hoped it won't spread, though the town is in such a filthy state I am afraid it is most probable. The Prefect and the General have both been sent for to Florence. People blame the Prefect. They all say he is a most excellent man, but not fitted for his place. They say he ought to have sent for troops long ago, for he knew what a state the country was in, and they must have been preparing this for mouths ; but you know he did send. "We have not had much damage done to our house, happily. We have got a good many bullets in the drawing-room and sitting-room, but nothing broken which cannot easily be mended, such as windows, shutters, &c. There are some pretty big holes in the wall, which is tiresome, as it has just been all newly papered, but we ought to be very thankful that it is not worse, and that we are all alive, for these bullets all came in the very day we left. The house is dreadfully damaged, but luckily it is the bed-rooms, not the drawing-rooms. Five of those horrid things of a triangular shape—they call them ' granat' here, I don't know what they are in English (grenades?)—went into one house, and have spoilt a great deal. One room they say will have to be newly roofed. I wonder some English ships don't come here. Last week the Victoria, Prince Consort, Gibraltar, and Royal Oak were all at Syracuse ; but, then, they knew nothing of this; still I wonder they don't come now, unless the cholera keeps them away. The English Go vernment had information of our state long ago— of something brewing. Mr. and Mrs. stayed in their house all the time, because they could not get away, and escaped wonderfully—only one bullet in the house; but they were dreadfully frightened. Every cannon shot fired from the castle seemed to whizz close past them—which, indeed, it did, but their house was not touched. The hospital protected them a little. The Sisters of Charity from the hos pital took refuge at the French Consul's. When they told us on Saturday that it was all over and that we could go back to our houses we could hardly believe it. We came back on Saturday evening ; it is so delightful to feel safe again. The whole place is swarming with soldiers and sailors. " Just as I was writing this - arrived. lam So sorry for him, Ffe did not say any Thing about SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.-Mr. Bright spoke somewhat angrily at Leeds, but in the middle of a mass of trite declama tion and threadbare abuse he did lay down some clear principles of a reforming policy. His principles as now professed deserve to be attentively considered. In the course of the late debates, and more than once since that time, Mr. Bright has claimed to be a sound Constitutionalist. It is only in accordance with the principles of the English Constitution that seeks to remodel the House of Commons. It was on constitutional grounds that he maintained his objections to fancy .franchises and novel proposals for estimating electoral capacities.. He even asserted on one occasion that his views on the subject repre sented the strictest and most unimpeachable Con servatism, inasmuch as he was taking his stand on tho ancient practice of regulating the suffrage, while others were introducing varieties unknown to this country. To this argument he returned at Leeds by declaring that the House of Commons as at pre sent constituted did not truly represent the popular branch of the Legislature according to constitu tional theory. It did not speak with the voice of the people, or the working classes, as distinguishable from other ranks of society. It contained many elements which could not be regarded as purely popular elements. It represented not only numbers, but wealth, intelligence, property, education, and privilege. Some of its members were returned by ridiculously small constituencies, often influenced by peers or other great people. Yet it was not to speak for such persons that the House of Commons was established, but to express opinions and protect the interests of the Commons of the realm—that is, the common body of the people. So, in advocating a change which would restore its natural and proper character to this branch of the Legislature, Mr. Bright was not designing a revolution, but promot ing a reformation. " We propose, in fact," said he, " to restore the representation, and to resto re the fair andfree action of the English Constitution." Now, this is a ver y plain declaration of principle, but there are some very broad facts of the case which Mr. Bright has apparently forgotten. The very first and fundamental principle of the British Constitution is, as every child is taught, that there are three Estates of the realm. The three Estates are the Crown, the Lords, and the Commons, which are co-ordinate and co-equal authorities. It is of the very essence of the Constitutional theory to which Mr. Bright now appeals that no one of these Estates should be independent of the consent of the other, but that the agreement of all three should be requisite for the enactment and establishment of law. The operation of time and events has modified the theory to such an extent that in practice one of these Estates—that is to say, the House of Commons —is the main foundation of law and order. It has en croached upon the other Estates, and has attracted a preponderating power to itself, not only w ithout much opposition, but with general approbation and satisfaction. But how has it happened that such a result—theoretically quite unconstitutional—has been brought so quietly and advantageously to pass? It has happened because the constitution of the House of Commons has been practically adapted to its enlarged functions and actual position. If the House of Commons now speaks and acts as it were for the whole State—not only for all the Commons of the realm, but for all the Lords, all the nobility, and all the classes privileged by education or posses sions, it may also be said that it is at the same time a representation of all these classes and a reflection of all their opinions. It is undoubtedly true that this branch of the Legislature, presumed to be espe cially or exclusively the popular branch, now repre sents in some degree great nobles and landowners, who, according to Constitutional theory, are sup posed to be represented elsewhere. It is not so true as Mr. Bright's words would imply that the people, commonly so called, are unrepresented, for the recent debates, and, still more, the close divisions, showed how many members were willing to go as far as Mr. Bright was going himself ; but still it is a fact that elements of representation which should not, according to theory, be found in the popular branch of the Legislature are found there actively at work, and with no inconsiderable influ ence. He proposes to reinvest the popular house with its popular character, to bring it back to the people, and to restore that branch to the keeping and possession of the estate whose name it bears— the Commons of the realm. But now, following up the argument on Mr. Bright's own lines, and guid ing ourselves by the well-known principles of the English Constitution, let us ask what is to be the distribution of power after the Reform has been ac complished? Measured by strict constitutional theories, the Crown and the House of Lords have suffered more than the House of Commons. If the purity of the House of Commons has been damaged by the introduction of alien elements, the functions of the House of Lords have been reduced to a mere fraction of their ancient and constitutional extent, while the veto of the Crown has fallen into disuse. Those changes are compensated as things now stand by the influence attaching to all the three estates together in the House of Commons ; but if all influ ence excepting purely popular influence is to be banished from the house, where are the expelled in terests to find that share of power which the consti tution assigns to them as expressly as to the Commons ? The House of Commons now represents all classes instead of one, but it also acts for all classes instead of one. When Mr. Bright has purified the representation by limiting it according to the origi nal theory of the constitution, will he be prepared to see its power limited in a proportionate degree as the same theory of the constitution would demand ? It may be unconstitutional ; indeed, strictly speaking, it certainly is so, that great nobles and landowners should have such a voice in the House of Com mons ; but it is not unconstitutional—on the con trary, it is absolutely required by the constitution, that they should have, somewhere or other, not only a voice, but a voice equal to that of all the Com mons together. It is absolutely of the essence of the British Constitution that the Estate of the Lords should be equal with the Estate of the Commons. Now, supposing the House of Commons to become a purely popular assembly ; supposing it to give ex pression directly and without qualification to the opinions of the working classes, would Mr. Bright be prepared to see that opinion nullified by the dis sent of great nobles and landowners sitting entirely by themselves? Yet that is what it must come to if the true principles of the British Constitution are to be applied to one branch of the Legislatureas well as another. Mr. Bright gave exceedingly good advice to his audience when he warned them against exag gerated ideas of their own power. No man in the kingdom could have spoken more sensibly than he did when he said that if the working classes were to separate themselves from the rest of the nation with a gulf between them there would be nothing for them but subjection, and that it was only by secur ing the co-operation of large numbers among the middle and upper classes that they could accom plish their ends. This is the view of Reform which is taken by all the educated classes in the country ; but when the appeal is made to them, as made it must be, Mr. Bright's Constitutional principles will infallibly be discussed, and with the result, we sus pect, of an unexpected dilemma. While pretending to purify he would swamp the Constitution. It ap pears to us that the revival and application of the old theory of the Constitution according to Mr. Bright's present views must fail in one or two ways in achieving its object. Either the House of Commons cannot claim to represent numbers alone, to the exclusion of aristocratical elements ; or it cannot claim to exercise its present power to the exclusion of an aristocratical counterpoise. Perhaps Mr. Bright is thinking that the ancient theory m a y be coupled with the modern practice, and that the Commons' House, if returned by numbers only, could still preponderate over other powers as it does while representing all the elements of the State together. This conclusion, however, we suspect, he would fail to impress on the bulk of those classes whose co-ope ration he desires; and, what is more, we are sure he will find it on reflection to be utterly inconsistent with the principles he now avows. A purely popular branch of the Legislature checked and controlled by other branches is no doubt a genuine feature of the British Constitution ; but a purely popular House of Commons, representing numbers only, and yet claim ing to be as little checked or controlled as our House of Commons is now, would simply express the sub version of the Constitution altogether, and the sub stitution of a democracy in its place. POST.—The policy on which extradition treaties are based is so obviously sound and beneficial that it calls for no special vindication. The only points on which doubt exists are in reference to the lengths to which this policy should be carried and the nature of the machinery by which practical effect should be given to these conventions. As individuals are only amenable to the laws of the country against which they have offended, and as no State can exercise jurisdiction beyond its own dominions, criminals would succeed in eluding justice by the simple pro cess of quitting the country in which their offences had been committed in the absence of some express or implied understanding between independent States for the extradition of such refugees. It has always been a moot point in international law whether a Stateis bound to surrender criminals who, flying from another country, have sought a refuge within its confines, in the absence of an express - treaty authorising their extradition. Some of the most distinguished jurists, amongst whom were Grotius and Vattel, were of opinion that every State was bound to deny an asylum to criminals, and, after examination of the charges advanced against them, to surrender them. The practice of nations has, however, for the most part been to make the sur render of fugitives solely dependent on express stipulations, and the most recent decisions, both in this country and the United States, have been to that effect. The practice of concluding extradition treaties dates from very early times so far back as the year 1174 a convention of this kind having been concluded between England and Scotland, and a similar treaty between England and France, bears the date of 1308. Some writers on international law have gone so far as to contend, that every Go vernment is bound either to punish a fugitive criminal or to deliver him up, but the established principle on which the European States and the American Republic have invariably acted is, that the prosecution and punishment of crimes must be left to the country where they are committed. Admitting, however, that it is expedient to afford every facility for bringing criminals to justice, it is clear that States are bound to act with circumspection in determining the class of offenders to whom it is the interest of every Government to deny the right of asylum. Those jurists who main tained that it was obligatory on States to surrender criminals who had fled from other countries, limited this exercise of authority to those cases in which the offences charged were crimes against humanity. And the earlier extradition treaties were, without excep tion, framed in this spirit; and although of late years the tendency has been to enlarge the list of offences for the commission of which the extradition of criminals may be demanded, still the treaties are limited in their operation to crimes of a very grave character. For one class of offences, though by many Governments regarded as the gravest of all, no treaty in existence authorises the extradition of refugees. It is needless to say that we refer to poli ticaloffences. The explanation of this is not to be found in any of the fundamental principles of inter national law, but in the nature of the institutions of particular States. The nations who contracted the Holy Alliance would have doubtless readily assented to the extradition of political offenders. Those States, on the other hand, which acknowledge that it is the right of a people to select its own form of government, and that rebellion itself may be sancti fied, have always accorded a refuge to those who, dissatisfied with the established form of government in their native lands, have sought elsewhere the political freedom denied to them at home. As extra dition treaties are in every respect reciprocal, the attitude assumed by the liberal States enforced a similar attitude upon those which would willingly have added treason to the list of offences which have already found a place in these conventions. Public opinion throughout the world is so univer sally in favour of maintaining inviolate the right of asylum for political refugees that no present appre hension need be entertained of any change being effected in that respect. The chief, if not the sole, difficulty which has arisen in connection with extra dition treaties has been occasioned by the different forms of procedure which various nations adopt with a view to the demonstration of guilt. The crime of murder, for example, has practically the same definition in the code of every civilised State. But the means by which the commission of the crime is sought to be established are extremely various. Now, assuming, for the sake of argument, that in one country much slighter evidence was required for this purpose than in another, or that the means of obtaining such evidence were much simpler or easier, it is apparent that the two States would not stand on the same footing when respectively advancing their claims for the extradition of criminals. As the preliminary proceedings before the magistrate of a State in which a criminal has taken refuge are go verned by the ordinary rules of procedure in such State, it follows that the State which furnished the greatest facilities for obtaining evidence would give up many more offenders than it would be likely to receive in return. Now, this is precisely the corn ' plaint which has been advanced against Great Bri tain by France, and which was considered so seri ous that an intimation was given by the French Government that unless some measures were taken to facilitate the extradition of criminals who had taken refuge in England the subsisting treaty be tween the two countries would not be renewed. An act was passed at the close of last session, to remain in operation for a year, which in many important respects modified the proce dure hitherto adopted in furnishing the evidence on which a prima facie case of guilt is sought to be established ;against accused individuals whose ea' tradition is demanded by the French Government For example, by the recent act it is sufficient to produce depositions of witnesses taken before French magistrate, whereas previously the examine' tion of those witnesses in the presence of the accused before the English magistrate was indispensable. This, it must be admitted, is a very serious mod cation, inasmuch as it deprives the accused of the opportunity of cross-examining the witnesses ee whose evidence his extradition is sought. Nor ea° it be said that this is an opportunity deferred, see' ing that, when once in France, the prosecution may be indifferent about the testimony of the witnessees and may rely on establishing their case out of the, mouth of the accused. It i s , h owever , c l ear 00 the French Government are entitled to ask some concessions at our hands, and we simply notice the nature of one of those which have been temporarily made, and the objection s w hi c h may b e ra ise" against it, to illustrate the difficulties with wide' , the matter is beset. The subject of extradition treaties has been judiciou s ly di scusse d a t t h e Sole' Science Congress, and it is to be hoped that Parlis' ment will, in the course of next session, assent to some law which will establish perfect reeiproeitl, between Great Britain an d th ose St a t es w ith w hich she has concluded treaties of extradition. COUNTRY MARKETS. NEWCAS TLE-ON-TYNE—TUESDAT. At our market t o -d a y th ere was a mo d era t e supply „ O r wheat from the growers a n d no t muc h e ith er coastwisoZif from abroad. Old wheat found a limited sale at the P„ rates of this day week, but n ew was i s l ower . M a lti" barley was in good demand, and is at present very scar ce ' Grinding barley was unchanged in value. Malt, beans, 1111 peas is per qr. dearer. Oats advanced 6d to ls. Flour if° dull and rather lower. MONMOUTHSHIRE —TUESDAY. The attendance of farmers and dealers at the seVerti markets of the county have been good, and the suppli,"; wheat of a moderato character. For home-grown qualit' e 3 thero was an active demand, and, although buyers stl e out for lower prices, a good trade was d on s a t f u lly hi la rates. There was a fair inquiry for foreign, which 5 0 , 4 , sparingly at terms somewhat easier than this day sen'nig," r Fine barley was scarce, and in activ e reques t, b u t inferi ° , kinds were dull. Quotations for the better sorts of no"; ing from 2s to 3s per qr. higher ; while values of gr iadim' . qualities held firm. As a rule beans me t w ith a s l o w Pl e a English new were worth is per qr. more m one y, and ° remain stationary. In foreign the inquiries were' lireite d, „ and late rates were maintained. For the o a t t ra de trapl, actions were chiefly confined to old descriptions, for vflu c no quotable change took place in their value. foa, The following are the average q u o t a ti ons : —Wheat, 6s 3d to 6s 9d per bushel ; white, 6s 9d to 7s Od ; WWI 4s 6d to 5s Od ; ma lti ng b ar l ey, 38 8 t o 43 s per qr ; ing ditto, 32s to 35s Od; beans, 44s ; white oats, 25s to A"' black ditto, 24s 9d to 26s 6d. GAINSBOROUGH—TUESDAY; A fair supply of wheat offering to-day. Trade on' t s' Damp parcels is to 2s per qr. lower. Several parnd, changed hands f or see d purposes, at 50s to 51s ; ±lO2O 59s to 61s ; fine new, 538 to 54. Barley and other gra , ' before. SALISBURY.—TUESDAY. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realisedir c :34 48s to 60s; barley, 35s to 465; oats, 24s to 325; beans, ri to 54s ; and peas, 42s to 50s per qr. Tares, from 6s t° :3, ad per bushel ; Best b rea d, 13d ; h ouse h o ld ditt o , 4 per §lb loaf. Flour, 39s to 45s per sack. HULL.—TUESDAY. li 6ll At our market:to-day there was a fair supply of Ea, id wheat, but the trade w a s s l ow; goo d thy samples c 0 o f scarcely, however, be had for less money. Spring eoro id , all descriptions was scarce , and full prices were P„n Owing to the large arrivals of linseed, and crushers lx: l e a well supplied, the market was quiet, but holders axia l no desire to press sales. at' English white wheat, 56s to 60s; red, 52 s to 565; P l o ,; sic and Konigsberg, 458 to 60s ; Baltic red, 48s to s ' oo , Danish and Hamburg, 46s to 50s ; Russian, 48s to Barley, English, —s to —s ; grinding, Mediterras e .;;v, 31s to 31s 6d. Oats, new English, 27s to 28s • Rus 6l :oo 26s to 275. Beans, old English, 50s to 51s ; foreigsL it e, to 475. Peas, English blue, 40s to 41s Od ; foreign WP 38s to 40s; grinding, 36s to 37s Od per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.—T UESDAY. White wheat, 55s to 60s ; red, 49s to 57s per 36 0 1 - ° e lle t : Barley for malting, 42s to 44s per qr ; feed, 32s to 3 6 4 5 v 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 335; new, 22s to 30s per Beans, old, 48s to 525; new, 45s to 48s per qr. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. j, s. d. 5. 9 Walls End Hetton 2l 0 Trimdon Grange ...... ... 1 s 9 Holywell Main lB 0 Hetton Lyons ........ 's 0 Heugh Hall 2O 0 Tunstall Original Hartlepool .. 21 0 Pittington lB 6 Tees Ships at market, 31—sold, 25. Foreign Mail Packet List. -4--___ MAILS DUE. V , Australia and New Zealand, vi a Southampton.. , „Oct. I. Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. t . Brazil and Cape Verd e , by B r iti s h p ac k e t ...... .. • •. , 3 , °• • 5. '.'• Ditto, by French pack e t Oct- 8. Cape of Good "lope, Ascension, and at. Helena.. „oat. „,. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. , Oct 2v , , Ditto, via Mars e ill e s Oct. i ' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampt on Oct. 13* 2 0 India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Oct. , Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 13. India (Bombay), via South am pt on. . Ditto, via Marseilles . . ..Oct 1$ !Malta, Egypt, and Ade n , v i a Southampton .. Oct. 1. Ditto, via Marseilles Oct- 1.,'• b Mauritius. via Southampton - 4 : * Ditto, via Marseille; Oct '- Newfoundland Oct. 1' Portugalitt ..... o, by private ship to. Li5b0n ......... •• .• • NOV 5. Ditto, United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet Oct.. 16. ... . Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton ...... Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry oct • 11 „ Welt Coar.t of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ....Oct. iv' Went Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Oct- 16 0 II ondurai) . „-; Cuba and Mexico Oct ' ~g. Bermuda, via Halifax Oct ` . Bahamas, via New York. Oct THE FORESTS IN SCOTLAND.-I)Cer-Stalk i !, h et t ib being enjoyed with considerable success in the n° ll ; A ie forests. The Hon. George Skene Duff finished a ve r l iii i' cessful season of sport in Altanour on Wednesday 18 61 ' p o P ing had 61 stags to his own gun. On the 28th ult. th e b ies gentleman brought down a couple of stags, one we i f .1 .1:; 0 16st. and the other 14 s t. O n th e f o ll ow i ng , he 1204 two very good stags. On Monday, the Ist inst., he fife exceedingly good sport, bringing down no fewer thBllo3o stags, three of them weighing over 15st., and one n f 16st. 31b. In th e L aggan F ores t, L or d H en ry B eli "900- has also enjoyed successful stalking, having, ein ce ,A,o l August last, killed no f ewer th an 43 s t ag s, the l i t ,',%* r ott weight being 16st. 31b. On Th ur sd a y, i n th e Laggan 4 ": s oe Sir R. Sheffield killed a fine stag, and on Friday be I r 9" . .r 4 cossful in bringing down a couple of good stags. —P'""' Journal. 1011 5 ;l i [ADYERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment an., - Listlessness, Headache, Flatulency.—Summer hil,,n;gvesen symptoms so frequently the forerunners of serious and when neglected too often terminating in kr a h ' l, apoplexy. The moment giddiness, dimness of s 'Pfre e ,T4 headache comes on, Holloway's ointment should b e hi pi"," o rubbed into the nape and glands of the neck, and ' - t s V lt should be simultaneously taken to complete the P 6 beat security, which will be thoroughly guaranteed by obedience to the directions fer use, and which ®ti every pot and box of these purifying and preserve medies. Both ointment and pills act beneficially Wr. p f r a ing the blood from the head, balancing the circulatli 'lO moving all undue pressure from overgorged invigorating the nervous system. Births. A INCHRALD—On the 9th inst., at Park-terrace, CroY - 00, wife of John Inchbald, Esq., of a son. to 00 RinGwAy—On the 10th inst., at 23, Cheshara-St ree Hon. Mrs. Ridgway, of a son, stillb orn . tr" WROTTESLEY—On the 10th inst., a t 18 , Ch ape l-stre 9 •, sd Ewe, the Hon. Mrs. Wrottesley, .of a daughter. , a ti , " WAKE—On the 6th inst., at Sh eerness, th e w ife el - Wake, R.N., H.M.S. Eudymion, of a daughter. Marriages. s 111: rg ' LIDDELL—WALLER—On the 9th inst., at t 'll'a - Knightsbridge, Arthur T. Liddell, Esq., to SePZpte ll riett, second daughter of Sir T. Waller, Bart.? 1 "' gaily square. 0„ MASON—DALSTON—On the 9th inst. at at St. Geerg, W' il a over-square, Charles Edward, youngest son of ii, 0 1 Mason, Esq. of Ryde, to Henrietta 3.l(m vie daughter of J.• N. Dalston, Esq., of Piccadilly. Deaths. of ll ' BARTON—On the 7th inst. Thomas Barton, 54:1. ' 1 Connaught-terrace, Hyde-park. u- rtforclOillit CHAUNCY—On the 9th i ns t., at Dane End, Jue . , Vl r o. Charles S. Chauncy, Esq., aged 78. . t iva/ DAFT—On the 9th inst., at The Park, Nottiegh .) vrea rt Daft, aged 63. BERSEE —On the Bth inst., at Boulogne-sur---111,rteil A il ePti Hersee, Esq., late of 11.8.M.'s Coastguard D e r - . 0 0 Admiralty, aged 70. , y a lee„ ti go Knox—On the 23d August, at Secunderabau!, t wo ' Munbee, son of Col. Knox, 18th Hussars, age" 11 , and throe months. „le 07 -- „,iire r MERLET—On the Bth inst., at Clarendon-gar—e,„ tjp vale Pierre F. Merlet, late Professor of Londe' A sity , College, aged 82. TV W° SMITH—On the 9th inst., John Smith, Esq. , 1 ............... 1 lands, Chigwell-row, aged 43. __,...- 1, ---- --- — as AN ~ I t London : Printed and Pnbliahed by WIL LLA..- 010. No i c o f of No. 112, Strand, Punter, at THE Sus °„„,. 000 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, In ".- 1114cliesez ir T hursday , Octeber 11, ISA UP] FUR] up by side,it stead tabl e , , 9ootle i the vc Is on Floo r Darna E Is Nv o i COrisu To La y ho in th e e Ca.% p tageg beside ~\ Ii T h Dubli It : 8 01110. Sol by ti whob 14, hi Pro free 0 Cc Par wont] El PURJ sant f corres comp] In nei Prone enrict What. Goc The 1 Th e Their T E th ey a such th e i] r Oh: "Kin --____ 1 103 -....,_.... ADS An 13., J. . OR °Mee, Weak orou Ik e a each. Ittp r , l'aor Ali l Sz e() Four ti so Ac, d etltir 31 st I Fi ' , rani i , Ti Lorn