The Sun. — London, England, 1852-05-11 00:00:00

---- -a4,g00. -the town of Liverpool, with a constituency of e the borough of Lambeth of 18,000. I further find these three places supported the tollswing amount s of Populati on , v i z —i n W es tminster, 241,000; in Lam k7th, 251,000; in Liverpool, 376,000—each of these Pees represented by two Membars. Tnero is, also, msbary, with a constituency of 20,003—supported by Population of 323,000; Marylebone, with a constiu eneY of ;19,700—supported by a population of 370,000; 1110 Tower Hamlets, with a constituency of 23,000 o a Q.PPorted by a population exceeding 500, 000 ; Med - e scx, with a Constituency of 14,600; Manchester, with e m ' constitu ency of 13 900—supported by a population of 316,000; South Lancashire, with a constituency of re°, with a population of between 500,000 and 600,000. t We mast also consider that where there is a coesetu-, -11e ,r, of occupying tenants—we will say of 50/.7 h.. 7 t 0 rank the material of a constituency they may be said with the 101. franchise of a borough. Taking,t e ? 1 1 , into consideration what may be truly called noth rminent elements of national wealth, which must herma. a omitted iu our inquiries upon this subject, V i tra Government have resolved to recommenders to he ° llse to apportion the two other Membthe south ern di v i s i on o f th e county of Lancaster.—(Hear, b ear.) Sir, I have been told that the votes that have ueen lost have been lost to the towns, and that they Ought to be given to the towns. Her Alsieev's Go eernment are fully aware that this is an obje ction' that is easy to make, but most difficult to austain. Now no one more admires the energy of the great towns than myself.' I do not wish, however, to mix up either their present proud position or their future forrnnes with the degraded members of St. Albans or Sudbury.—(Hear, bear.) Sir, cannot think that the Memb,rs taken from those boroughs could either sustain their energies or add to their value. Let the House recollect that, in re commending the apportionment of those four seats, we are including in these two county constituencies scores of towns four times larger than either Sudbary or St. Albans.—(dear.) If you take the surplus population of South Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, you have upwards of 1,400,000 persons who are, directly or indirectly represented now by only four Members. We propose that they shall be in future represented by eight" Members—that is our proposition.—(Cheers.) And if you look at the population of any of our greatest boroughs and constituencies brought under our coneide ratiou, you will not find one of tnem that equals the surplus political population of the West Riding or South Lancashire; and you will not find any two, or any three, or anytfour of those great constituencies, equal to that United population to which I have referred. We propose, then, in regard to South Lancashire, for the same reasons, la order that the minority, whether it be agricultural or manufacturing, may be truly represented, that South Lancashire shall be also divided —(Hear, hear.) South Lancashire consists of two hundreds—the hundred of Salford and the hundred of West Darley (as we under- Stood). In the former we find the flourishing cit y o f Manchester. In the latter wo find the famous port of Liverpool. Th e r e f o r e , there is here a natural and s W ell - understood line of demarcation. The result will be that in the constituency of Salford there are 12,000, *lnd in West Darley 9,500. There are some details with respect to this divis on which I might men tion if the House would sanction them; but I think the House will excuse them at present. I have 'thus endesa 'routed to place before the House the intentions of the Government; and to show the various considerations which have induced her Majesty's Ministers, with the utmost imparti a lity, to recommend this plan to the Hous e. Every opinion founded upon popular support that has been expressed upon this a abject lass received every re spect and attention from her Majesty's Government. On the whole, then, desirous to do that which I think will be most advantageous to the community, we have thought proper, in reference to the pledge we gave, in pursuance to the duty which we owe to that Sovereign whosepower we acknowledge, to bring the proposition before Parliament. Whatever may be the result of it, we are confident that we have only done one duty as Ministers of the Crown in submitting it to the conside ration of this House.—(Hear, hear.) It is obviously a question of the greatest importance that *the Constitu tional number of the House of Commons should be com- Pleted—(Qear, hear)—and that the continuous and sys tematic deficiency of our number, which is perilous to the welfare of the country and to the honour of this adopted, should b e removed. If t h ese propos i t i ons a re 'uaPted, we believe that public opinion will sanction them, and that they will contribute to the welfare of the c ommunity, and tend to the increase of the strength as well as the lustre of the House of Coineions. = (Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE said that he did not feel disposed to impute to her Majesty's Government any sinister ob ject in the introduction of this measure. Neither would he charge the Right Hon. Gentleman with having taken the Rouse by surprise, or with having tampered with an honourable undertaki ng; b ecaus e the Right Hon. Gen tleman had, with p er f ect correc tness, stated the terms of the announcement which he made upon a former occa sion. He had likewise done him (Mr. Gladstone) the honour of referring to an objection which he had been permitted to make at the first moment of the announce tens 0 f the present proposition. He did not suggest to _the House that it was wrong on the part of the Govern ment to introduce a measure of this nature because they soire suspected of an intention to procrastinate the dis kitlitim What he had stated was this—that it was the Y of the House to obtain a pledge from the Govern -meet t hatin tooth no measure but one of urgency should be of lyed by the Government in the present session parliament, and that the measure of the apportion ment of the four vacant seats, by any latitude of con struction, could riot be brought fairly within this de scription. H e w o u ld no t j o i n i ssue w i t h the R i ght H on. Gentleman in respect to the merits of the proposition he had just made,. but he would strictly caufiae himself to the question whether the subject opened by the Right Hon. Gentleman to the H ouse was one which the House should consent to enter upon. Instead of meet ing the motion with a mere negative, he would suggest that the House should pass, in the usual phrase, to the order of the day. It' the Right Hon. Gentleman had succeeded in showing that this was a question of consti tutional urgency, then the House should give him leave to introduce his measure, but if he had failed in pr ov i ng this fact, th en he (Mr. Gladstone) thought that the House should refuse him the permission he asked. It was propoied at that moment, and in what has been em phatically called a moribund Parliament, and by an Ad ministration which did not plead the title of pre sent, confidence, and who was abOut to ask for that confidence by an appeal to the people, to introduce a measure which he (Mr. Gladstone) contended had no plea of urgency to recommend it. The Right Hon. Gentleman admitted that there was no magical. or cabalistic virtue in the number 658. He fMr. Gladstone) w o u ld go f urt h er, a n d say there was no aw or principle of the eonstitation—no solemn decision of Parliament, nor anything beyond accident and the duration of about forty years,' which the Right Hon. Gentleman called prescription—to recommend this num ber to their especial notice. There was a popular error upon this subject, when it was supposed that 658 re presented a great balance of interests, and that it was the duty of Parliament at once to complete that num ber. What they found by referring to the Acts of Par liament was this. By the Act of Union with Scotland th e stipulation entered into by this country was that Scotland ahouldhave forty-five members, and by the ACt of Union with Ireland the latter country was to have 100 members. But these Acts set no limits to the total num ber of the members of the House of Commons. The Right Hon. Gentleman referred to what he called the danger of remainingint b his e continuous and systematic deficiency. If, then, there a systematiC and continuous de ficiency, where, he would eel, was the alleged prescrip tion? Sudbury had riot been disfranchised very recently. It had been disfranchised since the year 1844, Since f that time eight years bad elapsed. They had had three Ministries—all parties in the state had successively been ine e pposition, Biel not a sin g l e. member of - any of these parties in opposition, includin g t ha t which now sat op " bad called• postte, upon the Rouse to vindicate this sa cred prescription, ornaa appe a l e d to this constitutional num b ee —(Hear, hear)-or had said one s i ngle word • upon the necessity ofd h raising this numb er to the standard, and that although they a passed throughinle.hrieeoarrd,ehaelar of • a general election in the intervenin g t • They had had 656 instead of 658 M embers returned to Parliament. The Right . Hon._ Gentl eman towards the • close of his speech had said a condition of things lik e that was. dangerous to the country, and m enaced the honour of the House. That was the ithe first time he h a d heard snail a view, and he had heard with regret. ex pressed of a reduction o f their numbers , which was • likewise consequent upo n accident, as the originally fixed number was likewise consequent' upon accident.— (Hear.) It was purely question .,ut oafetctoinngvenaiseindcee anyand policy, and nothing else - 16 mere opinion on that—whetherentienie i, theler their opinion private opt- Ili " a G Right Honourable • as Ministers of the Crown —the point he put to them Was this; that the Right lion. Gentleman was bound, in order to . make good his case, to s h o w that there was aurae constitutional sacredness or prescriptionehantwtenc,hce,nd ' to th at number. On the cont rary, he had Right lion. Gen manreferencc. to the great Legislative instruments, that that Aim 111114 b et did not exist in them; and the p. t. n umber, to the Eloiws 0 -- ers and he could not make any claim had failed to show that it was the. constitutional stitution e hoped that °llsequent upon his having proved its being the con the Hon, Gentleman On the other hand, h that which he _entlemt . in who took the same ing to reco(Mr.mmend, would remember that they . were not now to 'ding humblyvieewndeeasvotir plinetino. g upon any ground of mere etiquette or Fie agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman it would have been unconstitutional if the Government lneenlin2: into office had pledged itself absolutely to the ou of introduotiany given number of measures, and then to dissolve Parliament. But what was right and : const itutional to expect from them, and what they had e ß c kve n as a pledge, was, not the fixing a certain number I neaSaces—three, four, or any other number—the lay . 'lag down of a prieciple, the entering into an engage- Thent which was definite, and strictly understood. He might contest the Right Honourable Gentleman's its eoa construction of that engagement and the latitude el as understood by the Right Honourable Gentles ini tnt Ile at once conceded to the Right Hon. Gentleman that there was not the slightest intention to escape from it- But the principle of the understanding was, that no I'leaeures, except those of immediate urgency, should be • submitted to the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) That was variously stated on various occasions. At the enure time it was said that none but necessary measures were to be submitted to the judgment of the House of Commons. On one occasion the Right Hon. Gentleman carried his language so high as to say that the Govern ' Went would not introduce any measures except those of 2 absolute and indispensable necessity. He did not wish to Stand by any one particular expression or another, fort he fel t that the substance of the understanding was clear in the mind of every Hon. Gentleman who heard , him, and that he was not stating it too strongly wh en • .he said, that the understanding asked and obtained was that no. measures but those of immediate urgency should be sat twitted to 'Parliament. Neither did that under- rrn:m --- standing rest upon a narrow ground. On the contrary, it was stated and obtained in vindication of a principle of the highest importance and a practical object of the highest moment. It wile in vinilicettoe of the constitu tional principle that a Government at issue with the ex isting Parliament upon a cardinal point of its policy was bound to take one of two alternatives—either to resign office (a course which no one recommended uuder the cir cumstances), or else to appeal to the people. Dui, there was another 'object which Parliament had in view, and that was to discharge its solemn duty to that greet prin ciple or commercial policy which they were hound to see well brought home to haven, and at the earliest moment.—(Hear.) It was a fallacy against which every man ought to guard, that because with the present Go vernment in power, the principles of the commercial po licy of the country had not been altered by any positive measure, they were to rest satisfied. It would be no tented that t b h trh e i m go t a iti t he t r ami s aa h st o tt u ehr i a d tto s i at o wr speedyae fulfilment, but an abandonment, of their duty to be con e s m a a i s n o . a l solemn n t fi dutyi:lh a a d ul s b t e uo e e n n. a t them t t a e l t o o n That could only be done by an appeal to the people by dissotution ; and, therefore, in asking a dissolution it was not for any party object, but it was because, if there was one duty more iccumbsut than another at the pre s_eut time upon th a t large majority of the Hou se of Cemmons who had on repeated occasions testified their opiciocs in favour - of, and given their cordial adhesion to the principles of free trade—it was that they should not be contented, whatever might be said of the ex istence of the Ministry, to leave those principles to exist upon sufferance—to the chapter of accidents, that they should leave • them as matters now stood, in the guerdieliship of gentlemen whose own inclinations, with out doubt or disguise, were opposed to theta—(Hear, hear)—bat that they should expedite the process which the Prime 'Minister had justly and fairly proposed; namely, the process of obtaining the deliberate judgment of the constituencies with regard to the principles of their commercial legislation; and having so obtained it, that they should then find them in a condition tto o lay down a course of policy by which they meant guided, and that if they found the public averse to the policy which they had hitherto pursued, then that they should frankly and finally own that state of facts, so that at length this great controversy might be at length defi nitively ended, and the machinery of the constitution might fall into its usual course and order. This was a question which was not applicable to the merits of the Right Honourable Gentleman as to other pro posals, and not involving any animadversions of an acrimonious character on his conduct. It • was a question strictly relating to the introduction of a Bill and to the inquiry as to whether that Bill ought to be entertained at all. Inasmuch; then, as he had clearly shown there was no constitutional ground or claim for the introduction of the question at the present moment, he thought it right also to point out the great inconvenience attending its introduction. It was a sound noon of Parliamentary practice, that, except under immediate urgency, the eve cf a dissolution of Parliament was the worst moment for the introduction of measures like this affecting the constituencies, for it was a moment at which local partialities and personal interests were most alive, and at which it was most diffi cult for Members of the House of Commons to give a delnierate and dispassionate judgment. But, beyond that, this was a question with regard to which two essential conditions for its c nsideration entirely failed them. The first was, although the scale of the subject was a small one• L-although it might appear not a serious matter whet should be done with so insignificant a fraction of their representation as that of four seats out of 658, yet it was plain it was a question of the highest importance, and de serving the most serious consideration ; and, above all others, it ought to be approached once for all, and then should be finally settled. Those seats ought net to be held up to the people as a prize for every man to snatch at. The matter ought to be decided, not in a provisional and unsettled state of things like the pre sent, out when they had got an Administration in full possession of political power. The Right Hon. Gentle man, had himself already seen and mentioned some in dimitions and dispositions of all parties unrepresented, or not sufficiently represented, to catch at the possession of those Vacant seats. These were claims which ought not to be decided haphazard, nor by accidental divisions, in consequence of parties being nearly balanced, nor in a disorganized state of the House. of Commons. But the proposal ought to be made with the authority of a strong Executive; and, once seriously entered upon, it ought not to leave the table of the House until a definitive conclusion had been arrived at. There were, moreover, great difficulties in the case which the Right Hon. Gentleman' had hardly adverted to, which per haps be had•found it necessary to pays.by. When they saw the multitude of parties who could Make a plau sible claim to those seats, they were bound to consider what. was due to them and to the feelings which they en tertained. He did not say they could please them all, but they were bound to satisfy them all that they had had a fair hearing of their case; and he put it to the Right Hon. Gentleman whether this moribund Parlia ment was in a position to give a fair hearing to all their different claims. The Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded to some of them—tO the universities—and he stated the case of the universities of Scotland as entitled to respect and approbation; but the upshot of the Right Honour able Gentleman's speech was, that for want of machinery, for want of degtees, he had foregone the idea of enter taining the claims of that university. But the members of that university could say that the degrees were but the certificates of attendance, and that these could he ob tained by some other means; and that if the conditions for conferring the representation on the universities of Scotland were fixed, these conditions could be readily satisfied. He slid not preju d g e ; but if all the parties were to he fairly heard, they could hardly sa tisfy the universities of Scotland that they should be passed by because there was no registration of degrees in existence amongst them. He said the same with respect to the inns of court; and also with respect to another class of claimants—the un enfranehised towns.—(Hear, hear.) He did not enter into' the-question whether the university and the inns of court, as representing the education and intelligence of the country, or the unenfranchised towns, or t he old const i t uencies should receive those seats. But this he did say, it was their duty caretully to examine and in vestigate the question—to enter upon it when they had a free choice—not to precipitate the determination of it. The late Government had proposed to bestow them upon Burnley and 'Birkenhead. He had never examined these particular eleims; he said nothing about them; but it would be rather hard, if they passed them by, and if' they legislated at a period when they ' could not possibly have tune to entertain them. Nor could they expect that the peOple of Burnley or Birkenhead would be satisfied with the verdict of the House of Commons if they were determined, without any consideration of their claims, to go to an issue upon the question at a time when it was impossible they could entertain those claims. There seemed to be in the Right Hon. Gentleman's mind something which ho had not stated-- some secret about the constitutional number of the Mem bers of that House which he had not been able to fathom. All he could say, then, was, that, having consulted their history and the laws on the statute-book, it appeared to him upon the clearest evidence that there was not any constitutional virtue attaching to the number 658. Any opinion that there was such was the purest fiction that ever entered the mind of man. It was a matter of no toriety that during the last eight years—during three Administrations, with a general election intervening— they had fallen short of that supposed constitutional number; and such being the case, he put it to the House was it necessarily a matter of constitutional importance to proceed with this measure—while, on the other hand, he had shown it was not a constitutional practice on the eve of a dissolution to proceed with measures which were not of immediate urgency. So far, then, from the pre sent time being advisable, it was the worst and most in convenient that could be selected for the decision of the qutetion, while he had proved that their decision could not give satisfaction to many claimants upon the fran chise whom they were bound to hear, or to the public at large, who view with much interest the disposal of a question pertaining to the representative system of this country. He moved that the House do pass to the orders of the day.—(Cheers.) After a short pause, during which no Member rose, the House divided, when there appeared — For the motion • For the amendment Majority o The proposition of the Government was accordingly LONDON, 8 IT N, Bill, resuming 80,000 men. an e moved that the Chairman THE MILITIA. The House . then wont into Committee on the Militia he hoped 'lining at clause 7 the Mr, g i r i, l-T wh Vi ic E 4 said this clause contained the essence of qu m estion should berireetse.awd. r. WALPOLE Believing the creation of a reserved force of that the money would be wasted, the house should report progress; reasonable. The Bill had the o s e a r . red to a new Parliament. on be l e d n a r g ep re e e at w ed it ly h him that this e hoped therefore the d under these circumstances, p n ro o p n o e sition was not very the clause. the guide to another.aoseec"len et n en t case s m a would de th e othero take a k b e e would, Eh fl e T said, the P° tZ inadtooothe Chancellor of the the m l s r rein ll ßs eR U OI r Gt eSecwreatsanry(:)t unexpected, the case. The altogether al division that Exchequer, respecting these 80, night by the Hom tered the circumstances of had just taken place ted he lieved, unsought by the Government 1,; ( 7 , he be to a division with one speech on eac h bi ,_ . (Hue ca me circumstance was unprecedented. A umajoritye Such a had pronounced against the Government. This proved e9 that the Goverum nt did not €l.ljoy the confidence o f t C e House of Commons. The Right Hon. Home Secretary said this ws,s a ditT:)rent question, and that majorities of the House had expressed their assent to the principle. It was a different question, but be denied that the majo rities were on th e p rinciple of the Bill. questio of n of such great importa nce, involving an Papend men, for e three-quarters of a mi llion of money, and 80,000 martial purposes, with the ballot in perspecishould not be decided in a dislocated Parliament like the pre sent. Referring to the speech of Lord Derby at the Mansion-house, he (Mr. Bright) considered it alto gether a peace speech; and the *tech of the French Ambassader, speaking not only for his own Govern meat, but for the whole corps diplomatique, was a most sattsractGry assurance that nut only was there no ques tion in dispute with France and other countries but there was, i , n fact, perfect amity. If those distinguished men could be believed, Government what should thought of the for urging forward be —a measure of dangerousa character then any ttaidr,g by the Government 1815. The course now to produce the result which they one the best calculated One of the Ministers of the . Frenchthey professed to avoid. to an English gentleman in Paris President had stated calculated to excite ill-feeling in that nothing was more cussions e now . g , oiDg on . rc , g . France than the die ). rsrlisment and in this country on the subject of f:his BM. The same Minister had pre vented by his own power the insertion of extracts from such speeches, fer toe purpose of preventing 'heat in the mind of the French people on the sat-jeer, le n d er these circumstarmes he thought the Committed , ebould not ee asked to divide cm tee clause; hut then- after the. division to-night, the Bill should at least he postponed for a few days until it should be reconsidered by the Cabinet, if it was not postponed until the assembling of the new Parliament. Mr. J. BELL agreed with the Hon. Member that the circumstances of the case had changed since the intro duction of this Bill. There had been positive evidence since then of the fallacy of the fears that had prevailed. If the French President desired to invade this country, he would have taken advantage of the period when this country was left without a Government. ,Ele hoped, therefore, the House would, accede to the proposition of the Hon. Member for Manchester. Mr. FOX said there was one remarkable change since the introduction of the Bill. It had been stated that two successive Governments had given. their assent to the measure, leading to the inference that they were in possession' of private information; but the Noble Lord at the head of the- late Government had declared his conviction that there was no immediate or urgent dan ger—(" Hear" from Lard J.' Russell)—while the pre sent Government had postponed the urgent principle of the Bill —namely] the ballott--to the close of the year. The inevitable Conclusion was, therefore, that no dan ger existed, and that there could be no public wrong in postponing the measure until the next Parliament. He (Mr. Fox) was of opinion that this measure was the puled° of a change of policy ns respected the foreign relations of this country, and - for making it more of a military power. It was, therefore, a , measure which should not be entertained by a moribunal Parliament. The country would regard as an ominous conjunction the revival of 'protection and of a military force, in the nature of an army of reserve. Oa grounds of prudence her Majesty's Government would do well to have this Bill postponed. Mr. WALPOLE declined to enter on the general ar gument, not from any disrespect to. the Hon. Member for Manchester, but because the principle of the mea sure had been frequently discussed. The clause before the Committee had been debated during two nights, and there had been More than one division upon it. Under these circumstances, he thought the Committee • could take no other course thin that of proceeding with it; and the Hon. Member for Montrose would see that there was no ground, therefore, for his motion. The Hon. Member for Oldham would, however, remember that the urgency of the measure was declared by him (Mr. Walpole) not to be the ballot, but , voluntary en listment. He hoped the House would, therefore,. go on with the clause, which had been twice before discussed, and on which there had been three divisions, --. Mr. HUME only wished that Parliarneutewould not enter on such a large expenditure as 80,000 men in volved at the present moment, but deferit tintirefter the general election. , Mr. FORBBS could not see what an addition to the Parliamentary representation had to do with the de fence of the country. He might be wrong as to the nature of the danger, but he certeinly did -think there was ell the less of it when the century was prepared. He could not understand the objection of Hun. Gentle men opposite to the militia, when be Considered their antagonism to standing armies. The militia was con stituted on a far better footing than the National Guard of France, or the militia of America. : . 0e,(112r. Forbes) would rather pay taxes _than have contributions levied on him, either directly by -foreign bayonets, or indi rectly in the form of a forced loan. He would not be a paver to defeating the Bill in any shape whatever, be cause he believed it to be absolutely necessary. Mr. WAICLEY thought the discussion of this Bill Should be persisted in until her- Majeaty'e•Government were c onvinced of its inappropriateness. The vote of that night had changed the circumstances; the Govern ment bad sustained a defeat, on a strictly. Government t a rsi, neoit conduct n t a natnhndyec:coe constitutional existed onesfif tdiete: each an f naoan a fl measure. In a House of 382 Members the Government were abst-lately in a minority, of:86. He .would ask every ctGhooenvsetHirtuolntsieoonn, ahec,lwiniLlgeernshobteoptroutirwt:phhalie,s7tewfilitlytighw: important Bid. Ito wou d ld athskatthtehnChparneceeeldleonrtofetnhueldExhe einniethat case it was the duty of the precedent?fo tt e rif dell, le, He o he u e d d, people's representatives to discuss the principle of the Bill. The Bill was dreaded and abhorred by the people. Was it a Bill which the minority ought to allow to pass? He did not care about being charged with acting with a factious party in obstructing this measure; he was satis fied with tee consciousness ot meaning to do his duty to his country honestly and fairly. When the Bill was first introduced by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Rus sell) he had implored the Noble Lord to show any suffi cient reason for such a Bill. He had heard no reason stated. The Right lion. Gentleman opposite had also assigned no reason why this Bill was more needed in 1852 than in 1842. the was for peace all over the world; but it appeared to be' the wish of the supporters and framers of the Bill to produce as many provocatives to wor as possible. As far as France was concerned, he saw no symptoms of a warlike character. The French had had enough cf disturbance; they apparently wanted nothing now but peace, and he believed the present ge neration of French people would not be anxious to go to war. Such a Bill as the one before the House ought to be obstructed, and defeated if possible, by every mode which the forms of the House would admit of. The Government ought not to press forward the Bill this session; but if they did force the Bill through Parlia ment by the aid of a tyrannical majority, then, he be lieved, they would not very much like what would be said at the hustings of their conduct. Mr. WALPOLE—The Hon. Gentleman had com menced his speech by saying that Government were in a minority, and a Government in a minority ought not to advise the Crown to raise 50,000 men for defensive pur poses; and he concluded his speech by telling Govern ment they ought not to go on with a tyrannical majority against the eishes of the people, who, he believed, were decidedly against the Bill. Now, if it be a fact that Go vernment were in a majority, and that the House, by a majority, had confirmed the principle of the Bill, was it not right that the Bill should be proceeded with?— (Heal., hear.) The HouSe were agreed upon the princi ple of the. Bill, and they were now called upon to con sider the details. The Hon. Member might show that the principle of the Bill was bad, bat that principle having been affirmed, he would not discuss it then. If the Hon. Member was right in his argument, the proper time would be to discuss the principle at the third reading. Mr. B. ELLIS well knew the effect that the former Militia Bill had on the rural population. He was satis fied the proposed " army of reserve" would produce simi lar effects when the term of enrolment expired. They would return to their homes and former occupations to deprave and demoralise the population. Mr. NEWDEGATE said the Hon. Memb tide Mr. Wakley) had spoken of the division against Go vernmeat. The persons, he believed, who were most surprised at that division were those who supported the amendment. A great number of Members had left the House, not anticipating a division. It was with the greatest difficulty he got into the House in time to give his vote, in a state of consternation because th e y could not get in. and there were several Memb ers in the lobby He deeply lamented the division. He thought the proposi tion of Gov, rnment was perfectly fair and liberal, and he would tell Hon. Members who had professed liberal po litics that they could not have taken a mor e unpopular mode than that of voting against the Government mea sure. It was said by Hen. Gentlemen opposite that they must not pass measures of importance in a mori bund Parliament, but by their acts they desired to pro vide an incomplete Parliament to carry important mea sures. Hon. Members opposite argued that the votes of Members representing large constituencies ought to tell for more than one vote each. Ali their argument turned against them—because by the recent division they declared that the representation should not be more equally distributed.—(Hear, hear.) Now with re spect to the militia measure, the Honourable Member (ilr. Ellis) said he objected to it because of the grievous moral effects it would produce on the population. The Hon. Member said he remembered the consequences which resulted from the last local militia. This Bill, however, was not intended to be a local Militia Bill. But it appeared there were special circumstances which Made the Hon. Member abhor both a militia or an army. Those reasons were doubtless very creditable to the Hon. Gentleman; he deprecates a resort to tams, be deprecates military power altogether, and of course he deprecates a militia. Bet on account of those special reasons the. lion. Member was not at liberty to give an .unbiassed opinion. The Hon. Member came to the discussion with a foregone conclusion. And though the Hon. Member was justly entitled to give an opinion, still that opinion must stand singly.—(bear, bear.) With respect to dividing the House, he trusted they would not have another snap division—(Haar, hear)—like what had just taken place. He trusted the House would not permit the principle of the Bill to be mutilated in Committee, which they had already sanctioned. The principle had over and over again been confirmed; it was vain, there fore, to expect to defeat the measure—it could only be uselessly obstructed. Mr. ROEBUCK would just look at the recent divi sion, so that the House might understand the fact. The numbers were 234 for, 184 against; the pairs were 80— and these together made a total of 462 Members. Now, 462 was a large portion of that House, though it had been said many went away not expecting a division; that argument might operate on both sides—so that there was an end of the Hon. Gentleman's snap division. The fact was, that the Hon. Gentleman knew the ma jority of that House was against the Government on t hat that tqhuee present stion. The Governmentopinion g t h h e t s H i m o u p s l y e w t o a s p , l s a s nd tis, those the Militi:upßarlie,lcl country; necessary for the good government of the itarliam e s t a t t o to de a f n er e a n l d l o H th e er re m ad ea d s y ure se s k , n a o t w i le t ( o ige b d ri t n h g at th on e heßut e. n e tpderate a o how that was. First, the Administra swtaosodb),Oalltindd by au Administra tion aedua m ded . a . j at O h r el i at present of the House was against him. Lord had since brokenl ees eportio nGovernment of their introducedsupporters votes they gave. But the Noble was against a oose from his fetters (we under wasmaillitia Bill, or at least this the portion of the House, Militia,. Bill. There representing a large sectionargoef population, They were nwhoow were strongly against all Militia Bit e the recent a v d o d te r , e h s y sin w g h ? oh ov t e h r e n i m r e m nt i u o in rity co w n a se s qu s nce of brought you to view.' And they said, in tended to do? Do just enough Why. ton 0 _carrytdo remarkably wna ;what you business until you can go-fairly before the constituences, the public and when you get another Parliament, do wh at con stitutional Government ought to doe's:es kllea a r t Supposing Government were in a majority on this Bit! a. they would still be crippled; for they who were in a mi nority would turn round and say, " Any Government 'beaten as you are, at a constitutional Government, ought to resign.' It was clear Government could not escape from the difficulty, except on the principle that they would appeal to the country. If Government told • • Mr. REYNOLDS thought the Hon. Member for Sheffield had explained the division satisfactorily, and had shown that 462 Members was ajarge portion of that House. He would account for the opposition be in tended to offer to the Bill. He had been told if the clause were rejected, it would endanger the Bill; that was a strong inducement for him to endeavour to get that clause rejected. The Hon. and Learned Gentleinals (Mr. Whiteside) had been very eloquent in the laudatiori of a militia. Wby, then, did the Hon. and Learned Gentle man not extend the benefit to Ireland? Why should England have a militia and not Ireland? He. had always heard, at least from cooks, that what was sauce for the goose was sauce for the gander; but here all the sauce was given to the goose, and none to the gander—(Laughter.) Ireland, hoWever, though left out of the Bill, was included in the more imp or t an t part of it—for Ireland would have to pay her share 'of the burden—(Hear', hear.) The Hon. Gentleman' here re-, ferred to the Kafir war, and _adverted' to the item in the Budget of 600,000/. for the 'expense of that War. He had lately asket, a friend who had just returned from Kafirland what notions the Kafirs entertained of Chris tianity. His reply was, that one part of the Kafirs con sidered Christianity meant brandy and tobacco, for it was through the agency of brandy and tobacco that conver sions were attempted to be made. Another part of the Kafirs considered that . Christianity meant burning corn, stealing of cattle, abasing women, and slaughtering one another. Now he would ask the House, was it not time to put an end _to all this bloodshed and expense? He contended that a Militia Bill was not needed, and that Government were not justified in inflicting it on the country. He thought the bounty would be a - premium on emigration to America. The 'aten were to be drilled for twenty-one days, and then to be set at liberty to go where they liked. That was called providing for the defence of the conntry. He might rerer 'the Committee to the authority of Paley for the reasons why that celebrated philesopher•thought it regular military force preferable to a militia for the defence of the country. He hid not heard a siegle ar gument from Hon. Members .opposite in fayour of the Bill. It the, pub\ie prints were to be believed, no one could apprehend any danger from Franco. The Presi dent seemed to be occupied in cousclidating his power, in promoting sphemes for the improvement of France by railroads, drainage, education, and other peaceful works, and in breaking down that terrible band'of men, the leaders of the Red Republicans. It was 'quite true that the present Bill had been supported by large majorities, but majorities were not always in the right; and it ought not to be forgotten that there were many lieute nants of counties in that House who would have a great deal of patronage under the Bill, if it became law. He thought the Bill unwarranted and uncalled-for. Mr. SANDARS said be had voted for the second reading of the Bill—though he did not approve of all its details—and he had done so on the ground that addie tional defences were necessary. His impreision had been that the best mode of providing that defence wonld have been by an addition to the regular army and voluntary corps; but the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton had convinced him that the best mode would be the means proposed by the present mea sure. He did not a t a ll approve of the compulsory clauses, anil he had to suggest toshe Right Hon. Gen tleman the Secretary for the Home Department whether it would not be advisable to get rid of these clatises. He felt satisfied that it would be impossible to carry into effect these clauses in the part of the country ho came from (the West Riding), and would recommend their withdrawal. Mr. MO WATT said that without the compulsory clauses there would be no means of ensuring any force at all. He was one of those who thought that our de fences were not in a satisfactory state, and that wo were not sufficiently protected against probable danger. Far years he had entertained—he might almost say the conviction—that this country was exposed to the risks of aggressions of a wariike character, and that these were risks which Ought not to be allowed to hang over them. in the course of the debate many m ilitary authorities had been referred to, but he had not heard any one assert that these authorities could not provide for th e defec e t ° militaryf hec country if the expenditure of the 16,000,0001., voted for military pur poses were left to them uncontrolled consi derations. His justificati on in voting against the present Bill was the manner in which our rular forces we re distributed iu different parts of our extremities,of the world. and to We seemed to dietribbte our forces a leave ourselves exposed t o a home thrust at our heart. An additional reason why ht , voted against the measure was his opinion that the Governmen t were not present the persOns to bring for ward this measure, mo re espe cially after such a defeat as they had that night sus tained. After a few words from Mr. and Mr. G. Thompson against the Bill, The Committee then divided, Crawford, Mr. B rown, when there appeared-- For reporting progress 85 Against it ••• ••• Majority ls6 against gallery the motion —7l On our return to the we efound Mr. HUME inovingehe omission of the clause, and complaining of the contrast Which the conduct of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and o f hi s p ar ty on chat occas ion presented to the "coursepursued on the Opposition benches which they had The CttANCELLOR o f the Hon. Gentleman had a the EXCHEQUER said of the Exchequer) had stated f that he (the Chancellor Former occasions always been f ready to oppose every p ro public money. But that 13 61 tion for the expenditure of public the honour, and wetthe not so; for wherever the security of the country were involved, he had never op diture.—(Cheers.) A s 1 1 °8 ed propositions for expen grants of public money to was not prepared to oppose public creditor, so he seu Pay the dividends to the disbursement of public move prepared to oppose any country.—(Hear, hear.). a for the defence of the on the clause,' which had be would say nothing more two nights. He believed that under discussion during tre ' d was a declaration of vtthat th e pu bli c then re qurepreaeatatives.—(Cheers.) opinion by the votes of their Mr. HUME said that the ho nour and the interests'of the country were not at btah e O Right Hon. Gentleman had ntt that occasion. The f B rly failed to establish any such-position--(Laughter, e.ad cr i es o f •' Oh, oh") —and it was on that ground that he (Me.llume) opposed the measure. He would be one of the first to support any proposal which was based on h main taining the public credit. But the measure necessity of measure before them was only a means of endang er i ng that credit.—(llear, hear.) All profligate Governments exhausted the public r es ources by unnecessary expeadite,e.— (L au ghter, and general marks of disapprobation o n the Ministerial benches.) If Hon. Gentlemen opposi te way he should be oblig ed t o move agaite went on in that man should leave the chai r, because h n e, that the Chair bullied.—(lelear, hear, and laught er .) lf ndt to be he were told that he was anxious to destroy the public credit, he should throw back the charge. He believed he had done as much as any man t o pr es erve the public credit— (Hear, hear) —and thei r credit w ould not perhaps . be in the state in which it was if he had n o t • interfered.—(A laugh.) Those who knew nothing at all about the matter were laughing, but he pardoned them, He did not want to quarrel with the Chancellor of the Exchequer; he wanted to keep his coffers full. He was ashamed of the course pursued in that matter by many y Members with whom he bad long been in the habit of voting; but Whigs and Tories had a g reed o n that occasion to waste the public money money. He would divide the Committee against the proposal to enrol and keep up BQ,OOO additional men as part of the permanent armed force of this country. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the clause ••• ••• ••• 169 Against it ... ••• ••• ••• 82 Majority for the clause „. —B7 The clause was then ordered to stand part of the Bill. On chute 8, which empowers the Queen-in Council to fix the quotas in the different counties from which the force is to be drawn, Mr. M. GIBSON asked for information as to who were strictly liable to serve. He understood that any poor man with more than one child could claim ex emption. Mr. WALPOLE said that exemption would be claimed under the 42d of George lIL The words of this clause were in conformity with that Act. Mr. COBDEN doubted if gentlemen were at all ac quainted with' the provisions of the Act in question. Mr. WALPOLE said that this clause provided for the contingency of the voluntary enlistment not producing the requisite number of men. If the ballot were put into operation every person of a certain age and height would be liable to serve, and exemption would be claimed under the statute to which he referred. M r- M. GIBSON thought it would be well to post pone this clause until the compulsory clauses came under consideration. Mr. WALPOtE said the . ce was nothing in the clause TURSDAY 7 EVENING, them that, then• he yielded. But Government said," It is true we are beaten, but it is in a Howie of Commons that is not ours, and that, we believe, does not properly represee t.the people of the country."—(flear.) To that he replied, if you pass the Bill you aro shattered and shaken by your position, you will ba unable to-do that which is right in the next Parliament in consequenco of your false position. Thu Right Honourable Gentle man was hampered by his position—he was bound -by one sot of opinions, while he was doing all he could to maintain the opinions of Gentlemen behind hint. The Right Hon. Gentleman was not at the present moment in a straightforward course, and he could tell the Go vernment they could not on that account govern the country. The Right lion. Gentleman may be in a ma jority on the Biil, but he was in a minority as far as the House was concerned; he could not, therefore, maintain right principles—he could not govern the country on fixed principles. He did not care who came forward and told him Government were right on this question, and that they had a majority in that House—still it was clear Government were a false game, their authority was shaken, and they could not do what was right. In a, constitutional point of view he contended Govrula?elat ought to withdraw not only this Bill, hat every Bill ex cept the Mutiny Bill and the Bills requisite for the army and navy services. The House had passed in confidence the greater portion of those measures, and therefore the best thing the Right Hon. Gentleman could do for him self and the country was to bring the matter to a close— , to withdraw this Bill-7and.then if the country was Ril ling to have it, they would enable Gouernment not only to carry that Bill, but all other far supporting the peculiar views of the party to which" the bight Hon. Gentleman belonged. • -- - Mr. NE 4. 7 DEG-ATE repoateclAat a great number of the supporters of Government were shut out froto the late division. As far: as the measure was concerned, he again stated that .the' House, •by a "great 'majority. had already determined "that some such treasure of defence should pass, and hp therefore trusted her Majesty's Go vernment would, persevere; hir if the Hun. 'Gentlemen had wished the session to be brought to a close, why did they not select some opportunity before of defeating the Government? MAY 11 9 lBb2 , which made it necessary to have the list made out before the quotas were completed. Mr. ROEBUCK asked what was meant by " Mr. WALBOLE repeated that persons of certain ages and height would be liable, unless exempt under the 42d of George 111. Mr. BRIGLIT thought that unless the ballot were had recourse td it would not be nscsssary to proceed to an apportionment of districts. Ho urged the withdrawal of the clause. Mr. WALPOLE maintained the necessity of fixing the quotas, to provide against the contingency to which he had referred. Mr. BRIGHT asked whether any deficiency in one d p is b t y ri a o n t o w t h he to r h ? had dis ra tt r i . ct w w A ou L ld po have a t s o a b i de, made that a u fur nished its quota would be exempt. Lord SEYMOUR and Mr. V. SMITH suggested the post ponement of the clause. Mr. WALPOLE, in reply to a remark from Mr. Roe buck, saisthe proposed to insect in the 10th clause a pro viso to the eff.,-ct that the volunteers should he men resi dent in this particular county in which the quota of which they formed part' was raised. Mr. C. VILLIERS did not understand why they could not di4pose of the Volunteer system in the Bill without referenceto quotas. • Mr. WALPOLE—If it were not intended to resort to toe ballotenteeduitte there would be no necessity for quotas.—(flear; hear.) In reply to Sir G. Grey, the Right -Honourable Gentleman added, that the provi si3ns of the Bth clause would be necessary only in the event of having recourse to the ballot; and that by the 101 clause they would raise a certain amount of volunteers in each .county, and probably only the ptoportiouate number which each county ought to furnish; but be 04 &epared a proviso to that clause to the effect that 'When' a county had furnished its proper nutnben of volunteers, it should also be allowed to fur nish a supplemental number, with the view of raising the whole number of men required in the aggregate. Sir C. WOOD declared himself to be still at a loss to understand the meaning of the Government. Mr. WALPOLE—If the Right Hon. Gentleman would take the Bill in his hand and examine it he would see that there were three divisions, and that down to the end of the 9th clause it provided that a certain number of men were to be raised as a militia force; it would fol low, therefore, as a matter of course that these men Would be raised in the ordinary way that the militia had hitherto been raised under the 42d George 111., viz., by having recourse to the ballot. For that purpose it was aecassary to fix the proper quota which each county was to furnish, giving the Queen in Council the power to alter those quotas as might be deemed necessary. From the 10th to the end of the 15th clause it was provided that in the operation *of raising the force, the necessity for the ballot might be superseded by allowing men to volunteer. And from the 15th clause the Bill enabled the Crown to have recourse to the bal lot,, after giving credit to the different counties, subdi vision§ of counties, and parishes, for the number of men they had furnished by voluntary enlistment. The pass ing of this clause would, therefore be simply to say, that if recourse were had to the ballot under the 42d of George 111., the. Crown should have the power of fixing the quotas. Sir C. WOOD then asked if it were intended that, in the first instance, a certain number of men should bo the quota , of militiamen for each county in England, to be raised in that county, either by voluntary enlistment or by ballot ? Mr. WALPOLE—The intention of the Bill was to raise volunteers in certain quotas from each of the counties in England, and to have recourse to the ballot where they were insufficient to fill up the quotas. In answer to an observation from Mr. ROEBUCK, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the object of the Bill Was, first of all to raise a gross number of militia men; but that gross number was to be distributed over the country in certain proportions to each. Those pro portions must be ascertained; and the eigh section provided, therefore, that the quotas sh th oulbe fixed by her Majesty in Council. But the quotas being fixed, voluntary enlistment was what they proposed to look to in the first iustaece to supply the required force; consequently, it was necessary that the quotas should be established as a preliminary measure to ascertain the number of militiamen who were to serve for each county. If they could get the exact number by voluntary enlist ment everything would have been done that was neces sary; but if they did not get the exact number, then the ballot would come in aid to supply the deficieney—but only in that event.—(Hear, hear.) Thus it would be seen that it was absolutely necessary to begin by fixing the quota. •It was the very foundation of all their ope ratiees, and without it they could not proceed one step, either in the way of voluntary enlistment or the ballot. Mr: ROEBUCK—Did he understand the Right Hon. Gentleman . to mean that in case the Middlesex quota, for instance, was fixed at 5,000 men, that county would not be allowed to raise more than that number; so that, if it proposed to raise 8,000, 3,000 of them would be re jected? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL —With 'ell due sub mission to my Hon. and Learned Friend, we should not reject one.—(Laughter and cheers.) Mr. M. GIBSON believed the making out of the lists and the appeals formed one of the worst features of the militia system, giving rise to a litigation which would be needless, except under a compulsory system. The Bth clause, as it stood, ought not to pass, because it in volved questions of fitness, &c., which would be useless unless tne ballot were resorted to, and therefore, until it were decided that there should be a ballot, the clause ought to be postponed. He therefore moved that the clause be postponed. Sir G. GREY said he understood the 80,000 were to be raised by voluntary enlistment. But, so far as that went, the " fitness and liability" of the Men mattered not in this clause, and these words could be omitted. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the intention of the Government was that the quota should be the basis of the increase, endeavouring *to supply it first by the voluntary enlistment, and then falling back on the ballot. By the clause the number would only be fixed, not the particular men. Sir C. WOOD understood the clauses as they had been e xplained, but he conceived it desirable that the words "fit and liable" should be omitted. The ATTORNEY GENERAL agreed in thiS opinion, and to strike out the words. The clause ran thus:—" It shall be lawful for her Majesty from time to time to take into consideration the number of men fit and liable to serve in the militia who are resident in the said several counties and places, and to ascertain and fix the number of militiamen who shall, until other quotas shall be fixed, in like manner serve for each such county and place, so as to apportion as near as may be the whole number of militiamen by the Act directed to be raised among all the said counties and places, accord ing to the number of men fit and liable to serve therein respectively, and the numbers so fixed shall be the quotas of the several counties and places until other quotas are appointed in like manner." Mr. GIBSON maintained that the clause should still be postponed. Mr. ROEBUCK argued that the ballot being aban doned the clause would not be required.—(Divide.) The ATTORNEY GENERAL said the Government could not be certain that the voluntary enlistment would succeed to the extent desired, and so the compulsory clauses were requisite, that they might fall upon the ballot. Mr. T. EGERTON thought there was no objection to the clause as it stood.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr. MOWATT suggested that while in one county there was a deficiency, in the next there might be an overplus of men volunteering, and it would be a hardship to put the ballot in force to make up the deficiency in the former. Mr. WALPOLE said that was provided for by the discretion reposed in the Crown, and might be further provided for by a proviso (in the 10th clause) that the deficiency in such a case should not be made up by the ballot. Mr. BRIGHT considered the clause would be as ob jectionable as before, even after the Attorney-General's amendment, and pressed its postponement. It would put people to trouble which would be useless, if the ballot were negatived. The , AT rORNEY-GENERAL was willing to divide on the cluse with words " fit end liable" retained in it, as the omission did not satiafy the Honourable Gentle man.—(Divide.) MOWATT suggested a schedule, with a list of Mr, exceptions and exemptions in the existing militia laws, which would much diminish the objections to this clause and to the Bill in general.—(Divide, divide.) Colonel THOMPSON said it was not necessary to define the number of men " fit and liable" to serve. Mr. RICARDO asked the Right lion. Gentleman whether imbet war of s th the 80,000 in any ones intention of theill to ra ise the whole nu ounty? Mr. WALPOLE was understood to say that the wording of the clause did not warrant such an interpre staittiiooon.of It ewHasoniMemb er possi b b e le r he could a(smsern.tmtoowtleteto red-- propo- The Committee t hen divided, when there app s For the amendment 216 .---117 Against m iet Majority a . g .. ainst the clause, M r. p as fu th G e H y T wouldsu g g o e n s l t y e d be the get t tpos tponement s 0 01 The ATTORNEY -GENERAL bad no objection to clause as amended After a lengthened conversation the fi it t h. and liable," so as to allow jthe clause omitt o e the proceeded words ' w ‘ was agreed to. On clause 9 being r ead, progress Mr. given to sit BDEN moved that the Chairman do report ail,ai Tb n e o m n daoFtiroinwya.s agree d to, and d) C Bill passed through leave Set Bill passed through The Belfast Custom -house, ~ (Ireland) o T m h m a i T tte a e r . °Pike, Roads Committee. Birthsr, Deaths, and Mar- and the Registration Bill, The Apprehension of Deserters fom ps Foren Shi riages Bill wer e cons i d ere d as amende d, and the amend ments agreed to. ComommmonistteEen.closure Acts Nstension Bill passed ATTORNEY-GENERAL thr T o h u e gh C Bill to make provision fur a leave n t was he erior courts of common law. ties at nisi pries, in the sup galivoetnioltio borfintghe' a permanent establishmentia o a f officers to perform the du r to abolish certain offices in and at the judges' chambers; and for the payment of those courts. such officers by salaries, and Bill was brought in and read a first time. The The Rouse then adjo ur ned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. TILE DEATH FLAG; or, The Irish Buccaneers. By Miss Crumpe. 3 Vols. Shoberl. Miss Crumpe does hot appear for the first time among the female writers who have enriched our lite rature during the last half century. We may regret that the works of one whose advent is, in plural senses, " like angels visits," are not more frequent; notwithstanding that deliberation, in Miss Crumpe's case, has been for the advantage of those who may avail themselves of the extensive researches in foreign archives, by which sbe has been enabled to enrich her romantic narrative of the litter adventures of Prince Charles Stuart. " The Death Flag" takes up the history of the ill-fated prince at the point where former narrators leave him, and makes us acquainted with facts, in connexion with the wild heroes who inhabited the southern coasts of Ireland in the middle of the last century, with which we were totally un acquainted. Added to the painfully interesting events in the life of " the Pretender; after his defeat at Culloden, the author's pictures of rock and rural scenery, of ocean life and dangers, and of Irish pro vincial character, are among the most exciting or amusing traits of her vivid genius. None but one most intimate with the peculiarities of the Hiberno- Milesian inhabitants of the far south could give such graphic delineations, as in her portraitures of the " O'Sullivan Beare," and his retainer " Dan Con nell," and none but an acute and refined genius have drawn the pathetic scenes of domestic vicissitude which sustain the anxiety, whilst inducing the sym pathy, of the reader for the amiable and lovely heroine of her story, the youthful " Edith." In short, " The Death Flag" is a felicitous addition to our his toric novel library. The dramatic structure is per fect, as the public will soon have an opportunity of judging; for we believe " The Death Flag' is about to be dramatised and performed on the stage. The scenery and incidents change with a rapidity that prevents weariness, and with a harmony that pre serves in the mind the unity of the subject. The local descriptions are chastely beautiful and true. Grand in their simplicity, the charms of rocks, hills, and ocean, of calm and tempest, as described by the accomplished author, are in the strictest accuracy of delineation ; and her personal characters are suffi ciently varied, without the least of that exaggeration or caricature which spoils half the dramatis persona of the historico-romantic school, and works o f t e according to the opinions of some, the t M ag ician of the North a re not always exemp. 7HE FORCE OF Clli e C tUheusltfiziii, (.2andy, carry us litYl• t In every phas e oflidiesww.eeetpra c p as , stances; they come an along with them, w° find ourselves insensibl y alt e r ed The young girl wh o and changed by their ifhiene i e. ttlre is not the saale th a t p l an ned and loved an ideal counting its moment s w i t h pe sits brooding ov er the past, as much veneration as the monk , his beads! N o; she, too, is altered by th e tide ot human affairs: Wh at mother, or what wife, looking back over - the past, h as f o und her future carved out? Sume ther e are w h o, having centred their hearts requirement on love, have t o und it answered more a thousandfold th an t h ey could h av e hoped or ex pected. But how o f ten i n our transit throug h the world — in our experience —hav e we not heard sketched the sunny picture which a woman has drawn o f her youth, and the bitter contrast presented by actual events. Young, eager, and enthusiastic; full ot the wild spirit of jay which the consciousness of young life imparts, before w e h ave li ve d through the trying experience of others, before we have tasted either of deep grief or immeasurable joy, she gives her heart, and she thinks she has done all! And what sacrifice more can she make? What has a woman to give more precious to man than the love of a young, conf i di ng , and unsuspecting heart? Full of life — impressed with a consciousness of her own purity and devotion—she pours forth all the treasures of her thought at roan's feet; she lets him into all the little weaknesses of her nature; she unfolds her unmeasurable love; she plans a happy future; she fancies she hears the joyous tones of infant voices, in the distant horizon ot her life, sweep past like the tone of a distant bell; she places her little joys in them—the happiness they must afford her. In tancy she rears them to brilliant positions; she makes them all like herselt—good and pure; she gives them her thought, she inspires them with her own elevated sentiments, and the husband of her choice with und)irl love and tenderness! How often —we will hope that it is not always thus—how often, we say, are these dreams disappointed! She watches the dying out of love, of kindness; she has her children; as long as they are young, her pictures still continue true; they are her happiness and her joy • she loves them all, watches over them tenderly, and cherishes each early indication il lusions; of goodness and talent. Ti me, h owever, di ss ip a tes her circumsta nces turn out dgerently from what she anticipated; th e c hild ren o f rea li t y are , others not ideal children; they ar e h uman being the Fs —some bad—the fates ar e d eterm i ne d b y stances, which w or k s out qu i et ly a future for orce g o ° ' d eircum - each, but ° which, howev er b r illi ant it ma y be, is not what planned!—Eliza Cook's Journal. His ROYAL POLITECTINIC Iligb ness the Rajah of Koorg, attended by . Colonel DTUTIIMOIICI and a large suite of gentlemen and ladies, visited this insti tution yesterday, to see the oxy-hydrogen microscope, and the experiments under water b y the diver of the esta u p sunken blish ment, who exhibited the p rocess of blowing ves sels- The diving bell (that old favourite of the public) also made several sub-112461;e trips, 111;161 to the ainu.iemeht of his lliZoness. EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY.—This company have just introduced a new system for the conveniPnce of travel in private compartments of the families and parties of pie , Rure, whereby, at a fixed fare to to the various watering or other places andcom pfaro°,7!6liceayrriniaagyes, on the line. - ' LITERATURE. LUMLEY v. WAGNILIt. I AURELIA; or, a Beauty's Life in Italy. 3 Vas. The decision of the Vice-Obanceilor in the case of Colburn. " Lumley v. Wagner" will have more inter es t f or a car t There is the charm of novelty in these volumes to gain class of . our „readers than many more important tempt those who are tired of perusing details of discussioes wi'h t: hiee. our columns aro daily filled. Th e prominent hi sitnati si . s whiuh operatic performers 'fill in home life, and who weary of being repeatedly in- k a td n of importance to formed how the gorgeous banquet is succeeded by their .. u L abbl e s an'cl‘v(2laitThe r e Londonare, e w e r h t a i elk, l a the brilliant ball, and in what manner the votaries of good many - neon in the g vv ' est * end ofwould fashion carry on their pursuits in our native isle. o sadly puzzled j to write down a correct list who The heroine is English, however; and although, on junior Lords of the - Admiralty or Treasury. There are the whole, not a very favourable specimen of our race, few, comparatively speaking, who are not familiar with she yet continues to infuse soma portion of the in- the names even of the second• rate singers at the rival trinsic decorum and propriety of Albion into the Opera-houses. So great was the interest displayed by reckless society and unsteady morals of the foreign the public in the coarse of the present dispute that du coteries into which she is plunged. She drew her ring the three days the trial proceeded the court was fate on herself, it is true, but nevertheless none can crammed with spectators, and when the Vice-Chancellor delivered his judgment yesterday it was impossible to refuse sympathy to the misfortunes and injuries of get even "squeezing" room. Independently of the in one so gifted and sensitive, and so misrepresented. fler genuine affections wcre mistaken for a passing terest which naturally attaches to an operatic squabble, sonar) little indignation had been excited by an expres paesion—her enthusiastic admiration of the beautiful sion which was found in one of Mr. Wagner's letters. tor the Affectation of display, and the pride which This worthy, as it would appear, only considers the prompted her to concea l h er miseri,:s was supposed to Enelf , ,h Ia teetieht ef geese who lay golden eggs for the be the triumph of her successes. One thought sug- benefit of ikVsgners and such like folk. Before he has gents itself—that the author, who is said to be three d o ne w ith' us Mr : . Wagner may discover that he leas parts foreign, h as not pourtrayed to the reader a very scarcel y for med' a just idea of Englis h p owers of apprc flavourable account of foreign men and manners. cation. For some persons we have money and admire vbile we turn with disgust from the paltry and tion; for others money and contempt mediocre mind orlrivulgio, and feel indignant at the The whole stor y may be condensed into a few pars base and despicable Martinergo, we ask in astonishment, graphs it it be regarded as a mere narrative of facts, and can this he the true delineation of the char ct - of not as a theme for the ingenuity of counsel, The &- modern Italy ? All that is classic and artistic arr ' vision lasi gone, as a matter of course, in Mr. Lumley's shown to surround their way ; the sublime remnants o i is favour. Teat it could not do otherwise will at once ap the magnificent of old still linger pear from the following brief recapitulation of the facts: of their f shrines of —ln the autumn of lest y . ear Dr. Bather, a friend of the worship, and adorn their temples beautiful is worshipped on every altar wiatmhoeu. t, Thebt f a a l m ad il ' y e , Wagneras oc c ? pie L d on i d n on pr h o n cu d ri p eg ari e s : . ngar e ments fur within the mind is left unruled by discipline and the u came u into Y ctact in with Mr. Lumley, and received fro m heart untouched by charity. If the " garb of old that gentleman a formal paper containing his usual sti- Gaul" has been superseded by modern innovations, Pulations upon engaging the services of a performer. surely the " fire of old Rome" ought to be still found This paper contained a prohibitory clause which forbade burning. Apart from these national reflections, great the appearance of Madlle Wagner at any private con information may be derived from the various descrip- certs, &c., while her engagement with Mr. Lumley tions of entertainments that take place ; also consi- should subsist. When the document was shown to the derable eloquence characterises the pictures given of Wagners, they obj e cted to this clause, and drew up another paper s i mi l ar — we b e lieve—to it in other re scenery and cities in that fair country. Venice, the this , save that thi s prohibitor y their signatures, an d it to clause was omitted. To queen of . the waters, is shadowed forth with her pa- paper the Wagners a ffi xed laces of yore still crowning with sublimity their pre- was conveyed by Becher Mr. Lumley. In suc h a sent ruins. Naples is entered in the majestic stillness shape the manager would have nothing to do with it, of the twilight hour, and the effect thus produced and insisted upon the restoration of the veto. To this on the beholders is ably depicted. Altogether no one Becher assented—added the clause—and signed it as can fail to be interested in the work as a whole ; fur agent to the Wagners. So far as it turns upon this if not reflecting life's most happy hours, it represents min d t p the question throughout is a simple one of agency. its most glorious scenes in _its most gorgeous hues. ne Wagners, by any subsequent conduct r r . Becher the the right to sign as agent for the Wag- While the adventures of the beauty in the gay scenes or rs a ; ct o of their owil ig an agreement . which might of life in which she moved adorn the tale, it is to be not in the first instL a ce o r e binding upon them hoped that her premature and awful death may point for defect of auihority ? a lt e b i e ll en quite unnecessary because is appears that the a moral Wall inexperienced and infasuated, rushing to dwell upon the first point, acknowledge the act of their heedlessly into temptation. These descriptions con- Wagners did subsequently tain great beauty of style and force of language : agent, and make it their own, in a very u come thatplete " What pen, what pencil might hope to render even a manner. In the first p lace, Dr. Bacher tells faint idea of that scene of enchantment! The sun was when he had added the clause he fo rwarded the pa per sinking in a sea of crimson and gold behind the pro - to Madlle. Wa g ner, and it was b y her acknowl e d ge d montory, gilding Vesuvius with his last rays, and irracliat. in a letter bearing date one day of November t. ing the undulating hills and cliffs of Castellamao Sorrecto Then we find all parties engaged in a correspeudence and 'Massa with alternate tints of the softest lilac and on the subject—Mr. Lumley—M. Albert Wagner, th e rose. In the far background the distant mountains of father—Madlle. Joanna —Mr. Lumley Dr. Becher, Salerno and Amalfi towered one above the other like and all of them assuming that there was a contract Golopeau steps, casting their denticulated crests on the subsisting between the manager and the singer. horizon in every shade, from the richest violet to the " Now," as the Vice-Chancellor shrewdly enough re deepest purple. At their feet lay the limpid Mediter- marked, " there had been no contract signed without ranean, a sheet of sapphire spangled with tiny sails, this clause, therefore this is. the contract concerning like specks of snow resting upon its waters; bounded which the parties were in correspondence. What the at one extremity by the circling shores of Portici Re- Wagners say is, that when the paper was sent back to sins and lone del Grew, whose gardens and groves of them they objected to the clause, and only received the orange and lime bathe in the very water's brink, and at document upon Dr. Bacher's assurance that when they the other closed in by the little island of Capri, glorying arrived in London the little matter should be set right. in the rich mellow hue which flooded the whole land- Now, we cannot forget that they must have been per scape, melting every outline and every traced line into fectly aware that they would not be permitted to pass one soft harmonious whole. slipshod over this clause of the contract. Mr. Lumley " Rosa exclaimed in rapture that to die without see . insisted upon it with so much earnestness that he refused ing Naples was not to have lived; and Amelia remarked to affix his signature to the agreement until the clause that Naples was the only place she knew in the wo r ld which h e had o riginally introduced, bat which had been where the mere sensation of existence was enjoyment. struck out by the Wagners, had been replaced. Was it " There is a tone of profound and touching melan- probable he would suffer himself to be duped out of so choly which pervades much of the Italian church music, capital a proviso by Dr. Bacher's little diplomacy, that renders it unlike all other. Alone it is gifted with when he had in the first instance refused to the power of awakening every human sympathy, anti complete the contract without it? Is it possible touching every human affection; yet, in grandeur acid that M. and Madlle. Wagner could even for solemnity, it cedes the palm to none. No one denies a moment have entertained so preposterous an that Handel and Mendelssohn are sublime. Yet Pales- idea? Such, however, is the only reason assigned trine and Marcellino are:sublimer still, but while the by the Wagners against the validity of the contract-- German strikes you with awe, or chills you with fear, namely, a vague hope on their own part that, when they the Italian overwhelms you with all the contending arrived in London, Mr. Lumley would be induced to give emotions of love, pity, and remorse. A single hymn up t he advantages for which he had negotiated with so of Palestrina, a single chord of Baia or Baini, nay, the much earnestness. simplest litany, the evening prayer of the nuns and pea- As many of our readers as have patience to wade sentry in a convent church of Italy, thrills through one's through the evidence will find that another point was veins and fills one's eyes with tears. Who that listens raised in favour of the Wagners. It was on their side to the glorious ' Missa Papm Marcelli,' or the divine alleged that money was not paid by Mr. Lumley on a chant of the unrivalled ' Miserere' of the Sistine, that particular day when it should have been paid; It is re is not irresistibly forced to compare them to the lamen- plied, in the first place, that Dr. Ba,cher had money .of tations of the Seraphim, as he feels their accents and Mr. Lu mle y' s in his hands, and that, even had it been superhuman beauty, and anguish quiver through his otherwise, all deficiencies in this respect wore excused by every fibre, till they seem to rend his very heart-strings. the conduct of the Wagners on and after the sth of He must be dull and unimaginative, indeed, who can March, and by a subsequent tender of the money on the leave an Italian church unmoved and unimpressed." 15th of April. It was on the sth of March that the Wagners, who bad so bound themselves to Mr. Lumley, were found at Hamburgh quietly entering into a fresh contract with Mr. Grye, from which they hoped to derive larger pecuniary advantages. More than this, on the 10th of March, Dr. Becher wrote to Madlle.Wegner, asking where be should pay the money he had ready for her, and received from her father the following reply:—" If you send the bill to Berlin, be good enough to address it either at this time to Ber lin, or from (des) the 2d of April to Hamburgh, to Engil and to Ferdinand .Hirst, where we shall remain some time longer with our daughter." However this may be, it is quite clear that on Mr. Lumley's part there was no disinclination or inability to pay the money when needed. The paltry subterfuge wag furbished up at the last moment to serve the turn of those who would not keep .and could scarcely evade the terms of an agreement into which they had entered of their own free will. The simple truth of this long trial is that Madlle. Joanna Wagner and her excellent parent thought that the second bargain was better than the first, and therefore endeavoured to repudiate their own act. It is a shabby business, and the sooner, for Madlle. Wagner's sake, it is forgotten, the better. At the same time, it is clear enough that the fault lies, not with the young girl, but with the sordid circle around her, who were endeavouring to huckster her talents about the most profitable market without regard any consideration but those of .£ s. d.—Times. were e k ar r ived received b a y t --e- - COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen gave a concert last evening at Bucking. ham Palace. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent arrived at the Palace at half-past nine o'clock, attended by Lady Coupes. Fanny Howard and Colonel Sir George Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Camwbarsidagte. Cambridge 'eer and the Princess Mary were attended by Lady Su ffi eld d'Aquila B fairioanhultns:stehbeeDeku.k.e of and His i M s aj Royal or theliPisalßacoey at twenty minutesbe F fo a : il t y en w o tended by CountLalorndig=asmtPtloaulet. , attended by Chevelier Folgori. The Enembera of the Royal the Maids of Honour, and by theG - in waiting, and were conducted t rooms and Equerries ieg-room, where her Majesty received her illustrious The general company be o'clock, and were ushered up to arrive soon after nine through the Green 11-p the grand s tair case , and Shortly before 10 o'cl Drawing-ro oml to the Picture Gallery. Highness Prince oc : her Majesty and his Royal Albert Chamberlain f were conducted by the Lord l'em the Yellow Saloon, which was finned Drawing-room to the of seats of crinison up for the Concert, with rover Royal Highness wer and gold. Her Majesty and hie nesses the eaccornpuniol by their Royal High" bridge, the Duchess of Kent, the Duchess of Cam- Duke of Prin c e ss canibr , Mary, the Count d'Aquila, and the The Lige. a'sembled visitors circle into the saloon. Her ra followed the royal . . Majest and her Royal and distin guished guests being a y d t he Concert commenced at five minutes before 10 o'cloc k. Aefreshm en t s were serve d t o the company in the Green Drawin room during the evening , a nd after the concert a . sapper was served in the State Dining-room. The Queen held a Court at three o'clock yesterday afternoon at Buckingham Palace. Their Royal Highnesses the Count and Countess d'Aquila had an audience of her Majesty to take leave. Their Royal Highnesses were introcuced by the Earl of Malmesbury, the Queen's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and conducted by her Majesty's Master et the Ceremonies. The Queen was attended by the Countess of Charle mont, Ludy in Waiting, the Hon. Matilda Paget, Maid of Honour in Waiting, Lord Polwarth, Lord in Wallin. and Sir Edward Bowater, Groom in Waiting. The Count and Countess were attended by the Princess de Villa and the Chevalier Folgori. The Earl of Malmesbury had an audience of her Ma jesty. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, the P r i nces s Royal, and the younger members of the oyal Family, took their usual exercise yesterday in the gar' dens of Buckingham Palace. The Archbishop of York had an interview- w ith the Earl of Derby yesterday at his official residence h in D a wning-street. Admiral Gordo n and Mr. Beggs also interviews wieh the Noble Ear in l. • w with Mr. Viscount Barrington had an tervie Secretary Walpole yesterday at the Home-office. _ _ A deputation headed by Mr. Wilson F.'atteet with '-, and Mr. Heywood, M.P., had an interview ke Right Hon. J. W. Henley and Lord Colchester, on Sa turday, at the Board of Trade. Mr. Chandler, from Canada, had an interview with Sir John Pakington yesterday at the Colonial-office. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue, had an interview yesterday with the Earl of Derby. Mr. Joseph Heron (Town Clerk of Manch es t er ) h a d an interview with Mr. Secretary Walpole yesterday et the Home-office. The American Minister had an interview with ' SO John Pakington at the Colonial-office yesterday. D i spa t c hes were received at the Colonial -office yes terday from the Governors of the North American Pro vinces. OFFICIAL APPOINTMENTS.—The Lord Chancellor has appointed Mr. John Stuart,] un., o f Lincoln's Inn , b ar ' rister-at-law (son o f M r. John Stuart, Q.C., M ember for Newark), to be hi s Secr e t ar y-i n -Chief, in the plac e of Mr. Silmmons : Colonel llaberly h as a ppointed M r . Alan E. Chambre to b e his private secreta ry at the Post-office, in place of Mr. John Hall, resigned. The Royal Agricultural Society of England U. tdl hold their county mee ti ng , f o r 1853, at Gloucester. .~ (1A 1-A ' , fl' _ k, J: (il; ' r_ .. __ „ ~ . ~';. ~'. ~~t il3 gl eed fit