The Sun. — London, England, 1865-05-03 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the - woolsack at five o'clock. PUBLIC SCHOOLS BILL. - _ The Earl of DERBY presented two petitions against this bill, and praying that the petitioners might be heard by counsel in support of the petition. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Mersey Docks and Harbour Bill ; Tyldsely, with Shakerly Local Board Bill ; Dorking Water Bill ; and London and South Western' (Pirdbright, Aldershot, and Farnham Junction Bill) were severally read a second time. The Bolton Improvement Bill (Amendments) was road a third time and passed. OPENING OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM. Tho Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented petitions from tho working jewellers of Clerkenwell and others in favour of opening tho British Museum and other national institu tions to the public three evenings in the week. THE NEW COURTS OF JUSTICE BUILDING BILL. Lord EEDESDALE asked the Lord Chancellor if he would not consent to the postponement of the committee on this bill ? The LORD CHANCELLOR, who presented a petition from members of the legal profession in favour of the bill, declined to accede to the request of the noble lord. PUBLIC SCHOOLS BILL. Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved that the inhabitants of Rugby and the parts adjacent within the limits of the Free Grammar School founded by Lawrence Shirreff be heard, as prayed by their counsel and witnesses, against such provisions of the Public Schools Bill as affected their in terests. The Earl of CLARENDON moved that the bill should bo referred to a select committee, with the understanding that the parties petitioning against its provisions should be heard by counsel before said committee. After some observations from the Earl of Ellenborough, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and other noble lords, Lord WROTTESLEY presented a petition from Cul tivators of Natural Science, stating that the provisions of tho Public Schools Bill wore inadequate to insure the introduction of instruction in natural science into public schools, and to move that they might be heard by counsel. The motion was then agreed to. INCLOSURE BILL. This bill was read a second time. POSTAGE ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL. This bill was road a second time. HERRING FISHERIES (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill was also read a second time. BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY ACTS AMEND MENT (IRELAND) BILL. Their lordships considered the reasons of the Commons for their disagreement with the proposed amendments, and after some observations from Lord Cranworth, the Marquis of Clanricarde, Earl Granville, and other noble lords, The house divided on the question as to whether they should insist on their amendments, when thereappeared in favour of not insisting on the amendment— Contents 43 Against Majority —lo The bill was then agreed to as sent up from the Lower House. COURTS OF JUSTICE BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved that the house should go into a committee on this bill. _ _ _ Lord REDESDALE moved as an amendment that the bill be referred to a select committee. Lord St. LEONARDS seconded the motion. Earl GRANVILLE opposed the amendment ; for were tho bill sent to a select committee it would be impossible for tho Lord Chancellor, who took a great interest in tho matter, to attend. The Earl of HARDWICKE inquired on what principle they estimated that seven acres in the heart of the town would cost only £700,000. Tho Earl of ELLENBOROUGU thought it would be imprudent on the part of any private gentleman, or prince, even Croesus himself, to begin to build a great palace with out counting the cost ; but the house was asked to build not one palace, but half a dozen, for the comfortable accommo dation of 3,000 barristers, 2,500 solicitors, and 15,000 per sons whom they called their staff. They were about to com mence•one of the greatest undertakings ever submitted to an architect since the days of Michael Angelo ; but there was no Michael Angelo, there was not even any architect of ordinary capacity who was capable of combining all the requirements of the courts in one design. One of the wisest statesmen of former times was reported to have said, "Stay a little, that you may make an end the sooner." The pass ing of this measure would not be the end, but beginning. They could not toll how long it would be in building, or how many millions it would require. Louis XIV., when he set about building Versailles, burned all the estimates, and ho was quite right. They did the same, or rather they said they would not have any estimates at all. This was not a matter which interested the present generation. Their lordships would never sea this great palace of justice, although they would pay a large portion of the cost. They would never expatiate in its ample halls, and see the com mon law and equity lawyers fly into each other's arms and effect a fusion of law and equity, not by Act of Parliament, but in friendly converse as they walked through its pas sages. (Laughter.) Those who were to come after them would see all this, and blame them for having so carelessly and recklessly begun so great an expenditure. When he first saw this measure he felt strongly opposed to it, and, like the noble lord the chairman of committees, he was most unwilling that the courts of law should be removed from their ancient site at Westminster Hall. He regretted, too, that the Court of Queen'sßench had ever been removed from its former position at the other end of the Hall, for there the battle of the Constitution had been fought as often as it had been in either house of Parliament. He saw, however, that those concerned in the administration of jus tice suffered under a grievance in want of proper accommo dation, owing to the continued neglect of successive Go vernments in failing to provide new courts as new courts were required, and in neglecting to extend the accommo dation of the old courts. He had then no hostility to the present measure, but he did warn their lordships against rushing blindly into an extravagant expenditure. The LORD CHANCELLOR , said that unless they made a beginning they would never see an end of the matter. The noble earl advised them to wait, but they had waited for 40 years ; they had had 40 years of delay, 40 years of inquiry, and now, when they got to the very threshold, they were asked to pause and make further inquiry. In quiry was a very good and a very prudent thing; calcula tion, too, was a prudent thing ; but they had made all the inquiries possible, and had had calculations wrought out by the most experienced hands, and to refer the bill now for inquiry to a select committee would be only to go over the same ground as before. All the inquiries necessary had been made by the Royal Commission and by the select committee of the House of Commons, and it was the cal culation both of Sir Charles Barry and of Mr. Pennethorne that the site, which was covered with houses of the vilest description, could be purchased for £700,000. The house then divided on the question of going into committee— Content 55 Not content 32 Majority —23 The house then went into committee on the bill. The several clauses of the bill were, after a brief discus sion, agreed to, the bill was reported, and the third read ing fixed on Monday. COURTS OF JUSTICE CONCENTRATION (SITE) BILL. The house went into committee on this bill. On clause 3, In roply to Lord CHELMSFORD, The LORD CHANCELLOR said that it was the inten tion of the Government to provide a convenient access to the courts from the Temple by means of a gallery over or a tunnel under Fleet-street. The other clauses wore agreedto, and the bill was re ported. The Metropolitan Main Drainage Extension Bill then passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Halifax Extension and Improvement Bill was read a third time and passed. The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Dcighlington and Gildersom Gas ; North British Railway (Lasswade, dtc., Branches) ; and Southwark Bridge Transfer. IMPERIAL GAS BILL. Mr. H. LEWIS moved the insertion of certain amend ments relative to fixing the price of gas. Mr. DODSON opposed the amendment. The matter had been fully considered in committee, and therefore he thought the house ought to uphold its decision. Mr. JACKSON said the amendment was never sub mitted to the committee by whom the bill was considered. He hoped the decision of the committee would be sup ported, especially as there was another plan in which the matter could be mooted. The amendment was withdrawn. THE TEA DUTIES. A variety of petitions wero presented from all parts of the country, praying for the postponement of the time at which the new duties should come into operation. THE COMMISSIONAIRES' BAND. Major S. KNOX asked the First Commissioner of Works I whether it was true that the permission accorded to the band of the Commissionaires to play in St. James's-park had been withdrawn ? Mr. W. COWPER said that several of the inhabitants of the houses in New-street, Spring-gardens, and Carlton gardens had remonstrated at the annoyance caused by the playing of the band of Commissionaires in the Cambridge enclosure, almost in front of their windows. Although the Street Music Act did not apply to such a circumstance in fact, yet he felt that it did in spirit, and it was out of deference to the act of the Legislature that the permission granted to the band had been withdrawn. The permission was granted to play in that spot previous to the act passing, and as it was only granted annually it had not been given this year. There was no correspondence on the subject, therefore he had none to produce. Major S. KNOX would like to know wh ;ther the right hon. gentleman was aware that the privilege was worth about £l,OOO to the Commissionaires. He would grant them the use of another piece of ground in St. James's park. Mr. W. COWPER said he would consider the matter. CARRIAGE OF TREASURE. Mr. H. TRACY asked whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to:make any alteration in the carriage of treasure on board of her Majesty's ships, and in the distribution of the freight money arising therefrom. Lord C. PAGET said it was the intention of the Go vernment to make certain alterations, and in a few days the precise terms of the alterations would be made known. DRAINAGE WORKS. Captain STACPOOLE asked the Secretary to the Trea sury if it was his intention to introduce a bill to amend the 38th section of the Drainage Act of 1863, which limited the power of the Board of Works in Ireland to make ad vances to any drainage board to one moiety of the amount proposed to be expended by such board? Sir F. PEEL said the Board of Works in Ireland had now the power to lend half the amount to be expended in certain works, but he did propose to take steps to enable them to advance the whole of the sum necessary for thoso works. GRANTS TO SCHOOLS. Mr. ADDERLEY said he had a question on the paper to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education, whether it was his intention to introduce a new minute which would remove the distinction between rural and other schools in the minute of March, 1864, re lating to the reduction of grants to schools by the amount of any endowments, but as he had heard that the Govern ment intended to introduce in the course of a few days the new minutes, he would not proceed with the motion which stood on the paper in his name that evening. Sir G. GREY said the right hon. gentleman had heard what was quite correct. The new minute would be made known very shortly. THE OFFICERS OF THE INDIAN ARMY. Capt. JERVIS rose to call attention to the petitions presented to that house by the officers of the late Indian armies, and moved that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying she will be graciously pleased to re dress all grievances complained of by them, as wore admitted by the commission on the memorials of Indian officers to have arisen by a departure from the assurances given by by 21 and 22 Vic., c. 106, 23 and 24 Vic., c. 100. The hon. and gallant gentleman took the opportunity of entering at some length into the great services performed by the officers of the Indian army, which, he said, were marked by the greatest bravery and heroism. He said it was their gallant deeds alone that had been thought quite sufficient to amalgamate them into the British army ; but ho felt there was scarcely a military man in that house who would now say the Indian officers had been treated in a manner their great merits deserved. The granting of brevet rank without pay was not the sort of thing that ought to have been given to many of those officers. The granting of brevet rank to an officer for services in the field was an honour of which the recipients felt the full weight. They were looked upon by their comrades as men of mark and undoubted bravery, but when it was doled out wholesale officers looked upon it as mere trash. They had a few bits more gold put upon their collars, for which they had to pay. He felt the house would take the services of these officers into its considera tion, therefore he confidently left their case for its disposal. He concluded by moving the address of which he had given notice. Sir C. WOOD said he quite agreed with all that had been said by the hon. and gallant gentleman with respect to the services of the officers of the Indian army ; but so far from the position of those officers having been in any way injured, he felt that he should be enabled to show that quite the contrary was the case, and that those officers had never been in a better position both with respect to pay and promotion. A great stress had been laid on the circumstance that a great many petitions had boon presented by the officers, praying for a redress of grievances, but certain cases had come to his knowledge where the names of officers who did not complain had been attached to petitions, the prayer of which was the redress of grievances. - Capt. JERVIS wished to know the names of such officers. Sir C. WOOD said he would not shrink from giving the names of the officers. The right hon. gentlemen then read a letter he had received' from Col. Cherry, of the Madras Army, the effect of which was that the gallant gentle man had received intelligence that his name had been affixed to a petition for redress of grievances without his sanction, and that so far from it being his desire that such should be done, ho was quite satisfied with his position. The formation of the staff corps was a matter of absolute necessity. Next came the question of promotion, and the commission presided over by the noble lord opposite re commended that promotions to tho staff corps should be governed by length of service. That was what the go vernment exactly did. They offered to all officers of the Indian army the option of going into the staff corps, and they offered the same thing to officers of the line. Nay, they went one stop further, and thought it right to give the older officers the benefit of promotion, as if the staff corps had been formed' at the time they entered the ser vice. In justification of the course they had taken, he might state that the same thing had been done by the East India Company; and when the hon. and gallant member behind him (Col. Sykes) had spoken of the " indisputable rights" of the Indian officers, ho seemed to forgot that on several occasions the East Indian Company had not ad mitted those rights. The government had not in the slightest degree interfered with regimental seniority. A cadet who went into the army in December, 1860, and who never saw a day's service, might rise to the rank of colonel or general officer just as if no change had been made. When the Royal Artillery were sent out to India, the East India Company thought it desirable to promote all the majors by giving the substantive rank and pay of lieutenant-colonels. They had done nothing of the kind, but on the contrary they had issued a positive prohibit ion against officers being placed in command of a regiment in which there were senior officers. He would admit, with the hon. and gallant gentleman, that the simplest course would have been to cancel all the appointments of the staff corps; but, with the exception of the hon. and gallant member, he never heard an officer advocate such a course. He should have shrunk from depriving those officers of their rank. From the date of the formation of the staff corps every officer possessed the same right of seniority he enjoyed at that time. The report of Sir 11. Rose showed that the scheme of the government was the most effective that could be adopted to remedy the alleged grievances. That being so, he thought it unnecessary to say any more on the subject. The three cases on which the ccmmission reported that there was just cause of complaint were in directly remedied by the measure which her Majesty's Go vernment had taken. In two of the cases the officers them selves admitted that the grievances had been remedied, and in the third case he had shown that a remedy had been ap plied. Coming to the last measure which had been taken, no one would pretend to say that, under the circumstances, it would not have been the right and the duty of the East India Company to reduce the Indian army. That right and that duty equally devolved on her Majesty's Govern ment. If it was necessary to reduce the army itself, it was only following a course always adopted to reduce the num ber of colonels. Though 101 regiments had been reduced, they had not reduced any colonels. They proposed only to reduce the number of colonel's allowances so as to drop three out of four. If a reduction was to be effected, and it was not to be effected by some system of retiring allow ances, he did not know how it could be done except by some system of retarding promotion. Their measure pro vided an extraordinary number of retirements. They had offered the boon of a retirement to three hundred, andthey had not filled up more than half the lieut.-colonelcies. The immediate effect of that measure was to give promotion at once to 49 lieut.-colonels, 87 majors, 128 captains, and 190 lieutenants. He contended, therefore, that they had shown generous consideration for those gentlemen. He had stated the amount of increased pay given to the artillery and en gineers. The whole increase of promotion, pay, and pen sions had had the effect of imposing on the revenues of In dia a sum exceeding a quarter of a million of money. He did not see how, in the face of such an increase, they could be accused of having shown any niggardly spirit in this matter. The right honourable gentleman having dwelt on the increase of pay which had been given to the Indian army, referred to figures to show how promotion had been accelerated, and to what an extent the term of service had been diminished which qualified an officer for the rank of lieut.-colonel in the Indian army, concluding by claiming for the measures of the Government great benefit for the officers, instead of having prejudiced their position, and by expressing a hope that after his explanation discussions in that house would cease. Colonel SYKES said that when the right hon. baronet maintained that the condition of the officers, from a cadet to the highest in the army, was precisely the same as it was under the East India Company, ho had unfortunately dis regarded the one important point—that the cadet rose to be lieutenant, the lieutenant to be captain and major, until he got a colonel's allowance to retire upon in his old age. That was while he was under the East India Company. What was he now ? He was only on paper. When ho was With his regiment he was entitled to succeed to the com mand, and ultimately to the allowances. Now, his regiment was converted into an irregular troop, in which any one might servo who thought fit. That alone was a breach of the guarantee of the house. The house guaranteed the continuance of the rights and privileges that were in force at the time of the passing of the two acts, and the house was bound in honour to see that its obligations were ful filled. The hon. and gallant member then traced the course of the policy pursued by the Secretary of State for India durin g several years past, and cited the results arrived at by the various committees that had considered t h h s e h e t d athere ofw o t u h l e d have been India f ecwo Company's p y s a i the qu es ti on. If the staff companies had not been estab inntsterteostmtaok e h r f Majesty's Government ; for, so far from that Company wishing to have the officers withdrawn from active service, one of their last acts whil e h e was chairman was to provide' that no officer should be withdrawn in the manner that had since been adopted by her Majesty's Government. Out of 715 petitions which had been presented to that house, only one had been proved by the right hon. baronet not to be genuine. And what did that amount to ? The right hon. baronet had also alluded to the excessively rapid pro motion of individual officers, but that proved nothing as long as the average rate of promotion was slow. The creation of the staff corps would lead to an immense accu mulation of field officers, as the head officers would not be got to retire from the service. The result would be they would have officers of the rank of major and lieutenant colonel doing the duties of lieutenants and captains. Was that judicious —was it economic ? Mr. SMOLLETT said the recent changes in the con stitution of the Indian army had been marked by immense profusion and great cost to the State. At the same time they gave no satisfaction to the parties most concerned in them. A great error had been the formation of a most exorbitant and most unnecessary staff corps ; but the greatest mischief of all had been the Amalgamation Act of 1860. That act had annihilated a most admirable service, and it had been made to do so simply because of a mania which afflicted the Horse Guards and the Government of India at the moment. People imagined that India was to be governed henceforward by a force of 100,000 English bayonets ; but that plan of governing the country by brute force broke down from financial considerations. It was found India could not afford to pay 100,000 Europeans. Therefore, sounder opinions came to be formed, and at that moment they had a vast native force in the pay of the In dian Government—some 125 regiments ho believed. The arrangement respecting the staff corps had necessitated a heavy charge upon the revenue of India, while there was not the smallest necessity to justify its adoption. The Government in India then proceeded to form a staff corps, which consisted of 1400 officers, whose names wore retained in the cadres of the regiments from which they had been taken, and they continued to perform no duty. When the staff corps was formed hundreds of officers in regiments found themselves superseded by their juniors in the same regiments, who had been appointed to the staff corps. The officers of the army, of course, murmured at such whole sale supercession, but they could obtain no redress. The only course now open to the Secretary of State for India was to give substantive rank to all the officers who had been superseded in their own regiments pari passu with the officers promoted to the staff. No doubt that would make a largo charge upon the revenue of India, but it must come to that at last. The house then divided. The numbers were— For the motion 49 Against it Majority —l3 The motionwas therefore carried. BANK NOTES (IRELAND) BILL. Sir C. O'LOGHLEN moved, in committee of the whole House, "That the Chairman be directed to move the house that leave be given to bring in a bill to make Bank of Eng land notes a legal tender in Ireland, and to authorise banks of issue in Ireland to make their notes payable only at the places in Ireland at which an account of gold and silver coin held by such bankers is taken by the Commissioners of Stamps and Taxes." The motion was agreed to and the house resumed, when leave was given to introduce the bill, which was subse quently read a first time. MORTGAGE DEBENTURES BILL. This bill. as amended, was considered and agreed to. ISLE OF MAN DISAFFORESTATION (COMPEN SATION) BILL. This bill passed through committee. LANCASTER COURT OF CHANCERY BILL. This bill was read a third timo and passed. OXFORD UNIVERSITY(VINERIAN FOUNDATION) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. SEWAGE UTILISATION BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. The house adjourned at 25 minutos to 9 o'clock. The Assassination of President Lincoln. LEEDS. The inhabitants of Leeds met on Monday even ing, under the presidency of the mayor (Mr. Luccock), to express their horror and regret at the assassina tion of the President of the United States, and their sympathy with the people of that country in sus taining so great a loss at so critical a period of their history. The leading members of- the corporation, and most of the clergy, bankers, and merchants, were present, as well as several hundreds of the tradesmen and operatives. A letter was read from Mr. Baines, M.P., explaining the circumstances which prevented his being at the meeting. With reference to the late lamented President, and the object of the meeting, he said, " His name and memory will be venerated throughout the world, and the best wish that we can cherish for our American brethren is that they may still be governed by his spirit, and may carry his work to its glorious consummation." The MAYOR expressly declared that this was a meeting of men who had been divided in opinion upon the subject and policy of the war that had raged in America, and though they still entertained their own particular opinions upon that subject, they were met unitedly to express their horror and in dignation at the murder that had been committed in the theatre at Washington. He had heard that the wretch who did the deed thought of making his home in England. England the home of the assassin ! Such a monster they could not bear among them ; they should at once spurn him ; they would trample him to dust. (Cheers.) Mr. W. B. DENISON (banker), after some re marks tending to show that 'the recent assassination in Washington was more beyond the range of pro bability than one or two of the very rare cases which had been heard of in modern times, proceeded to eulogise the public conduct and demeanour of Mr. Lincoln. 'Through a turbulent and blood stained sea of strife for the last four years the late President had steered his ship with such calmness of demeanour, such firmness, and such steadfastness of purpose, as could not fail to win the admiration of all those who were on his side. That such a man, who had held the rudder of the ship through the dangers of the open sea, just at the moment when apparently he was approaching the haven, and when his firm and cool hand was wanted to guide the ship through perhaps greater difficulties—that such a man should have been struck down at such a time, not by the hand of an open enemy, but by the in famous hand of a dastardly assassin, filled his (Mr. Denison's) mind with such deep regret and intense horror that he had hardly power to give utterance to his ideas. (Cheers.) He had no doubt that the people of the South had no connection with the com mission of such a crime, for it was hardly possible to believe that the country which had produced the heroes which have filled the armies of the Southern States could have any sympathy with the work of a dastardly assassin —(cheers)—and he had the full expectation that the people of the Southern States would rise with such unanimity and earnestness in reprobation of the atrocious crime as would go far to effect that reconciliation - which the people of this country looked for and longed to take place. (Ap lame.) He moved the following resolution :—" That the inhabitants of Leeds, in public meeting assem bled, would emphatically express the feelings of horror and intense regret with which they have heard of the atrocious acts by which the United States of America have been suddenly deprived of their President, and the life of his Chief Secretary has been endangered ; and that they recall with melancholy interest the friendly feeling invariably displayed by the late President Lincoln towards this country." The Rev. Dr. ATLAY, vicar of Leeds, seconded the resolution, saying that he was not present in any sense as the mouthpiece of any party, but as a townsman of Leeds among his fellow-townsmen—a Christian man among Christian men—to express the horror and detestation they felt at an act of most barbarous and dastardly murder. (Hear, hear.) It was a very great privilege that they should have the opportunity of testifying to the world their deep feeling of horror at the crime which had been com mitted On the other side of the Atlantic, and that by their presence they should convey what was, alas ! but cold comfort, but such comfort as only they were able to express—their entire sympathy with their brethren at the great calamity which had overtaken them—(hear, hear)--and he should be surprised indeed if there was a man or woman in England, who was capable of forming a rational judgment, who would not express their sympathy with the resolution. (Applause.) Mr. GLOVER JOY supported the resolution, and made a deep impression on the meeting by relating various incidents of an interview he had with Presi dent Lincoln at' a time when Lee and Longstreet were so near Washington, that he (Mr. Joy) felt it very doubtful whether it would be safe to venture there from New York. He quoted various remarks which were made on that occasion by the illustrious man now departed, and said they certainly left a very pleasing impression, and a strong conviction that Abraham Lincoln, with all the weight of his great duties pressing upon him, had looked to a higher source of help than many men gave him credit for. (Cheers.) The resolution was carried unanimously, and also the following :—" That while deeply lamenting the removal of President Lincoln from his exalted posi tion at a time when his combined wisdom and bene volence seemed peculiarly needful to secure the peaceful and harnaoniousreconstruction of the Ame rican nation, this meeting earnestly hopes the sur viving statesmen of that great Republic may succeed in speedily and happily surmounting every obstacle to such a reconstruction, in accordance with the immutable principles of justice and freedom." The other speakers were Mr. Jowitt, Mr. F. Baines, Rev. 11. W. Williams (Wesleyan), Alderman Car ter, Rev. Eustace Conder (Independent), Rev. J. Blomfield (St, George's church), Mr. Tatham, Dr. Heaton, &c. It was alga resolved that copies of the resolutions be forwarded to the United States Government and to Mrs. Lincoln, the latter to be accompanied by an expression of the deep sympathy entertained by the people of Leeds for herself and her family in their heavy bereavement and affliction. HUDDERSFIELD. At a special meeting of the Council of the Hud dersfield Chamber of Commerce, held on Monday last, Mr. W. R. Haigh, the chairman, said that when the news of the assassination of President Lincoln first reached Huddersfield the feeling was one of incredulity, for the inhabitants could not realise that such an event had taken place; but when the details came the feeling was one of horror, and business was almost entirely suspended, business men being almost incapacitated for the ordinary avocations of life. The assassination of President Lincoln was a deed calculated to stagger their faith in humanity, and was a crime that every right minded man must loathe and detest, no matter what his opinions might be in reference to the struggle between the North and the South. It was only right that they should meet to give expression to their feelings in reference to the assassination of President Lincoln, who having been called to a high office in a troublous time had nobly performed the duties of that office, and had shown himself to be a kind, genial, merciful man. It became them to express their sympathy with the American nation on this occasion, when their leader had been shot down by a stealthy assassin. He hoped the Ameri cans would show moderation during this crisis, would be able to re-organise their disordered affairs, and would come out of the great rebellion even a wiser and a better country. In conclusion the chairman moved : " That this Chamber desires to record its profound sympathy and condolence with the Government and citizens of the United States of America on the occasion of the recent assassination of President Lincoln and attempted assassination of Mr. Secre tary Seward. These most atrocious crimes must excite the horror and indignation of all civilised nations ; and cannot, at this momentous crisis of American affairs, be too deeply deplored by all who recognise, as this Chamber does to its fullest extent, the single-minded patriotism and great ability with which President Lincoln has guided the destinies of his nation through almost unparalleled difficulties. The Chamber would also express its respectful sym pathy with the widow and family of the deceased President." The resolution, which was seconded by Mr. T. CRESSWELL, was carried unanimously. On the motion of Mr. ENGLAND, seconded by Mr. H. BROOK, it was resolved that the previous reso lution should be communicated to Mr. Stevenson, the American consular agent in Huddersfield, with a request that he would forward it through the proper channel to the American Government. WAKEFIELD. On Monday night a public meeting, convened by the Mayor (Mr. W. H. Lee), in compliance with a largely signed requisition soliciting him to do so, was held in the Sessions House, 'Wakefield, to give the inhabitants of the town an opportunity of pub licly expressing their detestation of the ghastly crime which has deprived the United States of America of their President, and plunged the family of the late Abraham Lincoln into mourning and woe. The meeting was presided over by the Mayor, and was largely attended. The Mayor, on opening the proceedings, in feeling terms alluded to the melancholy object which had brought them together, and passed a warm tribute of respect and admiration upon the character of Abraham Lin coln. Two resolutions were submitted to the meeting—the first expressive of sympathy with the American people on the dreadful calamity which had overtaken them ; and the second tender ing condolence to Mrs. Lincoln and her bereaved family. Both resolutions received the unanimous approval of the meeting, and were ordered to be sent to Mr. Adams, the American Minister in England, for the purpose of being forwarded to the proper quarters. As a practical way of show ing sympathy, it was pointed out during the meeting that an excellent opportunity was open to every one either to contribute money, clothing, or tools, to be transmitted to the liberated slaves, who are in great need. The Mayor opened the subscription with a gift of £5. HALIFAX. The Mayor of Halifax (Mr. Holdsworth), in com pliance with a numerously signed requisition, which bore the signatures of men of all political parties, has convened a public meeting of the inhabitants of the borough, to be held to-morrow evening, "to express sympathy with the American people and indignation at the horrible assassination of Presi dent Lincoln." NOTTINGHAM, On Monday evening, the Ist inst., a public meet ing of the inhabitants of Nottingham was held in the Exchange-hall for the purpose of expressing their opinion on the assassination of the late President of the United States. The Mayor (Mr. W. Page) occupied the chair, and among those present w ere Aldermen Birkin, Heymann, and Sylvester, Coun cillors Cox, Turner, &c. Mr. Alderman Birkin proposed the first resolution :—" That this meeting regards with horror, indignation, and abhorrence the appalling crime which has put an end to the life of the great and good President Lincoln, while it rejoices that the dastardly attempt on the life of Mr. Seward has not resulted in his death, and trusts that he may long be spared for the benefit of his coun try." The motion was carried. The following resolutions were also unanimously adopted That this meeting desires to record its profound sympathy with the people of the United States in this hour of national bereavement, and more especially with the widow of their twice-elected chief, the desolateness of whose grief is intensified by the atrocious nature of the deed which has snatched her husband from her side." " That this meeting devoutly trusts the wise, statesmanlike, and eminently conciliatory and Christian policy of the murdered President, so peculiarly suited to bind up the wounds of his bleed ing country, may not die with its author, but be carried forward by his successor to the speedy esta blishment of peace, liberty, law, and order, and happiness in that great country." The meeting was very unanimous, and the Mayor was deputed to convey the resolutions to Mr. Adams. NORWICII. A town's meeting was held here yesterday for the purpose of expressing sympathy with the American people and Government for the loss which they have sustained through the assassination of Mr. Lincoln. The Mayor (Mr. C. E. Tuck) presided, and stated that apologies had been received from the Bishop of Norwich and other gentlemen, for their u9avoidable absence. The Rev. Canon lleaviside, in a long and able speech, moved a resolution to the effect that the meeting desired to express the greatest regret at the calamity brought upon the people of the United States of America by the assassination of Presilent Lincoln ; that the V meeting regarded with horror and detestation the crime by which the President's life was sacrificed, and that in the name of the citi zens of Norwich it begged to offer to the Govern ment and people of the United States the most sin cere and earnest sympathy with them in the loss which had so suddenly befallen them. Mr. H. Birkbeck seconded the resolution, which was car ried ; and on the motion of Mr. Chancellor Evans, seconded by Mr. J. H. Tillett, it was agreed that the mayor should forward a copy of it to his Excel lency the American Minister for transmission to Washington. The following interesting extracts from a letter dated New York, April 18, were read by Mr. Tillett " The funeral of our good President will be re ligiously observed, and few hearts in this city, once so opposed to him, will fail to be sad. I never saw anything like it ; nothing is so easy of detection as insincere sorrow ; .nothing more plainly understood and felt than the true sorrow of a large community. The faces of Saturday and Sunday are never to be forgotten. . . . If the good man, good old honest Abe, could return to us, ho would ask out of his brave kind heart one change only in the pre sent national feeling ; he would allay the deep ter rible frenzy of the people against his 'murderer and his murderer's abettors. . . . The feeling is calmer now, and by the common consent of all parties Mr. Johnson has cordial support in his new and most trying position, and I firmly believe all will end well. I looked, as you know, on Mr. Lincoln as the safety-valve of that great people. He had in Mr. Seward the safest of his advisers. Mr. Seward is left to us. Of Mr. Johnson I have never said much. I respect him, however, as the only Southern senator who in 1861 did not turn traitor. He has worked manfully for the good cause ; he has been in peril of life and fortune for four long years; and it is our duty to forget his one fault and to seek only for his virtues. Confidence is generally of slow growth, but much is felt which four days ago was not felt. My fears are less and my hopes are more. By `common consent no business is done that can be avoided ; all efforts are directed to support the credit of the country, and it may be truly said that such a financial exhibit as Wall-street made on the 15th, 17th, and 18th of April, the three days following the President's assassination, was never made before anywhere under such disturbing circumstances." BRISTOL. On Monday evening a meeting was held at the Broadmead Rooms, Bristol, to express horror and indignation at the murder of President Lincoln. There were present in the hall, which was hung with black cloth, between 2,000 and 3,000 persons. The Major, Mr. W. Naish, who presided, said that he did so on the distinct understanding that American politics were not to be discussed. Mr. R. Chorlton, a leading member of the Society of Friends, moved the first resolution, expressing abhorrence of the crime which has been committed—sincere con dolence with Mrs. Lincoln, and the deepest sym pathy with the American people in their sorrow. He rejoiced in the outburst of feeling manifested all over England. It had been to him some slight alleviation of the profound grief caused in his mind by the terrible event. Mr. C. Nash, town-council lor, seconded the motion. He said that the warm supporters of the Southern cause among us had given President Lincoln the credit of being a thoroughly honest man and a true patriot, and that all classes, whatever their political opinions, united with them in their denunciation of the crime which had been committed. Mr. Herbert Thomas sup ported the resolution, which was unanimously adopted. Mr. Abraham Warren, town-councillor, moved the second resolution, that the meeting would convey to the American people their sincere desire that the war may speedily terminate. It was seconded by Mr. Handel Cossham, supported by Dr. Davey, and carried by acclamation. A motion to forward copies of the resolutions to the American Minister, and a vote of thanks to the Mayor, closed the proceedings. OVER DARWEN. A public meeting was held in the town's Assem bly-room, Over Darwen, near Blackburn, on Satur day evening, to condole with Mrs. Lincoln and family and the American people generally on the irreparable loss they have sustained by the assassi nation of President Lincoln. There was a crowded attendance, over which Mr. R. S. Ashton presided. He said that whatever differences of opinion there had been with respect to the war in America he was sure there was but one feeling with respect to the cruel murder of President Lincoln, which was so deep and strong that it must convince the American people that there was a deep brotherhood between them. (Loud applause.) The Rev. T. DAVIES moved :—" That the persons present at this meeting desire to express the feel ings which they as EnglUmen entertain with re gard to the assassination of the late Abraham Lin coln, President of the United States of America. They profoundly sympathize with the people of those States in the calamity which has befallen them by his sudden and lamented death, while they view with the utmost horror and detestation the atro cious crime which has so cruelly deprived his family, his country, and the world of his valuable services." There is no incident in history parallel to that which occasioned that meeting. The man who had been so foully murdered perhaps never showed himself to the world to such advantage as he had done during the past two months of his life, and he (Mr. Davies) felt some compunction with regard to his former estimate of Lincoln's character, for he was both a better and a greater man than he had once been disposed to admit. (Hear, hear.) He felt bound to say that Lincoln had never uttered a word or done a single act betokening a hostile spirit towards England. (Cheers.) Mr. ECCLES SHORROCK seconded the resolution. He said that with their feelings of deep regret for the death of Mr. Lincoln there must be mingled a sense of satisfaction at the wonderful unanimity with which the people of England had risen as one man to express their sense of sympathy on the sub ject. He was afraid that the loss of Lincoln's moderate and conciliatory counsels would be a serious thing for the South. The resolution was carried unanimously, as was another ordering copies of it to be sent to Mr. Adams to be forwarded to his Government and to Mrs. Lincoln. .THE WONDER OF FRENCHMEN AT THE SIMPLI CITY OF MR. GLADSTONE'S BUDGET is thus com mented upon by the Paris correspondent of the Times :—The astonishment expressed by some of the Parisian journals at Mr. Gladstone's financial exposition on Thursday even ing is somewhat amusing. They are astonished not only at its result; but also at the manner in which the Budget of a great empire is placed before the world so as to be com prehensible to the meanest capacity. The Temps describes it as characterized by marvellous simplicity. It is particu larly struck by the fact of the public debt being diminished by 441,150,000 f., the taxes diminished by an annual sum of nsarly 168,000,000 f., and the public revenue increased at the same time by 38,750,000 f. But they all seem actually bewildered at the thought that this has not prevented the *Ming of a formidable ironclad fleet, of "exaggerated for tifications," nor the equipment of Volunteers. "And yet," it says, "what a contraet would the history of French finance offer, did we take it up, not from the accession of the Imperial Government, nor even from the period vihich. the Chancellor of the Exchequer takes as the st.arting point for his calculations, but merely from the 14th of November, 1861, the date of the finan qal reforms set forth in the celebrated report of M. Fould !" The Debats declares that the most unheard-of, the most ' marvellous, and the most incredible of all—" the monster in the sense which the ancients , gave to the word, that is, a phenomenon contrary to the natural order of things"—is not so much the surplus of 43,185,000, nor the augmenta tion of income which has produced it, as the fact of the expenditure being 4611,000, or 14 millions of francs, less than that which had been voted by Parliament. "In other words, for we must put the picture before us in all its astonishing reality, the House of Commons had voted 467,730,000. The money was there in good and solid sovereigns ; he had only to hold out his hand to touch it, without discussion, without any indiscreet question, with out asking for fresh credits, and yet the Minister refrained, and spent only 466,462,000. We fear we should weaken the marvellous character of such a spectacle by any com ment of ours." And then what does the Chancellor of the Exchequer purpose doing with the estimated surplus of the coining financial year ? Why, instead of asking to spend it in costly undertaking; " called productive," he employs it in reducing taxes by which the public are immediately benefited, " and which," says the Debats, "is the much safer way." [ADvERnsEmExT.I---Holloway's Pills.—Unusually hot weather in the summer months is often productive of un pleasant consequences to many. The liver, the stomach, and bowels, in such cases, are more or less seriously affected, so that the natives of England are at certain seasons liable to some of the disasters which range in warm climates. People cannot have a more powerful curative than Hollo way's justly celebrated pills. They cool and purify the blood, and render the system less liable to any sort of irre , gularity, or, when disease is present, they . abate its force, and at last totally destroy it. Dysentery, biliousness, acidity .of the stomach, sick headache, and debility soon disappear before a course of these admirable pills. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOITRNALS. TlMES.—Yesterday evening the Government met with one of those little defeats which are seldom suffered without being, in some degree, deserved. When no party question is involved, a subject is generally debated on its merits, only those members who understand it attend and vote, and the decision is, consequently, for the most part just. For this reason we trust the Government will be prepared to make the concession to the Indian Army re commended by Captain Jervis. The terms of his motion are reasonable enough. They amount only to this, that her Majesty should redress such grievances complained of by Indian officers as were admitted by one of her own Com missions to have arisen by a departure from the assurances given to them by the Acts of 1858 and 1860. The discontent which has been the cause of this appeal to Parliament is no new thing. For the last six years there has been a notion among the officers of the late Company's army that they have been deceived and illused. Whether they have been thus deceived is the question in dispute between Captain Jervis and Sir Charles Wood, and it admits of much being said on both sides. But Captain Jervis has at any rate this cogent argument, that the officers really believe they have grievances, and that a duly authorised Commission reported that some of those grievances were real. It is said that these have been since redressed, but this is de nied by the officers ; and, indeed, the chief cause of discontent—the passing over of seniors by juniors through the operation of the Staff Corps—is unques tionably in full force. Eight years ago India was held by an army of more than 250,000 men,which bore nominally no direct allegiance to the Crown. Num bers of young men went out yearly to join regiments which were, in the eye of the law, but the hireling troops of a company of merchants. This theory was, of course, very different from the practice in later times. The ensigns and lieutenants who served under Clive or Coote were simply engaged and paid by the Company like its other servants, but towards the close of this great Corporatio n ' s rule the Indian officers were in reality as much in the service of the British Government as those who bore the Queen's commission. Their rights were protected by Par liament, their position was defined by rules which the Indian Government would not have changed, even if it had had the power. There were some disadvantages in belonging to the Company's rather than to the Queen's service, but, on the otjier hand, there were compensating advantages. The officer had only the field of India ; when he repassed the Cape of Good Hope he was but a civilian, or rather he was in the position of a soldier visiting a foreign country. In England he could have no active duty any more than in France or Prussia. He could not win glory on a Turkish or Crimean field, and must be content with such renown as was to be won by extending his country's dominions over the people of Asia. But, to balance all this, he had an honourable and it might be a brilliant career in the east. A country with 180 millions of people is a field large enough for the ambition of any man. The Indian officer received emoluments far larger than fall to the lot of mili tary men generally. He was engaged for a definite term of years, and when they were over he might return home with an income very different from the meagre allowance which constitutes our ordinary officers' half-pay. Then he might be, and often was, engaged in occupations of a civil nature. He might administer a turbulent district ; he might construct roads or canals, or make surveys, and re ceive from these duties not only fame, but sub stantial rewards. On the whole his profession was an eligible one, and he was worthy of it. The Indian officers have been, as a class, men of energy and re source, and many of them have been of conspicuous military genius. The system which made them, and which they upheld, did certainly collapse, but that was no fault of theirs, and no passage in their his tory is more brilliant than that which recounts the defection of the Sepoy army and the death-blo ot of the old Government. It is these men who are now complaining ; it is their grievances which Captain Jervis and Colonel Sykes press on the House of Commons. The long and elaborate answer of Sir C. Wood, full of the details and technicalities of adriairation may cause it to be thought that the case of the officers was disposed of ; for when so much is said with such apparent knowledge of the subject, it is difficult to believe that objections are not refuted. But, so far as we can see, there is nothing in Sir C. Wood's re ply which should pre vent the House of Commons or the Government from examining once more the system of which the Indian officers complain. The chief ground of com plaint is that the practice of promotion by seniority, to which they were accustomed and attached, has been superseded by the establishment of the Staff Corps, which is asserted to be nothin g e lse tha n a machinery for putting favoured officers over the heads of their seniors. Now, we would not listen too readily to the grumbling of any set of men, and if it can be shown that this Staff Corps is necessary for the improvement of the service, we shall not say a word against it. But the contrary is widely asserted. It is said, and with great probability of truth, that the real difficulty in India is to keep men with their regiments. There is always a tendency to prefer any thing to the regular and laborious duties of the sol dier's life, the monotony of camp and barrack. When, then, an officer is permitted to volunteer for the Staff Corps he enjoys a positive relaxa tion, escaping the performance of regimental duties. Yet it is to these men that promotion is liberally dealt out. As was stated last evening, a subaltern of five years' standing is pro moted on joining to be a captain, a captain of 20 years' standing becomes a major. n this manner in numbers of cases officers are superseded in their own regiments by others junior to themselves. As to the " bonus" system, which is now denounced as illegal, there is nothing that we can see so very reprehensi ble in it, and it was an efficient method of hastening promotion and obviating the chief objections to the system of rising by seniority. It is certainly less in vidious than the purchase system as it prevails in the Queen's Service. The answer of Sir C. Wood only showed that what had been donewas with the assent and by the advice of some of the chief authorities in India. Probably when the present rules were put in practice there was a notion that the conditions of mili tary service in India would vary widely from what they were before the mutiny. But nothing has hap pened to demand such a disappointment of the legiti mate hopes of a great number of faithful and veteran soldiers. Sir C. Wood endeavours to prove that the average term of service before rising to_given_ ranks has been shortened, so that promotion is more rapid than under the former system. But even if this were true, it would not lessen the in justice under which particular officers have suffered. It is at least a case for further inquiry, and we can not regret that the House of Commons has come to this decision. HERALD.—OnIy a very hold man would venture to class the Banking Act of 1844 with the triumphs of modern legislation. Tried by the principles of its most ardent supporters, it is theoretically unsound, and if tested by experience it is practically inefficient or positively injurious. In an era of free trade it raises a protected interest, and it recognises Govern ment intermeddling in affairs purely mercantile at a time when the tendency of public opinion is strongly against all superfluous state interference. It fixes an arbitrary and permanent standard for regulating the commerce of the country, and it rigidly requires an elastic and fluctuating agency to submit to re strictions which frequently become intolerable. Passed with the idea of preventing panics, it has been repeatedly found unequal to the task it under takes. If the arguments in its favour are wort i h any thing it should be of great and especial value n times of peculiar pressure, and yet it is just at those times that its operation has been suspended and its burden removed as one too grievous to be borne. The course of trade refuses to be bound by the fetters of mo dern system-mongers, and all endeavours to keep it at a point of Procrustean uniformity have been and must be unsuccessful. But it appears that none of these things move Mr. Gladstone. As every one knows, he is not a man to stick at trifles. He is quite prepared to accept the act of 1844 as the very embodiment of financial wisdom, and to make its principles the bases of further legislation of the same kind and character. When introducing the Bank notes Bill on Monday night it was u p on Si r R. P ee l' s much criticised measure that the Chancellor of the Exchequer took his stand. Though no one can ac cepthis propositions as inco n t r o v e r tible, it m ust be admitted that they were at least intelligible—a merit which the speeches of the right hon. gentleman do not always possess. Mr. Gladstone regards the right of issuing paper as a state prerogative, only to be ex ercised by Royal or statutory licence, and for which every one who uses it is bound to pay. And so he proposes to follow afar off in the footsteps of his political master. For the privilege of issuing notes the bankers are henceforth to pay at an augmented rate, and though the idea of giving this privilege to one establishment only is not yet to be realised Mr. Gladstone makes no secret of his desire for such a consummation. It is somewhat difficult to appre ciate the force of the reasoning by which the Chan cellor of the Exchequer has recommended this latest effort of his genius to the acceptance of the house. The act of 1844 was intended, among other things, to discourage the issue of notes by private firms or trading corporations, and hence that privilege was withheld from any bank established after the passi ng of the act. Rights already in existence were saved, but several events were enumerated on the happen ing of which the issue of any particular bank's notes was to cease and determine. It was hoped that by force of circumstances, or by their own free will the bankers' rights of issue would be forfeited or sur rendered, and that thus the way might be paved for the monetary millennium to be inaugurated when none but the national establishment shall issue a note, and when the Government shall be able to exact what terms it ple as e s for the " , concession of so lucrative a monopoly. But strange to say, the bankers have shown no disposition to avail them selves of those provisions. Like the chickens in the nursery rhyme, they won't come and be killed to please the Finance Minister. A few weak concerns may lose their privilege by failing or giving up busi ness, but the majority hold on with a persistencY which Mr. Gladstone regards with characteristic impatience. At th e p resen t ti me o f progress b e tells us that centuries must elapse before the comp lete triumph of the a c t o f 1844. As of course the notes of such banks would cease to circulate if the public refused to accept them in payment, it would seem that the nation in general is slow to perce i v e the , benefits which the act of 1844 i n sures to them, ari a , as a bank loses it s r i g ht o f i ssue w hen it cann ot meet its engagements it f o ll ows that in the esti mate of the Chancello r o f th e E xc hequer we ha ve a number of establi s h men t s ex i s ti n g among us which are not likely t o di e ou t f or som e hundreds °f years. But Mr. Gladstone cannot let well alone. A state of things with which the public are satisfied, and which evidently possesses considerable stabilitY, is not to be tolerated if it stands in the way of an act act passed by Sir R o b er t P ee l, an d of certa in changes desired by Mr. William Ewart Gladstone. Therefore the bankers are to have their " permissive bill." They are to have the power of conforming to Mr. Gladstone's ideas, and of adopting 31r • Gladstone's crotchets, any time in the next fifteel! years. If they come in and " conform," well and good, but if not—it is darkly hinted that it may be the worse for them. We have little anticipation that the sentiments of the bankers upon this sub ject will undergo any change. To issue notes Par t able on demand has always been one of the mo s valuable portions of the banking trade, an d so long as the members of that t ra d e are alive to their oval._, interests they will refuse to relinquish one obi s !, source of their profits. Of c o urse , if there were all/ great evil to be remedied, or any great public ad vantage to be gained, it would be Mr. Gladstone ° duty to persevere with his measure, no matter holy the bankers regarded it or what opposition ell offered to it. But it is not on such grounds thatch ,11 e rights of private banks of iss u e ar e now ass ailed. v i. the Chancellor of the Eichequer's own showing , t he public have so much confidence in these notes that they are likely to go on taking them for centuries. In this, as in other matters, however, the ell t a s ,, cellor of the Exchequer is looking to the day wheel he shall be at the head of a Radical Cabinet, an able to do many things that are just now iiielted dient. " The establishment of a compulsory final system" of centralised banking may net Jet now be more practicable than the enfranchiseu B of the great unwashed or the spoli at i on of Irish Church Establishment. But something ulf be done towards accomplishing that object. the the thin end of the wedge be got in nevr.„t driving it home may be left to some more conveulr—, season. For our own part, we must confess °u est) selves unable to discover any solid reasons forth , o . continual endeavours to get the privilege of issue bank-notes into the hands of one establistrat i t o As was pointed out by Sir Stafford Northcote , t security of the public might be insured to a g); ) , extent by regulating each bank's issue of noteselva the amount of bullion in hand, as is already by the Scotch banks, and by the Bank of Eng,'„" c ie itself. Bankers themselves tell us that a mult i of small accounts is preferable to a few great ono- We know not why this rule should not have a ' the tomers' side ; why it should not be better fer m . oo notes in circulation to represent a number of buln eo reserves in various parts of the country, than v ia enormous sum locked up in the bank cellars eet Threadneedle-street. The reference to the re t he failure at Birmingham did n ot gr e a tly hell ) ,ith Chancellor's case. If the state is to interfere hies the issue of bank-notes because a firm with liab i l l b o f amounting to a million has issued £20,000 wu r i ; t tle notes, we ought to push the' argument a', ro , farther, and sag- that, in the interest of depcsa n ' y e e: the state ought to keep everybody's banking Ate , count, as well as to issue everybody's bank 1Z If the inconvenience o f th ose w h o h o ld grhy' h . o ri worth of notes is a rea son f or l eg i s l a ti on , that of depositors who ha v e £980,000 o n tilepr fo icl of an insolvent concern is a reason 11 ' 11 ;, - 0 ,3 stronger. We are sure that not even Mr. Glae.,;jr, will as yet advocate the opening of a national n Ar . with branches everywhere, for the benefit of sub ing depositors, and very little more satisfactql s ti. the reasoning by which similar interference is fieden o bhalf of noteholders. COUNTRY MARKETS LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. en d We had a good attendance at our market tO -4 ' 3 ' 9 o f there was a good show of wheat, at Friday's adiran c ` 3 r per cental, but it was rather reluctantly paid. go d at last Tuesday's prices. Indian corn offered free A nd prices are a little irregular. Oats and oatmeal scar' e ' fully as dear. Beans are up is per qr. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. , ol aiii i ll There was a good att en d ance , an d th e m4303 7 °' ' ud {or bulk and sample was large. There was a good dontoor• the better qualities of wheat, and p r i ces is per qr. m ' Beans 6d higher, and oats in demand at full prices. ~ ,1 3 o i Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels... l6s Od to a f,„ 0,1 White do do Os 61 , 03 New red do do 165 Oct ;7 os 01 New white do do '6O 6 ;' ns Od Beans do do lss td 42 , 0,1 Peas, per qr. Grinding ba ley, per qr 3Us Od ;,, 0 Od Halting barley, uo 328 Od 1 0 oa Oats, do 23s Od 2 F10ur....1s 6d to is gd per 111 b. LEEDS—TUESDAY. Wh eat There is a fair show of grain this week. Th e lir Ave trade to-day is firm, and our millers are compelled t° is per qr. more mon e y th an l a st Tuesday. No chaug° barley. Oats and beans each rather dearer. 0 The average prices for the week ending May l " iv , i e— o ft . tat Wheat, 40s lid per qr.; barley, 32s 4, lO-41 7 • and 23s llfd. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TtrzsDAY. -"-1 st There was a seasonable supply of w heat to-day, ant, week's prices declined. Oats m et a free sale at rem tive rates. Beans the turn dearer. Not much barley ° show. White wheat, 40s to 44s ; red, 378 to 40s per 36 ston,.e: Barley for malting, 32s to —s per qr ; feed, 25s to 309 P; 30 stone. Oats . 18s to 255. Beans, old, 41s to 44s • II"' 36s to 438 per qr. M t OE—oNDAY. There has M not been NMOUT.HSHIR a large supply of English wh en )0 the markets, and prices getting firmer, and an advan ce itetl, been obtained for flue qualities. Foreign wheat 1iT, 00 4 the tendency being in favour of sellers. Oats aud, w ithout alteration. Grinding barley an average stu ° ' t, 44 The following are the average quotations 1 0 10d to 5s 6d per bushel ; barley, 3s ld to 3s 7d lid to 2s 6d. Foreign Mail Packet List. • go Australia and New Zealand, via So u thampton ..... s. gal ' Ditto, via Marseilles 4. 310 Brazil and Cape Vcrds. by British paoLet ......... gg, Ditto, by French packet ... Bli / i 5, ..... .... s ., 2 Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.••••°: „g. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampt oll ..T,t, 13 , Ditto, via Marseilles ..................... . ..... '''' Falkland Islands .................................. goy 9. Gibraltar, via Southampton ............. :gtor India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton•••• sl aY 15. Ar Ditto, via Marseilles . ..... MAY 11 n. India (Bombay), via Southampton . ................ s. 1 0 / Ditto, via Marseilles .. . .•. j„ .1150 6. Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via MarseiLe ........................ . ,1* • Newfoundland .......... Portugal •••• Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... ............ United States and. British North America, bY Bry. arity tish packet .......... . • .- Ditto. by United States packet, via Southall*" ton Ditto, via Cork ....... . ...................... „ to 6 Ditto, by Canadian packet, via LondonderrY• . day 1g• West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ..... West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas , CU /114 ga 16. and Mexico .................. .............. Bahamas, via New Y ork. ........................... 1 g. Bermuda, ditto . ............. Eby . 9. Cuba and Mexico ........................... - ... Births. . 8enu ...0,_ of 6 ' 1 : 1 BENITAM.—On the 2d lust Welbeck-street, of a inst., • 13* Frederick GILDEA.—On the 29th ult ~l tr the wife of Major thj " - Re., of a daughter. * ~,u a. 81°' MYRTLE.On the 30th ult., at Harrogate, Myrtle, of a son. ;hi of pr. the W— LIENARD W RI LW IIW ier- Tli Str 7 e_e arriages. IP, une-street, Londo 13A ci°41 ..s, Chapel . 7 Emily, second dau titer 'of gishwortli, " g r Thomas 32, Pall-mall. WARDLE—SALT.--On the Ist inst., at Stapenhill ul' et ch, 4n o n K tl rci e l 0 2 p 9 ai t te h ro u I .red t L . 1 3, iraeitdr the gar \filssgqi A.: ot o of aa totr °l l: Henry, son of F. Wardle, Esq., of Ilighfield, -l e Tho - Trent, to Mary Ellen, eldest daughter of the la Fosbrooke Sal; Esq., of Stapenhill Liouse. d ie • D eaths. 30 BRIDGES.—On the 30th ult., at Exeter, Thomas Bridges, R.N., aged 26. ilc 4W BUSUBY.—On the 25th ult., at St. Helier's, Jerso9l Admiral Thomas Bushby, aged 64. al . Jobe COSTELLO.—On the 2d inst., at 54, Acacia-road, P-• wood, Mary Frances, wife of Dudley C o stell • Ile b a rd, • N‘ r HEBAED.—On the Ist inst., at Hammersmith,b, Esq., aged 66. oicW tDi rim.—On the 30th ult., at Lynbury Lodge, 131 a K Richard Kidd, Esq., of Fenchurch- s t r eet, cal . i . to . IV. MARKsy.—On the 30th nit., Sophia, H. Markby, of Duxf d S Peter, Carob s ' , or . , • k N ft I , C , °: London: Printed and bhed by WILLIAIt,: 9 Dlo i•- 1 , of No. 112, Strand, Piintcr, at TUE SIIN Owce , ... t y 0 , ut the CC .- Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, Middlesex. —Wednesday, May 3, 1865. wife of the THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 3, 1865 ,