The Sun. — London, England, 1866-02-23 00:00:00

AMERICA. - ARRIVAL OF TIIE NEW YORK. SOtTIII9tPTON 7 Thursday. The North German Lloyd screw steamship New York, Captain K. von Oterendorp, from New York on the 10th inst.,7arrived off GoweS this evening, and went on to Bre men after transnipping mails, &c., for this port. She brings 30 passengers for Southampton and Havre, and 107 for Bremen; 8246,952 in specie (of which $183,500 is bar silver and. $63,452 gold) for England, $2,000 for Bre men, .41 bags of mails for London and 98 for Bremen, and a large cargo of general merchandise. The New York pilot, Mr. John N. Dale, could not be landed at Sandy hcl :;1 (1 to he l 2 rowy,l , t or-r to Southampton. On the 2tg, at 2 p m., in long. 7 15 W., the New York 6volie the hark Julien, bound west. On the 9th inst. the President transmitted to the Ifouse of Representatives at Washington co mmunications from the Secretary at War anti the Attorney-General, in reply to a recolution requestinghim,ic net incompatible with the public interests, to furnish any report or reports made by the Judge-Advocate-General, or any other officer of the Government, as to the grounds, facts, or accusations upon which Jefferson Davis, Clement C. Clay, jun., Stephen R. Mallory, and David L. Yule, or either of them, are held in confinement. The Attorney-General says to the Presi dent : _ _ _ -- Sundry reports of the facts which go to show that Jef ferson Davis and other rebels have been guilty of high crimes have been made to you, as the chief executive officer of the Government. Most of the evidence on which they are based was obtained ex parte, without notice to the ac cused ; and while they were in custody in military prisons their publication might wrong the Government, or the ac cused; or both. While I see that much wrong may flow from the publication, I cannot see that any good would come from it. In my opinion public and private justice alike demand that they should not be made public." The Secretary of War says to the President : "These reports were made for your own information, and contain abstracts of evidence and ex parte proof in pos session of the Bureau of Military Justice. Pending any action in respect to the parties accused, the publication of the report is, in my opinion, incompatible with the public interest." The President concurs in these opinions. Despatches from Washington give the following relative to the Canadian Commission and the Reciprocity Treaty : " The Con:erence between the Canadian Commission that havJ been here a few weeks endeavouring to arrange for re ciprocal trade with that province and the House Committee ou Ways and Means was broken off on the 6th inst., and the delegation left for home on the Bth. In one sense they have accomplished nothing, but in another their mission will probably not be fruitless. But little was allowed to transpire concerning their power to act for their Govern ment, the nature of the propositions submitted, or the spirit in which the latter were received by our officials and the committee with which they directly negotiated. Their meetings with the committee were at first purposely info:, ma], so that the official or semi-official correspondence is very brief indeed, and gives no information concerning details. "The following memoranda, marked A, B, and C, show the propositions and co rater-propositions referred to, and substantially cover all the correspondence between the ptrtis MEMORANDA. "'Washington, D. C., Feb. 2, 1866. " ' The trade between the United States and the British provinces should, it is believed, under ordinary circum stances, be free in reference to their natural productions; but as internal taxes exceptionally exist in the United States, it is now proposed that the articles embraced in the free list of the Reciprocity Treaty should continue to be exchanged, subject only to such duties as may be equivalent to that internal taxation. It is suggested that both parties may add certain articles to those now in the said list. With reference to the fisheries and the navigation of the in ternal-waters of the continent, the British provinces are willing that the existing regulations should continue in effect ; but Canada is willing to enter into engagements with the view of improving the means of access to the ocean, provided the assurance be given that the trade of the Western States will not be diverted from its natural channel by legislation ; and if the United States are not prepared at present to consider the general opening of their coasting trade it would appear desirable that as regards the internal waters of the continent no distinction should be made between the vessels of the two countries. if the foregoing points be satisfactorily arranged, Canada is willing to adjust her excise duties upon spirits, beer, sad tobacco on the best revenue standard whicli'may be mutu ally adopted after full consideration of the subject, and if it be desired to treat any other articles in the same way the disposition of the Canadian government is to give every fa cility in their power to prevent illicit trade. With regard to the transit trade it is Suggested that the same regulations should exist on both sides and be defined by law. Canada is also prepared to make her patent laws similar to those of the United States. "'MEMORANDUM D. a In response to the memorandum of the Hon. Mr. Galt and his associates, the Hon. Mr. Smith, the Hon. Mr. Henry, and the Hon. Mr. Howland, the- Committee of Ways and Means, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, are prepared to recommend to the House of Representatives for their adoption a law providing for the continuance of some of the measures included in the Reciprocity Treaty, soon to expire —viz., for the use and privileges as enjoyed now under said treaty in the waters of Lake Michigan, pro vided the same rights and privileges are conceded to the citizens of the United States by Canada in the waters of the St. Lawrence and its canals as are enjoyed by British sub jects, without discrimination as to tolls and charging rates proportioned to canal distance ; also for the free transit of goods, wares, and merchandise in bonds, under proper regu lations, by railroad across the territory of the United States to and from Portland and the Canada line ; provided equal privileges shall be conceded to the United States from Winisor or Port Sarnia, or other western points of depar ture to Buffalo or Ogdensburg, or any otherpoints eastward, and that the free ports established in the provinces shall be abolished; also that the bounties now given to American fishermen shall be repealed, and duties not higher imposed on fish than those mentioned in schedule A, providing that all the right of fishing near the shores existing under the treaty heretofore mentioned shall ba granted and conceded by the United States to the provinces, and by the provinces to the United States. It is also further proposal that the following list of articles shall be mutually free—viz.; Burr millstones, unwrought, cotton and linen rags, fire-wood, grindstones, rough or unfinished, gypsum, or plaster un vaund. Schedule A. - $1 50e. per barrel; herring, pickled or salted, $1 per barrel; salmon, $2 50c. per barrel ; shad, $2 per barrel ; all other fish, pickled, $1 50c. per barrel, provided that any fish in Packages other than barrels shall pay in proportion to the rates charged upon similar fish in barrels. All other fish, ie. per lb. As to the duties which will be proposed upon the other articles included in the treaty, the following are submitted, viz :—Animals, living, of all sorts, 20 per cent. ad valorem; apples and garden ft uit and vegetables, 10 per cent. ad valorem ; barley, 15c. per bushel ; beans, except vanilla and castor oil, 30c. per bushel ; beef, lc. per lb. ; buckwheat, 17e. per bushel ; butter, 4c. per lb.; cheese, 4e per lb„; corn, Indian, and oats, 10e. - per bushel ; corn meal, Lahan, and oatmeal, 15c. per bushel ; coal, bitu minous, 50c. per ton ; all other coal, 25e. per ton ; ileur, 23 per cent. ad valorem;, barns, 2e.. per lb.; hay, $1 per ton ; hides, 10 per cant. ad valorem; lard, 3c. per lb. ; lumber, pine, round or log, $1 50c. par 1,000 feet; ping, sawed or hewn, $2 50c. per 1,000 ft.; planed, tongued, and grooved, or finished, 25 per cent. ad valorem; spruce and hemlock, sawed or hewn, $1 par I,oooft. ; spruce, planed, finished, or partly finished, 25 per cent. ad valorem; shingle, bolts, 10 per cent. ad valorem; shingles, 20 per cent. ad valorem.; all other lumber of black walnut, chest nut base, white wood, ash, oak, round, hewed or sawed, 20 per cent. ad valorem; if planed, tongued, or grooved, or finished, 25 per cent. ad valorem; ores, 10 per cent. ad valorem; peas, 25c. per bushel ; pork, le. per lb. ; potatoes, IO per bushel ; seed, timothy and clover, 20 per cent. ad v p ": r c on ; trees, pl an t and sh:-u'o, ornamental and fruit, 15 buceutt. ad raloreln tallow, 2c. per . lb.; wheat, 20e. per u' MEMORANDUM C. In reference to it , i -.- " ' Washington, Feb. 6: the memorandum received from th e Committee of N n s regret to bo obligeTitonna Means the provincial delegates not s o state that the proposals therein con tained in regard t o not soechornmercial relations between the two countries is . they can recommend for the adoption of the respe c ti ve l a e s gtishxtures. The imposts which it is proposed to lay upon entry into 00 productions of the British Provinces on their opinio n market s of the United seriously u u will be in some cases States are such as in their mposstsly.interfero with the prohibitory, and will certainly t, ran are so much beyond Da and course of trade. These i qu t iv h a e lent for the what the delegates conceive to committee reluc internal taxation of the United States that tautly brought to the conclusion that the longer desire the . trade between the two countries to " carried on upon the principles of recipro c it y. with o t te o COICICUITNICO of the British Minister at Washin gton, the y p e etfully to decline to enter into are therefore caiged r es the engagement soggosted iu the memorandum ; but tiro present views of the United States may soon be so modified as to permit of the interelnlnfm of the productions of the two countries upon a more liberal i.,:isis.' " • --- STRIKE OF MARoNs.—On Monday morning the Durham masons turned out on strike for a rise of wages born 28s. to 30s. per week, and shorter hours of labour, and three months hence for a half-holiday on Saturdays. MARYLEBONE INSTITUTE AND CLUB.—On Mon • day last, Feb. 19, a lecture was delivered by Mr. Uiiarivs John Brett, entitled "Au Evening with Tom Ileca:2' It consisted of a critical dissertation upon the life tqld writings of the poet, illustrated by a varied and ean.tertaining selection from his works, and the object of 4eoco;:eu:e was t o render apparent the wonderful versatility 'f 2 i genius, w hil e c l a i m i ng f or hi m a muc h higher position in the poetic ranks than has been generally deemed Lis d ue . The attendance was ‘ good, and the lecture was received w i t h marked applause President Johnson and the Negroes. A delegation of coloured representatives from different States of America now in Washington to urge the interests of the coloured people before the Government had an inter view with President Johnson on the 7th insf Among the members of the delegation was Frederick Douglass. The President shook hands with him first, and then with each of the other members. The first speaker (Mr. G. T. Down- ing), who addressed the President, said that the coloured people were not satisfied with the amendment prohibiting slavery, but wished it to be enforced by appropriate legis lation. They cherished the hope that they might be fully enfranchised, not in one district alone, .but throughout the land : anything less than that would be less than their just due. The rest of the proceedings are thus reported in the Nsw Yell; p, y•rs : Frederick Douglass advanced and addressed the Presi ) dent, saying —Mr. President, We are not hero to enlighten t you, sir, as to your duties as the chief magistrate of this • republic, but to show our respect, and to preient in brief ) the claims of our race to your favourable consideration. In • the order of Divine Providence you are placed in a position where you have the power to save or destroy us—to bless or blast us—l mean our whole race. Your noble and hu mane predecessor placed in our hands the sword to assist in saving the nation, and we do hope that you, his able successor, will favourably regard the placing in our hands the ballot with which to save ourselves. We shall submit no argument on that point. The fact that we are the sub jects of Government and subject to taxation, to volunteer in the service of the country, subject to being drafted, sub ject to bear the burdens of the State, makes it not improper that we should ask to share in the privileges of the condi tion. I have no speech to make on this occasion. I simply make these observations as a limited expression of the views and feelings of the delegation with which I have come. The following is substantially the response of the Presi dent :—ln reply to some of your inquiries—not to make a speech about this matter, for it is always best to talk plainly and distinctly about such questions—l will say that if I have not given evidence in my former course that I am a friend of humanity, and to that portion of it which con stitutes the colon• ed population, I can give no evidence hereafter. Everything that I have had, both as regards life and property, has been perilled in this cause; and I feel and think that I understand, not to be egotistical, what should be the true direction of this question, and what course of policy would result in the amelioration and ultimate eleva tion, not only of the coloured, but of the great mass of the people of the United States. I say that if I have not given evidence that I am a friend of humanity, and especially the friend of the coloured man, in my past conduct, there is nothing that I can dc that would. I repeat—all that I possessed—life, liberty, and property—have been put in connection with that question, when I had every induce ment held out to take the other course, by adopting which I would have accomplished ; perhaps, all that the most ambitious might have desired. If I know myself and the feelings of my own heart, they have been for the coloured man. I have owned slaves and bought slaves, but I never sold one. I might say, however, that practically, so far as my connection with slaves has gone, I have been their slave instead of they being mine. Some have even fol lowed me here, while others are occupying and enjoying my property with my consent. For the coloured race my means, my time, my all have been perilled; and now, at _ _ _ this late day, after giving evidence that is tangible, that is practical, I am free to say that I do not like to be an aigned by some who can get un handsomely rounded periods and deal in rhetoric, and talk about abstract ideas of liberty, who never perilled life, liberty, or property. This kind of theoretical hollow friendship amounts to but very little. While 1 say I am a friend of the coloured race, I do not want to adopt a policy I believe will end in a contest be tween the races which, if persisted in, will result in the ex termination of ono or the other. God forbid I should be engaged in such work. Now it is always best to talk prac tically and in a common-sense way. I have said, and I re peat here, that if the coloured men in the United States could find no other Moses, nor any Moses that would be more able and efficient than myself, I would be their Moses to lead them from bondage to freedom ; that I would pass them from a land where they had lived in slavery to a land, if it were within our reach, of freedom. I would be willing to pass with them through the Red Sea to the land of pro mise, to the'land of liberty. But lam not willing, under either circumstance, to adopt a policy which I believe will only result in the sacrifice of his life and the shedding of his blood. I think 1 know what I say. I feel what I say, and I feel well assured that if the policy urged by some bo persisted in it will result in great injury to the white as well as coloured man. There is a great deal of talk about the sword in one hand accomplishing an end, - and the ballot accomplishing another at the ballot-box. These things aro all very well, and sometimes have forcible application. We talk about justice, we talk about right, we say the white man has been in the wrong in keeping the black man so long in slavery. That is all true. Again, we talk about the declaration of independent equality befooe the law. You under Stand all that, and know haw to appreciate it. But now let us look each other in the face. Let us go to the great mass of coloured men in the slave States. Letus take the condition in which they are in at the present time, and it is bad enough, we all know, and suppose by some migic touch you could say to every one," You shall vote to-mor row." How much would that ameliorate their condition at this time? Let us get closer to the subject and talk about it. What relation has the coloured man and the white man heretofore occupied in the South? 1 opposed slavery on two grounds. First, it was a great monopoly, enabling those who controlled it to constitute an aristocracy, enab ling the few to derive great profits, and rule the many with an iron rod, as it were ; and that is one great ob jection to it in a government, it being a monopoly. 1 was opposed to it, secondly, upon the abstract principle. In getting clear of a monopoly we were getting clear of slavery at the same time. So ycu see there.were two ends accomplished in the accomplishment of the ono. Mr. Douglass—Mr. President, do you wish— The President—l am not quite through yet. Slavery has been abolished. A great national guarantee has been given —one that cannot be revoked. I was getting at the relation that existed between the white man and the black man. A very small proportion of white persons, compared with the whole number of such, owned the coloured people of the South. I might instance the State of Tennessee. In illustration, there were 27 non-slaveholders, and yet the slave power controlled that State. Let us talk about this matter as it is. Although the coloured man was in slavery there, and owned as property, in the sense and in the lan guage of that locality, and of that community, yet in com paring his condition and his position with the non-slave holder, he usually estimated his importance just in propor tion to the number of slaves that his master owned with the non-slaveholder. Have you never lived upon a plan tation ? Mr. Douglass —I have, your excellency. The President When you would look cver and see a man who had a large family, struggling hard upon a poor piece of land, you thought a great deal less of him than you did of your own master ? Mi. Douglass—Not I. The President—Well, I know such was the caso with a large majority of you. In those sections where such is the case, we know there is an enmity— we know there is a hate. The poor white man, on the other hand, was opposed to the slave and his master, for the coloured man and his master, combined, kept Lim in slavery by depriving him of a fair participation in the labour and production of the rich lands of the country. Do you know that the coloured man in going to hunt a master, as they call it, for the next year, preferred hiring to a man who owned slaves rather than to one who did not? I know the facts, at all events. Mr. Douglass—Because they treated him better. The President—They did not consider it quite as re spectable to hire to a man who did not own negroes as to hire to one who did. Mr. Douglass—Because he wouldn't be treated as well. The President—Then that is another argulitent in favour of what I am going to say. It shows that the coloured man appreciated the slave owner more highly than he did the man who did not own slaves. Hence the enmity be tween the coloured man and the non-sluveholdors. The white man was permitted to vote before the government was derived from him. Ire is a part and parcel of the poli tical machinery now, by rebellion or revolution ; and when you come back to the objects of this war you find that the abolition of slavery was not one of the objects. Congress and the President declared that it was on our part in order to suppress the rebellion. The abolition of slavery has come as an incident to the suppression of a great rebellion —as an incident we should give to it proper direction. The coloured man went into this rebellion a slave; by the ope ration of the rebellion he came out a freedman, equal to a freedman in other portions of the country. There is a great deal done for hint on this point. The non-slave holder who was thus forced into the rebellion, and was as loyal as those that lived beyond the limits of the State, was carried into it, and his property, and in a number of instances the lives of such were sacrificed, and he who has survived has come out of it with nothing gained, but a great deal lust. Now, upon a principle of justice, should they be placed in a condition different from what tEk y were before ? Oa the one hand, one has gained agreat deal; o n th e o th er h an d , ono h as l ost a great deal, and in a political point of view scarcely stands where he did b e f ore. Nov, we are talking about where . we are going t o b egin. We havehe querygot at t c h o e in h e t s tt u e that vh 0 7: e t r e t d h b e s e e - tween the t wo races. two races, s i tuated as they were before, without prepara tion,P without ti me for o the slightest improvement— whether the on e should be r passion and excitement to be ap plased, a n d without timeallot turned loose upon the oth er an d be thrown to ge th er at the b boxhrewithq_‘su? i erycomes up, Will thisthi think enmity n (l a enrd hate existing bet ween them ? T we not there comme nce a wet of a when t stand this thing; and espec i ally is this the case force it upon a people with out their consent.' y e ot l you spoken about government. Wh ere i s power derived from e? We say it is derived from the p eo pl e . L et us take it To and refer to the district of Columbia by way o f i llustration. ' Stippose, for instance, here' in this political community, which, to a certain extent, must have government, must have law, and, putting it upon the broadest, basis you can, take into consideration the relation which the white has heretofore borne to the coloured race, is it proper so to force upon, this community, without their consent, the elective franchise, without regard to colour, making it universal ? Now, where do you begin ? Government must have a controlling power—must have a lodgment• For instance, suppose Congress should pass a law autho rising an election to bo held, at which all over twenty-one years of age, without regard to colour, should be allowed to vote, and a majority should decide at such election that the elective franchise should be universal, what would you do about it ? Who would settle it ? Do you deny that first great principle of the right of the people to govern themselves ? Will you resort to an arbitrary power, and say a majority of the people shall receive a state of things they are opposed to ? Mr. Douglass—That was said before the war. The President—l am now talking about a principle, not about what somebody said. _ . Mr. Downing—Apply what you have said, Mr. Presi dent, to South Carolina, for instance. The Pre.ldent—Suppose you nn to South Carolina or to Ohio, that does not change the principle at all. The query to which I have referred still comes up when go7ernment is undergoing a fundamental change. Government com menced upon this principle, and has existed upon it, and now you propose to incorporate an element that did not exist before in it. I say the query comes up in undertak ing this thing, whether we have a right to make a change in regard to the elective franchise - in Ohio, for instance. Whether we shall not let the people in that State decide the matter for themselves. Each community is better pre pared to determine the depository of political power than anybody else, and it is for the Legislature_ or the people of Ohio to say who shall vote or not for the Congress of the United States. I might go down hero to the ballot box to-morrow and vote directly for universal suffrage, but if a great majority of the people said "No," I should consider it would be tyrannical and arbitrary in me to attempt' to force it upon them without their will. It is a fundamental text in my creed that the will of the people must be obeyed when fairly expressed. Is there anything wrong or unfair in that? Mr. Douglass (smiling)—A great deal wrong, Mr. Presi dent, with all respect. The President—The people must determine this ques tion for themselves. Ido not want to be engaged in a work that will commence a war of races. In each com munity if a man demeans himself well, and shows that this new state of affairs will operate well, ho will be protected in all his rights and given every possible advantage by that community, when they have become reconciled socially and politically to certain things. Then will this now order of affairs work harmoniously. But forced upon the people before they aro prepared for it, it will be re sisted and work inharmoniously. I feel a conviction that, forcing that matter upon tho people, upon the com munity, will result in the injury of both races and the ruin of one or the other. God knows I have no desire but the good of the whole human race. I would it were so thatall you advocated could be done in the twinkling of an eye ; but it is not in the nature of things, and I do not assume or pretend to be wiser than Providence, or stronger than the laws of nature. Let us now seek to discover the laws governing this question. There is a great law controlling it. Let us endeavour to find out what the law is and con form our action to it. All the details will then properly adjust themselves, and work well in the end. God knows that anything I can do in the mighty process by which the great end is to be reached—anything I can do to elevate the races, to soften and ameliorate their condition, I will do ; and to be able to do so is the sincere desire of my heart. lam glad to have met you, and I thank you for the compliments you have paid me. Mr. Douglass—l have to return you our thanks, Mr. President, for so kindly granting us this interview. We did not come here expecting to argue this question with your excellency, but simply to state what were our views and wishes iu the premises. If we worn disposed to argue the question, and you wouldgrant us permission, of course wo would endeavour to controvert some of the positions you have assumed. Mr. Downing—Mr. Douglass, I take it that the Presi dent, by his kind expressions and his very full treatment of the subject, must have contemplated some reply to the views which he has advanced, and in which we certainly do not concur, and I say this with due respect. The President—l thought you expected me to indicate to some extent what my views were on the subjects touched upon in your statement. Mr. Downing—We aro very happy indeed to have heard them. Mr. Douglass—lf the President will allow me, I would like to say one or two words in reply. The President—All I have done is simply to indicate what my views are, as I supposed you expected me to from your address. Mr. Douglass—My own impression is that the very thing your excellency would avoid in the Southern States can only be avoided by the very measure that we propose; and I would state to my brother delegates that, because perceive the President has taken . strong ground in favour of a given pollen and distrusting my own ability to remove any of those impressions which he has expressed, I thought we had better end the interview with the expression of thanks. (Addressing the President.) But if your excel lency will be pleased to hear, I would like to say a word or two in regard to that one matter of the enfranchisement of the blacks as a means of preventing the very thing which your excellency seems to apprehend—this is, a conflict of races. The President—l repeat, I merely wanted to indicate my views n reply to your address, and not to enter into any genera fl controversy, as I could not well do so under the circumstances. Your statement was a very frank ono and I thought it was due to ycu to meet it in the same spirit. Mr. Douglass—Thank you, sir. The President—l think you will find, so far as the South is concerned, that, if you will all inculcate this idea in connection with the one you urge, the coloured people can live and advance in civilisation to better advantage else where than crowded together in the South ; it would bo better for them. Mr. Douglass—But the masters have the making of the laws, and we cannot get away from the plantations. The President—What prevents you ? Mr. Douglass—We have not the simple right of loco motion thrOugh the Southern States. The President—lf the master now controls the freed man, would he not control his vote ? - a---- - Election Intelligence. - - 4 1. - CITY OF LONDON. Mr. Douglass—Let the negro once understand that he has an organic right to vote, and he will raise up a party in the South among the poor cvho will rally with him. There is this conflict that you speak of between the wealthy slaveholder and the poor man. _ _ _ Tha President—Yon touch right upon the point there. There is this conflict, and hence I suggest emigration if he cannot got employment in tho South. IL has it in his power to go where he can get it. In parting, the President said they were both desirous of accomplishing the same ends, but proposed to do so by following different roads. Mr. Douglass, on turning to leave, remarked to his fel low-delegates, " The President sends us to the people, and we will have to go and get the people right." The President:-Yes, sir. I have great faith in the people. I believe that they will do what is just, and have no doubt they will settle this question right, and hope that it will be submitted to them for final action. The delegates then bowed and withdrew. On the day succeeding that on which this interview took place, the delegation published a reply to the President, in which they state their belief that the views and opinions he had expressed were "entirely unsound," and prejudicial to the highest interests of the negro race and of the coun try. They take exception to his attempt to base a policy adverse to the enfranchisement of the blacks upon an al leged hostility of the former slaves to the poor whites of the South. They urge that ho commits an error in draw ing an argument from an incident of a state of slavery, and making it a basis for a policy adapted to a state of freedom. They add:— Besides, even if it were true, as you allege, that the hostility of the blacks toward the poor whites must neces sarily be the same in a state of freedom as in a state of slavery, in the name of Heaven, we reverently ask, how can you, in view of your professed desire to promote the welfare of the black man, deprive him of all means of de fence, and clothe him whom you regard as his enemy in the panoply of plitical power? Can it be that you would recommend a policy which would arm the strong and cast down the defenceless ? Can you by any possibility of rea soning regard this as just, fair, or wise? Experience proves that those aro oftenest abused who can be abused with the greatest impunity. Men aro whipped oftenest who aro whipped easiest. Peace between races is not to be secured by degrading ono race and exalting another; by giving power to one race and withholding it from another ; but by maintaining a state of equal justice between all parties. Of the colonisation theory that you were pleased to broach very much could be said. It is impossible to suppose, in view of the usefulness of tho black man in time of peace as a labourer in the South and in time of war as a soldier in the North, and the growing respect for his rights among the people, and his increasing adaptation to a high state of civilisation in this his native land, there can ever come a time when he can be removed front this country without a terrible shock to its prosperity and peace. Besides, the worst enemy of the nation could not cast upon its fair name a greater infamy than to suppose that negroes could be tolerated among them in a state of the most degrading slavery and oppression, and must be cast away and driven into exile for no other cause than having been freed from their chains. GRANTS BY THE MIDDLESEX MAGISTRATES.- Yesterday the Middlesex magistrates agreed that the sum of £5OO be granted by the court, to be raised in the usual manner, to enable the committee of visitors of the Middle sex Industrial School to erect on the premises at Feltham two masts with spars, yards, sails, and rigging for the purpose of instructing the boys in the manner of handling repos and sails, with the view to their future employment in the merchant service. - Further, that the sum of X 4,500 be granted by the court, to bo raised in the usual manner, for the cost of the property adjoining the House of Cor rection at Coldbath-fields, required for the purpose.of ren dering more commodious the said House of Correction ; and also " that the visiting justices of the House of Cor rection at Coldbath-fields be authorised to expend a sum not exceeding £9OO in the alteration and strengthening of the old treadwheels at that prison." TBE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, The Lifeboat and its Work. A lecture on the lifeboat and its work was de livered last night at the Scientific Institution, Wandsworth-road, by R. Lewis, Esq., barrister, secretary of the NationalLifeboatlnstitution. Hav ing alluded briefly to the pitiable condition of the shipwrecked sailor, he showed that the number of vessels that entered inwards and cleared outwards from British ports in the course of the year was about 300,000 ; that the registered ton nage of the same was 60,000,000 ; and that the value of the imports and exports on board the vessels was more than £400,000,000. He observed that the first lifeboat was invented about 80 years ago. There were many doubts as to the original in ventor of the lifeboat, but to Henry Greathead, of South Shields, was undoubtely due the credit of having built a lifeboat, which was afterwards used with great success. The self-righting lifeboat of the National Lifeboat Institution was brought out in the year 1850. It was invented by the late Mr. James Beeching, of Great Yarmouth ; but since that period it had undergone very important modi fications from practical experience by the National Lifeboat Institution. The lifeboats of this class built in England were now found in many of our colonies, and on the shores of nearly every maritime country. These boats saved on the shores of Eng land, which extends over 5,000 miles, every year between►soo and 600 lives from shipwreck. The crews who went afloat in them were paid 10s. each man for day-work and 20s. for night-work, and these rewards were often doubled by the institution. The cost of a lifeboat station complete was about £620. The expense of a lifeboat, its equipment, and transporting carriage was £420. The boats were exercised every quarter, so that they might be well prepared for any emergency that might take place in gales of wind. The National Lifeboat Institution had now 162 lifeboats under its management. The local residents and fishermen on the coasts vied with each other in their hearty co-operation with the society in carrying out its great and philanthropic work. Mr. Lewis then detailed several very inte resting and gallant lifeboat services. He afterwards fully described the construction of the boat, and showed how it was made to self-right and self-eject the water, by some interesting experiments with a model in some water. He afterwards explained clearly the construction of the lifeboat carriage, which was often of the utmost consequence to the efficiency of the lifeboat. The number of shipwrecks upon the coasts of the United King dom was about 2,000 annually. It appeared that the institution had contributed altogether to the saving of about 15,000 persons, and had ex pended £130,730 on its lifeboat stations. It had in its service two captains of the Royal Navy as its inspectors of lifeboats, one of whom was nearly al ways on the coast looking after the lifeboat stations. The success of the operations of the Lifeboat Insti tution was one of the marvels of the age, and it could only be accounted for in the forcible language of Miss Florence Nightingale, when she recently said to him (Mr. Lewis), that " God had manifestly blessed his work." The assiduity and earnestness of its committee and officers were beyond all praise ; 12 or 14 years ago the institution had only 12 life boats. It had now a fleet of 162 boats. Its income was then about £2OO a year, and it was now up wards of £30,000. The work of the National Life boat Institution excited the admiration of foreigners, and contributions were received by it from all parts of the world. It sometimes happened that foreign sailors who were unfortunately wrecked on our coasts and saved by the lifeboats of the society sent con tributions to the lifeboat fund on their return home. Mr. Lewis expressed a confident hope that England, who looked on the institution as one of its great na tional societies, would never allow it to languish for want of funds; but that, on the contrary, the sup port extended to it would continue to be of a liberal character to enable it to maintain its large life-sav ing fleet in a state of thorough efficiency, and gra dually to increase the number of its boats as circum stances may occur. A cordial vote of thanks having been given to the lecturer the proceedings closed. Yesterday the Sheriffs of Landon received the Speaker's writ, directing a fresh election for the city of London, consequent upon Mr. Goschen having accepted an office under the Crown, and they have fixed Monday next, at 12 o'clock, for such election in the Guildhall. According to custom the writ was officially proclaimed yesterday morning, both in Guildhall and in front of the Royal Ex change. There is not the slightest symptom of opposition to Mr. Goschen, and there can be no doubt that the right hon. gentleman will be re elected on Monday. RICHMOND, Au unexpected turn has been given to the pro bable representation of this borough. Mr. Sussex Milbank, who was announced on Tuesday, has re tired in favour of Mr. Marmaduke Wyvill, a gen tleman of Whig principles, who represented the borough for several years previous to the last elec tion. Mr. Wy vill has arrived in the town and com menced an active canvass, rendered necessary by the appearance, in the Conservative interest, of Mr. Roberts, a gentleman represented to be in the legal profession, who is also canvassing the electors. The prospect of a contest is something of a novelty in the borough, the last having occurred nearly 30 years ago. Election Petitions. A supplementary list of election petitions was printed in yesterday's " Votes," which brings up the total to the number of 60. BARNSTAPLE.—A third petition has been pre sented against the return made at the late election for Barnstaple. This petition, which emanates from two electors, imputes to Mr. T. Cave the employ ment of illegal means to procure his return, and charges him and his agents with bribery, corrup tion, treating, and intimidation, upon which grounds they ask the house to declare the return of Mr. Cave to be null and void. CANTERBURY.—A short but comprehensive peti tion from two electors imputes to Mr. Huddleston and Mr. Butler Johnstone bribery, treating, and undue influence, and therefore sulunits that the re turn is invalid. D P.OGIIEDA. —Mr. Francis Brodegan, the defeated candidate at the general election, has presented an enormously lengthy petition against the return of his successful rival, Mr. Whitworth, whose majo r:ty over himself he declares to be only apparent and colourable, having been obtained through " ex tensive, open, and notorious bribery, and undue influence, threats, menaces, and intimidation, and other illegal and riotous means." There are also special statements to the effect that in 1863 Mr. Whitworth, in contemplation of an expected vacancy in the borough, suggested the formation of waterworks by means of a joint-stock company, of whose shares one half are in his hands ; also that in 1864 Mr. Whitworth offered to build a town or temperance hall at his own expense, which was finished in 1865, and presented to the borough. The petitioner also complains that his committee rooms were by a preconcerted plan attacked by the partizans of the sitting member, and that the police did not interfere for his protection. The petitioner further alleges that Mr. Whitworth being a " total abstainer," nevertheless allowed his agent " to dis tribute profuse quantities of ardent spirits and other intoxicating liquors among the mob employed on his behalf." Mr. Brodegan asks that the return may be amended by erasing the name of Whit worth, and substituting his own name as the elected member. LONDONDERRY CITY.-Mr. S. M. Greer, who was an unsuccessful candidate at the general elec tion, objects to the return of Lord Claud Hamilton, upon the grounds of bribery, corruption, and inti midation, and submits that therefore the return should ba annulled. PORTSMOUTIL—SeveraI electors of this borough denounce the return of Mr. Sergeant Gaselee and Mr. W. 11. Stone as having been procured by means of bribery, corruption, and treating. They also aver ?EBIt VARY 23, 1866.7 that gross intimidation was practised to prevent electors from voting for Sir a. Elphinstone and Mr. T. C. Bruce, and they ask the house to annul the return and declare the election void. TOPERARY.-Mr. Peter Edmund Gill, a candidate at the late general election, petitions against the re turn of ' Mr. C. Moore and Mr. J. B. Dillon, to whose instigation he imputes the fact of his arrest for debt after the show of hands on the day of nomi nation had been declared to be in his favour. Not withstanding the discouraging influence of his arrest, Mr. Gill says that nearly 1,000 electors voted for him, " while for the said Charles Moore and John B. Dillon little more than 2,000 electors voted, leaving about 6,000 electors who did not vote, or were prevented from voting, by reason of undue influence." After charging against the sitting mem bers bribery, corruption, treating, and intimidation, the petitioner asks that their returns may be an nulled, and that he may be declared to be one of the sitting members for the county of Tipperary. Y 0 RKSIIIRE (NonTn).—A second petition against the return for this division of Yorkshire has been presented, but in this case it is Mr. W. E. Dun combe whose seat is attacked. Two electors attri bute to that gentleman and his agents " gross, ex tensive, systematic, and open and notorious bribery, corruption, and treating." They also allege that unqualified persons were allowed to record their votes for Mr. Duncombe, and that voters were em ployed as agents, poll clerks, runners, and flagmen; upon all which grounds they pray the house to de clare the return of Mr. W. E. Duncombe to be null and void. Novel Charge under the Gunpowder Act. At the Mansion-house yesterday Messrs. Rosen thal and Osmond, highly respectable foreign mer chants, carrying on business in Fenchurch-street, attended before Alderman Lusk, who sat for the Lord Mayer, to answer a summons issued against them at the instance of the Birmingham Gun-proofing Company, which charged them with having, con trary to the provisions of the statute passed in that behalf, unlawfully disposed of 100 rifle barrels which did not bear the proof-mark of the company, whereby they had incurred penalties to the amount of £2,000. Mr. Metcalfe, the barrister, instructed by Mr. Allan, law clerk to the Birmingham Gun-proofing Company, appeared in support of the summons. Mr. Poland, barrister, appeared for the defendants. Mr. Metcalfe, in opening the case for the prosecu tion, explained that the proceeding was instituted under the provisions of an act of Parliament of the 18th and 19th Vic., which enacted that any person who should dispose of a gun-barrel which did not bear the mark which denoted that it had been sub jected to the usual proof, either by the London or Birmingham Proofing Company, or in the case of a gun of foreign manufacture, bearing the proof -mark of the country where it was manufactured the mark was not registered, should be liable to a penalty of £2O for every barrel so disposed of. He said that it was no doubt one of the objects of the Legislature, by passing this act, to prevent defective gun-bar rels from being sold, whereby very serious mischief might be done to the personswhoused such weapons, and the company for whom he appeared having re ceived information that a large number of gun-bar rels which had never been submitted to proof, and which did not bear the mark required by the act of Parliament, had been offered for sale by the de fendants, felt it their duty to institute the present proceeding against them. Evidence was then adduced in support of the charge, and the case appeared to be one of a very simple character. The principal witness was Mr. Dudgeon, a commission merchant, carrying on busi ness in St. llelen's-place, and from his testimony it appeared that, acting under instructions from the complainants, he went to the offices of Messrs. Ro senthal and Co., and inquired if they had some muskets for sale, and he was informed that they had, and that the number to be disposed of was 11,000. It was said at the time that they had been originally manufactured in Austria for the use of the belligerents in America, and had cost 525. each, and an attempt was to have been made to run the blockade with them. This, however, could not be done, and at the conclusion of the war in Ame rica they were sent in cases containing 100 rifles each to Hamburg, and the defendants offered them to Mr. Dudgeon for 7s. 6d. each. He asked that one might be sent to his counting-house as a sample, and he eventually agreed to purchase five of the cases, and paid £37 103. for them. Mr. Port lock, one of the assistant proof-masters of the Birmingham Proofing Company, then took possession of them and examined them, and ascertained that they did not bear the proof-mark of either the Bir mingham or the London Proofing Company ; but in cross-examination he admitted that there was a mark of a double-headed eagle on the barrels, but he said he was not aware that this was the Austrian proof mark. In the course of the proceedings one of the gun-barrels was produced, and it was admitted to bear the London proof. mark, which of course de noted that it had been tested, and was found to be what is called proof. Evidence was then given that no foreign proof mark had been registered in this country, except that of Belgium, and this closed the case for the prose cution. Mr. Poland, in his address to the court in behalf of the defendants, said that although an endeavour had been made to invest this case with an air of mystery by statements that had appeared in some of the papers, it really was one of a very simple charac ter, and if his clients had committed any breach of the law, it had occurred solely through their entire ignorance of the fact that such a statute as the one referred to was in existence. The facts were these. A very large number of these rifles had been origi nally manufactured for the use of the Austrian army at the time of the war with France, but in conse quence of an improved weapon being obtained they were thrown aside, and were subsequently purchased for the use of the Confederate armies in America. Finding that they could not be transported to that country, and the war having come to an end, a large number were consigned to a merchant at Hamburg, in cases containing 20 each, to be disposed of, and he requested the defendants, who were general mer chants, to endeavour to dispose of them in this coun try. With that view advertisements were inserted in the London and Birmingham newspapers, and everything was done in the most open manner, and the defendants had not the most remote idea that , they were committing any offence. With regard to the quality and strength of the barrels, he was in structed that the double-headed eagle that appeared on them was the Austrian Government Foot mark ; and to show that there was no danger to be apprehended by any person using them, one of the bar:els which had been produced had been tested and found to be proof ; and on the part of the de fendants he was instructed to express their willing ness that the whole of the hundred barrels should be subjected to the same test. Under these circum stances, he said, he trusted the alderman would con sider that although the defendants might have trans gressed the strict letter of the law, the purposes of justice would be fully answered by the infliction of a nominal penalty. Mr. Metcalfe said that on the part of the com pany, who had no other object than to protect the public, he was not instructed to press for the inflic tion of a heavy penalty. Ile at the same time said that it would be understood, after the statement that had been made by Mr. Poland, that the whole of the remaining gun-barrels should be tested. Alderman Lusk said it was perfectly clear from the evidence that the defendants had infringed the law. The act of Parliament under which the pro ceedings had been taken was, in his opinion, a very salutary one, for its object was to prevent worthless weapons from being disposed of which were likely to burst and cause serious mischief to those who made use of them. At the same time, the proceed ings that had been taken were novel, and he hoped they would operate as a warning ; and under all the circumstances he considered that a fine of one shil ling upon each of the barrels, one hundred in num ber, would be a sufficient punishment for the offence that had been committed. UNSUITABLE.—it is very odd that Mr. Bright should select the occasion of the opening of Parliament to talk about its clothes.—Fun. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.--The last and greatest honour which the nation can pay to a subject was yesterday con ferred on the memory of Lord Palmerston. A monument in Westminster Abbey, proposed by the Government of the day, and sanctioned by a una nimous Address from the House of Commons to the Crown—such is the highest as it must be the final reward of public merit. It is one that has rarely been attained byservices, however illustrious, in time of peace. Nelson, on the eve of Trafalgar, might look forward without presumption to " Vic tory or Westminster Abbey ;" and Wellington, though less prone to the last infirmity of noble minds, must have foreseen that his own remains would be consigned to no meaner resting-place. But, as Mr. Gladstone remarked last night, the posthumous homage which has been so freely ren dered to military and naval officers has been spar ingly awarded to statesmen. Four only within the last century have received the crowning mark of their counaymen's gratitthk, and of these four only one belongs to our own times. Chatham, Pitt, and Perceval are names of the past, and the only recent precedent for the erection of a monument by the State to a civilian is that of Sir Robert Peel, to whom Lord Palmerston was so long opposed, but who, in the last speech he ever delivered, anticipated in memorable language the verdict which has just been ratified by Parliament. In comparing the late Prime Minister with the greatest of his pre.- decessors Mr. Gladstone justly dwelt on his un rivalled popularity during his lifetime. It has been said bitterly of us as a;Nation, that "we love to deck the tombstone, yet ill not crown the brow," and it must be confessed that many a public benefactor has died among us unrecognised and unrequited. This, however, is not so much the result of . popular ingratitude, as the inevitable condition of political life in an age and country like our own. The capricious favours of Princes, when they chance to light on a deserving object, contrast favourably with the tardy appreciation of genius or worth by a great people. Those who would have quick returns for their labour and carelittle for posthumous fame, may perhaps fare better under a system of patronage than under a system of competition. The race is so long, the course is so crowded, the rivalry is so im petuous in all the careers open to a young English man, and especially in that of politics, that few can hope to win the laurel, or even to reach the goal. Those, however, who, thus gifted, live to an ad vanced ;we without surviving their faculties seldom fail to realise the full satisfaction of a noble ambi tion. Such at all events was Lord Palmerston's lot; and if he enjoyed contemporary applause in a higher degree than any who had gone before him, he was still more conspicuously happy in the circumstances and " opportuneness of his death." Chatham was no longer the Great Commoner when he sunk in the attempt to denounce concession to America ; Pitt died under a dismal sense of the ruin impending over his country ; Perceval was struck down by the hand of an assassin ; Peel was cut off prematurely by accident when he had still before him a great and useful political career; Lord Palmerston alone lived to play out with triumphant success that part which from his earliest youth he had destined for himself, and the dignity of which he had described with so much eloquence in the greatest of his speeches, The most durable features of his policy, and the finer qualities of his character, were treated with much felicity by Mr. Gladstone. If he had a passion, it was for constitutional liberty, and his faith in it remained unshaken alike by reactionary and revolutionary attacks upon it. This was the real keystone of his foreign policy, and gave to it an unity which history will more and more pro minently develope. Nor was this confidence in constitutional forms a mere prejudice ; it rested on a deep and a solid basis of conviction. It has often been said, but it deserves to be repeated, that Lord Palmerston was among the first to un derstand the meaning and force of public opinion. " Public Opinion" is now almost a cant phrase, em ployed by thousands, who attach no very definite idea to it; but it was another thing to talk of Public Opinion in 1829, and Lord Palmerston spoke of it in a manner which showed that he knew its full significance. The well-known passage in his speech of June 1 in that year, on the affairs of Portugal, where he expands into a practical maxim Pascal's saying about the relation of opinion to force, has all the freshness of a new truth clearly conceived and forcibly statel. His persevering and successful efforts to put down the slave trade exhibit his fidelity to a principle which many derided as a mare senti ment, but which he saw to be pregnant with the destinies of a whole race. Mr. Gladstone acted wisely in selecting these as proofs of a higher states manship and more independent mind than has often been attributed to him, and the testimony of so great an orator to Lord Palmerston's rare perspicacity in speaking has a special value of its own. The secret of this power, in Mr. Gladstone's opinion, was the habit of weighing his words in the act of delivery, carrying on the two processes of thought and ex pression at the same time and in perfect harmony. But, after all, neither statesmanship nor skill in debate was the chief source of his marvellous popu larity. The never-failing industry which, combined with a native gaiety of spirits, bore him up through an apprenticeship of 20 years in the War-office, and enabled him at 70 to master the duties of a Parlia mentary leader—the indomitable courage which, as Mr. Gladstone testifies, seemed to fortify his physi cal constitution rather than to spring from it—the good humour which, as Mr. Disraeli gracefully ad mitted, gained him so many friends, and made him the most placable of enemies—these are the charac teristics by which he will be remembered. W hen Lord Derby said the other day that Lord Palmerston would never have deserted Governor Eyre, he offered a deserved, though misapplied, tribute to.the proverbial loyalty of the late Premier towards his subordinates. It is virtues like these which earn and merit esteem and affection during life, and it is virtues like these which, if they cannot bias the judgment of posterity, entitle their possessor to " charitable speeches" ftom the least partial of survivors. POST.—Once again her Majesty has been placed under the necessity of applyinc, to Parliament to make special provisio n f or her children, c ' and again Parliament has responded willingly to the appeal. The first occasion was on the marriage of the Prin cess Royal to the Crown Prince of Prussia, the second on the attainment of his majority by the Prince of Wales, and the third on the marriage of the Princess Alice to Prince Louis of Hesse. In the present instance her Majesty makes a twofold demand. The Princess Helena is betrothed to Prince Christian of Schleswig - Holstein-Augustenburg, and some provision will consequently be needed for the maintenance of their establishment; and Prince Alfred, the Queen's second son, having attained his majority, has, according to established custom, be come entitled to claim a special pension from Par liament for his support. The jealousy with which the House of Commons has always retained the command of the national purse-strings, and the anxiety with which the people of this country have guarded against the possibility of their Sovereigns becoming so wealthy as to be independent of Parlia mentary control, have rendered applications similar to those made last evening indispensable on all occasions when the children of the Sovereign enter on an independent position in life. The civil list at present amounts to £470,000 ; but, large as this sum may appear, it is a curious fact that it bears a much smaller proportion to the total annual expen diture than the civil list of any other country in the world. In the reign of .George 11. the civil list amounted to £BOO,OOO ; and in the year of the reign of George 111, it exceeded £1,000,000. Im mediately after her present Majesty's accession it was fixed at £385,000, but, owing to subsequent modifications, necessitated by her Majesty's marriage with the late Prince Consort, it was in creased to its present amount. The principle on wh:cli the civil list has been apportioned and granted in late years has been that the money thus bestowed shall be simply sufficient to enable the Sovereign to maintain her royal rank with suitable splendour and dignity. This principle obviously excludes the pre sumption that any provision will, or indeed can, be made by the Queen for her children after they quit their paternal home, and by implication acknow ledges the duty of Parliament to furnish them with the means of support. The proposals made by the , Chancellor of the Exchequer to the House of Com mons, it must be confessed, were reasonable in their nature. If it be admitted that it is the duty of the nation to provide for the royal princes and princesses, it is unnecessary to add that the provision made should be suitable to the social position they are compelled to fill. In respect to the Princess Helena, the Government have asked Parliament to adopt a course similar to that which was taken on the occa sion of the marriage of the Princess Alice. The House of Commons then voted an annuity of £6,000, with a dowry of £30,000, to that princess ; and as the circumstances under which the Princess Helena marries are nearly identical, the same subsidy has been asked of Parliament. As regards Prince Alfred no precedent, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out, exists (at least in the present reign) for the guidance of the Ministry, and the Government have consequently been obliged to estimate what, in their opinion, would prove a suitable appanage for that prince. It was accordingly proposed that an annuity of £15,000 should be granted to him, sub ject, however, to modification by the occurrence of possible contingencies. If, for example, his royal highness should marry, the Government intimated that it might become necessary to make a further application to Parliament, whereas in the event of his becoming the Sovereign of a foreign State (an event far from improbable) the grant would pro- bably be determined. Both proposals were assented to by the house without debate, and as Mr. Disraeli observed, when endorsing the resolutions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, another con vincing proof was thus afforded by Parliament of the sincere affection with which the nation regards all the members of the royal family. Another money grant was made by the House of Commons last evening which was of even a more exceptional kind than those to which we have referred. When the late Premier died the country demanded, as if with one voice, that his remains should be laid in that venerable abbey which contains the dust of England's most illustrious sons. It is but a natural supplement to that request that a monument should be raised by the nation to his memory. What the English Parliament did for Chatham and Pitt and Perccval it may well do for a minister who was more popular than any of the three, and whose fame will be still more long-lived. In a panegyric which, for exhaustive eloquence, has probably never been surpassed in Parliament, the Chancellor of the Ex chLquer Fainted the character of the late minister. What Lord Palmerston was no one, however, needs to be reminded. But for that very reason the words of Mr. Gladstone fell on more attentive ears. Lord Palmerston was essentially a representative man, and the character which he represented was precisely that which the peciple of this country most delight to worship. As the apostle of Liberalism, as the warm supporter of constitutional rights, he left a name which has become a household word throughout continental Europe. In Belgium, ill the Peninsula, in Italy, Lord Palmerston has left the indelible marks a that master spirit which re cognised not only the possibility, but the imperative necessity, of erecting free institutions on the ruins of despotism. Nor did Mr. Gladstone omit to notice those traits in the private character of Lord Palmer ston which especially endeared him to all with whom he came in contact, and disarmed the enmity of even his bitterest political opponents. His geniality, his quiet humour, his love of a good stand-up fight, his generous scorn of all unfair advantages, and that transient, unenduring anger which was the utmost a rival could ever succeed in provoking, all conspired to gain for him a position which probably no Eng lish statesman ever attained before. It is needless to say that the resolution submitted, to the House was not only adopted unanimously, but was carried by acclamation. A suggestion, thrown out by Sir J. Pakington ought not, however, to pass un noticed. Parliament may grant the money for a monument to Lord Palmerston with great willing ness, but years may nevertheless elapse before the public will be enabled to see the tribute raised to his memory. 'thirteen years have passed since Par liament voted a monument to the late Duke of Wel lington, yet that monument is nowhere to be seen. It is to be hoped that a similar delay will not take place in the erection of the monument for which the funds were granted last night. COUNTRY MARKETS. MANCHESTER—TnunspAy. ----- Trade since our last report has undergone no material change, the demand for all articles being confined to the requirements of the buyers for present consumption, at the prices previously current. Our market this morning was languid, the transactions in all articles being exceed ingly limited, without any quotable change from the cur rency of this day se'nnight. BIRMINGIIA3I-TRURSDAY. During the present week the sales of wheat reported are at previous rates. Barley still tending upwards. Oats, beans, and peas dull. At this day's market there was more wheat offering by the growers, which found buyers at fully last week's rates. Barley, is. to 2s. per qr. higher• Oats, beans, and peas only taken in retail, at previous prices. BR•IS TOL—TmsDAY. There was only a moderato supply of English wheat at fully last week's prices. Foreign held with firmness, but only a moderate business passing. Fine samples of malt ing barley are rather dearer, but other kinds are neglected• Grinding parcels from scarcity are 6d. per q r. higher: Irish oats continue in abundant supply, but prices are 1 1 ?'" lower than last week. Arrivals of Indian corn arc 60 11 kept out, and for the little in stock full rates are realised• In beans and peas not much passing. BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WEDNESDAY. There was an average show of wheat at this market to-day, and farmers were not reluctant sellers at last week's prices. The supply of barley was short, and in all cases made ls. to 2s. per qr. more money. There was a demand for oats, beans and peas for sowing purposes. White wheat, 53s to 55s ; old red, 46s to 48s ; new red, 40s to 44s , malting barley, 33s to 36s ; Page's prolific bar ley, 38s to 41s per qr. Averages :—Wheat, 1,105 qrs, at 42s 8d ; barley, 2,09 0 qrs., 32s sd; oats, 80 qrs, 20s 3d. EDINBURGH-WEDNESDAY, At to-day's market there was a good supply of country wheat, which sold well at about late iv tee. Wheat on the top, 2s 6d up werage, Os ld doWu• Barley on the top, is Gd up werage, Os lld up. Oats on the top, Os 6d up average, Os 8d up. Beans on the top, is 3d up average, Os 10d down• Average prices. Wheat, 458 8d I Oats, 26s 3d Barley, 36s 6d I Beans 418 6d Total supply and sales. Wheat 1209 qrs sold 625 Barley 1242 qrs sold 731 Oats 2062 qrs sold 1542 Beans 512 qrs sold 247 Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 418 Od; extra superfine, 39s Od ; superfine, 37s 6d ; fine, 36s Od. GL A SGOW-WEDNESDAY. • • ----- The business in wheat and flour was quiet during th e week, at nominally previous rates. At this day's market there was the usual gathering. Wheat and flour in mode rate consumptive inquiry, without change in value ; bayleY:, beans, and oats about Ud. dearer per boll; other arttel° unaltered. THE LOSS OF THE STEAMER AMALIA.—TIIe Court of Inquiry at Liverpool gave judgment yesterdal as follows :—" The court has a pleasing duty to perfo rm pet or acquitting the master of the Amelia and his officers of 81 blame in regard to the loss of this vessel. On the contra* they appear to have done everything in their power in an ticipation of bad weather; and when they subsequently on countered a succession of gales and shipped the bevy se es which occasioned so many breaches they and the - w hole 01 the crew acted promptly a nd energe ti ca lly i n re p a i r ing th e mischief, and (la not appear to have left their ship until Oa last extremity. The court h a s th ere f ore grea t pleasure in restoring to Captain Pirnie his certificate. The court w il l immediately make its report to the Board of Trade, and t.t will therein deal with the matters whi c h h ave been broug h t before it in the course of this important inquiry."ll. mortality of [ADvEnTisnatENT.]—That the fearful aual b , 6 ',fit() young children and delicate pe rsons o f a ll ages may arrested, if. instead of flying blindly t o pill s and mediCio c , B ,: which, though apparently relievi ng th e patien t, have "' reality no other tendency than that of increasing debility.; and with it the dangor of lif e , we were simply to stu dy h ..A " to inc: ease the vital force by i mpart i ng new and pure DW""; upon which the harmonious development of the whole frame depends, has been successfully proved by Du Barry's I nv t ‘ lids' and Infa,.ts' Food, the Revalenta Ar a bica, and ". -11 11 thousands of cures a nnua ll y. I t y i e ld s t h ree t i mes as 0111 4 :, easily assimilated nour i s h men t as th e b es t mea t, bud children it 14 the best substitute for human milt. m r a Routh, physician to the Samaritan Hospital for Women 49 .. Children—the best authority on such matters —in his adro" . able publication on Food, says—Amongst the vegetable sub; stances, th .t which comes closest to m ilk i n it s comPos l ' l° is, without dOubt, Du B ar ry' s R eva l en t a A ra bi ca Food, C O taining both phosphoric acid in abundance and chloride u potasFlum ; it also includes casein, the same principle vih l6 ,,, is found in milk in its constituent part. No wonder, then : b fore, that under its influence many child ren a ffected atrophy (wasting away of the body', and marked debt have completely recovered. I have given it with the arel L advantage in such cases ; and so far as I may judge from __,, own experience, practice fully carries out what the)", from a knowledge of its composition, led us to anticipat e ' In tins, 11b, 2s 9d; 21b, 4s 61; 51b, lls ; 121 b, 225; 21 , 405.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, Lon d 7, 'also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 49, Bishops d. street Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Stratt;', 54, Upper Baker-street; 103, Tottenham-court-road; Strait;, Upper-street, Islington, N.; Harvey, Notting-hill; C i Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace,.",,, John's-wool. London ; and all respectable grocers and co' mists.—Beware of spurious imitations. Births. • t• 11 " HAIuEY.—On the 19th inst., the wife of Brevet Ll e Colonel Harley, 3d West India Regt., of a daughter. JAMES.—On the 20th inst., at Leamington, the wif e °f if. B. James, Esq., of a daughter. Dub LONGFORD.—On the 20th inst., at 5, Leinster-street , - lin, the Countess of Longford, of a son. SWANSTON.—On the 21st inst., at 36, Connaught -o(o°re' the Hon. Mrs. Swanston, of a son. Marriages. et' AUSTEN—KENDALL.—On the 21st inst , at St. MarY% - e t 0, ham, George F. Austen, Esq., son of the late G. A ns- t e be Esq., F.L.S., barrister-at-law, to Fanny, late G. Kendall, Esq., of Marnhull, Dorset. A 9 BUTTANSIIAW—PEARCE.—On the 21st inst , at the 4- l i. t fl.. Church, Bath, the Rev. John Buttanshav; formerly _st low of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, t°"r3ne, youiig(fs, daughter of the late S. P. Pearce, Esq., of St. Swit hiu lane, London. daughter of • Deaths. DONOUGHMORE.— On the 22d inst., at 22, South Au clier street, the Ettrl of Donoughmore, aged 42. • hop Jomcs.—On the 20th inst , at Windhill Lodge, Ills s. Stortford, Herts, Edward Beldam Johns, Esq., ag e : l e S 1- 31ILNEs.—On the.l6th inst., Robert Milues, Esq. , °L 4) lingham, Nottinghamshire, aged 73. Sir PETToN.—On the 18th inst., At Swift's House, Blaster, Henry Peyton, Bart., aged 61. SPICER.—At her residence, 9, Esplanade, DOICPElleiy, widow of Lieut.-Col. Spicer, late of thel2io4lll3- cers, aged 89. C01°136 WYNDIIAM.—:On the 16th inst., at negate, Susses, Charles Wyndham, aged 70. London : Printed and Pobiished by WI L LLA tAN ) 12. of No. 112, Strand, Patter, at 'Pm; Sun l%e C • ' ° ,tvOt Strand, in tiff. Precinct of tha gt.voy. in tjihe(4l"-' Middlesex—Friday, February 23, 1860. `,---, _'!` 'a etg ia; lan It DT) NI Et ta th e Thf N 11P; 1114 pr ol B Yet per °oft of t 1 RPeC Clo g 111( 4 --........ ex eo N ye It lß'e: reset bzi et c ItgeE tton