The Sun. — London, England, 1866-11-01 00:00:00

... Bright on the Irish Land Question. DUBLIN, Wednesday Evening. Pursuant to arrangement, a deputation from the Cork Farmers' Club waited on Mr. Bright at 12 o'clock to-day, at the residence of Mr. Jas. Haugh ton, for the purpose of presenting him with an address. Mr. BRIGHT said in reply—Mr. Murphy and gen tlemen, I am in a much greater difficulty than I should be if I had 300 or 400 people to speak to on an occasion of this kind ; but I observe, in the second paragraph of the address which you have kindly brought, that you refer to supposed services which I have rendered to the cause of humanity and freedom. The fact is, I feel, what I suppose every body feels who is honestly engaged in public life, that after a great deal of work, after many years of labour, very little has been done ; for the world seems to move on very slowly, and what any man can do to make it move appears to be very little. But I have always had the opinion that people are very much what their laws make them. I entirely disbelieve those theories which assume that it does not matter very much what kind of laws you have, that after all everything depends on a man's self. A great deal depends on the laws ; and I think if we trace history back and look over the countries we know something of, we shall find that the people are in the main what their laws and institutions make them. Now, my mind, from a very young age has led me always to a feeling that laws should be equal, and should be just—that all the people living in a country have an equal right to be con sidered and well treated by the institutions and laws under which they live. Now in this country, more perhaps than in almost any other country in Europe, that has not been the principle on which the Go vernment has been conducted ; because it is quite clear that the laws have been made until recently by a party, or rather for the supremacy of a party, than for the whole people. And as regards the land, which is the question to which you par ticularly refer, there can be no kind of doubt of this—that the laws have been absolutely the pro duct of the selfishness and ignorance of the landed proprietors, and by no means the product of the general intelligence of all classes in this country. It is the same to a great extent in England, where Mr. Murphy knows perfectly well that in the House of Commons there are questions which you can dis cuss with an expectation that they will be fairly considered ; but if you come to any question con nected with the land—with the supremacy of that particular property in the country—argument is of no avail whatever ; and the slightest tendency to what I would call intelligence and justice with re gard to that subject is met with the most deter mined opposition by the great landowning classes in the house. Of course there are many admirable exceptions there as there are here, but on the whole the great weight of that party and class is directed against any wise change in regard to the laws affect ing their property. Now, twenty years ago they thought we were going to ruin them when we were proposing to allow corn to come to this country free of duty, and I believe there were many of them who did absolutely believe that their estates would be of no value, and that as far as landowning went in Great Britain and Ireland the world was about coining to an end. They find now they have got rid of all the odium of that system, and at the same time they have not got rid of their land, but their land is of more value than ever it was. Certainly in England farmers are in a more satisfactory posi tion than they were before. The whole tone of society in England is wonderfully improved by the change which took place in 1846. I believe that if in England and in Ireland the laws of political economy were applied to land, we should find just as great a change, from this point forward, with regard to matters which are influenced by laws affect ing land as we have found in past times by the Abolition of the laws which prevented the importa tion. I remember my lamented friend Mr. Cobden, who was not likely to undervalue the effect Of free trade in corn, saying, on more than one occa sion, that the men who should hereafter entirely free the land, place the laws with regard to land on a just and satisfactory footing, would at least con fer as great a benefit upon the people as he and those of that former agitation had been able to con fer by the success of their movement. He was no mean judge of such a matter, and his opinion is worth taking now ; for he was not a man of violent party at all, but judged this question, perhaps, with adispassionateness and intelligence which have never been exceeded by any public man amongst us. Now there is this great difficulty in discussing the whole Irish question. The great Church party is the Tory party. The boundaries which mark out the limits of the Established Church are almost the boundaries which mark out the limits of the Tory party. They think that if the Irish Church were got rid of, if the voluntary principle were established as the universal practice in Ireland, that principle would by-and-bye cross the Channel and raise a similar contest, to be settled in like manner, in Great Britain. And al though if you were at the Antipodes—l am speak ing of the Church as a political institution—you might sweep it off the face of the earth, and there would be no tears shed in the House of Commons ; yet being so near us they have no doubt a great and, to some extent, a natural dread that the same thing would be asked for and done hereafter in Eng land. And so with regard to land, in a degree not less obvious. They think that the concession of any measure of tenant right, or security for a tenant for his improvements, would be followed by some coer cive movement on the part of the tenants ; and i n England and Scotland the tenants are so powerful, that if they ever once put their beads in one direc tion there is no possibility of withstanding them. They are much more powerful than the tenants are here, because you, acting alone, have to act upon a great and powerful body in London. If you had a Parliament in College-green, clearly the tenantry of Ireland, with the present feeling in Ireland, would be able to force that Parliament to any measure of justice they named. But as you have to deal with a great Parliament sitting in Lon don, all the clamour you may make or the demands you may urge from this side of the Channel come with a very feeble effect in London, especially as it can only be represented by about 100 members ; and of these it unfortunately happens that a considerable number are not willing to support the demands that are made. But if in England the tenantry, and in Scotland the tenant farmers—the most capable, the most intelligent, and the best agriculturists, per haps, in the world—if they were to join in favour of measures such as resolutions hostile to the game laws, hostile to any injustice which is supposed to exist with regard to the improvement of tenants, it would be quite impossible for the Parliament to resist their demands. You see, therefore, the great difficulty you have to contend with. You have to wrest your rights from a Parliament sitting in London, to whom you send 105 members. Perhaps half are not in fav our of your rights, and therefore the other fifty, so t° say, are lost in the 600 they find there ; and the effort on the part of your members to do anything is one of the most disheartening things that any repre sentative of the people can have to do. (Hear, hear.) I have since I have been in Parliament—which is now 23 Years—heard one hundred times—nay, much oftener—blame attached to the Irish members for the little they do th ere. I believe a t thi s momen t th e Irish Liberal members are the most respectable and the most respected and most influential of all the Liberal members who have sat in Parliament during these 23 years. That is m y opinion. I think it is admitted in the House of Commons universally th a t the Irish Liberal members i n thi s Parliament are not inferior but are superior to the Irish Liberal mem bers that sat in former Parliaments duringthe last 25 years. But notwithstanding that, and though I think they have a corresponding increase of influence, yet it is one of the most difficult things in the Ikerld for 50 men, acting amongst 600 men some hundreds of m il es from those whom they represent, to work up any questions which may be against the prejudices and sympathies of the 600 amongst whom they are acting, and therefore Irish constituencies, whilst they should make no allowance in favour of any of those mem bers who are not honest towards them and do not do their duty, yet for those who are honest, and do their duty, they should make proper allowance. These are difficulties for English members, as the Irish members would find if their Parliament was sitting in this country. Now, what can be done with regard to this question ? I say I don't know. I cannot do much. I have always given what sup port I could to any proposition that appeared to me reasonable and right on this question in Parliament. During the last session we had the great advan tage of the assistance of a most eminent man, the member for Westminster, Mr. John Stuart Mill. If this Government goes—which is not a thing im probable, and is a thing probably to be desired— another Government coming in will no doubt be under a distinct pledge to endeavour to settle this land question upon a sensible and just arrangement, and from that something may be gained ; but I believe what we have most to rely upon is the hope that before long we shall have a better representa tion. (Hear, hear.) There is nothing in the world more certain than this—that if you call a meeting in any part of Great Britain, where you get a fair average of middle-class people or working-class people, and you state to them, in such a manner as I have been accustomed to do—state with any de gree of consciousness and fairness what you want in this respect—l believe you will not find a sensible man to dissent from the proposition that these ques tions are of great importance, and ought to be en tertained and adjusted by the Government and the Parliament. Therefore, if the time should come— and I hope it is not far distant—that the people are let in, and that Parliament is made more popular— if you like, more democratic—the complaints made from this side of the Channel will be listened to there with more attention ; and of your hundred or so, as many of them as may be in favour of justice to Ireland will find an increased and increasing power there to sympathise with them, and bring these questions to some wise and just arrangement. (Hear, hear.) Now, I do not know I have any more to say. lam very sensible of your kindness, and it appears to me unfair and unreasonable that any of the citizens of Cork should come up here on this occasion and address me in the manner you have done. The Irish question has been to me one of great interest from my first connexion with public life. Ido not know how, whether it is from natural love of what is just or not, but I had always a great sympathy with the Irish people and Irish questions, and as long as I remain in Parliament or in public life, or in life at all, and am capable of thinking, I believe I shall be of opinion that we in this generation do owe it to ourselves, and owe it to Ireland, to make such amends as we can for an amount of neglect and cruelty and injustice, civilisedustice,comor mitted in the past, such as I think no Christian nation has ever inflicted on other nations. (Hear, hear.) RAILWAY AND OTHER COMPANIES. OTTOMAN (SMYRNA TO AIDIN). A meeting of debenture holders in this compauy was held yesterday at the London Tavern—Sir M. Stephenson in the chair. Mr. Cooke, the secretary, having read the notice convening the meeting, The CHAIRMAN said that the anxious and unceas- ing attention of the board had been given to the debenture question, in the earnest desire, while re specting the due priority of the several claims, to do what was best for the interests of all. Until the line was opened the anxiety was only too well founded, upon the possible contingencies attending its non completion. Now all risks were ended, the line was accepted, and the Government guarantee recognised from the Ist July last. They had a guarantee of £112,000 a year for 42 years yet to run, whatever might be the results of the working of the railway. It was therefore a certainty, and the sole question to be decided was the particular application of this fund during the next few years. The strictly legal posi- ion of the first bondholders was and undoubted ;hat they could insist on the exclusive application of ;he whole amount to pay their interest and principal. There were advantagesattendiug this plan, that the debt would be much earlier liquidated and thereby raise the value of the second debentures. But there was much to be said in favourof paying interest on both classes of bonds,and applying the balance to redeem the principal of the first, the strongest reason being that by punctually paying the interest on the second bonds (£301,000 of which were held as security for the £250,000 first bonds) the value of the security would be so much increased as to probably admit of the first debentures being paid off at an earlier date. In the former case the first holders would on the Ist May next receive £25,000 interest and £31,000 in part of the principal. In the -following year they would have received the interest and over £lOO,OOO of the principal, and in 1869 the whole would be paid, leaving a balance of about £-10,000, which, with the guarantee of the following years, mould suffice to payoff all the arrear interest of the second bondholders. In the second alternative of paying the current interest on both classes of bonds, the only prejudice to the first first holders would be the more gradual but not the less certain payment of the principal extending over five years instead of three years, but with the probability of a much earlier pay ment from the increased value of the second bonds, should their interest be regularly paid. He had endeavoured to explain the exact position of all parties interested, and to show that time and a re solute adherence to a definite course of action were alone required to clear off all engagements, and to place the company in a sound position, and there were now reliable funds aiailable for the purpose. The most judicious step would be to appoint a committee of the second bondholders to co-operate with the former committee of the first bondholders and with the Board, and to report the result on an early day. (Hear.) A long and angry discussion ensued, in the course of which legal proceedings were threatened by indi vidual shareholders to enforce payment of the first bonds. Mr. ROOFER, solicitor to the company, said it was no use to threaten all sorts of proceedings. The first bondholders had a good, sound, and safe mort gage, but they must wait for their money. There had recently been another bill filed in Chancery against the company. theyThereweresixeight h ai l n con ducted by solicitors of high position the ex penses and injury would be very serious. Those gentlemen were convinced as to What should be done under the circumstances, and that, if a reasonable time was given, the company would pay every shilling of interest and principal. Mr. MORRIS, solicitor on the part of the first bondholders, agreed in the view of appointing a com mittee of second bondholders to meet and consult with the committee of first bondholders. They should be prepared to make concessions on both sides and report the result of their conference at an early day. It was resolved that a committee of the second bondholders, consisting Of Mr. Surgey, Mr. Pays, be appointed to confer with the fi rs t bondholders' - t i do r i Dent, ders' committee and the BbardofDire ectors as to the most desirable course to adopt in tb com mon interest. _ _ The proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the zhairinan and directors. CRIEFF AND METIIVEN. The half-yearly meeting was held at Crieff on Monday—Mr. Grahame in the chair. The report stated that the line was opened on the 21st May, and that the sum of £231 stood at re venue account, which it was proposed to carry for ward. The Caledonian, in place of the Scottish North Eastern, worked the line, and held half the stock. The directors were well satisfied with the man ner in which the traffic was conducted. The capital account showed an expenditure of £53,823. The cost of the line would exceed the estimate, but would yet be moderate. The report was approved. The formation of the Crieff and Comrie line, con tinuing the communication westwards, would, it was expected, be proceeded with immediately. WEST FLANDERS. The report of the directors states that, after pro viding for the fixed charges there remained a balance of £7,144, out of which the directors proposed to pay a dividend of 4s. 6d. per share, being an increase of 6d, per share as compared with the corresponding half of last year, payable on the 15th of November, carrying forward a balance of £1,124, which the directors proposed to apply to the partial liquidation of the debt due for carriages and trucks, amounting to £1,305. Since the last meeting the directors had paid £2,053, being the balance on the account due for locomotives. The directors had signed on the 25th of October a provisional convention with the French Government for the extension of the line from Poperinghe over the French frontier to Haze brouck. The capital account to 30th of June last showed that £599,566 had been expended. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 1, 1866. NEWMARKET FARMERS' CLUB. NEWM ARKET, Wednesday. The eighth anniversary meeting of this agricul tural society was held yesterday, and the dinner took place as usual at the Golden Lion Hotel, under the presidency of the Duke of Rutland. " The Members for Suffolk and Cambridgeshire" having been proposed by Mr. E. Frost and drunk with much cordiality, Lord GEORGE MANNERS, M.P., in responding, ob served that be thought there was scarcely any class of men more in want of the sympathy of their fellows than were members of Parliament. Were it not for their favour one would no longer be a member of ' Parliament, and it was only by one's conduct show ing that one was in harmony with one's constituents that one could be returned to the proud position in which he was placed. He was not one of those who considered that the position of a member of Parliament was that of a bed of roses, or one that it was desirable to strive to attain at all hazards, and it was only by the honest and sincere sympathy and respect of his constituents that he should wish to remain in that position. (Applause.) Therefore, he felt most deeply that it was a high compliment to have the opportunity of returning thanks to an assembly such as that for his health being drunk as a member of that important county. Having said that much he scarcely knew that he had much more to say, for when he came to gatherings of that sort he rather expected to be enlightened than to en lighten ; and he was always r em i n d e d t h at nature had provided men with two ears while they had only one tongue, in order that they might hear much and speak little. (A laugh.) They would, however, pardon him if he proceeded to make one or two re marks. In the first place, he thought he might fairly congratulate them upon having passed some what successfully through a very trying period. They all knew what a trying period the whole of last winter was, owing to that dreadful scourge among cattle which broke out in the country ; and though parts of that county had been severely af fected by it, that immediate neighbourhood, he was happy to say, had to a great extent escaped. He hoped he was now justified in assuming that if due ordinary care were still exercised for a few weeks, or perhaps months, they would be entirely rid of that dreadful scourge, which, on the occasion of a former visitation, dwelt among them for 12 years. Therefore he thought it behoved every man to use every possible exertion to prevent the possibility of spreading infection in any way. ([fear, hear.) Then they knew that the greater part of England had been affected by a most trying harvest time. He hoped he was not wrong in assuming that those in that neighbourhood had weathered their troubles successfully, and, that being the case, there was every probability that their return would be equal to their exertions. (Cheers.) There was only one other subject to which he wished to draw their attention, and that was the position of the agricultural labourer. (Hear, hear.) He felt strongly that one of the great difficulties farmers would have to contend with in future years would be an inadequate supply of labour. He thought that they would very shortly find that the army would come into competition with them for labour, as it was abundantly clear that if their army was to exist (and exist it must) the Government must offer much higher inducements to men to enlist than they were doing at present, and that must necessarily compete with the farmers in the labour market. They might ask how they were to improve the position of the agricultural labourer. That, he owned, was almost more than he was in a position to state ; but he should say that a cordial sympathy between the different classes was one great inducement to influence men to remain as agricultural labourers. lle thought they should endeavour in every why to look after the young fellows and see that they were properly cared for ; and they, finding their homes in their native villages suited to their tastes, would be less inclined to quit them. There wasa sugg,estion'(which he merely threw out as a wild notion, in order that some gentleman present might take it up and put it into some sort of shape), and that was whether what had been called the " co-operative" system was at all applicable to agriculture. If he were asked to explain what he meant he should say—Suppose at a harvest supper au employer were to say to his men, '' Now, my lads, I have a certain capital in vested in this business—say £3,000. The profit upon that is the fund out of which I am to pay you wages. It is my great desire, as far as in me lies, to improve your position, and to give you an oppor tunity, if possible, of rising in the world. Now, this is what I propose to you. As:l said before, my capital invested in my business is £3,000, and I ex pect, as my undoubted right, to make upon that at least 10 per cent. If, by your increased industry, by your increased thrift, and the greater care you take of my property, I find that my profits go beyond that point, I will divide the remainder amongst us—you and I will share together. He (Lord G. Manners) believed that to be simply the co-operative system. The labourer would then be as sure of his wages as he was now ; but, in addi tion to that, he would have the great spur and incen tive of seeing the possibility tyheoyfonsd h sharing in he would thein fits of his employer ; and, have the additional spur of seeing that every •man did his proper share of the work, that there was no pilfering, and that proper thrift was exercised in all the affairs connected with the farm ; in fact, he would then be, as it were, a junior partner in the concern ; and he (Lord G. Manners) was not with out the expectation that, some day or other—it might be many years off—that would be the condi tion of the country. He was quite aware that he had introduced very heretical matter into that room, but as there was nothing political in it he trusted he might have the pardon of the chair, and also of all the company present. (Cheers.) Viscount ROYSTON, M.P., also responded to the toast. Having expressed his acknowledgments for the compliment paid to him as one of the county members, and the pleasure he felt in meeting his constituents on that and all occasions, he went on to observe that he cordially sympathised with the remarks with which Lord G. Manners opened his speech—viz., that it was a matter of considerable satisfaction and pleasure when a member of Par liament could believe that he wasreturned by a con stituency of such calibre as that of that county, by the ,free action of a free people, and not by those farces which they had lately had brought promi nently before them by the inquiries of certain com missions, which had shown up to a disgraceful extent the shameful proceedings which took place in this free country with regard to returning members to Parliament. (Cheers.) He could not say how he congratulated himself upon the fact that his Par liamentary career had commenced, and he trusted it would also finish, with the constituency of that county—but he supposed those gentlemen who called themselves Liberals, and who were always advocating those broad Liberal principles, would say that Lord G. Manners and himself were returned p simply ee ti byve relatives. h t e amount lie of d ist property inet ly denied el d t h b a y t t s h u e e i h r w r a e s the case ; and he only hoped that, in the continued sympathy and attachment he trusted he might per sonally find amongst the constituency of that h c county, u w n a t s , not he e returned might have u p upon neatshoe p reason r r e i a n l e ly ipl t e o o b f eli pr e o v p e e t r h ty at , but upon the principle of fair agreement and true feeling among the general constituency. (Cheers.) And he believed that no Liberal reformer, and no reform bill that ever could be passed by the Legis lature, would ever bring out such benefits for Eng land as the systematic agreement among the body of the people who returned members to Parliament, that these members should be men connected with them by feelings of property, of education, and those common ties which passed between man and man ; or induce the people to believe that when, having transported down to their cities gentlemen connected with money, and ready to dispense it to every person who would put it into his pocket, the constituency or the country at large would be greatly benefited thereby. His lordship then referred to the trying period the country had passed through since he addressed them last year, owing to the death of Lord Palmerston, the ravages of the cattle plague, and the trying weather which prevailed during har vest ; and then went on to observe that he did not think it would be right for him to trouble them at ROYAL MAIL STEAM-PACKET. The half-yearly general meeting of this company was held yesterday at the London Tavern ; the Right 'lon. Russell Gurney, M.P., in the chair. The report stated that the accounts for the half year ended the 30th of June last related to a larger amount of mileage than that performed iu the cor responding half of 1865, arising from the alteration in the Jamaica and Colon route. The disbursements were, notwithstanding, less by £14,751. On the other side of the working account there was a great decrease in the aggregate receipts from freight and passage money. The decrease, however, was really not larger than might have been anticipated from the competition, the most important being that of the largely subsidised French mail service to :the West Indies, but the amount of receipts might still be considered satisfactory. The effect of those circumstances on the surplus of the working account was a net decrease of £22,456 as compared with the surplus for the first half of last year. The service which the Panama and New Zealand Royal Mail Company (Limited) commenced between Panama, Nev Zealand, and Australia in connexion with this company's line between Southampton and the isthmus of Panama was opened on the 2d June last from Southampton, and on the 15th of the same month from Sydney, and the few voyages already made across the Pacific Ocean had been performed with such efficiencyas to justify the expectation that the line would rise rapidly in public favour. The directors congratulated the shareholders on the con tinued satisfactory condition of the insurance account, which had a credit balance of £231,400. The direc tors recommended that a dividend of £3 per share out of the ordinary profits and a honous of £3 per share from the insurance fund be declared, free of income-tax, payable on Nov. Iby warrants. The working account for the half-year ending June 30 showed that £103,832 had been received on account of the Government contract, £100,677 for freight, and £170,196 for passage money ; total, £374,705. The disbursements, including £22,500 for insurance on ships, amounted to £244,972, leaving a surplus of £129,733. The CHAIRMAN, having apologised for the absence from illness of their excellent friend Capt. Mangles, said it was usual to enter into a more detailed state ment in reference to certain items than was given in the accounts. Under the head of disbursements they would perceive in the item of coals, &c., alarge diminution of £14,700 for the past six months. This did not arise from the reduction of freights, but chiefly from a decrease of £12,000 in the consumption of coals by their new ships, the consumption having been 7,000 tons less than in the same half of last year, although a longer mileage had been performed. There had been a decrease of £l,BOO in wages on account of having fewer ships at St. Thomas, in consequence of a delay in delivering the new ships ordered. He was happy to , say that no delay in the service had happened from that cause. In the item for provisions there was a decrease of only £l5O, although there had been a decrease in the number of passengers, which was explained by a large rise in the price of provisions of something like 20 per cent., thus counterbalancing the reduc tion in the number of persons fed. They had ex pended £l,lOO in painting and improving the ven tilation of offices. There was an increase of £4OO in the receipts for the Government contract, in con sequence of the premiums for arriving before time with the mails, being that much in excess of the penalties for being behind time. There was a de crease in the receipts for specie as compared with the corresponding period of last year. During the American war a great deal of gold was sent to this country, which was now sent direct to New Yorlc. and other places, and was the cause of a reduction in that item. The passage money had also shown a considerable decrease, chiefly arising from the esta blishment of a highly subsidised line of French steamers. The French passengers who formerly came to Southampton to go in their ships now went by the French line instead of via Southampton. He believed a great deal of competition was now going on, and they could only endeavour to make the route by their ships as popular as they could. He had gone out and returned in four of their ships to see how the service was performed, and he must say there was a general feeling of satisfaction at the at tention of the different officers to render the pas sengers as comfortable as possible. (Hear.) The intercolonial traffic, which commenced a few months ago, did not come into the present accounts. They had improved the service to Trinidad, St. Vincent, and Granada, so as to save an interval of 24 hours in replying to letters. This had added 3,500 miles to the service performed. There were also 6,000 miles additional for the new route to Colon, which he believed would become remunerative by the development of the freight and passen ger traffic. They had reason to expect that a large traffic would find its way in their ships by the new route from Sydney and New Zealand across Panama, and it was satisfactory that an in creased number of passengers was coming by that route. The Panama and New Zealand Company's ships had performed the long distance of 6,500 miles across the Pacific within three or four hours of the specified time, which showed that the service had been performed in a remarkably able and skilful manner. The repair and renewal account would be sufficient to meet all demands upon it. The general reserve fund had a balance of £25,000, which was more than sufficient to provide for any loss on the sale of ships that were done with. The insurance fund, thanks to the great care of their captains and officers in navigating the ships, was in a most satisfactory position. Being an old company they had the advantage of educating officers for the service, and he believed they were unsurpassed by those of any other company. (Cheers.) He then alluded to the delays that had occurred in the delivery of the new ships; one of them—the Danube—had been delayed 12 months beyond the time specified. Mr. E. COLVILLE seconded the motion for the adoption of the report, including the declaration of the dividend and bonus. He said he was a director of the Panama and New Zealand Royal Mail Com pany. The ships of that company had made three voyages from Panama to New Zealand and Sydney, and three voyages from those places to Panama, and in no instance had they been 24 hours behind time in a distance exceeding 6,000 miles without coaling. In the three voyages they had carried 300 passengers to Panama, which showed the great con fidence of the public in the service. They had sent out an extra ship, the Prince Alfred, 1,000 tons, to Panama, in case her services should be necessary. He had no doubt that the Panama route would be come a great feeder to the company's line between Southampton and Colon. Mr. TAYLOR. suggested that the Royal Mail Com pany should provide an extra steamer at Colon to forward passengers to Southampton without wait ing for the next packet. Mr. IVIII - rE said the proposition, if adopted, might entail a loss on the company, and therefore that matter had better be left in the hands of the directors. The CHAIRMAN' replied to the various observa tions. Ile said that, while they were disposed to afford every facility for the development of the Panama and New Zealand route, they must consider the in terests of the shareholders as to the proposal for a spare ship at Colon, which he believed was not neces sary. The Danube had been lengthened, and 300 tons had been added to her tonnage. He had no doubt that she would answer her purpose, although she was of larger tonnage than originally intended. The report was unanimously adopted ; and Mr. Childers, M.P., was elected a director of the company. The proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the chairman and directors. ' any length that evening, knowing, as he did, that topics connected with politics were rather put aside on these occasion; though he confessed he did not see why at meetings like that it should be so, because if there was an occasion on which a county member had a better opportunity of meeting his constituents than another, it was at meetings of that kind ; and if anything was likely to subdue the bitter feeling of political excitement it was partaking of such an excellent repast as they had had. (Laughter.) After dinner they all settled down into a good-natured sort of conversation, in which, even if they were to enter into an argument upon the new Reform Bill which they had heard was to be introduced, he doubted not that at that table they would be able to manufacture a very pleasant one. (Laughter.) He sincerely trusted that, if the Government did bring in a Reform Bill, they would have the fair judgment of the country, and not be -treated as it was said the ultra-Liberal party had some idea of treating them —by having nothing at all to say to it. He did not conceive that it was by any means impossible that a Conservative Government should settle this much- agitated question. Everybody would admit that the various Governments which had attempted the task had signally failed ; and if there was to be any settlement of the question (which, he humbly believed, was very doubtful), he did not think it was a question which could be settled by one party or another, but that the only way of settling it, giving a fair representation, and holding strongly to those ancient laws which had been laid down with regard to the strength and welfare of the constitution of the country, would be for the House of Commons to resolve itself into a committee of the wholehouse and make the best bill it could. That, he thought, was about the only chance the country had of hav ing a Reform Bill. Parties were so divided upon it, and the working of parties, when they took the line they did upon matters of that sort, reduced the ques tion to a shifting of places, and then he saw but little hope of the settlement of so important it ques tion. Anyhow he had no doubt that if Lord Derby's Government took up the question of reform they would take it up with a spirit of honesty, having strongly at heart the welfare and prosperity of the country. (Cheers.) The Noble PRESIDENT, in proposing " Success to the Newmarket Farmers' Club," said he cordially concurred in the expression by his brother (Lord G. Manners) of his gratitude that they had been allowed to gather in their harvest better than some of their neighbours. He feared that upon the whole the harvest in England had not been a good one, and that in many counties, especially in the north, a great deal of good corn had been entirely destroyed. He thought, therefore, those who had been able to gather their crops in good condition should feel peculiarly grateful to Providence for having been allowed to do so. (Applause.) When he last year had the pleasure of addressing them in that room the cattle plague had but recently broken out, and he remembered he then stated that he was afraid that of all the many remedies that had been proposed to counteract that fearful disease, none of them would be of any real or permanent avail. He was sorry to say that that prediction had been but too truly verified, and he believed that, up to the pre sent time, no specific had been found that would care that fearful plague. But at the same time he thought that something with respect to it had been established, and, amongst other things, he thought it had been established that it was contagious, that it was imported from abroad, and that the only way of getting rid of it was by stamping it out. That had now been done for some time with good effect, and he rejoiced to find tliat, according to the last re turn, there were only six cases during the week, being five less than in the previous week. Ile hoped, therefore, that the disease might soon disappear altogether, and that, with the exercise of the care referred to by his brother, it might not appear again. There was one point that struck him as very remark able in the report of the commissioners upon this subject, and that was that in no case had the disease ever ascended to an altitude of above 1,000 feet. Throughout the country all the highest parts of the land had been entirely free ; there seemed to have been hardly an exception. In Westmoreland, in Cumberland, in Scotland and Wales, in the high parts of Leicestershire, and in the high parts of that unfortunately low county (Cambridgeshire), they found there had been no cattle plague ; but when they got to Cheshire and the fen districts there the fearful disease seemed to rage with impunity. There was another point alluded to by his brother which he thought of great importance at the present time, and that was the prospect of a scarcity of labour. He had observed that nearly all the meetings which had taken place this year on the subject of agriculture that question had been alluded to, and he was happy to say he thought in almost all cases in the very best spirit ; and he quite agreed with the remarks made by almost every speaker on the subject, that if they wished to retain the labourer on their farms it must be by improving his condition, and by looking after his wants and necessities. With respect to the hint that had been thrown out by his brother as to co-operation, that was certainly the first time he had heard it suggested as ap plied to the agricultural labourer, and therefore he could not give a very decided opinion as to its practicability ; but of this he was quite sure—that l i whatever increased the comfort and well-being of the labourer not only conferred great benefit on the labourer himself, but also upon all dependent upon agriculture—upon the farmer as well as upon the landlord; and he was convinced that nothing they could do would so benefit agriculture and themselves as to improve the labourer by all the means in their power—by giving him better wages, improving his cottage, and giving him increased comforts in every way. He believed that nothing would so increase their own prosperity as increasing the prosperity of the labourer. (Cheers.) He had great pleasure in proposing the toast he had mentioned, because he felt that that society was one that conferred great benefits on agriculture ; but he thought they would take a low and a small view of the benefits it con ferred if they confined their vision to the actual and positive benefits derived from that club. He alluded to the prizes that were given for ploughing, forroots, forthe best agricultural labourer, and for the increase of agricultural produce. These conferred a direct and evident benefit upon agriculture ; but if they wished to estimate the full behefit that was derived from that society they should look more to the effect that it had upon agaiculture by bringing them toge gether as it had done that day, and by the good fel lowship and good feeling which he believed that in tercommunication of ideas would produce. (Cheers.) At the present time, when there were those in this country who were endeavouring to set class against class, agriculturist against manufacturer, and manufacturer against agriculturists, who were endea vouring to wid en th e gu lf th a t already! separated riches from poverty, and doing all in their power to create evil passions and excite animosities, instead of endeavouring to heal and to calm the feeling that might in some cases arise—he said that when there were endeavours made to create dissensions and ill feeling, he- thought it was more necessary than ever that they should unite together—(cheers)---in feel ings of friendship and of loyalty, in feelings of loyalty to the Queen, and of attachment to their institutions, as giving them freedom and liberty, and in feelings of true and lofty patriotism. (Cheers.) He felt convinced that the time had not come when they were prepared to risk all that they held most dear in the hope of some unattainable good that could never come. (Cheers.) In the course of the subsequent proceedings, Mr. Gardener referred to the suggestion of Lord G. Manners as to the co-operative system, and said that if the labourer got no share of the profits till those of his master reached 10 per cent., he did not see much of a prospect for the labourer upon 'that system. A Now Zealand letter of September 8 says :-- :" In the yearly part of the present year Professor Owen suggested that a feath2r or bone of some extraordinary fossil bird or reptile discovered at Nelson should be for warded to him for examination. That fossil might have been better described from its appearance as an enormous brickbat. Mr. Dobson, who, in consequence of Professor 0 wen's request inspected the supposed fossil, declared it to be merely a mass of highly quartzose sandstone. But by this mail a really interesting contribution to science is for warded to one of the London societies by Dr. Hector, P. 11.8., the Government geologist, in the shape of some elaborate drawings, &c., of a portion of a moa's egg, with the bones of the chick in an advanced stage of incubation. The egg was found at Otago and received here a few weeks ago." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The want of statesmanship and construc tive ability has often been imputed to Mr. Bright. He has himself, at least on one memorable occasion, disclaimed the name of " statesman," and expressed a doubt whether a pure ambition would aspire to it. Perhaps he is conscious that a power of denouncing political evils effectively is seldom combined with the gift of anticipating or removing them by wise counsels, and deliberately prefers assured success as an agitator to the uncertain prospect of a more enduring fame. In accepting an invitation from Ireland, however, he has taken upon himself for the first time the part which he professes to decline. If his visit has any meaning at all, it is a pledge that he and those who follow him will act together with the Irish Liberals in devising such measures " as to bring about in Ireland contentment and tranquillity, and a solid union between Ireland and Great Bri tain." His speech illustrates, possibly even more than Mr. Bright himself would desire, the wide dif ference between a flagrant case and one which has to be made out, between actual grievances deep in history and in the heart of millions, and grievances of an almost purely speculative character. We have often had to remark that the great difficulty of the Reform question is the want of practical reasons for Reform. We ask, and get no answer to the ques tion, what there is a Reformed Parliament would do which this leaves undone, and what are the particu lar evils so great that they can only be remedied by running the risk of revolution ? We admit the in strument of legislation to be full of defects and roughly made, but so long as it does its work—which is hardly disputed—we doubt the wisdom of throw ing it aside for a more showy and ingenious machine. It is this very deficiency in the argument which Mr. Bright finds exchanged for superabundance when he touches Irish soil. There he finds, and describes as he can describe, land the property of a few, the people without an interest in the soil, the Church of a fractional minority, an an cient faith converted into a badge of subjection, famines, and emigrations far beyond the example of modern times—evils all culminating, and threat ening long to endure, in a fierce national resent ment transplanted to American soil, and full of danger to our colonies and even ourselves. The question which Mr. Bright proposes to himself is that raised by the so-called Parliament of Kilkenny in the reign of Edward IV. " How comes it to pass that the King is never the richer for Ireland?" The statute passed by this very assembly is quite enough to show how incompent they were to entertain it. The policy which divided Ireland into two nations, and ultimately governed the one through—that is, by the " ascendancy" of the other," may be said to date from that period. The " English' were for bidden to intermarry with the " Irish," to use Irish names, Irish costume, or Irish fashions, or even to let Irish cattle graze cm their lauds ; ani although Mr. Bright's humorous construction of this last clause is scarcely justified by history, which tells us that a principal object of the whole statute was to prevent the English settlers from degenerating into Irish barbarism, it still typifies an inveterate antagonism of race, which, combined with religious animosity, has been the curse of Ireland. Moreover, in Ireland, as Mr. Bright observes, " the landowner is the creature of conquest—not of conquest 800 years ago, but of conquest completed only 200 years ago," the memory of which is still treasured up in tradition. Add to this the imposition of a Protes tant Church Establishment upon a Catholic popu lation, the penal statutes, and all the other sins of English rule in Ireland committed by our forefathers, but visited upon us, and we have quite enough to account for " a general sense of wrong," outlasting its cause by many generations. At the same time, we cannot flatter our Irish fellow-subjects by dismiss ing the idea of " some radical defect in the Irish character" quite so easily as their guest. All races do not possess the same virtues, and no disrespect is shown towards Irish character in maintaining that its genius is not political. The Government of Ire land by its own chiefs before the English conquest was nothing but an organised anarchy, and modern experience, of which Fenianism in America affords the latest example, makes it impossible for us to share Mr. Bright's conviction that the misery and discontent of the Irish people " come, not from their race, but from their history and the conditions to which they have been subjected." It may be quite true that, on the whole, " there is a remarkable absence of crime in Ireland," but, as Mr. Bright admits, there have been too often perpetrated, at the bidding of secret societies, " offences of appal ling guilt in the eyes of the whole world," though not, it is to be feared, in those of the Irish peasantry. The agrarian murders, countenanced and concealed as they are by a large crass of the people, are proofs of a lawless spirit, which may have been aggravated by pure oppression, but of which the root lies far deeper. It would be most unjust on the one hand, to assert that Ireland is ungovernable, because, having been misgoverned for many ages, it is almost impossible to govern now. It would be foolish, on the other, to shut our eyes to the difficulties, partly indeed resulting from soil and climate, but partly also from the national temperament, which a most enlightened Government might have failed to over come. In considering " what is the matter with a country," Mr. Bright specifies two main grievances —the Church and the land, Without seeking to exaggerate the magnitude of the former, he observes that "it is often the galling of the collar that is more tormenting than the weight of it." Into his comments upon this subject we need not follow him, since few Conservatives would venture with Sir Hugh Cairns to defend the Irish Church upon principle, and all Liberals would agree with Mr. Bright that whatever be done, vested interests must be duly respected. " The land" opens out far more intractable problems. There is some truth in the statement that in Ireland we have had " the country gentleman in all his power," and that an almost exclusive regard to the prejudices of the Protestant landed interest long prevailed in Parliament. To allege, however, that emigration is chiefly due to the tyranny of this class, or that evictions have driven many thousands of families across the Atlantic, is grossly to misrepre sent the case. The simple reason why so many Irishmen emigrate is that wages in Ireland are too low to support them in decency, while their relatives in America are living in comfort and even luxury. Wages are low because Ireland, a purely agricul tural country, is over-stocked with labourers, and they never will or can be raised except by a reduc tion of population, or an influx of capit a l f or the im provement of the land and the development of manu factures. It is no fault of "the class that rules" that the supply of Irish labour is in excess of the demand for it. Even an Irish Republic could not reverse the economical laws of nature, and had such a Govern ment been established 50 years ago the hopes of the Irish peasant, desirous of bettering himself, would still have turned " towards the setting sun." Mr. Bright, however, believes that, desperate as the condition of Ireland is, " there is a certain remedy for it." The two measures he suggests are the ex tinction of the Irish Church endowment, saving, of course, the existing recipients ; and the purchase by the Government of Irish estates possessed by Eng lish landowners, in order to their division and re distribution by sale. We will not at present discuss either the justice or the policy of these measures ' • we will suggest only a few p rac ti ca l difficulties. As to the Church, would Mr. Bright abolish all endow ment in money as well as land ? How would he deal with the numerous endowments of other religious bodies, and the endowments for education on reli gious principles ? To whom should the land, or the tithe rent charge, or the Consols revert ? What is to be done with the property or the money ? It is almost needless to ask whether he would allow any endowments for the future. His proposition for dealing with the large Irish estates in the hands of English landowners is even more sug gestive of problems. 'What constitutes au " ab sentee," and beyond what amount is the posses sion of Irish land to be forbidden to English land owners ? What is to be done with the purchase money ? It will, we presume, be handed over to the trustees under settlement. In the interest of the numerous class of Englishmen and Scotchmen who are not landowners, and who do not wish to see land enhanced to an impossible price, we protest against the purchase money being reinvested on the soil of this island. Then under what regulations is the land of the " absentee" to be divided, sold, held, and occupied ? For example, may an Englishman purchase a lot, lay it down in grass, build a house upon it, and come and go as he does in this country ? May the purchaser of a lot sell it again, and may the land sold under this measure be capable of ac cumulation, like other land? May a man buy all the property of an absentee, turn out all human beings upon it, and substitute deer? If a man elects to reside in Ireland, what quantity of English or Scotch land may he possess ? Some of these ques tions must present themselves on the very threshold of the discussion of the proposed measure ; AMC of them can be avoided altogether, and until something like an answer can be given to them we shall doubt whether Mr. Bright has advanced his reputation by his first essay in constructive statesmanship. V ague denunciation is much more easy. The Price of Gold. The quotation of gold at Paris is about at par, and the short exchange on London is 25.171 per 41 sterling. On comparing these rates with the English Mint price of 101 d. per ounce for standard gold, it appears that gold is about the same price in London and Paris. The course of exchange at New York on London for bills at 60 days' sight is about 161 per cent.. and the price cf ,gold 1461 per cent. At these rates there is little or no profit on the importation of gold from the Unite.' States. City of London College• The distribution of prizes and certificates aw ard the students of this instituti on by the heads of the College, and the Society of Arts at the July exam ination for 188 ' took place last evening in the theatre of the Coll e g e, 52 ' Leadenhall-street. At th a t exam i na ti on representat ives of . the College carried off a l arger p ro po r tion than usual ot assume d !ran the prizes, and the o ccas i on , consequen tly, features of special inte res t. Si r Th o mas Phillips,. ( I A chairman of the Coun c il o f th e S oc i e ty o f Arts, attended. W distribute the prizes, and there was a numerous gathering of members and friends of the institution as spect ate,lll ; g The City of London College had its origin some 18 yetilB ago in the metropolitan even i ng c l asses , founded by' iti Rev. C. Mackenzie, with the object of improving th en ` ~, and intellectual condition o f y oung men in the metropel'7' In those days educationpl eff or t, es p ec i a lly that phas e a np - it dealing with " evening class e s," h a d not as in ae l„, ° a t, porters as in more modern periods. But the exp e "" - as it was then considered, of giving instruction in sciences, and languages in a familiar form and at an rate, was persisted in, and ultimately, against maul fl , t/ .7„, vial difficulties and in the face of sneers still more ae" .. ." dant, the College succeeded in establishing itself on " 71 footing. From the report read last evening it aPP eare , 9 6 that out of 50 prizes offered by the Society of Arts to trio candidates from all parts of the kingdom, the 66 cand id ' sent up from this College gained no less than 17 prizes , I , addition to 33 first-class certificates out of a total of 2 0 °' The young men who came forward in turn to receive l ll° s honours thus awarded represented most creditably th e °las to which they belonged, and some of their number wh o e te re a afterwards called on to move or second resolutions aacq themselves admirably, speaking fluently and to th e P °l ?, Sir T. Phillips, in his address, referred to the conflic t : creasing in intensity, in which young men found tn e T, selves entangled, between, on the one hand, th e struggl e •` ° l the means of existence, and on the other ' for intelleclaso culture. These evening classes afforded to all who obe se t d avail themselves of their advantages an important m en B c h self-help, and facilities for ultimate advancement Whlce otherwise might never come within their reach. But classes had still higher claims and functions. By ing the youth of a great city from temptations to 1".- of they were too freely exposed, and giving them hab its f methodical study, they added largely to the formation "t character, and exercised a beneficial influence on son ic K: large. Votes of thanks to the Society of Arts for the f' - a ral encouragement given to the College, to the exaini ller and adjudicators for the services they had rendered t(ei the professors and educational staff of the College, se , conspicuously to the Principal (Rev. Mr. Whittingtnei were carried by acclamation. Mr. E. G. Clarke, in P r ; posing the latter vote, drew attention to the fact that, examination held at the instance of the Society of Ar te nt ot vided itself into 23 subjects, in nine of whi" l ,,,, a :: pro. places had been taken by p l , / ,414..t ‘ne College. the ceedings closed with com pli men t ar y recognitions of the servi,... rendered by Sir T. Phillips, who gave Orel prizes, and the Rev. C. Mackenzie, who presided. led to I COUNTRY MARKETS. NEWCAS TLE- ON-TY NE—TuEsDAY. h ot At our market to-day there was a good supply of , W ith from the growers, and a fair quantity coastwise, " t his rather more liberal arrival from abroad. Having a u we attendance of buyers the trade ruled dull, and altheug'l3sr rates were maintained, very little business was don e ' bat ley of good malting quality moved off at full pri ce d '? grinding sorts were rather lower. Malt, beans, tai were unchanged. Old oats were firm. New were tb E t 'all cheaper. Flou r was s l ow , a t previous terms. The e i , i ;et i of wheat at Hexham mar k e t was goo d to-day, and e n iclie ° enced a fair demand, at a b ou t l as t wee k' s r ates, excel ) " r seed samples, which sold at higher prices. MONMOUTHSHIRE—T UESDAY. , " 03, • The following are the average quotations.—Wh ei "" 'or, 6s 3d to 6s 9d per bushel ; white, 6s 9d to 78 Od • bile r ip 4s 6d to 5s Od ; malting barley, 38s to 43s per cir d 2 95; ing ditto, 32s to 35s Od; beans; 448 ; white oats, 25s black ditto, 24s 9d to 26s 6d. GAINSBOROUGH—TUESDAY. A fair show of wheat, and prices were about Viinie to pe as last week—old, 62s to 635; new, 54s to 57s per 0 .„ goo d Barley scarce, and sold at full prices. Oats were 1- oh oirt request, with an upward tendency. Beans a meagr° with little alteration in price. SALISBURY.—TUESDAY. At this market to-day a moderate supply of vt e st go oli' offered, but the samples generally were not in gor ;0 0 ,, Lion. There was a largo attendance, but lower Pr'c'-it th e pressed for, although holders would not take less thtt, 010 full figures current last week. A limited business on therefore done. In the barley department there We't,„jair activity, a great many buyers being present. There viood increased offer both of malting and grinding, and 00 4 00 sample of the former sold for 55s per qr., or 2s per clr,;:o 00 the top price of last week. Oats ruled quite a s „ n u 6 11 before, and beans and peas, of which there was al/- average offer, were likewise firm in price. 4' a fr °9l The following are the quotations :—Wheat realise 6; 56s to 668 ; barley, 37s to 548; oats, 24s to 30s ; be d ; s, 4 to 6; to 58s; and peas,. 40s to 5Us per qr. T are s, from 01. 6d per bushel ; Best bread, 14d ; household dit t° per 81b loaf. Flour, 398 to 45s per sack. • HULL.—T UESDAY. „ In this district the advance in the value of wh eg ; - fete tinues, and good dry samples of both new and O lUthera fully is to 2s per qr. higher. At our market to-dsY t PS' ‘l' was a small show of English wheat, which sold "4calt week's prices for dry lots, but damp parcels wer e to quit. DO t' English white wheat, 60s to 665; red, 50s to 62s ; os; sic and Konigsberg, 62s to 688 ; Baltic red, b's to 5 05 * Danish and Hamburg, Ms to 58s ; Russian , 48s to 0 13 ' Barley, English, —s to —s; grinding, Diditerrloo, 31s to 31s 6d. Oats, new English, 27s to 28s; 1111 „ 4 55 26s to 275. Beans, old English, 50s to 51s; fore' b ite, to 475. Peas, English blue, 40, to 41s Od ; foreign ' sr 38s to 40s; grinding, 36s to 37s Od per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.—ToEsDAY• s o& White wheat, 56s to 62s ; red, 52s to 59s per au,. 6; r° r Barley for malting, 40s to 49s per qr ; feed, 30s t° e r o,st' 30 stone. Oats, old, 29s to 335; new, 22s to 28$ P e Beans, old, 52s to 545; new, 45s to 48s per qr. BRISTOL SUGAR.—WEDNESDAY. he 04 There has been more activity in sugar during t ele or& week. Buyers have op era t e d freely, and almost 000 the market of the small quantity offering. There inquiry for rum, at 8s 7d per gallon. I I ~'F'F~;~ i L COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market- s. do s. d. Hetton Lyons l9 9 H eug h H a ll ............. 2J ! 6 . Bradyell's Hetton 2l 3 Lambert's W.Hartlei 20 Wallsend Haswell 22 3 Acorn Close ............ i s u, ' Tees Kelloe Cassop Ships at market, 49—sold, 34. Foreign Mail racket Lie. ---4, MAILS DUE. ... r - 19. Australia and New Zealand , via Southampton....• l4 ` • IS• Dlo'f• 5 Ditto, via Marseilles Brazil and Capa Verde, by British packet...... •• • •14°V. . A Ditto, by French packet .......... 14°f. ' 0. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena••••li°;• 3. China. Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton••• ° N ° O- •• 13 Ditto, via Marseilles Falkland islands S. tg; 5 _ Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton•---"' ° - .13 Ditto, via Marseilles No• . 5. Y. ' id India (Bombay), via Southampton. NO ' Ditto, via Marseilles .., , 5. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton A °.. 1. V. - Dio ir• Ditto, via Marseilles NO lif Mauritius, via Southampton rlof• , Ditto, via Marseilles Nov , ' • Newfoundland - .• II 1.. volr, 6 Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon • United States and British North America, by Br!' 1. . prof. tish packet ' ...... • • Ditto, by United States packet, via i3outhamp - • ton Ditto, via Cork IsT° I. 2 ' Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry .•- 10. %Vest Coak.t of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe .. • • ll°. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and 13 1' Honduras) 10 Dtof. Cuba and Mexico Bermuda, via Halifax ....... Bahamas. via New York. ................ .. ..... I F Births. J , i‘iro. ANNING —On the 29th ult., at Riverdale, Hampton, BAncLAY- 4. Alining, of a son. 1, On the 30th ult., at Leyton, Essex, .-° lOC ° 0f J. G. Barclay, Esq., of a son. , 41 . 0 , Ja g. DAWSON—On the 31st ult., at L ower Norwood, '- Dawson, of a daughter. Os oat andMILWARD -On the 26th ult., at Watlington L af- d be"' . 1 the wife of Geo. Milward, Esq., jun of a son a' Marriages. ~t ., of.); ALBERT—DAVIS—On the 30th run., E. M. . 6 - 111 " .- f odd ; Lowndes-terrace, Knightsbridge, eldest 0 °,, 13 4 .,,: ) 0f "" . Albert, of Ludgate-hill, to Fanny, ' eldest daug"r 6 D. Davis, of 59, Gordon-square. ib ., bast I LETTS — ASHWORTH—At the parish church, -.-- - „ e deo„ -113 1 J. Letts, of Farnborough Villa, The Grovet r , J.P' ° to Sarah, eldest daughter of T. Ashworth, DK" Belle-green, Rochdale. , Deaths. „, go ° MERRIDEW--Oa the 29th ult., at Coventry, -'.* 11 „ P c i' t dew, Esq., aged 73. , r te.., NORTON—On the 29th ult., at Brighton, P. i' °- of 63, Old Broad-street, aged 66. ,;0 C h9.llo° STAPLETON-0 n the 26th ult., at Taunton, 31 ') -r e r'. Stapleton, aged 84. 11 0 °t SCOTT—On the 30th ult., at 10, Eccleston - st reeil r square, Henry D. Scott, Esq., aged 69. Thud rf.. TEMPLE—O n the 29th ult., at 5, Alfred -place' cis a' square, G. P. Temple, youngest son of the late ..,,, Tepe, BOnart., aged 21. WILL m IAMS- the 30th ult. at Guilford Vil l t ec t e s lb9tl • " ; road, South Norwood, Mr. F. W. Williams, ae j3j .ight ° t WYLDE -On the 26th ult., at 49 York-road e a 89. S t he G. Earl. , ag A AS 91 il l ' London : Printed tad Published by WILLI-- A fro , so• h , a of No. 112, Strand, Printer at Tits Sus ( ? e cotta Strand, in the Procinot of the Savv , in "a^ Middlesex-Thursday, November 1, 18%