The Sun. — London, England, 1848-08-16 00:00:00

bad struck him. The plaintiff, probably, must have a verdict upon the question of loss of services and ex• penses. The CHIEF BARON was of the same opinion; and, therefore, it would be quite unnecessary to occupy the pablic time, and unnecessarily wound the feelings of the parties without any object. He added, be was sure that Mr. Chambers would be the last man who would wish to do so. Mr. CHAMBERS proceeded—He quite concurred in the observations of his Lordship, and he should, therefore, merely address himself to the facts of the case as they already appeared in evidence. The Learned Counsel then proceeded to state that it appeared plain that the young woman had thrown herself in the way of the de fendant, and her conduct led to a very strong inference that he was not the only man with whom she bad been intimate. The circumstunces showed that she was a young woman of easy access. She saw a young man at a ball, and then meeting him several years afterwards at night the intimacy was renewed, and she at once con sented to meet him, and walked with him night after night, without the knowledge of her mother, and until this unfortunate event happened. Her conduct put him in mind of n verse from an old poet— " Whene'er ye meet a fool that's fou, That ye're a maiden, gar him trow, Seem nice—but stick to him like glue." —(Laughter,) And she did stick to him like glue.— (Laughter.) He could not go anywhere but the glue was sticking to him.—(A laugh.) Whenever he came to market she was watching for him, and it was very evident that she had brought the disgrace upon herself by her own misconduct and want of caution. Limier such circumstances he was sure the jury would not en courage such au action, for if they did there was hardly a village or a town in the country where young girls chose to walk out, either with farmers or labourers, in a moonlight night, that would not furnish plenty of similar actions at every assizes. If the young woman had been so modest and virtuous as she pretended to be, was it likely that she would so soon have yielded to the persuasions of the defendant, or having done so, that she would have eonsented to be a party to the sort of in timacy which she admitted to have taken place between them afterwards? He submitted that there could be no doubt as to her conduct, and that it was quite plain she was as willing as the defendant to consent to what had taken place. It was a misfortune, no doubt, for a mother to have a loose daughter; but the ques tion here was, what damages ought to be given, and although he did not deny that the de fendant had been guilty of a high moral offence, yet, if the jury believed that the young woman was equally guilty in the transaction, they would be injuring the cause of morality if they were to give any more than nominal damages in such a case, as it would hold out an inducement to other parties similarly situated to act in the same manner. In conclusion, he admitted that the plaintiff must have a verdict, but he called upon the jury to give her no greater amount of damages than would pay for the medical attendance and the actual ex penses she had incurred. The CHIEF BARON in summing up said, that he con curred in many of the observations of the Learned Counsel with regard to the nature of actions of this de scription, and he said that if he had to write a panegyric upon the law this was certainly not the particular part of it which he should choose as the theme for praise. No doubt the origin of the law was to give a master a remedy when he sustaine d an in j ur y by his servant being enticed away from him, or if any one wounded a man's servant he might bring an action far the loss of his services. The present form of action had no doubt arisen out of that state of things, and the law held that damages might be given commensurate with the injury that had been imilicted upon the feelings of the party. The Learned Judge then alluded to the circumstances of the case, and said that it did not appear to be anything like a case of deliberate seduction. No hospitality had been violated, and it appeared to be merely an exhibition of profligate morals on both sides. Ib appeared to him, that under those circumstances, although the mother was certainly entitled to a verdict in strictness of law, yet that she ought not to recover more damages than would reimburse her for the expense she had actually been put to; and as to the loss of ser vices, that must have been very trifling indeed, and would not amount to more than a few shillings. The Learned Judge concluded by stating that it was the duty of the jury to look at all the circumstances of the case, and having done so, to say by their verdict what amount of injury they considered the plaintiff had sustained. The jury, after a very short deliberation, returned a verdict for the plaintiff.—llamages 201. btrb 92tittton SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. -- The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly after Twelve o'clock. Mr. THORNELY brought up the report of the Com mittee on Petitions. NAVIGATION BILL. _ _ _ This Bill was ordered to be read a third time this day three mouths. MILITIA PAY BILL. This Bill was read rs third time and passed. OUT-PENSIONERS BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. REPEAL OF THE UNION. —.— Sir R. 11. INGLIS presented a petition from Youghal calling upon the House to take the question of the repeal or the union into its most serious consideration, and having done so, to declare by an enactment that it should be treason for any one to agitate for the repeal of the Union in any part of the United Kingdom here • after. ' .....,.. TEMPLE OF JUGGERNAUT. The RICIIT HON. BARNET also presented a petition from a place in Warwick, against the granting of 23,000 rupees to the Temple of Juggernaut. THE FACTORY ACT. Mr. CARDWELL presented a petition from Liver pool, praying for an alteration of the Factory Act. PATENTS. Mr. HUME presented a petition from nearly all the scientific men of London, praying that all the patents might be properly classified and made more easy of reference. SELECT COMMITTEE ON PRIVATE BILLS. On the motion of Mr. HUME, Mr. Henley and Mr. Hudson were added to the Committee., DROPPED NOTICES. Lord G. BENTINCY postponed a motion which was on the paper for last night until Tuesday, as also did Mr. HERRIES on the commercial distress. MARRIED SOLDIERS IN BARRACKS. In reply to Major BLACKALL, Mr. FOX MAULE stated that the subject of providing proper accommodation for married soldiers and their wives in barracks had occupied, and continued to occupy, the attention of the Government. Every accommodation would be given which the barracks could afford for the separation of the married men and their wives from the sleeping places of the single men. The Government hoped soon to be enabled to provide for the residence of married soldiers out of the barracks.—(Hear.) THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY?! In reply to a question from Mr. G. THOMPSON, Mr. F. O'CONNOR stated that no day was open to him to proceed with the Bill which he had prepared with respect to the company. The com pany fully intended to give a conveyance of the allotments to the tenants. They also considered that the enrolment of the society according to law was the cheapest, speediest, and most effective way of giving the company a legalised existence. ANNUITY-TAX (SCOTLAND). Mr. HUME said he had intended to move an address to the Queen, praying the appointment of a Commission to inquire into the operation of this tax in Scotland. If the Nuble Lord would state that the matter would be inquired into during the recess, he would not proceed with the motion. Lord J. RUSSELL assured the Honourable Gentle man that the attention of the Government would be devoted to the matter during the recess. A gentleman would be sent to Edinburgh to collect the requisite in formatio3.—(ffear, hear.) THE ENGINE-DRIVERS OF THE NORTH- WESTERN. Mr. F. O'CONNOR, seeing the Attorney-General in place, wished to ask whether persons who had taken season tickets, and who had been afraid to go by the lino in consequence, using other conveyances, could recover the loss they might sustain from the company? Sir J. JERVIS said, when the matter came before him in his official capacity, he should give an answer. The subject was one that required some consideration, and no notice having been given of the question, he could not then reply to it. UNLAWFUL SOCIETIES. Sir G. GREY laid on the table the continuation of the Act with respect to unlawful assemblies. OUT-PENSIONERS BILL. This Bill was read a third time. PAROCHIAL DEBTS AND AUDIT BILL. This Bill was also read a third time. S HEEP, &c., DIPORTATION PROHIBITION BILL. On the motion that this Bill be read a third time, Lord G. BENTlNcysaid • . compliment the G s.. it was not often he had to the pleasure ot th ankin g at any rate he had seldom behalf of the farmers mg the Board of Trade; but, on Right Honourable _o e t n 'E tl ngland, he begged to thank the k- N i vhich eman for this Bill. If there was one thing d te Member for Tamwo r th used t o Right Hon. Baronet the at his instigation of self-glorify himself more than another, it wa s t h e adoption. ( the principle of free -tr a d e ear, hear.) Looking at this, and the tree trade opinionsn n e ntertained by the Go vernmeint, he was glad to see thevio Government nment now coming forward with a measure of prohibition. And :why did they do so? B ecause t he ir free-trade measures had been the means of br in ging into th e nn c ontagious disease , which the y had been tr coun try a foul and _told by th e Honourable Memb er for Westbury had affiie the fl ocks of Ger man y for man y yeas.; and also by the Gov ernment Inspector, that it wa s un known in England until September last, and that it had afflicted flocks from tweity-five to eighty per cent. ; that Mr. Larpent had lost eight score of sheep in four days, and i the Marquis of Westminster 1,800. Ho begged to thank the Government, therefore, for this first step towards the repeal of- their free-trade measures. He hooped it would not be the last measure for the repeal of the obnoxious enactment of free trade, which had accomplished so much mischief. Mr. LABOUC HERE said any compliments from the Noble Lord were so rare, that they had a very agreeable sound to his ears'. In bringing forward this measure the Government 'had no intention to depart from the THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENIiNG, AUGUST 16, 1848. free-trade principles which they had adopted. Ho thought no free-trader would say that its principles were to be carried to the extent of admitting diseased animals, should they enter this country.—(Hear.) The Government hoped to be enabled—by the assistance of their consols abroad, and custom-house officers at home, to prevent the disease spreading into this country to a greater extent than it had more effectually than could be done by any Act of Parliament. He believed inoculation was the only thing that' could prevent the spreading of the disease, except the absolute prevention of the importation of sheep. - In reply to Mr. HUME, The HoN. GENTLESAN stated that there was another Bill, which gave the Government the power of confis cating the sheep brought to our shores in a diseased state. The Bill was then read a third time. THE SITTINGS OF THE HOUS E . Lord J. RUSSELL intimated that it was his inten .ion to move Committees of Supply on Monday, Wed nesday, and Friday. The House would sit to-night after five o'clock. - THE GRANT TO SIR CHARLES TREVELYAN. Mr. SPOONER then rose to call the attention of the House to the grant of 2,5001. to this gentleman. He wished to know whether any opposition would be given by her Majesty's Government to an expression of opinion by the House, that it was unconstitutional to make such a grant out of the civil contingencies without a pre vious application to Parliament? He trusted that the Hon. Member (Mr. Osborne) would propose a vote of censure, if some means were not afforded of getting that money returned. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he was of opinion that the Government were perfectly justified in giving a gratuity to Sir Charles Trevelyan for the extraordinary services he had rendered, and he believed the sense of the House was in favour of it. Sir Charles Trevelyan had, however, expressed a desire to repay the whole amount into the Exchequer. The sum of 100,0001. was set apart annually for civil contingencies, and he did not see that the Government had acted un constitutionally in offering a portion of it in the way they had done, but he begged to say that the Government were prepared to meet any vote of censure that might be proposed. Mr. OSBORNE said he intended to propose in Supply that the whole vote should not be allowed. SLAVE TRADE. Mr. URQUHART said it was not his intention to bring forward in the Committee of Supply the following motion, of which he had given notice:—That from the cor respondence laid upon the table of this House in refe rence to the suppression of the slave trade in MussUiman countries, it appears that her Majesty's servants have adopted proceedings calculated to aggravate the horrors of the traffic, and to alienate from this country the good will of the Governments and nations so interfered with. The House then went into Committee. FOREIGN POLICY. On the first vote being proposed, Mr. DISRAELI rose and said, that however other members of the Government might complain of their time, and the time of the public being taken up with lengthened debates upon their acts and deeds, he thought the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department could not, with reason or justice, complain of the length of the criticisms which had been bestowed upon the policy he had recommended upon transactions tha had occurred with regard to foreign subjects. Although this year had witnessed throughout Europe the occur rence of events more important, probably, that any that had previously occurred of the kind, he could only remember two occasions this session on which the attention House of Commons had been called to anything connected with our external relations. For one of these occa sions he confessed he was himself responsible, but he thought in that instance he was warranted in calling the attention of the House of Commons to the circum stance of an ancient ally having claimed the fulfilment of a guarantee from England, while the sympathy ex pressed by the House when he ventured to make these observations upon the position of England, as regarded Denmark, at least showed that, however imperfect his advocacy of the subject might be, it was not considered intrusive by the House. It was in the recollection of every gentleman that a very remarkable incident oc curred at the capital of one of her Majesty's allies which gave rise to the second debate. A Minister, who might be styled the virtual representative of the Sove reign of England was expelled by one of her Majesty's allies, and he did not think their con stituencies or her Majesty's Ministers could main tain that some observations upon an event so remarkable as to be almost unprecedented were any surplusage of discussion in that House.—(Hear, hear.) On both of those two discussions, so far as the Govern ment were concerned, they were conducted in any other spirit but that of party acerbity.—(Hear.) Notwith standing the important events that had occurred all over Europe—notwithstanding the favourable opportunities that these events afforded to the Opposition, there were but these two occasions when subjects connected with our external relations had been brought under the considera tion of the House, and certainly in both these instances Ministers had no right to declaim against the spirit in which these observations were made. He therefore felt it to be his duty to call the attention of the Com mittee to a breach of our foreign relations of the greatest importance, because he thought that he might be able to show the Committee that it was incumbent upon them, as the representatives of their constitueucies, to make themselves acquainted with the exact state of the affairs which in this respect existed.—(Hoar, hear.) The sub ject he wished to call the attention of the Committee to was the state of Italian politics, and our relation at this moment with the Italian states. It had been his intention, on looking over the various items to be brought before them in Supply, to have called the attention of the Committee to the subject upon the vote for one of the Ministers of the Crown, namely, the vote to the Lord Privy Seal.—(Cheers.) He thought that would have been the most appropriate occasion to introduce this subject, because the Lord Privy Seal was an individual who had figured in a conspicuous manner in transactions of this nature, that it would be almost totally impossible to display the circumstances to the full consideration of the Committee without debating that vote.—(Hear, hear.) But in order not to give to the observations which he wished to place before the Committee and the coun try the character of a personal and invidious attack upon an individual, he had abstained from pursuing that course.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, the Government were as much responsible for these transactions as the Lord Privy Seal himself; and it seemed to him that the vote for defraying the expenses of the Foreign-office afforded him a legitimate opportunity to bring the question before the Committee.—(Hear.) At the same time it was totally impossible, however briefly or however condensed his observations might be, to forget that the operations of the Lord Privy Seal had commenced before the important changes abroad in the interest of which the attention of Government must lately have been in a great degree absorbed; but still all the transactions of the Lord Privy Seal were intimately connected and involved with everything that has since happened. (Hear, hear.) The Lord Privy Seal, he need hardly remind the Committee, went out on a roving commission. He went to teach politics to a country who was supposed to be sadly in want of such instruction, and to advise with a Sovereign who required some person to assist him in adjusting his political differences.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) In fact, it was thought necessary that the Noble Lord should take up a decided position with respect to this Sovereign and some of his people; and although we had a Minister Plenipotentiary, and some other diplomatic agents of another class, at his Court, it was thought necessary to communicate with the Sovereign of Italy by no less a personage than a member of the British Cabinet—one who could not be required to wait for instructions in order to give him a clue to the next course he should adopt— who himself, to a certain degree, should be a portion of that original and mysterious inspiration which guided the movements of ordinary diplomatists—who should be perfectly familiar with all the secrets and schemes of her Majesty's Ministers on the question, and, therefore, with a large discretionary power—indeed with almost ab libitum power—the Lord Privy Seal was sent to meet or prevent the occurrence of many ugly circum stances in that country, and to lay the foundation of a future state of acknowledged prosperity in the Italian States.—(Hear, and cheers.) It was a curious thing to place the principal object of this important mission, the object of this policy before the results. Lord Minto had an important object to achieve, but in the end it failed. There was a great apprehension on the part of Ministers that Austria, actuated by unneces sary fear, would invade Sardinia, and the first object Lord Minto had to achieve was to prevent this invasion. So far as this object was con cerned, it had resulted in Lord Minto being perfectly successful, for the only thing that happened was, Sar dinia invaded Austria.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Cros sing the Appenines, Lord Minto found himself in the centre of Italy, delegated with a peculiar negotiation with an eminent Potentate, but whose name, in deference to an Hon. Friend near me, he would not descend to mention.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord was charged with the accomplishment of an act of solid diffieulty—an act that has perplexed the Cabinets of England from the days of Eliza beth down to the present moment, and the accomplishment of which would entitle any Ca binet to claim the applause of the people. Lord Minto appeared to have succeeded in this object, and at the commencement of this session no less a person than the Lord President of the Council, in a breathless state, informed the House of Lords that he must immediately introduce a Bill to establish diplomatic relations between the Court of St. James's and the Court of the Pope. He believed the usual forms of the House of Lords were not observed, for he believed the Bill was brought in without notice, and the usual lapse of time permitted between the first and second readings was waved in the month of February, on account of the urgency of the case. But what had been the result? The Bill did not pursue its course so rapidly as was at first anticipated, ar.d for this reason, that every moment changes were occurring abroad, and that the power of the Pope to establish diplomatic relations had ceased to exist. He supposed, however, by the last bulletin from the Papal States they must consider that another change had taken place, and the Pope would still have the power of exercising some doubtful authority. — (Hear, hear.) This Bill, therefore, which was brought forward in the House of Lords in a breathlessa state, was in August so far ad adlitTla ed • as to be again entitled to enjoy s n lative life, and they were informed that there was a chance of its yet being introduced to their notice. Having been eminently t successful in the north of Italy J invasion of Sardinia by Austria, and in this eminent Italy, in establishing diplomatic relations Pope, who might not have any diplomacy at his there was athird diplomatist of Italy in which the I was in the uniting Lord Minto oe were also employed, g waa f thTw Sicilies. It was invited by the King s i alctw n ahal 1 iben adtPdohrcumteeehtrytnahsalhenteetnragdoettii of the Two Sicilies to favour him with his counsel, and to interfere in the adjustment of his kingdom. It was very possible that the Noble Lord, like other eminent performers, was starring it throughout Europe, and having been so suc cessful in Milan and at Rome, there came an ,invitation that he should exhibit at Naples, but the result of his Lordship's performance in the south of Italy was not less successful than in the north and the centre of Italy.— (Hear, and laughter.) He was called upon by the King of the Two Sicilies to remove some misconception that existed between his two kingdoms, and the Noble Lord laboured hard to support the legislative union that subsisted between Naples and Sicily; but the Noble Lord's labours resulted, not only in the separation, but in the total repeal of the political connexion between the two states.—(Hear, and laughter.) Whatever, therefore, might have been the intentions of the Government, and howeverdeep might have been their sense of the respon sibility which the affairs of the continent imposed upon her for diplomatic interference, it was quite clear that the results of the Noble Lord's proceedings were more inter esting than successful.—(" Hear," and laughter.) And yet he understood from the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that, not profiting by what had occurred, the Noble Lord was going again to mediate in Italy, in conjunction with another country, and he thought it was a very legitimate subject of inquiry, and he would perform his duty to his constituents in taking that opportunity of inviting the Governmen to give them some information as to the object of their mediation. Now the Noble Lord informed tnem the other night, and since they had been so informed by every possible organ of influence and opinion, that England and France were going to mediate in,the affairs of Northern Italy. Now he thought he was making a legitimate inquiry of the Noble Lord if he asked him to inform the Committee, first, what was to be the principle of this mediation? Secondly, what was to be the motive of the mediation? Thirdly, what was the end proposed to be attained by the media tion?—(Hear, hear.) These appeared to he three in quiries which it was their duty to pursue, and invite the Minister to respond to. Now, first, with regard to the principle of the mediation. The principle of the mediation might be of a political character. There might be a desire to prevent the effu sion of blood ; it might be a desire to prevent the occur rence of circumstances which might inconvenience the merchants of this country. The interests of commerce would justify the Noble Lord to interfere to a certain extent in particular cases ; but as re gards the north of Italy, there was no effu sion of blood ; he believed it was stopped ; nor were there any commercial interests that required defence, or which were sufforing from auy circumstances that were ()centring in that country. It was only left then for the Noble Lord to mediate with the Emperor of Austria upon the sentimental or political principle, but if the Noble Lord intended to mediate upon the politicaliprin • ciple, he would have a very pleasing task ; the means at his disposal were obvious, and very clear.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord, in mediating on the !political principle, would be guided by the doctrines of the law of nations and by the establishment of existing treaties. He would take down from his shelf the treaties of Paris and Vienna, and he would find that the Emperor of Austria was in peaceable posiession of those do minions which those treaties secured to him and that the kingdom of Sardinia was in possession of those parties to whom the treaties' secured it. There fore, as regarded these two powers, there was a principle of public law which the Noble Lord must observe, and of course his mediation would be a nullity.' He would find that he had nothing to do, and that the interference might produce a conclusion satisfactory to Europe, but which probably would have occurred had the Noble Lord never mediated at all.—(Hear, hear.) That a statesmen so able and so experienced as the Noble Lord should announce to the Parliament of the country that he was going to mediate in the affairs of northern Italy, merely that he might afterwards announce that he had done the thing, was absurd, and therefore he apprehended that the Noble Loi d intended to me diate eot on a political but a sentimental principle. — (Hear, hear.) He must therefore be allowed to express a hope that the Noble Lord would meet with no en couragement in such a course; and it was the know ledge that the country was opposed to that policy which had induced him to bring the affairs of Italy before the Committee.—t Hear, hear.) If it were necessary that Limburg should only be in the possession of Lim burg, that the power of Austria should not prevail there, upon what grounds could they justify the arrangement by which Austria retained the whole of Venice? If the Noble Lord was to carry out the principle of nationality, and to secure Limburg to its present possessors, upon what principle could the Noble Lord justify the claims of Austria to the Venetian territory?—(Hear.) If the Committee did not take the earliest opportunity to discourage that sentimental principle of settling the affairs of nations, he was convinced that this country would be involved in difficulties which it was almost impossible to contemplate, and that the House would at the same time support a policy which to be purely developed would resolve Europe into its original elements and not leave any social political principle in existence in the form which it now assumes. Ho wished to know upon what principle that mediation, of which they had heard so much between France and England in the affairs of Northern Italy, was founded, whether it was a political mediation founded upon the law of nations and of treaties, or whether it was founded upon a new-fangled and sentimental principle, which he was convinced would lead to inextricable contusion, and to great difficulty and danger.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he came to the second point: he wished to know by what means this mediation was to be carried into effect? Was it to be an armed mediation ? Because, if an armed mediation, the Emperor of Austria, being in possession of his estates, and the King of Sar dinia being in possession of his, war at that moment, as he was :informed, not being waged between these two Sovereigns, then the armed mediation of England and France was an invasion, and the mode in which they were going to secure peace was by commencing war. If not an armed mediation, was it a mediation only of good offices? If so, then he would leave it to the Com mittee to decide what prospect we had of success. So much, therefore, as to the principle of the mediation and as to the means by which it was to be carried into effect. Ho now wished to ask her -Majesty's Go vernment what end was proposed by this media tion ? He could not for a moment imagine that any Minister in any country could contemplate such a proposition as that of swelling the territories of the King of Sardinia in return for the nocturnal attack which he had made, in order to increase their authority and power. Well, what did they intend to do with Milan in their mediation between two powerful military neighbours, who were perpetually quarelling with one another, and calling for foreign in terference? What form of Government did they mean to establish. They could not have a King of Lombardy, and as it to the interest of Europe that their diplomacy should establish a republic, and if so, he would ask what kind of republic they intended to recommend? Was it. to be a revolutionary republic, a Conservative republic, or a red or white republic ?—(Laughter)--a republic with a red cap, or a republic with a white feather?—(Continued laughter.) Those were questions upon which this country was exceedingly anxious to re ceive some information from the Government. He thought ho had ;town the Committee that there were three points upon which they ought to require in formation from the Government. The principle upon which the mediation was founded, the means by which it was to be carried into effect, and the end which it was proposed to attain by that mediation. — (Hear, hear.) The object of the mediation he was in formed would not be announced by her Majesty's Go vernment, and it was the secret object of the transaction which was perplexing to the public eye. The object of the mediation in the affairs of Northern Italy, where there was nobody to mediate between, and where there was nothing to settle— (Laughter) —was, he understood, to prevent the in vasion of Italy by the French. Well, he had no hesie tation in saying that the invasion of northern Italy by the French was much to be regretted; and if her Ma jesty's Ministers, with the advantage of recent expe rience, were able to prevent such an occurrence, no doubt on that ground they would be considered to have acted in a statesmanlike cnaracter. But France had no right to interfere with Italy—it would be a violation of every principle of international law if she were to do so, and of every treaty which existed with reference to the Italian states. He was of opinion himself that Franco would not invade that country. He did not think it would be to her interest:or her honour if she did, and he deprecated the contingency of an event being entertained which would be so disastrous to the world and unjusti fiable on the part of -France. He wished he could say that England was not in the same position. Our own conduct to Italy, he admitted, afforded an example to France—not to justify her in violating the laws of nations, or in violating existing treaties—but unfor tunately he believed the French Minister could rater to a circumstance which would give a clear pretext to France, and that was our conduct to Naples.—(Hear, hear.) Ho would remind the House of the ultimate result of the cordial co-operation in the case of Naples and Sicily. The King of the Two Sic ilies having ob tained a powerful army, exactly in the same way that the Emperor of Austria had done, he was met by the English fleet in the Bay of Naples, and it was announced to him thas his rights as: sovereign as regarded Sicily had ceased to be acknowledged by the English Government. The English Government, which had shown so extraordinary a desire to consoli date the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, had been so kind as to approve of an independent sovereign, in violation of the treaties which existed. Now he must say, that France being in possession of these facts, would have a good case if she wished to invade Northern Italy. A case of interference was complete in the south of Italy on our part, and what right had we to interfere with the invasion of the north of Europe ? He did not, however, be believe, injurious as that precedent was, that it would be used as a pretext by France for the invasion of the north of Italy, for this simple and satisfactory reason, that he did not believe that there was the slightest wish at this moment on the part of the French Government for invasion, but nevertheless it was a precedent which any Government might afterwards take advantage of. All the French Government he believed at this mo ment desired, was to avail themselves of a forced occa siou which had arisen, to give to Europe and to the world, an idea of the cordial co-operation which existed between the Cabinets of Paris and St. James's. Some might say, " but what is the harm then if the French Government avail themselves of this forced The harm was that those forced occasions th o h c a e c d a French i re o ee nn i ? c ' h ' used b e fore, and they had never been used by G overn ment and the English Government united, except at the e x p ense of the rights of some third or independent Sover ei g n. He did not wish t hat his opinions on that important subject should be misappre hended. If by 'an alliance with France, or a cordial un derstanding with France, was meant that those great events which periodically and gradua ll y occurred in the world was to be managed in concert by two of the greatest nations in a wise spirit of concession and compro mise,he had always been a warm supporter of such a system of alliance, and it did not involve a new principle, although lately it had been announced to the House as a modern view of things. In all the great treaties which had been entered into, it would be found that hostility with France was the exception, and not the rule—much the exception—and that for the last two centuries and a half more than two-thirds of that interval had been filled by a warm understanding and a close intimacy with the French Government. It was the principle of the Court of Queen of Elizabeth, who managed the affairs of the world in co-operation with the most eminent of the Bourbons. Ile need not remind the House what policy was pursued on a subsequent occasion, but he might say that two of the most emi nent statesmen of the last century, who agreed on not one other subject, and who were rivals in eloquence and rivais in their career—he meant Lord Bo lingbroke and Sir Robert Walpole—were both cordial supporters of an alliance and cordial understanding with France. as the basis of our policy. As far as he was concerned, it was not his intention to oppose Mini sters, because they were the advocates of a cordial under standing with the French Government, as abstractedly considered as a question of politics. The Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had told the House that it was for peace of the world that there should be a cor dial co-operation between the powerful governments of England, Russia. and France. He helieved the the Government of France was a strong Government, for one simple and single reason, that the Government of Algiers had been transferred to the streets of Basis. —(Hear, hear.) But if the Noble Lord, under the plea of a cordial understanding with that Government, was going to repeat those steps which, unfortunately the Government of England, under similar circumstances with France, had taken of late years, he was sure the result would be that their proceedings would end in dis appointment and discomfiture. It was not an under standing and an alliance arising out of circumstances which had occurred in Europe, but an understanding and an alliance which was founded on a forced occasion and forced opportunities—occasions invited, and oppor tunities desired, in order to show to the world that there was a cordial co-operation between the two governments, instead of that co-operation arising out of the natural production of events. It was an understanding and an alliance which before had occasioned the greatest evils, and which in the present case would lead to the greatest possible disasters. He protested against the joint mediation of England and France with respect to Northern Italy, where, as he had said before, there was nothing to mediate about, merely for the purpose of showing that thcro was a cordial co-operation between France and England. The result of this would be, that instead of the alliance between France and England leading to peace, it would lead to war.—(Hear, hear.) What he would ask, was the Government of England doing all this for? Why, to put down a bugbear of their own, the invasion of Italy by France. France, he maintained, had no right to do so, and the very day they crossed the Alps with 100,000 men, she must advance an army not less numerous to the banks of the Rhine, to meet the indignant spirit of Germany.—(Hear, hear.) He must do more—he must meet Russia, at this moment not so powerful from her armies as from her moderation, her wisdom, and her justice.—(Hear, hear.) How was France, he would ask, to send out these armies to engage in a quarrel without law, justice or equity ?—(Hear, hear.) What was the state of France at this moment ; she had 50,000 men to guard her metropolis. I (Hear, hear.) She had achieved her freedom on paper, and it:was obliged to be supported by her troops in her metropolis.—(Hear, hear.) Where then, he would ask, could she find troops to meet her German foes ? And it was for all this that the Noble Noble Lord was going to mediate between Austria and Italy. Why the truth was, that if France removed the army they now had from her capital the suburban population would be in revolt.—(Hear, hear.) Why therefore, was it to be supposed that France was going to conquer the world? —(Elear, hear.) Such a system of motile mediation was that which the Government of a country like England ought never to have anything to do with.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, in my opinion, had only one course to pursue— let him tell the world that, under his coun cils, England would maintain the ?principles of national law, observe existingireaties; and not authorise any outrage of the rights of 'liationsi or counsel her allies to yield their interests' Ili order to satisfy the vanity of any one.—(Hear, heitr:) If the Noble Lord would adopt such a course, he would obtain for him self the hopes and trusts of suffering nations— ( I ear, hear)—but if he pursued a different course, it might not be a course fatal to his Govern ment, that was of but little importance, but it would be fatal to his honour and his reputation.—(Hear, hear.) It was useless to act in the management of these affairs with the Jacobin party.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had it in his power even now to act in a manner that would add to the power and the reputation of his country.—(Hear, hear.) He might assert the principle of public justice in a manner that be ' came a public Minister, and then he would find that no bandit would cross any mountain or invade any town. When they fonnd that England' was prepared to main tain public law and order, ndthing could, he was per suaded, withstand the majesty of the law, the force of truth, or the inspiration of honour. The lion. Gentlemen sat down amid much cheering. Lord PALMERSTON said, he did not rise to com plain, that the House had, during the present session, shewn any desire to impede the march of her Majesty's Ministers by pressihg upon them too hardly to explain the course they had pursued or intended to pursue. He acknowledged with thankfulness, on the part of the Go vernment, thejudicious forbearance the House had shewn with all respect. Ho was far also from complaining of the course pursued on the present occasion by the Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) He was prepared to admit that, at the close of the session, and when events of great importance had convutsed Europe, that it was per fectly right and competent Air' Hon. Members to express, as the Hon. Gentleman had dotie;'their opinion on the acts of the Government. The Min. Gentleman had done rightly, in his opinion, in appending his observations upon the affairs of Italy upon the vote with respect to the foreign department. The Hon. Gentleman seemed to be better informed than he chose to tell of the grounds upon which his Noble Friend had gone out upon his mis sion. The facts were these c—lt was well known that in consequence of the altered policy of the head of the Ro man Government, the spreading of reform principles over the whole surface of the territory difficulties were expe rienced between the Governme a n n t d an n d n t p h l e an p e e na op n l r e e a t s ha t n o information had been sent to that the British Govern mentan Government in the Rome.ht m e , m a e mar From rur e o ol s f dms agh o s ad e t a principles,coh theuorpteßom course that was being adopted. It was said that there might be legal difficulties, and that if there were Great Britain would be conferring a great favour on the Government of Rome if they would send an individual there possessing the confidence of her Majesty's Government, and one having great diplomatic qualifications. Lord Minto was at that time thinking of passing a short time in Rome, and he (Lord Palmerston) thought he could not do better to fulfil the intentions expressed , _ than by advising her Ma jesty to authorize the Earl of Minto to go there. A similar wished was expressed by other parts of Italy, and his Noble Friend the Earl of Minto was instructed to take Turin and Florence on his way. The Hon. Gentleman wished to know what what were the objects his (Lord Palmerston's) Noble Friend Lord Minto had in view in this uncalled-for interference. Now, with re spect to this, be had only to say that the interference was not uncalled for, for his Noble Friend was not to force his advice upon any body, but to give his counsel when asked, and endeavour to remove the difficulties pointed out to him, and that mission he (Lord Palmerston) would state unhesitatingly had been most effectually accomplished. His Noble Friend had pointed out to all the duty of supporting their present form of Government, and to had suc ceded most effectually in Turin and ilorence in his mission. In his Noble Friend's progress he had been received with open arms, and his labours had been attended with success everywhere. His Noble Friend had not received any commission to the Court of Naples, but when his Noble Friend was at Rome a communication was made to him (Lord Palmerston) that the Sovereign - of Naples would feel it an honous if his Noble Friend would call, there on his way, to which he had answered that he might do so if he pleased. and credentials were sent to him to make use of. During this period the unfortunate disputes that were so well known, now took place between Naples and Sardinia; the mediation of England was called for, and Lord Be (Lord Palmerston) would not same eto footing. endeav endeavoured, by mediation , to maintain the Crown of the two co untries, u p on one and the go into the character of those negotiations, but at the period when those negotiations were brought to nearly a satisfactory conclusion, the news came of the revolution of Paris. That led to difficulties on the one side, which were not met by concessions on the other, and the result was the people of Sicily declined to ac knowledge the King of Naples as their sovereign, and on the other hand the King of Naples declined to confer the crown of - Sicily on his son. The choice was made by the Sicilians entirely as a sponta neous act, and the choice they made they believed to be for their own good. Her Majesty's Government, ac cepting as they did the acts and events that had taken place, had signified that they would accept the Sovereign the Sicilians chose when that Sovereign was in the possession of Sicily. Now the Honourable Gentleman wanted to know what intention the Government had with respect to employ ing the naval forces of this country now stationed in the Meditteranean relative to any expedition the Govern ment of Naples might think proper to fit out; with re spect to that he (Lord Palmerston) could only say that it was not the practice of the Government of this coun try to announce to Parliament what the intentions of acted the Government were—(Hear , hear) —but this he would assure the Hon. Me mber, that whatever might be the course the Gove rnment should think it pi r t i r g ow h pa t eur t l o av p n o u e r r f s on u r e o tt t h. y (i wouldt hear b e s e a ar p yo r enFhTaerhtehe ion d e r tmo mission s of Lordusti h fy a dit n H , n e they Minto was disinterested and not base or sordid, it was intended to forward the progress of civilisation and im prove the condition and happiness of other countries. The Hon. Gentleman had alluded next to the northern states of Italy, and the mediation of this country there, and he seemed to think that it was an unfortunate inter ference on the part of this country, and had no result. Now he could assure the Hon. Gentleman that that me diation was the result. not of a desire on the part of the Government of this country to meddle with matters with which they had no concern, but it was the result of the entreaties of all the parties concerned ; it was the result of a wish expressed by Austria at the outset, and repeated not three days ago ; Under these circumstances —under all the treaties so expressed—what would have been the consequences if we had doggedly refused to interfere ? The The House then adjourned, at half-past three, until five o'clock. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at Five o'clock. SECULAR EDUCATION. • Dr. BOWRING presented a petition from a place near Manchester, praying for a general system of secular education, unaccompanied with the embarrassments of public instruction. CHARITABLE TRUSTS. Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from Warwick, against the C j haritable Trnsts Bill. ARMY REGULATIONS. Sir DE LACY EVANS wished to ask the Right Hon. the Secretary-at-War whether officers who had distinguished themselves in the army, but who had since sold out, would be allowed to wear their uniforms upon public occasions? Mr. FOX MAULE said the privilege applied only to majors and lieutenant-colones who had received the honour of being made Knights Commanders of the Bath, and its extension to other officers rested entirely with her Majesty. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Mr. GROGAN said about two years ago a con siderable sum of money was voted by the House for the erection of colleges in Ireland, for the education of the middle classes of that country. These colleges were in a very forward state, and he believed some of them would be opened early next year. Now it was obvious that any improvement iu the social condition of the people would depend upon the education to be given in these colleges, and the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would readily understand the anxiety which prevailed in Ireland to know the nature of the discipline and system of education that would be pursued in these colleges. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was the opinion of the Government that the object which Parliament had in view in making a grant for those colleges would not be accomplished unless they were open to Roman Ca tholics and Presbyterians, as well as to persona belong ing to the Established Church. At present, the statutes were not considered altogether perfect, but they were now under consideration, and as soon as they were finally settled he should have no objection to lay them before the House. SLAVE TRADE. Mr. URQUHART rose to move, " That from the correspondence laid upon the table of this House in re ference to the suppression of the slave trade in Mus sulmun countries, it appears that her Majesty's servants have adopted proceedings calculated to ag gravate the horrors of the traffic, and to alienate from this country the tgood will of the Governments and nations so interfered with. It was the bounden duty of the Government, to the best of its ability, to put an end to the traffic in slaves. Now, he was prepared to show, in the words of his motion, that " the proceedings of the Government had aggravated the horrors of the traffic." The Hon. Gentleman quoted several documents to show that this was so. (LEFT SPEAKING.) ELECTION COMMITTEES. (THIS DAY.) CHELTENHAM. This Committee was engaged the whole day with evid ence of bribery and tresting on the part of the sitting Member, Mr. Craven Berkeley. HORSHAM. This Committee was also engaged the whole day with evidence of bribery and treating, on the part of the sit ting Member, Mr. Fitzgerald. DUBLIN. The Committee was occupied the whole day with legal arguments upon the insufficiency of the sitting Member's qualification. ARREST OF CHARTIST AND CONFEDERATE LEADERS. (From the Manchester Courier of Wednesday.) We are enabled exclusively to state that last night a decisive blow was struck at the hotbeds of Chartism and Repeal in this city, by the arrest of a number of those persons who have figured as the leaders in the re bellious movements of the last few months. Between te❑ and eleven o'clock a simultaneous move ment of an imposing force of armed police and military, both cavalry and infantry, was made upon the clubs, and nine of the leaders were at once arrested !Afore the alarm could be given. On Monday night simultanoous meetings were held throughout the manufacturing districts, and it was ex pected that another would take place last night. The authorities therefore issued warrants for the apprehen sion of several persons, and the police were ordered to concentrate at the Oldham-road station. Captain Willis and Mr. Beswick went up about ten o'clock. and soon after, the force, comprising about 300 men, were marched off in five divisions, one under the com mand of Captain Willis, Mr. Beswick, and Mr. Leary; another under the command of Mr. Sawley; a third under Mr. Taylor, a fourth under Mr. Sayner, and the fifth undez Inspector M•Millan. So well were the times arranged, that each party arrived at its ground within a minute or so of the others, and several clubs were swept. Amongst others that held at Whit taker's Temperance Hotel, Ancoats-street. About the time the search commenced two troops of the 4th Royal Irish Dragoons, under the command of Colonel Chatterton, and two companies of the 30th Regiment, arrived at the Ancoats end of Port-street, there to be in reserve for the support of the police, were their ser vices needed. So quietly, however, was the whole con ductled, and so imposing the display of force, that not the slightest resistance was offered by any party, and the police succeeded in capturing the following indivi duals:— James Leach, printer, Rockdale-road. Thomas Whitaker, Temperance Hotel, Great Ancoats. Henry Ellis, driller, celler, Great Jersey -street. Daniel Donovan, weaver, Back Osborne-street, Oldham• road. John Joseph Finnigan, weaver, Meadow -street, Roch dale-road. Patrick Devlin, glazier, German -street, Oldham-road. Michael Carrigan, groom, Cheetham-hill. Geo. Rodgers, nail maker, Narrow Marsha, Nottingham. Thomas Rankin, engraver, Newton. Joshua Lemon, weaver, Gas -street. Henry Williams, wool-comber, Great Ancoats. George Webber, labourer, no residence, supposed to be from Bradford, Yorkshire. George White, editor of pamphlet, but really a wool comber, Bradford. Joseph Dowlan, labourer, Longsight. Having made these captures, the police concentrated in Ancoats-street, and escorted their prisoners to the Town hall, where descriptions were taken. White at first denied hi s name, b ut a f terwar d s admitted it. At the Town-hall the military formed across the streets, and remained until the whole of the prisoners were raf'ely lodged. The magistrates accompa nying the troops were—Mr. Joseph Peel, Mr. Daniel Lee, and 'Mr. M. Kennedy. The prisoners appeared much chop fallen at finding themselves so summarily made captive. The magistrates were meeting at the Town Hall at the moment they were brought in. There were present the Mayor, Mr. Maude, Mr. Trafford, Mr. Mcrray, Mr. F. Ilodgson, and Mr. 1). Price. Mr. Higson, clerk to the. justices, was also in conference with them, and Captain Sheppard, of the county constabulary, was in attendance with a number of his men to lend assistance were it necessary. The duties of the magistrates are at present exceed ingly harrassing. Since Saturday they have been in readiness both night and day. In addition to our information as to home, we may add that a meeting of Oldham Chartists was held in their room last night, when about 100 attended. They dispersed peaceably about half -past ten o'clock, and at elevencast night th ere was no appearance of any dis te. STATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER, TUESDAY. —There has been, upon tne whole, a better feeling in the market to-day ; and though the extent of business has not been great, prices have been very firmly supported, with a tendency to advance in the lower counts of yarn, which, as we have previously stated, are relatively scarce. In the higher counts of yarn no advance can be noted; but the rates paid previously to the commencement of the trou bles in Ireland, and the temporary breaking off of the negotiation between Germany and Denmark, have been more readily obtained than at any time during the last fortnight. In goods there is no sensible change of price; the market is perfectly steady, prices firm, and the stocks generally recuced to so low a point as to give great con fidence to the manufacturers. Some apprehensions have been expressed lest the in creased imports of food, which may be expected from the apprehensions respecting the potato disease, and from the recent advance of prices in this country, should cause a large export of the precious metals. It seems probable, however, that any moderate import which may be expected under existing circumstances, will not draw specie from England as on former occasions. For some months past, strong efforts have been making in various parts of Europe to send specie to this country, not so much for the purpose balancing mercan tile operations in the export and import of merchandise, as with the view of providing funds here to meet bills drawn for the purpose of making payments elas where. Within! a few days:past, large sums in gold have arrived from Russia and Turkey, which nobody can suppose to be necessary, especially after the large imports which have previously taken place, to pay any balance due on an excess of exports from this country. For some months past, merchants have found great difficulty in negotiating bills drawn, as heretofore, on Paris, Frankfort, or Vienna, whilst good English bills have been readily negotiable in all parts of the Continent. We have no doubt that that the efforts making to place funds in England will continue for some time to come; and we therefore think it highly probable that a considerable number of bills may be drawn against grain purchased in the ports of the Baltic, the Black Sea, or the Mediterranean, without sensibly influencing the amount of bullion in the Bank of England, as the proceeds of the bills, when due, will most probably be held here for the credit of the foreign bankers who send them over here for col lection. ROCHDALE, AloNnAv.—We have had another good market to-day. There has been a fair demand for prices, and many have been sold, but without much change in prices. In the wool market there is very little to report; prices are firm, but there is very little business going on. HUDDERSFIELD, TUESDAY. —The market to-day has been attended by several buyers, and, a considerable amount of goods has changed hands. There is a great scarcity of better kinds of woollens, which are princi pally i,:dght after. In low fancy goods, there is not much doing. HALIFAX, SATURDAY.—The improvement which is reported to have been experienced in the worsted trade has not manifested itself in our Piece Hall, being more in the light fancy goods peculiar to the Bradford market, than in the heavier goods of this district. Scarcely any business has been done in the Hall to-day, but there is more doing in the warehouses, and some of the largor manufacturers are now working full time. Tarn is in rather better demand, and the spinners aro more fully employed, but the quantity produced is much below the power of production, and prices have not advanced. Rather more doing in wool, at late rates, and the staplers complain of its being harder lo buy in the country. LEEDS, TIIESDAY.-Our market to-day has been with. out any alteration ; the paucity of stock exhibited at the Cloth Halls, limits the extent of purchases, but con tinues to keep our mills well employed to order.—Man el est:a. Guardian . POLICE INTELLIGENCE, MANSION-HOUSE. Andrew Baskerville was brought before the Lord Mayor, charged with having committed a burglary and robbery in the house of his uncle, Mr. Russell, of No. 52, Fenehurch-street. Mr. Russell stated that at about a quarter to six o'clock on the morning of the 2d of August, he was awoke by the ringing of the bell, and upon going down stairs, a policeman told him that he had found the door open. The window on the landing-place was also open, and they diseovered that robbers had entered the house, and plundered it. The sitting-room was in great dis order, and the locks of the chiffonier, and a cupboard, and other depositories were broken open. Plate, con sisting of a tea-pot, sugar-basin, cream-jug, &c., of the value of about 254, was stolen, and amongst the plun dered property was the bowl of a meerschaum pipe, which the prosecutor's son had given to him a short time before, and which was produced in evidence against the prisoner. The prisoner had not been seen by the prosecutor for twelve months, and was not received at the house. He was perfectly acquainted with the house, and knew where the plate was deposited and where tho cash-box was kept in the day-time. Luckily, the latter had been taken up to the prosecutor's bed-room, as was the custom, on the previous night. The prosecutor went to bed at a quarter past eleven o'clock, at which Limo everything was in a safe and undisturbed condition. The window was found to have been broken, and the bolt to have been pulled back. They stem of the boll of the pipe was left behind by the thieves, who must have been in the house for some time. They had thrown the bottles of the silver cruet-stand on the floor. A drawer over the chiffonier was undistured ; but, no doubt, if the thieves had not been alarmed, they would have done more mischief. The prisoner—The complainant says that I knew where the cash-box was kept, and if • I knew as I did that he took it up to his bed-room every night, why should I break open the cupboard, where it was kept in the day-time ? The prosecutor—lt was fortunate that I had removed it that night at any rate. Mr. George T. Russell, son of the prosecutor, and re siding at No. 93, Cheapside, stated that he had gives the meerschaum bowl to his father, after having coloured it. W. Romaine, a policeman of the Metropolitan division, stated that in consequence of information which be had received he apprehended the prisoner on Saturday last, at two o'clock, in Lambeth. He called the pri soner by name, and said there was a charge against him in the City, and that he must go to the station house to know the particulars. In the prisoner's pocket was found the bowl of the pipe which had been identi fied by the prosecutor and his son. The prisoner said he had purchased the ticket of tile pipe -bowl, and released it before the Ist of August. It was stated by the policeman that the prisoner had been convicted as a rogue and vagabond, having been discovered under suspicious circumstances, and in pos session of several house-breaking implements. Remanded till Friday. A person of excellent character, who had held the situation of parochial schoolmaster, at a short (listen ce from town, was brought before the Lord Mayor, chail ed with having taken a quantity of laudanum, with intt!nt to destroy himself. The unhappy man had been discharged from his oc cupation in consequence of the operation of the new educational system in which the establishment he sup er intended was not included. The support of six of family of nine was thus thrown upon the poor afflicted mother, whose " stitching " from morning till night - her partner could no longer endure, and was determined never to witness more. lle purchased as much laudanum as would have destroyed half-a-domen persons, and stepping into a public-house, emptied the bottle in a pint pot in which there was some beer, and drank off the potion. He was soon affected by the dose, and having acknowledged that an accumulation of 'miseries and horrors, arising from the dismal prospects of his family, had provoked him to the attempt upon his life, a medical man was immediately employed, and the stomach-pump was applied with eftzbct. It was, however, necessary to send the poor patient to the hospital, and to detain him there for several days, the condition of the body having become as unhealthy as that of his mind. A gentleman stepped forward and said that the de fendant was a man of unimpeachable character, aced perfect example to the young persons who had been un der his care. Alderman Finnis soon after entered the justice-room, and recognised the defendant as a person deserving of the high character which had been given of him. The LORD MAYOR—What could have induced ouch man as you to make this dreadful attempt?---The de fendant, after some hesitation, said I have been in the habit of taking laudanum to correct the want of sleep, which has, no doubt, been produced by the distructed state of my mind, but I am not aware that I had any intention to commit the crime of self-destruction, If I had God forgive me. The LORD MAYOR said he should not discharge the defendant without receiving something like security that there would be no repetition of the offence. The gentleman who had spoken in such warm 'terms of the defendant at once proposed to be bail for the good behaviour of the defendant, whose case excited. the warmest sympathy, and Alderman Finnis raid b e ex pected to be able to render him permanent service. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, Aim. 15. STocic EXCHANGE.—The share market continued dull, with scarcely anything doing. Great Western Q uarter Shares closed at 2f 4 dis. LIVERPOOL, AUG. 15. STOCK EXCHANGH.—The market has been rather better to-day, but prices are not any higher. The sales are— . Cale' donian, Preference. 7 per cent., % p.—Great No] then' 9/. ss. 9d. dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, c.—London and :Sorth Western, 114 1 ,4—Ditto, New Quarters, 6s. 3d. ie. P."; London Brighton, and South Coast, New Si. Shares,. 6s. 3 "' p.—Midland Stock, 98 1 k—Ditto, New Halves, 63 Shrewsbury and Ch ester (late N. W. M.), New 13/.. Third Shares, dis.—Ditto (Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and CI ester)! 73 Ui 3 . — South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, Thirds, 38. 9cl " c. dis. MANCHESTER, AVG. 15. STOCK Exciltawam—The sales are—Leeds, Prolbrenc s, 11-16 p.—Sheffield, Preference, par—Grimsby, 201. Share* 9 3-16 dis.—North Staffordshire, 3% dis.—South.-3Easter li and Dover, No. 1, 6 13-16 dis.—Ditto, No. 4, 3 :13-1 6 c a dis. —Caledonian, Preference, 7-16 p.—Edinburg h an Glasgow, 37. BIRMINGHAM, Aug. 15. STOCK EXCNANGE. —The sales are—Birmingham tvol. verharrrpton, and Dudley, 4 p.—Birmingham, hampton, and Stour Valley, 4 dis.—North Staffordsh ire dis. x. d.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham (A), ; Ditto (B), 3% dis.—South Staffordshire, 314 dis. YORK, AUG. 14. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The buain.ess transacted to-elay as follows : -Great Northern, 7 1.14s.—Ditto, New, 6 , 64 az a"' North British, Thirds, 21. ss. 6d. GLASGOW, Aug. 14. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Aberdeen, 21 —Ce le ' donian, Preference, 57s.—Dunblane, Doune, and CI; Wande r ' 13s.—Glasgow General Terminus, 6a/—Glasgow, Kilnit: nock, and Ayr, 67—Ditt o , H a l ves, N o 1 , 71 . 3 a. Ditto, Halves, No. 2, 71.—Great Northern, 7N.—Noro' British, Thirds, 455. 9d. DEATH Or AN OMNIBUS-DRIVER ON THE j30%. -- : On Sunday evening last, as George Norman, for iner.lY; crack coachman on the B r i g ht on roa d , but vrho 5 111 ',1 the four-in-hands have been thrown into the s h A de 11174 , turned his attention to omnib us -d r i v i ng , was proccediva with his omnibus, which runs b e t ween t h e El ep h act 6,n"he Castle and Lisson-grove, he was obser ve d, Iv heu omnibus was passing through Baker -street, to I`s.ll 'Acrid wards, and on assistance being procured life IVIIS f 01 1 , 0,. to be extinct. Fortunately, Mr. Lane, one of the P. n " o , prietors of the omnibus, was a passenger on the c ccu s , l b - o t and remarking when passing through Regent-cit cos `„,tt Norman seemed ill, had taken his seat beside him 11 5$ the box, otherwise the suddenness of the OM it l' alt ibe have been attended with serious consequence s to L passengers. st 4 HOLYHEAD HARBOUR.—The Government tinte,r,,,„ e and those of the Chester and Holyhead Railway L'" ;i t tt ° pony having come somewhat into collision,. C ti „P; to Fraser, RN.. in charge there, has been orders I 11-- a o allow of any assumption of authority, but t o take " • of tb keep in his command all the arrangements the" . bo r outer and inner h ar b our; t h e ra i lway compailY with ever, are to be allowed every facility consistently the public service. MIRTH.% On the 12th i ns t., a t W eymouth, the lady o f Ekbe r tA• Cochrane, F.sq., of a daughter. ~,, OP On the 12th inst., at Fitzroy-square, the wife of L- ''' -ii Ewl, of a daughter. bite , ,_ On the 12th inst., at Od sa ll-h ouse, Bradford, Y°:`l" the wife of C. Hardy, Esq., of a sox. . 0 , 1 C• On the 12th inst., at Stanhope-lodge, Greenford , -e" -- B. Bingley, of a daughter. r tl l ° At the Rectory, Solihull, on the 13th inst., the Wire °- Rev. P. M. Smythe, of a daughter. . h iii Ole On the 13th inst., at Ladbroke-square, Notting-','' lady of G. H. Ullathorne, Esq., of a daughter. rs g • On the 13th inst., at Eastb o urne-terrace, Hyde-Nl 7k ' Meyrick, of a daughter. .....---•". DMA On the 12th inst., at his residence, T ap t on -houses P e : j; shire, George Stephenson, Civil E ngineer, Sniglet' Order of Leopold, in the 68th year of his age. „w elter On the 4th inst., at Greenwich, aged 21, Cecilia, of the late John Buyers, Esq., R.N. the R eV. On the 10th inst., at Montrose, Scotland, aged 0 se. Leonard Morse, 8.A., incumbent of St. Mary's, Moral Be d. On the 12th inst., at Ramsgate, T. Stooks , E ° ford. place, Russell-square, aged 69. 50 411. On the 12th inst., suddenly, at Whilton Rectorfl, wicb, amptonshire, H. F. Cubitt, Esq., of Catton , near P" late of the Royal Artillery, aged 59. Eliga beat, At Greenham, Berks , on the 12th inst. , L aura the eldest daughter of Mr. G. Barnes, of NewburY• „too On the 12th inst., at Kensington-gardens - t errace, Eliza, wife of Dr. Markham. O l en' the 13th inst., at Guildford, Surrey, M r. Thozas ham, aged 83 , ______------------- - 7 -' ~:: ec n vi )11.m" g, t London: Printed and Published by MURD,‘ ; -:' N o , 11 o f 1 c No. 112, Strand. ?tinter, at the Sun `nu eer ' co ati' g \ t Strand, in the Precinct •f the Savoy. in the t Middlesex, Wednesday, Asst IG, fe 4B . 1 4 . .IU Government asked the good offices of the Govern ment of England, as he had said, as late as the 9th of August at Frai.kfort and the 15th of August here. That nation expressed a desire that we should take part iu the settlement of its v,ffairs. Whether it was right for France to interfere, or whether she had any right to interfere, was a question which it was useless for them to discuss here.—(Hear.) Whatever might be the views entertained of the expedienc3 - , policy, or justice. of inter fering with a country waging war upon another, yet in point of strict right there could be no question where two countries were at war like Italy and Austria, whether it was right or not—whether it was competent for a third party to interfere, and if it chose to engage in such a contest, as to the course it would be expedient for it to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) Ha would not enter into • the circumstances unaer which that war began. The Hon. Gentlemen admits that Lord Minto had no mission to Sardinia, with respect to the attack upon Austria of last year. That was no part of his mission. He had no mission to Austria on that point. lie was, it was true, directed to endeavour to induce Sardinia to forego the attack upon Austria, which, a that time, it was believed, the Government of Sardinia contemplated. At that time the Austrians were in quiet possession of the whole of the Italian provinces, and they professed to apprehend some hostil intentions on the part of the King of Sardinia, and un doubtedly the British Envoy was directed to in duce Sardinia to abstain from doing so, for such an attack, from, the disparity of the forces of the two nations, it was thought, could not prove other than disastrous to one of the powers. But when the late military events took place, the French Government was urgently asked to afford instant mili: tary aid to the Italian troops. Now the Honourable Gentleman professes that it ought to be the standing policy of this country, with only partial exceptions, to be on good terms with France—to be on terms of friend ship with that country, and to co-operate with it on all fitting occasions. But the Honourable Gentleman stating these views had, he thought, been rather unfortunate in the course which he had adopted, since if it were adopted, it would have the effect of destroying that community of good feeling which it is to the interest of both should subsist. And whilst he admitted in some respects the soundness of his doctrine, he must lament the way in which the Hon. Gentleman endeavoured to carry his policy into effect. —(Hear.) He wished to forget, and would wish the French nation to forget, if possible, those parts of his speech which he (Lord Palmerston) did not think well calculated to promote union and cordiality between the two countries—(hear)—for his speech appeared to be intended, although he did nut think he so meant it, to raise bitter feelings of jealousy between two great nations. to dare the French nation to do that which they had no wish to do. If he wished to produce results, which he thought would produce injurious results to the interests of the nations of Europe and the cause of civilization. . _ If that had been his intention, he did not know that he could have thrown more bitter ingredients, more poisonous drugs into his speech than those which he had. He would not, however, answer in detail what had been stated by the Hon. Gentleman, that he might not point the thought still sharper than it had been ; but this be would say, that the Honourable Gentle man had much mistaken, and those who thought with him had much mistaken the nature of the whole of these transactions, if they fancied there was anything in the present condition of France which made it impossible to take an active and a formidable part in any proceeding—(Hear, hear)—which the Go vernment and the people seemed desirous that it should embark in. There could not be a more fatal error than that the recent events in France had destroyed the right hand of France, and that she could not pour her legions over the Alps as she had done in times past, if the Go vernment and the people wished to accomplish the work —(Loud cheers)—and, therefore, let not the House imagine that it was any vain phantom that had created alarm and uneasiness on the part of her Majesty's Go• vernment. He admitted fully that the interference of France by force of arms in the wars of Italy would be pregnant with all these results which the lion. Gentle man had described in all their magnitude. He said, if France went into Italy at one part, Germany will come in at another. This could only occur in the event of Germany and Russia in her friendship. Why, what would that lead to but the breaking out of an American war from one end of Europe to the other, the result of which no one could see nor point out the ex • tent of its enormity.—(Hear, hear.) Now we are willing to endeavour to settle these things by mediation, but we say to France, " You must assist us—you must join with us, and that will be an additional security of your lasting support and friendship." No one would suppose that England had any hostile view with respect to Austria. What France and England do together must be a work of peace, and must have the termination of hostilities for its object. We say, "If you mediate conjointly with us we will depend upon your decision with respect to the disputes between other nations who may require media tors." He (Lord Palmerston)l said then that the Go vernment would have been blameable if they had not acceded to the request made to them, and consented to to act with Frances That was the motive that had led the Government of England to take a part in the joint mediation, and it had for its principle the mainte nance of the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) The means and object which these acts are intended to achieve resolve themselves into a multitude of details which he thought it was his duty to refuse.—(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had taunted the British Govern ment with co-operating with France—with the co-ope ration which had existed at different periods between England and France—and had included in the necessary range of his artillery not merely the camp of both but the camp, the leader of which he saw opposite him. lie had taunted them with undue interference in the internal affairs of other countries.—(Hear.) He accused them of interfering with Belgium and Hollrnd, where he said the result was the deprication of the old Sovereign of his undoubted rights. Why, it was wall known that the principle on which we acted was laid down by our predecessors, and that the matter was con ducted, after a long and successful meeiation, to a desi rable result; and also that that interference was at the very request of the Sovereign herself—whose rights the Hon. Gentleman m.st knots; was not set at naught. It was a request of the King of the Netherlands, and ad dressed to the Government, of which the Right Hon. Brronet the Member, for Tamworth was the head. It was at the request of the King of the Netherlands that the Powers undertook the task which led to the establish of the armistice. The Hon. Gentleman said that the alliance ;of England and France ought not to be the re sult of the events that had taken place, that we ought not to invite occasions and to embrace ourselves of the opportunities which they present of interfering in the affairs of other nations. He quite agreed with him, but then the opportunities to which he referred were not of the creation of the Government. The present moment was the time of all others when such a remark possessed no force. Did they create those immense convulsions which had agitated Europe from one end to the other ? Did they invite those occasions which led to a common action between the Government and people of France ? It was to the mutual interest of both France and Eng land to still the storm that has been raging—to prevent internal conflict breaking out into external war. It was their , anxious desire to deserve and perpetuate that peace which, with trifling exceptions, has existed for upwards of thirty years, but which had lasted with pe culiar harmony for the last fifteen years ; since, during that time, a good understanding had subsisted beiween the two countrirs. It was for that purpose that they were no happy to combine with France to endeavour in the case of Austria, or wherever it was expedient to do so, to put out the first sparks of war.--(Hear, hear.) He thought that this was a causo of which the English Government, and in fact every other Government, might be proud. He would not occupy the time of the House by dwelling upon the incidents which the Hon. Gentle man had passed over in rapid succession. He had placed and other cases of interference, he migh t sa y that it was he themhad all l s a o i n d t i h n e genera reference x W p e i t d h i t r i o e sp o e t c o t A t o h e w o h h a a t , not done by a Government who broug ht the razz ia of Africa into the streets of Paris. It was done by that t g a l h a e d n to find, plae e that and Government on which he had pro nounced so warm an eulogium, and whose Governm ent he had praised in the had altered the Government of the country, the highestin spite t o e f r m t h s 0 . Govern ment of France had no wish to deviate from th e p o li cy which it had always exercised towards other nat i ons ; great The Government events had they said they were glad to find, in spite of these events, a disposition on the part of the majority of the French nation a frank, liberal, and enlightened desire that the policy of France might might find itself in unison with that of England.—(Hear.) He must say that the events of the last few months did show the great and extraor dinary progress which civilisation and enlightenment had made during thelast half century, for whereas the events would, fifty years ago, have involved an Europ ean war of bitterest feeling and long duration ; but now changes had taken place in all the countries of Europe of the most fundamental character, and yet there still existed in the minds of the majority of men of all th e nat i ons of Europe a sincere desire for the promotion of peace. The people of France were now en deavouring to restore order, and therefore they consolidating t o re s e r v e t its hpe ap l i re b ta e co r did not deserve the taunts and sneers which the Hon . Gentleman had applied to it. They were wisely and . courageously employed in establishing order in France, Francein tphreorsipneray andendeavouring ties, and he thought that that was a result which did f athvio.swecdounintrythfeorfaictes hoofnaoluirambalenkpinreds.ervTahtieon.— honour to those engaged in it. As long as England and e of the world, so long would efforts be made p on the purpose( il e a f r o r ) It was impossible . that two nations like France and Eng land could . unite for any purpose that might not be which . . they were now acting together was one of that description, and he trusted in Heaven that it would be successful. He trusted that the material influence of the two great countries would operate for the purpose of promoting the happiness and tranquillity of mankind, would be altogether successful. At all events, the whole efforts of the Government would wisely and steadily be directed to thot end, and whether they suc ceeded or failed, he was persuaded the deliberate judg ment of Parliament, and the unanimous voice of the country would :think they had acted right in the step they had taken together.—(Cheers.) Mr. BAILLIE said the Noble Lord not being satis fied with rendering the name of England notorious, bad thought it right to try his hand at the internal affairs of Italy; thereby embarking this country on that chaotic war which enveloped that country. fie thought, there fore, the House was justified in asking what were the intentions of the Government with respect to that country; and also whether the consent to mediate with France evinced that our friendly relations with that country had been renewed. In his opinion the pro posed interference would be as monstrous as ourinter ference elsewhere. The House then resumed, the Chairman reported pro gress, and obtained leave to sit again at five o'clock. 1