The Sun. — London, England, 1866-02-07 00:00:00

ed to the alteration of that intention—to supersede Mr.' most Important things for the last, and accordingly her noble earl's bill w hi c h propose d to restore nom i nat i on Eyre, who was to remain within the island—subject to the Majesty's Government, after having kept the house and b oroug h s. A ccording to the Reform Act many of the many üblic on the tenter-hooks of expectation througl smaller boroughs, in which there were 10 or 12 voters, were examination and control of that governor and two of his col- long preceding paragraphs, at last com , to the topic leagues, degraded in the eyes of blacks, who would naturally which is at present most exciting the atteeth n of th e enlarged by £lO voters, so that th e y con t a i ne d, 300, 400, be led to believe that they had obtained a signal triumph public, namely, the subject of Parliamentary R e f orm . I or 500 vo t ers, w h ere b y th ey were ena b led to send men o f th a e b re re ch i to a can that her their own to Parliament. Now, the noble earl's bill had a over a man whom they looked upon as an oppressor while y' Government ha i v n e t i e l k a h os t t he s last paragraph provision by which freeholders of counties would have the whites would be under the impression that everything that subject, and that it is their intentiaonYwilutegele:it voted for those counties. Besides this, there was a further was being done in favour of the negro, the relative position delay, to lay it on the table of the house, in order that the of the two races being thus as it were changed—was a step house and the public may have an oppor t un i ty of consi- provision th a t thesevotes might be sent by post, so that any neither just to Governor Eyre nor likely to be otherwiseßering its provisions. I think th a t i s a proper course f or no bl e l or d or right hon. gentleman in som e distant county than most unfortunate in its eff e ct upon the minds of both the of p ni ro l c e edt r e e . i ' le, and quite consistent with the usual course mi g ht send by post of votes 300 or 400 tenants, who never populations. (Hear, hear.) I presume the noble earl at My right hon. friend the then Chancellor of the Exchequer went near the place, and thus carry the election. That the head of the Government has taken the opinion of the (Mr. Disraeli) had the satisfaction of informing the noble struck me so much that I stated my objection to a gentleman who sat near me when the Chancellorof the Exchequerpro law officers of the Crown as to the legality of the commis - lord and the house that we had that bill in readiness, that sion which has been sent out to Jamaica, for, unless I have we were and t reel to lay it on the table at a very early posed his measure to the House of Commons. Theseprovi their opinion against mine, I should have great doubt as to period, there was only one subject which pressed sions, with the absence of an adequate extension of the franchise to persons occupying houses under £lO a year, that legality. Ido not, of course, question the power of for more immediate consideration before it—namely, the made the bill so bad that it was impossible to support it. the Government to make any inquiries they may please in the colony, and to order rumours to be picked up here large augmentation of th e nav y w hi c h was th en i n pro - The noble earl, when First Minister of the Crown, intro gress. But then the noble earl opposite was not and there for their information ; but I believe this satisfied, duced two measures—one a Budget imposing a very large and he sought ra th er t o i mprove upon hi s l ea d er ' s li ve li - tax upon houses, and another measure for the Government Commi ss ion which has been sent out to try, as it were, ness on that occasion. Ho a ccor di ng ly d e li vere d hi mse lf o f of India. I considered they were both exceedingly bad Governor Eyre for high crimes and misdemeanours, has not the power to compel a single witness to give evidence the witticism which lam abo u t t o su b m it f or y our l or d- measures, and both were rejected by Parliament. But ship's consideration. (A laugh.) He said : much worse was the measure which the noble earl intro before it on oath ; that Mr. Eyre might refuse to appear tie " Sir, t th o se e i d s another subject which the right hon. gen- duced under the name of a Reform of Parliament. I oh before it if he pleased, or recognise its authority in the upon t o and of tenderly, oilto a ni n d th w o h l i ql l t ro a ti p o - . slightest degree. What, therefore, have you done ? Have peered just e. at jeeted to that bill, and I stated my objections fully and you not been sending out on the authority of the Gov ern - (Thi s was th e g r avamen o f th e c h arge aga i nst us.) It cer- fairly. That bill was d e f ea t e d by no un d er h an d proceed ment a roving commission to pick up evidence against him tainly appears to me as if her Majesty's Ministers had gone ing, but by open and fair opposition. As to the objections which might be used when, if that which is urged against through all the topics upon which they thought Parlia- raised by the noble earl to a measure of Reform, in t n e e: b e: l o o n; dt:ex Cabinett b ss ead c , lr l e s ss d, and t 'tat him by those who take a fanatical view of his conduct in h . 1 thou lehegnoteteentn; because it might be regarded in the light of a stepping stone to other more extensive reforms, I have only this country be true, he came to be placed on his trial on a We have not left out Mexico, have therewe r No , g there r it is. capital charge ? (Hear, hear.) I will only a dd on thi s Thera is also a passag e a b ou t Chi na an d J apan. I cannot to say that the late Mr. Hume said th e same o f th e bill of point that the Government have, i n my op i n i on, taken a think of anything that i s om itt e d.' B u t a t l as t some i nge- 1832, an d vo t e d f or it on th a t ground. But though M r. nicos et m; o m r ber tt ofthe Cabinet perhaps said, ' There is one Hume said he intended to go much farther than the bill of graver responsibility upon themselves in the course which there is the Reform Parliament ; we 1832, that did not prevent the late Lord Grey and his col they have adopted. I next come to that serious calamity must put that ge in e.7 the cattle plague, but I will not follow into any detail the (Laughter.) Now, my lords, all this was founded on the leagues from carrying that important measure, nor should various speakers who, w ith th e exception of the President circumstance of Reform being the last paragraph in her the fact of the same being said now prev en t the present of the Council and th e no bl e duke opposite, have with so M a j es ty's Spee c h, an d t h at occurring on the 3d February much unanimity exp resse d th e i r di ssat i s f act i on at the our bill was laid on the table on the 28th of the same month,, Parliament from carrying a measure comm e nsurate with the requirements of the time. (Hear.) course which Govern men t h ave th oug h t proper to pursue and was then read for discussion, we having gone through Viscount MELVILLE complained that the Government in reference to that subject. Even the language—the ape- the question with regard to the navy . the Colonies, it was true, had written a But the noble earl had treated Governor Eyre most harshly and ungraciously. logetic language --of her Majesty's Minister s th emse l ves sa id , w ith hi s usual humour :—" The right hon. gentle- The Secretary for most proper letter to Jamaica, promising th a t the names of has been, "W e did no t k now h ow f ar pu b l i c opinion man (Mr. Disraeli), or feeling would go a l ong w ith us i n d ea li ng w i t h t h e mat- " Now fitted the halter those who had so ably assisted Governor Eyre in suppress ter.now traversed the cart, We the re f ore fl uc t ua t e d f rom one s id e to the other, and " A n d o f ten took leave, but seemed loth to depart." ing the rebellion should be brought under the favourable issued a series of contradictory e nac t men t s ." (Laught e r.) B u t ear li er i n h i s remarks the noble earl said : notice of the Horse Guards. But what followed ? The Go- Earl GRANVILLE—I did ne t use t h at l anguage. —" The right hon. gentleman seemed as u nw illi ng t o touch vernor had actually been rebuked for having adopted se - The Earl of DERBY— P er h aps t h e no b le earl will tell on th a t su bj ect (Reform) here as the Cabinet wore in were measures in the exercise of his duty. It was impos me which are the precis e wor d s t o w hi c h h e o bj ects. p u tti ng it i n t o th e S peec h . H eaven k nows h ow i t has Bible to say what would be the result of thi s unwor th y Earl GRANVILLE—I did not say, speaking on behalf fallen into their charge !" (A laugh.) Well, be that as it conduct on the part of the Governm en t. It rea ll y seeme d of the Government, as the noble e ar l wou ld seem t o i mpu t e may, we know at least how it was taken out of what a as if the noble lord had tu rne d t o th e r i g ht an d l e ft t o see to me, that "we fluctuated from one side to th e o th er , an d member of the other house the other day, with great tour- in what direction the several p ar ti es se t th e i r f aces, an d issued a series of contradictory enactments." tesy of expression, called our "dirty and unhallowed then to have acted as the poli c y f or th e momen t di c t a t e d . ( fingers." (Laughter.) Our predecessors had on more th an (Rear.) It had been w e ll: s a id by a no bl e l or d w h o h a d The Earl of DERBY— 1 did not fo r a momen t su pp ose four separate occasions pledged the faith of the Cro wn th a t preceded him if a late noble lord had still been at th e h ea d that the noble earl would give that c h arac t er o f hi mse lf. of the Government the idea of ce n sur i ng G overnor E yre such a measure should be submitted to Parliament, and be (Laughter.) What I intend e d to s a y was th a t, w ith th e single exception of the noble ea r l hi mse lf an d th e no ble cause in endeavouring to carry that pl e d ge into effect they would not have been entertained for a moment. That duke beside him, there was an universal chorus of voices had so completely bungled a n d m i smanage d the whole noble lord would have spurned the proposal of rec a lli ng - question that they could co me t o no conc l usion at all, that the contrary, have sup pursued by the Government with regard to the cattle plague Governor Eyre. He would, on from both sides of the house, complaining that the course they left everything in con f us i on, an d the whole country ported him to the last, and not even dreamt of pursui ng a line of policy calculated to degrade the country in th e in an agitation on the subject of Reform, we sought to put was vacillating and unsatisfactory ; that they were from first to last insensible of the magnitude of the evil ; that an end to that st a t e o f thi ngs b y a fair, an honest, and a eyes of the world. So far from censuring Governor Eyre, they lagged behind the exigencies of the case ; that they censcientiously-framed measure, proposed with an earnest the Ministry should have tendered him the thanks of th e were endeavouring to see before acting how far public opt- intention to fulfil the sol emn and repeated declarations countr y . ( Hear. ) It grieved him beyond measure to think nion would go along with them, and that they were through- made from the thro ne . (H ear , h ear. ) H ow t h at bi l l was that the Governor's conduct should now be subject to re out shirking the responsibility which belongs to the Exe- encountered, defeated, and got rid of perhaps the noble lord view by men who never knew what danger was. (Hear.) cutive Government, and seeking to th row it on t h e has now f orgo tt en . (A l aug h . ) B ut i n t h ose remarks of The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question th a t the amendment proposed by Lord Feversham be inserted shoulders of other persons, thus producing no uniformity his in 1859 which I have been quoting the noble lord, ad in the reply of their lordships to her Majesty's Speech. of proceeding ; but, on the contrary, every variety of sys- dressing the House of Commons, went on to say : The Earl of DERBY suggested that in the then state of tem. [Earl Granville here made a remark across the table.] "I do not see that there is any subject which the Govern the house his noble friend (Lord Feversham) should not mint intend to bring forward that will furnish them with Any more observations ? (A laugh.) All I can say is, m an a y do ex u cus t z e f i o r r ni die n la d y s in to lenitsrordeoattear. Reform . Bill , f i lh l ey lava press his amendment upon a question with reference to that the language which the noble lord imputes to me is which he would have an opportunity of expressing his opi absolute nonsense, but Ido state that the Government do lay it on the table. (Laughter and cheers.) I will : l ive e n m o not appear to have realised i n thi s i ns t ance th e important opinion on a measure of th a t ki n d un til I see w h a t it pro- nion upon some future occasion. Lord FEVERSHAM then withdrew his amendment, and fact that unless, i n th e ma t er i a l as i n th e mora l wor ld , poses to do. . . . There is eve r y di s p os iti on i n thi s h ouse to wait their time ; but they m us t no t be putting off the The reply to the Address was carried as originally pro prompt measures are taken at the outs e t t o crus h a pro- Pa subject. (Hear, hear, and a l a u g h.) My h on . friend behind posed. lential virus it will be apt to spread unchecked until it ex- me (Mr. Bright) lam afraid will hardly be able to restrain tends beyond year power. (Hear.) This observation, I his impatience. (Laughter.) They have given a pledge may add, I would apply not only to the ca ttl e pl ague , b u t in this matter, and they are bo un d t o p er f orm it." also to what is known under the name of Fenianism in That was the language of the noble earl in 1859, with reckless Ireland. For the way in which the latter evil has been haste .calling for the introduction of a finished Reform Bill ready for discussion by Parliament. One little month was dealt with I make no charge against an y i n di v id ua l, s till too much to give afte r th e o p en i ng o f th e sess i on. I t was less against the present I r ish G overnmen t. B u t m y no bl e friend behind me has t o ld y our l or d s hip s , w ith grea t t ru th, the bounden duty, so he ur ge d, o f th e G overnmen t to h ave that in 1859 the Gove r nm en t, o f w hi c h I h a d th en th e their scheme ready, and ha v i ng it rea d y , t o l ay i t b e f ore honour to be the head, succeeded in convicting one the Legislature at once. (H ear , h ear .) W e ll , t h e no b le prisoner on a charge of treason felony, and in e s tab- earl is now at the head of th e G overnmen t , an d I d o not lisping beyond a doubt the existence of t reasona bl e gather that they have their me asure rea d y . I i n f er f rom conspiracy in Ireland, and I may add that that excellent this Speech that they have not yet made up their minds , what their measure should be. If the fact be otherwise, judge, Baron Greene, in passi ng sen t ence o f t en years penal servitude on the person who had been convicted, they certainly have done themselves great injustice, be informed him that had not the Crown taken a merciful Cause they say that inquiries aro now going "forward with view of the case his d u ty wou ld b e t o pass upon hi m reference to the rights of voti ng i n th e e l ec ti on o f mem bers to serve in Parliament," an d th a t " w h en th at infor sentence of death, inasmuch as his off ense a b so l u t e l y amounted to treason itself. There were, too, several other matron is complete the att en ti on o f P ar li ament w ill b e c prisoners at the same time against whom indi c t men t s h a d called to the result thus obtain e d," & c . N ow, my l or d s, the Government are proceeding eith er w ith ou t i n f ormat i on, been found, but it was thought expedi e nt by th e C rown t o postpone the consideration of those indi c t men t s un til th e or with the intention of maki ng th e i n f orma ti on th ey may procure square with their foregone co nc l us i ons, or, aga i n, following assizes. The question was acco r din g ly b roug ht they may be gifted with a sup er h uman p resc i ence w hi c h before the Court of Queen's Bench, as to wheth er th e pri enables them to know infallibly b e f ore h an d w h a t w ill b e aoners should be admitted to bail. No rule was, however, the precise result of these inquiries ; w h ereas we poor or made on the subject, inasmuch as th e C our t was equa ll y Binary mortals must be content to wait until all those pro divided ; but the judges w h o were i n f avour o f a d m itti ng the prisoners to bail, just as s t rong ly con d emne d th e missed statistics are laid before us whi c h are t o p rove th e offence with which they wer e c h arge d, an d as f u ll y a d- wonderful skill and dexterity of th e G overnmen t i n nutted the clearness cf th e case aga i ns t th em , as th ose w h o framing a measure in anticipation o f th e i n f orma ti on on which it is to be founded. (Cheers and laughter.) Well, y . took a contrary view upon the point immediatel at issue my lords, imitating the wi se cau ti on o f th e no bl e ear l , I Well, what afterwards h a pp ene d ? Th e G overnment went will express no opinion upon th e i r measure un til I h ave out of office between the time of which I am s p ea ki ng an d seen it. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I h o p e it will be such the next assizes, and the first ac t o f th e new G overnmen t a measure as I shall be able to su pp or t—th a t it w ill b e a was to discharge every one of th ose i n di c t e d t ra it ors on r the simple condition that th e y s h ou ld come up f or judg easonable and satisfactory settl e m en t o f thi s grave an d ment when called upon to do so. N or was thi s a ll. Th e important question, whi c h I b e li eve it i s d es i ra bl e to settle, and settle once for all. (Ch eers .) A n d I prom i se Crown entered into a b arga i n w ith th e pr i soners w h o the noble earl another thing—th a t hi s bill s h a ll h ave f a i r pleaded guilty not only that they s h ou ld no t b e v i s it e d play, that it sh a ll n o t b e th rus t as id e b y any un d erhand with the consequences of th e ir cr i me , b u t th a t the prisoner who had been actually convicted and se n t ence d t o 10 years ' methods, that there shall be no f ac ti ous movemen t or combinations against it on the p a rt of th ose w h o can penal servitude should be released, and he was released combine for nothing else - (cheer s )—th a t it shall be dealt without even applic a ti on h av i ng b oon ma d e to t h e j udge with on its merits ; that if we c a n a pp rove o f it we s h a ll who tried him to asc er t a i n w h e th er t h ere were any circum stances which in his opinion would justify his pardon. give it our cordial support ; but that, on the other hand, (Hear, hear.) Well, my lords, who are the persons who were if we disapprove of it and think it is imperfect, inadequate, thus dealt with? Why, the very same who were brought up or dangerous , and, above all, if we think it one leading to again for the same crime within the last few months, and at future o , r agitations t within a brief period of a perilous whatevercha \v means . we may possess we shall who were from 1859 to 1865 allowed to mature their do ou'r best to w to l t oit out by fair debate and honourable traitorous designs both at home and in America. (Hear.) opposition. (Loud cheers.) There is, again, the notorious Mr. Stephens, who was asso- Earl RUSSELL (after two or three preliminary remarks, ciated with Mr. Smith O'Brien in that foolish and paltry at- which did not reach the gallery), said : —As the other tempt at revolt in 1848, and who has ever since been carry topics raised in the debate have been sufficiently discussed, ing on the game of treason. This gentleman was in 1848 a I will confine my observations to two points—the charge principal agent, but, acting upon that instinct of self-pre- which the noble Earl has made against me in regard to the servation which seems never to have forsaken him, he left Jamaica Rebellion ; and the other charge in reference to his comrades in the lurch and went abroad. He afterwards, the Reform Bill. The question is not whether Governor however, returned to Ireland at the peril of being indicted Eyre was right in repressing the rebellion, but whether he for high treason. Then there is the notorious offender called was right in adopting the means he did to suppress it. It Donovan, who has remained in Ireland plotting treason is one thing to support an officer who may have committed from 1863 to 1865, and who, as registered proprietor of the some errors of judgment, but when it comes to a question Irish People, circulated under the nose of the Castle 8,000 of the lives of 500 of our fellow subjects Ido not think it copies per week of a paper containing articles so detestably right to say we do not care whether 500 persons have been treasonable that Justice Keogh, in sentencing one of the put to death without necessity, but we will support the prisoners brought before the late Commission, requested the Governor whether he was right or wrong, and we care reporters not to take any notice of the extracts from that nothing about those persons' lives because they happen to paper read in his defence. There were, I believe, no less be black. We determined that inquiry should be made. than 40 co, les of the Irish People which were relied upon The question then before us was whether the inquiry as overt acts of conspiracy, yet though its circulation ex- should bo instituted with Governor Eyre at the head of tended from 1863 to 1865, it was not until a fter the late the Government. Here was this obvious objection, that general election that a single step was taken to prosecute the Governor could not maintain his authority when that the traitors by w h om i t was conducted. (Hear, hear.) For authority would be shaken ev er y d ay if the in •ry pro the entire space o f t wo years this man Donovan—who had ceeded. There was also this obvious objectionci m that if been conditionally pardoned by the Crown, and wh o m i g ht, Governor Eyro retained the supreme authority no one at any moment, have b een called up for judgment on a would have believed that th ere wou ld have been a fair chargeof treason felony, was a ll owed unchecked, and with inquiry, or that the truth would be permitted to be told a full knowledge of the circumstances on the part of the when the person accused retained that high office. While, Government—for durine s the whole time their spy was in too, an apparent stigma was cast upon Governor Eyro, his office—to go on disseminating treason, so that the cre- he would be liable to the imputation t of u. fsauf!elprebss dulous and but too easily-deceived p eop l e o f I reland were ing the ev id ence, and not allowing it led to believe that they were not s i ncere i n t h e i r desire to fore the pu b l i c. For these reasons to go g was • e- deter suppress the conspiracy. (Hear, hear.) Ido not say this mined that the head of the Commission should be su- • to throiv blame on the Government of that day. The prima promo Governor of the Island, and I venture to say that we offender was the right hon. gentleman wh o i s now S ecre - cou ld no t h ave c h osen a man of higher honour than Sir tary of State for the Colonies, who does not appear to be Henry Storks, or one more fitted to inspire respect, or to much more successful in that post than he was as Chief support and maintain authority in the island. (Hear, hear.) Secretary for Ireland. (A laugh.) But the present Govern- We have associated with hint Mr. Russell Gurney and Mr. ment of Ireland seem t o hav e act e d with moderation, temper, Mettle, and no two persons are more likely to take a correct and firmness, and to have conducted these trials in a manner view of the law of the case. We are aware that the Com ehich reflects great credit upon them. I trust th e y w ill con - m i ss i on cannot ta k e ev id ence upon oath. Directions, how te .inue to pursue the same course and not slacken till th ere ever, wen t out t h at t h e L eg i s l ature should be called is a hope of the credulity of some of the humble classes together to enable the Commissioners to take evidence on in Ireland being dissipated, and of peace and order being oath, and Sir H. Storks has called that Legislature together Placed on a s oun d b as i s th roug h t h e i n fl uence o f the large to give him authority to examine on oath. It was c l ear to majority who are better disposed. But the moral I wish to us that it was impossible to refuse inquiry, from the case nu direaw from t h ese things is this : —Some of these unhappy made out by Governor Eyre himself. It was equally ini rePuthated with indignation the idea that while they possible to have a satisfactory inquiry if he remained at H - m-ere plotting Therebe Ilion they were also countenancing the head of affairs, and therefore the only justifiable course assassinatio n . and easily led ;and it race are impassioned, credulous, is that which we took. As to the other question, that of Ireland that for a _ has been one of the misfortunes of Parliamentary Reform, I have not much further to say. 1 always had a sucelonsyo:eries of years past she has think, however, the bill of the Government will be brought flaming the minds of the Of agitation constantly in- in quite as soon after the meeting of Parliament as was that endpecuople, constantly dwelling on of the noble earl. Some of the information has been very their supposed wrongs, acts of violence, but to constitutionalnstantlY inciting them not to lately supplied, and there is a portion of it of which the agitation. The pupils correctness is doubted, and that has been sent back. Ido of these agitators, bettering their instructions , then break not doubt, however, that by the end of the month the Go out into open acts of insensate r4ellion,nactnsd although I be- vernment will be ready to propose their measure. The noble Hove from my heart that none of these of violence aro earl has some complaint against me as to the manner intended or would be sanctioned or encouragedby those who in which his own bill was met, and that makes it neces lead them to the brink of the abyss of crime, yet th e e moral nary for me—though I should otherwise have post to be drawn is that it is not safe toincite suchaouppxrcesitable poned my remarks on this subject —to state that I enter people with incessant tales of their imagined sion tamed very grave and solid objections to the bill, which such a mischievous course ' u ' made fil it impossible for me to agree to the second reading. and that the natural fruits of will be such deeds as their advisers mac little contemplate. a t objection to the noble earl's bill was that it took My lords, in dealing with the single topic of the Speech away Y • t u that had been enjoyed, not only from from the Throne which it now remains for me to notice, I the timerlogfHenry VI., but from the very earliest time am not about to follow the example set by the noble lord on of our Parliamentary history— namely,right the of the cross bench, an d to presume t o o ff er any advice to her freeh o ld ers to vote for the counties in which they re- Majesty's Government as to what course they should pursue. side. That right was an . essential part of the Constitution, judge for soessentiai, in my opinion, that when the late Earl Grey told The question of reform is one on which they will front frefuehaoulddeeursutfihne themselves, and will bring forward at the proper moment thatfumetihtewnasuuvseeryeflikLeulryda finto t a u provision th e gr ea t w ß o e u f l u d rm be ß in il t f r , introduced and on their own responsibility such a measure as they may i r n i g gh t t he o m f voting for the counties think it desirable to propose. But, observing that this ques- away tion of reform appears in the very last paragraph in the they resided to vote in boroughs, I Speech, I must venture to call to the recollection of the told Earl Grey that if the bill came down with that altera noble earl (Russell) what took place seven years ago, on tion I should consider it so vitiated that I would myself Feb ruar y 3d, 1859 . O n that occasion it did so happen that move in the Hous e o f C ommons that the Reform A e t, w i t h reformspresent one, andwas the subject of the last paragraph i n a Q ue en's all its good and great provisions, s h ou ld be rejected. Speech o f a b ou t h a lf the length of the • In The Earl of DERBY—May I ask th e noble earl was this reference to that circumstance Lord ci • Palmerston , withgood always his view as to the value and impo r t ance of retaining badinage, humoured , It is held this langu age : th a t provision ? " not an unusual practice to reserve the best and Earl RUSSELL—Thero Was another provision in the CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES. Earl RUSSELL moved, " That Lord Reclesdale be ap pointed to take the chair on tho sitting of committees of this house." The motion was agreed to. Their lordships then adjourned at 10 minutes past 11. HOUSE OF COMMONS--LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at one o'clock, and the swearing in of members, and the signing of the Parliamentary roll by those who who had sub scribed to the oath, occupied the time up to a quar ter past two o'clock, when Sir Augustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, appfilared at the door of the house, and, advancing to the table, informed the Speaker that the attendance of the honourable House was required in the House of Peers. The SPEAKER immediately left the chair, and the Chief Clerk read out from a list the order in which it had been arranged the members should accom pany the Speaker. Commencing with the Chancel lor of the Exchequer, the names of the members of the Government were called, and then afterwards those of various members on either side the house, but after ten or a dozen particular names had been pronounced nearly the whole of the hon. members within the house rose from their seats, made a quiet rush to the door, and followed in the train of the Speaker in the most admirable confusion. At half-past two the SPEAKER returned and sim ply passed through the house—the sitting being suspended until a quarter before four. The sitting having been resumed, The SPEAKER read the sessional orders, which were agreed to. PRINTING THE VOTES. On the order with respect to printing the votes, Sir C. O'LOGIILENsaid before that order was agreed to he wished to call the attention of the house to the absurdity of putting the different days of the week at the head of the votes in Latin. It was an inconvenient practice, because there was no unifor mity in the practice, because on the same page 'with the Latin heading were to be found the words, " Adjourned till Monday." He thought it quite true that the good Saxon names of the days of the week should be printed in the votes of the house. The Speaker had the power to make the alteration if he thought fit, and now begged to direct his attention to the matter. The SPEAKER said if it met with the wishes of the house, he should be happy in giving directions for the alteration suggested. (Hear, hear.) THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY I, 1866, great delight. Her Majesty's intimation of the intended marriage of her daughter would give great satisfaction,- because it would add to the happiness of her Majesty's domestic circle. The house, he was sure, would participate in the grief occasioned to her Majesty by the death of the King of the Belgians. However, there were other topics in the Speech from the Throne which would be read with the deepest regret, and none, he felt certain, would create a deeper feeling than the matters that 1111;1 occurred in Jamaica. An im portant inquiry, however, was to be made into the whole circumstances connected with the calamity at Morant Court House. It had also been intimated that papers on the subject would be laid on the table of the house, and under those cir cumstances he thought it would be judicious in him not further to allude to it, although he felt bound to say that in the steps the Government had taken they had only followed the precedent set by the Government of Lord Derby in the case of Sir Henry Storks in the lonian Islands. The next topic of importance was the cattle disease, which was making such fearful ravages through the country, and which, knowing the nature of the bill which was to be laid before the house, he felt it would be one that would grasp the whole of the fearful calamity within its provisions. It was extremely gratifying that the trade of the country was in a satisfactory condition. With re spect to matters in Ireland the great meeting that had been held there fully proved that the steps taken by her Majesty's Government had met with universal approval. There was some strength in a conspiracy which survived the loss of leaders, and the question that would naturally occur was, what was the cause of this state of things. (Hear, hear.) It might be a Celtic antagonism to the Saxon, it might be suf fering, but it behoved the Government to take the most energetic steps to arrive at the cause of the conspiracy. With respect to the measure for the improvement of the representation of the people in that house he felt great satisfaction at the announce ment made by the noble earl at the head of the Government that by that measure he must stand or fall. (Hear.) He was sure the house would heartily join in her Majesty's wish that their wisdom might prevail in their deliberations, and that they might all tend to the benefit and happiness of her people. The noble lord concluded by moving the address, which was, as usual, a mere echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. W. GRAHAM, in seconding the address, said he highly appreciated the great honour con ferred on the great constituency he represented in being invl'ted to second the address. He rejoiced that her Majesty had once more appeared amongst her people, and that feeling he was sure was shared by every loyal subject. The country had sustained a great loss in the death of one who was so devoted a servant to his country, yet it was gratifying to know that the prosperity of the country is not depen dent on the lives of statesmen, howeverbrilliant. The Speech referred to a measure for P arliamentary re form ; and he felt that their new leaders were men well calculated to carry out such a proposal in the most satisfactory manner. With respect to the island of Jamaica, no person more than himself regretted that such an outbreak had occurred ; yet an impartial inquiry was to be made into all the circumstances connected with the unhappy calamity, and pending that all judgment ought to be suspended. He felt that the inquiry would be conducted in the most impartial manner, and he felt certain that evidence to character would be taken as evi dence of fact. (Hear, hear.) The most im partial inquiry he felt certain would be made, and no official connection or posi tion of influence would be allowed to intercept or stand in the way of a full, complete, and thorough investigation. (Hear, hear.) The ramifications of the conspiracy in Ireland would demand a most searching inquiry, but he trusted also that a wise and temperate spirit would charac terise the steps taken to ascertain the causes that have led to such a state of things. The state of trade, it was most gratifying to find, was satisfactory. He thought great good would result from +he frAe.ty with Austria, and for that treaty they were indebted to the late Mr. Cobden and the Emperor of the French. He earnestly hoped that the prosperity that had hitherto attended the country would continue; and thanking the home for the patience which they had extended to him, he begged to second the Address. Mr. B. STANHOPE said it was not his intention to go through the whole of the topics mentioned in the Royal Speech, but he should confine his observations simply to that part of it relative t• the cattle plague, and in this matter lie could not but think that the Government had not acted with that foresight and discretion that they ought to have done. The orders in Council were quite insufficient to stop the spread ing of the disease, because sufficient power was no: given to those who were doing their utmost to mitigate it. The magistrates were placed in collision with their neighbours, and thus a state of things was brought about the most unsatis factory. The Government had allowed unlimited facilities for cattle leaving public markets and fares, and if inquiry was made in any particular district such would be found to be the case. Sick cattle which could not be sold in Yorkshire were sent to Lincolnshire, and in this way the scourge had reached such a point that created wide spread, and lie might say, universal terror. The Royal Agricultural Society had asked the Go vernment to take certain efficient steps to arrest the progress of the disease, yet these suggestions had been in a great measure unheeded. Mr. DENT also urged the impossibility of stopping the plague unless the Government immediately came forward with a uniform and compulsory plan. Lord r. MONTAGU referred to the history of the cattle plague to show the incompetence of the Home-office in dealing with it, and criticised severely the pusillanimity and the fear of responsibility which had been evinced by the Government at every stage of the calamity. He con trasted it with the vigorous measures of foreign Govern ments, by which the plague had been stamped out with very slight loss, and argued that the farmers ought to be compensated for the losses they had sustained, because it was owing to the apathy of the Home-office that the rin derpest had spread, and also because it was the business of the nation to help a lame industry over the stile. Mr. CARNEGIE made a few remarks in defence of the Government, but urged the adoption of a strictly uniform system. . . Sir DI. W. RIDLEY maintained that the farmers bad reason to complain of the want of promptitude of the Home-office. Ho recommended a more stringent inspection of cattle vessels, tho stoppage of all movement of live cattle, and the institution of dead meat markets in every town. Mr. lIODGKINSON recommended the immediate esta blishment of a general compulsory mutual assurance on a plan the details of which ho explained. - Sir J. TROLLOPS pointed out the inconveniences which had arisen from entrusting the execution of the Orders in Council to various heal authories, who had done their best, but had been confounded by the number and discrepancy of these orders. Ile blamed the Government for not summoning Parliament together earlier, if they had not courage to tako the necessary measures on their own responsibility, and despaired of any adequate plan of com pensation or assurance being carried out unless the Go vernment took the lead. Mr. T. G. BARING denied that the Home-office had shrunk from any responsibility in this matter. In defend ing his department he pointed out that it was still doubted where the disease came from, and referred to the opinion of the committee of 1864, composed chiefly of agricultural members, which was decidedly averse from any further restrictions on the importation of foreign cattle, as well as to the opposition which his Contagious Disorders Bill had met with in the same year from the agricultural interest . After dwelling with some minuteness on the inconveni enco and impossibility of laying down a rigid uniform sys tem for the whole country in such matters as closing the markets and stopping the removal of cattle, ho went on to dispute the soundness of the recommendation of the Com missioners that the movement of cattle should be stopped, remolding the house in how many ways besides contact disease could be communicated, and asserted that such an order would have been utterly impracticable. Into this question of the removal of cattle Mr. Baring entered at some length, and concluded by claiming for the Govern ment the credit of having taken every step which experi ence had shown to be really effective in checking the disease. Mr. LOWE defended the recommendations of the Com missioners, who, he said, were unanimous on the main point, and insisted that whatever authority was exercised in a matter of this short should be central. As a proof of the wisdom of these recommendations, he pointed to the case of Berkshire, in which they had been adopted in their in tegrity, av i d which had been absolutely free from disease. He believed that, if adopted by the Government when they were made, they would have arrested tho disease ; but the Commissioners had by no means the Same confidence in their efficacy now that the disorder had attained such in tensity. Mr. HENLEY discussed the several Orders in Council issued by the Government, and showed Low they had all been defeated by the inaction of the central authority. He professed his inability to understand why the Government from almost the very outset had not prohibited the exit of cattle from the London district, as it was from the London market that the infection had been carried to many quar ters. Mr. Henley expressed a strong conviction that if this had been done, and one or two other places isolated, the disease would have been stamped out. Lord CRANBORNE contrasted the measures which bad been taken in England and Belgium, and insisted that, if the Home Secretary bad acted with the same vigour as the Belgian Government, not one-half of this terrible disaster would have befallen us. As the Government had practi cally abdicated their functions, he argued that they were bound to compensate those who had suffered by their apathy. Mr. LESLIE narrated what had been done in Aberdeen shire to arrest the plague, and expressed a general appro bation of the acts of the Government. Sir G. GREY replied in detail to tho objections taken to the action of the Government, and maintained that the more stringent regulations which had been recommended in the course of the debate would have produced so much difficulty and vexation that they would not have been tolerated by the people. He referred to the case of Aber deenshire to show that the Orders, where the magistrates had taken full advantage of them, were efficacious in stop ping the disease, and regretted that similar energy had not been shown in other parts of the country. On the question of compensation, Sir G. Grey mentioned that in the last century the practice had produced such bad results, there being no local interests to keep down the amount, that it was given up. On the motion of the O'DONOGHUE, the debate was adjourned until Thursday. The house then adjourned. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—" The deplorable events which have oc curred in the Island of Jamaica" are the subject of the longest, and not the least carefully worded, para graph in the Queen's Speech. Her Majesty informs Parliament that she has instituted an impartial in quiry " into the origin, nature, and circumstances of the recent outbreak, and the measures adopted in the course of its suppression." She defines, more over, the object of Sir Henry Storks' appointment in the triple capacity of President of the Council, Governor, and Commander of the Forces. Mr. Eyre could not be the judge of his own conduct, yet he could not as Governor be placed in the position of a defendant. An " impartial inquiry," therefore, could only be conducted by a new Governor, and " the due maintenance of authority during that in quiry" could only be secured by investing the per son selected for this office with supreme military command. Beyond this, and the fact that a bill for amending the political constitution of Jamaica LS to be introduced by the Government, we learn nothing from the Royal Speech as to the Ministerial view of Jamaica affairs. It contains, however, the expected announcement that " papers on these occurrences will be laid before you," and no time has been lost in redeeming this pledge by presenting to Parliament the long-delayed series of Jamaica despatches. Of the two Blue-books already published the first and least important comprises a correspondence between Governor Eyre and the Colonial-office, ranging from January, 1865, up to the period of the Morant Bay massacre (October 11). It also embodies the celebrated letter of Dr. Underhill, besides certain documents of a later date than last October, but not immediately bearing on the rebellion or its suppres sion. The second instalment of "papers relating to the disturbances in Jamaica" is far more interest ing. Here are to be found all the communications received by Mr. Cardwell from Governor Eyre on this subject between November 16 and December 30, together with the replies of the Colonial Secretary. On the former day the first official account of the scenes which had been enacted on October 11 and during the following week reached England from the colony. It was already known through telegraphic despatches, by way of North America, that a negro rising had taken place at Morant Bay, that a great many whites had been killed by the negroes, and that Governor Eyre had sent to Barbadoes and elsewhere for reinforcements. His own despatch, however, brought the earliest authentic and connected narrative of the insurrec tion itself, as well as the earliest indication that any undue severity had been exercised in quelling it. With the contents of this despatch, upon which his enemies no less than his friends profess to found their case, the majority of our readers must already be familiar. Extracts from Mr. Cardwell's reply, dated November 17 (the day after its receipt), were laid by Governor Eyre before the Jamaica Legislature, published in the Colonial journals, and transmitted to this country. We took occa sion at the time to point out the unfairness of deal ing with that which only purported to be a part, and was likely to be the most complimentary part, of such a despatch, as though it adequately represented the spirit of the whole. Our cautions have been justified by the sequel, for the passages omitted by Governor Eyre turn out, as we had anticipated, to contain—together with an acknowledgment of his own services—abundant evidence that Mr. Card well was already awake to the danger of vindictive retribution. "No doubt," he says, " you will have much further intelligence to communicate to me hereafter on the subject of the measures of severity to which you have felt it necessary to have re course. If you had time, in forwarding those en closures, to make_yourself acquainted with all their contents, it will have been evident to you that they contain many passages which will require to be explained as soon as there shall be sufficient leisure for the writers to explain fully the proceed ings to which they relate." . . . " I entirely agree with you that measures of severity, when dictated by necessity and justice, are in reality measures of mercy; and do not doubt it will appear that you have arrested the course of punishment as soon as you were able to do so, and have exerted yourself to confine it meanwhile to ascertained offen ders and to cases of aggravated guilt. I observe with pleasure the hope you express that if no fur ther outbreak occurs you will, in a short time, have been able to proclaim a general amnesty, except to actual murderers." Now, to do justice to the lan guage of this despatch, we must not only place our selves in the responsible position of the writer, but must also dismiss from our memories all the light since thrown retrospectively on the transactions in question. Bearing in mind these two conditions, we venture to assert that, so far from betraying any in difference to the possible excesses of martial law, it evinces a very clear apprehension of them, and touches significantly on the very points which subse quent intelligence has shown to be the most vulner able. It was not open to Mr. Cardwell, as it was to unofficial critics, to comment on the newspaper re ports and private letters which reached us by the same mail, but an unbiassed reader of the despatch will at least gather from it that his sense of humanity was not quickened for the first time by Mr. Chame rovzow. The best proof of the effect which Mr. Cardwell's answer was calculated to produce is the impression which it actually did produce on the mind of Governor Eyre. On the 232 d page of these papers will be found the rejoinder of the latter. Its tone is apologetic throughout, and, while it fails, in our opinion, to meet the points suggested by Mr. Cardwell, it leaves no doubt whatever that its author interpreted as we do the despatch of Novem ber 17. That despatch was followed by another, dated November 23, and conveyed to the West Indies by the Constance frigate. In this Mr. Card well reverts to the same topic, urging again the duty of "checking at the earliest possible moment those measures of instant severity which only an overwhelming sense of public danger justifies, and of returning to the ordinary course of legal inquiry." Ile begs to have copies of the proceed ings before the various Courts-martial, and ap pends in a memorandum some revolting quotations from the letters of Colonel Hobbs and Captain Hole. In a separate despatch of the same date he draws special attention to Gerdon's case, requesting to be furnished with all the documents and evidence relating to it, pointing out the material difference between taking part in or instigating the murderous outbreak and making inflammatory speeches which might indirectly lead to it, calling for an explana tion of his removal from Kingston to a district under martial law, and implying grave misgivings as to the legality of his execution. The next mail took out several more despatches from Mr. Card well, dated December 1, of which two refer to the publication of Dr. Underhill's original letter, and to the opening by the Governor's orders of another letter from the same gentleman to a correspondent in Jamaica. Others touch on an unfortunate mis understanding which had arisen between the Go vernor and General O'Connor, but which only bears remotely on the main issue. One, however, num bered 356 (p. 245), deserves a most attentive perusal, for it contains an exhaustive statement of all the questions which can fall under the considera tion of the Commission just appointed. By this time Mr. .Cardwell's suspicions had been fully aroused by the testimony gradually accruing ; and we doubt whether a more searching set of interro gatories could have been framed by the Anti-Slavery Society itself. The number of blacks slaughtered by the Maroons in particular was then supposed, on the authority of a letter from Sir L. M'Clintock, to be much larger than more recent details confirm, and Mr. Cardwell specially asks for a report on this head from Mr, Eyre, It was not till eight days after this and the accompanying despatches had been posted that Mr. Cardwell met the tumultuous depu tation organised by M. Chamerovzow. In the mean time Sir Henry Storks had been summoned by tele graph from Malta, and less than two days afterwards was in London receivin gh is ins tructions. To represent the Government, therefore, as having been driven by external pressure alone to have pity on the Jamaica negroes is a palpable absurdity. It needed no sensational advertisements about " eight miles of dead bodies " to convince Mr. Cardwell and Lord Russell that an independent investigation was necessary. They were now in possession of facts which, though infinitely short of the fictions so in dustriously circulated, were quite enough to make their course clear. The total number of negroes shot or executed had been estimated by Sir L. McClintock at not less than 1,500. The continuance of martial law for more than three weeks after the Governor considered the insurrection to be crushed, and the transfer, not of Gordon only, but of other prisoners from localities where martial law had not been proclaimed to those in which they might be tried by a military tribunal—these were circum stances which demanded prompt intervention. Those who think that such intervention ought to have been less deliberate or less judicial, and those who think that no inquiry should have been insti tuted at all, but executive authority supported at all hazards, will have ample opportunity of appeal ing to the judgment of the nation. With these papers before us, and some experience of English public opinion, we venture to predict that n e ith er will be able to obtain a favourable verdict from Parliament. HERALD.—The debate upon the Address in the House of Lords was of more than usual length and interest, although the larger portion of the time it consumed was given to a question which hardly comes within the domain of party politics. The great feature of the discussion was the " uni versal expression of dissatisfaction, as Lord Derby described it, with the conduct of the Govern ment in the matter of the cattle plague." " Uni versal" indeed, for it came from both sides of the house, and the proceedings of the Government found no other vindicators than the Minister immediately responsible for them, and his colleague the Lord Privy Seal. From themoment the seconder of the Address resumed his seat till Lord Derby rose, with the exception of the short speech in which the Marquis of Abercorn exposed the mischievous weakness or negligence of the Irish Government, and the latter portion of Earl Grey's speech, which sounded for all the world, valuable as it undoubtedly was, as an essay from some quarterly review, the cattle plague and the conduct of the Government with respect to it was the sole subject of debate. The Duke of Rutland first brought the subject be fore the house. He pointed out that the Orders in Council had been of the most ridiculous and con tradictory description, that if the money they had cost had been expended in active measures for the prevention of the disease and the compensation of the sufferers, the malady might have been stamped out, and that the Government had done next to nothing, or even worse than nothing. For, as Lord Winchilsea afterwards put it, they had done what the act gave them no power to do, and not done what it authorised them to do. The importation of cattle into Ireland and into the west of Scotland had been prohibited, and the result was that the disease had been kept out. The Duke of Richmond, who spoke with the authority necessarily attaching to one of the commissioners, pointed out that the whole object of the Government had been to throw the responsibility off their own shoulders and put it on to those of the local authorities, the result being that whilst the magistrates acting in quarter and petty sessions would close markets the mayors of towns would open them. Lord Feversham, who followed, gave further expression to the dissatisfac tion of the country, and Lord Winchilsea enforced the arguments of the preceding speakers in a speech which was amusing and effective. The complaint was caught up from the Liberal benches by Lord Effingham, and Lord Granville felt it neces sary to offer a defence of the Government and of himself. That defence amounted merely to this, that the Government had tried to keep up with public opinion ; that it had, indeed, been in ad vance of it before the publication of the commis sioners' report, although it might have lagged behind after, and that it really had no power to do More. But, as Lord Carnarvon answered, it could have called Parliament together, and obtained from it the necessary powers, if indeed further powers were required. By what authority did the Government close the ports of Ireland and shut up the west of Scotland, if it had not equal authority to adopt stringent measures to keep the plague out of Eng land ? And Lord Grey, in remarks moderate in tone but extremely forcible, reminded the Ministers that it was their duty to lead public opinion and not to have waited for it, that they held their high posi tion because they were supposed to be able to take the initiative, that the direction should come from above and not from below. And he repeated the question of Lord Carnarvon, why had they not called Parliament together? Had Parliament been called together in the beginning of November the disease, he observed, might now have been stamped out ; whereas at the present moment the difficulties of staying its ravages are ten times greater than they were two months ago. Then the Duke of Argyll took up the cudgels for the Government, the gist of his defence being that the Government was per fectly impotent, and that in what they had done they had done even more harm than good—a point about which there did not appear to be the slightest doubt on either side of the house. The duke talked a great deal, too, about the danger of interfering with the provisioning of our large cities ; any strin gent regulations to prevent the importation and the movement of cattle might, lie said, have disturbed the great organisation by which London, Liver pool, and other large towns are fed, and there would have been great danger that the inhabitants would have seriously resented the condemnation to scanty supplies of meat. Our large towns will soon have something much more serious to resent. If the cattle plague continues the ravages which are directly chargeable upon the incapacity of the Government they will soon have no supplies of meat at all. The Government dare not face a little un popularity and a little discontent, And the result is that it is already cursed by thousands of agricul turists as the author of their ruin, and is preparing for itself the curses of the town population, whom its criminal cowardice and folly will deprive of ani mal food. The more exciting political question-- for the cattle plague will not become exciting to the generality until its effects are visible in such an in crease of the price of meat that it will only be ob tainable by the Upper Ten Thousand—were not, however, lost sight of, though they were somewhat obscured by the attention given to this great na tional calamity. The speeches of both the mover and seconder of the Address were mainly devoted to them, and Lord Morley, whose speech gives the promise that he will one day occupy a high position amongst the debaters of ° the house, rendered a ge nerous testimony to the merits of Governor Eyre, and warmly denounced the large class of men who have unfairly prejudged the whole question, and upon most flimsy and insufficient evidence have con demned Governor Eyre and the whole white popu lation of Jamaica. The Marquis of Abercorn, whilst acknowledging the vigour with which the Government had acted after they once resolved upon the prosecution of the Fenians, condemned the dis graceful apathy shown before, an apathy which, as he pointed out, had, there is too much reason to believe, its foundation in the desire of the Govern ment to secure as many votes as possible at the late elections. Lord Grey expressed the regret with which he read the paragraph of the Speech relating to reform, in which he found a confirmation of the rumour that the Government bill would be confined to the reduction of the franchise. He urged the Premier not to repudiate so utterly the policy, and act so diametrically contrary to the principles of the Reform Ministry of Earl Grey, which believed that if reform were to be dealt with at all, it should be dealt with in such a way as to settle the ques tion ; and he entreated him either to deal with the whole question or to postpone all con sideration of reform until he should find him self able to deal with that whole question. Lord Derby passed lightly over the different paragraphs of the Speech. He paid a tribute to the honesty and diligence of President Johnson's at tempt to reunite the United States by measures of conciliation, he approved the tone and the argu ments of Lord Russell's despatches on the Alabanja question, he wished that the country might get what the Speech promised it from the Austrian Treaty, and he censured with a just severity the conduct of the Government towards Governor Eyre. The Government, he observed, in superseding Governor Eyre, had prejudged the whole question, which would turn upon this other question, what was the state of Jamaica ? That condition might prove to have been such that the suppression of the insurrection at once by severe measures was mercy in the end. The loss of Lord Palmerston was but too painfully visible in the unjust and ungenerous conduct of the Govern ment towards Governor Eyre, whom, by supersed ing, it has condemned, and as a further injustice to whom it has sent out a roving commission to gather evidence which may be used against him on a trial for murder, if his acts should prove, however justi fiable in themselves, to want a perfect legal vindi cation. The promise of the Speech that a Reform Bill should be introduced at some future time gave the noble lord the opportunity for a most effective exposure of the disingenuous conduct of Lord Rus sell with respect to the Conservative Reform Bill. With regard to the bill announced by the Govern ment, the noble lord promised that it should be dealt with on its merits ; that it should not be got ~~ rid of in an underhand manner and by all o ' 6 l resolution, as his own had been ; but that if a go bill it should re ce i ve th e suort of the Opposition, pp • and if a bad one it should be frankly but determ,i nedly opposed. Lord Russell, whose rising pearl emptied the house, made but a short and ineffective reply. He vindicated the suspension of Govern or . Eyre as a meas ure o f j us ti ce t o that most ill-trea ted public servant, and he promised that the Reform, Bill, as to th e c h arac t er o f w hi c h h e gave no indi cations, cations, would be ready at the end of the r on Altogether the Government cut but a very sor,l, figure in one of th e mos t i m p or t an t debates Nal have taken place f or some years in the hou se ° Lords. Hydraulic Lift at the Great Western llotel' - Yesterday Dr. Lankester, the coroner for Centra l Middlesex, resumed the inquiry at the Bank of Eng: land Tavern, Paddington, relative to the death el . Henry Girling, a po r t er em pl o y e d at the Gr eat s Western Railway H o t e l, w h o di e d i n St. Mary' s Hospital from an injury received by the hydrae lift used at the hotel. The circumstances have 111 , ready been stated i n o ur i m p ress i on o f Thursday 10 1 l and as will be remembered the further inquiry w as adjourned for the production of further evidence, and for the view of the lift by the jury, in Tillie , some alterations it was found had been made, stated for further protection and prevention of ac cident. Jane Kenyo n , c h am b erma id a t the how: said she was on the s econ d fl oor a t the time of the accident. She heard the d ecease d scream. S uo . went to the lift and t r i e d t o s t op it, b u t could n et ' John Whitcombe stopped the lift, and she saw de ceased standing in it. As he passed the seal floor he was holding out hi s arm . She saw no ° go to the lift till deceas e d ca ll e d ou t. Ann 80e ,4,13 " second housemaid on the third floor, said on w° Bth ult., shortly before 8 o'clock in the mornieg' she was on the fou r th floor, and saw the decea s ed putting the luggage into the lift. She saw him the chain to start in, and his hand got caught b e ; fore he could get it out. He cried out "SL O P 1 .4 v stop it ! for God's sake, stop it." Witness vi A '" afraid to stop it. Sh e was sure th e d ecea sed star t _ A ' it himself. She could no t see b e l ow , but she hel no one there. She s aw th e lift s t an di ng still, all e start when deceased touched the chain. If ael ll ran to had started it, the d ecease d wou ld have I' 7 l to the chain and s t o pp e d it. Th e w it nes s Nos o ci the fifth floor, and saw d ecease d pu t his he'd through and rattl e th e c h a i n , w h en t h e lift stan' - downward. There was some luggage in the lifts -4 portmanteau, a gentleman's rug, and other W 14 8; but it was rather dark, so that she did not ti t' much notice. She did not speak to the deceased while he was putting in the luggage. She ne A v ro t saw the lift started without the chain being -- „ o shaken. Some questions were asked and opill' ° " 0 given relative to the lift, when it was stated that ,g ° no account should they be raised without the ne 7: o sary signal, nor should they be lowered without chain being first shaken. The weight of rill re' quired to raise the lift was 301 b., and to lower 0 251 b. The deceased severa l ti mes sta t e d that si t one below did start the lift without the signal., having been stated that there had been two or ta'', previous accidents w ith th e lif t i n quest i on , the l t ff r felt that some s t e p s s h ou ld b e ta k en f or the he t ; protection of those engaged with it. The C 00,,. ° , w having summed up, the j ur y re t urne d a verdict i tt " Deceased died from the mortal effects of p# 6 . ffi ury coming on after injury to the hand, such ) t , being caused by a n h y d rau li c lif t at t h e G re at IN ea se em Railway Hotel, and th a t t h e sa id i n jury aros e from accidental causes." Th e j ury a l so ex pressed " ss opinion that bells or whistles should bezise d 00 signals for putting the lift in motion, and tha t ' one side of the lift was en case d w ith i r on Pla te ' re , the other should be simil ar ly encase d, s o as tc P the vent the men putting their hands out to touch chain. Mr. Westo n sa id th e l a tt er sug gestion W to 3o already being carried out, and that with respec t i d the other as to bells or whistl es th e company w°llo, adopt one of the schemes proposed. Mr. Landrel vs the engineer, said that, owing to the number of in the hotel, whistl es wou ld b e b etter. The P ri o having coincided with the engineer, Mr. W es h t , o agreed to see to the ma tt er . Th e proceedings t"- terminated. PUBLIC EXPENDITURE. A return of the gross public expenditure for the year 1865 was ordered. JAMAICA. Mr. CARD WELL laid on the table of the house papers relative to Jamaica. EXCHEQUER AND AUDIT. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice that he should move for leave to bring in a bill to consolidate the Exchequer and Audit department. CATTLE DISEASE. Sir G. GREY gave notice that on Monday he should move for leave to bring in a bill relative to disease in cattle ; and on the 13th he should move that the oaths taken by members of Parliament be altered. JAMAICA. Mr. CARDWELL gave notice of his intention, on the 15th, to move for leave to bring in a bill to make provision for the government of Jamaica. DWELLINGS OF THE POOR. Mr. CHILDERS gave notice that he should, on an early day, move for leave to introduce a bill to enable advances to be made for the improvement of the dwellings of the poor. THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. Mr. D. GRIFFITH gave notice that on an early day he should bring in a bill to enable the Post master-General to sit in the Commons House of Parliament. TURNPIKE ROADS. Mr. IVHALLEY gave notice that on an early day he should bring in a bill with respect to turn pike roads. GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE. Mr. WHITE said that on an early day he should move a resolution to the effect that the Go vernment expenditure is in excess, and that no Go vernment is worthy of support that will not pledge itself to a reduction of the burdens on the unrepre sented by a diminution of the Government expendi ture. DWELLINGS OF ARTISANS. Mr. T. M'CULLAGH gave notice that he should on an early day bring in a bill for the better regu lation of the dwellings of artisans. THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY. Mr. BOUVERIE also gave notice of his inten- tion of bringing the consideration of the Act of Uniformity under the attention of the house on an early day. THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER having read her Majesty's most gracious speech on the opening of Parliament, Lord F. CAVF;NDISH rose to move an Address from the house in answer to her most gracious Speech on opening Parliament. He said he did not think that a speech containing more important topics had ever been delivered. He was, however, certain that the appearance of her Majesty once more amongst her people would be a Source of Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. ~ 19 Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Fei , . , I. FeD Ditto, via Marseill es . Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet '',,, Feb. -- Ditto, by French packet b . 2 3, Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. • • F e , s . 19. China, Penang . . and Singapore, via Sou hampton.• F eu ' 1 3 Ditto, via Alarsalics • .....Feb' Falkland Islands Feb. 11 Gibraltar, via Southampton i f t b 9 India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.......:‘,..' 1 3 Ditto, via Marseilles ...} eu . 3 . • • • Fe b i • India (Bombay), via Southampton.. Feb' 7 Ditto, via Marseilles .. Mauritius, via via Southampton . b • . 1. Ditto, via Marscil e 3 .......................... •F e 0 . eb Newfoundland •• • . y - ..... rat Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... ....... United States and British North America, bY1 314 fi. - . Feb. tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southaror ton „' Ditto, via C o rk V Vb. . Ditto, by Canadian pack e t, v i a L on d on d e rri• •-..,, eb. it West Ccabt of Africa. Madeir a , an d Teneriffe ' r West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, F b. 13 and Mexico Feb' 213. Cuba and Mexico ..... .. eb. 0. Bahamas, via New York. ....................... } :4 Bermuda, ditt 0. .. ADVERTISEMENT.} -Avoid medicin es: th e y alway s 114 rate chronic complaints, but Du Barry's De licieue tim e Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which yields tbr e :"„ 00 0 ' the nourishment of the bo a t meat, saves fifty Unica o , e " - 0 01 1, in other remedies, and invariably restores perfe et h d :" re : strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, pure — ,. 0 1 0 1 0 ,, n o vj freshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to 'fic6o,ev disordered or enfeebled. We extract a few 0 0t rell eib Cures :—Cure No. 58,216, of the Marchioness de d '" e r b oiti , of seven years' liver complaint, wasting VIOL tiV e fa nervousness, with a nervo us p a lpit a ti on a n over, tion, constant sleeplessness, and the most intolerable ° pra agitation.—Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de N a Lieutenant of Waterford. of many years' dYaP e r m - pe -- 107 49,832. "Fifty years' indescribable agony frOil l nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation ,Sat 4 °' spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly t b i r t9 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey , years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver de Dew ment, and partial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. bliss W I , Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, g athcria -, c. j j ;.9 , spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure No. 54,816. Ti le it d e tort"' T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion al l e nt.' dity of the liver, which had resiste 1 all medical treat°l,24lD• In tins, 11b., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; 5:b., 11s. ; 121 h., 220 1„ ; don 40s.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, 11 ege nt-b treet, Iceo,isa also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street: e ate' at co, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside ; 49, BishuF t ;pd ; street Within ; 63, 350, and 298, Oxford-street ; 33 0 , b i . 0 , 54, Upper Baker - street ; 103, Tottenham-court-roaobioge Upper-street, Islington, N. ; Harvey, Notting-hil l ; 00 , Brothers, t 5, nigh-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-te r :d John's-wood, London; and all respectable g-rocera sn mists.—Beware of spurious imitations. Births. Lee} o 4 DAVIES.—On the sth inst., at 10, Lee-terrace? the wife of the Rev. S. Russel Davies, of a Es° ° ' oge' LONDESBOROUGH.—On the 3d inst., at 3, Grosr suer Lady Londesborough, of a daughter. Iv; tli ° RUDD. —On the 4th inst., at 46, Leinster-squa r ',A,. wife of Henry Rudd, Esq., D.C.L., of a daugn7. o f P' STONE.—On the sth inst., at Dulwich-hill, tho "P" H. Stone, Esq., of a son. Marriages. BARNES—SPELLER.—On the 3d inst., at Frant, 5t 1 ,7 0 - 13 011 M. A. Barnes, Esq., only son of Major Barnes , Ja r a tile lategal A co nn lo y n , el to gr J u u l l e i r a , n ßo a C y a a t l h A eri rt n il e ie e ry ld . est daug lite At 1 4131. JOHNSTONE -RICHARD.—On the Gth inst., at ' Church, Putney, James Johnstone, jun., I,fpuostoae,_ of St. John's College, Oxford, only son of a nd Esq., of 13, Montague-place, Russell-squa re, of C 1? cons-park, Surrey, to Fanny, eldest dauglq., Richard, Esq., of Summerfield House, West-hill, worth. A R C B a t I v T: aged 53. p iat i I : arto toli Lieut.- Colonel the Hon. .Hugh Arbuthnot, a d '''''' Ir N y o:.—On the sth inst., a . t Milton House, Cross, Duncannon-street, Strand, Benja min 13 13 II BENJAPIELD.—On the sth inst., at his residence, d t b ee G i a oj e d i e 11 , aged 42. BIRKETT.—On the Ist inst., at Northumberland Iret Stoke Newington, N., George Birkett, MX , gg ea ' b ire, 0090unN.— Annie Russell, only surviving dau hter of the late ~" On the 4th inst., at Downtont Radoors cis •W.S. R. Cockburn, Bart. g g _Colo g n e e j Downinom.—On the 3d inst., at Brighton, Lieut. Montagu Hamilton Dowbig gin, late 99th Regitu ent ' °' 34. --- --- London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.III . A. acc. 10° " N90%;1-7,, of No. 112, Strand, Punter , at Tns SWI t h e Ceitit Of o f Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy.n tl hlitidlemex.—Wedsieeday, FelnuarY 7t /866' 1