The Sun. — London, England, 1835-02-25 00:00:00

PROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE e Court of St. James's, the 23d day of February, 1835. PRESENT, The King's Most Excellent Majest in Council. His Majesty M Council wa s this day pleased to appoint James Heath Leigh, of Grappenhall-lod ge , E sq ., t o b e Sh er iff o f t h e manty of Ch ester, in the room of Joseph Leigh, of Belmont, Esq. At th, At the Court at St. James's, the 23d day of February, 1835, PRESENT, The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. This day the Right Honourable Frederick Stewart, common] ) called Vi scount Castlereagh, and the Right Honourable Henr) Thomas Lowry Corry wer e , by His Matesty's command, swo rn o: His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and took their re spective places at the Board accordingly. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, FEB. 18. , The King was t hi s day pleased to confer the honour of Knight ''')<)d upon Major-General Thomas Bligh St. George, Companion of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath, and Knight Commander of the Royal Hanoverian Guelpic Order. WHL, FEB. 13. The L or d Chancellor has appointed John Guest, of Stourbridge, in the ill th e High county of Worcester, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary Court of Chancery. AT THE COURT OF ST. JAMES'S, FEB. 23. , The Ki ng , as S overeign of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, aas been graciously pleased, by letters patent under his Royal sign manual and the great Seal of the Order, bearing date this day, to dispense with all the statutes and regulations usually obser ve d i n regard t o i nstallation, and to grant unto the Most Noble Walter Francis Duke of Buccleuch, Knight of the said Most Noble Order, snd duly i nvested with the ensigns thereof, full power and autho ,y to exer c i se a ll r i ghts and privileges belonging to a Knight Companion of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, in as full and ample a msnner as if his Grace had been formally installed, any decree, rule, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. ROBERT PITMAN, saddler, Park-lan, Piccadilly. ISAAC SOLOMON and BENJAMIN AARON, woollen per's, Bristol. BANKRUPTS. JOHN GOULDEN, carpenter, Hope-street, Hackny-road, to surrender March 6, at eleven, and April 7, at twelve, at e the Court of Bankruptcy. Norton, New-street. Bishopsgate-street ; Clark, of assignee St. Swithin's-lane, Lombard-street. WILLIAIV ' AIITCHELL, lodging-housekeepe r , St ran d, M arc h !, at half -past two, and April 7, at eleven, at Elliott's Royal Hotel, Devon ort. Belche r . o ff ic i a l ass i gnee ; A'B ec k ett, S tap l e Inn. GE ORGE BRYCE, pawn-brok er , M anc h es t er , M arc h 11 , an d i?Pril 7 , at ten, at th e C omm i ss i oners ' R ooms, M anc h ester. Ad- Gregory, and Gregory and Faulkner, Bedford- row , L on d on ; C oates, M anchester. TH OMAS DANE, painter, Ea s t St one h ouse , D evons hi re, larch 6, and April 7, at eleven, at Elliott's Royal Hotel, Devon trt• Brooking and Surr, Lombard-street, London ; Elworthy, evonp ort. WILLIAm ARCHER, grocer, Messing, Essex, March 9, 10, ird April 7, at eleven, at the hree Cups Inn, Colchester. Spar- I l• e Colchest er ; Stevens and Co., Little St. Thomas Apostle, '9ndon, „ t GEORGE NIPPIN, upholsterer, Northampton, March 10, at. ,three, at Mr. Scriven's office, St. Giles's-square, Northampton, April a 7, at twelve, at the Pe cock Inn, Northampton. Black isT• k, and ' Co., King's Bench-walk, Temple, London ; Cooke, crilatnp.ton. A "9, 1 1 N BETTS, victualler, Spital, Berkshire, Mar c h 6, an d at ten, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Ellis, George-street, slon-house. RI CHARD DEAN, b u ild er , Mil ner -pl ace , L am b et h, M arc h 3 , tt tw placeelve, , Hd an April 7, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cattlin, olborn. lir j UHN PINSON, linen-draper, Norwich, March 2, a t M r . Rewtmes office, Norwich, and April 7, at eleven, at the Guildhall, 13r wie'h. Newton, Norwich; Taylor and Co., B e df or d- row , - °ndori. s h. E BENEZER CRICK, printer, Leamington Priors, Warwick e) March 11, at half-past ten, and April 7, at two, at the Bath fir' ae 'el, L,,amington Priors. Platt and Co., New Boswell-court, srndon ; Wi onmburn riors and Co., Chancery-lane, Lon ,Sniallboneet, Lo Leaminzt P. I' II ,,VET. CAMBRIDGE, ship-owner, Bristol, March 11, at We n ^.21 :iprit 7, at one, at the Commercial-rooms, Bristol. hite v and C o ., B e df or d-row, Lo n d on; B e van and Co., Bri s t o l. HUDDLESTON, saddler, Manchester, March 10, April 7, at elev en , at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manch es t er . rt. ° „W:er, Chancery-lane, London ; Dicken, Manchester. RETEMEYEP, salt-dealer, Liverpool, March te 2 1 : 441 0. April 7, at one, at the Clarendon-roems, Liverpool. Ches ; Staple Inn, London ; Davenport, Liverpool. 1 . 3 ' 1 °5.1 7 ,PH WILLIAMS, innkeeper, Salford, Lancashire, March t i u , and April 7, at one, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. a p tra r , t t , tan , Manchester ; Hume, St. Mildred's-court, London. fi n ; PE TER * COX, builder, Fairford, Gloucestershire, March 5, at r, and April 7, at ten, at the King's Head Inn, Northleach. isT arr i Stow-on-the-Nirolci, Gloucester ; Pritchard and Goddard, el?? Bridge -street, Blackfriars, London. .M; i3 SEPIi MECHELEM, publisher, Clifton, Gloucestershire, reh 6, at eleven, and April 7, at two, at the Commercial e'ras, Brist o l. C r o s b y , B r i s t o l ; Bi c k ne ll an d C o ., Li nco l n ' s -i nn , - 3 / 4 004 0. - ; J° NATHAN LUPTON, oil-merchant, Bishop Thornton, L"arkshire, March 10, at one, and April 7, at eleven, at the Court. . 4°l tae, Leeds. Davidson, Lawrence-lane, London ; Lee, Leeds. kiik.MES JORIE, ale-brewer, Bagillt, Hollywell, Flintshire, Vu ar 'll 5 , and April 7, at one, at the Justice-room, Holywell. tervek and Co., Red Lion-square, London; Oldfield, Pendre, 0 Yw,lll, Flintshire 3 ne on the premises before the morrow nehow, and end his ) deceased told wit. Lst Christmas, as m Shoe-lane to Ills ir4n-law's, who gave was accustomed to; ng woman , who per topped at her lodging his father's : a short the girl, and cOnti, visited her a tbii'd .me was Sarah, had )1 them were intoi, the girl Sarah went afterwards heard of a sudden • the e he (d ec eased) and " she had done for it in a f;ather (be ien placing a large then went up stail N.l to the row With er arms, which 0,1'5 tt shocked him (.". outing, and he 14' 0 ifti wa s lying on the 'Lade; him if be at. ;lit the girls buried that he (de ceased ° : order the gills hi them again ; sub met him (deceased), tbit of going to th e ck Gate, anti, that girl called sai hich she denied , 1 had committed tbr ntrysnan to the de, don't wish to 13e tinuation of his err sting all the aboc c r i greatest dread on iniself in by his 0,1 e: I previously , be (u. street, and b ecav :o her lodging' 'e d en so help me G J r get you scragr' ' id not get her 41. i' e f j !eased) apprehend,. at the threats boa pursued him, ca ed in getting ttiCk' eat distraction. further ;video & evening, the follof ed the girl whets be , y the deceased, tilvi ?,d that she bad bel the deceased aller, name was Luf ; , b ; ' ' ji I that the said C" )wrt to the decease! 8r0%7n Bear," know Ole lad , Iv meeting izim it le to trace any other eli tr e habit of fr e q u 'e n a me of 0 pole ° it ohe had ever ne of Th e Co o deceased not to g o accused of th e," d b e i n — K. in the 133:01:1 the deceased, racters. .2re lads frequeati4 e Coroner addrele`li,, rin g , that the Or • 'rf, ft to future itrtl,*4 edict as to tits OP verdict of Ingt lliq' VAINS 04 -SQ. t were removeaff4 ied, to Col. Vill° ' 0 near Storring tonF,,, ; sed a wish upoo who knew bitne'dr , should follow ", o the oldest of Or the spot where lje ake his e verlasti/ ,vorld. At half•Pe'l, ral procession cfl'.4 a feeling of since' lad been knowor' ers of oaop,b!i4o _3Yropathized '(,10 f his tempielitup 'SC moved into ~fr eh a number ()f l' rit, posited in the vs f(, hief mourner. ,61 :!ntions to Mr. 'ere deeply felt,6ll) mtributod to sin°°, the chief mourner; id two other gentioe .cquainted with he )se who occup idti imer , t he reetbr,o‘ the most affectijil ito the vault slily Ititude. o fl wooden conao plendid silver P'• SQ., February, 1801 p." a great deal 0,16 c It on account ' FBcwt. Illness of Jr. vj l of c, continued, ofirli id the pulse oi litest feeling,ht. s 'as )g that Mr. 1451$ lent his c a haplair'o glom' coi :so ta y .eful for th is sted that their :rs of the 3ilve, ier went away sroc Ir. Hunt was Ys after the 01 you'd enable it dv al years ; but imself knew E, (1 I die at p eace' on me r, JCAL 13,01g*00 ysis of 31is 3 a book of relots, abundance of i n • ra irj crowd fifty 0 ef this romance il'erid at work-- thes c , le pulse that ag:,cpli on n ever to fo_di by her new Grosvenor-sal' rdi oa jun., E S q . , of mkins, R. A. France, Sol 0, of Coleertoo 'well Roberttl'osr' °rests, &e., dwine, Esc., a Z y e ne l‘ r i tt i l l ' i9t4;l° incoln's lon-0116' vt g PA' son of D. J'e"'rej, illiam Lloyd, Of 1 1 " vendish-squats, vrare.roaci, Sl3l a Ben Johnson, a t ; )O YOl he of straw+, OUSE OF LORDS.-(THIS DAY.) Ol'el-Ila use sa t to-day at one-o'clock for the purpose of going up to l' Maicst:y with We address. khaner prayers hacl been read by the Bishop of Bristol, the Lord eiior, in his State Robes, Lord Gage, the seconder of the address, o m e 4 r l of Shaftesbury, Lords Wharticliffe and Bexley, with the ;era of the .House, in full dress, formed a procession, and went up to : Ja mes's. Tile House adjourned till to-morrow. le Was renaarkod, as being rather singular, that neither the Earl of I , !eet " l : t i . cke, the proposer of the address, or apy of the State Officers were SHIPPING-(THIS DAY.) (FROM LLOYD'S.) 1 4 . AL, FEB. 24.—Wind W.N.W.—Arrived the Thomas King, Z ° . h n . from Demerara; Robert Wall, Martin, from St. Andrew's, % 'N'answick ; Nelson, Philips, from St. Michael's ; Lord Nelson, Au fron. , Figueira ; Fame, Dye, and Rousseau, Parks, from Lisbon. back the Sceptre, Doughty, for Trieste, after being oft' the Isle of tto n . '",, t • Sa,;led this a ft ernoon the St. Lawrence, Weston, and Sam. 4 4.' 4 ' 4l :twit:A, for New York. The rest of the outward-bound remain. 1 /14 --' ZI front the river the Henry Davidson, Williams, for Jamaica ; p. for Dublin; Active, Snell, for Mogadore; and Penyard o r 4 - Middleton, for Marseilles, Six o'clock.—The Justan, Young, for N en4 n lia, did not p ut back on Sunday night as reported, but sailed from p eeCl is ess th monting at 10 a.m., all well. n - Wlt;sVou'rn, FEB. 24.—Wind N. W. to W.N. W. t ;' Y alOtrt FEB, 23.--Wind W., blowing heavy since noon yesterday. St 4 . 4 5 HATE,, F E B, 24.—. Arrived off port the Dart, La Lacheur, from Michael's;,op , Wi Gt •T FEE. 23 --Arrived off port the Plato, Wise, from I , ti delPhia ; an t I Lusitzmia, Gibbons, from Oporto. °° LE, FEB. 23. —Arrived the Dove, Cove, from Cadiz. 11 i *Tot, FEB. 24, —Arrived the Maria, Cundy, from Demerara. t it ',, , V IRPOOL, FEB, 3.—Arrived the Welcome, Castels, from Calcutta; yvilliarn and Robe rt, Drake, from St. John's, New Brunswick. ' , atom / FEB 23.- -A strong gale last night and to-day, with vio lentltios ;Walls, from S.W. to W. N. W. — Arrived the Skylark packet, from Jl, n eiro--sailed the 24t.h December; and Orion, Rogers, from Bahia. rh. e Leven, Rees, of Dubino, and Fox, Dunbar, of Workington, were The,.. e at Milford on Monday: .1 0i ; he Catharine, Faler, from London, put into Sheerness, with damage, it oftbowsprit , .&c., having been in contact with the Preston, of Sun- T IM, an t , the Britannia, of DUndee. % I X Thomas King, Williamson, arrived in the Downs the 23d inst., 24 ‘ , - ; Demerara the 16th ult , and from Barbadoes the 21st. The op ;eD 2liecember packer, from Falmouth, had not arrived at Barbadoes at ult.' i Z a te FFic E NaneE.—His Majesty's ship Pike, for the Lisbon mail — ` 4l 2 4 th instant ; letters in time this evening, the 25th instant. TWE MARKETS-(THIS DAY). CORN EXCHANGE. pli, tonserk ..ience of the boisterous state of the weather, the sup sea; of all # inds of Grain are short. The return of Flour is tY• Fin e Wneat met with a steady demand to-day, at late 14,'". Barley", Beans, and Pease, unyaried. Oats in regular de -"d at late rakes. oa, VI ur. 27, , qrs. 770 sacks 1,850 It 1511 ... F ( 14) ........... reign........... •••• ........... •.., ARRIVALS. Wheat Barley. 830 qrs WO qrs. = I -- THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CIT Y, TWELVE O'CLOCK of /1 the Ann, M , Kenzie, which sailed on the 18th January, files etuerara Papers to the above date have been received. Ani ° ,, ; lllb aY Papers have been received at the North and South broke-eall Coffee-house to the 26th October. r being settling day in the Consol Market, the jobbers and an t i ,s are chiefly employed in settling their accounts, which is 9s:!stierday etPated wgoo well, as the fluctuations during the present has be en of a trifling description. afternoon, at the close of the Market, Consols receded Pro l , / for the account, but this morning they opened with an im kid eraent, owingto the moderate amendment of the Whigs to the i res s a of his Majesty at 90a to 91, and for the April account, 'Sto c k' „,Exchequer Bills lower, 34 35 ; India Bonds, 20 ; India I n ,',_" s f,-; Bank Stock, 2231. Oft b ,„;" Foreign Market the prices have improved on the leaving Scri p of yesterday. Spanish Stock opened at 57i ; Spanish t .,1 1 , 4i : Portuguese, ; Dutch, 55i ; Columbian 36i. C ope ten ch Rentes 3 Cents., 78f. 20c. ; 5 per Cents., 107 f. 20c. s Bonds, per Our s' 44k, by th arrivals this morning are two French mails, one Brazilian, 4 uti lark, which sail d eon the 24th December, and which we elPated yesterday by private letters. HALF-PAST ONE. ki t settling of the Account is going oft well, without any failure at dti t i n t i and there appeared to be great animation in the two markets the morning, with an improvement. ,0,.`-nrisols are at present 91 to a for Money, and for the April Ac. " 14 4 gi t ** 4 4 Lt 2t — suer Bills are 34, 36 ; I n di a B on d s )6, 18 ; I n di a St oc k - 6 ; Bank Stock 223 a 4. Foreign market is also in an improving state—Brazil 831 4 ; ~ i1 : 44‘ t i p re 4311 Port, a ; Danish 90a 76 91 % 77 ; Spanish 57 % ; Spanish Scrip. • ; uguese , a. All %h., a nxiety is exp resses ! i n t h e c i ty f or t h e resu lt o f t h e di v i s i on i n ' 4l Plase of Commons. THREE O'CLOCK. •, 1180 4 for the Account, 91 to 914 I Tho 14 14 lig,. we differ with the present Ministers in po av,o, ‘le are b ound in candour to acknowledge their straight-forward illisq i ller re garding the Kirg's Speech, authentic copies of w hich w e r e %% ve t ° . the Oppo s iti on P apers. Wi t h pu bli c d ocuments, w hi c h are It i ,, ti 4 . l Y publi c property, there ought to b e no favour or affection Sirany party. 7 e regret to learn, from a correspondent, that Lord e arb 410r,e falling ° rough was killed huntnear Markham-moor, by his with him while fox ng. No. 13,248. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 25, 1535. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. of the utmost importance. I believe, my Lords, there never was a time when it more behoved every Englishman to stand forward and assist His Majesty to carry out his good intentions—( Cheers.) If ever there was a time at which his Majesty stood in need of their support it is the present, and every man ought to stand forward and support him, what ever political differences might exist.--( Cheers.) On such an occasion; all party feeling and tactics should be put an end to, foi• the purpose of approaching the Throne, and thanking his Majesty for the speech he has this day delivered in Parlia ment. The subject alluded to in his Majesty's Speech, with respect to the commutation of tithes, is one of vast importance to the country in general, and I have no doubt if a voluntary commutation of tithes be effected, it will be productive of the best and most efficient results. My Lords, I stand a living specimen of the advantage of the commutation of tithes, for on the estate to which I have lately come, and which I believe runs into some eight or ten parishes. the clergy are entirely paid by the landlord, much to the satisfaction of the tenants and the clergy themselves--(Loud cheering. ) I next wish to address a few words to your Lordships on the subject of dissenting marriages, for it is a question of great importance, involving as it d oes th e foundation of the domestic happiness of an influential portion of his Majesty's subjects. It has therefore been considered necessary to -issue a commission for the purpose of bringing about a settlement of this delicate question, so that the marriages of Dissenters may be cele brated in consonance with their feelings, at the same time ensuring as much publicity as possible, and removing their conscientious scruples on the subject. On the question of Church Reform, as it is one to which the country looks for ward with great anxiety, I am confident all of your Lordships will enter into the views entertained by his Majesty's Go vernment, and are with them prepared to extend the foun dations of the Church, so as to make them commemorate with the wants of the people—( Hear, hear)—and all ' those who are disposed to conform to its doctrines and discipline. It is easy to be computed that the present Church Establish ment is not equal to the wants of the people, and that cannot be better proved than from the retut n of the town of Merthyr Tydvil. It was formerly a small place, and now it contains a population of 60 or 70,000 inhabitants. This shows the impropriety of confining the foundations of the Church to the wants of its present adherents, and demon strates that the establishment is now d:sproportioned to the population of the country.—(Great cheering.) The Church is not so rich as people out of doors are disposed to imagine. A question of difficulty therefore remains to be settled —how far the incomes of the higher orders of the clergy can be reduced, and those of the working clergy increased. How ever anxious your Lordships may be to act in improving the the institutions of the country, I am sure that all will agree that we should proceed with the greatest caution, and ascertain beforehand, if the practical grievances really exist that are complained of. He hoped that their Lordships would forgive him if, in elucidating his meaning, he quoted the words of Mr. Burke :—" We shall find," said Mr. Burke, " employment enough for a free and independent spirit in guarding what we possess from violation. I would not exclude alteration nei ther, but even when I changed it should be to preserve. I should be led to my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did I should follow the example of our ancestors. I would make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style of the_ building. A political caution, a guarded circumspection, a :noral rather than a constitutional timidity, were the ruling principles of our forefathers, even in their most decided con duct." He would only further say, that it was their duty to do every thing, consistently with the safety of the state, to satisfy any call that might be made on them ; but that, if they were asked to take a step which seemed likely to endanger the wel fare of the country, then they ought, by every means in their power, to oppose, and, if possible, prevent it. His Majesty said in his speech—" I rely with entire confidence on your willing co-operation in perfecting all such measures as may be calculated to remove just causes of complaint, and to promote the concord and happiness of my subjects." That they would pursue that, course he doubted not; and thanking their Lord ships for the patient attention which they had given him, he should conclude by proposing a dutifnl Address to his Ma jesty, in answer to his gracious Speech. The Noble Earl then read the Address, which was, _as usual, an echo of the Speech. opposite first of all took upon himself the whole of the offices himself. He then became First Lord of the Treasury, and held the Seals for three departments of the State.—( Hear, hear.) Now my Lords, Ido not mean to state this, or any thing else, stronger than the case itself warrants. The Noble Duke knows as well as I do, that ac cording to the purest practice of the Government, those offices are in fact, if they were but merely assumed with a view of exercising their functions, entirely incom patible with one another ; ..that if they were possessed by any one person—for instance if any person was to be come First Lord of the Treasury and Secretary of State for the Home Department, he would have placed in his hands, without control, the appointment to every great office in the State, that it would give him the power over the whole pecuniary resources of the State, without check, without controul, without investigation—( Hear, hear)-- and therefore, my Lords, I do not conceive that the Noble Duke would have any intention undoubtedly of ap proaching that power, which if he had, would have been at least a high and culpable misdemeanour.—(Loud cheering.) But allowing it was done only provisionally, in consequence of difficulty, necessity, and emergency, I say it is for the Noble Duke to show the necessity and emergency ; and even if it should be shown to your satisfaction, I say it is a most serious subject for your deliberation and consideration, whether means should not be taken to specify the extraordinary circumstances un der which that act was done, in order to take care that so great a breach of the privileges of the Constitution should not be drawn into a precedent in future times.—( Great cheering.) My Lords, this state of things continued until the present Prime Minister returned from the Continent, and the Ministry was formed ; and then, my Lords, that decision was carried into effect, which I say, looking to the recent events that had occurred, it was most dishonourable for the present Ministry to have come to. The decision I refer to is, my Lords, the dissolution of the late Parliament--( Cheers. ) Now, your Lordships will observe that all this took place while the country was in a state of admitted peace and calmness.—Great cheering.) I will not trust to my own memory, or my own inventive powers, to describe the calmness in which the country then was; but I will borrow the words of a person in possession of greater talent and authority than myself. I will read to your Lordships an extract from the speech of the present Prime Minister, at a dinner given shortly after the construction of the present Ministry.—( Hear, hear.) Upon that occasion Sir Robert Peel addressed the company as follows :—" It is impossible to deny, since the im portant events that have taken place within the last six weeks, that there is a state of calmness and tranquillity in the country, which, after the political excitement that has prevailed, could hardly have been anticipated." Now it might be supposed by that sentence, that the worthy Baronet meant to say that the change had produced the calm, That, I don't think, can be considered to be what the Right Hon. Baronet meant ; but what he intended to convey was, that he was astonished that the change had not removed the tranquillity. Then, my Lords, the worthy Baronet goes on to say I believe if the opinions of the people were taken, three fourths will be found to say we are tired of agitation— ( Great cheering) —we are tired of that state of continued excitement, the effect of which is to withdraw the labourer from his proper business and avocations in life, and cause public men to exercise their energies upon matters to tally different to those which their duty required. We hate the pressure from without.--( Loud and protracted cheers.) We arc content that the public will should be expressed through the agency of the authorized or gans." Now, my Lords, is it possible that any man with these opinions in his mind—with these feelings in his heart— and with these expressions in his mouth, should at that very time be adopting a course that would effect all the agitation that had taken place in the country. That, my Lords, is the strongest argument, in my opinion, against the course pursued by the Right Hon. Baronet in advising his Majesty to dissolve the late Parliament. What, my Lords, I would ask, is the effect of the dissolution of the Parliament, but the pressure from without? It is precisely that pressure from without which the Right Honoiirable Baronet stated the people hated.—( Hear and cheers. ) My Lords, if ever there were reasons stated against the dissolution of the 14 e Parliament, those reasons were put forward by the RighT'Hen. Gentleman upon the occasion to which I have alluded.—(Cheers.) My Lords, we have now had one dissolution, and we are menaced with another. The Duke of WELLINGTON—No, no. Lord MELBOURNE—Oh, you do not I don't know whether you do or not, but it was only yesterday that I read from the Speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for Buck inghamshire, a hint of that intention on the part of the Go vernment.—( Great cheering from the opposition.) From such statements as those, the opinion is generally spread through out the country that such is to take place, and I say that such being the case it is necessary that the people sh,-,ald be unde reived. I ..riuw tb-ec haw.: been dissi l 'utions of this nature. I know that there was a precedent in the years 1784, 1807, and 1831, but they were bold, daring, and desperate measures ; they were all admitted to be so by those who advised them, but they were cautious, care ful, and well advised measures, when compared with the dissolution which the Noble Lords opposite have advised. What was the justification of that measure ?—Success, and complete success.—(Loud cheers.) It depends en tirely upon that fact. You have met with success. You have met with more success than you expected ; but you have not met with success enough, and therefore you have put the country into that state, the consequences of which you, and you alone, will be answerable for. %Iy Lords, you will bear it in recollection, that at the time of the dissolution of Parliament the greatest tranquillity prevailed, and all was repose, and upon that dissolution the greatest anxiety prevailed as to the cause—( Hear, hear.) Your Lordship* cannot forget that at the previous dissolution in 1931, the people then gave the strongest expression of feeling as to the materials of which it was composed.—( Hear. ) Your Lordships cannot doubt but that was the feeling recog nised by the country. And what does the present Speech promise ? Why, it professes and promises all the Reforms which the late Administration had promised to carry into effect. The policy which dictated the dissolution of 1831, and which was then repudiated as destructive to the best interests of the country, and which had for its objects extensive measures of Reform, is now the subject matter of his M a j esty ' s speech, and to effect which they have got some 30 or 40 in the other House, to endeavour to drag them through the mire, which the want of prin ciple has plunged them in. Was there ever such an abandonment of principles? Can your Lordships tolerate the adoption of measures under such circumstances ? They may threaten dis solution after dissolution, contest after contest, in the hope to drive the country into that condition which they had pre viously predicted from the adoption of the very measures which they now bring forward, and which are promised in the King's speech, of which they were framers—( Loud cheering. ) My Lords, I might go into many personal matters, but from these I shall abstain, as they are merely of an individual character.—( Hear, hear.) But I will put it to your Lordships whether there can exist any honest intention of carrying those liberal measures into effect with which the speech is pregnant, and whether they are not those precise measures which had been proposed by the late Administration, and which met the approbation of the people ? If so, is there no abandonment of principle ? Their Lordships would judge of it. Without questioning the prerogative of his Majesty and in the most respectful mariner, he would propose an amend ment, and which had for its object to characterize the measures of Reform promised in the speech more distinctly. With regard to the tranquillity of the country, their Lord ships were aware that nothing was more requisite than a Re form in the municipal law ; it was one of the bonds which the inhabitants recognised as holding together the common inte rests of the people, and therefore the amendment, my Lords, which I intend to move, will commence at that part of the speech after the third paragraph. The Noble Viscount con cluded by moving an amendment, to be added to the original Address, for which see conclusion of Lord Morpeth's speech in the Commons. HOUSE OF LORDS, FAR. 28. Long before five o'clock, there was a very full attendance of Peers, more especially on the Treasury side of the House. Amongst the Noble Lords whom we expected to see filling those Benches, we were rather surprised to see the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Goderich sitting on the bench immediately below the. Treasury one ; immedi ately behind whom sat, respectively, the Earls of Roden and Wicklow. The appearance of the Noble Duke and the Noble Earl in such places caused considerable sensation in the gallery. On the Opposition side we noticed the Duke of Sussex, the Duke of Cleveland, the Earls of Radnor and Durham, &c. The Earl of SHAFTE SBURY moved the first reading of the Bill for the better regulation of Select Vestries. THE KING'S SPEECH. The LORD CHANCELLOR then read his Majesty's Speech from the Woolsack ; after which, it was again read by the Clerk at the Table, the following of which is a copy :- 44 Mr LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " I avail myself of the earliest oportunity of meeting you in Parliament, after having recurred to the sense of my people. " You will, I am confident, fully participate in the regret whicti I feel at the destruction, by accidental fire, of that part of the ancient Palace of NVestminster, which has been long appropriated to the use of the two Houses of Parliament. " Upon the occurrence of this calamity, I gave immediate directions that the best provision of which the circumstances of the case would admit, should be made for your present meeting, and it will be my wish to adopt such . plans for your permanent accommodation as shall be deemed, in your joint consideration, to be the most fitting and convenient. " I will Five directions that there be laid before you the report made to me by the. Privy Council, in reference to the origin of the fire, and the evidence upon which that report was founded. " The assurances which I receive from my Allies, and, generally, from from all Foreign Princes and States, of their earnest desire to cultivate the relations of amity, and to maintain with me the most friendly under standing, justify, on my part, the confident expectation of the conti nuance of the blessings of peace. " The single exception to the general tranquillity of Europe, is the civil contest, which still prevails, in some of the northern provinces of Spain. " I will give directions that there be laid before you Articles which I have concluded with my Allies, the King of the French, the Queen Regent of Spain, and the Queen of Portugal, which are supplementary to the treaty of April, 1834, and are intended to facilitate the complete attainment of the objects contemplated by that treaty. " I have to repeat the expression of my regret that the relations be tween Holland and Belgium still remain unsettled. " GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMbtoNs o " I have directed the Estimates for the ensuing year to be prepared and to be laid before you without delay. " They have been framed with the strictest attention to economy ; and, I have the satisfaction of acquainting you that the total amount of the demands for the public service, will be less on the present than it has been on any former occasion, within our recent experience. ."fhe satisfactory state of the Trade and Commerce of the country, and of the Public Revenue, fully justifies the expectation, that, notwith standing the reductions in taxation, which were made in the last Session, and which, when they shall have taken full effect, will tend to diminish the exiting surplus of the Public Revenue, there will remain a sufficient Balance to meet the additional Annual Charge, which will arise from providing the compensation granted by Parliament on account of the abolition of slavery throughout the British dominions. " I deeply lament that the Agricultural interest continues in a state of great depression. " I recommend to your serious consideration whether it may not be in your power, after providing for the Exigencies of the Public Service, and consistently with the n aintenance of public credit, to devise a method for mitigating the pressure of those local charges, which bear heavily on the owners and occupiers of land—and for distributing the burden of them more equally over other descriptions of property. " MY Loans, AND GENTLEMEN, " The information received from the Governors of my Colonies, toge ther with the Acts passed, in execu ion of the law for the abolition of slavery, will be communicated to you. It is with much satisfaction that I have observed the general concurrence of the Colonial Legislatures in giving effect to this important measure; and notwithstan.iing the diffi culties with which the subject is necessarily attended, I have seen no reason to abate my earnest hopes of a favourable issue. " Under all circumstances, you may be assured of my anxious desire and unceasing efforts fully to realize the benevolent intentions of Par. !lament. " There are many important subjects, some of which have already un. dergone partial discussion in Parliament—the adjustment of which, at as early a period as is consistent with the mature consideration of them, would be of great advantage to the public interests. " Among the first in point of urgency, is the state of the Tithe Ques. tion in Ireland, and the means of effecting an equitable and final acijust ment of it. " Measures will be proposed for your consideration, which will have for their respective objects —to promote the commutation of tithe in England and Wales—to improve our civil jurisprudence, and theadministration of justice in ecclesiastical causes—to make provision fir the more effectual maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline, and to relieve those who dissent from the doctrines or discipline of the Church, from the necessity of ce lebrating the ceremony of marriage, according to its rites. " I have not yet received the Relent from the Commissioners ap. pointed to inquire into the state of Municipal Corporations, but I have reason to believe that it will be made, and that I shall be enabled to cum municate it to you, at an early period. " I have appointed a Commission for considering the state of the seve ral dioceses in England and Wales, with reference to the amount of their revenues, and to. the more equal disti ibution of episcopal duties; the state of the several Cathedrals and Collegiate Churches, with a view to the suggestion of such measures as may render them most conducive to the efficiency of the Established Church ; and for devising the h es t mo d e o f providing for the cure of sou l s , with reference to the residence of the Clergy on their respective Benefices. "The especial object which I have in view in the appointment of this Commission is, to extend more widely the means of Religious worship ac cording to the Doctrines of the Established Church, and to confiim its hold upon the veneration and affections of my people " I feel it also incumbent upon me to call your earnest attention to the condition of the Church of Scotland, and to the means by which it may be enabled to increase the opportunities of religious worship, for the poorer classes of society, in that part of the United Kingdom. It has leen my duty on this occasion to direct your consideration to various important matters connected with our domestic policy. " I rely with entire confidence on your willing co-operation in perfect. ing all such measures as may be calculated to remove just causes of com plaint and to promote the concord and happiness of my subjects. " I rely also, wi h equal confidence, on the caution and circumspection with which you will apply yourselves to the alteration of Laws which affect very extensive and complicated interests, and are interwoven with ancient usages, to which the habits and feelings of my people have con formed Lord GAGE rose to second the motion, and—said it is un necessary for me to take up the time of the House with a lengthened address, after what has fallen from my Noble Friend. He may have left me but little to say, more than that I declare I most cordially second the Address, and that I congratulate the House upon the Speech which has been delivered by his Majesty on the present state of public affairs.—( Hear.) But I cannot but feel that the intentions of his Majesty will not be realised, except by a line of conduct very different to that which is adopted elsewhere. This brings me to a point which, in my opinion, should influ ence your Lordships to be unanimous on this question. It is the actual and particular position of the 'country at tlic, p resent time, and I do conceive that for good or for evil the die is cast, and that a Government has been formed for the purpose of maintaining the principles of loyalty in this Kingdom. That my Lords is the plank between us and the ocean—if that fails us we sink to rise no more in our present political form.—( Hear, hear.) Will those who oppose existing institu tions bring forward some Utopian form of Government without some deliberation ? Are they prepared to overturn the Mo narchy, and to destroy the Church which has been celebrated for its learning, and the piety and purity of its doctrines ? But if, indeed, even amongst ourselves, there were those dis posed to overthrow the Crown, have they contemplated the progressive ruin and misery which change or experiment —as recent occurrences prove—might create, or aro they prepared to rule the storm which might arise?—( Hear, hear. ) For the preservation of the Constitution did his Majesty's speech express the deepest solicitude. While it called for reform, at the same time it promised protection to the insti tutions of the country; and he (the Noble Lord) was surprised how any Noble Lord could refuse the grateful acknowledgment which was due to His Majesty for the protection which he promised to the institutions of their country which they were sworn to defend—( Cheers.) An hostility to such an address exhibited a want of loyalty. No true Reformer could refuse his approbation of such a speech. No honest man could oppose measures which were founded on the principle of respecting the rights of all parties. Opposition to such was nothing less than tending to a bloody revolution.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") Since the peace, burdens, so called, have been remitted to an amount almost incredible, and that by Tory Governments. The late Government, and for so doing I give them great honour, also reduced these burdens to a very considerable extent. But what I ask confidently of your Lordships is, what the people of this country have benefited from the whole of the enormous reductions that have been made ? Are they now one single whit more happy than they were before they were begun ?—( Slight sensation.) How,:then, can any man with one spark of honesty, go about and preach hap piness to the people—holding out promises of relief to them from a revision of the Pension List ? It is utter madness. My Lords, in my opinion, and in that of every sensible man the thing is quite incompatible.—( Hear, hear.) The burdens, again I say, so called, can be cut down further with safety to the public Creditor, which his Majesty in his Gracious Speech avows his determination to uphold. My Lords, to appearances the time will very shortly arrive when you will have to choose between the pre sent Government and one of a directly revolutionary (laracter. My Lords, you will have to take your choice— between those two none others will be presented to you. You must take your choice; shortly, to all appearances, the question will be put to you, " Will you have the constitutional Government of Sir Robert Peel, or that of the honest William Cobbett ?"—(Laughter.) I call him honest, because he is the most plain spoken man of the whole set. Viscount MELBOURNE then rose, but his first few sen tences were spoken in so low a tone as to be inaudible. The first we heard him say was, " It is most undoubtedly true that the Speech adverts to a great many topics, but whether it is so full a one as, under all the different circumstances of the present times, the people had a right to look for, it is for the country to determine. —( Cheers.) It is to me most clear, my Lords, that there are many omissions.—( Cheers.) So far as the Speech from the Throne is concerned, aside from those we have just heard, who could for a moment suppose that since Parliament last met there had been a total change of the Administration—( Immense cheering)—that there had been a dissolution of Parliament.—( Cheering.) To the latter subject, a few words may be by infer ,,mce, made to refer, but upon the first there is not a word said.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I believe that you may search the whole of your records, and you will not find that events of so much importance have ever been passed over in silence in any Speech from the Throne or !Address in reply. My Lords, having been myself so much concerned in these events, I was extremely desirous that I should be relieved from making any observations at the present time. But, my Lords, I think you will feel, considering the magnitude of these events, and considering the manner in which they have taken place, and the consequences that have followed, I hope you will feel and believe it is no personal eagerness on my part, if I take the liberty of making a few observations with regard to past circumstances.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the change of Government, I have nothing more to state than that which has been publicly announced and generally believed, that it was determined upon by his Majesty, sanc tioned and carried into effect by the councils of the Noble Duke opposite, who now holds the seals for Foreign Affairs, and for that change, undoubtedly, he is responsible.— ( Cheers.) That, 1 apprehend, is tilt>, constitutional doc isirke, on w hi c h there can be no doubt whatever.—(Hear.) Whether flat change was prudent or not, it is cer tainly not for me—it is certainly not for my colleagues, 0 determine—it is for the country, it is for your Lordships, it is for dip other House of Parliament.—( Loud (sheers.) But I beg leave to say, when I consider the situation in which we are placed, when Icensider the position in which the Noble Lords opposite have placed themseives—(ljear, bear,) when I consider the position in which they have placed the goontrY—( Hear, hear)—when I consider ~ur present situation, and when I consider our for the ilittna-- not see any thing that can justify in respect of prudence or ( T- 2.74 - 7, must say thi;tP e Z discretion that determinmion..---( Cheers.) The Noble Duke " I feel assured, that it will be our common object in supplying that which may be defective, or in renovating that which may be impaired, to strengthen the foundations of those institutions in Church and State, which are the inheritance and birthright of my people; and which, amidst all the vicissitudes of public affairs, have proved, under the bless ing of ALMIGHTY GOD, the truest guarantees of their Liberties, their Rights, and their Religion." The Earl of HARDWICK rose and said—My Lords, in rising to move an address of thanks to his Majesty for his most gracious speech, I feel how much I stand in need of your Lordships' kindness and indulgence, it being the first time I have had the honour of addressing your Lordships ; and also from my habits and profession, I have not been much in the habit of making speeches ; nevertheless I feel and know that from your Lordships' hands I shall receive, while in the discharge of a public duty, the greatest kindness; but for that I would feel it a very great task. That task, however, is much lightened, for I never remember having heard a speech which was so likely to be satisfactory to all classes, as that for which I am now about to return thanks. Whether, on the one hand, we look at the state ments relative to the friendly situation in which this country stands with all foreign nations—whether we look at the statements made relative to the finances of the Country —or to the state of its commerce ; or whether, on the other hand, we look at the wishes expressed from the Throne in the most fervent and emphatic manner, for the happiness and the welfare of the people, and when we see a strong desire on the part of his most gracious Majesty to improve our institutions, and at the same time an em phatic declaration from his Majesty, that in his hands none of those institutions shall be deteriorated —(hear)—looking at all these statements, I am sure, my Lords, the British people will accept with gratitude the Speech from the Throne as one perfectly satisfactory— and one in which they will see that his Majesty is anxious for their welfare ; and it will show them, that the King is wil ling, at all times, to take into his most serious considera tion their wants. My Lords, the speech enters into so many topics that it would be out of all reason for me at this moment to go into them, knowing as I do, that every one of them will be brought under your Lordships' notice in detail during , the present Session of Parliament. I shall, therefore, in as short a manner as possible, generally consider the merits of the Speech, and then conclude by moving the adoption of an Address of Thanks. My Lords, it is most satisfactory to know that the relations of his Ma jesty with foreign powers are on the best footing. I believe there never was a time when peace has been pre served for so considerable a time, which must always prove a blessing to a country. On the continent, with one solitary exception, we have the gratification of knowing that the ut most tranquillity prevails.—(Hear.) Your Lordships will no doubt recollect that but a very short time since Austria, France, and Prussia, were in - an unsettled state, but we have every reason to believe that the state of things in those countries is most satisfactory. His Majesty states that the question between Holland and Belgium is not yet concluded. It certainly must be a circum stance of deep regret to your Lordships that that ques tion is not yet settled, and that the kingdom of Holland should be so circumstanced,—( Hear, hear. ) especially when we consider the relation in which she stands to Great Britain, in point of trade and commerce. My Lords, whether, as I stated before, we refer to the state of our Colonies, or to the state of the Conti nent, we have reason to be satisfied. (Hear, hear.) His Majesty has graciously informed us that he will be enabled, in spite of the reductions that have already been made in taxa tion, considering the state of the revenue, to make further re ductions, and you will now be gratified in knowing that not only is a further reduction of taxation in contemplation, but such is the state and prosperity of our country, that the debt which was incurred by the compensation to the slave owners will be paid off from the revenue of the country. I am one of those who feel the greatest delight and gratification to find that his Majesty has been enabled to acquaint us, that as far as regards the arrangements that have been made, everything is sa tisfactor% . And here, I trust your Lordships will forgive me for Paying my humble tribute of gratitude to the Noble Laird opposite for the manner in which he brought in and passed through the Bill which eairied that great ob ject of Negro Emancipation into effect, ( Cheers.) It is a consolation to the Agricultural interest, that his Ma jesty, in his Speech from the Throne has expressed his anxiety for their interests, and it is an increase to that consolation, that his Majesty has expressed himself desiro‘s to alleviate their distresses.—(Cheers.) If I truly be allowed to make a remark, it would be this,-,that so long as we are enabled to keep off agitation upon the question of the corn laws, to allow that question to remain at rest, coupled with the knowledge that his Majesty is de sirous to do his utmost, and mill prebably be able to take off some of those local taxes that press most heayily upon the people—so long as such a course is allowed to be law , . sued I feel quite certain that in the result the best effects will be produced. But if the question should come to be agitated in Parliament, the mere agitation of the ques tion will be, in my opinion, sufficient to depress the prospects of the trade, and may be productive of the most serious conse quentes.—(l-lear. ) I will now, my Lords, approach another part of his Majesty's Speech, which I consider to be The Duke of WELLINGTON then rose and said—After being personally called upon as I have been by the Noble Viscount, I shall take this early opportunity to address a few words to the House upon this important occasion. The Noble Viscount has directed his observations throughout a length ened speech to prove that the last dissolution of Parlia ment was not necessary : the particular point, however, was, that I was responsible for that dissolution, and further that I was the person applied to to form the present Govern ment, and who induced his Majesty to adopt those measures which were adopted.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, begging the Noble Lord's pardon, I was not at all cognizant of the dissolution of the late Ministry._( Hear, hear.) It was dissolved, because it was absolutely impossible for it to go on any longer.—( Hear.) When the Noble Earl, whom I now see in his place, was removed from that Ministry, having left it in consequence of taking his seat in this House—l beg your Lordships to recollect what was stated with so much courte ousness by a Noble Earl, who was then a Minister, in respect to that NOble Lord, when that Noble Lord thought proper to re sign his office as a Minister in the House of Commons—that Noble Earl stated that he had then lost his right arm, and that it was absolutely impossible for him to carry on the government of this country, or to serve the crown with honour or advantage, from the moment that the Noble Lord retired.--( Hear.) But, my Lords, this is not all ; the Noble Viscount, when called upon by his Majesty to form a government, stated that he had undertaken to do so upon the supposition that he should be assisted by the Noble Earl. But even that was not all, for he (the Noble Duke) happened to know that when the Noble Viscount felt that he was likely to lose the aid of the Noble Lord ( Althorp), he declared that lie should feel himself placed in great difficulty, for that the Noble Lord was the very foundation on which the Government stood, and when that was removed it was impossible to go on. When, then, the question of the Government came before h 4. Majesty, he found it. fairly put to him whethr- '— for other connseli, and w heih,-- - rangernenta s. ..e would seek ...e would consent to other ar- toe formation of a Government, or whether he would be content to abide by that particular Administration ivhich at that moment existed ? ( Hear, hear.) Let their Lordships only observe the situation in which the King was placed, and ask themselves what he was to think in the new ~.. . , ...,:_, w._,,.. ' ' - "C' _. ,•._ , : • . , ~•••• t :-.., ief) ( . ."-,-. 41...- '?, ._,•,. -' _ ..._.,.• ... ' -,,,e„ • .......,,,,, ~:,--,„ _..... __-,,- ~..' L .A, . 0 „-=,,,-__-- , ~,',. .,4 4 ,:‘ 7,4:70,-<-7 - 0" • . l ) iLsr-..m k .0 * , e: .:,›- --3 . . , 4 , , ts , \ ~,,_- v:' C'?"4----.1 ' s, *.e.' ~ - ,, t, "- , IS: ' *ki"'''''o ''''' .41 - 7 ___, , ~,. • i, • , 1,,, ~., , ~..-A , ~„ \ 0 " 4 v „ ~, • 4.•s' ek ilL ;- - - --; 41 47;--''-- t -1 F ) -: ( 3 ' r - • 5 :.,' -- , . -- e r ,/ 1')/7; 1) .1- ,--,, ~ , , RIP , r SEI , i ; , . v ..., 7, .. 11. - .N ~,---- 5, ), 4 ' 7--- ' - ''../? 0 ~ .1 T ''''.:'.. '....... i , J + PRICE 7D. . —tort time. Lord MELBOURNE, in explanation, said—" I rise to ex plain the fact to which the Noble Duke has alluded, of my bringing from Brighton the letter which led the Noble Duke to the presence of his Majesty. When I had had my audience of his Majesty on the 14th of November, I went into the room of Sir Herbert Taylor, and he requested me, as I was going to London immediately, to convey a letter from him to Sir position in which lie found himself. The Noble Earl had lyeen under the necessity of resigning when the Noble Lord, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, was raised to that House. The Noble Viscount, too, had declared that he considered the Noble Lord's assistance essentially necessary to him. Bet when his Majesty was left by the Noble Earl, and when Lord Althorp was removed from the other House, his Majesty, forsooth, was not to be permitted to consider whether his position was not materially altered by these events, and whether it would not be expedient for him to make some other arrangements for the carrying on of his service.— ( Hear, hear.) Everybody, indeed, but his Majesty, was to be allowed to consider the alterations which had taken place by the loss of Lord Althorp in the House of Com mons ! Their Lordships, however, he was convinced, would cot acquiesce in this exclusion.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") They would see and declare that the Sovereign was fully entitled to take into consideration his own peculiar position, and the state of public affairs, and to deliberate whether it would be advisable for him to make other arrangements with respect to the existing Administration, or if not, whether it would not be better for him to form a new Government alto gether.—( Hear, hear.) Under the circumstances in which his Majesty was placed, he had thought proper to send to him ( the Duke of Wellington,) and he was happy to find that all lhose histories and stories which were propagated respecting Court intrigues— Lord MELBOURNE—Not by nte. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I am quite certain of it. But all those idle stories were now entirely laid aside. It was now fully admitted on all hands that there never was any sash thing.—( Hear.) For his own part he had no communi cation of any description with the Court, for two —ay, he might sly for three months previous to the communication from his Majesty.—( Hear.) He was then at his house in Hampshire, it was as much a matter of surprise to him at the moment as it possibly could be to any of their Lordships.--( Cheers. ) Certainly, he was satisfied that some great change in the Ad 'ministration must be consequent upon the removal of Lord Althorp from the House of Commons ; but when the commu nication reached him, it was as much a matter of surprise to him as it could be to any of their lordships to receive a similar summons to-morrow.—( Hear.) When his Majesty sent for bins he might have accepted the offer his Majesty was gra ciously pleased to make him. He might come down to their lordships in a higher situation--( Hear, hear)--but he did not recommend that course to his Majesty, which would have been accessory to the gratification of his own ambition.— ( Cheers.) Fie did not act as one who had a personal ob ject to serve. He recommended to his Majesty that line of proceeding which he conceived would be most advisable for his service, and that was, that he should send for the Right Hon. Gentleman then in the other House of Parliament as the individual in the present times most fit and capable of dis charging the duties of the King's first Minister.—( Cheers. ) That Right Hon. Gentleman was in another part of the world, and at a considerable distance from this—and it appeared ad visable to his Majesty, and to him (the Duke), to take posses sion of the Government for Sir Robert Peel ; and absolutely necessary, at the same time, that whoever might carry on the Government until his arrival, should exercise no patronage, or take no step whatever which should in the least tend to dimi nish the full and free authority of the Right Hon. Gentleman when he might come to act.—( Cheers.) His advice to his Majesty accordingly had been to put him provisionally at the head of affairs as Secretary for the Home Department and First Lord of the Treasury.—( Hear, hear.) But the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) accused him of holding the seals of the three principal Secretaryships of State at the same time. But this, although gravely urged, was not a very serious charge after all. Having been appointed to any one of the three offices, a man was competent to hold the seals of the other two, in the absence of those to whom they might be con fided. It was true, then, that he had, as Secretary for the Home Department, held the seals of the three Secretaryships, but he had exercised no more authority than he should have done if he had been one of the three principal Secretaries, and his colleagues were absent.--( Hear, hear.) And was there he would ask, no precedent for such a proceeding ? Why, Mr. Canning, while he was yet Secretary for the Foreign De partment, was on the 12th of April appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and he did not resign the seals of the Foreign Department until the 30th of the same month ; consequently, (luring the whole of the intervening time he was both Secre tary for Foreign Affairs and First Lord of the Treasury.— ( Hear, hear.) He knew very well the difference that there was between the two cases. There were two secretaries who had resigned their offices but had not given up the seals. But before the Noble Viscount proceeded to blame a trans action of this description, he contended that he should in the first instance have shewn that some inconvenience had arisen from it.—( Hear, hear.) He said that no inconvenience had resulted from it. ( Hear, hear. ) He might say, too, that Aurlng tLe - single (.I;spGsed of, or act done, w hi c h, was not essentially ne cessary for the service of the Kirae and of the country ; and moreover, be might add, il.os S'n• R. Peel on his arrival found all things, as nearly as might be, in the same situation as they were upon the 16th of December.--( Hear, hear.) The Noble Viscount ( Melbourne) however, had observed, that the office ot' First Lord of the Treasury was incompatible with the other offices which he (the Duke) held. It might be true, if those offices were held for any length of time by the same individual.-4 Hear, hear.) But, in the first place, he only occupied them provisionally ; and, secondly, he would re mark that constitutionally the First Lord of the Treasury had no more power than any other Lord at the Board. It was perfectly understood too by all men, that the arrangement was not permanent, and that he only held the government for an other individual who had been sent for by his Sovereign.— ( Hear, hear.) Next, the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) blamed lcm highly for having attended his Majesty, and facilitated his arrangements for the formation of a new Administration ; and yet, strange to tell, the Noble Viscount himself it was, if 11.! (the Duke) were not mistaken, that brought to town the order in consequence of which the event in question had oc cured.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) If there were any thing criminal in his (the Duke's) attending his Sovereign, and assisting him in carrying into execution the plan for the formation of a new Administration, what should be said of that Minister who brought to town a letter, the object of which was to secure that attendance and co-operation, he (Lord Mel bourne) well knowing at the time what were the contents of that letter ?—( Cheers and laughter.) Was the Noble Vis count then the man to bring him forward as a criminal for having attended to the wishes of his Sovereign, when he him self was the bearer of those commands which had led him (the Duke) into the presence of His Majesty, and to the perform ance of those services which he (Lord Melbourne) now repu diated ?—( Cheers and laughter.) If he were disposed so to argue, he might contend that the fact of the Noble Viscount being the bearer of this letter showed the animus with which he (Lord Melbourne) Mid waited upon his Majesty, and the animus of the transactions between them, and also the animus of the communications be tweet' himself, (the Duke) and His Majesty.--(" Hear, hear " and a laugh.) But it was not necessary. He would only repeat that he never was much more surprised than at the mode in which he had understood the arrangement was afterwards recei ve d by th e N o bl e L or d. H e trasted that he had now stated enough to justify him in lending his name to the formation of a new Ministry.--( Hear, hear.) The next charge to which he had to advert was, that they had dissolved the late Parliament. With respect to this, it was true that whatever Ministry advised the dissolution of a Parliament was liable to be called on for some reason which might have in duced them so to do ; but he had seldom heard of such a course of proceeding as that Ministers should be called upon cu the first day of the assembling of Parliament, and told Give me some reason why you thought fit to dissolve ; and justify your dissolution of Parliament, by showing that the effort you have made has been a successful one."—( Hear.) But the Noble Viscount, after hearing his censure upon them for dissolving, added, that in all cases where Parliament was dis solved it was success which justified the measure. If, then, they had made an experiment which was to depend upon so peremptory a criterion, surely he ought at least to allow them a short time to wait and see fairly what had been the result.— (Cheers. ) The Noble Lord and his friends had dismissed In June a Parliament which was chosen in November. Their experiment he acknowledged was perfectly successful. He hoped that their experiment would also prove perfectly suc cessful.—( Cheers.) At all events, it would be but fair to give them some little time for the prescribed justification, and not to assail them on the first day of the session.—( Cheers. ) And now as to this success, he wanted to know, after all, how Treat was that measure of suc cess w hi c h th e l a t e Mi n i stry en joyed in the late Parliament, when it appeared to rest solely and exclusively on the shoulders of a single individual, frsm which, too, there was no mantle to fall for a successor ? ( Cheers.) So that when he was removed to the upper house, the Government to which he belonged had found it impossible to go on.—(Cheers.) As to himself, he was convinced that the course pursued was correct, and by it he was ready to tand or fall.—( Cheers.) He believed that there were a great number of persons disposed and determined to support the Administration, and he hoped the House would have the pa tience to wait and see what were the measures they had to propose for the benefit of the country.--( Hear, hear.) He w as not aware that there were any other topics on which it was necessary for him to speak. He had already, he should think, said enough to show that there was no reason why their Lordships should see it expedient to adopt the amendment of the Noble Viscount.—( Cheers.) He ought, perhaps, to say, as to the municipal corporations, that it was not their intention in any way to thwart the commissioners, and that, feeling this, they were unwilling to pledge themselves; to any particular system of' legislation without knowir:k what the report was ; an d i n thi s f ee li ng t h e i r to be the mor e di s p ose d 't o Lordships informed them that (nate, when His Majesty " in P L 4.,11C report would be laid before thoM 06 --7. f- -( //z ai-z Henry Wheatley, at St. James's Pahuse. I will not deny that I knew that that letter enclosed a letter to the Noble Duke ; but when so requested, would it not have been the most captious, churlish, ungracious conduct, if I had refused to allow my servant to carry it, and if I had said No I send a messenger of your own ?' And can any approbation of the act of sending for the Duke be implied from the manner in which I acted upon that occasion ?" Lord BROUGHAM said he agreed with the Noble Lord opposite as to the critical nature of the events which had lately taken place, and therefore it was that he had put himself forward to address their Lordships thus early. He thought the Noble Duke manifestly misunderstood the sound and constitutional proposition of his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne), when he (Lord Melbourne) stated that for the dismissal of the late Ministry --he came at once to the main chi; es they had in view—the chan ge o f Mi n i stry and the consequent dissolution of Parliament, without preface,—the Noble Duke in taking office incurred the responsi bility. He also was responsible for the dissolution. The Noble Duke, indeed, thought that he answered this con stitutional proposition by protesting solemnly - --and he (Lord Brougham) believed every tittle that he uttered— that he knew nothing of this dismissal of the Ministry —that he was ignorant of the motions and intentions of the Crown and of the Court for upwards of two months, and that he was surprised, very much surprised, when he received the intelli . ise ice—a surprise, h owever , w hi c h h e a f terwar d s compen diously qualified by declaring that he *as perfectly satisfied the removal of Lord Althorp from the House of Commons must produce some great change. In fact, the Noble Duke's whole argument rested on a begging of the question—the erdinary figure of logic, he must with all respect say, of which the Noble Duke was wont to avail' himself in each and all of the discussions of that assemblage. The Noble Duke as sumed, that the elevation of Lord Althorp must necessarily have brought destruction upon the late Administration. The Noble Duke said that he was perfectly unaware of the con templated change in his Majesty's councils. He had only a general sort of notice of it, that notice resolving itself into the circumstance of Lord Althorp's elevation to the upper house. But he altogether mistook the proposition of his Noble Friend Lord Melbourne). It was a high proposition of constitu tional law. His Noble Friend did not say that the Noble Duke, de facto, recommended or advised the dismissal of the Ministers. No such thing ! Was he at that time of day to teach the Noble Duke, who had been for some 20 years a Ca einet Minister, and who had been for nearly four years filling a situation to which he before declared that he should be in sane if' he aspired—but men very often found themselves in situations which they never anticipated, and discharging duties for which they did not conceive themselves prepared —was he to inform him, that for many of the acts of a Govern ment a Minister might be held responsible, and would by law be held responsible, although ignorant of those acts, and albeit he did not advise them. The reason was simply this—the King could do no wrong ; he must, however, have some ad viser, and therefore some responsible adviser. Now, the Noble Duke stood in this position : he was peculiarly, he was em phatically responsible for the change of his Majesty's advisers. For who could be responsible but he who came into the space which the change had made vacant ? If the King had thought proper to take the seals from one man to give them to another, the man who took the seals became responsible for the change; he was responsible in point of fact as well as in point of law., He would next advert to th e reasons w hi c h t h e N oble Duke had given for the line of conduct he had seen fit to pursue, and he must again respectfully observe, that more inadequate or more flimsy reasons never yet were given. The Noble Duke was responsible and guilty alike in fact and in law ; but for his assistance, the act could not have been committed. If a person, indeed, had resigned, and would not come back, that would be another matter ; but if a man were dismissed against his will, whoever took that man's place atter the dismissal, was an accessory after the fact, because without his aid it could not have been completed. If a man were sent for by the Sove reign under such circumstances, there was no compulsion upon him to accept the office—whet had he to do but decline ? No harm would be then done. It was only an incohate act, until the place was actually filled up. The constitution was so cognizant of this, that no office was absolutely considered to be vacant until it was filled up. This was clearly proved in Mr. Pelham's case : several persons had declined his office, he having already resigned the seals, but upon this he got them back again, and it was decided by the House that he need not go to a new election—that he had not vacated his seat—that it had never been effectually vacated, and never could be until his office was filled up. He had now shown that the proposition of his Noble Friend was strictly and core reedy true, and that the Noble Duke was in law and in fact re sponsible for the dismissing of the late Government, and the appointing of this. In sooth there was very little substan tial difference between the Noble Duke and himself for, with his usual manliness, he admitted in substance that which he had denied iii terms, and fairly took upon himself the responsibility. They had it now on his own authority by public and solemn avowal of his own, that he (the Duke) was the chief party in the whole transaction. They had his own positive, distinct, and articulate avowal that he affiarded the only reason, in furnishing the only means for changing the late Administration. He saw too, that in the speech from the Throne which they had heard that day, that grounds for the defence of the late Ministry were laid down in every line—in the speech, which was known and felt to be, as it constitutionally should be, the sole production of his Majesty's responsible advisers. In that he saw prevailing throughout one strain—it might have been extorted by the mighty force of truth—it might have been torn forth hr the irresistible necessity of the case; lee. still ot:e strain of justifieatien, n not of Retrial panegyric, on all the measures of their predecessors in office. All abroad was tranquil—all abroad was at peace —except in one only spot of earth ; this they learned from one passage. All our alliances had been strengthened and improved, they *ere in formed by another passage. Therefore, except in one case, had there ',ice n accomplished that most difficult of all tasks, as it was proclaimed and prophecied to be, the maintenance of peace abroad, and this not for a period of four months, but tour years. He thought he could tell what kind liberal hand it was that had penned these eulogistic passages; the hand of one who was once in all respects liberal, and who would still, it would seem, retain his kindly and liberal feelings towards his enemies. He remembered that gentleman (the President of the Board of Trade) formerly his Right Honourable Friend, now his Right Honourable Adversary, when he was t h e de cided enemy to all C orn L aws , and y when he discleised those laws with the most patriotic and unvvearying Pertinacity—a pertinacity which was fully responded to by tne people out of doors; but in latter days that Right Honourable Gentleman had been converted to the Corn Bill, and to the foreign po licy of the Noble Earl opposite ( Aberdeen) from his old ha tred of the Holy Alliance, which he fully felt when his Right Hon. Adversary and Itheiself together fought the battle of liberty at home and abroad. Now, that Right Hon. Gentleman had declared in his place that it would be a miracle if the late Government should succeed in keeping the peace of Europe for four months, and he could not but suppose that that Right Hon. Gentleman, not in a truant fancy for panegyrising or eulogizing the by-gone Administration, but from the strong pressure of truth upon his mind and heart, had made it point to have those passages inserted wherein he con gratulated the country upon the performance of an infinitely greater miracle than that to which he had alluded. The. speech also felicitated the country upon the happy results which had attended the emancipation of the negroes, upon the settlement of a question in which not only the property but the very existence of our colonies was involved. He had wished, he had longed, he had prayed, he had hoped for this result ; but he confessed that it surpassed his most sanguine expectations. It came fully up to his most anxious wishes and desires to find that not only had there been no mischief, but that there had been a vast amount of' good. Much of this was undoubtedly to be attributed to the spirit and capacity of his Noble Friend, whom he ought to have thanked sooner—the late Governor of Jamaica ; much also to the admirable arrange ments and great talents of the individuals whe had lately filled the office of Secretary for the Colonies, but of these praises certainly the Cabinet to which the Noble Lord ( Stanley) be longed must have its share, in having considered and digested a measure which had been wrought forth with a measure of success which was singular and all but unexpecte d , There was another topic touched upon in the speech, te s which he should also feel it necessary to advert. nn the subject. of the report on municipal corporations, he should say no thing in detail, as that report was not then before their Lordships ; but he rejoiced to hear that report spoken of no longer in the terms which the act of advising the is suing of the. Commie - slon had for mer ly b een d escr ib e d . The Administration' under whose advice that Commission was is sued, Were no longer represented as spoliators of public and, of private property; the measure was no longer spoken of as a violation of chartered rights, no longer were its authors charged with being guilty of an unheard-of encroachment upon the privileges of others,—of an unexampled infraction of the rights of corporations. lie rejoiced that he had lived to see the day whet, it was acknowledged that that Commission had. been legally issued, and this acknowledgment made not only with the assent, but amidst the unanimous plaudits of the Mi nisters of the Crown—that he, in being amongst the number of its advisers, and therefore responsible for it, had not been guilty of any illegal act. He rejoiced to think, that in the opinion of Noble Lords opposite, he was not liable to impeach ment for recommending a measure to reform such boroughs as. Leicester and Norwich, such seats of closeness, such haunts of corruption ; they had no longer to endure denunciation as de siring to destroy those venerable bodies whose antiquity, great as it was, formed their least title to the favour and respect of the community, to the high consideration of the Ministers of the s Crown, forming, as these corporations were alleged to forr t , the pillars of the monarchy, while they presented the most efr.ec tual check upon the undue exercise of prerogative. All 'these blessings, bestowed upon the subjects of the King by these im maculate bodies, the late Ministers were accused of destroy- Mg, and for that heinous offence they were condemned by in. corruptible aldermen, and denounced by learned recorders. But these accusations " vanished into thin air" before the lights which broke in on Noble Lords so soon as they found them selves within the precints of his Majesty's Cabinet. Then, for die first time, the light which guided their judgment was clear and splendid; but whether that light broke in upon them bte fore or after they had resoled on dissolving the Parliarneeit was a matter of small moment to his mind, for it afforded 'him the most satisfactory ground for eongratulation to find That in some form tee another, fror' sonic cause or other, it hr so hap- Period that bri" t ai and shining light found 'entrance ,he ti"t l2 'a—nav, e overjoyed—to find that in the last place in 4 ". 1 .',..a he entertained the remotest expectation or chance of anything of the sort, the fullest and most ample justice had been done to one of the most important proceedings, of which the foundations had been laid by the predecessors of the pre sent Government. He was also entitled to fecilitate his No ble Friends and himself upon the testimony which the speech from the throne bore to the success with which their colo nial as well as their domestic affairs had been administered during the last four years ; nor was there the least ex-