The Sun. — London, England, 1866-02-28 00:00:00

Oration on Abraham Lincoln. BY HON. GEORGE BANCROFT. An oration on the life, character, and public ser vices of the late President Lincoln was delivered in the Hall of Representatives of the United States, on the 12th February, by the Hon. George Ban croft, the American historian, formerly Minister of the United States to Great Britain. Vhe audience comprised upwards of 3,000 of the most distin guished men of America, including President John son and all the members of his Cabinet, except Mr. Seward, who was detained by illness, Lieut.-Gene ral Grant, and other high officers of the army and navy, the diplomatic corps, including Sir Frederick Bruce, the British Minister, &c., &c. The exer cises were commenced by music, at 20 minutes past 12, the United States' Marine Band playing the " Miserere" from " Il Trovatore," after which the Rev. Dr. Boynton, Chaplain of the House, delivered a prayer. Mr. BANCROFT then arose and delivered the fol lowing oration :-- "Senators, Representatives, of America,—That God rules in the affairs of men is as certain as any truth of physical science. On the great moving power which is from the beginning hangs the world of the senses and th e world of thought and action. Eternal wisdom marshals the great procession of the nations, working in patient continuity through the ages, never halting and never abrupt, encom passing all events in its oversight, and ever effecting its will, though mortals - may slumber in apathy or oppose with madness. Kings are lifted up or thrown down, na tions come and go, republics flourish and wither, dynasties pass away like a tale that is told ; but nothing is by chance, though men in their ignorance of causes may think so. The deeds of time are governed, as well as judged, by the decrees of eternity. The caprice of fleeting existences bends to the immovable omnipotence which plants its foot on all the centuries, and has neither change of purpose nor repose. Sometimes, like a messenger through the thick darkness of night, it steps along mysterious ways ; but when the hour strikes for apeople, or for mankind, to pass into a new form of being, unseen handsdraw the bolts from the gates of futurity; an all-subduing influence prepares the mind of men for the coming revolution ; those who plan resistance find themselves in conflict with the will of Providence rather than with human devices ; and all hearts and all understandings, most of all the opinions and influences of the unwilling, are wonderfully attracted and compelled to bear forward the change which becomes more an obedience to the law of universal nature than submis sion to the arbitration of man. GROWTH OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC. In the fulness of time a republic rose np in the wilder ness of America. Thousands of years had passed away before this child of the ages could be born. From what ever there was of 'good in the system of former centuries she drew her nourishment ; the wrecks of the past were her - warnings. With the deepest sentiment of faith fixed in her inmost nature, she disenthralled raligion from bon dage to temporal power that her worship might be wor ship only in spirit and in 'truth. The wisdom which had passed from India through Greece, with what Greece had added of her own ; the jurisprudence of Rome; the me dieval municipalities—the Teutonic method of representa tion ; the political experience of England—the benignant wisdom of the expositors of the law of nature and of na tions in France and Holland, all shed on her their selectest influence. She washed the gold of political wisdom from the sands wherever it was found ; she cleft it from the rocks ; she gleaned it among ruins. Out of all the disco veries of statesmen and sage; out of all the experience of past human life, she compiled a perennial political philo sophy, the primordinal principles of national ethics. The wise men of Europe sought the best government in a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy—and America went behind these names to extract from the vital elements of social forms, and blend them harmo niously in the free commonwealth, which comes nearest to the illustration of the natural equality of all men. She intrusted the guardianship of established rights to law ; the movements of reform to the spirit of the people, and drew her force from the happy reconciliation of both. TERRITORIAL EXTENT OF THE REPUBLIC. Republics hal hitherto been limited to small cantons of cities and their dependencies—America doing that of which the like had not before been known upon the earth, or believed by kings and statesmen to be possible. Under her auspices the vine of liberty took deep root and filled the land—the hills were covered with its shadow—its boughs were like the goodly cedars, and reached into both oceans. The fame of this only daughter of freedom wont out into all the lands of the earth ; from her the human race drew hope. EARLY LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The choice of America for President fell on a man born west of the Alleghanies, in the cabin of poor people of Hardin County, Kentucky—Abraham Lincoln. His mother could read, but not write ; his father could do neither ; but his parents scat him, with an old spelling book, to school, and ho learned in his childhood to do both. When eight years old he floated down the Ohio with his fathor on a raft which bore the family and all their posses sions to the shores of Indiana; and, child as he was, he gave help as they toiled through dense forests to the inte rior of Spencer County. There in the land of free labour he grew up in a log cabin, with the solemn solitude for his teacher in his meditative hours. Of Asiatic literature ho knew only the Bible ; of Greek, Latin, and medieval, no more than the translation of "sop's Fables ;" of English, John Bunyan's " Pilgrim's Progress." The traditions of George Fox and William Penn passed to him dimly along the lines of two centuries through his ancestors, who were Quakers. HIS EDUCATION. Otherwise his education was altogether American. The Declaration of Indep en d ence was hi s compen di um o f poli tical wisdom, the life of Washington his constant study, and something of Jefferson and Madis on reac h e d hi m through Henry Clay, whom he honoured from boyhood. For the rest, from day to day he lived the life of the Ame rican people, walked in its light, reasoned with its reason, thought with its power of thought, felt the beatings of its mighty heart, and so was in every way a child of nature— s child of the West—a child of America. HIS PROGRESS IN LIFE. -- - At 19, feeling impulses of ambition to get on in the world, he engaged himself to go down the Mississippi in a flatboat, receiving $lO a month for his wages, and after ward he made the trip once more. At 21 he drove his father's cattle as the family migrated to Illinois, and split rails to fence in the new homestead in the wild. At 23 he was a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk war. Ho kept a shop; he learned something of surveying; but of English literature he added to Bunyan nothing but Shak spere's plays. At 25 he was elected to the Legislature of Illinois, where he served eight years. At 27 he was ad mitted to the bar. In 1837 he chose his home at. Spring field, the beautiful centre of the richest land in the State. In 1847 he was a member of the National Congress, where he voted about 40 times in favour of the principle of the Jef ferson Proviso. In 1854 he gave his influence to elect from Illinois to the American Senate a Democrat who would certainly do justice to Kansas. In 1858, as the rival of Douglas, he went before the people of the mighty Prairie State, saying—" This Upion cannot permanently endure, half slave and half free ; the Union will not be dissolved, but the house will cease to be divided ; and now in 1861, with no experience whatever as an executive officer, while States were madly flying from their orbit, and wise men knew not whero to find counsel, this descendantof Quakers, this pupil of Bunyan, this child of the great West, was elected President of America. He measured the difficulty of the duty that devolved on him, and was resolved to fulfil it. HE GOES TO WASHINGTON. As on the 11th of February, 1861, he left Springfield, which for a quarter of a century had been his happy home, to the crowd o f his f r i en d s and neighbours whom h e was neverot h more to meet, he spoke a solemn farewell: —"know h ow soon I shall see you again. A duty has devolved u pon rue, greater than that which has devolved upon any other manB,,nc,e , suc ceeded except f or t h Washin g ton.He never would have suc times ead of Divine Providence, upon which he at all relied.i On the same Almighty Being I plat© my reliance pray that I may receive that Divine ' as7sictaneeuCcelvssithtit.t7hlh I cannot succeed, but with "I am but an as certain., am. To the men of Indiana he said, business to risentlA temporary instrument: it isyour preserve the Union and liberty." At the capital of Ohio he out 1 reason why I &honid said—" Without a name, with upon me a task such as did not a name, there has fallen of his country." At various plate n even r..et upon the Father ally at Albany before the Legis la ture, place in New York especi the united support of the great which tendered him " While I hold myself the humblest State, he said— who have ever been elevated to the P°reaslildthe individuals more difficult task to perform than any of them . 1 have a a true heart to the work. I must rely upon 47. I bring the whole country for support, and with the:: sustaining of aid even I, humble as I am, cannot fail to carry the s a h l % in e g f state safely through the storm." To the assembly of 14,, - ; - Jersey at Trenton, he axplained —"I shall take the ground 1 deem most just to the North, the East, the West, th e South, and the whole country, in good temper, certainly with no malice to any section. lam devoted to peace, but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly." In the old Independence Hall of Philadelphia he said—" I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence, which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this coun try, but to the world in all futtire time. If the country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I would rather be assassinated on the spot than surrender it. 1 have said nothing but what I am willing to live and die by." IN WHAT STATE HE FOUND THE COUNTRY. Travelling in the dead of night to escape assassination, Lincol n arrived at Washin g to n nine days before his inau guration. Th e ou t go i ng P res id en t , a t th e o pening of the session of C ongress, had still kept as t h e ma j or it y o f his advisers men engaged in treason ; had declared that in case of even an "imaginary" apprehension of danger from no tions of freedom among the slaves, "disunionwou'd become inevitable." Lincoln and others had question'd tl.e opinion of Taney; such impugning he described to the "factious temper of the times." The favourite doctrine of the majo rity of the Democratic Party on the power of a Territorial Legislature over Slavery he condemned as an attack on " the sacred rights of property." The State Legislature; he insisted, must repeal what he called " their unconstitu tional and obnoxious enactments," and which, if such were null and void, "it would be impossible for any human power to save the Union." Nay ! if these unimportant acts were not repealed, "the injured States would be jus tified in revolutionary resistance to the Government of the Union." He maintained that no State might secede at its sovereign will and pleasure; that the Union was meant for perpetuity, and that Congress might attempt to preserve, but only by conciliati on ; th a t " th e swor d was not p l ace d in their hands to preserve it by force ;" that " the last desperate remedy of a despairing people would be an ex planatory amendment recognising the decision of the Su preme Court of the United States." The American Union he called "a confederacy" of State; and he thought it a duty to make the appeal for the amendment "before any of these States should separate themselves from the Union." These views of the Lieutenant-General, containing some patriotic advice, conceded the right of secession, pro nounced a quadruple rupture of the Union " a smaller evil than the reuniting of the fragments by the sword," and e eschewed the idea of invading a seceded State." After changes in the Cabinet, the President informed Congress that matters were still worse ; that " the South suffered serious grievances, which should be redressed in peace." The day after this message the flag of the Union was fired upon from Fort Moultrie, and the insult was not revenged or noticed. Senators in Congress telegraphed to their constituents to seize the national forts, and they were not arrested. The finances of the country were grievously embarrassed. Its little army was not within reach—the part of it in Texas, with all its stores, was made over by its commander to the seceding insurgents. One State over an other voted in Convention to go out of the Union. A Peace Congress, so-called, met at the request of Virginia, to concert the terms of a capitulation for the continuance of the Union. Congress in both branches sought to devise conciliatory expedients ; the territories of the country were organised in a manner not to conflict with any pretensions of the South, or any decision of the Supreme Court ; and, never theless, the seceding States formed at Montgomery a Pro visional Government, and pursued their relentless purposes with such success that the Lieutenant-General feared the City of Washington might find itself "included in a foreign country," and proposed, among the options for the consi deration of Lincoln, to bid the seceded States " depart in peace." The great Republic seemed to have its emblem in the vast unfinished Capitol, at that moment surrounded by masses of stone and prostrate columns never yet lifted into their places ; seemingly the monument of high but delusive aspirations, the confused wreck of incohate magnificence, sadder than any ruin of Egyptian Thebes or Athens. HIS INAUGURATION. The fourth of March came. With instinctive wisdom, the new President, speaking to the people on taking the oath of office, put aside every question that divided the country, and gained a right to universal support, by plant ing himself on the single idea of Union. That Union he declared to be unbroken and perpetual ; and he announced his determination to fulfil " the simple duty of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed in all the States.'' Seven days later the Convention of Confederate States unanimously adopted a Constitution of their own ; and the new Government was authoritatively announced to be founded on the idea that slavery is the natural and normal condition of the negro race. The issue was whether the great Republic was to maintain its providential place in the history of mankind, or a rebellion founded on negro slavery gain a recognition of its principle throughout the civilised world. To the disaffected Lincoln had said, "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors." To fire the passions of the Southern portion of the people, the Confederate Governmentchose to become aggressors ; and on the morning of the 12th of April began the bombardment of Fort Sumter, and compelled its evacuation. UPRISING OF THE PEOPLE. It is the glory of the late President that he had perfect faith in the perpetuity of the Union. Supported in ad vance by Douglas, who spoke as with the voice of a million, ho instantly called a meeting of Congress, and summoned the people to come and repossess the forts, places, and property which had been seized from the Union. The men of the North were trained in schools ; industrious and frugal ; many of them deli cately bred, their minds teeming with ideas and fertile in plans of enterprise ; given to the culture of the arts ; eager in the pursuit of wealth, yet employing wealth less for ostentation than for developing the re sources of their country ; seeking happiness in the calm of domestic life ; and such lovers of peace that for genera tions they had been reputed unwarlike. Now, at the cry of their country in its distress, they rose up with unap peasable patriotism ; not hirelings—the purest and of the b blood in the land; sons of a pious ancestry, with a cl r perception of duty, unclouded faith and fixed resolve to succeed, they thronged round the President to support the wronged, the beautiful flag of the nation. The halls of theological seminaries sent forth their'young men, whose lips were touched with eloquence, whose hearts kindled with devotion to serve in the ranks, awl make their way to command only as they learned the art of war. Strip lings in the colleges, as well the most gentle and the must studious ; those of sweetest temper and loveliest character and brightest genius passed from their classes to the camp. The lumberman sprang forward from the forests, the me chanics from their benches, where they had been trained by the exercise of political rights to share the life and hope of the Republic, to feel their responsibility to their fore fathers, their posterity and mankind i went forth resolved that their dignity as a constituent part of this Republic should not be impaired. Farmers and sons of farmers left the land but half ploughed, the grain but half planted, and, taking up the musket, learned to face without fear the pre sence of peril and the coming of death in the shocks of war, while their hearts were still attracted to the charms of their rural life, and all the itender affections of home. , Whatever there was of truth, and faith, and public love in the common heart broke out with. one expression. Tho mighty winds blow from every quarter to fan the flame of the sacred and unquenchable fire. THE WAR A WORLD-WIDE WAR. For a time the war was thought to be confined to our own domestic affairs ; but it was soon seen that it in volved the destinies of mankind, and its principles and causes shook tho politics of Europe to the centre, and from Lisbon to Pekin divided the Governments of the world. TILE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. When it came home to the consciousness of the Ameri cans that the war which they were waging was a war for the liberty of all the nations of the world—for free dom itself—they thanked God for the severity of the trial to which Ho put their sincerity, and nerved them selves for their duty with en inexorable will. The President was led along by the greatness of their self sacrificing example ; and as a child, in a dark night on a rugged way, catches hold of the hand of its father for guidance and support, he clung fast to the hand of the people, and moved calmly through the gloom. While tho statesmanship of Europe was scoffing at, the hopeless vanity of their efforts, they put forth such miracles of energy as the history of the. world had never known. The navy of the United States, drawing into the public service the willing militia of the seas, doubled its tonnage in eight months, and established an actual blockade from Cape Hatteras to the Rio Grande. In the course of the war it was increased fivefold in men and in tonnage, while the inventive genius of the country devised more effective kinds of ordnance and new forms of naval architecture in wood and iron. There went into the field, for various terms of service, about 2,000,000 men ; and in March last the men in the service exceeded a million ; that is to say, one of every two able-bodied men took some part in the war ; and at one time every fourth able-bodied man was in the field. In one single month one hundred and sixty five thousand were recruited into service. Once, within four weeks, Ohio organised and placed in the fi e ld forty two regiments of infantry—nearly thirty-six thousand men ; and Ohio was like other States in the East and in the West. The well-mounted cavalry numbered eighty four thousand ; of horses there wore bought, first and last, two-thirds of a million. In the movements of troops science came in aid of patriotism, so that, to choose a single instance out of many, an army twenty-three thousand strong, with its artillery, trains, baggage, and animals, were moved by train from the Potomac to the Tennessee, twelve hundred miles, in seven days. In the long marches, wonders of military construction bridged the rivers ; and whenever an army halted ample supplies awaited them at their ever-changing base. The vile thought that life is the greatest of blessings did not rise up. In six hundred and twenty-five battles and severe skirmishes blood flowed like water. It streamed over the grassy plains; it stained the rocks; the under-growth of the forests was red with it ; and the armies marched on with majestic courage from ono conflict to another, knowing that they were fighting for God and liberty. The organisation of the Medical De pzaeraueol m o e iss nt met its infinit e l y mu l t i p li e d d ut i es w i t h ex actnesssur and d espatch. At the news of a battle, the best of our c iti es h astened to the field, to offer the aid of the greatest experience and skill. The gentlest and most refined of women left homes of luxury and ease to build hospital tents near the armies, and serve a s nurses to the sick and dying. Besides th e e large supply of re li gious ta e h rs by the publ ic , th e con gmrei n g ist a t e io r n s .s sTpahreedcthortishteiairnbrhotersm the field th e a bl es t Commission,which expendedl five and a half m illi ons, sent fourthousand chosen out of the best, to ke ep unsoiled the rel''gcieorugYscmhean racter of the men, and ma d e g i fts of clothes and food medicine. The organi sa ti on o f private charity assumeda" unheard-of dimensions. Th e S an it ary Commission which had seven thousand societies, distributed, under the direc tion of an unpaid board, spontaneous contributions to the amount of fifteen millions, in supplies or money — a m illi on and a half in money from California alone —and dotted the scone of war from Paducah to Port Royal, from Belle THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 28, 1866. Plain, Virginia, to Brownsville, Texas, with homes and ladges. TIM EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. The country had for its allies the river Mississippi, which would not be divided, and the range of mountains which carried the stronghold of the free through Western Vir ginia, and, Kentucky and Tennessee to the highlands of Alabama. But it invoked the still higher power of immor tal justice. In ancient Greece, where servitude was the universal custom, it was held that if a child were to strike its parent, the slave should defend the parent, and by that act recover his freedom. After vain resistance, Lincoln, who had tried to solve the question by gradual emancipa tion, by colonisation, and by compensation, atlast saw that slavery must bo abolished or the Republic must die ; and on the Ist day of January, 1863, he wrote liberty on the banners of the armies. When this proclamation, which struck the fetters from three millions of slaves reached Europe, Lord Russell, a countryman of Milton and Wilber force, eagerly put himself forward to speak of it in the name of mankind, saying—" It is of a very strange na ture ;" "a measure of war of a very questionable kind ;" an act of "vengeance on the slave owner," that does no more than "profess to emancipate slaves where the United States authorities cannot make emancipation a reality." Now, there was no part of the country embraced in the proclamation where the United States could not and did not make emancipation a reality. Those who saw Lincoln most frequently had never before heard him speak with bitterness of any human being ; but he did not con ceal how keenly he felt that he had been wronged by Lord Russell. And he wrote in reply to another cavalier, " The emancipation policy and the use of coloured troops were the greatest blows yet dealt to the rebellion. Thejob was a great national one ; and let none be slighted who bore an honourable part in it. I hope peace will come soon, and come to stay; then will be seen black men who can re member that they have helped mankind to this great con summation." of the coloured men, and on those of them who served our cause as soldiers ;" but he wished it done by the States themselves, and he never harboured the thought of exacting it from a new Government as a condition of its recognition. The last day of his life beamed with sunshine, as ho sent by the Speaker of the House his friendly greetings to the men of the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific slope ; as he contemplated the return of hundreds of thousands of soldiers to fruitless industry ; as he welcomed in advance hundreds of thousands of emigrants from Europe; as his eye kindled with enthusiasm at the coming wealth of the nation. And so, with these thoughts for his country, he was removed from the toils and temptations of this life, and was at peace. Naval and Military Intelligence. The Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief will hold a levee at 1 o'cloek on Saturday, the 3d of March. Orders have been received at Portsmouth dock yard by the Admiralty to complete the iron frigate Minotaur in her fittings for commission, irrespec tive of any future trials of the competitive gun carriages, provision for which has been otherwise arranged. These future arrangements for the trials of the gun-carriages are understood to be the sub stitution of the Bellerophon for the Minotaur, and the Admiralty, in this change of ships, appear to have been guided by sound common-sense views in the endeavour to render the results of such impor tant competitive trials as complete and exhaustive as may be possible. The Minotaur, with her enormous bulk of hull—upwards of 6,600 tons— could never be given on any one of her recent trips into the Channel any motion exceeding an easy lateral swing of 10 degrees each way, which is use less for proving the comparative merits of broadside gun-carriages and their slides intended to mount 12k-ton guns. It was found impossible to attain the necessary degree of quick lurching motion with the Minotaur in mere Channel waves, but with the Bellerophon—a vessel nearly 2,400 tons less in the size of her hull—it may be attained. The question will then be settled beyond possibility of doubt or cavil. There are also other reasons in favour of the trials being completed in the Bellerophon rather than in the Minotaur. The latter vessel is greatly deficient in space between the only ports she has fitted for fighting 12k-ton guns through, and she is also somewhat deficient in height between decks and elevation of her ports for such ordnance. The Bellerophon has none of these defects. On the con trary, her battery and its ports have been expressly built and fitted for working the guns, and afford ample space for a trial of any mechanical appliances fitted for working them. She is also fitted with training gear designed by Mr. E. J. Reed, Chief Constructor of the Nayy, which possesses the great advantage of being all fixed and worked on the deck below the battery, and therefore secure from danger in action, as well as not encumbering the gun deck. It also possesses the serious disadvantages of being very complicated in its parts, of great weight, and excessively costly, looking at it in relation to the simple end for which it has been designed ; the training of heavy ordnance being the least of the difficulties that have to be met with and overcome in its adoption on the broadsides of our ships of war. Mr. Reed's plan being fitted, however, on board the Bellerophon will now have to stand its competitive trial with Commander Scott's gear as fitted to his carriage, with Mr. Lynn's gear as fitted to the Woolwich carriage, and with the gear of Mr. Cun ningham as fitted to the Admiralty pattern wooden carriage. The iron carriage of one of the guns on board the Minotaur, and which was constructed in the Woolwich Arsenal, has been returned to Wool wich from the ship to be fitted with a different sys tem of compressors, and when completed will be sent back to Portsmouth for trial in the Bellerophon. Sir William Armstrong's iron carriage, which has been manufactured at Elswick, is expected to arrive at Portsmouth during the present week, and will enter the lists against the other carriages in the trials on board the Bellerophon. This carriage from Els wick is spoken of very favourably from its appear ance, but anypeculiar features of construction it may possess will be seen in a truer light when it stands on the deck of the Bellorophon in company with its ri vals—the Scott and the Woolwich Arsenal iron car riages and the Admiralty pattern wooden carriage. There can be no disputing the fact that with the cruises of the Bellerophon will commence the real trials of the iron gun carriages, the Elswick carriage • only then entering upon the scene, and the Wool wich carriage having been virtually disabled on board the Minotaur by the inefficiency of the com pressors. The trials will be of the highest impor tance, and their results will be watched with eager interest by all who study and value the efficiency of the Navy. For the fullness and impartiality with which they will be conducted the professional stand ing and reputation of the officer intrusted with their supervision—Capt. Astley Cooper, C. 8., Governor of the Royal Naval College, and commanding the gunnery ship Excellent—are ample surety. ' The following appointments have been made in the Royal Naval Reserve :—To be Sub-Lieuts.— William Spohr Gedyc, Squire Thornton Stratford •Lecky. The Suicide at Guildford. „____ On Monday evening the inquest on the body of Elizabeth Wesley, who drowned herself in the river Wey on the 18th inst., was opened at the Railway Arms Inn, Guilford by Mr. Bridger, acting; on behalf of Mr.Capron, the borough coroner, through the indisposition of the latter gentleman. The evi dence revealed that the unfortunate woman hadbeen the subject of most cruel treatment at the hands of her reputed husband. From the statement of the wit nesses, it appeared that in August last the deceased was acquainted with Wesley, who was her senior by 16 years, and she announced her intention of getting married to him. Her brother strongly opposed the match on the ground of Wesley's bad habits ; but soon afterwards the de ceased, who was in service at Shalford, near Guild ford, took a cottage and furnished it, in order, it was supposed, that Wesley might visit her. She sub sequently took away the furniture, and went to re side for a short time with her brother at a place called Peasemarsh, between Guildford and Godal ming. Wesley did not claim the furniture, nor did he then claim deceased as his wife. She seemed cheerful and happy while staying with her brother, although her manner was sometimes strange, and one day she said, " I am sure that old devil Wesley will kill me." She left Peasemarch in September to go to Norwood, as her friends supposed, to getmar ried to Wesley, and the next evidence, that of Mrs. Robinson, landlady of the Three Tuns Inn at Hen ley-on-Thames, went to prove that immediately afterwards Wesley, who had been lodging at her home, brought the deceased there as his wife. For a short time they appeared to live happily, but one day the deceased told Mrs. Robinson that she had drawn £9O or £lOO from a savings bank and had given itto Wesley, who placed £3O of the money in the bank at Henley-on . - Thames in his own name, saying that he could not place in more. When the deceased said the money ought to have been deposited in her own name We sley replied, " If you say anything more about it 1 will throw you and the - book behind the fire." Some time after this incident they agreed to take a publichouse at Wargrave, near Henley, and paid a deposit. From this period the deceased com plained bitterly of the treatment she received from her husband. She told Mrs. Robinson that he beat her in bed, threatened to split her head open with a poker, and drew a knife upon her. On the night of her narrative of this ill-treatment she said that Wesley stripped her stark naked, threatened ,to rip her up, and made her go dowstairs, naked as she was, to fry some pig's liver for him. Further de tails of shocking treatment were given, which treat ment caused the deceased to prosecute Wesley at Henley-on-Thames on the 14th inst. When he was sentenced to six months' imprisonment she appeared very sorry, and, after an unsuccessful at tempt to get some portion of his punishment re mitted, her manner appeared to the superintendent of police and others to be very strange, and her eyes were observed to roll with a peculiar wildness. She appears to have sold off her furniture, and re assumed her maiden name, with the idea of obtaining a situation. She left Henley on the 17th inst. for Reading. She previously told the landlady of the Three Tuns that she was married at Shoreditch. There was no direct proof afforded as to Wesley having another wife living but several hearsay state ments upon which such a suspicion might be founded. Evidence as to the deceased sleeping at Guildford on the night of the 17th inst., and her suicide by jumping into the river on the following morning, was next given, together with the fact of a savings bank book, £l6los. in gold, Bs. 4d. in silver, and some coppers, besides a portion of her clothing, being found in the room in which she slept. The jury returned a verdict "That the deceased com mitted suicide while in a state of temporary insanity, brought on by the ill-treatment received at the hands of her husband." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ---...,___ TIMES.-It would be idle to disguise the fact that the course of Government since the meeting of Parliament has been such as to excite the gravest anxiety among the friends of a Liberal Administra tion. People have gone about assuring one another that everything was going well, but they did so in tones which ill corresponded with the words of en couragement they uttered. The Administration has not been called upon to do much, its trial has been but short, and yet what it has done has exhibited a spirit of vacillation and uncertainty which augured ill for its future. It has seemed as if anything like unity of principle was absent from its deliberations ; the Cabinet has been divided against itself ; what one man has proposed another has rejected, and no one has been able to guess what would happen to morrow, because it was impossible to say what spirit would then be predominant. We cannot be sur prised, then, to hear it rumoured that, under such circumstances, Lord Russell has asked her Majesty to relieve him from duties which have proved too irksome for him, and has begged permission to re sign once more the office of First Minister of the Crown. We are not in a position to affirm posi tively the truth of this rumour, but the existence of such a rumour• so substantiated is a fact in itself, and we shall proceed to discuss it and others which have obtained equal authority as if they were well founded. It is the usual and proper sequel to the resignation of a Minister to summon the leader of the Opposition to form a Cabinet. Such a course is most forcibly recommended, because a resignation ordi narily follows a defeat, and is the consequence of a transfer of confidence from the Government to its opponents. The Administration of Lord Russell, however, has not succumbed through any defection in the House of Commons. If it has fallen, its faults, or, at least, its imperfections, have been its own. Lord Russell has therefore been justified if he has believed that some other combination of the Liberal party might be formed, capable of carrying on the Government of the country. There are, moreover, grave obstacles to the creation of a Conservative Ministry. It is understood that many of those who are regarded as the leaders of the party in the House of Lords, and who formed the Cabinet in the l a st Conservative Ministry, are unwilling to undertake once more the cares of office. Lord Derby himself is believed to be strongly disinclined to encounter again the arduous task of fighting against a majority in the Commons, if, indeed, under any circumstances, he could be prevailed upon to return to the Treasury. Lord Russell has therefore, if the rumours we have mentioned are not unfounded, recommended her Majesty to send for the Duke of Somerset. It is, of course, premature to say what might be the re sult of an attempt on the part of the Duke of Somer set to form a Ministry. He has many qualities fitting him for the highest office, but there are others, and those, perhaps, more important, in which he is believed to be wanting. There can be no doubt about his energy and resolution ; and his friends claim for him a singular administrative ability, which cannot, however, be said to:have been exhibited during an apprenticeship of seven years at the Admiralty. On the other hand, the Duke of Somerset is little known in the House of Commons, and is absolutely unknown in the country. The most serious diffi culty, however, would lie in the question of the sub ordination of the other members of the Cabinet. There are men who were content to serve under Lord Palmerston, and who have been content to serve under Lord Russell, but who would be disin clined to accept their proposed successor. Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell were the titular heads of the Liberal party. They had been in the front rank for many years—we may almost say for gene rations--and it was an honour to be their second. No one can pretend that the Duke of Somerset has achieved any such reputation. He is able, and he holds a distinguished position, but more, we believe, would be wanted to soothe the just ambition of those who must be his subordinates. It is, of course, con ceivable that some other name than that of the Duke of Somerset might be submitted to her Majesty as the head of a new Ministry, but it is not easy to dis cover any which is not open to some objection. We trust it might be overruled ; but, if not, there are two other courses possible—the formation of a Coalition Cabinet and of a Conservative Ministry. The first would be a doubtful expedient, especially with a new House of Commons, which has yet to organise itself, and which does not, in fact, at pre sent know its own mind. We have already referred to the obstacles to the return to office of the Con servative party ; but it must be acknowledged that, under certain defined conditions, they might for a tune render useful service to the nation. There are some questions which have long waited for a settle ment, and which may perhaps be best settled by the Opposition. Catholic Emancipation was at last carried by a Tory Minister, and it is evident that whenever the Conservative party are honestly per suaded of the necessity of a change, the change can be more easily effected under their auspices than against their opposition. It is, perhaps, not chime rical to believe that a satisfactory measure of Reform might be introduced by a Conservative Government, and, indeed, it is generally confessed that the bill brought in by Lord Derby during his last adminis tration could have been more easily moulded so as to have met the just expectations of the people than any other scheme which has since been sub mitted to the Legislature. It is quite certain that were a Tory Government in office with a minority in the Commons, the question of Church Rates might be settled, just as the Jewish Disabilities Bill was passed on a former occasion. If a strong Libe ral Government, either under Lord Russell or some capable successor, can be maintained, we should, of course, greatly prefer it; but if this is rendered impossible by internal difficulties, we may call at tention to another advantage which would accrue from a Tory interregnum. The country is at pre sent embarrassed by what we may venture to call, by a metaphor borrowed from the Naval Service, " Yellow Admirals." Men have come to the fore by mere seniority and the course of promotion, who inspire no confidence, and ha ve ne ith er knowledge nor genius to justify their position. It would be invidious to mention them individually, but it is only necessary to recall the names of Ministers, past and present, to be aware that there are some from whose claims both the great parties would gladly be relieved. They exist, and it is hard to displace them, but if they were once relegated to obscurity, no one would think of recalling them to a position of distinction. Nor must it be forgotten that a short period out of office is an alterative and a tonic. In the bracing air of Opposition Whigs grow strong, and achieve an audacity which they lose when long debauched by the sweets of place. With nothing to do but reflect upon their sins of omission and commission in office, they are like hermits under going a forced penance in the desert. They re member what they might have done and what they failed to do, and they make a thousand good reso lutions, some of which they press so loudly that they are obliged to perform them when they are re called to the service of their country. We desire above all things a good, sound, strong Liberal Go vernment, There are plenty of things for it to do. There is Ireland to be settled, a Colonial policy to be determined, a Foreign policy still in progress of transition, the permanent question of Reform to b e laid at rest ; but if these things cannot be accom plished at once, we are content to wait for a sea son that they may be accomplished at last S more effectually. No one of these can be settled without a united Cabinet, possessing a definite policy, fol lowing the inspiration of a single leader, and although the promise of such a result may at pre - sent be dim and uncertain, we think we discern signs that a period of darkness and of germination might bring it to light. PosT.--Mr. Goschen has a light and happy way of touching on public affairs, which has the good effect of disarming criticism without committing the speaker to anything in particular. When he ad dressed the electors of the City of London on Mon day he was in the pleasant position of an unopposed candidate and a Cabinet Minister. He had there fore too good reasons for not saying much. As he had no opponent on the hustings there was no need to declaim at length upon public grievances, and the popularity and certainty of the remedies which he would bring to pass if returned. Thera was no need for him to show himself a good speaker, or a stanch Reformer, or a thorough Liberal. On the contrary, there was every reason for reticence. As a Cabinet Minister, he is supposed to have certain grave secrets in keeping, and it is at once dignified and prudent not so much as to hint at them. There is nothing like the seal of office for covering cloudy views of policy. Mr. Goschen knows as well as any one how vain is every effort to satisfy Ireland by remedial legislation, so he says not a word of Government measures, knowing full well that on that subject, for the present at least, it has none. He knows the emptiness of the endless whine about the Irish Church, and tenant right, and absenteeism, and paid magistracy, and syste matic neglect. le knows that if the Irish Church revenues were settled on Romish priests to-morrow, and every tenant had every conceivable or incon ceivable right, and landlords lived on their pro perty, and were made county justices as in Eng land, there would still be the same song of discon tent, the same murmurs about bad government, the same clamour to have something done by Eng lish Ministers, and the same neatly-disguised threats of popular indignation. Mr. Goscheu does not need to be told that, with all their con tinual grumbling about the state of their coun try, Irish members have never done one hand stir to bring abaut a reform of the evils they com plain of ; and it is not likely they ever will. He is therefore very wisely guarded in his utterances, and leaves us about as well convinced as we were before CONTINUANCE OF THE WAR. The war continued, with all the peoples of the world for anxious spectators. Its cares weighed heavily on Lincoln, and his facewas ploughed with the furrows of thought and sadness. With malice toward none, free from the spirit of revenge, victory made him importunate for peace ; and his enemies never doubted his word, or despaired of his abound ing clemency. He longed to utter pardon as the word for all, but not unless the freedom of the negro should be as sured. The grand battles of Mill Spring, which gave us Nashville, of Fort Donelson, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Gettysburgh, the Wilderness of Virginia, Winchester, Nashville, the capture of New Orleans, Vicksburgb, Fort Fisher, the march from Atlanta, and the capture of Savannah and Charleston, all foretold the issue. Still more, the self-regeneration of Missouri, the heart of the continent; Maryland, whose sons never heard the mid night bells chime so sweetly as when they rang cut to earth and heaven that, by the voice of her own people, she took her place among the free ; of Tennessee, which passed through fire and blood, through sorrows and the shadow of death, to work out her own deliverance, and by the faithfulness of her own sons to renew her youth like the eagle, proved that victory was deserved and would be worth all that it cost. If words of mercy, uttered as they were by Lincoln on the waters of Virginia, were defiantly repelled, the armies of the country, moving with one will, went as the arrow to its mark, and without a feeling of re venge struck a death-blow at rebellion. LINCOLN'S ASSASSINATION. Where, in the history of nations, had a chief magistrate possessed more sources of consolation and joy than Lin coln ? His countrymen had shown their love by choosing him for a second tarm of service. The raging war that had divided the country had failed, and private grief was hushed by the grandeur of its results. The nation had its new birth of freedom, soon to be secured forever by an amendment of the Constitution. His persistent gentleness had conquered for him a kindlier feeling on the . part of the South. His scoffers among the grandees of Europe began to do him honour. The labouring classes every where saw in his advancement their cwn. All people sent him their benedictions. And at the moment of the height of his fame, to which his humanity and modesty added charms, he fell by the hand of the assassin ; and the only triumph awarded him was the march to the grave. THE GBEATNES OF MAN. This is no time to say that human glory is but dust and ashes, that we mortals are no more than shadows in pur suit of shadows. How mean a thing were man if there were not that within him which is- higher than himself— if he cculd not master the illusions of sense, and discern the connections of events by a suporior light which comes from God. Ho so shares the divine impulses that he has power to subject interested passions to lova of country and personal ambition to the ennoblement of man. Not in vain has Lincoln lived, for he has helped to make this republic an example of justice, with no caste but the caste of humanity. The heroes who led our armies and ships into battle—Lyon, M'Pherson, Reynolds, Sedgwick, Wadsworth, Foote, Warde, and their compeers—and fell in the service, did not die in vain ; they and the myriads of nameless victors, and he, the chief martyr, died wil lingly "that Gbvernment of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." THE JUST DIED FOR TIIE UNJUST. The assassination of Lincoln, who was so free from malice, has by some mysterious influence struck the country with solemn awe, and hushed, instead of excit ing, the passion for revenge. It seems as if the just had died for too unjust. When I think of the friends I have lost in this war—and every one who bears me has, like myself, lost those whom he most loved —there is no consolation to be derived from victims on the scaffold, or from anything but the established union of the regene rated nation. CHARACTER OP LINCOLN. In his character, Lincoln was through and through an American. He is the first native of the region west of the Alleghanies to attain to the highest station ; and how happy it is that tke man who was brought forward as the natural outgrowth and first fruits of that region should have been of unblemished purity in private life, a good son, a kind husband, a most affectionate father, and, as a man, so gentle to all. As to integrity, Douglas, his rival, said of him, "Lincoln is the honestest man I ever knew." The habits of his mind were those of meditation and inward thought rather than of action. He excelled in lo gical statement more than in executive ability. He rea soned clearly, his reflective judgment was good, and his purposes were fixed ; but, like the Hamlet of his only poet, his will was tardy in action ; and for this reason, and not from humility or tenderness of feeling, ho sometimes de plored that the duty which devolved on him had not fallen to the lot of another. Ha was skilful in analysis ; dis cerned with precision the central idea on which a question turned, and knew how to disengage and present it by itself in a few homely, strong old English words that would be intelligible to all.. He delighted to express his opinions by apothegm, illustrate them by parable, or drive them home by a story. Lincoln gained a name by discussing questions which, of all others, lead to fanaticism; but ho was never carried away by enthusiastic zeal, never indulged in extravagant language ; never hurried to support extreme measures, never allowed himself to be controlled by sudden impulses. During the progress of the election at which he was chosen President, he expressed no opinion that went beyond the Jefferson Proviso of 1784. Like Jefferson and Lafayette, he had faith in the intuitions of the people, and read those intuitions with rare sagacity. He knew how to bide his time, and was less apt to be in advance of public opinion than to lag behind. He never sought to electrify the pub lic by taking an advanced position with a banner of opi nion ; but rather studied to move forward compactly, ex posing no detachment in front or rear, so that the course of his Administration might have been explained as the cal culating policy of a shrewd and watchful politician, had there not been seen a fixedness of principle which from the first deterinined his purpose and grow more intense with every year, consuming his life by its energy. • Yet his sen sibilities were not acute, ho had no vividness of imagina tion to picture to his mind the horrors of the battle-field, or the suffeings in hospitals ; his conscience was more ten der than his feelings. Lincoln was one of the most unassuming of men. In time of success, he gave credit for it to those whom he em ployed, to the people, and to the providence of God. He did not know what ostentation is ; when he became Presi dent he was rather saddened than elated, and his conduct and manners showed more than ever his belief that all men are born equal. He was no respecter of persons; and neither rank, nor reputation, nor services overawed him. In judging of character he failed in discrimination, and his appointments were sometimes bad ; but he readily deferred to public opinion, and in appointing the head of the armies he followed the manifest preference of Con gress. •.• A good President will secure unity to his Administra tion by his own supervision of the various departments. Lincoln, who accepted advice readily, was never governed by any member of his Cabinet, and could not be moved from a purpose deliberately formed ; but his supervision of affairs was unsteady and incomplete ; and sometimes, by a sudden inference transcending the usual forms, he rather confused than advanced the public business. If he ever failed in the scrupulous regard due to the relative rights of Congress, it was so evidently without design that no conflict could ensue, or evil precedent be esta blished. Truth he would receive from any ono ; but when impressed by others, he did not use their opinions, until, by reflection, he had made them thoroughly his own. It was the nature of Lincoln to forgive. When hosti lities ceased, he who had always sent forth the flag with every one of its stars in the field, was eager to receive bask his returning countrymen, and meditated " some now announcement to the South." The Amendment of the Constitution abolishing Slavery had his most earnest and unwearied support. During the rage of war we get a glimpse into his soul from his privately suggesting to Louisiana that " in defining t'_►e franchise some of the coloured people might be let in," saying—" They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty in the family of freedom." In 1857 he avowed himself "not in favour of" what he improperly called " negro citizenship ;" for the Constitution discri minates between citizens and electors. Three days before his death be declared his preference that "the elective franchise were now conferred on the very intelligent CONCLUSION. As the sum of all, the hand of Lincoln raised the flag : the American people was the hero of the war ; and there fore the result is a new era of republicanism. The dis turbances in the country grew.not out of anything repub lican, but out of slavery, which is a part of the system of hereditary wrong ; and the expulsion of this domestic anomaly opens to the renovated nation a career of un thought-of dignity and glory. Henceforth our country has a moral unity as the land of free labour. The party for slavery and the party against slavery are no more, and are merged in the party of union and freedom. The States which would have left us are not brought back as conquered States, for then we should hold them only so long as that conquest could be maintained ; but they come to their rightful place under the Constitu tion, as original, necessary, and inseparable members of the State. We build monuments to the dead, but no monuments of victory. We respect the example of the Romans, who never, even in conquered lands, raised monuments of triumph. And our generals are not to be classed in the herd of vulgar conquerors, but are of the school of Timo leon and William of Orange and Washington. They have used the sword only to give peace to their country, and re store her to her place in the great assembly of nations. Our meeting closes in hope, now that a people begin to live ac cording to the laws of reason, and republicanism is en trenched in a continent. ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. BRECON (BOROITGE). Yesterday the election of a member for the borough of Brecon and town of Llywel, in the room of the late Col. Lloyd Vaughan Watkins, took place at Brecon. When the vacancy first arose a strong contest was expected, three candidates having en tered the field—viz., the Earl of Brecknock in the Liberal interest, Mr. Howel Gwyn on the Conser vative side, and Dr. Price (all locally connected) as representing the advanced Liberal party. Both of the last named, however, having since retired, the field was left to the Earl of Brecknock alone. Mr. DE WINTON nominated the Earl of Breck nock, and Mr. MORDECAL JONES seconded the nomination, No other candidate being proposed, the MAYOR declared the Earl of Brecknock to be duly elected. The Earl of BRECKNOCK addressed the electors. They had elected him to support a Liberal Go vernment, and he would make a few remarks on the policy of the late Lord Palmerston. In spite of large remissions of taxation, the army and navy were in a state of great efficiency, and they had a volunteer force to fall back upon. In spite of the American war, which had crippled their trade, the cotton trade was now again flourishing. He was a Churchman, but considered that the present sys tem of church rates worked injuriously to the Church and on those who dissented. On the subject of Reform he believed that the Constitution would be benefited by the admission to the franchise of those members of the working classes who had proved themselves to be worthy to exercise it. He had great confidence in Earl Russell. He believed that the measure which he intended to bring for ward would be such, that while it preserved the balance of power between classes, it would give the franchise to a great body of those who were, as he had said, entitled to exercise it, and that it would include many who were at present excluded because they happened to live in lodgings. He thought every elector should exercise his privilege freely and openly, and, therefore, was or posed to the ballot. But he should like to see canvassing abolished, although he must say that he had enjoyed his canvass so much that he did not care how often he had such a duty to perform. He was afraid, however, that nothing could cure this evil until it was made illegal to use any influence in in ducing electors to vote. On the subject of the malt-tax, he should like to see the- tax reduced and beer made cheaper for the working man, but six millions was a large revenue to give up. As to Jamaica, he recommended that people should sus pend their judgment on the conduct of Governor Eyre until the Commissioners sent over to Jamaica had made their report. He approved_ the conduct of the Government in this matter, and also for what they had done in relation to the cattle plague. As to Ireland, he was not prepared to give an opinion on the question of legislation for that country, but would give the matter his best attention. Three cheers were then given for the new member, for the Mayor, and for members of the noble can didate's family, and the proceedings ended. SUNDERLAND. The nomination of candidates for the seat vacant by Mr. Fenwick's appointment to the office of Civil Lord of the Admiralty took place from hustings erected in front of the Exchange-building, in High street, yesterday. The candidates were Mr. Henry Fenwick and Mr. Alderman Candlish, the latter the defeated advanced Liberal candidate at the general election. Mr. Fenwick was unable to attend through ill health. He was represented by his brother, Mr. George J. Fenwick, banker, of Newcastle. Mr. STOBART 7 coalowner, nominated Mr. Fenwick; Mr. E. C. ROBSON seconded the nomination. They were, however, very much interrupted by a very noisy crowd, and had to address much of their ob servations to the reporters. Mr. R. M. HUDSON, shipowner, nominated Mr. Alderman Candlish; Mr. A. COMMON, banker, se conded the nomination. They were better heard. Mr. G. J. FENWICK spoke in behalf of his brother. He said that his brother, who was suffering from the effects of a protracted contest and canvass, was en titled to their sympathy on this occasion. In his appointment by the Queen to the office he now held the country showed how it appreciated his services. He deprecated the opposition got up on this occa sion, which had engendered such an amount of ill feeling in the borough that it would take years to heal. Mr. CANDLISH regretted that Mr. Fenwick was laid upon a bed of sickness. He, however, had been ably represented by his brother; and, after some further personal explanations, he proceeded to give an explanation of his political opinions. He was an earnest advocate of civil and religious liberty. He would support a large and liberal measure of Parliamentary reform. He was opposed to ecclesi astical endowments, and was also hostile to the game laws. The show of hands was in favour of Mr.Candlish. A poll was demanded for Mr. Fenwick.. The con test is expected to be very close. TIVERTON. On Tuesday the nomination of a candidate in the room of the late Lord Palmerston took place at Tiverton in the presence a large crowd. Mr. AmonY proposed, and Mr. FORD seconded, the nomination of the Hon. G. Denman. Mr. DANIEL proposed, and Mr. PRATT seconded, the nomination of Sir John Hay. The Hon. G. DENMAN, in a long speech, expressed himself warmlyin favour of a £6 franchise, a lodger franchise, and a judicious redistribution of seats. Sir J. HAY also spoke, chiefly in reply to Mr. .Denman. The MAYOR then called for a show of hands. He declared, amid loud cheers, the show of hands in favour of Mr. Denman. A poll was demanded for Sir J. Hay, which will take place to-day (Wednesday). The Liberals are confident of returning their can didate. rAnvEnzisnmExT. J Holloway's Pills. Confidential Advice.—To all persons who suffer from bilious headaches, disordered stomach, biliousness, or flatulency, these pills are strongly recommended as the safest, best, and quickest mode of obtaining ease without weakening or irritating the nervous system. Holloway's pills are especially useful in clearing away excess of bile, which usually produces fever unless remedial measures be adopted without delay. In asthma, bronchitis, and congestion of the lungs they may be relied upon for removing all danger, and, by purify ing and regulating the circulation, they effectually prevent relapses by rousing the liver to a fair secretion of bile and quickly carrying it off from the system. These pills ward off low spirits, listlessness, and those distressing feelings often called nervous. that Lord Russell will not peril the existence of his Administration by attempting to legislate on any large scale for Irish grievances. On the subject of reform we get still less. Not a hint will the cautious citizen let fall on that burdensome topic. As far as he says anything at all, he leaves the impression that no one seriously believes in a Reform Bill, or that the passing of one this session is likely. Go vernment can but move with the House of Com mons, and on reform the House of Commons is not very excitable. Of course a Reform Bill of some kind is promised, and the promise must be redeemed) but he must be a sanguine man who could hope to see it fairly floated on to success within the next six months. So, Mr. Goschen not being sanguine , asks for indulgence and for permission to touch but lightly a subject which, though " interesting," not vital, and may bear to be regarded without much enthusiasm. The citizens of London took all this inevitable water-gruel with great equanimity, after duly applauding their cautious young Poli tician, elected him for the third time their mem ber. It is not often that a speech of that neutral tint possesses a spark of interest ; but in this in stance it has its weight as indicating better than any speaker has yet done the comparatively safe character of the Ministerial policy. That safe policy is a wise policy. Neither England nor Ire land needs any organic changes, unless they can be so introduced and carried as to make no materi a l difference to existing interests. Any policy that disturbed the even prosperity of the countli would be a loss and not a gain. Most persons would be very glad to see a reasonable extension, of the suffrage, and perhaps a redistribution al seats, but not at the expense of public contentmen t, nor a disruption of the kindly unity and peace that now exist between all classes. No real statesman wishes to see a northern political interest created as opposed to a southern, which would be the almo st certain consequence of a transfer of seats from southern to more populous northern boroughs. That changes in these matters must come in time is not denied, but they should come by legitimate de velopment, not of organic change. Se with the evils of Ireland, whatever they may be. The improve ment of Irish government must be by little and little, and much of it must originate with the Iris h themselves, and be carried to success by them. We cannot, therefore, take it as a fault in any MinistrY that it should apply itself to practical questions 01 the day and leave those involving great theories an d constitutional modifications to the gradual soluti on , of time. It is by slow degrees that all our politic a l and material greatness has grown to its present height. It is not by artificial forcing that the British Constitution can be improved upon. COUNTRY MARKETS. • BRISTOL—TUESDAY. Wheat quiet, but no cheaper. Barley scarce and ls Per qr. dearer. Oats firm. Beans and peas dull. A Pr ett/ general feeling seems gaining ground that wheat will 14 3s to 4s dearer before next harvest. NEWC AS TLE—T UESDAY. New wheat sells slowly at Saturday's quotations ; both English and forei g n, su pp or ts late rates. No dating" in barley, beans, or peas. Oats in better supply, but ull" altered in value. Flour quiet. LEEDS—TUESDAY. We have a fair show of grain this week. The Y1,, 11 F 3 ,,, i trade continues slow at about last Tuesday's rates. -r lo barley quite as well sold; other sorts slow sale. Oats an beans about the same. The average prices for the week ending Feb. 26 wer e : t Z Wheat, 48s 54d per qr. ; barley, 41s ; and °L " 26s 60. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TIIESDAY. A middling supply of wheat, which met with a fain t s : quiry. Barley came slowly to hand; and sold at top Oats readily made late rates. Beans scarce, with 3 firm demand. Peas unaltered. White wheat, 52s to 56s ; red, 45s to 52s per 36 sto ne • Barley for malting, 34s to 38s per qr ; feed, 28s t• 3 0 p ar 30 stone. Oats 22s to 395. Beans, old, 48s to 52a; gew 40s to 44s per qr. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. At this day's market there was a fair attendance o f tit trade, but very little disposition to buy was evi nce Wheat and flour without change. The same remark ar s plies to oats and oatmeal. Barley rather dearer. Bed and peas unchanged. MARKET HARBOROITGH.—TIIEBDAY. fed A tolerable supply of wheat ; best dry samples lo d. off steadily at late prices. Barley was in request, and g vanced in value. Oats scarce. 86 Old white wheat, 50s to 558 ; new red. 44s to 5 0 s Per t. stone. Barley fine, 388 ; other kinds, 29s to 32s per 8,13 d, Oats, new, 2gs to 27s ; old, 28s to 34s per qr. Beans, - 0 498 to 525; new, 42s to 458 per qr. AINSBOROUGH—TUESDAY. st A fair supply of wheat, and the demand was moderate4ss late rates ; white changed hands at 51s to Ms ; mixed , s to 53s per 36 stone. Not much barley; the demand vi o l a steady, at advancing prices. Oats a meagre 51101C7 fully maintained their value. Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. 2 3 . Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Mar • , Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. j ° Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet urn 6 . Ditto, by French packet Mar. 2L xt- ;:4 , Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St . Helena..• .i-u-lr' 5. China. Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar 6 ' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton ..... Mar. 6 ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton... -g ar. , 6 6 Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. 16. India (Bombay), via Southampton . Mar 16 Ditto, via Marseilles Mar /6 Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Maraeil e 3 Afar. /* Newfoundland ... ~....• . Mar 6 ' Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon .... United States and British North America, by Bri - 8, tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork • .. 2 . Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry. • bi t " West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe ...... Alsr• West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, 8 and Mexico ... . Feb. '— Cuba And Mexico Mar Bahamas, via New York. Vas' Bermuda, ditto , a stir [ADVERTISEMENT.] Dyspepsia (indigestion), „ „ m ob, tion, debility, consumption, and all nervous, bilious , stc4 o l and liver complaints in every stage, are only aggrav ate' or accelerated by drugs ot every description, but perfe n , ids able by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalents D"--000- Food, as proved by thousands of oases which had bee° „0, sidered hopeless, such as—cough, asthma, also disi l. ; o o, hn norrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrh s '; influenza, noses in the head and ears, rheumatism , P u l e ss. purities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritaility,sl ee tilitP ness, acidity, palpitatio n , h ear tb urn , headache, t e " r ed' dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea an d s i c k ne ss, even 131 o l i gs of nancy or at sea, sinking fi ts, b r o nc hitis, scrofula, tigh tn- 0 0 the chest, pains in the pit of the stomach and befit -cc :10 0 shou!ders, tee. We quote a few :—Cure No. 46,276. g e ars ' Roberts, timber merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of 3 0 Y A diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangemen t, an ier tial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacob3,'" 04 treme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings; low sP iri ,nord nervous fancies. —Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Dec ";' 9, 0 lieut. ot aterford, of many years' dyspepsia. -I°. tte6 6 ' Fit ty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervouse, s ot asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickn et : o o o vomiting—Maria Joly.—Cure No. 51,816. The Rev' id• T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion And w-0 0 ;. , ity of the liver, which had resisted all medical tieatuleob, In tins, 11b, 22 9d; 21b, 4s 61; 51b, its ; 121 b, 2 2 "., 0 0; Os.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street , 14° ,:ey, , P ° also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street 11;goe• at 61, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bish°,P.,,,od / street Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, PT - pb, 54, Upper Baker-street ; 103, Tottenham-court -roa` cios s Upper-street, Islington, N.; Harvey, Notting-h111; Si. Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-te.7 „0112' John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers an in 'tits.— Beware of spurious imitations. Births. , a ,,,,„ it° BEKEY —On the 26th inst., at Strewan Hous e, Olieh"- . wife of George Bekey, Esq., Of a son. 0 ,,, tb HAMILTON—On the 26th inst., at Richmond , Sorre " " wife of R. G. C. Hamilton, Esq., of a daughter. rip, Vi e t° ow RENNOLLS —On the 26th inst., at Kilburn Prior i,elds' the wife of W. H. Rennolls, of Lincoln's-inn-4c° citor, of a son. AA i s oib e t WRE ALL!n—Onth( inst., ?_27th at Greenside, Aus— Mrs. G. A. Whealler, of a son. - Marriages. t St' QUEENSBERRY—MONTGOMERY—On the 26th innt/ n`' ril George's, Hanover-square, the Marquis of Q110°.1le(11 to Sibyl, second daughter of Alfred Mo nt g ein Commissioner of Inland Revenue. pari sh mutsoN—JoLLEY—On the 22d inst., a t the = f the Wu, church of Lee, Kent, Henry Williamson, Esq., sleblie, late R. Williamson, Esq., of Fitzwilliam-suln3te',.., ,e4.ll°' and Farnley House, county Wexford, to 3ln'i, second daughter of NT. R. Jolley, Esq., of TOW S ' • Deaths. rfoo• EGERTON.—On the 25th inst., Lieutenant-Colonel the Arthur Frederick Egerton, aged 36. O' JONES.—On the 26th inst., in London, S a muel J ona " of Fretherne Lodge, Gloucestershire, aged 62 " -n j3en tr. HAVILAND.—On the 23d inst., at his resi dence, :land' late voir, Guernsey, Colonel Thomas Fi o th de lin vi 10 mo John Madras Engineers, aged 90 years an d nths. Lee, LEE.—On the 25th inst., at Hartwell, Bucks, Esq., LL.D., Q.O. le nt LucAs. 7 --On the 25th inst., at 9, Taunton-plaeel , 78, park, William Owen Lucas, Taunton-place' Geo. MunnAv.—On the 24th inst., at Edinburgh, CeP.tgratricig Murray, h.p. 52d Regt., fourth son of the late Sir Murray, Bart., of Ochtartyre. —•-• g9 10, 5 2 ' London : Printed and Published by WILLI/Of An - So. l' a i of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TJI Seri (- 4 ''''e' o nia - Strand, in Ulf Precinct of the 6avoy • in the '- Middlesex—Wednesday, February 28, 1866' The A, Par 4 ,The 4; 4 lio /sr; lit e . ssrs kessr s . Lor a ] Messr s • E.O • ar essr ; kort; 1t046, Oli o reit lap uli shed ti r i ( 'Pert , , Bar r i ane ; 1 ,11:lye th e unp the )4, 4 icatt e Egct th e oasi ethic -n, 011 ci o f 1,14421? ~. 1 The LA nre cap I.J ])e 1)0 . , It i s 1 'titer( Pad( Pay cat( of I be a Alberi \Viln a Zlwa] 0 010 4 , J..Byd