The Sun. — London, England, 1865-01-26 00:00:00

Restoration of St. Bartholomew Church, Smithfield. A decided step has at length been taken towards the restoration of the church of St. Bartholomew the Great in Smithfield, and yesterday a number of architects and other persons interested in the important and interesting work, which has just been commenced, availed themselves of the opportunity now afforded of inspecting all that remains of the old edifice. Some time since a committee was formed for the purpose of rescuing this fine old church from the disgraceful condition into which it had been suffered to fall, for making it in some re spects worthy of the memory of its founder, as well as a safe and appropriate place of public worship. There is certainly no church in the metropolis which has more interesting associations. All that now re mains of the fine old priory church of St. Barthole mew is a choir of imposing appearance, and in a style of which but few specimens at present exist in this country, viz., the Romanesque. Now that the interior is stripped of pews and pulpit, and nothing but the r uinous-looking walls remain, the visitor has an opportunity of minutely examining the de tails and noticing the general effect of the noble choir. The history of the church is interesting. Its founder was Rahere, the Court minstrel ; also the founder of the Hospital of St.'Bartholemew. Dug dale's " Monasticon " gives the following account of the origin of the noble church, priory, and hospital : "In the reign of Henry - I. there was a man named Ra here, sprung and born from low lineage, and who, when he attained the flower of youth, began to haunt the house holds of noblemen and the palaces of princes ; where, under every elbow of them, he spread their cushions with japes and flattering; delicately anointing their eyes by this manner to draw to him their friendships. Such was the youthful life of Rahere. But with years came wisdom and repentance. He would go to Rome, and there seek rends sion of his sins. He did so. At the foot of the shrine of the Apostles Peter and Paul he poured out his lamentations, but, to his inexpressible pain, God, he thought, refused to hear him. He fell sick, and then he shed out, as water, his heart in the sight of God ; the fountains of his nature, to the very depths, were broken up ; he wept bitter tears. At last dawned a new life upon the penitent man. He vowed, if God would grant him health to return to his own country, he would make an hospital in recreation of poor men, and minister to their necessities to the best of his power. With returning health to the mind not unna turally came health to the body. And now more and more grew upon him the love of the great work he had deter mined to perform. Visions, as he believed, were vouchsafed to him for his guidance. On a certain night he saw one full of dread and sweetness. He fancied himself to be borne up on high by a certain winged beast, and when from his great elevation he sought to look down he beheld a horri ble pit, deeper than any man might attain to see the bottom of, opening as it seemed to receive him. He trembled, and great cries proceeded from his mouth. Then to his comfort there appeared a certain man, having all the majesty of a king of great beauty, and ' 0 man,' said he, what and how much service shouldst thou give to him that in so great a peril hath brought help to thee ?' Rahere answered, ' Whatever be of heart, and right diligently, should I give in recompense to my deliverer.' Then said the celestial visitant, lam Bartholomew, the apostle of Jesus Christ, that come to succour thee in thine anguish, and to open to thee the sweet mysteries of heaven. Know me surely by the will and commandment of the Holy Trinity, and the common favour of the celestial court and council, to have chosen a place in the suburbs of London, at Smithfield, where, in my name, thou shalt form a church."' How zealously Rahere set to work to build the hospital and found the priory is a tale that has oft times been told ; how he feigned idiocy, and at tracted to the spottherabble of London, who helped to clear the ground, and who brought wood and stone from all parts ; and how, when all was ready to his hand he made known his real purpose, are told in the monkish legends of the time. The lo cality in the time of the First Henry was by no means a favoured one, and the old historian tells that " The place before its clearing pretended to no hope of goodness. Right unclean it was, and in a marsh, dungy' and fenny, with water at most time abounding, while the only dry portion was occu pied by the gallows for the execution of criminals." When the great work was completed Rahere was the first prior ; and a charter was given, which recites Know ye that I have granted, and by my char ter confirmed, to the church of Bartholomew, and to Rahere the prior, and to the poor of the hospital of the same church, that they be free from all earthly servitude, power, and subjection. As any church in all England is free, so shall this be free, and with all lands acquired or to be acquired. I will maintain and lefend it as free as my Crown against all men. I also deliver Prior Rahere from all charges and claims whatsoever, and let none presume to usurp any dominion in the place." The poor jester thus built himself an everlasting name, and his monument still stands in the church which he founded amid a chaos of ruin caused by the neglect of those who had benefited so much by his zealous labours. It is scarcely possible to imagine a state of things more disgraceful than that which has allowed the church to become the ruin which it now presents. There is a beautiful early English gateway leading to the church from Smithfield. It was in all proba bility the entrance to the cloister, or inner close. Above the arched gateway there is a wretched-look ing brick house, and built into the side of the arch is a miserable little shop, which has the imposing title of " The City Halfpenny Shaving Saloon." The entrance to the church itself is by steep de scending stairs; the external level has been raised nearly 12 feet by the mass of decaying human re mains. Inside the church, as well as outside, dead bodies were crowded together without any pretence of decency, until the whole was a mass of corrup tion. The pauper burial ground was on the north side of the church, where a wretched Golgotha of a few square yards was built, and encroached upon by a number of wretched-looking buildings, upon which the dirty and dilapidated windows of the houses in Cloth-fair opened. The whole interior was miserably damp and Gold ; dry rot and mildew bore uninterrupted sway over the place. The triforium of the church has been taken possession of as private property, the chambers which were built out of it were destroyed by fire in 1830, and have not since been restored. The eastern part has been converted into a fringe warehouse and manufactory ; a schoolroom has been formed out of a part of the north side. Across the semi-circular end of the choir, or apse, of the church, a straight wall was introduced inthe 15th century, against which the wooden reredos is now placed. A few feet eastward of this is a brick wall, with two arches recessed in the outer face, and a moulding introduced over them in imitation of early English work, but executed in brick and plaster, and now sadly dilapidated. The dark space between these two walls has long been called Purgatory, because it was used as a " bone house." The wall above has been rebuilt in the vilest modern brickwork. Th e portions of the cloister which remained until 1834 had long been used as a stable, and the gallery over it was converted into a wretchedly unwholesome dwel hug. The transepts of the church were destroyed by fire in 1830. The tower of the church is of brick of the most hideous description. One bay of the nave alone remains, but this is valuable as affording evi dence that it was built in the Norman period, and in order to support the central tower. There is a fine monuratnt in the church to its founder, Rahere. It ix in the early English style beautifully exec uted ; its fretted canopy, niches, and fi n ials are manipu lated w ith rare ability. The figure of Rahere is re cumbent on the tomb--he is attended by saints and angels, a kneeling monk in his hand lies open at at his side, and the Bible at the 51st chapter of Isaiah ; an angel at his feet bears a shield and coronet, and on the edge of the slabs ' the inscription to the me mory of Rahere, the first canon and looking tomb and first prior of the church. Another imposing stands on the opposite aid tithat of Sir Walter Mildmay, founder of Emmanuel College, Cam bridge, and Chancellor of the Exchequer o to Queen of ne L to o the London, Elizabeth. Anothe r of the tombs is me mory of Roger Walton , Bishop the prelate of whom Fu ller said that ,4 he w not,ls so lon, jaw-fallen by over-fasting that he could eat much when brought unto him." Dr. Francis Anthony, " the discoverer and user of a medi cine drawn from gold aurum potabile," also lies here. And there is a modest tablet to the memory of Capt. John Nullett, mariner, 1600— " Desirous hither to resort, Because this parish was his port." The crypt of the church is a very interesting feature in c onnexion with the building, and there is a tradi- tion that the excavation once extended from the church to Prior Bolton's house at Canonbury, near to the spot where the Canonbury Tower still stands. The architecture of so much of the crypt as now re mains is of transition Norman character, and be longs to the latter part of the 12th century. The church consißts only of the choir and aisles of what, in its time, was a most extensive pile of buildings. In a lecture delivered by Mr. Parker, and printed for the restoration committee, the chief features of interest in the present church are thus summed up : —" Ecclesiastically, as one of the earliest churches of the austere canons in England ; architecturally, as showing the construction and plan of a church in the time of Henry 1., before the usual English fashion of a square east end had been introduced, or possibly just at the time when that change was taking place ; and historically, as a building of well ascertained date, and therefore one of the landmarks of a most important but much neglected part of our history—our architecture." The restoration com mittee have placed the building in the hands of Mr. Hayter Lewis and Mr. Slater, the architects, but the sum which they have in hand at present does not exceed £4,ooo—a sum wholly insufficient to effect such a complete restoration as could be desired. The first step which was necessary was the clearing of the interior and removing the heaped up soil and the human remains from the outer walls. This has been done, and the exterior now stands free, with an open brick trench all round it, and adequate measures have been taken for the thorough drainage of the ground. The church will of course be closed for public worship while the works are going on, and for a short time only this most interestingmonu ment of mediaeval architecture may be inspected by all who feel an interest in the preservation of the church. We may only add that the committee, of which Mr. Tite, M.P., is the chairman, will be most happy to receive any contributions towards the cost of the restoration. British Archeological Association. Yesterday evening the members of this association _ - Leld their ordinary meeting in their rooms in Sack - - ville-street. Mr. Irving was in the chair, and he introduced the proceedings by mentioning, in refer- - - ence to an Andrea Ferrara sword that had been ex. hibited on a former evening, that he had been in formed a manufacture of swords, purporting to be real Andrea Ferraras, is now carried on at Birming ham, and the purchasers of antiquities should there fore be on their guard against such forgeries. The first paper read ;was a short communication from Dr. Harker on British interments on Lanca- shire moor, which was illustrated by a variety of drawings on sepulchral urns which had been dis• covered on the moor, most of them containing in. cinerated bones. The urns were buried in regular order about a yard apart, and they were variously ornamented, the decorations on some being very elaborate. Among the drawings was one of a smaller kind, like an incense burner. The next paper was " On Potters' Kilns at Silver dale, Lancashire," communicated by Mr. J. Marton, which was illustrated by several examples of the pots found there. They were of very rude workmanship, having been made by hand and of coarse materials. Mr. Cuming considered they belonged to the early part of the 17th century, and were curious as show ing, from the numerous fragments of pottery that surrounded them, that a pottery had been established in,that part of Lancashire, for it had been supposed that no manufacture of the kind had existed at that period further north than Liverpool. Mr. SYER CI:MING read some "Notes on Purses," which were illustrated by a great variety of examples, principally of the Stuart period, including two card purses of cloth of gold; two card purses of coloured silks with gold and silver threads, exhibited by Lord Boston ; a double purse, 24 inches long, of green silk, also sent by Lord Boston, who further contri buted a Turkish purse of cloth woven of camels' hair, brought to England by Lord Wm. Paget at the close of the 17th century, and Mr. Clinking ex hibited a purse of felted cloth of camel's hair from Bagdad. Among the ornamental devices on one of the purses of cloth of gold was a figure of Cupid grinding a heart on a grindstone. Mr. Iton'EaTS read a paper on a round window in a church in Norfolk, a model of which he ex hibited, laced across with string, as he believed was originally, It had been attributed to Saxon period, but he had no doubt it belonged to the early Norman. The object of windows in churches was, he said, formerly to admit the wind and not light, hence they were made small anc covered over with lattice-work, to keep out birds. So late as the fourth century these windows were covered with skins or cloths, and afterwards with oiled paper or linen fabric, to admit light, which practice was continued to the 16th century. Numerous drawings were exhibited of paintings in distemper in the church of the holy Cross, near Winchester, contributed by Mr. Baigent, whose paper on the subject was deferred in consequence of his absence. These copies of beautiful fresco paintings in the old church, which have now been destroyed in the progress of " restoration," gave rise to an animated discussion on the destruction of ancient work of art by that process. In the church of Holy Cross these paintings were in some instances placed one over the other, but they have been now destroyed, together with a remarkably curious pillar which had two enclosures. The original pillar, which was light and elegant, was enclosed in a massive round pillar, and that again was surrounded with an octagonal casing. The chairman said that all the beauty of the fine old churches along the coast of Sussex had been entirely destroyed by re storation. Mr. Falconer related some strange acts of Vandalism in a church at Banbury, where, at this very day, some most beautiful brasses lie buried underground, and others had been sold as old metal. Mr. Roberts and other gentlemen also joined in protesting against the destruction of ancient work, but the blame was attributed principally to the masters of works, the churchwardens, and the work men, and not to the architects. After the transaction of some other business, the meeting adjourned. The Holborn Union.--Case of Amelia King At the ordinary weekly meeting of the board of guardians, held last night in the board room of the Holborn Union, Gray's-inn-road, Mr. Hopwood, the chairman, presiding, Mr. James, the clerk to the board, read a letter from the Poor-law Board, calling attention to the complaint of Amelia King, which had been sent to that board by the Protective Society, and asking for explanations with regard to those charges. The charges were a repetition of those which were made at the Clerkenwell Police-court by Mrs. King in the early yart of this year. Mr. James read a reply which contradicted the statements of Mrs. King, and further stated that Mr. Norton had stated when she first came into the workhouse he certified that she was not in a fit con dition to scrub, but that certificate did not apply to the time when she was asked to scrub the tables. When Mrs. King came into the house on the 2d January, after being out on at her own leave, she was intoxi cated, and he gave her a draught re quest to get rid of the effects of the drink she had taken. The complaints of Mrs. King were referred to a committee, and that body came to the unani mous resolution that they were utterly without foundation —that the master had neither sworn at nor struck her, and that she was properly p un i s h e d for refusing to obey the lawful order of the mas ter for her violent and continued resistance to the officers who were directed td take her to the work room, and for using bad and violent language. At the conclusion of the inquiry Mr. Southee, one of the vice chairmen of the board of guardians, who presided on the occasion, and who had warmly ad vocated her case when her previous complaints had been mooted at the board, told her the conclusion the guardians had come to and at the same time andted that from what hadtaken place that evening, .... from what he had himself seen, he should feel i ( t w h h is o d h u a t a y e t o represent . to the Marquis Towns hend \ were worth xVer h o a , his desire to befriend her if she the wistan Y c ) e , the t she was altogether unworthy of her. marquis was desirous to afford The board unanimously Mr. James w as di rected to send that reply to the Poor-law Board.. approved the letter, and The Berkshire Conservatives, Mr. E. A. Leatham, M.P., at Huddersfield. On Tuesday evening a public dinner was given in the Town-hall, Reading, to Mr. Benyon, M.P., by the Conservative electors of Berkshire. The com pany numbered 45Q. Among the invited guests of the evening were—Col. Loyd Lindsay (who is to be brought forward as a second candidate for the county in the Conservative interest at the next election), Mr. G. Hardy, M.P., Archdeacon Wordsworth, D.D., Mr. Forsyth, Q.C., Mr. Malins, M.P., Mr. Beach, M.P., and Mr. D. Griffiths, M.P. The Right Hon. J. R. Mowbray officiated as chairman, being supported on the right by Mr. Benyon, M.P., Sir C. Russell, V.C., the Hon. G. Barrington, the Mayor of Reading, and Col. Vyse ; and on the left by Col. Loyd Lindsay, V.C., Sir P. Hunter, Sir G.W. Hayes, Mr. Lygon, M.P., and Rev. A. P. Cust. Mr. E. A. Leatham, M.P. for Huddersfield, delivered his annual address to the electors and non-electors of that borough, last evening, in the Philosophical Hall, Hudders field. The hall was crowded in every part. The chair was occupied by Mr Mathew Hale, Mr. Leatham, on mak ing his appearance, was received with long continued cheering. The Chairman congratulated the meeting that at the commencement of another year this great country was at peace. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Wright Mellor proposed a resolution expressing great satisfaction with the able advocacy and unswerving support which Mr. Leatham had given to liberal measures, and pledging the meeting by all constitutional means to secure his return at the next elec- After the cloth had been removed, The CHAIRMAN stated that it had been the wish of many Conservatives that he should invite his right hon. friend, and their distinguished leader in the House of Commons, Mr. Disraeli, to be present at this great banquet. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Disraeli's reply was as follows : " Hatfield, Dec. 26, 1864. Dear Mr. Mowbray, —I feel truly honoured by the wish of my friend Mr. Benyon, and of Col. Loyd Lindsay, that I should be present at the dinner which is to be given to them on the 24th January. But for many reasons, with which 1 will not now weary you, but which are entirely - - - • of a public nature, I have long been obliged to decline at ;ending public dinners except in my own county. " I sincerely hope your gathering will be very success ful.—Faithfully yours, " B. DISRAELI. " The Right lion. J. R. Mowbray, M.P." The right hon. gentleman also read apologies for absence from the Marquis of Downshire and Lord Barrington, the former owing to the death of a near connection, and the latter in consequence of per sonal indisposition. The usual loyal and patriotic toasts were given after dinner—Sir CHARLES RUSSELL, V.C., in re- sponding for " The Army and Navy," describing the toast as a Conservative one, the training which a soldier received tending eminently to Conservatism. The CHAIRMAN then proposed the toast of the evening. In doing so he understood the meaning of the present gathering to be that in the approach ing election the men of Berkshire said, as the farmers of Devonshire said last week, as the tradespeople of Hastings, as the working men of Leeds, and many other populous towns and counties, had lately done, that they were prepared to rally round the Conser vative flag. (Cheers.) They believed that Conser vative principles were entitled to be popular, because they rested on a much broader and more liberal basis than those of mere Whiggery. (Cheers.) They be lieved they offered greater freedom to the people than was compatible with the tyranny of a democracy They believed that the humblest man in the com munity was equally interested with the highest in the support of hereditary monarchy. They knew that the permanence of the former was guaranteed by the existence of the House of Lords, whose doors were open to all. There was a constant infusion of new blood, and the son of the tradesman, the peasant, or the artisan might win his way by force of talent and character to a place among the peers of England. (Cheers.) Theybelieved that the House of Commons, representing the varied intelligence of the country, was keenly alive to enlightened public opinion, and prepared to do justice to all classes. (Cheers.) They believed that a national establishment of reli gion carried with it a blessing to the State which was sanctified by the alliance. (Cheers.) But they desired to see this Conservatism sober, rational, and progressive. (Cheers.) They had no class inte rests to serve. They would see every proved abuse corrected, every real grievance redressed. They de sired to see legislation practical and effective, un dertaken in a friendly spirit towards existing insti tutions, but having reference in all its details to the wants of the age in which they lived. (Cheers.) They believed that no such useful and practical le gislation had proceeded from the Conservative party whenever they had been in office for the last 30 years, whether during that short and brilliant administration of Sir Robert Peel in 1834-35, or the powerful Government, which lasted from 1841 to 1846, or the shortlived Ministries of Lord Derby in 1852 -and 1858-9. (Cheers.) The speaker pro. ceeded to attack the conduct of Liberal Ministers for many years back, blaming them for high esti mates, though one of their mottoes was economy and retrenchment, and making similar charges. The present re'ginte of Lord Palmerston could not last for ever, and there was admitted danger from attacks upon the Constitution. He alluded especially to Mr. Blight's democratic spirit, and to the danger of Mr. Gladstone's taking the lead in the attempted He concluded by eulogising Mr. Benyon, whose estate showed the sense of responsibility he felt attached to the owners of large properties, and Col. Loyd Lindsay, a gallant soldier, who had gone through all the sufferings and struggles of the Crimean campaign. As to the latter he said :—lt remained only that they should add to the decora tion of the Victoria Cross, which had been bestowed on him by his Sovereign, the magic letters M.P., as the decoration of the people. (Cheers.) Mr. BENYON, in responding, repeated the Tory common-places about the Government's abandon ment of the - Reform measure they came into office to carry through, and about the malt tax. Col. LOYD LINDSAY, in responding, gave a defi nition of " True Conservatism." True Conservatism was neither reactionary nor destructive. It did not advocate class privileges, nor did it deem all existing things as good as need be, and resist all change. Such a line of policy would inevitably revolutionise society, and could not with justice be attributed to true Conservatism any more than a desire to intro duce an American form of constitution could be attributed to the more moderate among the Liberals. He had no wish to point out what he conceived to be the errors of their political opponents. Rather would he endeavour to seek the right path for their own guidance. Whatever might formerly have been the case, selfish inaction was no longer the besetting sin of the Conservatives. Would he could with equal justice say that selfish agitation was equally unknown on the other side. Let them, therefore, inquire what was the wisest course of action that they could pursue. Was there no ground on which they could claim a share of the noble name of Liberal, so wisely assumed by the popular party ? Was there nothing Liberal in their mission to sup port those time-honoured institutions, to which England owed her greatness and her freedom, or to guide, control, and regulate unavoidable and pro gressive changes ? Was there nothing that kindled patriotism in the determination to uphold in full efficiency the national armaments, the pledges of our independence, and to seek to maintain in their rela tions with foreign countries the proud position of champion of justice and liberty which England's moral influence had won for her ? Was there nothing that appealed to a generous spirit in the thought of supporting the Church and the clergy who labour among them in the disinterested spirit of true ministers of the Gospel ? Was there nothing Liberal in the conduct of those ratepayers who came forward year after year—not to claim exemp tion from .a tax, but permission to continue to pay it? The church rate, which was borne exclusively by the land, for whose benefit was it borne? Surely for that of the poor man, who justly considered that he had as much right to his place in church as he had to breath the pure air of heaven. The toast of the " House of Commons" was pro posed by Mr. H. J. SIMONDS, and responded to by Mr. G. HARDY, M.P., in an eloquent speech. Mr. MALINS, ALP., replied to the toast of " The Conservative Members of the Boroughs in Berk shire." reform. ME SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26, 1865. should cease that day to be a reformer ; he should not dare to entrust so much to hands so feeble ; and he should wait, at all events, till they felt strong enough to stand without a Permissive Bill. (Applause.) He owed a great grudge to this measure, because it had taken a great deal of zeal and labour, which they could ill spare, from other enterprises. Several other toasts followed, being replied to by the Hon. F. Lygon, M.P. Mr. Darby Griffiths, M.P., and Colonel Vyse, M.P. The proceedings were not brought to a c l ose un til nearly eleven o'clock. [ADvEunsEmExT.]—Holloway's Ointment.—All varie ties of ulcerations, bad legs, sores, wounds, and eruptions can be cured by the diligent use of this cooling, soothing,' and healing unguent. The old and often failing fashion of strapping the edges of ulcers together with plaister has en tirely given way before the more reasonable treatment of Holloway's ointment, which builds up from the bottom of the wound with sound and healthy granulations ; these gradually grow till they reach the level of the surface, then c ontract, harden, and immediately become covered with a new and wholesome skin. The proper application of this ointment diminishes the inflammation, causes the unhealthy discharge first to grow natural hen to ce . ase, when the swelling disappears, and the shape is restored. tion, Mr. C. Jones seconded the resolution, which was carried with only two dissentients. Mr. LEATHAM, who was received very warmly, said it was in no garb of triumph, and no accent of exultation, but with humiliation, and in the well-worn suit of sackcloth and ashes that he presented himself once more before them. (Applause.) It might be said if he did not ap prove of the way in which his friends carried on the Government concern, why did not he give his vote when the occasion offered, last summer, in favour of a process analogous to that which was known in commercial circles as winding up under inspection ? (Laughter.) His reply was, because the transaction which so nearly brought the Government to grief was one of which he heartily approved. He heartily approved of their decision to remain at peace—a decision which, if rumour spoke true, was not arrived at without difficulty, and without a great deal of external pressure. It would have been ungracious to urge the necessity of remaining at peace, and then to have turned round on the Government and said, "Your course has been illogical, you have trifled with the honour of the country, and we will hand you over to the Phili stines." And what was the policy of the Philistines ? Was it logical or dignified ? Was it in accordance, he did not say with honour, but with common honesty ? As usual, he sat opposite the Philistines, and had the opportunity of watching them. He observed that whenever the Danish question was raised the Opposition benches began to fill, eagerness and expectation were depicted on every counte nance, and it might be supposed the House of Commons was about to become an animated assembly. If anyone rose to ask a question about Denmark, or dropped a hint about the possibility of war, he was sure to meet with rapturous applause. If ever the policy of a great party was defined and pronounced, it was that of the Opposition up to a cer tain point. At last they reached a crisis ; war or peace was in the balance, the betting even, and odds in favour of war. Then the Government declared for peace, and what became of the Opposition ? After crying havoc till the house rang again, the supreme moment arrived, and the oracles were dumb. It was discovered that the Opposition had no policy. No, it was only a plot to oust the Government, and set itself on the Government benches. What mattered war or peace to them ? It was not a struggle for right and honour, but a low despicable faction fighting for place and pay. (Ap plause.) Was he going to abet such a policy ? He did not think the course pursued by the Government had been either logical or dignified. Although they had not pledged the honour of the country, yet they had used hints and written despatches, which raised false hopes. They had been unguarded and imprudent, and therefore deserved censure ; yet when they declared for peace, the Opposition would not declare for war. Peace.was, under the circum stances, a momentary loss of dignity, and. war would have been a deliberate crime against the interests of the country. (Hear, hear.) Nor was this the only occasion on which the conduct of the Opposition was undignified, and, as he thought, unworthy of a great party. What were they to say of their prosecution of his hon. friend, Mr. Stansfeld ? (Hear, hear, and applause.) Imagine a great party, which embraced in its ranks the chivalry of England, conspiring with the police of despotic France to fasten on an hon. gentleman a charge of complicity in an assassination plot. Englishmen should have spurned such a thing; and he must suppose that they were mixed up with the French police ignorantly, and made dupes in hatching a counter feit conspiracy. For anything he knew, they were closeted with French spies ; and for what ? In order that they might, if possible, damage the reputation of as honour able a gentleman as ever breathed, and that, too, not from any mistaken sense of duty, but from a hope of breaking down the Government party. (Hear, hear.) The Den mark defeats coming on the back of the great Stansfeld- Mazzini business, had so prostrated this party that it might be expected that the coining session of Parliament would proved as uneventful as those which had preceded it. There were, however, a few questions coming before the house of great importance, on which there should be a thorough understanding. The first was the Permissive Bill of his hon. friend Mr Lawson. (Hear, hear.) That was a question in which he understood great interest was felt in Huddersfield. He thought it a mistake to receive that mea sure with levity and ridicule, as though it was altogether unworthy of the patient attention of the house. The high character of his hon. friend, coupled with the well known fact that large numbers of earnest men up and down the country expected great things from the bill, ought to en sure for its advocates a fair and respectful hearing. With this view he, without any hesitation, voted for the first reading of the bill. Bnt having secured for his hon. friend a fair hearing, it became another question whether they were prepared for the next step—the second reading of the bill. There appeared to him three very grave and formid able objections to the Permissive Bill. The first was a con stitutional one. He objected to all permissive legislation, except in the merest matters of detail. He objected to all sectional legislation, making one law for one parish, and another for the next. If the minute vestries to whom it was proposed under this bill to intrust the rights and property of large numbers of their fellow subjects, were qualified to' discuss a complex question like this, and to legislate upon it, it would be hard to find any question whatever on which they might not exercise the same privilege. But it was the essence of representative government that the class, which elected, which was a similar class to the one paying rates, should possess no direct legislative power ; and the principle of parliamentary representation was that not even the representative principle should alone legislate. They had taken the precaution to protect the rights and property of Englishmen by the prerogatives of the Crown, the privileges of the Lords, and the authority of a repre sentative assembly. All these constituted the threefold and invaluable shelter which they had raised over the rights and property of the meanest subject in the realm. But here was a proposition which, with naked and revolu tionary simplicity, proposed to entrust the property and maintenance of the rights of a large class of persons to diminutive, homogeneous, democratic, and irresponsible Parliaments, set up all over the country, in place of a cen tral, responsible, compound, and constitutional one. (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him that this struck at the root of a constitutional and representative system. Other very grave objections remained to be stated. His hon. friend (Mr. Lawson) was a man of peace, but supposing his bill to be carried, how long would he guarantee the peace of the com munity ? The passing of such a bill must be a signal for an instantaneous struggle all over the country between the advocates of the bill and its opponents. Every parish would be an interminable scene of conflict, renewed with every recoil and fluctuation of opinion —and there would be no end to the envy, hatred, and all uncharitableness, which these philanthropists, who' came to them in the guise of angels of peace, would engender in their midst. " No, no," and cheers.) He knew of no article of consumption the forcible deprivation of which would create the same ill-feeling and ill-blood, for at all our festivities and social gatherings, whether rightly or wrongly, it had been, and was still from immemorial usage bound up with them as an article of diet, so that the man who struck at this custom, struck home. To • show that he had not over-coloured the evil passions to which such an enactment would give rise, he had only to refer to the conduct of the advocates of the bill themselves. There was no more pros pect of passing the measure than of a thaw in the Arctic regions. Yet these men declared that they were prepared to make this question with them the sole political question at the next general election; that they would only support that candidate who would support it, however preposterous his whole political creed might be—(applause)—and that no length or magnitude of public services, no uprightness, and no ability should shelter from their resentment and hos tility the man that dared to vote against it. (Cheers and dis order.) Did such men think that members of Parliament were to be coerced against their judgment ? Let them con vince him,if they could; but the man who failed to convince him, and then talked of pressure insulted him—(applause) —and he ceased to listen to his argument, and felt that he should be the better without his vote. (Renewed applause.) There was a great objection which remained to be stated. He denied the right of any body of men whatever to lay a wholesale embargo upon a great and valuable article of human food; and he denied the right of man to deny the right of another to use this article because a third man abused it. (Applause.) He denied the right of his hon. friend, or anyone else, to punish him because his neigh bour was a drunkard. (Renewed applause.) Such a thing was tyranny of the worst and most despotic kind. The object of the Permissive Bill was to ensure public order and decency at the price of individual freedom—the free dom of a man who had not abused, and therefore had not forfeited, that right. (Applause.) If, then, his hon. friend should be successful, it would be a success at the price of a breach of constitutional and legislative action— (" No, no," and a voice, " Shut up teetollers ;" laughter)— at the price of an inroad on public harmony, and a great outrage on public freedom. Be the consequences and the pressure what they might, he was not prepared to support such a measure at such a cost — (Applause.) Instead of being a short cut tom be lieved it would prove a long way round, and that the re coil from such an unnatural restraint would hurry the nation into indulgences and excesses which they would all equally deplore. He trusted for the elevation of the people not to penal acts of Parliament, but to that almost sponta neous and irrepressible development which he saw going on around him, and the realisation of which constituted their true claim to a part in the government of the country How could men ask to be enfranchised at the hands of opponents, when they were the very first to clamour for a Permissive Bill, by which they admitted their morality to be so weak and their intelligence so feeble, that they asked to be treated like positive children—(cheers) —and that all temptations might be taken completely out of their sight ? If he believed this picture of them to be a true one, he Another question far more positive, practical, and vital, affecting not only the happiness of the working classes but of the whole community, had been suffered to lie on the shelf. If half the zeal shown for the Permissive Bill had been given to reform, they would not now he whistling for the wind and waiting for the tide. (Hear, hear.) In say ing this he did not speak of Huddersfield, for had other towns been as Huddersfield, they would long ago have escaped this dilemma of the Liberal party. He had never addressed them on reform without meeting with an instant and enthusiastic response. But Huddersfield, unhappily, was not an epitome of England, nor of the West Riding ; and he could not conceal the fact that when Govern ment abandoned reform there was not that deep indig nation that they had a right to expect. Indeed at one time the apathy and indolence of the people was so great that he began to fear lest the position of this ques tion might remain for years a scandal and reproach irot only upon the Government and the Liberal part but what would have been far more distressing, a scanl and re proach upon the working classes themselves. (Hear, hear.) It was expedient at times to have a good party cry with which to enlist popular sympathy. The cry of "reform" did wonders. It upset the Derby-Disraeli coach, and started on the road the Palmerston-Russell omnibus. To postpone that horror of horrors—a dissolution of Parliament—the cry for reform was laid up for another rainy day—(laugh ter)—in the hope that when the dissolution came it might be used again, and the triumphant experiment be repeated which had landed a reform party in paradise, and reform itself in limbo. (Laughter.) But was it true that the friends of reform were cast down ? The people, apparently so spiritless, he believed were not really so enervated and de based by a policy which they did not expect. Deserted and betrayed by those who volunteered to be leaders, they were looking out for new ones, and in the meantime the cheap press was doing its work. With intelligence came ambition, and in a free country intelligence and ambition were the sure parents of political power; and they who believed the people were now in a deep sleep would wake some fine morning and hear them thundering impatiently at the gate. He thought that fine morning was not far off. (Applause.) Two or three events had occurred of late which went far to show that we were on the eve of a re newed and formidable agitation. When his hon. friend (Mr. Baines) moved, in a most admirable speech, the second reading of his Borough Franchise Bill, a magnificent rise was got out of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Ap plause.) In the course of one of the strongest reform speeches to which it was ever his good fortune to listen, Mr. Gladstone said, " I venture to say that every man who is not presumably incapacitated by some consideration of personal unfitness or of political danger is morally entitled to come within the pale of the constitution"—thus throwing the burden of proof off the shoulders of the man who claimed on to the shoulders of the man who refused it. The words were hardly out of Mr. Gladstone's mouth when their immense significance was realised. Below the gangway the words were received with cheers and exulta tion, which was only equalled by the consternation above it and the anger on the other side of the house. But what ever might be the feelings with which the words were re ceived by various sections of politicians, it was agreed that the reform question had entered upon quite another phase when the foremost statesman of his age—(applause)—a man still in the prime of life, of unimpeachable character, dauntless resolution, and transcendant genius, thus flung himself manfully intothe breach ; and they would join with him in the hope that to that right hon. gentleman, as chief of the Liberal party, chief in pre-eminent position, in lustre and in genius, might be reserved the imperishable distinc tion of linking his name for ever with this great measure of justice. (Loud and continued cheers.) In respect to the civil war in America, he would reiterate his previously ex pressed opinion that there could be but one issue, if the North were prepared to make the necessary sacrifices, that result being the extinction of slavery and the subjugation of the South. This opinion, he was aware, had not been the opinion of the many ; but it had been borne out by the actual course of events. (Applause.) The hon. gentleman resumed his seat amidst great applause. A resolution thanking Mr. Leatham for his address, and expressing the hope that he might for many years be pre sent on similar occasions, was afterwards:passed, and con cluded the proceedings. The Bishop of Orleans' Pamphlet• The first portion of the Bishop of Orleans' pamphlet relates, as we have already mentioned, to the Convention of Sept. 15. Subjoined is the commencement of that portion of the Right Rev. Prelate's observations : _ - _ " I shall begin by giving :my opinion upon the Conven tion by which France has engaged herself towards King Victor Emmanuel to leave Rome in two years. I shall not be accused this time of having spoken too soon. I had two serious motives for waiting. "Nothing can be more unpleasant than the role of a prophet of evil. However, whenever it has become neces sary I have fulfilled it without hesitation, and from the commencement of this unhappy question I foresaw its termination. I have followed every step which Piedmont has been permitted to take in the direction of Rome, and what M. de Falloux has termed 'the itinerary from Turi* to Roine.' Then I have remarked the grand inspiration of France, as shown in that memorable vote of the National Assembly during the Republic, as shown in the Words of General Cavaignac when he cried, We must fly to the rescue of the Holy Father,' as shown in the first noble acts of our present Emperor ; I have seen, I say, that grand inspiration grow weaker and weaker; I have seen a solemn guarantee become a provisional protection, provisional protection dwindle down to a body guard, the guard to a simple escort, the escort to a sentinel, until it appeared to me that the musket became too heavy for the arm which carried it. I have fol lowed the days, marked the degrees, counted the hours ; uneasy as a Catholic, humilated as a citizen, I was not willing to add another act of accusation to those already presented. God and posterity will pass sentence on the whole. " I had another motive for delay. Not wishing to doubt the sincerity of the French Government, represented, in the negotiation which preceded the Convention, by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, I desired to wait, to listen, to reflect, before declaring that my country, so often deceived by Piedmont in the affairs of Italy, had been again misled, and had made another step towards the complete abandonment of the Pontifical power. At present, after the interpretation given by Piedmont to the Convention, all doubt is removed. " I know no pain whatever to be compared to that which follows such a declaration, and it is still more painful to feel that one has been led up to this sad conclusion through long hours of darkness, uncertainty, hesitation, mistakes, and agony—darkness in no way dissipated by the embar rassed and superfluous explanations of a Minister, making sincere but vain efforts to persuade himself that he had not been taken in a snare. " How were we bishops made aware of this Convention, which interests both the person and the rights of the Head of the Church ? How was the Minister informed of it him self ? By the incomplete indiscretion of a few journals to which the secret was half confided. One day we learned that two foreigners had passed through Paris. When they had fulfilled their commission they departed like travellers in a hurry, carrying away with them a leaf of our national his tory—a treaty which concerned France, but of which France was ignorant. It is true that this treaty had received the signature of the Emperor, who, by repeated promises, had most solemnly engaged himself to maintain the Pope, and likewise the signature of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who had re-accepted office upon that condition. That ought to have been a sufficient reason for confidence, but not for comprehending that change of policy. In fact, one could not comprehend what interest France was obey ing in changing her action so suddenly. " I do not speak here of the part which was played by France under Charlemagne. But nevertheless I say to my self with pain : Is it then to be understood that we are no longer to dream of that magnanimous course of conduct ? I speak no longer of the conduct of France in 1849, or on the different occasions during the 1,000 years which sepa rate those two epochs. "But there was another course less grand, it is true, but yet honourable and accepted for several years past. In hold ing Rome, and in maintaining in the Pontifical States, so vio lently diminished, a restricted occupation, the Emperor still realised four advantages ; he owed to this occupation the esteem of Catholic Europe—the holding in respect of revo lutionary Italy—the gratitude of the French clergy—and lastly, an important political and strategical position. What will France gain by losing this position ? I cannot explain that to myself, but then, as a bishop, it is no affair of mine. I had persuaded myself that France when quitting Rome would not forsake the Pope, and that warned by the persistent ambition and the past violences of Piedmont, she would at least have required serious guarantees. It was stated that such were to be found in the treaty. Several counselled me confidence or at least resignation. They said, when the treaty was imperfectly known, What can you do ? What is lost is lost. The most important matter is to preserve what remains. If Victor Emmanuel defini tively renounces Rome ; if France positively guarantees to the Holy Father his stable possession—if the Holy Father, supported by his own troops and sufficient resources, is placed in a condition to continue freely at the Vatican, and without enemies, the course of his divine ministry and his royal sacerdotal functions, what more do you require ? Without healing all wounds, without satisfying all claims, would not this state, so unjustifiably reduced but so peace able, be preferable to what exists at present ?" Let us wait,' I replied, and see the text of the treaty and facts.' Well ! the texts and the facts have spoken, and now I ' know what part to take, and I deem it right to make known all I think—to examine the question thoroughly." .eir HUMAN NATURE.—Ferocious Mistress--Cook, this is the third time you have sent up the joint raw this week, and your master is much displeased ! I must really entreat of you, in future, to—to---. (Awful pause.) Cook—Ah ! I see ! You've been vexed in the parlour, and so you comes and wents it on in the kitchen.—Punch. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS TIMES.—In this age of wealth rapidly acquired and, luxury immoderately indulged in, it is satisfac tory to find that science has not lost its enthusiasm. If, as some persons tell us, the higher nature of man flags in its powers amid the turmoil of modern progress, at any rate the intellect still keeps its attribute of insatiable curiosity. The desire to know, to collect facts however insignificant, t 6 re solve questions however unimportant, to add some thing to the piles of acquired information, from which genius or practical ability from time to time draws an idea for the service of mankind, is the dominant impulse with those who give their lives to learning or science. The antiquarian will ransack a library to make certain of a baptismal name or a coat of arms, and the entomologist will be absorbed in a discussion on the marks which tend to show that his beetle is a new variety. This spirit is the life of science,—and may it never fail ! Whether a subject be small or great, let its votaries firmly believe in its importance, and fancy that their ex pected discovery will be the most wonderful, beau tiful, and interesting of the age. But it is the duty of the public to judge each pursuit more calmly than its own followers can do, and to restrain, while they admire, the enthusiasm of the learned. It is with a conviction that the curiosity of the scientific world and the spirit of adventure which animates some distinguished seamen are about to urge the Government to an impolitic enterprise, that we call attention to the address of Captain Sherard Osborn at the Geographical Society the other night. We have a high opinion of the speaker's merits, and are quite ready to pay due respect to the chiefs of learned societies and other scientific men who .echoed him ; but against this scheme of a Government expedition to visit the North Pole we must protest in the name of com mon sense and humanity. It is well that the pre cise proposal of Captain Osborn should be under stood. 4 is now more than 100 years since the British,Government offered a reward for the dis covery of the North-West Passage, and from that time till within the last few years there have been expeditions at short intervals to the Polar Seas. The names of Ross, and Parry, and Franklin, M'Clure, and M'Clintock have been made famous, the configuration of a barren and ice-bound coast has been partially determined, some scientific obser vations have been made, the records of the Admi ralty have been filled with instances of courage and hardship, and the conclusion of every thinking man must be, that, considering the expense incurred and the sufferings endured, Arctic discovery has been the most barren field into which scientific re search ever ventured. Since the dreadful fate of the Erebus and Terror, which sailed from England twenty years ago, this bootless curiosity has slept, but it is now awake again. It appears that no one has been nearer to the Pole than 435 geographical miles. Captain Parry on the night of July 22, 1827, stood upon floating ice at this distance from the mysterious spot. To actually reach it and stand, as it were, on the point of the earth's axis is the am bition of Captain Osborn and the new explorers. It is not pretended that any practical benefit can arise from traversing these four or five hundred miles on the ice. That Europeans may penetrate into such terrible regions is possible, but they could find nothing but rocks and frozen seas. Some more minute determination of the earth's figure seems the only scientific result to be obtained from the expedition. Beyond this all is simple curiosity. There is a space of 1,131,000 square miles, it is argued, around the Pole which is now a blank in our maps, and it will be interesting to discover whether it is land or water. It will be interest ing to ascertain whether it is a silent frozen solitude or an area of land and water teeming with life—that is, whether whales exist in latitude 90 deg. It is possible that man may be found, and it is also possible that his mode of existence may resemble that of our remote forefathers. Such are the arguments by which the fitting out at the national expense and on the national re sponsibility of an expedition for reaching the Pole is urged on the public and the Government. Two screw steamers and 120 men would be required for the service. The men would attempt the difficult part of their enterprise by means of boats and sledges. The expedition would start from England in the spring of 1866. "In the two following years, 1867-8, sledge and boat operations should be directed towards the Pole and over the unknown Polar area, and in 1869 the expedition would retire, thus spending only two winters ,and three summers in the Arctic Zone." Such distances have been ac complished before at lower latitudes, and there is consequently no reason, says Captain Osborn, for thinking that the experiment would fail. We have said enough to show the adventurous spirit of this scheme, and to convince impartial persons that the scientific results anticipated do not warrant the Go vernment in adopting it. If even accurate obser vations were to be made by the body of wanderers in such a frozen wilderness, and they were to retnrn safe to give them to the world, the results would hardly compensate for the anxiety felt by the nation which had sent them forth, and was responsible for their preservation. Who can forget the long years of suspense which followed the departure of the Franklin expedition ? Was it possible to leave the unhappy band to perish without succour ? Year after year, more and more lives were ventured for the purpose of saving those who, according to the evidence we now possess, perished within a compa ratively short period after arriving in the Arctic re gions. Were another expedition to be sent out by the Admiralty for the more difficult task of reaching the Pole, and were the crews unfortunately to perish, the nation must in justice to those whom it had em ployed keep sending ships and sledges to the North Pole for ten years to come. Captain Osborn tells us that the navy exists for nobler purposes than fighting. We might dispute that proposition gene rally, but, at any rate, the gratification of a rest less curiosity and a spirit of adventure is not a noble purpose. It is impossible not to see that the love of penetrating north wards is to an Arctic traveller what the desire of ascending an ice-clad peak is to a member of the Alpine Club. The scientific element is im ported into the discussion only for the purpose of giving it an air of greater seriousness. There is a secret desire among all who have been concerned in Arctic discovery to achieve something more wonder ful than has ever been yet accomplished. The sailors want to get to the Pole in person, the philosophers in imagination. To do something that has never been done, to see and know what has never before been revealed, is the impulse to which they yield, but the gratification of such desires is no part of the duty of the Government. We do not send a national expedition to ascend the Matterhorn, and we trust that not a single life may be adventured in another attempt to reach the North Pole. HERALD.—Any interest which the speeches of Mr. Milner Gibson may excite' arises entirely from his position as the delegate and agent of Messrs. Cobden and Bright in the Cabinet. Nobody can care to know what the opinions of the right honour able gentleman are for the sake of the opinions themselves, for everybody is aware that he takes them all second-hand, and marvellous as are the eccentricities of our day it would be impossible to fincfa, man who would read one of his speeches in the hope of finding in it wit, elegance, or eloquence. But Mr. Milner Gibson's speeches are a good measure of the Radicalism of the Cabinet. We may be quite certain that he will go to the full length of his tether on behalf of the " glorious principles " which the Liberals'proclaiin in order to get place, and in place find so many pretexts for forgetting. If the Ministry meant to try to galvanise Mr. Bright's dead horse into a few spasmodic struggles Mr. Milner Gibson would have enlarged to his constituents the other day upon the necessity of reform for a good half hour at the least. For the bargain is that he is to be as truculent a Radical as is consistent with his retention of a post in the Cabinet. If to hold that post he must only roar after a very sucking dove fashion, and comfort deluded Reformers with promises of a good time coming a dozen years hence, well and good—his masters will be content. His. voice in the council chamber is useful for so many other purposes. In a divided Cabinet one vote may be very important, and Mr. Gibson, during his five years' tenure of office, has done his friends very good service. They are, however, glad to have him avowing Radical views, as the avowal, producing an impression that the Cabinet is inclined to the same opinion, assists them in their agitation. When, therefore, he can talk Radicalism he does, and we may take his speech at Ashton as a sign that neither Lord Palmerston nor Lord Russell are yet converted to Mr. Bright's views, but are quite content to rest and be thankful. Of course Mr. Gibson professed that he would like to see an agitation for the exten sion of the suffrage ; but he confessed at the same time that he could at present only see a gross indif ference to the matter. He avowed that the Govern ment in presence of that indifference would do nothing, and insisted that it ought not to be blamed for doing nothing. Mr. Gibson puts forward, with a little more fulness and a great deal more audacity, an excuse often urged by his colleagues for their scandalous breach of faith. The Government, for sooth, of which he was a member, would not have dared to recede from their position and withdraw their bill if the great body of the electors had shown than, that they were determined to keep them to their promises, Of course not ; but what a pretty constitutional theory Mr. Gibson has started. What a candid confession he makes of the utter dishonesty, the absolute lack of all principle, on the part of him self and his colleagues. A Government, according to the President of the Board of Trade, is not bound to keep faith and redeem its pledges unless it is put under duress by those to whom it has pledged itself. its promises, have placed it in power, with derisi.on, It is justified in treating the people who, trusting t(i unless that people assumes towards it a threateuingt, attitude. " Kick me, good friends, or give ta e y 0 plain intimation that you mean to kick ntel ' Zifil Mr. Gibson, " and then I will tell the truth, I, my pledges, and act honestly and honoura..blbe• Proteus mustbe securelybound, Sganarelle god soundly beaten. Mr. Gibson's virtue comes and as the boot approaches or is withdrawn fron person. At present there is no demand for refn ib r. O and the Government has discovered that there t i g, necessity for it. Renew the demand, it wiut of convinced again of the necessity. Turn it o wed office, and all its members will be immediatel, t he as by inspiration with a most lively faith w A , a t necessity of reform—a faith so intense, indeed, they will themselves labour to get up a generAtter mand for it. Mr. Gibson's remarks upon : 01 0 questions are hardly worth notice. BY w' 0 0 1- avowal he did not understand the Schleswig-eci stein question 12 months ago, and h e has it'd nothing since. He tells his constituents that nit ''tbe rejoice that this country was not d rawn in e, g ra g struggle, apparently ignorant that h is oc llea u Earl Russell, made two desperate attempts t° + tes this country into it. He has conveniently forgo' to moreover, the language both of Lord Palnierssoc and Lord Russell, when he declares that if Dendinot ov ever expected any material aid from us it S'a' e ut, owing to any promises held out by the Gerulattoci but to the mode in which the question was disc in the newspapers. The poor Government ;yes. papers ! they were directed to write war, ot• lously enough they fulfilled their task. Tl:er"-thel ened Germany and encouraged Denmark, as 0 t; were told to do by members of the Go vern and that same Government, having afters changed its mind, utterly • repudiates thein, throws on them the whole blame. Th eir trek their has been hard, indeed, but it has not lesseneu,, devotion. They have lost character and creditho• one now trusts in their statements, howeve r 8 : 1 - t bel ritatively made ; but they do not complain, narukruia• still squabble for the honour of being chi,e i '',10( 1 peter. We hope the Roman Catholics a vz o o and Ireland will properly appreciate Mr. "' no - rt disquisition upon their duties. They must st •,„ i vets Radical Government. The franchise vras,,n.e them upon that condition. If theyvei l ,' i riAts think that they are citizens enjoying eq uiv ',T o e with their Protestant brethren, and vote the„l.,pott in favour of a Conservative candidate , or .00 a Conservative Government, they forfeit , the opinions of politicians like Mr. Gibson, aie% franchises they possess. Mr. Gibson's ides, religious toleration is very m uch that of a e'er' Freethinker, who shows his liberality 11 „,n1 scribing priests, and would promote progre",ebi4 putting down all persons who venture to opinagi plan. On the other hand, we commend to th. e , c , and laity of the Church of England—Mr. GT:roj" seems, is a layman of the Church, a nd as such is of the holy inquisition which Mr. Disraeli w' b' thf establish—the bait held out to the C a tholics e President of the Board of Trade in th e prottlisA Liberal help to overthrow the Irish Church. f t l i II 01 let us note that Mr. Gibson, in exempliac° the " strict and impartial neutrality" betlBLrell,; American belligerents which her Majesty's v" meat had observed, and intends to observe' 10 misstated the cause of the quarrel, and prof hearty wishes for the triumph of the North. COUNTRY MARKETS o te HULL.—TUESDAY. r eci t' ,O At our market to-day English wheat was 1 0 ,.; - , ve- v o supply, and met a dull sale at ls. per qr. below . In:cti°„4 currency. Foreign held firmly, and but few trap fu>>9ti reported. English malting barley of fine qualitle6t dear as last week ; stout grinding in activ e re l? 1/"., reduction of is per qr. Beans and peas dull sl ata`" fully 6d per qr. dearer. The linseed market close with considerable transactions, at a slight a dvance' NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.—TUE SI3O•IOO There was a fair supply of wheat from Wel k e lr' with but very little from the coast and abroad. f 6(1 d ruled firm, and on the bUsiness done an advaneai° 130fi5 qr. on the rates of thiS day week w as obtainf" tiallAt) moved off slowly at late rates, the deman d still ecillere,..e6 limited. Malt was as before. Beans an d peas ` v t , pfl is per qr. lower. Oats sold with difficult y at la a. 0 1 there being more offering. Flour was uncliallgr,erfoll‘,o; Northumberland wheat sold from 32s too 4a, to „it, Suffolk, 39s to 45s Dantsic, 39s to 46s ; ts, ' 3 6s ; barley, 268 to 31s beans, 36s to 40s ; rye, 27s to 08t5 51s to 62s per qr. ; ' flour 26s to 28s per sack. o a The averages were—wheat, 38s ; barley 20; 19s per quarter. A s LYNN.—TUESDAY. , The weather since Friday has been dry an a$ " Ow, this market to-day the supply of whe at was ago( and the demand was active at rather over last laintao rates. Both malting and grinding barley 1111 1 9 1' .0 last week's prices. Beans and oats unaltered. ,a ft'! New wheat, 43s to 45s ; new red, 38s to 395; , AO' r , t ; 41s to 42s ; old red, 38 s to 39 s per 36 sto ne. to 4'o malting, 32s to 348; secondary, 30s ; ordinal-sr, ne,' per qr. Oats, 20s to 22s per 24 stone. Beaus, to 34s ; small, 34s to 36s per 38 stone. MARKET HARBOROUGIL—TuEsbA It. There was a tolerable supply of grain at thlo.lli;,, —New white wheat, 40s to 448 ; new red , 37s to 4 _ 1° ,0 , 4 4 stone. Barley, fine, 348; other kinds, 25s 0 aul' i pe . Oats, late prices were maintained. Beans and Pe also at late rate. SALISBURY.=TUESDAY. s , i ssitoo An average supply of wheat of varied quality Pio at this market to-day. Quotations—Wheat reit s o o d; 36s to 428; barley, 28s to 33s ; oats, 19s to 280;.;j, 1 to 46s ; and peas, 34s to 48s per qr. Best b`" household ditto, 9d per 81b. loaf. • :ET, JAN. 25. t. 9 close of the ruttr ie 6 ' 0 1 9 Walls End WWII 1' 3 WWC Br a f alli d s Hartlepool ........ :: n l 0 West Lambtou ..... . West Hartley ..... 0 ° Carway and Du 6 Malting . iv Walls End Wilar ;jc 89 ; sold, 66. l : s B P yE E lln n . dc1.1:1;R•e. toCinoe'ol.l.l:: COAL MARE Price per ton at the s. d. Byass's Bebside West Hartley l6 9 Lambert's W. Hartley 16 6 Walker Primrose l3 9 Hastings Hartley l6 9 Kelloe South Kelloe Heugh Hall l7 6 East Hartlepool South Hartlepool l7 3 Davison's W. Hartley 16 3 Ships at mark Foreign Mail Packet LiSt. e, . Ve• 1 1 ' Australia and New Zealand, via Southampt on ..... fel). 5, Ditto, via Marseilles ......... ..... . ......... Brazil and Cape Verde, by British . pac.et .......... :9, Ditto, by British packet ............ .r e D• Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helen a •: * . f el) pb China, Penang, and Singapore , via SouthamptoP'oloo. Ditto, via Marseilles ...................... ••• • A F a lkland Islands ................................. rs, Gibraltar, via Southampton . ........ •• • feb•d, India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampt oll, • •• . jou ;6, Ditto, via Marseilles • ..... alt o F s , I n dia (Bombay), via Southampton. ................ 41, Ditto, via Marseilles ....................... • • red, '5, Mauritius, via Southampton ............ . ....... Ditto, via Marseil'e 3. ....................... • • cep. g. Newfoundland ••••••". .;rep Portug .1 . Ditto, by by private ship to Li5b0n........... .• • • 1 , United States and British North America, bylit i- feb• Usti packet ........... ......... ' Ditto, by United States packet, via Southaul2" ton • ...... ••• il, Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonder r i • 'fell. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Toneriffe ..... • 0,, West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cu l)14 0 1, 4 and Mexico .................. ...... .............. fel) , 0. Bahamas, via New IL ork. .................................. Bermuda, ditto .................................... Cuba and Mexico ................................ METROPOLITAN RAILWAY COMPANY DiITIV:Tef The directors have resolved to recommend to the e f e to tors a dividend for the past half-year at th e rate o , 0 1 cent. per annum on the ordinary stock and ne' sr i olP e shares of this company, carrying forward £7,500 to next half-year's account. Births. ,„ e COURTAULD.—On the 24th inst., at Croydon, 1-- e' , Louis Courtauld, Esq., of twin daughters. L ICV FORBEEL—On the 19th inst., at Geneva, Lsc l 9 tie $°, ( 1101 Cragievar, of a son. n co,, „t STraLiNG.—On the 23d inst., at 2, Dover-tee-110 , sea, the wife of Captain Charles Stirling, Rog IL tee" a daughter. TAYLOR.—On the 22d inst., at 54, Upper BerViep Mrs. Du Platt Taylor, of a son. to Marriages B ETHUN E—HALE.--On the 24th inst., at Tull — lfit)„, R o b e rt Bethune, Esq., of Nydie, Fifeshirel t' , 92d Highlanders, to Mary Louisa, daughter try . C a ptain Wm. Amherst Hale, 52d Light lilfB3l S e JO' DRYDEN—TRDCROFT.—On the 24th inst., ~„ftv 1,. Nor Brackley, Northamptonshire, Sir Henry -ra'toteit.' Bart., to Frances, eldest daughter of the late Tredcroft, rector of Tangmere, Sussex. .. o til Deaths. treri „ito kl le , Air , a s i T o ß r co_ G NG en .— General Richard elBth inst., at Lucerlißeo,),„i Alc eo tol d Say Armstrong, aged 74. . 0 . 0 el ' o f BRAMWELL.—On the 20th tW' kh ra m' n - inst., a lc a A 8 ,, 0 of Durham, Thomas Bramwell, Esq., age' giss 1 FRY.—On the 22d inst., at an advanced age , 43 1 5 1 1. I)e t Ca lverly Cottages, T b'dun la ge-wells. 0 PEASE.—On the 19th inst., at his residenoo,, , i ' l t 'eS t i street, Admiral Thomas Ladd Peaks, ag e " - , ° ,;1 1 0' STEWART.—On the 15th inst., at Constantia-eeo re Colonel Patrick Stewart, C B Royal flgizi eti • . 7 P' t 82. r 0 TANKERVILLE.—On the 23d in 3 lifel'tf° ' inst. at 2 , ao cl' the Dowager Countess of Tank:l - vine. 1, I ) ", gote ers I) VIGNOLES.—On the 22d inst at Lane's John Vignoles, Commander inst. f Arcli R.N., late 0 ,i O, Southampton, aged 75. y p .s fOtt i l _ . Printed and Published by SITILLIA3,III.e, ~g) :°t l 0 Lo-don : of No. 112, Strand, Painter , at Tay SIN ! b e COP" Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , il l t' Middlesex.—Thursday, January 26, 1865. ItEMET not! FOR ghis celel 4ERN ett It I, pare S° l4 in 13; lte Agen ts j A. & ' „pv at aAbether , le ZrAetm, o r el ' i7 l and g we?licatel tai •OX k a ' Wre ' b n' Lrit-riarn TR, ne'l ° rte Wt„ t ( i °r 4 r eil l i 'g, I tr" l tia her cat t , f, 31, NJol Lo, GrE°'' Cot PI 48 / 'OLI3( an . 25111 i Uor "flats Co A i tiOLDE New Bo 8 I The ;Initati6 ' 4 Wrap This f t w,ty I,l ° t 1),! 4 ' 44 1111 krei (c:' S' 114 (