The Sun. — London, England, 1835-05-23 00:00:00

:illusion of his Noble Friend (Lord Sandell) was to a vestry which had lately taken place, in which no voice had been raised against this Bill. It was hard that this Bill should be charac terised as a job, and as coming from a party, instead of as he LLord F. Egert on ) conten d e d , a great body of the people of iverpool. I. or these reasons he should give the Bill his support. Mr. SHEIL would give a decided answer to one argu ment suggested by the Noble Lord, viz., hold the property for the benefit of the Church—let that be conceded, and what right had the Corporation to demand an equivalent from the people ? This Police Bill stated the inhabitants had been accus tomed to pay 3501. in addition to 4001. paid by the Corporation towards the support of the clergy ; they had been accustomed to pay, indeed, but it was a gratuitous payment, and this Bill sought to make that permanent and compulsory, which was now discretionary and temporary. In consideration of the Corporation undertaking to pay 4001. a year, which, indeed, they were certainly bound to pay, the people assembled agreed to pay a proportion of two-thirds ; but that was a voluntary payment, and the corporation of Li verpool was at this 'moment bound to pay the whole of the police force. Would the House agree to the proposition for empowering th'..lcorporation of Liverpool to add to the custo mary 4001. a. year the people's voluntary subscription of 3501. a year?—('dear, hear.) There were two members for Liver pool in the House, one a member of the aristocracy and the other a. representative of the largest body of the inhabitants, and he assured the House, as well as the Hon. Gent. opposite, that the majority of the people were adverse to this Bill, and if they were adverse to it, ought the House prematurely to legislate on a matter of such vast importance ?—( Hear, hear.) There was a Corporation Bill at this moment in the hands of Government, and it would become the House to be specially guarded against the devices of Corporations at the present tune.—(Hear.) He had just had put into his hands a docu ment, which the Hon. Member who gave it assured him was a correct one. It related to the Corporation of Lincoln, and it said the Corporation is now assembled in Common Hall— (Laughter from the Opposition)—they were now assembled to make a sudden disposal of all the property hitherto held among themselves.—(Cheers from the other side.) Now was that a matter for laughter 2 ( Hear, hear.) They had decided to convert the whole of the Corporation property into freehold property, in order to meet any exigencies that might arise in consequence of the Corporate reforms which were about to take place.—( Hear, hear.) Whether this was a matter deserving the laughter of those gentlemen, who were slightly ridiculous when they were extravagantly risible, he would leave the House to judge.—( Cheers.) It was a mat ter touching the interests of the people at large, and of so much importance that it ought not to be disposed of hastily.-- ( Hear, hear. ) Lord STANLEY could not help thinking that the House was more likely to fall into an error in coming to a pre cipitate conclusion, and depart so far from the customary course as so reject the Bill at this stage of it, than it would if it allowed the assertions on either side to be sifted before the proper tribunal. He regretted the Hon. Member for Tip perary should mix up this question with general attacks upon the nature of Corporation abuses, which he hoped would very soon come under the consideration of the House.—( Hear.) The Hon. Member for Liverpool said that a vast number of the inhabitants were apposed to this bill; and that was a fair matter for inquiry, and could not be disposed of by rhetorical flourishes.—( Hear, and laughter.) He had understood that 34 only of the whole of the inhabitants had voted against the Bill in vestry, and that out of eighteen who were parochial officers and supported this Bill, 16 were removed by the vote of public vestry—two only were re-elected. These 34 voted against the Bill, and 16 holding office voted against the Bill, and those very 16 were thrown out of office.—( Hear, hear.) The Honourable and Learned gentleman (Mr. Shiel) had told them that there was a great preponderance of the people of Liverpool opposed to this Bill, and that the House ought not therefore to inquire into the Bill, but to throw it out upon the second reading. In the case of Liverpool the Church rates were levied in a very pecu liar way. The administration of his Noble Friend Lord Grey, upon the question of church-rates, thought it neces sary that some specific provision should be introduced into it to meet the case of Liverpool. Under these circum stances it was desirable that some terms should be come to.—( Hear.) The Honourable and Learned Member for Tipperary called upon the House not to act precipitately, and he therefore called upon them to throw out this Bill preci pitately.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Could the House be lieve that the Hon. and Learned Member fairly and candidly stated the grounds for this course?—( Hear, and cheers.) The real facts were these—if this Bill were agreed upon, it would afford a permanence to the provisions of the clergymen of Liverpool, a large and increasing place.— ( Great cheering from the Tory section.) That was the ground upon which they were called upon to act.—illenewed cheering.) When the Hon. and Learned Member for Tippe rary said that the Corporation ought not to spend their funds for the benefit of the Established Church, be ought to recollect that the Corporation actually held a consilerable proportion of their property upon a grant, to enable them to provide for the Clergy of the Established Church—( Loud cheering)— and for the purpose of giving an adequate maintenance to the clergymen of that town which was daily risk; in impor tance.—( Hear, hear.) There had not been a single voice either of Dissenter or others raised against this grant since the year 1752. Under these circumstances he hoped the House would not act with what he could not help calling injustice— ( Hear)--in postponing indefinit e ly th e second reading of this Bill, but would allow it to go through the ordinary course—r , -- ferrino - it to a Committee, where the details aught be examined. He hoped the House would see the fairness and expediency of takinc , this course, and of not pressing the third reading, until the. Bill could be rendered as perfect as possible. This was the fair course of proceeding—he wished that the second reading should be taken, because as there was no substantial objection to the principle, the details could be better arranged in Committee. Mr. SHEIL—Of courso I rise to explain. Ido not rise for the purpose of adverting to the very unprovoked attack— ( Loud cheering from the Ministerial side of the House, and cries of " Order" irons the Tories.) Perhaps I have no right to advert to what I cannot but call a most wanton— ( Cries of " Spoke," Order-') 1 have riser, to explain— I know I have no right to speak again, but upon other occa sions, other individuals upon whom such attacks 'were made were permitted to speak. Lord STANLEY—If I have said anything that can offend the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, I am sincerely sorry. Mr. SHE IL—Oh ! the Noble Lord's words are like the spear of Achilles, they wound with one end and cure with the other. The Noble Lord said that I had made a statement r - specting the feelings of the people cf Liverpool. Now he (Mr. S.) bad made no assertion upon his own authority, but upon the authority of one of the Members of Liverpool and the Metrilx‘x for Wolverhampton. The Noble Lord had forgotten those two gentlemen, and did him the honour of solely allud ing to him.—( While the Hon Gentleman spoke there were lcul cries of " Order, order.") The SPEAKER considered the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman out of order. Mr. SHIEL said he would willingly bow to the of the Chair, however hardly he felt himself dealt with. Sir R. INGLIS remarked that in the course of his Parlia mentary lire he never recollected a gentleman, after receiving an apology from an Hon. Member—( Hear, hear)—perse. vere in making the attack which he (Mr. S.) had just now repeated.—(Loud cries of " Question, question," from the Ministerial Members.) He (Sir R.) certainly— Mr. FINN rose to order. Sir R. INGLIS—The Hon. Member is totally mistaken. lie does not know me if he thinks he can put me down. The Honourable and Learned Member for Tipperary is the first person in my memory ; and he ( Sir R. I.) hoped he would be the last, that after receiving an apology such as his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) had given, should be in duced again and again to repeat his attack.—( Question, question, from the Ministerial side, and Hear, from the Oppo sition. He (Sir R. I.) stated this not because his Noble Friend required any assistance from him, but in order to ex press what he conceived was the general feeling of the House. The Right Hon. Baronet then stated his acquiescence in the provisions of the Bill, and said he would vote for its second reading. Mr. WI L K S begged to express his hope that notwitstanding the eloquent appeal of the Noble Lord, the House would not allow this Bill to proceed further, opposed as it was to the feelings of the majority of the most wealthy and respectable in habitants of the town of Liverpool. The House ought to recol lect that the majority of the people of that town were Dissenters from the Established Church, and, therefore, they ought not to be astonished that the Hon. Member for Tipperary was op posed to the Bill, when they knew that 14-16ths of the popu lation were of the persuasion to which he (Mr. S.) belonged. --( Hear.) It was also to be recollected that the Dissenters of Liverpool considered themselves as being in a state of pe culiar oppression, and complained greatly of the violation of their rights. The Corporation of Liverpool has a Council consisting of 64, and though the Test and Corporation Acts have been repealed, not a Dissenter has as yet been admitted into it. They have not allowed one member of that sect to become one of their Corporation, though two-third of the bankers and merchants of Liverpool are Dissenters. The truth was, that this Bill, bearing the name of the Liverpool Day Police Bill, was framed for the purpose of givinr , a permanent appropriation of the public money for the Clergymen of the Established Church--( Hear, hear)— although the Corporation was bound by the conditions on which they obtained their seats to provide for them. If that were the trust that they received how can they reconcile it in the history of the last century, during which the rectors and curates had but a salary of 1601. a year, that that amount was not paid by the Corporation, but out of Church-rates levied upon Dissenters and Roman Catholics ? Under such circum stances, he hoped the House would not allow the further pro gress of this Bill. It was a mere attempt to prevent a re form in the Corporation, which they all had it in contem plation to carry through—(kaughter)All those on that side of the House, at all events, and many on the other.—( Cheers. ) In the meantime the present Bill was brought in, and pressed through in the presence of a vast number of Members who had not heard one word of the merits of the Bill.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Perhaps the promoters of the Bill expected that they might be able to carry through the Bill by the aid of 63 who had before voted for it, who, he had no doubt, had been most anxiously gathered together.—( Cheers.) Mr. MARK PHILLIPS opposed the second reading. Lord SANDON referred to the printed title of the Bill " for the establishment of a day police, and to provide for the payment of an annual sum due to the parochial clergy. Colonel SIBTHORP asserted his conviction that what ever charges might be made against the Corporation of Lin coln, alluded to by the Hon. and Learned Member for Tip perary, that body would at all times stand perfectly pure and unsullied in every transaction. Dr. BOWRING felt himself bound to resist, with indigna tion, the attempt made, in the course of the debate upon that question, to cast opprobrium upon the members of the Dis senting body. Mr. O'CONNELL rose to protest against the Bill, on be half of a number of the contributors to the ffind which the Bill proposed to dispose of. ' The city which he (Mr. O'Connell) represented was a great contributor to the Corps ration funds of the town of Liverpool. He protested against the Bill, because there were 45,000—he was told 62,000 Roman Catholics resident in Liverpool, not one of whom had ever yet been admitted into the Corporation ; of that town.---( Hear.) There were also an immense num ber of Protestant Dissenters resident in the town, not one of whom bad ever yet been admitted into the Corporation ; and yet charges of bigotry were constantly beard against those who were opposed to the oppressors and the exclu sionists.—( Cheers.) He was not, indeed, much surprised that the Noble Lord should take a fancy to a Bill which included at once provisions for police and parsons; but he (Mr. O'Connell) submitted that the Bill was a fraud upon the House. There was not one word about the clergy in the recital. In the title it was true that there was a slight men tion of them ; but neither in the recital nor the preamble was the slightest allusion made to them.--( Hear, hear.) Until you came to the 13th page of the Bill, not one word was said about the clergy. In the fourteenth page of the Bill the clergy were introduced ; but under what head were they in troduced ? how was the attention of the House directed to their introduction ? They were introduced under the head of " Limitations of Actions."—(Laughter and cheers.) How could a parson grow up under that clause 2—( Hear, hear.) He had certainly heard of the precedent of a Turnpike Bill, in which a Bristol magistrate obtained the introduction of a clause to enable him to send his slaves from one island to an other in the West Indies, in spite of any local act to the con trary. The present Bill appeared to furnish an instance of a similar exercise ofingenuity. Here the day police of the town were mixed up with the parsons of the town ; and this was done because it was said that the Corporation had funds in trust for the clergy. They did not want an Act of Par liament to execute the trust, but they did want an Act of Parliament to evade it, by throwing the burden upon others. There was not one word about the trust in the Bill—it was entirely omitted. There was something ora torical in stating that thirty-four only voted against the Bill, and, on the other side, keeping back the equally important fact .that only sixty-three voted for it ; and when it was found that neither Catholic nor Protestant had ever supported it, was not the House to be convinced by the asser tions of the Hon. Gentleman near him, that the majority of the people of Liverpool were essentially opposed to it? "It is an attempt," exclaimed the Hon. and Learned Gentleman— "it is an attempt to prevent the reform of Corporations which we have in contemplation.— (Great cheering.) Yes, all of us on this side of the House, and many on the other side also, are prepared for a measure of corporate reform ; but in the mean time this Bill is brought, in the hope that it may go to a Committee, and that by some accident—such things have happened before—persons who have not heard one word of the merits of the Bill may come down and vote in its favour. The Bill is pressed forward now in the hope that 63 persons may be got together again, as they were got together before, to vote for the Bill whether they understood it or not." If a police Bill be wanted, why not introduce a police bill ? but do not, under the name of a police bill, introduce a parson bill— ( Hear, hear)—do not establish the unnatural conjunction of thief-takers and parsons in the same bill.—( Cheers.) It was a most ridiculous and preposterous conjunction. And who made it ridiculous and preposterous ? Was it he who ex posed the ridiculousness and preposterousness of it, or was it he who was guilty of the absurdity of proposing so absurd and unnatural a conjunction ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He knew that insinuations were thrown out by those who could not speak openly. There was not a worse habit of persecu tion than that of insinuation.—( Cheers.) If any man had been guilty of what had been foully and foolishly stated elsewhere, let it be openly and manfully 'avowed. He alluded not to any who sat within the House, but to those who out of the House had stated things which no one in the House would dare to assert.—( Hear, hear.) If there were any truth in the insinuations to which he referred, let it be spoken out manfully. He was not one of those who would merely insinuate. If there were such an insinuation to be made, let it be boldly put forth in words. Until it were so put forth, he should treat it with sovereign contempt.— ( Hear, hear. ) Mr. GOULBURN observed that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman complained greviously of those who insinuated motives to the persons who conducted public measures, or who took part in them in Parliament ; and yet the whole of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech on that occasion had been an insinuation of motives against those who brought forward the present Bill.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool had read the title of the Bill to the House; but as it seemed so soon to have passed from the recollection of several of the Hon. Gentlemen who were pre sent, he (Mr. Goulburn) should perhaps be excused if he ventured to read it again. It was entitled " A Bill for the esta blishment of a day police force in the town of Liverpool, and to provide for the payment of annual sums to the parochial clergy." But then, said the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, " the preamble contains not one word of the clergy." What was the fact? Why, that instead of one there were two pre. ambles—one relating to the police, the other to the clergy. That which related to the payment of the clergy, not only stated that it was expedient that the payment should be made to the clergy, but entered into a detail of the whole of the circumstances which rendered the payment necessary. And that being the state of the Bill, the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman, with that fact before him, after imputing to those who advocated the Bill an intention to act surreptitiously, concluded by a laudable lecture upon the impropriety of in sinuating motises. The question before the House was simply this :—An arrangement had been entered into by the inhabitants of Liverpool for the establishment of a day po lice, and for the payment of the clergy. They desired the House to consider, in Committee, whether the arrangement into which they proposed to enter was fair and proper ; whe ther the funds in question could be fairly and properly applied to the purposes mentioned in the Bill. In that shape did the question come before them, and he (Mr. Goulburn) con tended that justice required that they should co into Com mittee, and inquire whether the arrangement proposed to.be entered into by the inhabitants should be affirmed or refused by the House. Mr. O'CONNELL rose to explain—He made no insinu ation against the parties—he charged them directly. As to what he had said about the preamble, if anybody would look to the Bill itself, they would at once perceive what he had alluded to. What he ( Mr. O'Connell) had said was, that up to page 12 of the Bill there was no mention of the Clergy—nor was there. In the 13th page, in the middle of a section, entitled " Limitations of Actions," for the first time, by a rhetorical flourish, was a preamble relative to the Clergy introduced That wss certainly a queer way of introducing a preamble. Mr. GO UL BURN—What the Honourable and Learned Gentleman said was, that there was an intention to take per sons by surprise, in introducing a question for the payment of the clergy in a Bill which professed to be for the establish ment of a day police. In reply to that he (Mr. Goulburn) stated, and he repeated, that the title of the Bill distinctly de noted the whole object of the Bill; and that although the preamble to the first part related only to the police, yet that there was a second preamble setting forth the whole of the ob jects of the Bill as regarded the Clergy. After a few words from Sir C. BURRELL, Mr. POTTER, and Lord SANDON— The gallery was cleared, and the House divided. The numbers were— For the Second Reading Against it Majority l4 TAXATION. In reply to a question from Mr. HUGHES HUGHES, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he would endeavour to make some arrangement by which that Hon. Member would be enabled to bring forward his motion for a revision and com mutation of taxation, by the 12th of June. CONDUCT OF PUBLIC BUSINESS. Mr. COBBETT rose to submit a resolution to the House, which, in his opinion, was rendered necessary by the mode in which the public business was conducted by the Government. The Ministers of the Crown were expressly bound to give the House every explanation they could reasonably require ; and so to conduct the public business as to enable them to under stand its progress, and to transact it most conveniently. With the present Ministry, however, there was no knowing what was to be done.—( A laugh.) First they brought forward the Navy Estimates, then the Civil Contingencies; then they left the Civil Contingencies and took a dip at the Army Estimates. Well; the House might reasonably have expected that they would have proceeded with the Army Estimates until they were completed—no such thing ; to-night they were to go on with the Navy Estimates, and perhaps before they finished them they would be called upon to proceed with something else—he knew not what. He would, therefore, move the fol lowing resolution :—" That it is the opinion of this House, that when an estimate of any description is presented to the House, the moving of all the votes in that estimate should be con tinued until the estimate be concluded." The motion having been seconded, the question was put. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was sorry he could not concur in the motion of the Hon. Member ; but as he considered that it would have the effect of placing an undue limit to the dis cretion of Ministers, he felt himself obliged to resist it. SIR WILLIAM GOSSETT. Mr. W. S. 0' BRI E N asked whether the report was correct that Sir William Gossett had been removed, or was about to be removed, from the situation which he held in Ireland? and whether the Government had been unable to find among the very large party which supported them in Ireland, a single no bleman who was qualified to hold even the comparatively humble situation of Under-Secretary for Ireland ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not feel it consistent with his duty to return any answer whatever to the question of the Hon. Gentleman. THE MILITARY. Mr. ROEBUCK begged to inquire whether it was in con templation to issue any general order for the abolition of the practice of soldiers wearing side-arms in town. If not, he would strongly suggest the propriety of some suck order being issued. Lord HO WICK, in a very inaudible voice, replied that if the Hon. Gentleman would bring the subject before the House, he would endeavour to return the best answer in his power to the question his Hon. Friend had just put. DISSENTERS' MARRIAGES BILL. Sir ROBERT PEEL begged to ask what course was in tended to be pursued with respect to the business of the night, as there were several orders of the day, the first of which was the Dissenters' Marriages Bill, which stood for a second reading ? He had brought in that measure as a mem ber of his Majesty's Government in concert with the rest of his colleages. He then thought, and he conceived the House could entertain no doubt, that it was a measure the conduct of TIM SUN, LONDON, SA i runDAv, MAY 23, 1835 which ought to be undertaken by the Executive. He wished, therefore, to ascertain the Noble Lord's intentions with refer ence to that measure, Of course the main character of the 11 must depend upon its details—and, if the Noble Lord, approving of the principle, proposed to make any alteration in those details, he would theft deliver up the charge of the measure to him, as the representative of the gxecutive In that House. The Noble Lord, in all probability, had made up his mind upon the subject, and would be able to state whether it would be more convenient to read the Bill a second time that night, or to adjourn the second reading to some future day. Mr. KENNEDY had understood' that the Right Hon. Ba ronet would not bring forward the Bill again, but that an other would be substituted by the present Government. Under these circumstances he had withdrawn his notice; and as he had assigned this as his reason for doing so to several persons who had applied to him on the subject, he hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would not persevere. Sir ROBERT PEEL—The Hon. Gentleman had, per haps, better means of ascertaining what the intentions of his Majesty's Government were than he possessed. He certainly did not understand that they intended to abandon the measure altogether, and he was sure that he had never authorized the Hon. Gentleman, by any act of his, to suppose that he meant to give it up. At the same time, if they thought it expedient to drop this Bill, and to introduce another entirely differing in its character, he had no wish to press the second reading. If, on the other hand, they, approving of the principle, intended to modify it by alteration in detail, he was ready to give it up to them. _ . Mr. KENNEDY said his idea of what his Majesty's Minis ters intended to do, was derived entirely from the tenor of the Noble Lord's speech in Devonshire.—( Cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) Sir ROBERT PEEL was quite certain the Hon. Gentle man had acted under the impression he had just stated. He only wished to add, on his own behalf, that when the Bill stood for a second reading before, he distinctly expressed his wish that the Government would undertake it. He had, there fore, postponed it--not to a distant period, but to a day by which he thought it likely the Noble Lord would have taken his seat in the House. He had acted thus from a conviction of the expediency of passing the measure with as little delay as possible. Lord JOHN RUSSELL entirely approved of the gene ral principal of the Bill, as he had already stated to the Right Hon. Baronet in private • at the same time it did not ap pear to him that it woul d answer its object so far as to give practical and efficient relief to the Protestant Dissenters, un less alterations were made in its details.—( Hear, hear.) Several Hon. Members, among whom was the Hon. and Learned Member for the Tower Hamlets, entertained the same opinion, and had announced their intention of proposing amendments in it. Since the period when the question was before under discussion, he had not had sufficient time to exa mine the details of the Bill with the accuracy necessary to enable him to point out to the Right Hon. Baronet the par ticular alterations which he should feel inclined to propose or support. Under these circumstances, he thought it would be better to postpone the second reading until some future day, before which he would state to the Right Hon. Baronet what alterations he should consider necessary, and thus afford him an opportunity of expressing his opinion with refe rence to them. _ Sir ROBERT PEEL would of course decidedly support the second reading of the Bill, and give his most cordial sup port to it in its present form. The Noble Lord's communi cation was quite sufficient. He had already stated that he considered it a measure the conduct of which ought to be un dertaken by the Government, and he would deliver up the charge of it entirely to him. If there were no objection, he would move the second reading, as it was a measure of the utmost importance, which the whole body of Dissenters were anxiously expecting.--( Hear, hear.) Mr. KENNEDY had given notice of his intention to move the amendment when the Right Hon. Baronet was sitting on that (the Ministerial) side of the House. He entirely approved of the Noble Lord's Bill of last year, and he should feel dis posed to leave the measure in his hands. After a few words from Dr. BO WRING, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that a large body of persons had communicated to him their resolution not to oppose the second reading of the Bill, but to communicate to him the ob jections to which they considered it liable in Committee. Mr. WILK S thought there could be no objection to the second reading of the Bill, but that it would require consi derable alteration in Committee. Mr. M. PHILIPS, on the understanding which had been stated, would offer no opposition to the second reading. After a few words from Mr. CORBETT and Sir R. IN- G LIS, Mr. Cobbett's resolution was put and negatived. After a few observations from Mr. PARKER, It was no doubt known to the Noble Lord that Colonel Fox had vacated his seat in Parliament. There were rumouri abroad that it was the intention of Government to send the Gallant Colonel to the Colonies. What he begged to ask then was, whether the Government had any intention of trans porting' Colonel Fox to any of' the Colonies, and in what cha racter ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that there was no intention of sending Colonel Fox to Canada as one of the Commis sioners.--( Hear, hear.) COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. Lord HOWICK moved that 98,6741. 2s. ld. be granted to his Majesty as the charge of the General Staff Officers and Officers of the Hospitals serving with his Majesty's forces at home ar.d abroad, and of the Garrisons of the Cinque Ports and the Tower of London. Mr. HI3ME begged to ask the Noble Lord whether any steps had been taken to give effect to the recommendation of the Committee which sat three years ago upon the subject of the Army. That Committee had strongly recommended that the Staff of the Army should be placed upon the same footing with the Staff of the Navy. With regard to the Household troops, they had become a bye-word. They did not take their turn of foreign service like the rest of the army, yet they had great advantages in pay and promotion. It was a fact that although the Household troops were numerically but small in proportion to the whole army, yet fully one-half of the officers promoted to the rank of General Officers had been in that ser vice. Whether was it the Commander-in-Chief or the Noble Lord who had to point out the manner in which the patronage of the army ought to be distributed ? Until the time of Earl Grey's Administration it had always been understood that the Commander-in-Chief was removable with the Ministry, but unfortunately since that period a contrary practice had been pursued. With regard to the reduction of the Staff at head quarters, two Right Hon. Gentlemen who had been Secre taries at War were examined by the Committee, namely, the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Dundee, and the Presi dent of the Board of Control, and they both concurred in opi nion that the Staff might be reduced. Lord Viscount HO WICK stated that there was every dis position on the part of Government to attend to the recom mendations of the Committee alluded to by the Hon. Member for Middlesex, and especially to that part of it respecting the Staff at head-quarters, and the consolidation of the different military departments. At that moment, however, they laboured under difficulties, owing to the short time they had taken office ; he need hardly say they had not had time to come to a determination on the points alluded to by the Hon. Gentle man. They were anxious, if possible, to act upon the principle adopted by his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Cumber land with regard to the Navy—namely, consolidating the dif ferent departments, provided this could be done with advantage to the service.—( Hear.) He regretted that the Hon. Gen tleman had chosen to mix up with his advocacy of consolida tion an attack upon Lord Hill, respecting the distribution of the patronage of the Army. With respect to any difference that might exist on political subjects between Lord Hill and the present Government, he would only say that his Majesty's Ministers did not desire that the patronage of the Army should be made subservient to the support of the Government. Sir RUFANE D ONK IN felt bound as a soldier to bear his testimony to the honest and impartial manner in which Lord Hill had distributed the patronage of the Army. Mr. COBBETT said that the nation had just right to com plain of the enormous number of officers in the Army. Taking both full and half pay, there was an officer to seven men and three-quarters.—( A laugh.) Mr. HUME denied that he intended to throw any imputa tions on Lord Hill personally ; he, however, opposed that Noble Lord as he would oppose Sir Robert Peel or any other Tory. Sir CHARLES D' ALBI AC also vindicated the character of Lord Hill. Mr. HUME said that it had been objected to his statement as to the extent to which economy was practicable, that the cost of the Army in Ireland was only 840,000/. ; but it should be borne in mind that this sum was the amount of the • mere pay of the men, What, he would ask, became of the ex penses of the artillery, commissariat, and other departments ? Colonel SIBTHORP said the Honourable Member for Middlesex might send forth his venom if be pleased—(a laugh) —this he knew, that it would not affect him. The Honour able Member first said he had nothing to charge a g ainst the Noble Lord at the head of the army, and then, with a pecu liar inconsistency, he alleged against the Noble Lord that his conduct was marked by partiality. He believed the Noble Lord to be incapable of the conduct imputed to him, but when the Hon. Member for Middlesex made that charge he was cheered by the other side of the House.—( Renewed cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Oh yes, they must cheer him—" similis smith gaudet,"—birds of a feather—all fowls of the same plumage.—( Laughter.) What could the Honour able Member know of the army ? He had been but a short time in India, and then only in a medical capacity. He thanked Gcd that they had not got any of the Hon. Member's physic to swallow here.—( Great laughter. ) Mr. HUME had just a remark to make. It was gratifying to him to think that there was one dose the Hon. and Gallant Member and his friends had swallowed, which was the " Rus sell purge," and it had been perfectly effectual.—( Cheers and laughter.) bir R. INGLIS said the Hon. Member for Middlesex had not stated a single instance of the partiality he had charged. He hoped those who supported the Hon. Member with their cheers would think it their duty to support him with some statements of fact.-2( Hear.) Mr. FINN said Ministers ought not to allow their politi cal powers to be in abeyance ; such had not been the course of the Duke of Wellington. They had the Church, the Army, and the Corporations, arrayed against them ; but having the people with them, they would nevertheless maintain a fair position if they gave power only to those by whom they were supported. Mr. COB B ETT—The Hon. Member argued that because Ministers had the people with them they would carry all before them; but they had not the people with them ; and he trusted they never would have till they did something to re lieve the people. The people would expect acme of the tanes that oppressed them taken off; they would not allow themselves to be led away by mere professions. For his part he saw little difference berween the Whigs and the Tories. The people would never be satisfied till they ceased to lay into one another's hands—till they dissolved partnership. Mr. F. O'CONNOR certainly would consent to receive even less from the present t'san he would from a Tory Go vernment, because he knew the difficulties they had to encoun ter, and that they would at least put an end to that domestic cruelty which had for years been practised in Ireland.—( Hear.) Lord HO WICK observed, there was an old saying, that none was deaf as those who would not hear; and applying this to the Hon. Member for Oldham, he must declare that he despaired producing any effect on the Hon. Gentleman. As regarded the mere reduction of the burdens of the people, suppose tile Whigs had done nothing else during the four years they were in power, had they been quite as unsuccessful as the Hon. Member would represent ?—( Hear, hear.) Had the Hon. Member for Oldham forgotten that during the period he had referred to, the taxes reduced amounted to nearly 5 ,000,000/. ? The whole of the vote required for the army was under 6,500,0001. ; therefore, in the course of the four years, nearly the whole of that charge was saved to the country. The votes for the army alone were, previous to the year 1830, never less than 7,300,0001., and frequently more; at present the sum demanded was 6,490,000/. After a few words from Mr. RUTIIVEN, Dr. BOWRING, and Captain PARRY, the vote was agreed to. 15,9661. ls. 10d. was voted as rewards for distinguished 'military services, and also as allowances to officers of his Ma jesty's garrisons at home and abroad, holding their appoint ments as rewards for military services. Upon the vote of 106,000/. being proposed for the pay of general officers in his Majesty's forces, Lord HOW IC K remarked that it was his intention to pro pose, in accordance with the wish expressed by the Committee who sat on this subject, that general officers not having a re giment, should be allowed the pay of 400/. per annum each. This charge was not included in the present estimate; but he intended to introduce it in a supplementary estimate, to which he was sure the House would readily assent. The sum of 78,000/. for the full pay of reduced and retired officers was then voted; and 585,5001. for half-pay and military allowances to reduced and retired officers of his Majesty's forces. On a resolution for granting the sum of 78,080/. to defray the charge and reduced allowances to officers of disbanded fo reign corps, of pensions to wounded foreign officers, and of allowances to the widows and children of deceased foreign officers, Mr. COBBETT remonstrated against squandering the public money in such a grant. The resolution was agreed to. On a resolution for granting the sum of 148,9291. to de fray the charge of pensions to the widows of officers of the land forces, Mr. COBBETT said that this grant was a premium on population ; and that premium offered at a time when the Le gislature was attempting in other ways to discourage popula tion. There was no officer, however old, ugly, or blind, who might not find a girl to marry him, if she knew that she would be entitled to a pension on his death. The resolution was agreed to. Resolutions were also agreed to for granting the sum of 159,000/. to defray the charge of allowances on the Compas sionate List, &c. ; and the sum of 44,5851. to defray the charge of Superannuation Allowances. NAVY ESTIMATES. On the motion of Mr. C. WOOD, the following resolutions were agreed to :- 118,547/. to defray the charges of his Majesty's Naval Esta blishments at home. 22,6011. to defray the charges of his Majesty's Naval Esta blishments abroad. 25,7611. to defray the charges of wages to Artificers, &c., e mployed in his Majesty's Naval Establishments abroad. On a resolution for granting 62,4401. for new works and improvements in the yards, &c., Mr. HUME protested against the large expenditure under this head from year to year. Mr. C. WOOD and Mr. LABOUCHERE explained and defended the necessity of the grant. The vote was then agreed to. The next vote proposed was, that 124,530/. be granted to his Majesty to defray the expenses of the Commissariat de partment. After some discussion, the vote was agreed to. The next vote was, that 51,4331. 16s. sd. be granted to his Majesty to defray the expense of half-pay, pensions, and allow ances in the Commissariat department.—Agreed to. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday. The House adjourned at a Quarter-past Twelve. 77; publicntion of Tug SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day at 12 minutes past 3 o'clock. PAUPER OUTRAGES. In reply to a question from Mr. RICE TREVOR, Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated that the Government had received information relative to the recent pauper disturbances in the parish of Eastbourne, Kent. He had seen one of the Assistant Commissioners under the Poor Law Amendment Act upon the subject ; a large body of police had been sent down, and the disturbances were completely quelled. Mr. RICE TREVOR shortly afterwards gave notice of a motion (we could not hear for what day) for the production of any information received by Government on the subject. FOREIGN SECRETARY.—APPOINTMENT OF LORD PALMERSTON. Lord DARLINGTON—I wish to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether Lord Palmerston is to be created a member of the British peerage, and thereby obtain a seat in the other House of Parliament, or whether any vacancy is likely to occur in this House to enable him to procure a seat here ?—( Hear, hear.) The public know nothing upon the subject except that Lord Palmerston has been Gazetted as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and it is highly important that the fact should be understood.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) If the Noble Lord answer in the negative, I wish to ask him whether it is intended that the Noble Lord should continue to hold the situation. I believe it is perfectly unusual and almost unpre cedented for an individual not in Parliament to hold a Cabinet situation.—( Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL—The Noble Lord has asked me seve al questions, all of them of rather an extraordinary and novel nature. One is, whether it is the intention of the Crown to confer the dignity of the peerage upon a certain in dividull; the next, as I should understand it, is whether it is the intention of any Member of this House to vacate his seat for that individual, • or, as my Right Hon. Friend near me suggests, to vacate in that individual's favour by dying himself. —( Cheers and laughter.) The question then arises, whether, in that case, any particular body of constituents would be dis posed to elect the Noble Lord who has been referred to, as their representative in this House, or whether they would choose some other representative ? There then arises a fourth question, or a fifth ; whether, supposing none of those things to happen, it is intended that Lord Palmerston shall then continue Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ? Really these questions are of so extraordinary and novel a nature, that I can only entreat the Noble Lord to bring forward a distinct motion on the subject.—( Loud cheers.) Lord DARLINGTON—Perhaps the Noble Lord will allow me to ask him another question. The Noble Lord talks of novelty • is it novel, or is it not, for an individual holding the office Of Foreign Secretary to have no seat either in this or the other House of Parliament ?—( Cheering.) Lord J. RU SSE LL—I can only say that if the state of things of which the Noble Lord complains had conthlued for any length of time, these might be very proper questions ; but as the absence of Lord Palmerston is merely a temporary one, I must decline giving any other answer than that which I have already returned to the Noble Lord. Here the matter ended. CORPORATION REFORM. Lord J. RUSSELL—I beg to give notice, Sir, that on Monday, the Ist of June, I shall move for leave to bring in a Bill for the better regulation of the Municipal Corporations in England and Wales.—(Cheers.) DISSENTERS' MARRIAGES BILL. On the motion, we believe, of Sir ROBERT PEEL, the question was then put, that this Bill be now read a second time. Mr. KENNEDY said that the Bill in its present shape was most repugnant to the feelings of the Dissenters. In order to satisfy them, the marriage ceremony ought to have the religi ous character which it had under the Bill introduced last Ses sion by the Noble Lord (J. Russell.) It was repugnant to the wishes of many classes of Dissenters, that they should be forced to appear before a magistrate. Every sect should be allowed to perform the ceremony in their own way. Mr. HUME thought that the Right Hon. Bart. had judged wisely in leaving the Bill in the hands of Government. He would, however, assure the Government that no partial mea sui e, such as this, would satisfy the Dissenters. In order to the complete settlement of the question, any Bill hereafter brought forward ought to be founded upon a complete system of registration. After a few words from Sir ROBERT 'Nous and Mr. PEASE, Mr. POTTER said, considering the advanced period of the Session, that he thought it better that the present Bill should be dropped, and that the Government should bring in another Bill, next Session, connected with a system of general re gistration. Dr. LUSHINGTON had turned much of his attention to the subject in the course of his professional life, and he grieved to say that it was a question very difficult to legislate upon, with a due regard to what the Dissenters had a right to ex pect, and what were the actual interests of the Established Church. He was convinced that the more comprehensive the measure, the more they would legislate according to the principles of justice and expediency. He could not separate this Bill from the Bill for the Commutation of Tithes, the General Registration Bill, and others, which were all parts of one great system, and should be proceeded with simulta neously. He thought, therefore, that more time should be taken to consider the subject. Sir ROBERT PEEL had moved the second reading of the Bill merely pro forma, and on the understandin g th at no discussion should take place. Many Gentlemen had left the House who intended to have taken part in the debate : he thought, therefore, if the question were to be debated, that it would be better if that debate were postponed to a future day. Dr. LUSHINGTON said that he did not mean to debate the question. All he wished for was delay. If the Bill were persevered in this session, he would have some amendments to move. He would however, say, that though he did not con sider the Bill then before them unobjectionable, yet he felt that the country owed the Right Hon. Baronet a debt of gratitude for having admitted the principle involved in it. Mr. WILK S was opposed to any delay. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on that day three weeks. REGISTRATION OF' VOTERS' BILL. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the Registra tion of Voters' Bill was referred to a Select Committee. COLONEL FOX. Colonel SIBTHORP hada question to ask the Noble Lord, which he hoped there would be no objection to answer. r 3.01, . IS •?i2., .74 oirta DAY AT (INK O'COLCK New per Cent.— .......... "" ' India Stork., 5 7 pm, .3 ;,: CO:1. ~ ti Ditto Bond , . ...... ~.„ 3'.. , , i),•r Cent - i.f,;;:i, Au". South Sea Stock - :Att. ite t i 9g-I‹, '4 fc't i t I,ltl Aunuities - ''.ev,rl , ,,, per u.. -, nt ItO 951,' 14 eV> Mtn ....t.r.. ----.- t . A. s cented —l 3 pet' tiff: Ajltinitics. r. 51... -- apor 1. &'i t. , ;- - . /,, itsto. , nted — Exch. Bilk, /1,(01,• - u 23 t`.6 pal. Batik I.ong A , ,»niticAtocxoire Ditto .590..... 25 gl ran. Jan. 5, WO l6 13-16 X, i I)ittn Small 26 23 . '26 pin. ') c t. In I.Y:- ; . -. ..... ... ---- Ditto Commercial — OM. lam 5, 1RT'...,.... - • -r• . 174 bitto Advertised —23 pm. Jan. 5, 180 — Bank Stock for Account , April 5, 1880 — India Stock for Account -- Jan. 5. 1870 -...— Consols for Account .. -- THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Peruvian Bonds. 3(P 1 Dit. o Account 3l 36 Portuguese Bonds 95% 6 85) Ditto Account PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS Aostrian Bonds ' — 1 Belgian Bonds lO2 Ditto Account Brazilian Bonds Dittc Account, — Buenos Ayres Bends — Ditto Account 324 Chi Man Bonds 50 2 ?,1 Ditto Account 49 52 53 Columbian Bonds — Ditto Account — Columbian Bonds, :821 Ditto Account Danish Bonds 76% Ditto New Bonds... 97 IA 54 6if Ditto Account ... 97 % 5% 6% 7 Prussian Bonds — Ditto 80nd5,1822 Russian Bonds, Ditto Account Ditto Metallic Spanish Bonds 53 2% 3 I 2 Ditto Account ...5n 2 2!.4 33 1 2 Ditto Bonds, 1535 Ditto Account French, 5 per cent —C —c. 4 per cent. —C 3 per cent. Oitto Account 14reek Bonds _ _ Ditto Bothls, 13`15 Ditto Account B(nr.l, per cent — I)itto Account 6 per cent. Dittl Account 4l 2 Neapolitan Eichange —f. —c. Dutch, 2;4 per cent. 56 5N 6 Ditto Account 56 5 Ditto, 5 per cent. lOl t 4 1 Ditto Account lOl PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share 2 414% Albion Copper Mining Company PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, MAY 20. 3 per Cent. Consols 91% Grand Canal Deb. ti per cent. 91% Ditto Reduced Ditto, 4 per cent 61% 31,-; per Cent. Stock 9S% Hibernian Bank Ditto New, 1830 99 City of Dublin Steam Co. lO4 3t4 per Cent. Debentures 91% National Insurance Company 30 Bank Stock 226 City Debentures, 4 per cent... 81 Royal Canal Steck Grand Canal Stock 24:!) per cent 9234 HIGH WATER AT LOND Morning 0 minutes after 0. IN BRIDGE TO-MORROW. 1 Evening I minutes after 0 THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN. THIS EVENING will be performed Auber's Opera of GUSTAVUS THE THIRD. Gustavus the Third, Mr. Warde ; Colonel Lillienhorn, Mr. Tem pleton; Captain Ankarstrom, Mr. Seguin; Oscar, Miss Shirreff. Madame Ankarstrom, Miss Betts ; Arvedson . , Mrs. Fitzwilliam. After wbich, TURNING THE TABLES. Jack Humphries, Mr. Harley; Jeremiah Bumps, Mr. Cooper. Miss Knibbs, Miss Lee; Mrs. Humphries, Mrs. C. Jones; Patty Larkins, Mrs. Fitzwilliam. To conclude with the Original Domestic Drama, galled THE NOTE-FORGER John Brasstoun, Mr. Warde ; Cressfield, Mr. Denvil ; Walty Ducket, Mr. Harley; Edward Glebeland, Mr. Vining . Diana Brasstoun, Miss Taylor; Phillis Trimbush, Mrs. Humby ; Dame Glebeland, Mrs. C. Jones. LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ELECTION. —SOUT H DEVON. THE COMMITTEE appointed at a PUBLIC MEETING held at the BRITISH COFFEE-HOUSE, Cockspur-street, on the 22d APRIL last, Col. EVANS, M.P., in the Chair, to manage the subscription in aid of the necessary expences of Lord John Russell's Election for South Devon, on closing their accounts beg to express their great gratification on finding their call re sponded to so promptly and l►berally by all classes of the commu nity, and have great pleasure in stating that the gross sum sub scribed amounts to 3,4161. 3s. Bd., and that the balance after de ducting 2901. 7s. 6d. for expences has been placed at the disposal of the Chairman of Lord John Russell's Committee at Exeter. At the same time, the Committee have to observe that their ob jects in convening the Meeting of the 22d April, and commencing the Subscription, were not merely to express approbation of the character and conduct of Lord John Russell, and to assist in esta blishing the principle that Election expenses should in no case fall on the Candidate, but more especially to assure his Majesty's Mi nisters that they may rely with the utmost confidence on the sup port of the inhabitants of the Metropolis, and of the country at large, when sincerely engaged in a course of progressive and effi cient Reform. _ _ _ By Order of the Committee, 21st May, 1835. W. WEST, Honorary Secretary. Amount advertised • £3285 16 0 Errata-si. was advertised from the Independent Society of the ward of Cripplegate, per J. Ma. thieson, Secretary—read Bishopsgate. Otway Cave, Esq., second sub. L. M Chas. A. Tulk, Esq., 111. P 2 2 0 George Baker, Esq. Elmers Castle, Durham Penny Subscription by Friends of Reform at Oswestry 3 3 0 Balance of subscription by some friends of Lord John Russell's 6 6 0 I. H. Croucher, Esq Second subscription from Cogers Hall Geldard, Esq ' John Thurston, Esq G. B. Kelly, Esq. ( Acton) Subscriptions at St. Marylebone. H. L. Buiwer, Esq., M.P J. E. Hovenden, Esq Daley, Esq Sir William De Bathe, Bart. Mr. Clare The Rev. Dr. Fellowes Mr. Byers Mr. Potter 0 5 0 Mr. Rogers Mr. Thorne The Parochial Committee Collected at the Meeting H. Waymouth, Esq. 2 0 0 Mr. John Stokes Two Radicals 0 5 0 Mr. Rogers, Lisson-street Mr. West's Men At Messrs. Ladbrooke and Co. Collected from 306' Reformers at Cirencester, at Id. . each, per Mr. T. Bishop Collected, per Mr. J. Adams A few Reformers at Blandford 1 5 6 0 4 11 1 7 6 Subscription from Kettering 4 1 8 Messrs. Stuckey's Banking Company, per Messrs. Ro barts and Co. Jeddiart Strutt, Esq. - Forrester, Esq., per ditto Sundry small subscriptions, per ditto 1 3 3 At Messrs. Grote and Co. _ _ _ The Rev Geo. Armstrong (Drogheda) Subscription from Ballynagree 0 1 11 John Williams, Esq. (Chester) Subscriptions at Great Yarmouth ll 14 8 J. M. French, Esq. .. Thomas Nesbit, Esq Edward Ronalds, Esq. Mr. J. N. Hutchin M. S A Belfast Reformer Messrs. Brown, Smart, and others Twelve Friends at the Prince Regent, Liverpool Road, 1 0 0 per J. W. B IL Vyse, Esq., Luton J. S - - 0 10 0 A Lady Subscriptions from Newbury and Speerhamland At the Morning Advertiser Office. Left at the Office _ _ 0 10 0 Penny Subscriptions at Mr. Ruston's, Anchor and Hope, New Crane, Shadwell Collected at Mr. Gamble's, Fountain's Abbey, Praed- street, Paddington A few Members of the Birth-Night Society, at the Coach and Horses, High Holborn, per Mr. J. Cantellow 0 12 3 HAMBURG, MAY 1835. 'TINE BROTHERS, CONTRACTORS for the STATE of HAMBURG'S GREAT LOTTERIES. being requested to publish the Scheme of the approaching Sixty sixth Lottery in the English Papers, and to have Tickets on Sale, with Agents in England. beg to state that neither can be done, because it is illegal for the English Newspavers to publish Foreign Lottery Schemes, and for any Agents in England to sell Foreign Lottery Tickets. On the other hand, they beg to state, as it is NOT illegal for any person in England to PURCHASE Foreign Lottery Tickets, that any person desirous to purchase, on addressing them by mail, will receive a full Scheme, and any desirable infor mation on the subject ( Gratis), by return of post. HAMBURG, MAY, 1835. HEINE BROTHERS beg to inform all those Nvho have to remit to them Eight Pounds, that upon receipt of a Ten Pound note, Two Pounds will be returned in gold by re turn of mail. HAMBURG, MAY, 1831. HEAVE BROTHERS beg to state that the first. cost of a Ticket of the Sixty-sixth Hamburg Great Lottery will lie Eivht L • - 44(>, 4 „, • zhv 51-11-I,+ LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 28, 1835. The late Dublin Procession was again brought be fore the House of Lords last night by Earl RODEN, in a speech of the most ludicrous solemnity, which will wear a still more ridiculous aspect in the eyes of our readers, when it is borne in mind that the Noble Lord who now professes to be so panic-stricken at the idea of an Irish procession, is himself, and has been for years, one of the heads of that party, whose proces sions from the days of King WILLIAM downwards, have done more to demoralize Ireland, than all the Rapparees and Rdckites that ever robbed—ravished--- or cut a throat. An Orange leader complaining of an Irish procession 1 Why, there has not been such a charge made, since that memorable one which, as our nursery legends assure us, the Pot once brought against the Kettle I It is as preposterous as that which the Opposition laid before the Court of Lilliput,— namely that the party in office, had been seen to break their eggs at the small end. Before the Noble Earl ventured to introduce such a subject, he should have bethought him of the coifing anniversaries of July. He should have borne in mind the flags exhibited—the mottos paraded—the toasts drank—the speeches hiccupped—on those occasions ; and having so refreshed his memory, he should have come forward, not to blame, but to commend a proces sion, which in its moderate, good-tempered, and in offensive character, presented such a striking contrast to those of his own party. But to what, after all, does the Noble Earl's charge. amount ? Simply to this, that on the occasion of Lord. MULGRAVE'S public entry into Dublin, a {ea poles with green flags, and mottos on them —not qui° so orthodox as an Orangeman could desire—were Pa" raded in the procession. And this is the mole-hill to which he directs their Lordships' attention as a maw tam I He has no heavier accusation to allege. 14 ' cannot prove that there was the slightest disorde-- the slightest attempt to trespass beyond the l imits of tly' law, or bring the KING'S Government into contempt ;*". the very utmost he can prove is, that the people , their enthusiasm for a liberal Lord Lieutenant, ch° not altogether lose sight of their old favourite O'COY NELL, or that obnoxious impost—Tithes., And -44 Y should they ? What law forbids them to eg'c c i e " O'Connell for ever I" from their flags ; or &scar the motto " No Tithes ?" Lord MELBOURNE well disposed of this portion tn °f the Orange grievance. " Much," he observed , " 851;8, should lament the use of those symbols, he g reat } doubted whether the carrying of such banner s, Pr i t ; vided that they were carried on a legal occasion, tc °ll ,. s bring them within the purview of the law." I f tjil be not sufficient answer for Earl RODEN, dOlibtle•CS' he will be satisfied with the fact, that it was his e l party that, not five months since, taught the Reforie e rii r how to act on these occasions I When the late 14 ° I Lieutenant visited the Dublin theatre, who was i t tll3 gave an avowed, deliberate ascendancy character 0 that visit ? Who, but the Orangemen therasel ° ' who, throughout the night, kept their own flag CO '' ' stantly waving above his head I Was there D o fa r tious demonstration here ? No disloyal attempt to ; grade the high character of an Irish Viceroy, by elelcjlj him appear the head, not of a nation, but a Par t Y But the Earl of HADDINGTON tells us he s 11( : wa , aware, till too late, of this circumstance. How then* ; it to be expected that in a mixed multitude, - a; l ea twenty times as numerous, the Earl of MULG` t , should have been able to take cognizance o f ever) flag that appeared in his procession ? If the g i a logy is to be accepted in the one case, surely i t sheer ° ! be accepted with twice as much readiness in the ethbi; But, after all, it is of little moment whether the 14% Earl knew, or knew not, what banners were carried' I,: the occasion referred to. The sole question to be Pa s sidered is, whether the carrying of such bawle r ' legal, and this Lord MELBOURNE has decided in t 9 affirmative. Here, then, to all intents and p ure the matter must rest. c oll' Finding themselves foiled in this grievance, th e servatives had recourse to another exercise of r° of nuity ; and endeavoured to entrap the Marge' s o f WELLESLEY into a confession that his re siguat iol3 os l the Lord Chamberlainship,was occasioned by his dig to at seeing the government of Ireland hande d everheit O'CONNELL. But here too, they took nothing by tiocl m otion. The Noble Marquis declared, his re signati' n te J, nothing - to with the late Irish appointments ; an d st3 h •ps with much emphasis, that he "hoped the ir Lord tea would not beled away by the notion that it was couye e o f with anything which happened upon the entra 9c 3 , the Earl of MULGRAVE into Dublin." This deci ration must be gall and vormwood to the Con s t he tives, for they had evidently expected, through , agency of Lord WELLESLEY, to be able to pla'it e thorn in the side of Ministers. But their e frorts 11 1 0 , only recoiled upon themselves. They are " 'bie their own petard." Not a single hint hay , th e Marquis let fall of his dissatisfaction with the red it terial appointments in Ireland ; and if he have I' o ' l° 4 from stating the precise causes of his resibmatioof rt i aio we suspect, because they have reference to a ° r oe, quarter, which it might be indelicate, or at al l y ',d e r inexpedient, more expressly to allude to. We w° t pcs what will be the next mare's-nest the Conserv3thircl will find out ? If they wish not to be foile d " $ time, we would advise them to send cleverer ine P sto te tour of discovery than Earl RODEN, or that fl Peer who rejoices in the title of LoNDoNDEI' usea A discussion, the report of which will be per lice by the public with no ordinary interest , took li;orl last night la the House of Commons o n the isecP°The reading of a bill called the Liverpool Police Oil' lire professed object of tlis bill is to establish a daY o rO' in the town of Liverpool ; its real obj ect is t vide out of the funds of the Corporation for.-- l ig ha tir eo our readers suppose' ?—rewards to those Pol o o who may be disabled in the service ? No. I:e'' si c to perhaps to, the widows of those who may be s' we itt iit the discharge of their duty ? Oh, no 1......theY shift for themselves the best way they can. l e r ,'6o o sons to be provided for by this Police Bill, a re t i f er other than the ESTABLISHED CLERG Y °f " to be pool I ! Yes, the funds of the Corporation Liver' saddled with the perpetual maintenance of the aritt pool parsons ! At least the attempt ball been to rfj cs i'l and has so far succeeded, we are ashame d that the Bill has been read a second time, 01° , s 1. ; sion of 185 to 171. We had occasion a fell' "halcor to hold up to public reprobation the conduc t of 1 " e pro' C porators of Lincoln, who had granted a lease o• 3ta perty worth 7,0001. per annum to a favourite' JO yearly rent of 751. That no doubt was as ra nk as ever was recorded in the annals of a CorPer B „ t n i e rts' a downright unblushing alienation of trust P cb "lo, is But there is something in the case before us, illoviseci to us infinitely more disgusting than the tolc"142101' I , !eculation to which we have alluded. Th e one ` 6 „: r s of raced—the other sn e a king villany. The CorPer3y she Liverpool have not the manliness either to 11 / ° ‘ t ip; intention, or to undertake the responsibility. of dc t. :o 4 the trust-funds to improper purposes, but they to pass off a fraud upon the House of Cornol eil . jot' procure its sanction, under false pretence s, to th eir co o quitous proceedings. We say iniquitous, fa r so d any thing be more abhorrent from jostirs cer equity, than to compel those who disapprove Oat tain system of religion to support the ministelli..°Licer religion. Yet this is what the Corporators 01 . g o , pool are endeavouring to do by covert end cra ft Y: Tj t e hei r They are, or rather they think themselves, wis e ' 11 0 ,30 generation. They see a storm brewing, and they to evade its effects, which, though sometimes cie s ver y in ° tive, are sometimes purifying. They see no w distant prospect the besom which is destined t° or e a clean sweep of Corporation nuisance s, and theYAll aware that the doom of Church - rate s is sealed•whieb this they know, and this knowledge it is tes of prompts their present proceedings. The O 4 ra f t he Liverpool have hitherto been supported 0 1 ' %till' Church-rates ; and, as these rates are soon to b e ha ve W ill then ' , I vo !) guished, and all classes of religionists to maintain their own ministers, the Corporators 00 1 LiverP on if possible to defeat this object as far is concerned, by pensioning the Established.Clergoitero the funds—contributed by Catholics and Dia s of every ier other desciiption—bcfore the power of . ftl, i r tr oi 't measure, so much dreaded by the friends r 010- and so eagerly longed for by the advocates et