The Sun. — London, England, 1848-07-01 00:00:00

the best means of promoting tha dispatch of the business of the House.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY presented a petition from the ticket porters of the House, praying for increased remuneration. METROPOLITAN SURVEY. Sir B. HALL wished to know, p urs uant to notice he had given yesterday, from the Noble Lord at the head of the Woods and Forrests, whether the associated surveyors and civil engineers of the metropolis had made an offer to make the survey of the metro polis for a sum of 18,000/., and what were the reasons the Commissioners of Sewers had preferred the survey taking place under the Ordnance Department; the also wished to ask the Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests what arrangements had been made for the completion of the survey of the metropolis, what was likely to be the cost of that survey, including the mili tary pay of the parties employed, acd whether the whole is to be defrayed by the ratepayers of the metropolis? Lord MORPETH. said that it was true that the associated surveyors and civil engineers of the metropolis had made the offer to which the lion. Baronet had referred, but the Commissioners of Sewers, acting upon the best advice they could procure, had come to the decision that the best guarantee they could have for making a proper survey would be to employ those who acted under the authority and control of the Ordnance. The expense of the stirs vey under the Ordnance Department would be 19,5001., not one-tenth more than the offer made by the asso ciated surveyors and engineers, while it was anti cipated that double the work would be performed. In reply to a question of Sir DE LACY EVANS, Colonel ANSON said that three companies were en gaged on the survey, and that when the men were em ployed in that capacity they received extra pay. The whole cost of the survey would be paid by the Commis sioners of Sewers, but whether the money would come out of the rates which were levied upon the respective districts or not, he was quite unable to answer, that being within the province of his Noble Friend the First Commissioner of Woods and Forests. BOROUGH OF SLIGO. Mr. STAPFORD moved, that Mr. Speaker do issue kis warrant to the Clerk of the Crown in Ireland, to make out a new writ for the electing a burgess to serve in this present Parliament for the borough of Sligo, in the room of Charles Towneley, Esq., whose election has been determined to be void. ROYAL COMMISSION. Sir Augustus Clifford, Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, here appeared at the bar of the House, and having advanced to the table, summoned the House to attend the House of Peers, to hear the Royal Assent given by Commission to several Bills (for the titles of which see Lords' report). The SPEAKER having returned and reported the Bills to which the royal assent had been given, Mr. STAFFORD resumed his speech on his motion for issuing a new writ for the borough of Sligo. He in timated that now that the Great Yarmouth Disfranchise ment Bill had become law, it was his intention to move that a new writ be issued for that borough as well as Sligo. Nothing had yet been done to improve the state of Ireland, and he did not think the House would 'be justid4d in refusing to allow one of her vaP eit borolgh; to send a representative to that House. e motien having been seconded. M. 111; ME protested that the motion was irregular. The e.'dence taken before the Sligo Committee had been er.'ered to be printed, and he had never heard of an instance where a writ was moved for in a case like this, till the order for printing the evidence had been complied with. Mr. ANSTEY supported the motion. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said, until they had the evidence taken in the Committee before them, in order that they might see whether there had been extensive corruption or not, he could not consent to the issuing of the writ. Colonel DUNNE said he considered it would be un coustitutional and most inconvenient to postpone the issue of the writ for Sligo, and stated that his only objet;, in postponing the motion of which he had given notice for issuing it, was to allow time to have the evi dence printed and laid before the House. Sir JOHN HANMER said he had just been informed that a petition would be presented to the House against the return at the new election for Horsham, for which borough the House had only lately issued a writ, and that being the ease he thought it would not be prudent to issue any more writs until some inquiry was made into those particular boroughs where members had been unseated on the ground of corruption. Hun. Gen tlemen had stated that it was unconstitutional to suspend writs, but in 1773, during the time of Burke and Sir George Saville, he found that the House had suspended a writ fir the bo rough of Shaftesbury, where the election had been de clared void on account of corruption. Mr. BANKES said the Hon. Member (Col. Dunne) had moved that the minutes of evidence should be printed, but he had done so in error, because it rested with one of the members of the Committee to make that motion. Unless, therefore, such a motion was made, he should certainly vote for the motion of his Hon. Friend. Sir GW)R,GE GREY said the evidence was being printed, and would be laid before the House in -two or three days. He trusted, therefore, that the Hon. Gentleman would not press his motion, but wait until the House had an opportunity of judging whether there was any ground for suspending the writ for Sligo. Mr. W RIGHTSON stated, us the Chairman of the Committee, that the issue of ale inquiry did nut impress the Committee with the notion that the House would refused to issue the writ.—([leer, hear.) lie regretted that the evidence had not been ordered to be laid betore the House. _ _ . Mr. R. SPOON ER thought that the Hon. Member • who had just spoken hid stated grounds upon which hE• - thought the House ought to issue the writ, for he had 'regretted that the evidence had been ordered to be laid on the table of the House. Sir R. PEEL would have felt inclined to vote for a delay in the issuing of the writ, but from the statement that had just been made:by the Hon. Member opposite (Nlr. Wrizhtson). Mr. HUME after the statement that had been made would not oppose further the issuing of the writ. The writ was then ordered to issue. GREAT YARNIOUTH. Mr. STAFFORD then moved for a new writ for the borough of Great Yarmouth, which was agreed to with out any opposition. RAILWAY COMMISSION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in answer to a question from Mr. Bankes, said it was the intention of the Govern ment to oppose his motion for leave to bring in a Bill to abolish the Railway Commission, but it was not the intention of the Government to keep up the Commission with Commissioners having salaries.—(Hear, hear.) SP.2IN. Mr. URQUHART then rose, pursuant to notice, to put a question to the Foreign Secretary, with reference to a return of the 30th of May, respecting the arms and ammunition furnished to Spain by this country. On a forme: occasion the Noble Lord had stated that money wal due by Spain to this country ; subsequently a return, moved for by the Hon. Member tor Pontefract, while giving other particulars, made no mention of any money due from Spain to this country. lie wished to kaow which of the two—the Noble Viscount's statement or the return—was to be taken as representing the real fact of the case, the more especially as, from another paper presented that morning, the House was informed that the Spaiii,Li Government owed us 564,0001., advanced in money or goods, under the quadruple treaty? Lord PALMERSTON said that the Hon. Member would have seen by the returns that had been laid on the table some time ago what toe amount of the claim unsa tisfied by the Spanish Government was. The claim had been admitted, although it was not yet paid. Mr. URQUHART asked a hen the correspondence moved for and ordered respecting the attack on the Most-pito territory would he laid on the table? Lord PALMERSTON said on Monday next. Mr. URQUHART had another questio❑ to put to the Noble Lord.— (Oh, oh.) O❑ the 6th of March the Noble Lord had agreed to produce certain documents and correspondence which he had required in order to rebut some imputations which had been made upon him in a formal manner. A few days ago some papers were laid on the table purporting to be the documents ordered to be produced in conformity to the order of the House. The papers so ordered to be laid on the table were let ters dated in the years 1837 and 1838; whereas the date Gr the earl:eit letter contained i❑ the returns on the table was the year 1838 He wished to have an expla nation of this circumstance from the Noble Lord opposite. Lord PALMERSTON said that during a former debate he had road a letter from Mr. Backhouse, and some printed papers relative to the Portfolio which he had promised to lay on the table of the House, as ho considered it to be the duty of a Minister to do after he had read or quoted such papers in the House.--(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member subsequently moved an unopposed return for the correspondence relating to his recal from the post of Secretary of Embassy at Con stantinople; but as soon as he (Lord Palmerston) found that he had done so, he signified that bad he known what the papers moved for were he never would have consented to their being granted, for it was contrary to constitutional practice for the Government to be called upon to state any reasons for the recal of a diplomatic agent from abroad.—(Hear, hear) He therefore stated to the Honourable Member that if be had given notice of the correspondence he was going to move for he (Lord Palmerston) should have opposed it, upon which the Hon. Member stated he was willing to take what documents he was ready to give. He then told the Hon. Member that he objected to let such a motion remain on the journals of the House and that if he would not move that it be rescinded, he himself would. The lion. Member did so, and then gave notice of his intention to move for other papers. He (Lord Palmerston) confessed he was to blame, for he saw the notice at the time, which was for correspondence of the years 1337 and 1838, whereas the correspondence laid on the table was dated 1839. But what correspon dence he had engaged to produce was of the latter date, and not of 1837-8, and unless the House were to compel him to do so, he should continue to object to produce the correspondence in question, as that would establish a very inconvenient precedent. Mr. URQUHART rose to revive the Noble Lord's memory, but was interrupted by cries of "Spoke." Mr. C. ANSTEY moved that the House do now ad- journ. Mr. URQUHART said that the Noble Lord's state ment was the reverse of the fact. His Hon. Friend (Kr, C. Anstey) would Ix:or witness that the p a p ers referred to by the Noble Lord as having been those promised by him, related to the debate of the Ist of March. The oc casion when the Noble Lord promised him to produce the correspondence was on the Gth of March, and in what he had said the Nob!e Lord had made as great a devia tion from the statement of facts as that which had been the subject of conversation some nights ago. He now THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY called on the Noble Lord to fulfil the conditions of the return as ordered to be made by the House, and to pro duce the correspondence of 1837 and 1838. The Noble Lord had slipped through his fingers half a dozen times, but he would put it to the House whether they were to be satisfied with his refusal to comply with the order en tered in the journals. If the Noble Lord, however, would consent to withdraw the imputations which he cast upon him, he (Mr. Urquhart) would agree to press the matter no farther.—(A laugh.) Lord PALMERSTON said that on the occasion when the Hon. Member gave notice of his intention to move for the correspondence in question, he had called on him to retract the imputation conveyed by his (Lord Pal merston's) having attributed the Hon. Member's hos tility to his recal—(A laugh)—he had refused to do so. That was his opinion. It might be right, or it might be wrong; but he certainly should not retract it, as he entertained such au opinion. He had produced the cor respondence which he had agreed to do, and he should only say that if the House of Commons called upon him to produce the remainder of the letters he should do so, but not otherwise. _ _ . Lord MAHON rose, not to question the propriety of the Noble Lord's refusal to produce the correspondence, but to submit to his consideration the fact whether it was not highly inconvenient that an order of the House to pro duce certain papers should be disobeyed? It was not consistent with the dignity of the House not to insist on complete obedience to its commands. He wished, therefore, to know whether the Government would not take some measure for rescinding the order on the journals? Lord J. RUSSELL agreed that the order ought to be rescinded, and stated that be should take it into his con sideration how this could be best effe:cted. Mr. URQUHART again urged hig question as to what course the Government intended to take respecting the incomplete return to which he had already called attention? Lord J. RUSSELL said that he should on some future day move that the present order be rescinded, and make a fresh motion for papers in conformity with those laid on the table of the house. — Mr. BAILEY said that the conduct of the Noble Lord (Palmerston) was not candid, for be ought to have come down and expressed his determination not to grant the papers moved for when they were first ordered. Lord PALMERSTON said that the terms of the mo tion never caught his attention. But he must say that after the Hon. Member had expressly consented to with draw his motion for the correspondence respecting his recal, it never entered his imagination that he would move for those very papers in the manner he had done. But, perhaps, it was his own fault that he had not looked more narrowly into the words of the Hon. Mem ber's motion. After some further conversation the subject dropped, and the motion for adjournment was withdrawn. RUMOURED SEIZURE OF A BRITISH VESSEL ON THE COAST OF FRANCE. __ Mr. WYLD asked the Noble Lord a question. He had heard it reported that a British vessel had been seized by the French authorities, whilst attempting to land arms on the coast of Brittany ; and he wanted to know whether the Noble Lord had had any account of such an event having occurred. Viscount PALMERSTON—I was not aware of the report to which the Hon. Gentleman alludes. But I shall take this opportunity of saying that, during the late events that have taken place in Paris, reports were cir culated, and from quarters from which this should not have proceeded, which suggested that the British Go vernment were guilty of having been concerned in these events. lam happy to be able to take this opportunity of stating that there could not be anything more false and unfounded than an imputation of the kind.—(Loud cheers.) Indeed her Majesty's Government have had every reason to acknowledge the fair and handsome manner in which the Provisional Government, and the Executive Committee, subsequently established in France, have acted in conducting the affairs of that na tion with this country. I must say, nothing could be more fair and honourable—(Cheers)—and I trust that the well-known fair and honourable principles of the British Government, and the manner in which their affairs are conducted, will be sufficient to prevent any doubt that their conduct will continue to be guided by the same honour and good faith.—(Cheers.) If, therefore, the question of the Honourable Gentleman relates to any suspicion that arms have been sent by the British Go vernment to any part of France, I assure him there is not the slightest foundation for such a supposition. Mr. WYLD said that the report was, not that the vessel was a Government but a private one. It was merely that an English vessel had been seized by the French authorities on the coast of Brittany, in the at tempt to land arms, and he (Mr. Wyld) had received more than one letter which stated that the event had hap pened. He was anxious to call attention to the report, because at the present time it was highly necessary that such reports should be contradicted if possible. Viscount PALMERSTON—Of course if a private undertaking be made in a private vessel to land arms, I cannot say anything. I can only hope that the authori ties of the country where such attempt has been made will deal with such an adventurer as the laws of the country may justity.—(Hear, hear.) The subject then dropped. PUBLIC ACCOUNTS. Mr. HUNIE begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Govern ment had taken any steps to carry into effect the resolu tion come to on a former evening respecting the mode of keeping the public accounts ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he would reply to the question on Monday. Mr. ANSTEY begged to assure the Right Hon. Baronet the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the ob servations which he made on the preceding evening rela tive to the Irish deputation on the rum duties, had been misrepresented in several of the papers. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was quite satisfied that the Hon. Member had not made the observations imputed to him. other markets of the world, gave them a sum of not less than thirty millions sterling in addition to the twenty millions sterling granted in 1834. If this were true, he should like to know whether Parliament owed any thing to the colo nies, or whether all was not due to the people of this country, who bad been grievously oppressed by the mo nopoly which was put an end to by the Bill of 1846. The Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, seemed to con tend that it was the duty of Parliament to make the production of sugar in the British West Indies a profit able occupation. Suppose they took that for granted, was the sugar trade the only trade requiring assistance? —(Hear, hear.) He could take the Noble Lord round all the staple trades of this country, and show him that during last year not one had been carried on at a profit.—(Hear, hear.) There was not one of them which could point to twenty years of monopoly, with a profit of fifty per cent. How was it in other parts of the world ? In India the ryot had no protection in the cultivation of his cotton, nor had the Australian any for his wool. Did the Noble Lord know that the price of that article had fallen from ls. 91 to ls. the pound? Why, Parliament could do nothing else, if it were to entertain such questions as these.—(Hear, hear.) This heavily taxed country was now called upon to give assistance to the colonies, and at such a time it would be a proper subject of inquiry to ask whether the colonists had done their duty. He had had a good deal of con versation lately with gentlemen from Guiana, Trinidad, and Jamaica, who told him that in Guiana such a thing as a plough was unknown, there was no drainage, and, in point of fact, everything was done in the rudest possible manner. From Trinidad he had the most ex press information that sometimes hogsheads of sugar were kept from the beach because the roads were im passable, although only for a distance of five miles.— (Hear, hear.) In fact, he was informed that, with the finest soil and climate in the world, Trinidad was almost wholly without roads.—(Hear, hear,) Then, in Ja maica: had the planters constructed the Jamaica Rail way?—(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, had it not been begun and finished with funds supplied by men who re pudiated protection altogether, ?—( Hear, hear.) , He now came to their trade regulations, and being in trade him self, he could speak with some confidence on this point What were the trade arrangements in the colonies? In the first place, the great majority of the estates were admitted to be in the hands of mortgagees.—(No, no.) It was a fact, and had been acknowledged.—(Hear, hear.) What was the course with an estate which was in the hands of mortgagees? The nominal owner had no control; the mortgagee was the real owner, and what the British Parliament was now asked to do, was to pay off the mortgages, and allow the planter to work as if he had never mortgaged.—(Hear, hear.) How could business so carried on be profitable? The mortgagee residing in England took care that the produce came over to him in his ships, making such charges for freight, brokerage, and commission, as he.thought proper. Be ' sides, everything required in the shape of stores, or ma chinery, went through his hands, and every one could guess the terms on which such transactions were con ducted.—(Hear.) It had been complained that the West Indies had no trade except with this country, the fact being that they could not send to America, because the mortgagees insisted on the produce coming to England. Another evil attending this was, that the American ships which brought provisions, not being able to get return cargoes, took away nearly all the specie - of the islands, and paid it away in Cuba tor cargoes of slave-grown sugar.—(Hear, her.) On the subject of the impediments which stood in the way of colonial success in trade, he held in his hand a letter which be had received from a Member of the Jamaica House of Assembly, and which he would take leave to read to the House. The Hon. Member proceeded to read the letter, the purport of which was that the West Indians could not prosper until re lieved from the exactions of absentee mortgagees. That in addition to other means by which they were plundered, the mortgagee was at the same time a shipowner, and sent out his ship to his planting attorney, with positive orders to fill it from certain estates indicated. The attor ney then wrote to the overseers, who, perhaps, answered that the canes were not ripe —in fact, that the number which would make 100 hhds, of ripe would only make 60 at that moment. The attorney, however, fearing a a supersedeas, was imperative, and canes were frequently cut at eleven months, when at least fifteen would be ne cessary to ripen them properly. The writer stated that he had frequently followed the sugar to the wharf, and had seen the molasses dripping from the casks. Now, on this alone, considering that the profit on rum as com pared with sugar was as one to two, the loss must be enormous.—(Hear, hear.) The writer continued to state that he had offered himself to ship sugars at cheaper rates, but the general answer of the planter was, that he must ship in the vessels of his mortgagee. Indeed, sugar might be seen lying in tho wharfs for months together, and in one case a lot had lain for five months to be shipped at last at a freight of ss. per cwt., while several ships had come and gone which would have taken them at 4..—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Bright) considered it would be a great blessing if such burdens were removed, instead of proposing to re-enact protective duties and increase the taxes on the British people.—(Hear, hear.) He now came to a point which had been alluded to by the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth—he meant the extraordinary expenses of the colonies. There was no doubt but that the colonists had great and just cause of complaint on that score.— (Hear, hear.) His correspondent before quoted informed him that one great grievance of the colonists was the enormous amount of taxation. Any memorial passed by the House of Assembly in the direction of reform in the expenditure was sure to be rej• cted by the Council, the members of which, with one solitary exception, wer, placemen. There was the Lord Bishop, with 3,000/. a year ; the Chief Justice, 3,0001. ; the General com manding, 4,0001 ; and the Vicr-Chancellor, 2,500/. ; wish several others of lesser amounts. Besides ties there was a Council iund s f 6.000/., for the expendi ture of which the Council invariably refused to account. Besides all this, the Governor (Sir Charles Grey) had 7,000/. a year, and the secretary 1,8001. He maintain d that such u scale of expenditure was an intolerable grievance on the colonists.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member fur Lynn bad alleged that in conse quence of the reduction in the price of sugar several large West India houses had fallen. Why, they were insolvent before. They had departed altogether from the regular course of trade, and the consequence was that their estates would now pay only three or four shillings in the pound. Was it to support houses of that descrip tion that Parliament was about so largely to increase the taxation of the country?—(Hear, hear.) He was sorry that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had again raised the much-vexed question of pro tection. He should recollect that in 1841 his Govern went was broken up on that question, and that in 1846 that of the Right Honourable Baronet opposite met a similar fate. Even ,so lately as that morning the present cabinet of the Noble" Lord was in articulo mortis, and was only saved by the extreme unction of fifteen votes, the givers of which differed entirely from the Noble Lord on the principle of the question. — (Hear, arid laughter.) The fact was, and he deeply re greted it, that this discussion had been carried on with out any reference to the interests of the people of this country. The Noble Lord had raised the question of protection again after he had himself buried it. If he had been the Noble Lord he would have demanded the Bill of 1846 to the last on its results, for never had be neficial results flowed more rapidly than upon the pass ing of the Bill of 1846.—(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—I stated that. Mr. BRIGHT—The result had been equally favour able as regarded consumption and revenue. He would take three periods of eight months each; one before and the other two after the passing of the Bill of 1846. The whole consumption was—la the first eight months, 3,550,000 cwt.; in the second eight months, 4,349,000 cwt.; in the third eight months, 4,235,000 cwt. Showing an increase of the second period over the first of 795,000 cwts., and of the third over the first of 680,000 wts. With regard to revenue, equally favourable results had accrued. The amount of revenue received was—ln the first eight months, 2,516,0001.; iu the second eight months, 3,405,0001.; in the third eight months, 3,021,0001. So that the revenue gained nearly a million.—(Hear, hear.) He disapproved of the proposal for immigration, as calculated to cheapen labour unduly as against the coloured population of the West Indies, and to demoralise them by introducing amongst them the vices of the African tribes. There was another point in considering this part of the ques tion which must not be lost sight of. More than one half of the sugar imported was not the produce of those colonies where there was a deficiency of labour. From Barbadoes, the Mauritius, and the East Indies, where labour was abundant, we imported 163,000 tons, leaving only 137,000 as coming from those West India colonies which were complaining of want of labour. Yet by the proposition of the Government this amount of protection was to be given not only to those colonies where there was an insufficient supply of labour and consequent distress, but to those also where labour was plentiful, and where there was no necessity for the protection. Why, was ever a more monstrous proposition put forward ? It was in effect that because one man alleged that there was a debt due to him, therefore not only should he be paid, but that compensation should be awarded to all who are related to him.—(Hear.) If any thing were due to the West India colonies, let them send in their account of what there was to pay, and let it be paid and done with ; but let not this country be called upon to pay not only those who cohsidered they had claims against us, but those who had no claims whatever.—(An Hon. Member: " You would never get a receipt in full.") He agreed with his Hon. Friend that the West India body would never give a receipt in full. They were like Oliver Twist, always asking for ",more, more." And for the concession which was now about to be made would here after be made the ground for new demands. It would be urged hereafter—" You admitted by your measure of 1848 . that the settlement of 1846 was no settle ment, there is still something more due to us," — and they would continue to make new claims until they were in a state of prosperity, which under the protective system they would mever be. —(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member for West bury bad put forward a theory, or rather two theories— one in the House and the other out of doors—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—the one in the House being that full compensation would be obtained for any increase in price by the fall of duty to 10s. a cwt. He admitted that as a general rule low duties were advantageous to the revenue to a certain extent, and to the consumer altogether ; but out of doors the Honourable Gentleman had another theory, which was that the highest duty regulated the price, and that the price regulated the con sumption.—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Wilson.) But by the proposition of the Government it would not be until the year 1852 that the consumer would be in any better position, for any reduction of the duty on colonial sugar could not have the effect, according to the Hon. Mem ber's own theory that the highest duty regulated price, until the lowest duty on foreign sugar came into opera tion.—(Hear.) But again, as to any advantage result ing to the consumer as accompanying this proposition, it A IMO u N MENT OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL, in answer to a question put by Mr. A. Stafford, said that it would depend on the pro gress made in the business on the paper whether the House met to•morrow (this day) or not. SUGAR DUTIES. The House then went into Committee on the Sugar Duties. On the first resolution being put from the Chair, Mr. BRIGHT rose to move the amendment of which he had given notice. The question was whether there should be a large or a small increase made in the amount of the protection now given to %Vest India sugars. The debate that had just closed had entirely destroyed the propositions brought forward by the Noble Lord, but there was one thing in particular which could not have failed to strike any person who had heard the discus- , sion—namely, that one great party to the question had been totally overlooked, and that was the great class of sugar consumers in the three kingdoms for whose benefit the Act of 1846 had been passed. Now, he stood there on behalf of that great class by whom sugar was chiefly consumed ; and he asked the Com mittee to refuse to alter the Act of 1846. The ques tion had heen debated on two principal grounds—namely, slavery and protection to the %Vest Indians. Great sympathy had been expressed for the slaves in the Bra zils and the Africans yet in their native country ; and the Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Pakington) had talked about the holy struggle which ended in the Emancipa tion Bill of 1832. But numbers of those Hon. Members (including the Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford) had abstained during the debates on the Slavery Act from making any efforts in support of that law, and many, indeed, had voted against it. It had be..n urged that there was a great falling off in West Indian pro duce, but to come to a correct conclusion on that point they should take an average of a number of years, be cause in ordinary course of trade it happened that one year's importation was, from accidental causes, greater than that of another. In 1845 the importation of slaves into Cuba, as stated in the returns prepared by the West Indian body, amounted to 32,000, and in 1846 it had risen to 64,000. Now he wished to call the attention of the House to the dishonesty with which these re turns had been prepared. It was intended to prove that the impulse given to the slave trade by the Bill of 1846 was felt directly. But it should be recollected that the Government which passed that Bill did not come into power until that year, and that the Bill itself was introduced on the 20th of July. No positive information respecting it could reach Cuba until the end of August, after which the slave-ships must be sent to Africa. Now, he would ask the House whether, under such circumstances, the Bill of 1846 could have any effect on the importation of slaves during that year ? —(Hear, hear.) What became of the argument, when it was known that in 1847 the importation had gone down to 63,0002—(Hear, hear.) He contended that the whole case broke down as regarded the impulse given to the importation of slaves into Cuba and Brazil by the Bill of 1846. The Right Hon. Member for Oxford University had said that what the planters wanted was money; and that the compensation they had received amounted to only 45 per cent. of their value. Well, granting that to be true, how much did that compensation come to, as compared to the previous trade of the colonies, to which compensation was awarded ? He would take Jamaica, Trinidad, and Guiana. The largest exports of Jamaica were in 1833, when it amounted in value to 3.148,0001. That amount, allow ing ten per cent., would leave a capital of 314,0001. Now the share of the compensation money which was re ceived by Jamaica was 6,150,0001., and that sum if invested at five per cent., would yield an income of 375,000/., being within 7,3001. of ten per cent. on the whole export.—(Hear, hear.) In Trinidad and Guiana a similar calculation would give an income of thirteen per cent. on the entire exports of both colonies. That was certainly a higher profit,than the majority of traders looked for in this country, but he believed that if the whole of the West Indies were taken, the interest of the compensation money would give an income of fifteen per cent. on the whole previous annual amount of their exports. But that was not all. Besides getting such an enormous compensation, the planters retained their estates, their buildings, their implements, and all their floating capital. Surely, then, they had re ceived ample equivalent for the difference of price between slave and free labour.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the apprenticeship system, it had been said that it had lasted only four years instead of six. He was not going to upbraid the planters with the cause of that sudden change, but of this he was sure that the feeling which had caused the abolition of the apprentice ship was caused by well authenticated complaints that the planters did not mean to abide by the state of free dom. Something had been said of an impliedicontract between the planters and the Parliament of England at the time of emancipation. He had never heard of such a contract, but if such h a d e v e r ex i s ted, it was highly dishonourable to the contracting parties. No such con tract could bind the people of England to submit to a , m w a o r n d o s p 01 0 y. B t. eleven uthe t years, colonists s h t s e h ex ad ten a t m o o f no l p s o s. ly pe f r or cw u t p .: which, looking at the selling price of sugar in all the EVENING, JULY I, lO4 B might be had without any increase of protection.— (Hear) It was the duty of Government to stimulate consumption, not increase protection.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord (J. Russell) said he looked to increased con sumption for the prosperity of the colonies ; and there could be no doubt if the Noble Lord could steer the co lonies through the present storm, and facilitate consump tion here, he would be conferring a great benefit both on the grower of sugar and the consumer. Those who had spoken in favour of the present measure had esti mated the loss that would result to the revenue at from 10,0001. to 40,000/. He hoped the Hon. Member for Westbury would, in the course of the present debate, explain the grounds of that calculation.. If there should be an enormous increase of consumption it was probable that the loss would not exceed that amount ; but if, as the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wilson) had said, the highest duty always regulated the price, and price regu lated the consumption, there would be no increased con sumption, except such as arose from increased population —for some years to come. He would assume the quan tity of sugar returned for home consumption during those years at 240.000 tons of colonial and 50,000 tons of foreign; and taking the highest duty under the Bill of 1846, and comparing it with the highest duty under the Bill of 1848, he found that the loss on the first year's revenue would be 165,0001.; on the second, 405,00 a; on the third, 645,000/.; on the fourth, 885,000/.; and on the ' fifth, 935,0001. These were very different amounts from 10,000/. or 40,000/., as stated by the Noble Lord and the Hun. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the Noble Lord must have founded his calculation on the supposi tion that the fall of duty was on the smaller quantity, and not on the larger; whereas the great tall of duty was on the colonial sugar, which was the larger quantity, the loss upon which would commence from July in the pre sent year. The total loss he estimated at upwa - rds of 3,000,000/., against which any revenue arising, from increased consumption, consequent on in creased population, or greater power to consume (which he hoped there would be), was not to be set, inasmuch as that revenue would be obtained inde pendent of this Bill, and without this loss.—(Hear.) And certainly, for a Chancellor of the Exchequer who was at his wits' end for money—who had to bring for ward another budget before the session closed—(Hear, hear)—aud to state in what way—whether by imposing an additional tax on real property or otherwise—he will raise the money necessary for supplying the deficiency in the revenue and carrying on the public service ; for a Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Government to which he belonged under such circumstances to attempt to tinker a measure passed only in 1846, and which had already produced such admirable results to the com merce and to the revenue of the country, was a speci men of statesmanship he shonid have thought much too extraordinary and absurd for the middle of the nine teenth century.—(Hear and a laugh.) But had the Chancellor of the Exchequer considered that he was not now legislating on a matter of revenue, but for pro• tection to the West India body. And protection being the issue, he protested against the increase o: duties the resolu tion proposed, and contended that it was a most un statesmanlike proceeding, and at :the same time most unjust to those who were engaged in the sugar trade. He had letters from a gentleman stating that, trusting:to the Act of 1846, and to the declaration of the Govern ment in May last that the duty of 18s. 6d. on foreign sugar would commence from the sth of July, orders had been sent out for sixty or eighty cargoes, and in some eases vessels had been sent out in ballast to bring back foreign sugar. He asked, was it consistent with the dignly of the Government of this great country thus to break faith, and probably to inflict ruin on those who had:trusted to their declarations?—( , fear.) Never before had Parliament been called upon to take a step so com pletely in the dark, and so contrary to all experience, as on this occasion. The Noble Lord had nb reason to believe now, any more than he had on the 30th of May, that the measure would benefit the \Vest Indian body. The Hon. Member for Westbury—whom he had hitherto looked up to as an authority, and at whose feet he had sat as his Gamaliel—(A laugh)—but who now, contrary to all his former opinions, advocated this measure—he was sure had no faith in it.—(Hear, hear.) No Member on the Treasury bench really believed that it would do good to the West Indies, while they must be convinced that it. could do no good to the consumer or the revenue.—(Hear.) On the other side of the House, and amongst the repre sentatives of the West India interest, not one had spoken in favour of the measure; nor were there scarcely two opinions agreed as to the nature of the relief wlich the West India colonies really required; and the Right Honourable Baronet the Member fur Tamworth had dis tinctly given it as his conviction that protection would be injurious rather than advantageous to them, and, that being his view, he took it that the Right Hon. Baronet would vote with him against the Government proposal. —(Hear, and a laugh.) The Noble Lord had said that all that was required was capital: but with this system of legislation —a fiscal measure in 1846, another in 1848, and another which would be clamoured for three months hence—what encouragement was there for the investment of capital? If there was one thing which capital shunned more than another, it was uncertainty. The Noble Lord had told them that immigration had failed; yet he now proposed a grant of 500,000/. to pro mote immigration. Again, the Noble Lord said that a 103. protection would raise the wages of labour and in crease the evil now complained of; but if 10s, would do it, surely 7s. would do it to a corresponding degree.— (Hear, hear.) Why did not the Noble Lord leave the Protectionists to fight out their battle on the question of protection? It' the Noble Lord was still a free- trader, if he still professed the doctrines of Adam Smith, and the published doctrin es of th e H on . Me m b e r for Westbury—(Hear, hear)—why did he not adhere to them? He knew not on which side to look for the most conclusive arguments against the Government measure. It was repudiated by those for whose benefit it was brought forward; all parties condemned it, and there were hardly two opinions agreed on the question it was brought forward to meet. He objected to the measure as being a departure from the settlement of 1846, arid as being calculated to re-open other questions which were determined at that time.—(hear.) Let the prin ciple of free trade be sound or not, it was adopted in 1846 as to sugar, corn, and other articles, and the de cision then come to was in accordance with the opinion of the vast majority of the people of this country. Let that principle have that fair trial which even its oppo nents admitted it ought to have.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord was now about to disturb that principle, as re garded sugar, and before long he might be called upon to re-open it to another article.—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Cayley.) The Honourable Member for the North Riding of Yorkshire cheered when he (Mr. Bright) said that corn would be the next article on which they would be called on to retrace their steps. He hoped, however, the Noble Lurd would be more firm with regard to corn than he was with regard to sugar—if he was not, he doubted whether he would escape even by a majority of 15.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Noble Lord was without blame to himself at the head of a Government whch was in an unfortunate position in regard to finance, and it was his duty to consider how he would make up the present deficiency before he increased it. That he had done that which would sacrifice revenue, be injurious to the sugar consumer of this country—that which the West Indians themselves repudiated, and which the Committee of the House did not recommend—that which would unsettle a great settlement, was, he thought, matter of blame to the Noble Lord and his Government. Standing by the Bill-of 1846, they might hare defied any combination of mistaken philanthropy on the one side, and of monopoly on the other. As it was, they had given to their opponents an advantage they would not recover; and as he thought the measure alike per nicious to this country and the West Indies, he would move as an amendment, " Thar it was not desirable to make any alteration in the sugar duties of 1846." (Hear, hear.) Mr. G. BERKELEY said that in rising to oppose the amendment of the Honourable Member for Man chester, he must say a few words in defence of the planters of the West Indies, whose character had been arraigned by that Honourable Member. He thought this attack was most unfair. The Hon. Member for Manchester was in the habit of running a tilt at almost every measure, whether he understood its intricacies or not. In the course of a conversation which they had had in Committee, (as was understood) that Hon. Gentleman had told Inca (Mr. G. Berkeley) that when he was made a Legis!alor there was a very good game keeper spoilt.—(Great laughter.) He (Mr. G. Ber keley) rejoined—" Do you believe everything that the Hon. Member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) says?" He said, " I do most implicitly." " Will you," he (Mr. Berkeley) asked, " pin your faith to any opinion which that Hon. Member entertains ?" The reply was, " I will." "Then," said he (Mr. Berkeley) "that Hon. Friend of yours tells me that so pugnacious are your qualities, that he has told you that if you were not a Quaker you would be a prise-fighter."—(Shouts of laughter.) He would now state to the House his own position as a West India proprietor. He possessed six estates in British Guiana, and from the time of negro emancipa tion up to that hour he had had no return. They were, unfortunately, under the operation of the Dutch law. If he neglected to keep in repair a road or bridge, it was within the province of the local government to do what was required, and to sell a property which had originally cost 100,000/. for the sum of 101., if that were the amount expended. In Guiana it was totally impos sible to compel the labourer to work ; he went either to the bush or to an abandoned estate, and there was no police to prevent him from landing and stealing the few plantings which were raised. He believed that, without protection, 500,000/. would be like money thrown into the sea. As regarded the compensation granted for eman cipation, he would ask whether that could be adequate, when having received 14,000/. as his share, he had not since received a fraction of his former income?—( Hear.) There was no person in so difficult and so hard a posi tion. He would read to the House a letter which he had received from his agent in British Guiana, dated last May. It was in answer to a letter of his own, wherein he asked him about the condition of his estate. He said, " Sir,—l am in receipt of your favour of the 27th of February, and I am sorry I am not able to realise your wishes for better news. Truly has Mr. Barkly described the state of your once splendid property as being in a dreadfully neglected stata. The like description would answer fully one-half of the colony; and actually in the immediate neighbourhooit of George Town itself, aban doned estates are fast becoming general, cultivated ones being rapidly given up. The colony is certainly in a weak condition, so that many other properties must be added to the list wherein your name occupies so promi nent a place—of once wealthy estates ruined by crude legislation." The Hon. Member for Manchester had stated that the planter had never been satisfied since he came to the House. Upon his word, he thought they had very little reason to be satisfied, still less to be sa tisfied with him now; for at the moment when all in terests were deeply involved, when they were endea vouring to raise themselves out of the fatal slip—at the time the House endeavoured to afford some remedy— the Hon. Member jumped up, and endeavoured to cut across, and to prevent any probability of the good being carried out. They were not allowed to know what he was likely to do; they were told that what was pro posed could not do giod. It was said that Providence was against the planters, by another, that they were ruble l by their own extravagance. He was not aware of any paricular extravagance which had brought dis tress on a single person with whom he was acquainted. He was thoroughly aware of the deep distress, but was not aware that the parties could not have retrieved them selves under present circumstances. He was confident that the emancipation which had taken place had been the foundation of their ruin. lion. Members had stated that the planters opposed immigration, because the im migrants were contaminated by association; as if it was by their own neglect that the planters lost their ser vices. What happened when he attempted to make the last crop of sugar? Labourers, not wanting work,came to his attorney and said, " when the cane is ripe, if you don't give something enormous we will not get in the crop." He ventured to make the advance. Then they came and said, " if you don't give another bonus you may make the sugar yourself." Of course he could not comply with that, and the whole pr iperty was ruined. He asked, not only for protection, but for more stringent laws against vagrants than they had at present. He asked the House, not only for himself, but for tee rest of the proprietors, just once only to try full and free immigration. No place was so fit to try the experi ment as the Mauritius or Berhice, as the nearest Bri tish port to the African free coast. They could have got the free immigration of Kroomen if every stumbling block had not been thrown in the way. Instead of letting them come the shortest way possible, they insisted they should go to Sierra Leone, and embark thence; and by such an act entailed a long sea voyage. When they came to sea, they had to go a voyage again, and then travel through tribes hostile to them, who robbed them of all the savings they had. He had pressed upon the Noble Lord long ago, that in his own colony the chief thing they wanted was immigration. Now, if they gave immigration, and did not accompany it with a greater boon, they did not effect one atom of good. The Hon. Member for Tamworth entertained an opinion that slavery would be put down by the increase of labour. What were they to do during the time that was taking place? During the time they were getting labour to gether and making it available, the whole colonies would be lost, lie trusted the House would reject the measure of the Hon. Member for Manchester, and that the next packet which went to these unfortunate colonies would be the bearer of better news than the last. He was cer tain that they needed the most ample protection. Mr. BAGSHA WE also opposed the amendment. When the question before the House should be disposed of, it was his intention to submit a proposition which would not be, like all those yet made, transitory in its effect, but permanent. His motion would be that a per petual duty of ss. per cwt. be put on all foreign sugars, without distinction, imported into this country. No one would then complain of being taken by surprise; and it the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn would give his support to that proposition, it would redound to his eternal honour.—(Laughter.) Mr. TOLLEMACIIE having made some explana tions of the evidence he gave before the Committee, said that he conceived that excessive protection would be not only unjust to the people of this country by making prices high, but injurious to every class connected with the %Vest Indies. At the same time, as free labour never could compete with slave labour, some protection was necessary. He pos sessed five estates in one of those islands. He had suc ceeded in reducing considerably the cost of production, and he belived it would be reduced still further.—(Hear, hear.) He was prepared to run some risk, and even to sustain a loss, rather than desert the people living on those estates, which had been in the possession of his family for centuries.—(Hear, hear.) In some instances a protection of 7s. would be sufficient, but, taking the 1V est Indies as a whole, he thought it should be 10s. for a certain time, say two years, then Bs., and then 6e., where it should remain as long as slave labour existed. He had felt it his duty to vote for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Droitwich, which he did with re gret, and he had now only to hope that the Government would reconsider the subject. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he concurred in a great part of the speech and in most of the principles uttered by the Hon. Member for Manchester: but circumstances sometimes rendered ne cessary the modification of a principle which he thought might be done without any sacrifice or dereliction of it. In this case they were passing from protection to free trade, and they proposed a temporary compromise be tween them, softening the evils which would arise from an abrupt change. The Hon. Gentleman said, and truly, that ho (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) de clared last February that the Bill of 1846 ought not to be departed from. But he should be ut terly deaf to all information if he maintained that opinion merely for consistency sake, and in the face of the evidence of the Committee and the change of circumstances that had since taken place. Under those circumstances he considered that the Go vernment were bound to make an attempt to check the destruction of property which was threatened from utter want of credit. If they gave protection they would have interfered with that process which was now going on in the West Indies for reducing the cost of produc tion by reducing the price of wages; and, in departing from the Bill of 1846, the Government must have been influenced by very strong reasons—it being a Bill which the Hon. Gentleman admitted to have been most successful as regarded the revenue and the con sumer, and of which the Government might therefore be naturally proud. Now, it was of the first importance to know how the present proposition of the Government would affect the revenue. It would doubtless create risk of loss, but he did not think of much loss. lie could not admit that it would even be as great, nor any thing like as great, as the loss that would be sustained by the 10s. differential duty suggested by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. The proposal of the Govern ment would give a first loss of 240,0001, but after wards it would be made up by increased consumption, while that of the Noble Lord would cause a loss of 960,0001. The first 103 S under the Government propo sition would arise from the reduction of colonial duty from 14s. to 135., and, ho did not look to any increased consumption to make good that loss in the first year. The question then was what probable increased consump tion would there be in the course of the next year, and he estimated it at from 15,000 to 20,000 tons. The year 1847 was clearly exceptional, owing to the imports being greatly stimulated by the admission of sugar in distil leries. It was probable the consumption of next year would be 309,000 or 310,000 tons. The consumption had increased from 193,000 tons in :1842, to 288,900 in 1847, being about 50 per cent.; and in the last four years the sugar imported into Jreland had increased from 362,000 to about 500,000 cwt., not withstanding the distress which had prevailed in that country. Taking the consumption at 225,000 tons of colonial, and 85,000 of foreign sugar, there would thence arise a revenue of 4,625,0001., being an increase of 284,000/. It was true the amount of revenue would depend on the proportionate increase of toreign and colonial sugar; if the increase were in the proportion of 15,000 tons foreign to 5,000 tons colonial, there would be a loss of revenue of 55,000/. But the probability was that it would not exceed 45,000/.; per haps there would be no loss at all. This referred to the first year only; in future years he confidently looked for an increase ; for as the increasing reduction of duty on foreign sugars would stimulate the consumption, an in creased revenue would be the consequence. As much reference had been made to the prospects of the revenue, and the probability of a loss, he thought it his duty, before asking the House to consent to a resolution which might involve some loss, to give a general view of how the Government anticipated that that would be met. Already a deficiency of about 2,000,000/. had been estimated on the current year ; the House had refused to entertain a proposition for making up that deficiency by an increase of taxation ; and the matter had ever since occupied the serious attention of the Government. So far, the revenue of the current year had produced quite as much as could have been anticipated. In spite of the calamities of last year, so sound was the system of our finances, that the income of the year 1847-48 was actually higher than that of 1845.46, after the great re ductions in duty which had been made by the late Go vernment. Of course it was impossible to compare the last year with any year preceding 1845-6, the circum stances and the amount of taxation being so different. The expenditure proposed was far below that of the la s t or the preceding . year. Two Committees had been ap pointed to investigate this subject ; but neither he nor any Member of the Government supposed that they thereby shifted the responsibility from their own shoulders. He . lead stated at th e t i me that he conceived it would be impossible to make any large reduction either in the amount of the regular expenditure, or in the outlay for works in progress. The House was already in pos session of the amount of reduction which they had been able to effect in the miscellaneous estimates. It had been estimated that the probable charge would be 4,006,0001.; the items laid on the table amounted to 3,777,0001.; being a reduction of 230,000/. With regard to the army, the efficien c y o f th e serv i ce was so im portant a consideration at this moment, that it was im possible to make any reduction in those estimates. The House had decided by a large majority that it was not possible to effect any such reduction. The Government had abandoned the intention of proposing an ad ditional vote for the militia, whereby an outlay of 150,0001. would be avoided. He had gone through the navy and ordnance estimates with the First Lord of the Admiralty, and they had satisfied themselves that, without in any degree impairing the efficiency of these services, a reduction on the year of 300,0001. ' might easily be effected.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") His Hon. Friend the Secretary to the Admiralty had stated that a much larger reduction might be expected in the ensuing year; but with the existing contracts it was impossible to carry the reduction in the present year beyond what he had stated. The result of this was to reduce the whole expenditure by 685,000/. To effect this it might be necessary in some cases to postpone works which, under other circumstances, it might have been desirable to accomplish in the present year. He was in hopes that further reductions might be effected within the year; but lie thought it right to state only those of which he was confident. He was anxious to have postponed his statement to a later period of the session, when he might have been in a condition to form a more correct judgment as to the probable amount which the revenue would yield. On this head, however, he would afford some information. Owing mainly to the exceeding fine crop of barley of last year, the quality of which was better almost than was ever known, malting had been carried on to a much greater extent during the year, and the consequent increase in the excise duties amounted to a very considerable sum.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, other sources of revenue were not quite so productive as he had anticipated; but, upon the whole, after consulting with the chairman of the revenue board, he found himself warranted in anticipating an in crease of revenue beyond what he had stated in February, of 350,000/. (Hear, hear.) He left out of consideration all receipts, from corn; it was utterly impossible to say what they might be; but it would be so much in addi tion to what he had stated. He also anticipated reli4 from another source—the appropriations in aid, which had usually been applied only to the service of the year succeeding that in which they aross. They had hitherto been prevented from applying these sums in the current year, by the supposition that an Act of Parliament would be necessary for the purpose; but it had turned out that the Act which had rendered their application in the cur rent year impossible, had been indirectly repoa!ed some years ago; and there was therefore no longer any ob stacle. He had accordingly directed that the sums pro duced by the sales of old stores and other matters, well known as " appropriations in aid," should be paid directly into the exchequer; and the receipt from that s'airce in the present .year would be applicable to the service of the present year. Its average produce was about half a million; last year it was only 430,0001. That, of course, was only a temporary source of in come; but it might be clearly made applicable to the service of the present year. The result was, a diminu don of the probable excess of expenditure over income by 1,535,000!.; and therefore, instead of that excess being two millions, it would he under half a million.— (Hear, hear.) He had thought it right that the House should be in possession of this information, for he was aware that out of the House, as well as in it, great anxiety had been felt on the supposi tion that there would be a deficiency on the year's revenue of two millions. At a later period it might ba his duty to recur to this subject ; but he had felt that he could not ask the House to consent to the resolutions he had proposed without putting them in possession of the statement he had now made, and which he did with great pleasure, inasmuch as the pros pect was certainly much more promising than many Hon. Gentlemen might suppose. Mr. HASTIE said the Hon. Member for Manchester had forgotten to state that the cotton manufacturers of Manchester and Glasgow had' for a series of years en joyed a protection of 100 per cent. against the manufac turers of India, until they were enabled to get cheap cotton from America. At one period cotton manufac tures to the amount of two millions sterling sere ex. ported from India, giving employment to vast numbers of individuals ; but this trade had been destroyed by the large protection given to our home manufactures. That protection had continued, in a modified form, down to 1844 ; and even now there was a heavy duty on some of the productions of India. If the House looked at the returns of exports from Great Britain during the last seven years they might form some idea of the im portance of our colonies. We had sent to the West Indies every year no less than 2,700,0001. worth of goods, and at least one-half of that export must be ex pected to cease if we withdrew protection. It was curious fact that these exports had increased since the Emancipation Act, although the produce of the %Vest Indies had decreased. He attributed this to the effect of the labourer being paid wages, and the social condition of the negro having consequently improved. Ile felt thoroughly convinced in his own mind vat the proposi sition of her Majesty's Government would do much to relieve the planter and - to increase our exports by raising stilt more the condition of the negro. He should, there fore, give it his support. Mr. CARDWELL came down to-night curious to see how the Chancellor of the Exchequer would defend him self against the attack of his Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester. The Right Hon. Gentleman had scarcely gratified his curiosity. But he had made a speech infi nitely more interesting than any Parliamentary repartee into which he might have entered. The Right Hon. Gentleman had given them a second budget—(Laughter) —yes, but he had admitted frankly that his second budget was not satisfactory, and he had very consider ately promised them a third. He thought they had great cause to congratulate themselves on the reluctance to re place the alleged two millions by increased taxation at a time when it would have been peculiarly heavy to bear, for without any exertion ou their part no less than 1,500,000/. of the amount had disappeared.—(Cheers.) He aid not know that they had very much otherwise to congratulate themselves upon in the budget now before them. The miscellaneous estimates appeared to be as high as they ever were in previous years, though they were much below the amount originally proposed this year. Then, as to the appropriations in aid—it did not certainly api ear to him that the new arrangement pro posed would prove a saving, for it was only, in point of fact, taking money out of one column and putting it into another. Neither did it appear to him that they had much subject for consolation in the arrange ment proposed with regard to these sugar duties. The Noble Lord, the first Minister, told them last night that the first year's loss would not be above 10.000/. In the last year we consumed 288,000 tons of sugar, of which 24,000 was British plantation. Upon each of these tons there was to be a diminu tion of 1/. But was there to be no loss on the foreign sugar ? If their measure did anything at all, surely it would displace a portion of the foreign sugar. Each ton so displaced would involve a loss of 71. per ton, and if they took a quarter only of the 48,000, they would have a loss of nearly 80,0001. to be added to the 240,0001. before computed. There was, be it recollected, nothing in the consumption to compensate for this loss. Ia the second year the loss would be nearly double. The Right Hon. Gentleman appeared to found a portion of his anticipations of increased revenue upon the large quantity of barley to be converted into malt, but though this might benefit the farmer and the excise, it was not shown how it would benefit the customs, which branch of the revenue had more immediate relation to the subject under discussion. It was said by the Hon. Member for Manchester and others that the Act of 1846 had not proved to have aggravated the slave trade, whereas all the evidence went directly and distinctly to establish that it had been productive of this effect. Government officers themselves had shown that the almost immediate consequence of the Act of 1846 had been to raise the money value of slaves 15 per cent. in Cuba ; it was stated that the passing of that measure had been cele brated as a sort of jubilee; from Jamaica the Govern ment Commissioners reported the opinion that if tree trade principles were at once applied to slave-labour produce, more crimes would be committed in the slave trade, and more oppressions exercised upon the slaves, than had ever before been heard of. Captain Burgess stated, upon the information of various Spanish and Portuguese slave dealers, that the increase of late in the slave trade had been solely occa sioned by the freer introduction into England of slave grown sugar, while the Ho n . M em b er f or C hes hi re h a d shown that from the same cause, slavery, which had been altogether dying away in Cuba, had resumed new life there.—(Hear, hear.) He could have no hesitation in recording his vote against the motion of the Hon. Member for Manchester. He admitted that protection was.in itself and in its nature an unsatisfactory remedy, but he felt, at the same time, that we could not substi. , tute free labour for slave labuur in our West India colo nies without affording those colonies something in the character of temporary protection. Without this aid it would be impossible for the planters to complete the glorious task which, at so great a sacrifice, we had corn menced.—(Elear, hear.) Lord Nuaeser and Mr. WILSON rose at the same time to address the Committee. There were general cries for the Noble Lord, but Mr. Wi:son remaining on his lega also, utter confusion prevailed throughout the House for full five minutes. At length Mr. BERNAL, vklio had been ineffectually demand ing order, said, I must put it to the Committee—does the Committee wish me to leave this chair? If so, I will leave it at once; but so long as I have the honour to fill it—(Hear, hear)—l will to the utmost of my power maintain order.—(Hear, hear.) I call upon. Mr. Wilson. Mr. WILSON said he was su re th e C omm i t t ee wou ld give him au impartial h ear i ng , w h atever m i g h t b e t h e i r opinions upon the mode in wnich the commerce of the country should be conducted. He thought that the evidence taken before the Committee showed that there were exceptionable considerations from applying to these colonies the general principle which he entertained with regard to commercial policy, and he thought it would be unwise to apply strictly to the West Indies the pro visions of the Act of 1846. In the resolutions which he proposed to the Committee, he recognised the distress which existed in these colonies, and the principle of affording them relief. He thought, then, that the case required immediate consideration, and that the relief should be instantaneous, and effected with the least possible loss to the revenue. By the plan now proposed they would reduce the duty by Is. 6d. per cwt. every year, upon the principle of the Act of 1846. This with the least possible loss to the revenue and to the commerce, would give relief to the colonists. These were three great important objects to attain. They should take the measure as a whole in affording perma nent relief to the West Indies with the least loss to this country. If in the first years the commerce would not be materially injured, and in the latter years benefited, it may be assumed that on the whole the consumer would be benefited by the measure of the Government, which was best calculated to effect the three objects of protecting the revenue, the commerce, and the colonist. The Honourable Member sat down amid loud cries of " Divide." Lord NUGENT said that the statements of the Noble Lord (J. Russell), and the arguments urged in support of his propositions, bad only confirmed him in his views of the Act of 1846; and he was therefore resolved to vote against the amendment of the Hon. Member for Manchester. He should also give his cordial vote, in all its stages, against what he considered to be a feeble, a faithless, and, in its tendency, a wicked measure. Eng land had a sacred duty to perform—which was to re nounce all commerce and communion with the men whose pursuits were those of piracy and murder, and whose merchandise was produced by the most cruel and barbarous proceedings. He did not think that the prin ciples of free trade, rightly understood, had anything to do with the question before the House. He had yet to learn that it was a part of the principle of free trade to traffic with the dealers in stolen property. If it was, why did they abolish the slave trade ? But it was said that as they took other produce the labour of slaves, they were justified also in taking the sugar produced by them. They were obliged to take those other articles from necessity. But moreover, it was no valid argument because they took some articles that they should also take sugar which was produced by the most severe labour.—(hear, hear.) He was afraid that a compulsory system of emigration would entirely destroy all the efforts they had hitherto made to put down the slave trade. These were the reasons which induced him to give a Protectionist vote whilst he admitted, as much as any man, the universality of the principle of free trade. He was not for commercial protection, but he was for moral protection.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MOWATT moved ,that the Chairman do report progress and ask leave to sit again on Monday. Lord J. RUSSELL begged of Hon. Gentlemen to recollect the position in which the questiou stood. On the sth of July there would be a further alteration of the sugar duties under the Act of 1846, so that it was necessaay they should come to a speedy decision. It the Hon. Gentleman persisted in his motion he hoped London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, at No. 112, Strand, Printer, at 2 - 71. Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middlesex, Saturdig, July 1, 1848. the House would agree to their sitting on this day (Saturdal).—(Oh, Os.) Mr. M. 61,,-;ON apprehended that they could not be sitting in a C. u (q) of Ways and Means„ as such a Committee couM or. sit on any days but Monday, Wednesday, and Fc.iiay. Yet it wai usual to move re solutions on the sugir duties in Committee of Ways and Means. Lord J. RUSSELL slid he had asked the opinion of the Speaker on the subject, and his opinion was, that re solutions on the sugar duties should be moved is Committee of Ways and Means if they were annual duties; but as the Act of 1846 had made them permanent, it was more conformable with the rules of the Howse to move the re• solutions in a general Committee of the whole Houses He did not think he could have better authority. Mr. GIBSON was satisfied on that point, but as the question moved by his Honourable Friend (Mr. Bright) was a most important one, he thought it but fair that those who n-presented the manufacturing interest, and held free-trade opinions, should obtain further time for discussion. As yet he heard no arguments to justify any intethrenee with the Act of 1846.—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend (Mr. Mowatt) did not therefore require any apology for moving the adjournment. Colonel SIBTIIORY said that the Government were alone to blame for not introducing the question at as earlier period of the session.— (Hear, hear.) What would the Noble Lord opposite have done if a Jew had a seat in that House?—(Laughter, and hear, hear.) After a few words irom Sir J. PARINGTON and Mr. MOWATT, Mr. COBDEN said that the present was a free• trade question, and as the able arguments of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Bright) had not been answered, but merely met by a financial stateme4t of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the ChancMor of the Exchequer, which was very gra tifying in some ret-ptcts, it was but fair and right that a question in which the public had so much interest should be fully discussed.—(Elear, bear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that as the able speech of the lion. Member for Manchester had not been an swered he thought the Hon. Member for the West Rid ing ought to be satisfied with that, without making another speech in support of it.—(Laughter.) Mr. COBDEN said the question was one of prin ciple, and he thought it ought to be discussed on its merits. After a few words from Mr. M. GIBSON, Mr. BRIGHT said it was not at all necessary that the measure should pass before the Bch of July ; and seeing that Gentlemen opposite had had two debates and two divisions, he thought it hard that the advocates of free trade should be shut out from discussion by forcing the present debate to a conclusion. The gallery was cleared, when, as we were afterwards informed, the motion for adjournment was withdrawn, and a division taken on the main question. The num bers were-- For the resolution 302. Against it Majority —26 6.. After a short discussion, The CIIAIRMAN reported progress. Report to be received, on Atonday next, it being understood that tho further diseussion of the question should be concluded on that evening. PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORS BILL. - Sir DE L. EVANS having moved the reports on this Bill, Mr. FORBES moved that the House do adjourn, ob jecting to proceed with the measure at so late an hour. Colonel SIBTHORP seconded the amendment, which was supported by Colonel Conolly, Mr. Henley, and other Hon. Gentlemen. Captain PECHELL supported the original motion. After 831110 conversation the report was postponed till Monday next, and the House adjourned at a Quar ter past One. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS; - LIVERPOOL, JUNE 30. STOCK EXCHANGE.—We have had a considerable im provement in to-day's market, occasioned by an increase of orders. The sales are—Lancashire and Yorkshire, Fifths (late West Riding Union), 765. 3d. dis.—London and North- Western, 120 c.—Ditto ' New Quarters, I Is. 3d. p.—Man cheater, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 101. Preference, p.— Midland Stock, 100 L,4 c.—Ditto, New Halves, 6% dis.—Ditto (Birmingham and Derby), 74 c.—Newcastle and Carlisle, 107—North Staffordshire, 2% dis.—Shrewsbury and Here ford, 21. Is. 3d. dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, 23% c.— Ditto, No. 1, 8 1 / 2 dis —Ditto, No. 2,9% dis.—Ditto, No. 3, 9 dis.—Ditto. No. 4, Thirds, 3 dis.—York, Newcastle, and Berwick, G. N. E., p. MANCHESTER, JUNE 30. "STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are —Lancashire and York• shire, Fifths, 1% dis.—Ditto (West Riding Union), 3 15-16 dis.—Ditto, Preference, 6 per cent., 3-16 p.—London and North-Western, New Quarters, IA p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Quarters, No. 1, 54 dis.—Ditto (Sheffield and Lincolnshire), 10 dis.—North Staffordshire, 2 13-16 dis. —South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, Thirds, 2 13.16 dis. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—STOWE.---We are requested to slats that the arrangements for the sale of the effects at Stowe are in an advanced state, and that full parti culars will appear early in next week. The Supplement to Burke's History of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland, is pub• lished this day by Mr. Colburn, and may be had of all booksellers. This Supplement contains The History and Genealogy of 500 additional Families, with refer ences to upwards of 10,000 persons connected with them, and new particulars respecting the Families com prised in the first two volumes. Also just published, " Burke's Peerage and Baronetage " for 1848, New Edition revised throughout to the present time from the personal communications of the nobility, &c., in one volume, with 1,500 Engravings of Arms, [ADVERTISEMENT.]—THE GREAT POPULARITY OF lIOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND PILLS IN THE WEST IN DIES IN THE CURE OF ALL SKIN I)I4IEASEB.—A young gentleman, residing in St. Kitt's, was afflicted with a most distressing skin disease, termed " the Shingles." He had the best medical advice that could be obtained in the island, but finding that he derived no benefit from their treatment, he iietermined on having recourse to Holloway's Ointment and Pills, which had a most grati fying effect, for in a very limited period these invaluable remedies completely cured him. Mr. T. C. Cable, of St. Kitt's, vouches for the accuracy of this statement.—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's establish ment, 244, Strand, London. CONSECRATION OF ST. AUGUSTUS COLLEGE, CAN TERBURY.—CANTERBURY, THURSDAY.—The consecra tion of the new College of St. Augustus, which is ex pected to form a new era in the missionary operations of the Church, took place this afternoon. The ceremony was graced by a large number of the aristocracy, amongst whom were the Earl of Povriv, Lord Nelson, the Earl of . March, Mr. Justice .Coleridge, Mr. Justice Patteson, Mr. Baron Alderson, the Archbishop of Can terbury, the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Lichfield, the Bishop of Oxford, the Bishop of Fredericton, the Bishop of Brechin (Scotland), Bishop Coleridge, the Deans of Canterbury, Hereford, Chichester, Norwich, and Bangor, Archdeacons Thorpe, Harrison, and Crofts. There were upwards of 1,000 clergymen present. NARROW ESCAPE FROM POISONING.—On Satur day last a labourer employed on the railway at Newton, near Stowmarket, ti eying very thirsty, and perceiving near the spot where he was working a bottle lying on the ground, which had been put there by a fellow-work man, and imagining it contained beer, he resolved to quench his thirst, and took a hearty draught of its con tents before he discovered the mistake he had made, which, unfortunately, instead of beer, turned out to be a bottle of horse oils, for the use of th e h orses employed by the contractors. The man suffered severely from the powerful nature of the oils, but by administering proper_ remedies he is now likely to recover. - - THE SNAKE AND THE EEL.—AB Mr. Matthew Lloyd, a well-known angler, was plying his craft on the river Gwrfai, near Glanrafon, one day last week, hls progress was arrested on seeing a snake stretched across a bridge which ho was attempting to pass. He retreated a few pace{, and snatching up a stone from the road, threw it at :110 unwelcome visitor, knocking it into the river, but. singul ir to say, the reptile had no sooner reached the mountain stream purling below, than the jaws of a very lar;:e eel, measuring between two and three feet in length, received it, and it was no more seen. —Carnarvon Herald. BARTIIe. On the 22d ult., at Dinan:kititice, the wile of W. G. Pitt Esq., of a son. At Che:tenham, the lady of J. G. Baker, Esq.. of a son. On the 25th ult., at Edinburgh, Mrs. W. Crosley, of a daughter. On the 25th ult., at Canonbury-park-villas, Islington, pre.. maturely, the wife of W. B. Gill, Esq., of a son. On the 27th ult., at Oxton, Notts, the lady of IL Sher brooke, Esq., of a daughter. On the 29th ult., at Tottenham, Mrs. Arthur 0. Miller, of a son. AGIRRIED. On the 29th ult., at St. John's Church, Paddington, by the Rev. W. Cole, M.A., James Spedding, Esq., only son of Major Spedding, of Summer-grove, Cumberland, to Emily, youngest daughter of the late Hon. W. F. Wyndham. On the 27th ult., at Nettlestead, by the Hon. and Rev. F. J. Noel, the Rev. John Russell Stock, incumbent, of St. John's, Finchingfield, Essex, to Mary, only daughter• of the Rev. W. F. Cobb, of Nettlestead, Kent. On the 28th ult., at St. Mark's, Surbiton, by the Rev. E. Philips, M.A., Joseph Langhorn, Esq., of Guildford, to Emma, eldest daughter of W. Underwood, Esq., of Surbiton bill, Kingston, Surrey. Qu the 28th ult., at St. James's, Westbourne-terrace, by the Rev. J. Evans, M.A., Arthur White, Esq., of West bourne•green, to Agnes Priscilla, only daughter of T. J. Watson, Esq., of the Deaf and Dumb Asylum, London. DIED. On the 27th ult., at Montague-place, Russell-square, 7. Scargill, Esq., aged 55. On the 27th ult., Maria Elizabeth, the wife of W. M. Coe, Esq., of Brook -street, Grosvenor-square. On the 27th ult., at the Grove, Hackney, aged ten months, Mary Elizabeth, the only daughter of Mr. P. Daniell, of New Bond-street. On the 27th ult., at Lower Whitecross-street, Mr. Thomas Douglas. deputy-governor of the Debtor"' Prison for Lon don and Middlesex upwards of thirty years, aged 58. On the 27th ult., at Beddington-park, Surrey, Captain fl. Carew R. S. On the 27th ult., at Park-villa, Stratford, Essex, aged 36, Mary, the wife of R. Moseley, Esq. On the 28th ult., at Hammersmith, Miss :Vaney Smith, sister of the late General Sir Sigismuud Smith, K.C.H., of the Royal Artillery. At Liverpool, Stephen Shute, Esq., aged 57, of the firm of Gibbs, Bright, and Co. _ _ On the - ;Bth ult., at Twickenham, Harriet, second daugh ter of the late H. C. Senior, Esq. On the 28th ult., at Coventry, Sarah, the youngest daugh ter of the late J. Troughton, Esq. On the 23th ult., at Fredville, Kent, Matilda Charlotte Louisa, wife of the Rev. 3. C. Ryle, rector of Helmingham, Suffolk, aged 24.