The Sun. — London, England, 1848-04-11 00:00:00

end published, there was some security against the in tention of the party being misunderstood, but what se curity was there in the accidental record of words spoken? --(Rear, hear.) In the case of Winterbottom they had an instance of a man being punished for words he hat' never uttered. Then what was the meaning of tin phrase, " Overawing Parliament?" Parliament wa.- I ways being over-awed by public opinion, and it was to that circumstance they owed many of the liberties the people enjoyed. 'lh e Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) nhad giv en way to that species of overawng, and the oble Lord (1 . Russell) had done so often. Nothing uld be more perilous than hasty legislation upon a subject like this.—(Hear, hear.) All despotic laws had . res ulted from p an i c . If any d uty was paramount at this time it was that they should not widen the gull that existed between the different classes of the people. If there wst s ever a moment when the House was bound Aci • nquire whether the nation a l re p re sentation ought t to be enlarged, and whether something ought not to be done to redress the grievances of the many, and to Place our institutions on that broad foundation on which a lone they could rest in security, it was now. 14.1. • P. WOOD objected to the words " by open and advised speakin g ," but would vote for the second read i ng of the Bill, reserving to himself the right of op 'Posing those w or d s i n C omm i ttee . H e cons id e red that there was a marked distinction between the offence of open and advised speaking and the overt act of printing and publishing th e same wor d s , and the law h ad invariably made that distinction, Mr. Justice Blackstone, in referring to the crime of treason, said— " it was clearly agreed that words spoken amounted 1 ° 13 7 to a hi g h m i s d emeanour; f or as they might e spoken in heat, or be mistaken, or per verted, or mis-remembered by the hearer; and as their meaning might depend upon other words, or things, or even upon the tone in which they were uttered ; as, I n fact, nothing could be more ambiguous than words li nen, they ought not to be made high treason."— (Rear, hear.) The Bill of 1756 was introduced at a p e riod just as formidable as the present, and yet it did ,not contain those words.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed he be ileved it would be found that Mr. Pitt intended to have introduced them, and had drawn up a clause for the rPose, but withdrew it. That Bill, which was only te mporary, was made permanent i n 1817, d ur i ng th e period of the Manchester riots, and when a Minister Presided at the head of affairs who was well known not to have b een favourable to popular demonstrat i ons. H e !gretted therefore, that the Government should have thought it necessary to set aside that distinction which the law had hitherto made between words spoken and Words written and published, and now for the first time make the crime a felony. He would suggest that it s hould be made only a high misdemeanour, not bailable. Captain ARCHDALL, referring to what had fallen ir cmh the H on . M om b er for L i mer i c k , d e f en d e d t h e flo yalty of the O rangemen o f I re l an d. Th ey cou ld no t, ne observed, forget the heavy blow and great discourage. meat given them by the Noble Lord opposite, nor that gatdhad been one day l au d e d a n d the next day perse cuted the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam- Wcr , t h•—(Cheers.) But they had, notwithstanding, re -31,11411*d firm in their loyalty and attachment to her ajesty and the th rone . B e t ween di scon tent and disaf fection there was a wide difference.—(Hear, hear.) And f the G overnment would only act with justice to the Protestant s of Ireland they might bid defiance to 10,000 Smith O'Brien's. Mr. MUNTZ bad voted for the introduction of the Bill i n ignorance of its real character. Now that he had seen it, he should vote against it. He concurred in the lrc P r ietY of assimilating the law in Ireland to that of • England, and would grant every reasonable power ne cessary for the protection of public order, because he was convinced Witt without good order there could be no real li berty.—(Cheers.) But he could not consent that he any other man s hould be subject to the charge of f elo or ny for words alleged to have been spoken on the evidence of one witness, who might be base enough to swear falsely.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. DRI MMOND looked upon t h e s i mu l taneous out break through Eurdpe as deeper than a mere political Malady. Ile attributed it to e discontent on the part of the masses with their social condition—discontent, he *night say, with the providence of God—(Cries of " Oh,")—for as well might it be supposed that we could regulate the height of men, as that we could alter the constitution of society, and award to each a certain Measure of wealth. The disturbances in Ireland and this country were but phases of the malady which per 'faded all Europe. The Hon. Gentleman, having quoted several passages from speeches by members of the Con vention in this country and the Confederation in Ireland, declared that nothing so overt had been committed in the year '9B, and that the question was not against this or that institution—it was not a question of a republic or a monarchy, but whether the whole institution of society should not be upset and perverted. The labouring classes of this country were deeply mistaken if they supposed that thewould be nefit their conditi on b y reducing y of the master manufacturer s . O n the contrary, p their best change of prosperity was by increasing the capital of the Manufacturer. It was owing to the sentiments contained in the extracts he had read to the House that he grounded the opinion at which he had arrived —namely, that there was a determination on both sides of the Channel to alter the social condition of the country. But the man who told the people that by a new constitution of society they would be benefited only grossly deluded them, and must be an abominable quack.—(A laugh.) The man who told them, as they were lately told, that if he had the charter he would double and treble their wages, only trifled with their distresses; and in pretending to bring them a light from heaven, only brought them a glare from the bottomless pit. He was prepared to go further than those Hon. Gentlemen with whom he usually acted in that House, in thinking that they had done nothing they ought to have done to diminish the public expendi ture and lighten the burden of taxation on the people. - -(Loud cheers from the Radical benches.) He thought they ought long ago to have extended the elective franchise.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the same quarter.) He thought they ought also to have shortened the duration of Parliament—(Hear, Bear)—and done many other things in reference to sub jects not now before them. He had only abstained from alluding to those subjects before because he did not wish to thrust himself into other men's labours, and because he thought that the task would have been for it; undertaken but by those who were much more competent rather than suffer this charter to be passed off with a mere motion, which might amount to nothing, he would himself bring in Bills upon the questions involved.— (Ch e ers.) Mr. Canning had said that the next war w hi c h would desolate Europe would be a war of prin. ciples and opinions, and be confessed that that was the war of which he was afraid, and of which he saw the gathering symptoms around him. Mr. BRIGHT said that out of every seven grown men only one was represented in that House, and that, looking to the unfairness of the distribution of the elec toral power, it might be said not more than one-four teenth of the grown male population were directly re presented in Parliament, and his belief was that the best security to property, capital, and labour, would be found in diminishing the taxation and increasing the political rights of the people. This Bill proved One of two things—either that the Government was getting worse, or that the people were getting worse. After carrying on the Government so long without this law, after all our boasted improvements, were we now to introduce a new principle of legislation, when even Lord Grenville, in 1795 or 96, had been obliged to withdraw from the Bill of that day? That claus e was then most strongly objected to by a relative of the Noble Lord now at the head of the Government, the then Duke of Bedford; and it was in defence of that Bill and that clause that a bishop had made his cele brated declaration, " that the people of this country had nothing to do with the laws but obey them."— (Rear.) He did not object to the first part of this :Bill; but he thought the House was in mistake as to what ' Would be its practical operation. It came before the House as a mitigation of penalty; but that penalty, for the most part, could not be carried into effect; and though he denied not the propriety of substituting for capital punishment one of a miner character, he believed its practical effect would be to punish many men by transportation who could now only be tried for sedition,• and punished for a misdemeanour. If he understood the clause right (and its ambiguity was such he doubted if any one did), it meant that any one who exercised such " compassing, imaginations, ioyen tions, devices, or intentions, or any of them," should be liable to be charged with felony, and to receive the punishment awarded to that offence. Ile had ' , it to learn that it was wrong for any Member of that House to speak in favour of a different form of Government, or that it was a crime for any one, in or out of the House, calmly and deliberately to argue the question whether a total change in the form of Government might be advantageous.—(Oh, oh.) He advocated no such change ; but in making a new law, and introducing a new principle, to punish an offence which was most difficult of proof, the House ought to be extremely clear as to the effect of this law. He thought it unwise to seek to extend such a law to England, because at this 'moment their was danger in Ireland. He would ask the Attorney -General whether it was not possible to issue a Special. Commission for the trial of the parties charged with sedition in Ireland. The complaint was that whilst these parties were under this charge they were at liberty to go to France, or make other seditious speeches, before their trial came on; but if they were tried and convicted under a Special Commission, they could be immediately subjected to three years' imprisonment, and thus' pre vented from spreading their seditious or treasonable opinions. This would be a much better course than to extend a new law a n d a _ new principle to the United Kingdom because Ireland was in difficulties. The Go vernment was pursuing a course unfavourable to itself and to the liberty of the people; and though that House might not choose to deliberate long on the measure, the time might come when they might regret that they had not examined it with more attention. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he objected to the whole of the Bill. He rejoiced to find that English Members were at last rallying against coercive measures, doubt less owing to their own country being touched by this Bill. He did not thank them much, for most of them had said that if the Bill was confined to Ireland they would vote for it with the greatest pleasure.—(A laugh, and No, no.) The Learned Solicitor-General had assumed that judges and juries would strain the laws eonsidwrably, and the Irish people had had ample ex perience of this. Parties were about to be put on their trial there for sedition ; and it would have been time enough when the existing law was found insufficient to have come to the House after Easter, and asked for a more stringent law. Most unwise was it to pro pose a measure of coercion at a time of excitement like this.—(Cries of " Divide.") Mr. S. CRAWFORD, who rose amidst loud cries of " Divide," complained of the injustice of the House in refusing a full discussion to so important a measure, He had abstained from opposing the first reading from im perfect acquaintance 'With' its provisions ; but the more he had considered it the more was he convinced that it , p was unfit to be entertained ley the House. No man who I -p , ke at a public meeting—none even who heard him— A ou:d be sate agai , st transportation for lite with a Bill so vaeudy worded as this. What was meant by such expressions as "compassings," " inventions," " "devices," &e. ?—(Hear, hear.) He denied that even in Ireland was there any necessity for this Bill. The persons who had there infringed the law were about to be brought to trial. Let not the House, then, be be trayed into the error of legislating with the view to meet imaginary evils. This Bill would be in effect a rep. al of the Ilibeas Corpus Act and of trial by jury. The b st protection to the Crown and Government would be to redress the grievances of the people.—(Hear, hear.) The horrible spy system had evidently been revived in Ireland ; and he believed it had been resorted to in this country also. He regretted that those who had hitherto supported popular rights should have introduced such objectionable measure. Mr. WAKLEY had hoped that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would modify the objectionable parts of this Bill. This was only due to the calmness with which a subject of such an exciting nature had been discussed; but no such modification had been consented to. The Solicitor-General had given his view as to the construction of one clause; other Hon. and Learned Gentlemen had done the same; and there was the utmost diversity of opinion as to what would be the operation of the clause. This was a state of things neither creditable to the House nor safe for the country. It was said that judges and juries would comprehend the measure; but if it was not understood by those who had manufactured it and introduced the words, how could it be so by others ? If this loose legislation were allowed there would be no security for the people who took part in political mat ters, and they would have great reason to complain of the negligence of the Legislature. The Honourable and Learned Member for Oxford (Mr. Wood) had put a construction on the clause which was as opposite as the poles to that of the Solicitor-General. Knowing what might be the operation of the clause, they ought not to allow it to proceed a stage further ; and his impression was, that he ought to move the adjourn ment of the debate. Whence the necessity for this breathless haste for the sudden introduction of a Bill like this ? There had been what he might call open insurrection in Dublin for the last two months, almost with the connivance of the Government. Men stated there that they bad resisted the law in a minor degree, and were prepared to resist it in the fullest manner. Pikes had been manufactured and publicly sold by auction. Only in November last a Bill had been passed empowering the Lord-Lieutenant to proclaim disturbed districts, and issue a special commission for the trial of offenders. That law, if carried into effect, would have been amply sufficient to repress crime ; but there had been a remarkable supineness in exercising its powers. Of what use was that law if it could not be applied to Dublin under these circumstances ? At all events, the people of England, because offences were committed elsewhere, ought not to be saddled with a measure which was not less a gagging Act than any of the Six Acts of 1819.—(Hear.) Least of all should such a measure be passed by a Government calling itself liberal. —(Hear, hear.) If the words were expunged to which objection had been made he would cease further opposi tion; if the clause so ambiguously and peculiarly framed were retained, it should have his most determined and unflinching opposition at every stage. No case had been made out for this measure. The present law had not been proved inadequate for the preservation of the peace. What had Government not anticipated? Their fears had completely overwhelmed them; they had expected a violent outbreak. Yet the monster petition had been presented, and, so far as he could learn, not a single case of common assault had occurred that day.—(Divide.) Had not the law triumphed?—(Hear, hear.) Had not the common sense, the sense of justice of the people who presented the petition, also triumphed.—(No, no.) It was an atrocious calumny on the people of this country to intimate, by accent or tone of any kind, that it was their object to commit outrage and violence. The Hon. Member for Bridport might exclaim " Oh, oh;" but it was a calumny on the people to accuse them of being lovers of outrage and violence, or of being prepared to commit them. They believed that they were deprived by the Legislature of their just political rights, and he believed so too.—(Hear, hear.) He further believed that they never would relax in their just and reasonable de mands until those rights were conceded—a concession which would add to the security of property and of life, and would place the throne on a basis which would ren der it absolutely immoveable.—(Hear, hear.) When he heard of the condition to which the people of Ireland were reduced, and when they got nothing from that House but coercion Bills, he thought they were right to be indignant at such treatment. When he opposed the Coercion Bill, in November last, he could only gat twenty-two Members to vote with him .—(Cheers.) They were now in April, and where were the measures which had been promised?—(Hear, hear.) There was a Land lord and Tenant Bill; but no one could comprehend it, and its only object seemed to be to give employment to the lawyers. He believed that the agitators in Ireland were actuated by the best motives.—(lronical cheers.) Would they have the people to lie down quietly and die of hunger? He did not think that English Members would wish to allow that. He would suggest that the second reading should be taken without a division, on the condition that the Government would commit the Bill pro forma, and make what modification they could in the clause so much objected to.—(Oh, oh.) If the Govern ment persisted in adhering to that clause, he would give every opposition to the Bill. - - Li; tli - . RUSSELL said that he could not, on the part of the Government, consent to accept the proposi tion which the Hon. Member for Finsbury was good enough to make with a view to a future consideration of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) So far from agreeing to that proposition he declared at once that he would consent to alter no part of the Bill when the House went into Com rnittee.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman attributed a character of harshness and violence to the Bill which was calculated to mislead those who attended to his speech. The Noble Lord then explained the nature of the Bill, which he said was merely to make certain offences which were now punishable by death punishable by transportation, an d exten di ng the l aw, w hi c h was only in force in England and Scotland, to Ireland. He was not then going to defend the particular clause which had been objected to, because it would be opposed in Committee, and the Solicitor-General bad clearly and ably stated the reasons why it was introduced. The Honourable Gentleman asked why they should select a time of excitement and fear for introducing such a Bill. It was on account of that excitement and fear, and the mischief which they had produced that they were justifi e d i n i ntro d uc i ng this Bill. H e admitted to the Honourable Gentleman that excitement and fear prevailed. No person could have read the speeches in the newspapers delivered in this town within the last week, and in Dublin within the last month, without having cause for that fear and excitement. And while he relied generally on the support of this country to oppose such machinations, there was one great and numerous class of people who would be affected more than any others by such fear and excitement. He would not appeal to the gentlemen of England, because their high spirit would induce them to come forward in favour of the institutions under which they lived, and which had been the glory of their country.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the middle classes they were loyally affected, and there was no fear that they would be mis led by arguments addressed to their passions.—(Flear, hear.) It was the working classes who were more espe cially exposed to danger by this excitement.—(Hear, hear.) They it was who would be the sufferers by anything that would derange the peace and order of this country, and prevent the application of capital in those numerous undertakings from which profits and wages were derived. (Hear, hear.) If that were the case, was it not fit that they should en deavour as much as possible to put an end to this excite • went, and endeavour to punish those who urged them to commit breaches of the peace, who urged them to levy war against the institutions of the country, and put in peril the welfare of those classes to which they addressed their appeals.--(Hear, hear.) If he were right in that supposition the Hon. Member for Finsbury, instead of opposing the passing of this Bill, ought, as a friend of the working classes, to support it.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Manchester, also, who knew how susceptible a thing capital was, and how its investment was stopped by any violation of the peace of the commu nity; who knew very well that amongst the new-fangled theories of the organization of labour, nothing was so valuable to the labouring man as that there should he a great number of employers, and that they should have large capitols in which to found their enterprise, and to call for the employment of labourers, ought to support this measure.—(Hear, hear.) If that Hon. Gentleman distrusted the objects that were put before the working men, in which they were told that by some future organization of labour they should be secured in plenty, and should have ever y com f ort an d a l most riches—if he distrusted those the or i es , h e wou ld j o i n with him in putting an end to th ose di stur bi ng f orces which were now agitating society.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to Ireland, on whi c h su bj ect the Hon. lember for Finsbury had reproached them, although they might have introduced a Bill on the subject of the relations between landlord and tenant, which they thou g ht would be beneficial to the country, b u t w hi c h might not have given satisfaction, he begged to say that ho did not think these matters were the great or main business of the Parliament or Government of this country.—(Hear, hear.) There were exceptions—exception s which were sometimes justifiable, sometimes beneficial, sometimes even necessary. But those who could best regulate the relations between landlords and tenants of Ireland were the landlords and tenants of Ireland, and those who could best regulate the relations between the employers and employed were the employers and employed. So with regard to the other relations of society. They might at times think fit to interfere—(Laughter)—but he al ways contended that those cases were to be defended as exceptions for a particular occasion. That . which was the main business of Government and the Legislature was to say that the landlord and tenant, the employer and employed, should be protected by the law as long as they respected the life and property of others, and that the law and the arm of power would interfere against those who disturbed them in those useful, peaceful, and bene ficial relations.—(Cheers.) Such was the business to which Government and Parliament should direct its con stant attention—such as what society could not do for itself, which private individuals could not arrange amongst one another—such were the objects to which Government should chiefly direct its efforts. It was for that purpose that they proposed this Bill. It was to maintain a state of peace and security, in which the offender should feel that he could no longer escape under the grand name of being a martyr for high treason, of which he would not incur the penalty, because it infixted capital punishment—it was to maintain this necessary principle of government, that they introduced this Bill. And, if any one could doubt or hesitate for a moment as to the value of internal peace, and the necessity of preserving it, that which occurred to-day would show its vast benefit. What would be the state —not of the upper classes as they were called, but of the w , ,rking classes—if those excitements to crime, of which they ha , i seen so much, had been successful, and this wn had been made the scene of confusion and blood shed?—(H+ar, hear.) And, what was the state of the case when, owing to the staid, admirable, and magnani mous conduct of the great body of the people—(Cheers) --when, owing to the respect which the people pay to the name and authority of the law, to the attachment and love which they bore their institutions—when, owing to the respect and confidence which they reposed in those drmonstrations of force which the Government had at its command, and which thus backed became more powerful, but which, without the assistance of the great body of the people could no more keep the peace of London than it had been pre served at Berlin, Vienna, or Milan—the peace of the metropolis had been maintained?—(Hear, hear.) This power had been quite successful. And when they contrasted the situation in which they stood with what it would have been had the event been otherwise, there was no man but must put a higher value on the peace and security of society, on which not only the progres, of institutions but the daily comforts and even the daily subsistence of the great body of the people mainly de. pended. He assured the hen. Member for Finsbury that he would not be a party to the introduction of this Bill if he believed that the liberties of this country would in any way be infringed by it.—(Hear, hear.) He be lieved that the power of discussion, whether by the press or in public meetings, would be enjoy ed as fully by the country, after this Bill passed, as it was now enjoyed. —(hear, hear.) But, at the same time, he believed that some reckless persons would be checked in their career, and that, while those who rose in arms would be strictly punished by the law, those who excited others to such offences would be no longer safe in their impunity.— (Cheers.) It was for this purpose that he sked them to agree to the second reading of the Bill. If he was told that this was a coercion Bill for Ireland, it was the same as was proposed for England and Scotland, and he hoped with confidence that a large majority of the House would consent to the second reading.—(Cheers). Mr. HORS MAN rose to address the House, but the cries of " Divide, divide," preventing him from being heard, he moved that the debate be adjourned. Mr. HUME seconded the amendment. Lord J. RUSSELL called upon the House to hear the Hon. Member. Mr. HORSMAN then withdrew his amendment, and said he should vote for the second reading of the Bill, in the hope that the Noble Lord would omit that part of the measure which precluded " open and advised speaking." The precedent for such a course was afforded by Lord Granville, who withdrew these very words from the identical Bill—which then passed into an Act it was now proposed to modify. Mr. HINDLEY said he should be ready to support the second reading on the same conditions. The House divided, when there appeared— For the second reading 452 Against it 35 Majority Sir G. GREY moved that the House do go into Com mittee on the Bill. Mr. AGLIONBY objected to the transportation clause of the Bill. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said that he hoped Ireland would be struck out of the Bill.—(A laugh.) Mr. HUME, believing that the Bill was an attack on the constitution, by which the Government would be weakened, and believing also that the Ministers were urged on by those who only supported in order to betray them, earnestly begged Ministers to delay the progress of the Bill, so as to let the country know what it really was. He proposed that Monday next should be fixed for the Committee. Sir GEORGE GREY urged that it would be a mercy to those who were now being goaded into rebellio❑ to let the Bill pass as speedily as possible. If the House would consent to meet to- morrow at twelve o'clock, he would be content with committing the Bill pro forma, merely for the purpose of making some verbal amend ments. Mr. HUME had no objection to this course. Mr. J. O'CONNELL would not yield his precedence on the following day. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Hon. Member would be able to bring forward his motion at the usual hour of sitting in the evening, when he would have precedence. Mr. GARDNER said, that although he was a young Member—(Oh, oh)—he appealed to the House.—(oh, oh.) He begged only to be heard.—(Oh, oh.) He would not detain—(Oh.) The cries of " Oh" at length completely drowned the Hon. Member's voice, who sat down for a moment, and then rose and moved that the House do now adjourn. [A desultory conver sation ensued, during which Sir G. Grey and Lord J. Russell urged the Hon. Member to withdraw his motion and speak to the question.] Mr. Gardner withdrew his motion, and said that he had taken the course which he had done merely in order to be able to deliver his sen timents on the Bill, as he had not been able to catch the Speaker's eye. The reasons urged by the Noble Lord (J. Russell) were all against the Bill. He objected to the Bill as curtailing that freedom of speech which was one of the most essential privileges of the British people. Some violent language of Mr. Mitchell had been quoted as its justification; hut, he asked, would Govern ment have cared for such language had it not been ad dressed to a people smarting under misery and injustice? —(Hear, hear.) When the people demanded justice, every delay was interposed; but when coercion was con templated, precipitation was the order of the day.— (Question, question.) He believed he was giving a vote in favour of order, and on Conservative principles, in opposing every constitutional obstacle to the progress of this measure.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. AGLIONBY hoped that the suggestion he had offered in the early part of the evening, with reference to the third clause, would be attended to by Govern ment.—(The ottject of the Honourable Member's sug gestion was to make a distinction between spoken and written treason.) Mr. F. O'CONNOR wished for postponement, and grounded his request on the speech of the lion. and Learned Solicitor-General. He considered that that Hon. and Learned Gentleman's explanation of the de finitions of the Bill was most ambiguous. He (Mr. O'Connor) should give every opposition in his power to what he conceived to be a most unconstitutional propo sition. He conceived that Government had acted most unconstitutionally in tacking themselves to the Crown in this Bill. Take a case. As soon as this Bill became law he should raise the cry from one end of the country to the other of " Down with the Whigs." Would he not in doing so make himself obnoxious to its provi sions ?—(Hear, hear.) The Bill might check agitation but only to put in its place secret plots and conspiracy. There was no man in that House rejoiced more than be did at the way in which that day had passed off.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") But London was not England, and they did not know how their conduct would be estimated in the provinces. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said be had a motion on the paper for this day, and claimed precedence for it at the next sitting of the House. Lord J. — RUSSELL said that the Hon. Membees mo tion for the repeal of the union would come on exactly at the same hour, whether the House sat at twelve o'clock or not. Mr. HUME considered that the lion. Member for Limerick had a right to precedence. With these views he should move as an amendment that the Bill should be committed that day week. Mr. WAKLEY seconded the amendment. The House divided, when there appeared— For the motion For the amendment Majority A motion was then made that the House do now adjourn, upon which the House again divided, when there appeared— Ayes Noes Majority On our return to the gallery we found Mr. G. THOMPSON contending that the measure would not give security to the Crown or the people. — (Oh, oh.) They were now legislating on liberty of thought—on liberty of speech—a right that was not given by human enactment, and which ought never to be taken away by human enactment.—(" Oh, oh," and " Hear, hear.") They were making it felony by this Bill to deny the divine right of the Sovereign—(Hear, hear)—or to advocate the separation of any part of the empire.—(Hear, bear.) They were about to admit thoSe who denied the divinity of the Saviour—(" Ques tion, question")—and they were now to make it felony to call in question the divine right of the Sovereign.— (" Oh, oh," and " Question, question.") He defied Honourable Members to point to one act on the part of the people that day, or previously, which evinced any intention or desire to commit an act of violence; and yet the Government had thought it necessary to make preparations of the most horrid and unexampled de scription for their slaughter.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh," groans, and other interruptions.) He was determined not to bear any share in the responsibility of the measure, and ho, therefore, moved that the House do now adjourn. Mr. WAKLEY said the whole question was, whether the adjournment should be to " this day" or " to morrow." Sir G. GREY had no objection to say " to-morrow," if the Hon. Member would guarantee that the Bill would be allowed to take precedence oa that day. But Wednesday not being a Government day, without such pledge he could not consent, and must ask the House to support him.—(Cheers.) The House then divided, when there appeared— . For adjournment— 24 Against it Majority —lB9 The Bill was ordered to be committed to-morrow (this day) at twelve o'clock. We were informed that, during our exclusion from the gallery, Mr. F. O'Connor was discovered fast asleep on one of the benches of the House when the Members re turned into the House from the lobbies. This circum stance was duly reported by the tellers to the Speaker, and the Hon. Member was thereupon awakened, and required to say whether he voted with the Ayes or the Noes ? The Hon. Member voted with the Ayes, which provoked much merriment, his vote being, as we under stood, at variance with that which he had just before given. The House then adjourned, at Half-past One o'clock, to Twelve o'clock to-morrow (this day). ABD-EL-KADER.—The Provisional Government of the French Republic has just given orders for the speedy removal of Abd-el-Bader and his suite to the castle of Pau. The Commander of the Engineers of that place has sent to a journal the following as the substance of the orders which he has received :—" The persons to be with Abd-el Rader are three of his brothers, his brother.. in-law, and three or four near relations. Each of these persons has a family composed of one or two wives and several children, and each family has ono or more ser vants. The whole number will be at least 40 persons." PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. ( From tho Votes and Proceedings of the Huse of Commons, MONDAY, APRIL 10. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. Order for Second Reading read; Motion made, and Ques• tion proposed, " That the Bill be now r.ad a second time:" —Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now,".and at the end of the Question to add the words" upon this day six months."—Question put, " That the word ' now' stand part of the Question." The House divided:— MAJORITY —AYES, 452. Ewart, William Ifulgrave, Earl Ferrer, James Auncly, E. M. Fellowes, E. pure, Colonel Fergus, John Napier, Joseph Ferguson, Colonel Neeld, John Ferguson, Sir R. Neeld, Joseph Fitzpatrick, .1 W. Newdegate. N. Fitzroy, Henry Newport, Visct. Fitzwilliam, G. W Newry, Viscount Floyer, John • Noel, Gerald J. Foley, J. H. ' sorreys, Lord Forbes, W. Norreys, Sir D. Fordyce, A. I). Nugent,• Lord Forester, G. C. O'Brien, Sir Lucius Forster, Mathew Connell, M. J. Fertescue, Chichester Ogle, S. C. Fortescue, J. W. Ord, W. Fox, S. L. Ossulton, Lord French, F. Oswald, Alexander Fuller, A. E. Owen, Sir J. Gaskell, J. M. Packe, C. W. Gladstone, W. E. Paget, Lord A. Glyn, G. C. Palmer, Robert G"ddard, A. L. Palmer, Roundell Gordon, Admiral Palmerston, Viscount Goulbnrn, Henry Parker, John Grace, 0. D. Patten, J. W. Graham, Sir James Pearson, Charles Granby, Marquis of Peel,.Sir Robert Greenall, Gilbert P en nant, Colonel Greene, Thomas Perfect , R . Grenfell, C. Pascoe Philips , S ir G. R. Grenfel , Charles W. Pigott, Francis Grey, Sir G. Pilkington , James Grey, Ralph W. Pinney, W. Grogan, Ed war d Plowden, W. H. Grosvenor, Lord R. Price , Sir R. Gwyn. Howel Pugh , D avid Haggitt, F. R. Pusey, P. Raiford, Sir H. Raphae l, Alexander Hall, Sir B. Rawdon, Colonel Hall, Colonel Reid, Colonel nallYburton, Lord Rendlesham, Lord Halsey, T. P. Repten, G. W. J. Hamilton, G. A. Ricard o, Osman Hamner, Sir J. Rice, E • R. Hardcastle, J. A. Rich, Henry Harris, Captain Richards. Richard Hastie, Alexander Robartes, T. J. Hastie, Archibald Robinson, George Hawes, Benjamin Romilly, John Hay, Lord John Rufford, Francis Hayes, Sir E. Rushout, Captain Hayter, W. G. Russell, Lord John Ileadlam, Thomas Russell, Eduard S. Heald, James Russell, F. C. Heathcoat, John Rutherfurd, A. Heathcote, G. J. Sadleir, J ohn Heathcote, Sir W. Salwey, Colonel Heneage, G. H. Sandars, George Henley, J. W. Scott, F. Henry, Alexander Scrope, G. P. Herries, J. C. Seaham, Viscount Hervey, Lord A. Seynaer, H. K. Heywood, James Seymour, Sir H. Hildyard, R. C. Seymour, Lord Hindley, C. Shafto, R. D. llobhouse, Sir John Shell, R. L. Hobhouse, T. B. Shelburne, Earl of Hodges, T. L. Sheridan, R. B. Hogg, Sir J. Shirley, E. J. Holland, Robert Sibthorp, Colonel Hood, Sir A. .Simeon, John Hope, Henry T. Slaney, Robert A. Hope, Alexander Smith, K. Y. Hornby John Smith, J. A. Horsman, Edward Smith, 3i Tucker Hotham, Lord Smyth, John G. Howard, C. W. Somerset, Captain Howard, E. G. Somerville, Sir W. Howard, P. H. Sotheron, T. H. Hudson, G. Spearman, H. J. Humphery, Ald. Spooner, Richard Hutt, William Stafford, Augustus Ingestre, Viscount Stanley,',E. J. Inglis, Sir R. H. Stansileld, W. R. Jackson, William Stanton, W. H. Jervis, Sir John Staunton, Sir G. Jocelyn, Viscount Stephenson, Robert Johnstone, Sir J. Stuart, Lord D. Jolliffe, Sir W , G. Stuart, Lord J. Jones, Sir W. Stuart, Henry Jones, Captain Stuart, J. Keogh, William Sturt, H. G. Keppel, G. T. Sutton, H. M. Ker, Rickard Talbot, C. R. King, Peter John Talfourd, sergeant Knight, F. W. Tancred, H. W. KnightleY, Sir C. Tenison, E. K. ;Knox, Colonel Tennent, .J. Labouchere, Henry Thesiger, Sir F. Langston, J. H. Ihicknesse, R. A. Lascelles, W. S. Thoruely, T. Law, Hon. E. C. Tollemache, F. J. Lemon, Sir Charles Tollemache, John Lennard, T. B. Towneley, John Leslie, C. P Townley, R. G. Lewis, George C. Townshend, Captain Lincoln, Earl of Trelawny, J. S. Lindsay, Colonel Trevor, G. Littleton, E. R. Trollope, Sir J. Loch, James Turner, George Locke, Joseph Tyrrell, Sir J. T. Lockhart, A. E. Urquhart, David Lockhart, W. Vane, Lord H. Lowther, Colonel Verney Sir H. Lygon, Gtnieral Villiers, Viscount Mackenzie, W. F. Villiers, Charles Mackinnon, W. Villiers, F. W. Macnamara, Major Vivian, J. E. 3PNaghten, Sir E. Vivian, J. H. 31`Neill, Duncan Vyse, H. M`Taggart, Sir J. Waddington, David Mahon, O'Gorman Waddington, H. S. Mahon, Viscount Wall, C. B. Manners,lLord G. Walpole, Spencer March, Earl of Walsh, Sir J. Marshi,ll, J. G. Ward, H. G. Marshall, W. Watkins, Colonel Martin, J. Wawn, J. T. Martin, C. W. 'Wellesley, Lord C. Martin, Samuel West, F. R. Masterman, John Westhead, J. P. Matheson, Alex. Whitmore, T. C. Matheson, J. Willcox, Brodie Matheson, Colonel Williams, John Maule, Fox • Williamson, Sir H. Maxwell, J. P. Willoughby, Sir H. Melgund, Viscount Wilson, James" Meux, Sir H. Wilson, Matthew Miles, Philip W. S. Wood, Sir Charles Miles, William Wood, W. P. Miles, It. H. Wortley, J. S. Mitchell, T. A. Wyvill, Marmaduke Moffatt, George York e, -. E. T. Monsell, Willi am Yorke, H. R. Moody, C. A. Young, Sir John Morgan, O. Morpeth, Viscount Morison, General Morris, David Mostyn, E. H. Abdy, T. N. Acland, Sir T. Adair, Hugh E. Adair, R. Shafto Adare, Viscount Adderley, C. B. Aglionby, H. Alcock, Thomas Alexander, N. Alford, Viscount Anderson, Arthur Anson, Colonel Anon, Viscount Ansley, Thomas Archdall, Captain Arkwrlght, G. Armstrong, Sir A. Armstrong, R. B. Arundel, Earl of Ashley, Lord liagge, W. Bagot, Hon. W. Bagsha w, John Bailey, J., Jun. Baines, M. T. lialdock, E. H. Barkly, Henry Baring, Henry Baring, W. B. Barnard, E. G. Barrington, Lord Bateson, T. Beckett, W. Bell, Matthew Bellew, K. M. Bennet, Philip Beresford, William Berkeley, Captain Berkeley, H. Bernal, Ralph Bernard, Viscount Birch, Sir Thomas Blackall, S. W. Blackstone, W. S. Blake, M. J. Blakemore, R. Blandford, Marquis Boldero, 11. G. Bolling, William Bourke, R. S. Bouverie, E. P. Bowles. Admiral Boyle, Colonel Brackley, Viscount Bramston, T. W. Brand,jThomas Bremridge, Richard Brisco, M. Broadley, Henry Brockman, E. D. Brooke, Lord Brotherton, J. Brown, H. Brown, W. Bruce, Lord E. Buck, L. W. Buller, Sir J, Y. Buller, Charles Bunbury, W. Banbury, E. H. Burghley, Lord Burroughes, H. N. Busfeild, W. Buxton, Sir E. Cabbell, B. B. Campbell, W. F. Cardwell, Edward Carew, W. I'. Carter, John B. Castlereagh, Visc. Cavendish, C. C. Cavendish, G. H. Cavendish, W. G. Cayley, Edward S. Chaplin,lW. J. Charter's, Francis Cholmeley, Sir M. Chichester, Lord J. Christopher, R. Christy, Samuel Clay, James Clay, Sir W. Clerk Sir G. Clifford, Henry M. Cobbold, J. C. Cochrane, A. Cocks, T. S. Codrington, Sir W. Coke, E. K. Colebrooke, Sir T. Coles, Henry B. Compton, H. C. Copeland, Alderman Corry, H. Cotton, W. 11. Courtenay, Lord Cowan, Charles Cowper, W F. Craig, W. G. Cripps, William Cubitt, William Currie, Henry Currie, Raikes Darner, Colonel Davie, Sir Henry Davies, D. A. S. Dawson, T. V. Denison, W. J. Denison, J. E. D'Eyncourt, C. T. Dick, Quintin DisraelLiß. r)ivett, E. nod, J. W. Dodd, G. Douglas, Sir C. Drumlanrig, Vis. Drummond, Henry Drummond, Home Duff, George S. Duke, Sir James Duncan, Lord Duncan, George Buncombe, A. Buncombe, 0. Duncuft, John Dundas, Admiral Dundas, Sir David Dundas, George Dunne, Francis P. Du Pre, C. G. East, Sir J. B. Ebrington, Lord Egerton, Sir P. Ellice, Edward Ellice, E., jun. Elliot, J. E. Emlyn, Viscount Estcourt, J. B. B. Euston, Earl Evans,"John Evans, William TELLERS. Tufnell, Henry Hill, Lord Marcus MINORITY -NOES, 35. Blewitt, Reginald H ume, Joseph Reynolds, John , Bowring, Dr. K ershaw, James Schelefi eld ully Fra William Bright, John L ushington, C. Sc , Francis Callaghan, D. M agan, W. H. Smith, John B. Cobden, Richard Meagher, Thomas Crawford, W. S. Moore, George 11. Thompson, Devereux, J. T. Mowatt, Francis Wakley, Thomas Fagan, William Munta, G. F. Walmsley, Sir J. Fox, R. M. O'Brien, W. S. , Fox, W. J. O'Connell, John TELLERS. Gardner, Richard Osborne, Ralph O'Connor, Feargus Grattan, Henry Power, Dr. Thompson, George fireene, John Power, Nicholas - I Sir c h G. Colonel Strickland, sulliva , WILSON'S general fi ever taken as a criterion conclude that never was Aberdeen TAINMENTS IN ABERDEEN. SCOTTISH 0 TTISH _ENTER- If the attendance public b at amusements were to e ing as at the present we on w r ould . moment, for n were concerts so numerously attended , as were Mr. Wilson's entertainments on Thursday and Friday roserityso, last. We must attribute this,rather to the high talents and great however,. this eminent vocalist, and to the very popularity f n o ature of his en tertainment. Mr. wis on attractive ain excellent voice, and we certainly never h w ea s rd him sing wish l i greater effect, nor listened to him with greater de light. On this occasion t ' ddition to a choice selection of old and es 00, in a tablished favourites , he' in troduced a numb er of en ti rel y new to us ; among which w ere some s o o f ngs tbegems o f his enter tainment, from th e works of Sir Walter Scott, by which he has this season gathered fresh la urels in the metropolis. Among these m ay be m entioned the serenade, "Love wa k es an d we eps," from the Pirate, a graceful, flowing melody, with an accom paniment in imitation of a guitar, exactly suoh as we might suppose Cleveland to have played and sung under the window of Minna Troil. The spirited ballad of " Young Lochinvar" was given by Mr. Wilson with great spirit; and to a fine sparkling melody, thatcar ried the singer glibly through the story, long as this bial. lad is, it was rapturously encored; but Mr. Wilson kindly substituted the ballad of "Alice Brand," from The Lady of Me Lake, which afforded a high treat to the audience, so dramatically was it given. "The Heath this night must be my bed," also from The Lady of the Lake, is a sweet melody in the Scottish style, and highly suitable to the words. Of Wilson's perform ance of Campbell's beautiful ballad, "Lord ill lin's daughter," which be sang on both evenings. the tears of the audience afforded the strongest proof of the effect it produced on them, and of Wilson's success in adapting it to music. He was admirably seconded in the descriptive accompaniment, played by his new coadjutor, Mr. Jolley, who is a piano. forte player, and enters heartily into the spirit of the various songs. Mr. Wilson was never before so well accompanied. Did our limits permit, we might point out many other songs which were highly effective. We cannot omit, however, to record the admirable m anner in which Burns' fine song, " Does haughty Gaul invasion threat" was given, and the heartiness, with which the audience responded to the patriotic , sen timents it contains. Though it was the last song, it was enthusiastically encored. Altogether the entertainments afforded a high musical and mental treat to the most crowded audience that was' ever assembled within the walls of the new hall. Many parties were com pelled to w mitdraw without bei ng able to gain admittance ; andmuch regret was felt, that Mr. Wilson could not give another entertainment, which we have no doubt would have been equally success ful. But being engaged to visit Lord Panmure at Brechin Castle on the following day, h e y, -e was unable to Comply with the numerous requests made to him to prolong his stay in Aberdeen. —North of Scotland Gazette, April 4. - _ The Observer of Sunday, April J, gave twelve folio columns of Chartist movements, including upwards of three columns of the Saturday proceedings of the National Convention. Mr. Feargus O'Connor's speech at length, preparations of the Government, and all the latest particulars of the intended demonstration. It may be asked, why is the Observer enabled on every po pular occasion to do so much better than other journals? The reply is, that the establishment of the Observer is equal to that of all the other Sunday papers put toge ilier; so far as regards editors and reporters, the Observer is on an equality with nearly all the daily newspapers. The Observer gave a column of Saturday's proceedings at a meeting of surveyors at Freemason's Tave rn Saturday's Marylebone Vestry , &c. &c.—Price of the Observer 6d. Monday's edition at Four Monday after noons. FOREIGN HONEY.—A vessel arrived from Cuba has brought upwards of two hundred casks of honey, the produce of that place. This arrival of honey from the foreign West India island mentioned is a remarkably large importation of the article. CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION. KENNINGTON COMMON; A portion of the following appeared in our Fourth and Fifth Editions of last night:— About half -past two o'clock the waggons which had previously contained the petition and the members of the Convention were drawn off the common and for warded t•) a livery stable in the neighbourhood. We have been present upon various occasions of contested elections in the borough of Lambeth and elsewhere, and we are most decidedly of opinion that the number of persons present on the common did not at any time exceed (hat which we have seen upon other occasions. It is a matter of congra tulation that the demonstration has ended so peaceably. Too great praise cannot be bestowed upon the autho rities for the manner in which they have carried out their arrangements. There was not a single person connected with the police or military force present upon the occlsion to offer the slightest disturbance orin duce the least provocation. A person on horseback, bow ever, rode several times round the common, and informed the people in the most courteous manner, that immediately upon the meeting breaking up the persons present would be expected to disperse quietly and peaceably. We believe that not a single accident worthy of note took place throughout the whole proceedings. At the conclusion of the meeting on the common it was announced by Mr. E. Jones, from the waggon, that a meeting would be held to night at the South-London Chartist Hall, in the Blackfriars-road. It is satisfactory to state, up to the time of our going to press with this Edition, that no disturbance of the public peace has taken place. The demonstration has passed off as peaceably as we stated we believed it would, in writing our reporis for the earlier editions of The Sun. Up to this hour it would seem that the apprehensions of an outbreak have not yet left the minds of the public, as the shops which were closed in the morning remain so now, with very few ex ceptions. It may be said with truth that business has been almost suspended in the leading thoroughfares of the metropolis during the whole of the day. The special constables remain, with very few exceptions, at their posts, and many will not be relieved of their duties until nine o'clock, or even later, should any outbreak be intended. The conduct of the demonstration in not going in pro cession is spoken harshly of by many unthinking per sons, who no doubt would have been gratified bad it been our painful duty to have announced loss of life as the result of what, considering the determination of the Government, would have been foolhardiness in the extreme. The proceedings in the Convention to morrow, after the " split" of to-day, will be more than usually interesting. PRESERVATION OF THE PEACE OF THE METROPOLIS. From the commencement of the day the authorities of the Home office were in constant communication with the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police, th e Horse Guards, the Eh ctric Telegraph, Mansion-house, and other public offices and authorities in the city of London and Westminster for the preservation of the public peace, and preventing riot and tumult on pre- senting the Chartist petition. The extraordinary num ber of special constables - who came forward on this occasion fell very little short of 250,000 persons of the most respectable class of society. The Lord Mayor was at the Mansion-house for the purpose of receiving com munications and acting as circumstances might require. The Royal Exchange was closed to the public, but formed a rendezvous to about 1,000 special constables and police. The Hall of Commerce was another resort for the police and constables under the direction of Captain Back and Mr. Bannister, the celebrated butcher to her Majesty. The South Sea House, Haberdashers, Drapers, Merchant Tailors, Grocers' Goldsmiths', and other City Companies, were supplied with a large number of police and constables ready to act. The plan adopted for the protection of the City wards was admirable, and the instructions given:to the City Com missioner, as to the respective positions to be taken by the officers under his control, who were distributed in different divisions under this superintendence, proved extremely convenient for communicating with the Lord Mayor. The gentlemen of the Stock Exchange, with their white ribbons round their arms and staves,:marched through the City as far as Blackfriars-bridge, and remained there until the information arrived of the breaking up of the meeting. It is most gratifying to know that the most complete preparations were made at all points for the protection of property and life. The police at all parts of the town were arranged in the most judicious and effective manner. The special constables, as a body, acted with perseverance; the appearance of the civil power is peculiarly English, and forms a re markable difference with all foreign proceedings, com posed as they are from the peer of the House of Lords to the hard working coal whipper on the Thames, each defending his own liberty, property, and fireside. If it is possible to judge from the conduct of the citizens of London, nothing can be more certain than that rioters would very soon find out that they had miscalculated their chances of success in London. The health of the Queen and the royal family was drunk at all the public places by the special constables, and the utmost loyalty appeared to reign throughout every ramification of the different departments. In additio'n to the above precaution, at an early hour four detachments of the Pensioners arrived by steam boats at Blackfriars-bridge. Two detachments imme diately occupied the end houses of Chatham-place, over looking the river and commanding the bridges; and the other two occupied the Royal Hotel and the Equitable Assurance Office. Bridewell was also occupied by a detachment of the Grenadier Guards. The demeanor of the troops and pensioners was admirable. They all evinced the most perfect steadiness and good temper. They seemed to feel that they were performing an im portant duty, and kept themselves ought of sight in the most unobtrusive way possible. We have reason to believe that the Lord Mayor and the Commissioner of the City Police had an interview on Sunday at the Home-office, with Sir George Grey and the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police, when final regulations were made as to the course to be adopted, and placed in the hands of the autho rities, and throughout the whole of Sunday night the principal officers of the City force were occu pied at the several stations in preparation to carry the instructions into effect. Apart from the innumerable special constables, who assembled at the various wards under the Aldermen, and the greater part of whom was provided with staves and armlets ; upwards of 2,000 of the younger and more active "specials " were selected by the Aldermen, and placed in direct com munication with the City police under the Commissioner. This latter body had received instructions to take up positions at the Cross Keys in Gracechurch-street, the Royal Exchange, which was placed at the complete dis posal of Mr. Harvey, and Bridewell Hospital ; and as they mustered at the several places of appoint men t they were immediately marshalled into bodies of 100 each, and again subdivided into twenties, and placed under the command of captains and sergeants of their own selec tion with inspectors of the City police force controlling the whole. At eleven o'clock the police and special constables marched in large bodies to the three bridges, and took up their station there, in immediate communi cation with the metropolitan constables, who attended at each in great numbers. As from previous com munications it was inferred that the Chartists would proceed with the petition from Kennington common to the House of Commons over Blacktriars-bridge, that station was the point a t w hi c h the most formidable resistance was contemplated. It was generally believed in the City that the Government had determined at the latest council to off e r no obstacle whatever to the assem bling of the people at Kennington-common, or to their progress from thence with the petition to whichever bridge their movements might indicate their intention to pass over ; but that it was resolved that every resist ance should be offered to any greater number than ten of the petitioni ng b o d y go i ng over any bridge ; such resistance to be left, in the first instance, to the manage ment of the civil force, the military to be called upon in the event of the inadequacy of that power, for which purpose most formidable bodies of cavalry and infantry were stationed in the neighbourhood of the bridges, but out of the sight of the people, under the special com mand of General Brotherton. The wish amongst numbers of the special constables, who were thus crowded together in enormous masses, was, that those who caused so much annoyance to thorn, and such serious injury to the trade of the metropolis, might be " pitched into," and there were certainly not a few who expressed an anxiety to be engaged in inflict ing summary punishment. Most assuredly the arrange ments made by the city authorities were such as to justify a larger or nobler object, for it is scarcely pos sible to exaggerate, the exertions and sacrifices which have been made by all classes in the city. The conduct of the police and the special constables will, we under stand, be the subject of a commendatory resolution in the next Court of Aldermen. It was a source of much gratification to the citizens to witness the cordial co-operation, and the absence of all jealousy, between the Metropolitan and City forces. The Com missioners of the Metropolitan police and the Commis sioner of the City police were observed in frequent com munication on Blackfriars•bridge during the early part of the day. MARYLEDONE.—Yesterday the greater part of the day was taken up by the swearing in of special constables, and from ten till five no fewer than from 400 to 500 persons, the majority of them being of the highest re spectability, received their appointments from the sit ting magistrate. _ _ THE PARISH OF ST. MARTIN'S.IN THE-FIELDS. Yesterday morning, between seven and eight o'clock, the special constables of this parish assembled in the vestry room, the Earl of Arundel and Surrey being the commanding officer. There were about 2,000 sworn in. They were arranged in ten divisions, under the com mand of captains and lieutenants, and patrolled the various streets throughout the parish, being relieved every two hours. THE PARISH OF ST. JAMES, WESMINSTER.—The special constables of this parish met iu the vestry-room adjoining the church. The Earl de Grey was chosen as their command officer, and the Earl of Eglinton was the second in command. There were about 1,500 sworn in, the greater majority of whom remained in the church yard. About two o'clock, Mr. Osborne, the Member for Middlesex, arrived; and stated that the proceedings at Kennington common were at an end. ST. GEORGE, HANOVER- SQTJARE.—Thero were about 4,000 special constables sworn in for this parish. About eight o'clock, the Earl of Strafford, the general, and the Earl Delawarr, the leader, arrived at the board-room of the workhouse, Mount-street, Hanover-square; at which time a large body of the special constables were present. ' They were formed in eight divisions, under the command of the Duke of Leeds, the Earl of Luca n, the Ear of Harrowby, Viscount Cantilupe, Colonel Griffith;, Mr C. Stokes, Mr. T. Dowbiggin, and Mr. Arber. The con stables were arranged in sections, and patrolled the various streets orthe parish. WAtinswonnr.—On Sunday Mr. Bedton attended to this court for several hours, and with the assi-tance of Mr. A. Taylor, the chief clerk, swore in some hundred' of special constables. Yesterday Mr. Paynter attendec) long before the usual time, and was completely besieged by Persons of all classes desircus of acting as special constables. The , whole of the students at- the College of Civil Engineers-tendered themselves, and were ac cepted as special constables. • LAMBETH.—Yesterday morning,. at nine o'clock, Mr. Elliott, who was magistrate for the day, arrived at the court, and shortly after a vast crowd of respectable per persons were in attendance to be sworn in as special constables. Amongst the gentlemen who attended wen Messrs. Maudslay and Field, the extensive engineers in the Westminster-road. Mr. Maudslay, addressing Mr. Elliott, observed he was sorry to see in a morning paper that it had been asserted by some of the speakers at th, Convention that it was the intention of his men to joic in the Chartist procession. This he (Mr. Maud:oar) believed to be untrue, and the best proof of this was. that not more than forty of the men, out of upward s o f 700, were absent from their work, and this number un Monday was not at all unusual. The whole of the - parties in the employment of M- , sirs. Clowes, printers, in Duke-street, Stamford -street, nearl . ) 300 in number, were also sworn in as specials. CHARTIST MEETINGS. MANCHESTER.—A meeting of the Chartists of this city took place in Smithfield Market, at two o'clock yesterday afternoon. The meeting was convened by placard, ex tensively distributed, for the purpose of giving txprt s :ion to the full and undivided confidence of the Cha , tist: in the " National Convention " now sitting in London. and to express their determination to stand by the body. At the time appointed for the meeting the entire square was completely filled. The numbers present were va riously estimated from 20,000 to 60,000. Without ven turing to be exact in the matter, tve have no hesitation in saying that it was decidedly the largest meeting held in Manchester for the last thirty years, excepting only, perhaps, the single exception of the memorable meeting of Peterloo, in 1819. The chair was occupied by a working man, named WILLIAM GROCOTE, who briefly addressed the meeting, and enjoined order and attention to the several speakers. JAMES MITTAL, a working man, moved the first reso lution, expressive of confidence in the Convention, and pledging the meeting to stand by them at all hazards, and under every emergency. He declared, and he should always cry for, " Up with the people, and down with tyrants " After adverting to the recent events on the Continent, he reminded them that they were assembled there that day to contend for the same principles for which Arthur O'Connor had been banished from his native land fifty-six years ago, and for which poor Henry Hunt had died broken-hearted. The speakers who had already addressed the meeting, and some others, then got on to another cart at some distance from the hustings, and addressed the crowd, which was quite as dense, from both places at the same time, the speaker turning his back upon the Chairman, and speaking to those furthest off. GEORGE ARCHDEACON, a d e l ega t e f rom t h e I r i s h Con federation, read the resolution. He said he had just cuonmaneimfriotaly athmeonng the north whe re friends s e o h f ad th w e itn c e h s a se r d teV ie a u nd tm t o h s e t Repealers. A t Whiteha l v n en he had a dd res sed 1,500 Irishmen,exertion i ; until and I' s men, their the o t c People'sh men , h c o a o r w t e e r d w as sever a E to n c g e l a i h e law in Engl an d, and there was a national flag for Ireland. Thanks were th en voted to the Chairman, and the meetingqu LIVERPOOL,iet quietly MONDAYdispersed.E z N G A Chartist meeting is called for this evening, at half -past six o'clock. The authorities are prepared fo r any outbreak , l and the special constables are all on the alert, but we have no fear of any disorder. BIRMINGHAM, MONDAY.—A meeti ng o f the Chartists of this town, for the purpose of asserti ng " the right of the people to public meeting," was held this day in the People's Hall, Loveday•street. It was, in comparison with meetings of former days, very thinly attended. Mr. Baldwin, a member of the Town Council, pre- . sided. The speeches were of the usual character, combined with strong attacks upon the Government for the course which Sir George Grey and his col leagues were said to have adopted with regard to the proposed meeting on Kennington-common. A resolution expressive of the confidence which the Birmingham Chartists repose in the delegates they have sent to the National Convention, and to the effect that if they should be arrested by the Government, they would elect • efficient successors, was unanimously adopted. All went off peaceably, and the assemblage broke up about half past three o'clock.' Another meeting is to be held this evening. The civil and military authorities are fully prepared to protect the public peace. Additional troops and two pieces of ordnance have arrrived in Bir mingham, and the magistrates were engaged this morn ing in swearing in special constables. There is no ap prehension of tumult entertained by the inhabitants, but still laudable caution has been evinced by the Mayor and other authorities. STATE OF THE PROVINCES. THREATENED DISTURBANCES. In addition to the very effective and successful ar rangements made by the authorities for the preservation of the peace of the metropolis, the Government, we are happy to say, took the wise precaution of preventing the diffusion of groundless and exaggerated reports and the creation of unnecessary alarsu throughout the yeti. ous parts of the country, by taking possession of the telegraphs, and prohibiting their being work+•d by pri- vate individuals, by which, from mistake or watennes:, the most mischievous results might have been produced. We are happy to be enabled to say that the information received from some of the most important provincial towns was of such a character as to dispel any appre hension of a disturbance of order. The following communications by electric telegraph were received by Sir George Grey down to half-pa:t seven o'clock yesterday evening : From Liverpool to Sir George Grey:— " There is no truth in the statement about the rai's having been interrupted or pulled up here. " St. Matthew's Church has been burnt down td-day by accident—overheating the flues. I send this informa tion to prevent misrepresentation. The town is quirt. A Chartist meeting is to be held in Queen-square this evening, at six o'clock." From Manchester to Sir George Grey : " All is quiet here at present. We see no grounds for:apprehension. Four P.M:" The Secretary of the Midland Railway Company to Sir George Grey : "The meeting at Nottingham has just broken up peaceably, and has adjourned until two o'clock on Wed nesday next." From the Mayor of Manchester:— " No meeting of any importance has been held here to-day. We have no excitement here, and have been quiet and peaceable throughout the day. There is no apparent ground for apprehension." From the Mayor and magistrates of Leeds:— " Monday, Six P.M. " Tranquillity prevails here, and the peace is not threatened. A meeting of shout 6,000 people has just broken up peaceably. Similar communications have just been received from Bradford." From the Mayor of Liverpool:— " The meeting, consisting at the utmost of 300 per sons, has just peaceably dispersed, and the special con stables, consisting of the most respectable inhabitants, have been dismissed amidst the most enthusiastic and long-continued cheering for the Queen." THE LAW OF RIOTS AND UN LAWFUL ASSEMBLIES. (Abridged from the Legal Observer.) At a time when the peace of the metropolis and of other great towns in the kingdom has been threatened or disturbed by riotous and unlawful assemblies, which have attracted the attention of both Houses of Parlia ment, it may not be considered inopportune to advert to the state of the law upon this subject. All the text writers endeavour to establish a distinc tion between a riot and unlawful assembly ; but, when their definitions are scrutinised, and their correctness tested by their application to adjudged eases, it must be admitted that the boundary line between an unlawful assembly and a riot is nut very satisfactorily defined. Without adopting precisely the definition to be found in any of the books, we may, perhaps, venture to suggest, that a riot is a premeditated assembly of three persons or more, accompanied or followed by some circumstances of a violent or turbulent nature or character, tending to create apprehension or terror; and that an unlawful assembly is a meeting of several persons, under such circumstances as seem calculated to en- danger the public peace. To constitute either of fence, it is not necessary that there should be actual personal violence committed ; and an assembly • may be unlawful, although not accompanied or followed by any circumstance of a violent character, if it be a meeting for a purpose which, if executed, would render the parties rioters. A meeting may be riotous, whether the purpose for which it assembled be lawful or unlawful. In the case of the Queen v. Vincent, Nlr. Baron Alderson is reported to have said : " Any meeting assembled under such circumstances as, accord ing to the opinion of rational and firm men, and peace likelyenee to produce danger to the tranquillity into their of the neighbourhood, is an unlawful assembly, ake viewing this question the jury should t - were held, consideration the way in which the meetin g s used by the hour at which they met, and the lang uage who addressed the persons assembled, and by those who and rational and P in them, and then consider whether arubreach of the peace, have reasonable ground to fear merely men, having their families and p such as would as the alarm must not be but must be such as person, frighten any foolish or timid property there, would of this kind, or rage." All persons joining sa assembly y rmtiess and cou rage." give countenance d or would alarm persons of . rei ) P s ap o o : r t s i ts b et l m e o it in any way, are when u the public tranquillity has At various periods,ilty of a breach ot the law. liable to been menaced or indictment an turb g ed by meetings of a turbulent exigencies of the time by the to meet the s or seditious characste:rd, the Legislature has passed Acts l statutes now in force bearing suppression of such . assemblies. We propose briefly to Lunt. One of the earliest Acts in point upon the subject. One not the least • of date, and certainly.important in its enumerate the . principal to which we deem it neces ;a.,-- to allude, is the 13 Cyr. 11., e. 5, which, after ,-e r tting the mischiefs of tumultuous petitioning, enacts, practical application, that no person shall solicit the getting of hands or other consent of . any pers ons a b ove the number of twenty, to any petati.n, &C., to the Ring or the Houses of Parliament, for alteration of matters established by law in Church and State ; unless the matter thereof shall have been first consented unto and ordered by three justices, or by the major part of the grand jury, or in London by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council; and that no person shall repair to his Majesty or the Houses of Parlia ment, upon pretence of presenting or delivering any peti t on, accompanied at any one time with above the num . cit4f b.:r of to ii,rs -7, ,tilittl. attVto;..4 ffence not e QeedinglOCl aTI *c4 OAIII.S3i Itf - pq4)g , I e .t; suchoffence to be pr,)s- cute VpMb4: - • -' ' -, 5,-, rt t the assizes or ~ --f• --, -: varier scs,ier 5, ...,..--, • A. ' proved by two We ercch witness . ...;;;44,,_ ~.e.y . in Lord George '' e' , ze (iimlt?'"s,l . ),t . ' I . statute was im -hts, which declares Gord! by 1 iIII o R., . • all corn:nit:net:is and prosecutions for petitioning but L rd Nlan,field said, it wds the unanimous opiniou of the Court of green's Bench that the 13th Car. 2 wee in lull force. Perhaps the next statute in order and importance is- the Ist of George 1., statute 2, c. 5, .which is generally known as the Riot Act. It is, perhaps, scarcely necessary' to add, that, although read ing the Riot Act, as directtal under this statute, renders offericus liable to more severe penalties, the meeting may be riotous and ills gel at common law, without reading any proelatnati‘m, and without any reference to the Riot Act. The nv.xt statute in point. of order i 3 the 39th of Gcorze llt., cap. 79, ngainst secret societies, which, titer ckelari.ikr that. cerl,in societies named shall be soppy-, ssed, procet-d4 to dvelare societies, the members up which take utikw!ul oaths, or where the names of the 1 -1)i-tubers s!al/ be it , pt secret, or where there are divisisws or branch - sistutuit, unlawful ; and ptrsi.ns corresponding with such societies, - or aiding them, are declared • t() be guilty . of an unlawful combination and coiled,racv.. The 57th Georg- 171, c. 19, contained many enact ments of a temporary chara;!ter, together with provisions of a different nature, still in force. The2sth section (It ehres, that societies taking unlawful oaths, sc., and electing committees or delegates, shall be deemed unlawful combinations and confederacies, and (by section 28) persons permitting unlawful meetings of such societies, or of any division or committee of them, to be held on their pren . lises, arc subject, to . n penalty, and, if to be deprived of their license. The 60 Geo. 111 and 1 Geo. IV., c. 1, prohibits mee.thigs and asS'enblit , g for the 'put pose of training, drilling, or practising military exercise .without lawful authority, &c. The latest of the' statutes to which we deem it neces sary to emll-attention, is the 7th and-Bth Geo.-IV., c. 30, which enacts (by section 8), that persons riotously assembled, and unlawfully demolishing, destroying, or pulling down, or beginning to demolish, &c., any church, chapel, house, b u ildi ng use d i n trade or tnanfacturc, or machinery proposed for or employed in any manufaet are ur none, shall be guilty of felony, and Suffer death as a felon. The beginning to pull down, us mentioned in the Act, means a demolition of 'a part wish intent to demolish the whole ; and ceciti it Must be proved that .some part of the tr,•nol,l was destroyed ; it is not enough io pr,,y, that window-shutters or doors were demolished. A at•inpting to destroy a house, by setting fire to it, is witnin the Act. Under this Act (by sic. 26), principals in the second degree and acces sories before the fact, are punishable in the same manner as principals in the first degree; and accessories atter the fact are liable to be imprisoned for any term not exceed ing two years. The statutes above briefly enumerated, and others of more ancient date, to which it does not seem so necessary to direct attention, are met ely in aid of the common law, which authorises proceedings, not only by magistrates, sheriffs, peace officers, constables, and others, but by private persons, for restraining and suppressing riots. Magistrates are, of course, peculiarly required and expected to restrain riots and take the rioters into custody, and for this purpose they may call upon any or all of the Queen's subjects to as,ist them, which they are bound to do upon reasonable warning. The duties of private persons, as well as of public officers, in cases of this nature, were stated with much ability and precision by the late Learned Chief Justice Tindal, in his well-known address to the Bristol grand jury, after the riots of 1831. [lt is this Act which is referred to in the Police Commissioners' notice, issued on Thursday.] UNIVERSITY IN TELLIGEN CE. CAMBRIDGE, APRIL 8.--The gold medals given an nually by the Chancellor of the University to the two commencing Bachelors, who having obtained the degree of Senior Optime, at least prove themselves the greatest proficients in classical learning, were this day awarded to-1. Chas. Brodrick Scott, Trinity College. 2. Brooke Frost Wek,teott, Trinity College. Old Trinity has, since the institution of these prizos, in 1751, an immense majority over the other colleges in the number of its scions who have borne them away, arid among whcm may be found some of the brightest ornaments of the . UniverAty, and their respective eras. CORPUS COLLEGE. - Joseph Neville White, and Charles James Carrow, have been elected Scholars of this Society. The Rev. W. Dickson, 8.A., 1846, has been presented to the perpetual curacy of Goostrey, county Chester. CATHARINE HALL —The Rev. Thomas Henry Lister, BA., 1847, has been appointed to the living of Ludding ton, Lincolnshire. CHRIST COLLEGE. -- The Fellows of Christ College have agreed to and presented an address of congratula tion to Dr. Graham (master) on his promotion to the bishopric of Chester. The Bishop's reply has since been received and read in the College Hall. --- ROYAL THAMES YACHT CLUB At the mo , ,thly meeting of this club, on Thursday night, the membtta were occupied until cvery late hour in making alterations in tht• club laws ; and other matters of interest to the yachting world; Lord A. Pap; took the chair. After the transaction of some routine business, in the course of whi:th Mr. Wheeler, the treasurer, communi cated the gratifying intelligence that the club had upwards of 275/. _in hand, besides 500/. vested in the Consul, Lord A. PAGET briefly explained that in consequence of a larger class of vessels having been rendered eligible to contend in their lutare matches, it had been found necessary to make considerable alterations in conformity with the new arrangement, in the club laws. The sail ing committee had bestowed great attention upon the matter, and had suggested the alterations which he was about to submit to their consideration. The Commodore (Lord Alfred) then went through the whole of the laws, which it had been found necessary to revise, putting each to the vote separately, after affording every gentleman an opportunity of expressing his opinion. There was, however, but very little discus sion, and very trilling a lt erat i on, t h e whole having been so admirably framed, as to meet with general approval The su'astance of the alterations aro as follow: —ln accordance with the vote of the special meeting, con vened about a fortnight ago, the maximum tonnage of yachts eligible now to sail for club prizes is increased from 25 to 50 tons, half a minute time being allowed. The value of the prize for the first class is 801. The second class consists of yachts from 12 to 25 tons, the prize being 601. The third class consists of those under 12 tons, and the prize for which is 301. In neither of the two latter is there any time allowed to compensate for deficiency of tonnage. Should a boat of the s( cond class come in ahead of all those of the first class it will receive the most valua ble prize, and in that case, the first of the largest boats which comes in after it, will take the prize intended for the second class, the same rule will apply with reference to the third and second class, unless there are four of the first and three of the second classes enter, and two start, the prize for that class will not be given. Should it occur that from this reason there is no race with the largest class, then there will be a prize, value 301., given as a second prize for the second class, provided five enter and start. With respect to the small class (under twelve tons) if two enter and start, the prize will be given. It was also determined that the Strangers' Prize be increased to 1001., open to all yachts belonging to Royal Yacht Clubs, and instead of being limited to 50 tons, half a minute per ton being allowed for difference of tonnage •, vessels of any size to contend. - The first Match of the season was appointed for Monday, the 29th of May. Entries to close a week previously. FIRE AND EXPLOSION.--EIGHT HOUSES BURNED. —Yesterday morning a fearful fire, attended with con siderable destruction of valuable property, broke out shortly after three o'clock, upon the premise s G f n M swei t R. Kendall. coffee-shop-keeper, situate No. 3 3 , then on fire, but they confine the flames to the premises extensive back ware housesspeedily communicated with the ea s t: street, Clerkenwell. The firemen exerted themselves to helencker, oilman and drysalter. To this property the en were there engaged were carried, and whilst the firem which blew the roof an explosion of a terrific character, j to M" hose of the engines houses to their founda tionsoff, and shook the sueroukno, of fi sa u i a l t n m p d e a t t b r h e l e e , g oods in Mr. Schelencker's occurred. The s t toc powerful auxiliary to the fire . di proved such a S; c., whit. lightning, with the swiftness of by Mrs. Flemming, milliner, No. 34, in that it travelled r i i t s r tic o l f egs t u o r f p t e h n e t i nmeo, most inflammable street, - next became ignited; from thence the character,warehouse to work of destruction extended the premises in the of Mr. Bubblett, preparer of engravers' occupancy wood, and in spite of every exertion the flames pens thhoeu house sameocc il. ied pene trated the premises in the occupation of Mr. John Cherry, carman, in Middle row. This property con tained an immense quantity of timber in its construction, which made the fire progress with still greater vehe mence. The whole of the firemen continued to labour for some hours, when they at length got the mastery over the flames, but not until the majorit of the above houses were ne ar l y d estroyed. y KING'S COLLEGE HOSPITAL.—On Sunday morn ing a sermon in aid of the funds of the above charity was preached by the Right lii, Lord Bishop o f Li c hfi e ld at St. John's Church, Clapham-ri,e. In the course of a very el. Tient appeal, the Reverend Prelate warmly ;t , (1%; catcd the int erests o f the charity (which since the foundation in 1840 hail distributed its manifold blessings to upwards of 106,250 destitute creatures), and at the conclusion of Divine service a collection was made amounting to 591. 93. THEUNEMPLOYED IN GLA SGOW ,—W e regret to learn that the list of unemployed is increasing, and the total who have enrolled now amount to upwards of 2,400, with the usual average of dependents. Of these, perhaps, a half have been set to stone breaking, weaving, railway work, &c., and the remainder are assisted by daily rations of soup and bread. A large number who have no claim on tae city have. been sent to Ireland. Generally speaking, the patiance and endurance of these poor peopl e are a b ove a ll p ra i se ; but a few of th em h ave resorted to the plan of holding meetings and speechify ing on the Green, with no sane attempt that we can discover. After what has already occurred, the authorities have vvsely resolved to put down these assemblages, which gather round them all the thieves and vagabonds in the city.-- , Glasgow Herald. ARRIVAL or SPZCIE.—The steam-ship Columbine, from Havre, has brought two boxes of gold coin, ad dressed tO tIY9 ilaCihridlid firms in the metropolis. THE *' t SUN, LONDON, TUESDA V Y..v - rr E 1E 1T I CT, APR I'L 11, 18,48._. 1.3 *;.;