The Sun. — London, England, 1865-05-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :---Dews bury, Batley, and Heckmundvricke Water ; Metropolis Sewage; Essex Reclamation ; Great Eastern Railway ; Ilfracombe Railway ; the Great Eastern Railway (Capital, &c.) ; the Metropolitan District Railway ; Great Eastern Railway (additional powers); Fareham Gas; Manchester Improvement; Carnarvon New Water ; Chel tenham Water ; Glossop Water ; Llanelly Local Board of Health ; East and West India Dock Company; London and South Western Railway (Torrington); London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (additional powers); and Rastrick Gas. The following bills were read a third time and passed : The Navan and Kingscourt Railway ; St. Clement's Danes Improvement ; Red Hill Gas ; South Metropolitan Gas ; Folkestone Gas ; and the Bristol Docks. DISTRICT CHURCH TITHES BILL. On the motion of the Duke of MARLBOROUGH that the house should go into committee on this bill, The Archbishop of YORK expressed himself in favour of the bill. The bill went through committee accordingly. RECORD OF TITLES (IRELAND) BILL. The bill wont through committee. SHEEP AND CATTLE BILL. The report of the amendments on this bill was brought up and agreed to. UNION OFFICERS (IRELAND) SUPERANNUATION BILL. This bill went through committee. COUNTY COURTS EQUITABLE JURISDICTION BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading of this bill. Lord ST. LEONARDS said that very important altera tions were proposed by this measure. The effect of the bill would be to clothe county court judges with equity jurisdiction, which he thought, without in the slightest degree reflecting on their capacity, or the position which they were occupied, they were incompetent to discharge. The bill was read a third time and passed. THE IMPERIAL GAS COMPANY'S WORKS AT CHELSEA. Theßishop of LONDON, in calling attention to proposed additions to the Imperial Gas Company's works in the im mediate neighbourhood of the National Society's Training School at Chelsea, presented three petitions on the subject; that of Mr. Inglis, to be heard by counsel against the bill the two other sets of petitioners wished to have their case stated in their lordships' house. The Imperial Gas Com pany sought power this season to increase their works ; the bill for the purpose had passed through the House of Com mons without any attention being paid to it, particularly on the part of the board of health for the parish of Fulham. The petitioners felt that they had a very serious grievance to bring before their lordships. These works had been in operation for some years to a limited extent, and during that time serious mischief had arisen to those who resided in the neighbourhood, so much so that legal proceedings were not long since taken to mitigate the evil. Mr. Broad bent, a market gardener, in 1856 finding that his property was injured took legal proceedings, and it was proved that produce which formerly sold for .£l5O then sold for £2O. In the course of the inquiry certain medical authorities were examined, who stated what was likely to be the effect of this nuisance. The clergy and others stated recently that they were exposed to the danger of breathing the air impregnated with gas, and that they felt nausea, headaches, and other evil effects. Dr. Taylor gave it as his opinion that deadly gases were circulated. The evils had already been checked by the authority of the courts, but if the bill became law they would be aggravated tenfold. The peti tioners felt some doubt how to proceed ; for though it was a private bill it was of immense importance as it affected. the public. (Hear.) Even in private bills their lordships were anxious not to do injustice to individuals. This might be called a bill for depreciating the property in the parishes of Fulham and Chelsea. His own residence was in that neighbourhood ; and although he could not say that the property of the see would be deteriorated, because probably it would not be difficult to purchase some com modious residence out of reach of those dangerous and poisonous gases, yet it must be remembered that this pro perty belonged to the Church, and that it was an important matter that this property should not be depreciated. First class houses would not bo erected if this evil continued. It was not solely from personal feelings that he brought the subject forward, but because it affected a locality which was historical for the last 800 years. Mr. H. Veitch, whose name as a florist was well known, had invested £lO,OOO in buildings and plants in the vicinity of these works, andhis property would be ruined if this act passed. A short time binee their lordships had passed a bill to regulate alkali works. The result had been of advantage to many of the residences. The National Society had on their register in the training schools 611 boys, of whom more than 500 were in daily attendance, Moreover, 103 students passed their nights as well as the day in the vicinity. The school had cast £46,986. The petitioners prayed their lordships not to allow the bill to pass into law, and if it passed the select committee, he (the Bishop of London) would not feel him self precluded from moving the rejection of the bill. Lord RAVENS WORTH also presented a petition on the -same subject from parishioners of Chelsea. The reason the bill had passel unopposed in the House of Commons was partly per inevriam, and partly owing to the tempo rary indisposition of the vestry clerk of the district. The subject dropped. THE SHANNON RIVER. The Marquis of CLA.NRICARDE moved for returns relating to the river Shannon. The motion was agreed to. RAILWAYS AND CHURCHES. The Archbishop of YORK laid upon the table a bill to enable railway and other companies to set aside part of their funds to provide for the religious education of their workmen. The bill was read a first time. The house adjourned at half-past six o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAsT EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. . The following bills were read a third time and passed : Athenry and Ennis Junction Railway ; Caledonian Rail way (Balerno Branch) ; and Regent's Canal (Limehouso Basin.) BURTON-ON-TRENT AND NOTTINGHAM RAIL- WAY BILL. Mr. P. WATLINGTON moved that the special report from the committee on group 10 of railway bills in the case of the Burton-on-Trent and Nottingham Railway Bill, together with the evidence taken before the committee on the said bill, be referred to the select committee on standing orders ; and that it be an instruction to the committee to report to the house their opinions whether the facts stated in the said special report constitute an infraction of the standing orders. After a short discussion, in which Mr. Bass and other members took part, Mr. DODSON said the house would not fall into a great irregularity if it did not assent to the motion. The motion was agreed to. PETITION. Sir J. SHELLEY presented a petition from the Strand Board of Works, praying that an alteration be made in the law with respect to the compensation to be given to traders by railway companies. • BANKRUPTCY APPOINTMENTS. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that, on Monday next, he should put some questions to the Attorney-General relative to the resignation of Mr. Wylde and the Hon. Richard Bothell in connection with the Leeds Court of Bankruptcy. BANK NOTES ISSUE BILL. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER postponed proceeding with this bill until Thursday next. HACKNEY CARRIAGE DUTY. Mr. HUNT asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the duty on carriages let for hire might not be assessed quarterly instead of yearly ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he did not see how any arrangement could be made for loss than one year. However, ho would give the subject his best consideration. THE CONFEDERATE STATES. Mr. J. WHITE asked the Secretary of State for the home Department, owing to the absence of the noble lord the First Lord •f the Treasury, whether the Government had determined to withdraw its recognition of the belli gerent rights of the (so-called) Confederate States of America ? Sir G. OREY thought it better to postpone the motion fora few days. Sir F. KELLY FOREIGN WINES. asked the Chanc e llor of the Ex c h eque r, p in reference t o a quoted by him, whether he was prepared to stat e in 13 ;:ha r t mama er,and upon what principle, the price orvalueolign wines were estimated or ascer tained upon the portation ? payment of th e customs d uty upon i m- The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the manner iu which the va l ue of the wine i payment by an organised system and on the of customs' i lle was a rrived at was duties. The course pursued Was stated in the hand, Which y the ri g ht cus toms' instructions he held i n his lie hon. gentleman could have if he moved for them. Sir F. KELLY then moved for a copy of the documents referred to, viz., the instructions of the Inspector_General of Imports and Exports. NORTH AIIyn:RICAN FORTIFICATIONS Mr. B. cOCHRANE asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the communications which h a d passed between her Majesty's Government and the com missioners from Canada had led to any change of view re specting the amount to be expended on fortifications in our North American colonies? Mr. CARDWELL said as soon as the commissioners arrived at a result no time would be lost in communicating it to Parliament. In the meantime he did not think it de sirable to mention anything further connected with the matter. LAND TENURE IN OUDE. Lord STANLEY asked the Secretary of State for India whether he had received any recent reports relative to the investigation into the land tenures of Oude ; and if so, whether he was able to state the substance of such reports, or to lay them upon the table. Sir C. WOOD said he had not received any official papers, and therefore he could not lay them on the table of the house. INDIAN TRANSPORTS. Lord STANLEY asked the Secretary of State for India what amount of expenditure it was intended to incur in the establishment of a line of steam transports to convey troops by the overland route ; whether all transport of troops to and from India was to take place hereafter by that line ; and, if so, at what seasons of the year, and what use, if any, would be made of the transports during the months not available for the conveyance of troops. Sir C. WOOD said the matter had been for some time under discussion, and it had been thought that a great gain of time and money would be made if the overland route was adopted. The result of the inquiry was, even though at the outset additional expense would be incurred, that a line of transports should be esta blished between this country and Alexandria and Suez to India. It was proposed to build five transports, and the Admiralty having been consulted contracts for the construction of these vessels had been entered into. To show the advantage of having such vessels, he might in form the house that the Himalaya had saved her own cost three times over. The vessels would not enter the Red Sea from the end of October to the beginning of March. When not engaged in the service for which they were constructed the vessels would be available for taking troops from India to other colonies. An HON. MEMBER asked whether the expense would be borne by the Indian Government. Sir C. WOOD, in reply, said the expense would be borne as the service was performed. The Indian Government had advanced the million of money for the construction of the vessels. BANK OF ISSUE. Mr. NEATE asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in his opinion, the State might justly withdraw from banks, other than the Bank of England, the right of issue they now enjoy, without giving them pecuniary com pensation for the loss of that right ? _ The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the answer to such a question seemed to him rather as an ab stract declaration. (Laughter.) He would therefore post pone answering it until he had some information upon which he could form an opinion. (Laughter.) UNION CHARGEABILITY BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Mr. VILLIERS observed that the hon. member opposite had a motion on the paper with respect to certain instruc tions to the committee. He did not think it was compe tent for the hon. gentleman to proceed in the manner he proposed. The SPEAKER ruled that it would be quite in order for the hon. gentleman to proceed as he had given notice. Mr. BENTINCK then rose and moved that it be an in struction to the committee, with a view to rendering the working of the system of union chargeability more just and equal, to facilitate in certain cases the alteration of the limits of existing unions. Mr. PACKE seconded the motion, and an animated debate ensued, in the course of which Mr. E. Egerton ex pressed his entire approval of the bill, qualified only by the wish that it had gone further and abolished the law of settlement altogether. . Mr. ADDERLEY, whilst not opposing the bill, which he regarded as inevitable, nevertheless thought that as a preliminary it was necessary to provide for a new adjust ment of unions in various parts of the country. Otherwise great injustice might result. The instruction was opposed by Mr. VILLIERS, on the ground of the vagueness of its terms, and because its sup porters did not show how the limits of the existing unions were to be adjusted in a more satisfactory manner. Sir W. MILES could easily point out how that difficulty was to be met. All they need do was to empower two thirds of the guardians to imperatively call upon the Poor law Board for the dissolution and re-arrangement of a union. By this means there would be less recrimination between parish and parish and those who had to carry out the law. Sir J. PAKINGTON supported the instruction, and at the same time declared that he was in favour of extending the area of rating, but that could only be done by causing a great change in the incidents of taxation. Mr. NEWDEGATE said there were as gross inequalities existing in the areas of unions as in the areas of parishes, and it was evident that the Poor-law Board contemplated the necessity of effecting some alteration in these unions. In many cases that would decide whether a parish taken from one union and joined to another should pay at the rate of 4s. or even 6d. in the pound. The country was on the eve of a general election, and he asked the house whether they were prepared to place in the hands of a Government office the enormous patronage that might bo thus exercised at this particular moment. Mr.CLIFFORD agreed that the changes proposed would be for the benefit of the agricultural parishes. The House divided— Ayes ... ... 118 Noes ... ... 193 Majority against the motion ... --75 Mr. THOMPSON then moved that the bill be referred to the consideration of a select committee. Several very high authorities had admitted the unfairness of the present system, and the justice of extending the poor rate to all kinds of property, but they had abstained from offering any suggestion as to how that object might be effected. If this bill were sent to a select committee, suggestions might be made which might meet the difficulty in a practical way, and he might observe that the proposal of the hon. mem ber for Worcestershire, who had given notice of an amend ment, was not liable to the principal objections which had been urged against other plans.. The hon. member pro posed that half of the amount of the poor rates should be charged upon the Consolidated Fund. Whether this scheme were adopted or not, it would at least be satisfac tory to those who were about to have additional burdens put upon them to know that their case had been inquired into by a select committee, which might also throw light upon other subjects bearing upon the working of the poor law, and thus enable the Poor Law Board to draw up a comprehensive bill for the consideration of the new Par liament. (Hear, hear.) Mr. FERRAND said he was precluded by the rules of the house from bringing forward the motion of which ho had given notice, and he should therefore second the motion of the hon. member for Whitby (Mr. Thompson). This bill had been denounced throughout England as a spoliation bill, and if carried it would raise the same spirit of hostility on the part of the manufacturing classes in the north of England as had been roused by the New Poor Law of 1834. The right hon. gentlemen had sent inspec tors to the agricultural districts in order to make out a case for this bill, but had sent no inspectors to the manufactur ing districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire. Ho ventured to say that not one in fifty of the operatives in those counties had cottages provided for them by their employers, and the rule was that they went a distance of one or two miles to their place of work every morning. Now, for the pur pose of showing the inconsistency of the right hon. gentle man, he would refer to a speech of his on the 18th of June, 1863, where, in speaking of the state of things in Lancashire, he said that " there was a lamentable need of all those requirements which were considered essential to promote health, cleanliness, and general convenience." Could anything worse than that be said of the agricultural districts. The Poor-law Act of 1834 had been passed prin cipally to put an end to the ruinous system of granting aid in relief of wages in the agricultural districts of the south of England. But what had been abolished in the south of England had become the rule of the manufacturing districts of Lancashire and Yorkshire. Lord Brougham in 1834 had denounced the system as tending to spread ruin and devas tation over the land. But the right hon. gentleman had not a word to say against the same system which was in full operation in the north of England. He was ready to pledge himself to the house that he could produce evidence to show that the practice of giving relief in aid of wages was more common in the north of England now than it had been in the south of England in 1834, when Lord Brougham described its evil consequences. In the Keithley Union, where his own parish was situated, and also in the Brad ford Union, the expense of the maintenance formed a very small amount compared with the sum given in aid of wages. It was often the case, when the mills were closed for weeks and months, that the men were entirely maintained in that way. At other times, when the men only had three days' wages in the week, they went to the guardians and applied for relief in aid, which was almost invariably afforded to them. The hon. member quoted the statistics of the Keithley and Bradford Unions to show how large a proportion of the relief was out-door relief, and what was the effect of giving relief in aid of wages at the present time in the manufactur ing districts. He then quoted other returns, to show the comparative effects of the system in seasons of adversity and in seasons of prosperity, the result being that, though the out-door relief in seasons of distress increased very considerably, the in-door relief scarcely increased at all. The effect of the right hon. gentleman's bill, he said, would be to extend into the rural districts the relief in aid of wages system, which had been found so objec tionable in the manufacturing districts. He then went on to show that at present the system of rating was much harder on agricultural property than on manufac turing property, and denounced the bill as a violation of the principle upon which free trade had been estab lished in 1846, that the town populations were not to be taxed for the benefit of the country. The present bill proposed to tax the agriculturists for the benefit of the towns. The right hon. gentleman was wrong in sup posing that the agriculturists in the country had any special benefit by the trade carried on with the large towns, because they received no higher price for their produce than was paid for that grown near the town. He wished to call attention to Brierly Union and the Low Moor Ironworks. That union was 14 or 15 miles in length, with Bradford in the heart of it. One portion was moorland, and another was the densely-populated district between Bradford and Leeds, and the bill of the right hon. gentleman would make the small farmer and the labouring population in the neighbourhood pay for the people of the L ow M oor Ironworks, who were 14 miles away from them. Was it possible that a bill like that co4ld become law witholit creating the greatest possible dissatisfaction in a district such as he had in dicated ? Mr. W. E. FORSTER was not aware of the existence of the agricultural districts spoken of by the hon. member. Many years ago there was a strong feeling among the poorer classes on this subject, but they had now come to consider that the change proposed by this bill would be for their benefit. Ho denied that relief was given in Bradford in aid of wages, and pointed out that in that town it was deemed undesirable to send paupers to the workhouse unless they were sick and houseless, or were supposed to be lazy people who would not work. A great recommendation of the bill was that it would remove the temptation from the agricultural interest to keep their labourers at a distance from their employments. The medical report which had now been laid upon the table more than bore out the statement of the President of the Poor Law Board when moving the second reading of the bill, as to the evils of the system of close and open parishes. He did not deny that of late years a great many landed proprietors had behaved in the most praiseworthy manner in the expenditure of vast sums of money upon the erection of labourers' cottages ; but, after all, that was the excep tional case, and they had but little in favour of the general state of the country. The truth was, it was the interest of employers to drive the labourers off their property, and therefore they would infallibly exercise the rights which the law accorded to them. To his mind, however, the pro per principle was that those who employed the labourer should be at the burden throughout of relieving his neces sities ; and a chief reason why he supported this bill was, that he hoped it would be taken as a precedent, and that measures would be taken to put an end to the horrible state of things existing in London. On that account especially he objected to the bill being referred to a select committee ; for any one must feel that a motion to refer it to a select committee only emanated from a desire to insure the over throw of the general principle which had been accepted by the house. They had not done much in that Parliament ; still he hoped that they would be able to go before their constituents and say that, in their expiring moments, they had remedied one of the greatest practical evils under which the country laboured. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HUBBARD, While admitting that close parishes were an anomaly, and that they inflicted hardships upon the poor, could not forget, at the same time, that they were not the result of yesterday's action. On that account he felt the details of the bill could not be hurriedly adopted. He should be prepared to support the motion of the hon. mem ber for Whitby (Mr. Thompson), as it would be competent for a select committee to entertain the important subject of exemptions and other matters bearing upon this measure, so as to enable the Poor Law Board, at some future period, to introduce a bill which would definitively settle the whole question. Mr. HIBBERT said there were many instances in which agricultural parishes would be decidedly relieved by the operation of this bill, and in his opinion the farm ing interest would not be affected so much by this measure as some hon. gentlemen imagined. He hoped the house would go into committee upon the bill, which would do away with some of the abuses of the present system, and, by giving a freer circulation to labour, would add to the happiness of the people, For those reasons he should vote against the motion for referring it to a select committee. Mr. KNIGHT said the history of the English poor-law showed that no poor-law could work successfully upon any area except the area of natural charity—by which he meant, the area in which the poor and the rich were thoroughly acquainted with each other, and in which the money was paid by those persons to whom, without a poor-law, the poor would turn naturally for relief in the hour of their need. (Hear.) At different periods the area of relief had been extended in this country, but experience had soon shown the necessity of again reducing it within moderate limits. In Ireland, too, the enormous electoral divisions, after a trial of sonic years, had to be subdivided. The next instance he had to mention was the Scotch poor-law, which in the lowland parishes, where they were small, had worked fairly ; but in the highland districts, where the union system prevailed, there was great distress amongst the in habitants. Norwich Union, which consisted of 43 parishes, all of which had been united fur the purpose of ' rating in the time of Queen Anne, might be cited as a practical ob jection to the bill, as it was the most highly rated and miserable ono in England. Mr. A'Beckett, one of the com missioners who had made an inquiry into the working of the poor-law in Norwich, stated that nothing short of a national rate would relieve the pressure which existed there. He had not the slightest doubt if there had been 43 parochial boards instead of ono union board that no such pressure would have been felt. Mr. Charles Buller's commission in 1847 had pointed out the London parishes as presenting the proper rule of rating. But what was the fact ? Those same London parishes had become the haunt of the poorest and most wretched people that ever existed in England. Some years ago a great outcry had been raised in consequence of the wretchedness that had been brought to light in the Andover Union, but there was not a weekly London paper which could not give them 20 times more horrors than had ever been imputed to Andover. After the sitting of that committee, Mr. Buller sent eight poor law inspectors into the country to see whether the close parish system existed or not. They were sent into 14 different counties, and the result was printed. lie had spent several months in working out the results, which he had placed before the house in a private pamphlet in 1851. As a con sequence Mr. Baines, in bringing forward his motion for union rating, gave up the close parish case. The most curious thing in his inquiry was, that the rating to the property between 1815 and 1843 in the parishes which were said to have been injured by having population driven into , them by the close parishes, had increased immensely,while the close parishes had increased very little indeed. In 40 open parishes the increase had been 56 per cent., while in the corresponding close parishes the increase had been only 5 per cent. The cause for this was obvious, for assuming the old division of agricultural produce to be correct that one-third went to the labourers, that proportion must have been spent in those open parishes. The next committee, in which the open and close parish systems were considered, was by the Irremovable Poor Committee. But no witness was allowed to make unfounded assertions about close parishes without being compelled to give the name of the parish. The pith of the evidence before that committee, the hon. member went on to say, was that in all but two cases the number of houses had increased between 1801 and 1851. As they were now talking about having another committee, he thought it was but right that the house should know that all attempts which had been made to prove the close parish system a grievance had been perfectly futile and vague. It was quite clear that two-thirds of the rate payers of England would be injured by this bill. It was quite clear that the ratepayers as a body would not be benefited by it, and he thought it was equally clear that the bill would be of no advantage to the poor. The onlypersons who would benefit by it were the officials in the house. They were aware that they held their position by precarious tenure. The sister establishment, the Board of Health which intended to lord it over the towns the same as the Poor Law Board over parishes, had broken down. (" Oh' oh," and " Divide.") The hon. member, who had been, interrupted throughout by murmurs and cries of "Divide,' continued to address the house, but his remarks were drowned by the opposition which he had to encounter. Sir R. KNIGUTLEY moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. VILLIERS objected to the adjournment. It had been said that speeches were made to gain time, and he thought that seemed to be the fact. Mr. HENLEY had listened to the debate for seven hours, but as the Government would not exert itself to keep order in the house, he approved of the course taken by the hon. baronet. Sir G. GREY said it was quite clear the house would not listen to the hon. gentleman. Sir W. MILES was one of those who usually objected to an adjournment, but when the hon. gentleman who had just addressed the house had met with such great interrup tion, that his speech was considerably shortened (laughter), he thought the hon. baronet who moved the adjournment was perfectly right. The house then divided— For the adjournment BO Against it Majority —94 THE SVN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENIAG, MAY 12, 1865. The motion for the adjournment was therefore lost. Mr. LYGON, protesting against the unseemly inter ruptions to which his hon. colleague (Mr. Knight) had been subjected in the course of his speech, moved the ad journment of the house. Mr. LONG seconded the motion. Sir G. GREY begged to remind the hon. member for Worcestershire that the interruptions to which he referred emanated quite as much from his own side of the house as from the Ministerial benches. (Loud cries of " No, no," from the Opposition benches.) Lord J. MANNERS declared the interruptions to which the hon. member (Mr. Knight) had been subjected wore the most unseemly he had almost ever witnessed in that house. Sir R. KNIGHTLEY, in reply to the taunt of the Home Secretary, begged to state that the interruptions from the Opposition benches had entirely emanated from a member of the Ministerial party opposite, who had deliberately left his seat and crossed over to the benches on the opposite side of the house. (Cries of " Name, name.") It was the noble lord the member for the Wick boroughs (Lordßury.) Mr. VILLIERS said it was, of course, quite useless to think of proceeding with the discussion at that hour (it was a quarter to 12), and therefore he should consent to the adjournment of the debate. Mr. DISRAELI said it was a matter of surprise to him that a scene of the kind could have arisen upon such an occasion At the same time, ho could not forbear from observing that had the leader of the house risen to order at an early moment and appealed to gentlemen on both sides of the house, such a scene need not have occurred. He must in the strongest terms repudiate the charge that the attempt to interpose any interruption to the discussion had originated on the Opposition benches. The motion for tho adjournment of the house was then withdrawn, and the debate stood adjourned until Monday next. - Prisons (Scotland) Act Amendment Bill was passed through committee. CUSTOMS AND INLAND REVENUE BILL. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the Eli• CHEQUER, this bill was read a second time. PIER AND HARBOUR ORDERS CONFIRMATION BILL. This bill was read a second time. PILOTAGE ORDER CONFIRMATION ACT. This bill was read a second time. LOCOMOTIVES ON ROADS BILL. This bill as amended was considered, and several new clauses were added. THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. Mr. DARBY GRIFFITH obtained leave to bring in a bill to enable the Postmaster-General to sit in the House of Commons. The house adjourned at twenty minutes past twelve o'clock. Naval and Military Intelligence. VALETTA, May 6.—The Tyrian, gunboat, left Malta on the 3d inst. for Tunis, to relieve the Surprise 4, Commander G. Tryon, which will proceed to Gibraltar, to take the place of the Racoon, 22, Capt. Count Gleichen, ordered to England. It is expected that the Surprise will soon proceed to England, that vessel having been 3 years and 11 months in commission. The Cossack, 20, Capt. W. R. Rolland, left on the same day for Tripoli, conveying thither Consul-- General nay and his family. Intelligence of the death of President Lincoln having been received here the flags on all the public buildings and foreign Consulates were yesterday displayed half-mast, which sign of mourning will continue to be shown for three days. The Duke of Somerset, as First Lord of the Admiralty, held a levee yesterday afternoon at the Admiralty, White hall. There were present Admiral Sir J. Scott, Rear-Ad miral Hall, Capt. G. A. C. Brookes, Capt. J. Clark Soady, Capt. E. D. 0. D. A. Aplin, Capt. N. Salmon, Col. G. Lam brick, R.M., Commander W. H. Anderson, Commander A. P. H. Helby, Commander L. Brine, Commander G. Stanley Bosanquet, Commander Corry, Lieut.-Col. H. G. Mitford, R.M., Lieut. G. Stratton, Lieut. the Hon. R. Hare, Lieut. W. F. Lee, and Lieut. A. Rodney Blane, Her Majesty's ship Lizard, Lieut.-Commander Challis, having undergone considerable repairs and alterations, is now ready for service, and is expected shortly to proceedto the coast of Scotland for the protection of the fisheries. The Bth company of Royal Engineers, numbering 103 non-commissioned officers and men, has proceeded from head-quarters, Chatham, to the Government rifle range at Milton, for the purpose of going through the annual course of musketry instruction, prior to leaving Chatham for Woolwich to relieve the 9th company, which is under orders to embark for Canada, to be employed in the con struction of the defences on the frontier of that country. Yesterday detachments of time-expired men and conva lescent troops belonging to the 19th, 35th, 77th, and 80th Regiments, who landed at Portsmouth from the troopship Middlesex, from Calcutta, arrived at Chatham and joined their respective depots at that garrison. A few insane soldiers who came home with the troops were sent to the lunatic hospital at Fort Pitt, Rochester. The following appointments were made yesterday at the Admiralty :—Capt. J. E. Commerell, to the Royal Adelaide, additional, for service in the Scorpion ; Lieut. Spencer R. Hemstey, to the Duke of Wellington ; Henry Y. Slader, Master, additional, to the Cumberland, for the Challenger; E. C. Smyth, Master, additional, to the Indus, for the Scorpion ; Augustus J. Burniston, Master, to the Terrible ; F.Townsend, Master, additional, to the Cumber land, for the Scout ; and W. S. R. Gow, Master's-assistant, to the Sphinx. The undermentioned gentlemen have been appointed to naval cadetships :—John F. J. Ryan and Archibald J. Far quharson. Manchester Chamber of Commerce. At a quarterly meeting of the chamber, held yesterday, Mr. M. Ross, the president, in the chair, Mr. THOMAS WRIGLEY complained of the terms of a re solution arrived at by the board of directors, expressing objection to " the proposal of the papermakers to obtain, by any means, direct or indirect, a protective duty on their manufactures." The papermakers did not ask for any pro tection, direct or indirect, on their manufacture. The paper trade was more autient than the cotton trade, and more useful (oh, and laughter), for we could do without cottcn, and it would be difficult to do without paper; but it was a singular thing that he had never been able to obtain a full and calm discussion of the case of the papermakers in this chamber. Three or four years ago, when, at the request of another member of the chamber, he attended a meeting for the purpose of giving explanations, a member of the board asked him, " Do you, Mr. Wrigley, tell us that the Germans can make paper cheaper and send it into this country cheaper than the English papermaker can ?" His reply was, ,4 Un doubtedly the Germans can." He was then told it was no use going on with the discussion—"that answer was con clusive as to the propriety of admitting foreign paper into this country." Previous to 1860 the paper trade was sub ject to au excise duty of lid. per lb., but the import duty was 2-id. per lb. The reason of that difference was to be found in the peculiar situation of the trade with regard to the material employed. The manufacture of paper was based upon a refuse. While the raw material of every other trade was producible at the will of the producer, in ' accordance with his interest, because he could make a profit on it; on the other hand, the papermaker's material was produced contrary to the will of the producer, against his interest, and he was therefore constantly trying to lessen the quantity. No price the papermakers could offer would ever induce the producer to give them a pound more. No reduction in the price that might happen would cause the producer to give them a pound less. For many years past the consumption had exceeded the supply of ma terial. After making up all the cotton and linen waste and rags in the country, the papermakers could get no more, except by going abroad for rags. But they were met with either a prohibition or an export duty in almost every coun try of Europe. Adam Smith said an export duty was ex actly the same in its effect as an import duty ; the buyer of the article paid for it ; and an idea would be conveyed of the bur len upon the paper trade by the fact that the duties ranged from £5 to £9 a ton. Taking the lowest duty—:£s, that was 33 per cent. on a rag worth £l5 a ton, or 50 per cent. on a rag worth £lO a ton in the continental country where it was purchased. It took to li- tons of rags to make a ton of paper : and of the cost of paper 50 per cent. was for the material ; therefore, by using a material upon which there was a 50 per cent. tax, our paper was made at 25 per cent. more cost than the German, Belgian, Dutch, or Austrian manufacturer was obliged to pay. True,the tax was only paid on some 10,000 tons, while we imported some 25,000 tons a year ; but it was very clearly under stood during the Corn Law discussion that "the price of the deficiency determines the price of the whole ;" that an import tax upon the corn spread itself over the whole pro duction of corn within the country; so that £1 levied at the port became £1 levied on every quarter of corn through out the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) In the same year £5 levied an the rag coming from abroad was levied upon every ton of rags of the same quality in this country. It was to remedy this evil that in times past a differential duty was placed on the import of foreign paper. To show that this and no other was the object of the duty he read quotations from the Parliamentary papers bearing, upon the reduction of the duty from 3d. to 20. in 1853, when Mr. Gladstone, being Chancellor of the Exchequer, employed Mr. John Wood, then chairman of the Board of Excise, and the late Mr. James Wilson, Secretary to the Treasury, upon a review of the whole of the Customs' duties. There were two different kinds of protection. One was protection against robbery, as was given by a policeman in the street; and another was the protection that enabled a man to pos sess himself of something that he took from the public. The protection of the farmer was a wrong protection, be cause he gave nothing for it; he taxed the public for his own benefit, but that was not like the papermakers' protec tion previous to 1860, for when ld. per lb. was levied on all foreign paper, he paid more than an equivalent for it in the export duty on his material, and he not only paid it to foreigners, but to the very manufacturers of cotton waste in the mills of Lancashire, who thus received the full benefit of this "protection." The papermakers wanted only fair play—the same description of free trade that was en joyed by cotton spinners, woollen and silk manufacturers, and other manufacturers in this country. It might be sup posed that the difference of value between this country and foreign countries would in time be equalised; but the fact was that if the paper trade to-day were cut down to one half what it is, and one pound of material did not come from abroad, the trade would labour under precisely the same difficulty as now, for it would be working a material facti tiously enhanced in value to the extent of the duties levied abroad, for the simple reason that our ports were opened for the export of the material, and America was a much larger buyer of rags than this country. As long as this state of things existed the price of material in England must be just the price that the American paid for it abroad. Thus, there was no gleam of hope in the prospect, how ever remote, so long as these three elements existed, of free export of material from this country, export duty leVied upon foreign rags, and free import of paper into this country. It was sheer nonsense to suppose that any sub stitute for rags could be obtained; we were obtaining quantities of other material that would supplement them, but nothing could be better. material than rags, and rags were the cheapest, because made without cost to anybody. In consequence of the ports being open the English and foreign markets were chained together, so that they were like two cisterns connectedby apipe—whatever affected the level of the one affected the level of the other in the same degree. The price of our rags might be lowered by the importation of other materials, but then the price of rags abroad would fall precisely in the same degree, and the British papermaker would stand in just the same relation to his foreign competitor. To give an idea of the enor mous increase of importations of paper he quoted the num ber of cwts. imported in 1859 (before the alteration of the law), 14,164 cwt..; in 1860, 40,160 cwt.; in 1861, 89,247 cwt.; in 1862, 186,761 cwt. ; in 1863, 192,683 cwt. ; in 1801, 242,400 cwt. After some further remarks from Mr. Wrig ley, relative to the proposals to be brought before Parlia ment this session, but with the particulars of which he said he would not trouble the Chamber, Mr. }lcon 'MASON replied to the arguments of Mr. Wrig ley; and There being no motion before the meeting, the subject dropped. HEALTH OF LONDON, (From the Registrar-General's Weekly Return.) In the week that ended on Saturday, May 6, the births in London and ten other large towns of the United Kingdom were 4,044, the deaths 2,626. The annual rate of mortality in the week in those 11 towns was 24 per 1,000 persons living less than the rate that prevailed in the previous week. Hull appears for the first time. In London the births of 1,006 boys, and 1,068 gill, in all 2,074 children, were registered in the week. In the corresponding weeks of ten years 1855-64 the average number, corrected for increase of population, was 2,024. The deaths in London in the same period were 1,236. The average number for the eighteenth week in ten years (corrected) is 1,317. The deaths in the present return are less by 81 than the esti mated number. 215 deaths occurred from zymotic diseases ; of these 19 were caused by smallpox, 9 by measles, 24 by scarlatina, 4 by diphtheria, 55 by whooping cough, and 43 by typhus. There is a general de cline of zymotic disease. A carman, aged 56 years, died at St. Thomas's Hospital from injuries caused by a cart passing over him. The son of a carman, aged 6 years, died at 2, Underwood-street, Shoreditch, from tetanus super vening on injury to his face caused by falling from a wagonette. The rate of mortality last week was 21 per 1,000 in London, 27 in Edinburgh, and 25 in Dublin ; 34 in Liverpool, 28 in Manchester, 21 in Salford, 23 in Birmingham, 27 in Leeds, 20 in Bristol, 21 in Hull, and 30 in Glasgow. The rate in Vienna was 42 per 1,000 during the week ending the 22d ult., when the temperature was 4 deg. Fahrenheit lower than in the same week in London, where the rate was 26 per 1,000. In Liverpool the births were 381, the deaths 306 ; in Manchester the births 244, the deaths 190 ; in Salford the births 72, the deaths 44 ; in Birming ham the births 225, the deaths 145 ; in Leeds the births 183, the deaths 118 ; in Bristol the births 112, the deaths 62 ; in Hull the births 79, the deaths 42 ; in Edinburgh the births 118, the deaths 89 ; in Glasgow, the births 378, the deaths 243 ; and in Dublin the births 178, the deaths 151. There were 447 deaths in Vienna during the week ending the 22d ult. At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean height of the barometer in the week was 29.760 in. The barometrical reading increased from 29.53 in. on Friday to 29.90 in. at the end of the week. The mean temperature of the air in the week was 54.1 deg., which is 3.5 deg. above the average of the same week in 50 years (as determined by Mr. Glaisher). The highest day temperature was 74 deg., on Friday. The lowest night temperature was 314 deg., on Monday. The entire range of temperature in the week was therefore 42.6 deg. The mean of the highest temperatures of the waters of the Thames was 58.7 deg. ; that of the lowest was 57.3 deg. The difference between the mean dew point temperature and air temperature was 9.8 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air was 70, complete saturation being represented by 100. The general direction of the wind was S.W. There is a marked improvement in the London waters since their analysis has been resumed. In 100.0001 b. of water the solid matter was 33.791 b. in February, 32161 b. in March, and 28.891 b. in April; the decrease in organic and other volatile matter was most striking ; it was 2.721 b., 2.261 b., and 1.421 b. in the three months. The oxidizable matter in April was only the half of what it was in February. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. - o ---- TIMES.—A dramatic death has been the lot of the actor who murdered President Lincoln. A. fate too like a soldier's has ended the career of one whose deed has made every soldier on both sides indignant or ashamed. The details which we receive from several sources of the death of this man and the cap ture of his accomplice form one of the most interest ing narratives of the war. The act of assassination was in itself full of horrible audacity, and the sequel is in keeping with it. When the murderer leaped from the box on to the stage, a height of nine or ten feet, he broke his leg. He is described as having keen bent double with the shock of his fall, but he had the energy to rise up and shout out the motto of Virginia as the defence of his crime. Still the leap probably proved fatal to him. With that disre gard of pain which is of ten shown in the first mo ments of a wound by men under the influence of strong excitement he was able with his broken leg to rush across the stage, overturn those who were in his way, mount a horse, and gallop off. But in a short time the hurt disabled him. He was obliged to have , the leg set, and for the few days that he had to live must have been in great pain and nearly dis abled. All the resources of the Washington Govern ment were employed to find him. His refuge was at first unknown. Whether he remained hidden in Washington or its suburbs, or was lurking in Mary land, or had contrived to cross the Potomac, and had pushed into the interior of Virginia with the in tention of escaping southward, could only be guessed. Those conversant with the political state of the country seem, however, to have formed a shrewd judgment as to the place of his concealment. In the low lands of Maryland which lie to the east and south of Washington, between the Potomac and Chesapeake Bay, exists a popula tion which is said to be strongly Confederate in feeling, They are not very numerous ; they cannot be very rich; their country is swampy and unhealthy, but such an asylum as they had they were suspected of being willing to offer to. John Wilkes Booth. In this region, accordingly, the United States cavalry and police made a strict search. They were furnished with that potent instrument of detection, a photograph of the criminal, and for ten days they pursued him incessantly. A little army was em ployed in the service, and at last success rewarded the exertions of Colonel Baker, to whom had been committed the task of discovering the assassin. The details of the capture will be found in our columns to-day. Booth, it was discovered, had really secreted himself in the peninsula, but finding doubtless that hot pursuit was made after him, he had crossed the river into Virginia, at a place called Port Royal. He was followed, and on the night of Tuesday, the 25th April, a party arrived at the house of an old man named Garrett, who it proved had harboured the fugitives. The old man and his son were forced by threats to reveal their place of concealment, which was a neighbouring barn. Then followed a singular scene. For more than an hour did the pursuers parley with the assassin. The correspondents of the New York papers tell the story with little variation, and there can be no doubt that it is in the main cor rect. Booth preserved his bravado to the last, and is reported to have asked the soldiers to retire to a distance, so that there might be a fair fight between them. His companion was less obstinate, and soon gave himself up. Booth in the end was shot by a certain Sergeant Corbett, a man of English descent. Such is the end of a man whose name will be noto rious in the annals of crime. There was a reckless ness in the deed, and a want of personal interest in its result, which might at first lead one to suppose that the perpetrator was mad. To shoot his victim in a public theatre, to jump on the stage where he might be recognised by a large part of the audience, and then to ride off like the hero in a romance, is hardly consistent with the sober and calculating criminality of the present day. Yet there cannot be a doubt that his plan had the assent of two or three other conspirators, and it probably might have been carried yet further if some other of the chief persons connected with the Government had appeared at the theatre. It is not madness, but fierce, uncontrollable passions, the indulgence of bitter animosities, and perhaps an uneasy and crav ing vanity, which prompt men to these deeds. The accomplices of Booth bear, probably in character, a sort of general resemblance to him. When the scheme for murdering the members of the Washing ton Government was propounded, there was, no doubt, a knot of men who it was thought might be safely intrusted with the secret. As the planners of the Gunpowder Treason found their men, so did Booth, or whoever started the idea of assassinating the President, find his. There are minds in which every dispute suggests ideas of retaliation and re venge. Among the Secessionist population of Vir ginia there are to be found, no doubt, many men whom the conflicts of four years have exasperated into ungovernable ferocity. That two or three of these should be prevailed upon to compass their ends by murder can excite no surprise ; but the more we examine this matter the more reason do we find for believing that it was the act of a few desperadoes, and that no body of men in the South were cognisant of the intention or have approved the deed. Mr. Stanton has asserted that the plot was known and approved at Richmond, but this has produced an indignant disclaimer from General Edwin G. Lee, of the Confederate service, who declares, from his own knowledge of the Richmond Government, that they would have seen with abhorrence any attempt to advance their came by such means. A conver sation with General Robert Lee, the Confederate Commander-in-Chief, is also reported, and in it the General is made to say that the crime was de plorable and execrable, and that if the purpose to commit it had been known in the South it would have met with universal condemnation. These de clarations are sufficient to satisfy all reasonable men. A few sympathisers with the South may have been ready to screen the murderer when his crime was irre vocable, but it is incredible that an act which it might be known would excite the indignation of the world, and make the North more steadfast in determination than ever, would have received the assent of any portion of the authorities, high or low, at Richmond. Nothing now remains but to bring to trial the sup posed accomplices who have been seized. Booth is beyond the reach of human justice. His body, cut in pieces according to some, sewed up in a blanket according to others, has been disposed of so that no part of it, and no portion of the clothes upon it, shall be found. There will be nothing for sympathy to cherish or speculation to make gain by. There is an end of him, and the American public will at least have the satisfaction that he has ceased to live, even though he has not died the death of a traitor and assassin. The supposed assailant of the Sewards is, however, in' custody, and the accomplice who was taken with Booth is also to be dealt with. Their crimes are so great that if they be found guilty they will doubtless suffer the full penalty of the law. No one on either side of the ocean will plead for them. We can only hope that whatever is to be done may be done quickly, so that the horrible event thus avenged may as soon as possible pass away from the conversation and thoughts of men. HERALD.—Finis Secessim. The surrender of Gen. Johnston seals the confession of helpless exhaustion virtually recorded by the capitulation of the army of Virginia. Resistance might possibly be prolonged for a considerable time in the vast territory beyond the Mississippi, where there still exists a Confederate army, and where the State of Texas, and great part of Louisiana and Arkansas, still maintain an inde pendence unshaken by any efforts of the Federal armies. But the eastern part of the Confederacy is conquered; the enemy is at liberty to concentrate his naval and military strength upon the western region ; and resistance there could only exasperate him to more cruel severities against the people of the conquered States, and aggravate the final misery of the Texans themselves. Guerilla warfare would be yet more fruitless for good, and would entail still worse sufferings on the defenceless population sub ject to the military despotism of the North. The South is crushed, and all that her wisest leaders and noblest patriots can do is to with draw themselves from the rage of a vindic tive conqueror ; and spare their fatherland the bitter grief and crowning humiliation of seeing her best and bravest citizens mount the scaffold, to atone with their lives for the crime of having loved her too well and served her too loyally. General Johnston and his officers, like those of Lee's army, are exempted by the terms of their capitulation from Federal vengeance; though, remembering the fre quent violations of national faith which characterised New England during the War of Independence, and the savage menaces of Johnson and Butler, they will do well not to trust implicity to the obligation of treaties. President Davis and his Cabinet, with the rest of the civil officers of the Southern Govern ment—that is to say, with every eminent citizen in the South who has not actually served in the field and been included in the military conventions—are at the disposal of the victors should they be taken ; and we may be assured that no mercy will be shown to those who may fall into Andrew Johnson's hands. We earnestly trust that the President and his ad visers will escape, and all who value the honour of the North must echo our wish. To speak of the struggle of the Southern States as a rebellion is simply childish and petulant, but to designate the heads of the Confederate Government as the chiefs of a rebellion evinces a spirit of unscrupulous and sanguinary malignity. Whatever secession might have been—whether it were legal or illegal—the statesmen of the Confederacy are not responsible for it. It was the act of the people at large ; it was formally ratified by the regular authorities of the States, who had the power of life and death, and every ordinary attribute of sovereign power ; and to whom, according to the theory universally held in the Jnited States up to 1861, every citizen owed allegiance. The same law which, in England, relieves from the penalty of treason all who obey a king de facto, and which is founded upon the simplest principles of justice, completely absolves the Southern leaders. Moreover, if secession had been treason, it was consummated before Mr. Davis, at least, had anything to do with it. His State of Mississippi had left the Union before he resigned his seat in the Senate at Washington ; and the severance was completed before he was elected President of the Confederacy. His execution would be simply a political murder ; and a murder more wicked, cruel, and cowardly than that of Abraham Lincoln, inasmuch as it would be the act not of one desperate fanatic, but of a national Government. It would fix upon every citizen of the Northern States, and especially on the President and his advisers, a guilt in every re spect corresponding to that of John Wilkes Booth. Those, therefore, who do not wish that history should 'stigmatise the Americans as a nation of murderers must pray for the escape of Jefferson Davis. The action of the Federal Government will speedily give conclusive proof that the Southern States are not defeated rebels, but a conquered nation. The defeat of a rebellion replaces matters, legally, in statu quo ; nor is there in the United States any power which could alter the status. It is the pleasure of certain organs to affect an ignorance of which they are hardly capable, and to say that the Confederate States forfeited their constitutional rights by renouncing the Union. But if they were rebels then their secession was legally a nullity. They have, in that case, never really been out of the Union, and have, therefore, always retained the rights which they refused to exercise. True, under a Sovereign Government the Sovereign may punish treason by confiscating the rights of the traitors ; but the Federal Government is not, and never was, sovereign over the States. It never had any authority beyond the bounds of the special functions delegated to it by the States. It has, and can have, no power not expressly granted to it by the consti tution ; and the constitution contains no provision by which a State can forfeit any privilege belong ing to it, or by which the Federal Government can inflict any punishment upon a State. Nor was the omission of such provisions accidental. The States intended to reserve their separate sovereign charac ter ; and, therefore, were careful to grant no legal power of control, coercion, or punishment, to the Federal Government. Neither Congress nor the President has any legal power to interfere in the internal concerns of a State, to deprive its citizens of their franchise, or to take away from it an inch of territory, or an item of political privilege. If a State could forfeit its privileges, and subject itself to penalties, there must be some Court which has power to pass sentence on it ; and the most frantic Federalist will not dare to assert that any such Court exists. No one who has read the constitution call conceive of the possibility of such a Court. If, therefore, the Southerners were rebels, the terms offered by Sherman and repudiated by Andrew Johnson would be the only terms that could be imposed. The State Government must resume their place in the Union, and their powers and functions under the constitution. It is only by mi litary force that they can be deprived of these powers ; and military force cannot be applied to subdued rebels, who are amenable only to the law of the land. To alter one jot or one tittle of the law, or the rights of any Southern State, the South must be considered a conquered country ; and to treat it as a conquered country is to admit that secession was a valid act, that the Seceding States passed out of the Union, and, therefore, that their • citizens, from Jefferson Davis down to the private soldier or Treasury clerk, are not rebels, but con quered enemies. President Johnson is recorded to have said, several months ago, " Show me a man who talks of the constitution of the United States, and I will show you a traitor." He at least under stood that the South could not be conquered con stitutionally ; that under the constitution there could be no confiscation, no emancipation, no " punishment of traitors," no reconstruction of State Government ; that to admit the South to submit to the constitution was to forfeit all the objects for which his party were contending. He is determined, then, to deal with the Con federate States as a conquered country ; and, as we have shown, to do this is to entitle every Southerner to be considered a foreign enemy, and to make the execution of any single Southerner, on a charge of treason, simple, absolute, execrable murder. But he is not the man to shrink from murder, if he may commit it under judicial forms ; and for the purposes of national vengeance the theory of conquest is certainly the most avail able. Practically, if not avowedly, the South will meet the fate of a conquered country. She will receive such institutions as the conqueror pleases. He must establish a military despotism if he would hold the country at all. And he may do this in two ways. He may appoint military governors with full powers, as over territories not entitled to rank as States. Or he may veil his tyranny under re publican forms, excluding from the franchise every citizen of Southern principles, and placing the go vernment of each State in the hands of a little band of Southern renegades, Yankee immigrants, and emancipated negroes. There can he little doubt that he will choose the latter course. It is the less flagrantly violent and despotic, though the more impudently illegal, inasmuch as the Federal autho- rity has no power to disfranchise or enfranchise any inhabitant of any State for state purposes. It gives an immense advantage to the dominant party at the North ; for the new " States" will be at the service of that party, and their electoral votes and seats in Congress will be at the disposal of the President. Anything more miserable than the fate of the Southerners under this rule it is imposeible to conceive. A foreign tyrant is restrained by some sense of shame and decency—a military governor will have some regard for soldierly honour, and some fear of provoking vengeance by excessive tyranny. But a colluvies of renegades and rowdies like that which has been installed as the legal con stituency of Louisiana and Tennessee has no shame and no self-respect—it is even more bitter in its hatred and more cruel in its vengeance than the worst of foreign despots. The appointment of Brownlow as Governor of Tennessee, which he owes to his famous imprecation of " Greek fire for the masses and hell fire for the leaders" of his country men, indicates the policy of the Federal Govern ment ; and every Southern State may ex pect . to find a Brownlow or a Butler installed in authority over it, its men and women subject to his pleasure, its Legislature filled with the vilest of his cr eature+, and its seats in the Federal Capitol filled by men or whom the least hateful to Southern feeling will be some two or three freed negroes, thrust in there to. prove the loyalty of the electors to Abolition an d New England. The only consolation of the suf ferers must be that by such agency as this the con quered South will be employed to rivet the chain! of Federal despotism upon her conquerors, an d that, in crushing out the national life and indepen dence of her neighbours, the North has sealed the doom of her own liberties. The Attempted Murder in Whitecross-street THE DYING WOMAN'S DEPOSITION. In the course of the afternoon, it having been intimated by Mr. Eccles, the house-surgeon of St. Bartholomew 's Hospital, that the unfortunate woman who was nearly murdered by her husband, and whose case was fully re" ported yesterday, had become insensible, Mr. D'Eyncourt was applied to at the Clerkenwell Police-court by inePe c " tor Maskell, of the G division, for an order to take the prt" soner Edward Bankes to the hospital, for the purpose ei taking the dying woman's deposition. The Lord Mayor, accompanied by Mr. Martin, the chief clerk at the Guildhall, attended at the hospital, and the un fortunate woman, who appeared very ill, and who it was stated is not expected to survive, having been sworn, de' posed:— "My name is Ellen Bankes, and I am the wife of Ed ward Bankes, a bricklayer, residing at 86, Upper White cross-street. I have been married 19 years. I think it was on Tuesday night that I was brought here. My husband, on that night, went to bed, and after a short time he care ° down and wanted me to go to bed, but I would not do so. I do not recollect being struck, but I have been told by my brother that my husband struck me. He had been veil nasty with me all that day, and had frequently insulted me and used bad language towards me. There was no o ne else in the room but me and my husband, Ido not knoW how I got the blows, but I know I did not injure mysel f. I was sober, and so was my hu s b an d. H e has often 1 ":" used me before, and he has given me four or five black eyes. On one occasion he struck me on the elbow wit li a hammer. He has threatened to cut my throat With A a razor three or four times. I believe my finger was inju red when I put up my hands to prevent the blows on my bee My hand is cut and bruised. I was not injured before became insensible. I believe I was sitting at the time was struck. My husband was standing in front of me flea': the fireplace. I was told that 1 was struck wth a piece 0 ' the tongs, and I believe it was with that I was struck. ..„. 116 has several times taken up a razor to cut my throat. Se has been 'a great brute to me. lam 87 years of age, and believe that I am dying." The prisoner said he did not wish to ask his wife a l l questions. He must have been insensible when he oust' mitted such a wicked and foolish act. The Lord Mayor remanded the prisoner to the !le ase of Detention, and he was conveyed there by Inspector Maskell. COUNTRY MARKETS -- ~---.. BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. During the present week transactions in all articles ff the trade have been on a limited scale, with the turn . `, l ! price in spring corn in favour of the buyer. At this ds.)Tl market there was an increased supply of wheat, in l e the turn in price was in favour of the buyer, but we 018 „.. no alteration in our quotations. Barley rather elle 3 P' Oats, beans, and peas only taken in retail. d 39 6 Currencies :—English wheat, white, 43s to 478 ; to 44s per 36 stone. Malting barley, 30s to 35s ; grinditig 22s to 25s per qr. Oats, 24s to 30s ; Irish, 21s to 24s Pe 30 stone. Beans, 42s:to 45s ; and peas, 40s to 42s per q' BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WEDNESDAY. There was a good supply of wheat at market to-day, a d a fair businesS was done at last week's prices. Little par ing in barley. Oats, beans, and peas fully as dear. Talavera wheat, 44s to 49s ; red ditto, 37s to 40s ; 30s to 325; secondary ditto, 27s to 29s per qr. Averages : Wheat, 904 qrs., 38s 11d; barley, 541/ qrs., 39s id; oats, qrs., —s Od. MANCHESTER—THURSDAY. The trade this week has become less active for all and cles, except for Indian corn, which has.somewhat in value, previous prices being supported. The market was fairly attended, but only a limited business passim' ERIS T OL—THURSDAY; 1, of On our market to-day there was a moderate stiPP'J, English wheat, for which the trade ruled firm at full 4i, week's values. Foreign advanced 6d to is per qr. -34 ' et. I lug barley quiet ; grinding very freely offered, and buy d supplied themselves at rather less money. Oats wit hot alteration. Maize and beans supported late values. EDINBURGH—WEDNESDAY. Wheat on the top, Os 3d down average, Os 2d &a°' Barley on the top, Os 6d down average, Os 5d 1 1 P , Oats on the top, Os 3d up average, Os ou t ' Beans on the top, Os 6d down average, Os 4d dos Average prices. Wheat, 41s 4d 1 Oats, 23s 10d Barley, 29s 6d 1 Beans, 38510 d Total supply and sales. Wheat 1418 qrs sold 1069 Barley 614 qrs sold 307 Oats 2456 qrs sold 89 5 Beans 226 qrs sold 1 58 to Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 36s Od ; e% superfine, 34s 6d; superfine, 33s Od ; fine, 31s 6d. GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY. This day's market was thinly attended. Wheats o 3l flour ruled dull at former prices ; barley unaltered ; ot' t o li per boll, oatmeal 6d per load cheaper ; beans the , easier, peas firm, Indian corn 6d lower per 2801 b. Foreign Mail Packet List. - 0 9. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Ma , 414 Ditto, via Marseilles May '' Brazil and Cape Verdes. by British pao. et Jun e 5 ' Ditto, by French packet . MO 22. 25. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena... .3189 China, Penang, and Singapore, via Sou hampton..3lB9 l '' Ditto, via Marseilles May 13. Faikland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton • India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton MaY 19 Ditto, via Marseilles Mai L . 3. India (Bombay), via Southampton. MaY 1 ; Ditto, via xl arseitles May 2 6 . Mauritius, via Southampton AIaY 12. ; Ditto, via Marseil ei. Jun e ' Newfoundland MaY 2 " . 6. Portugal •••• ell Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... . ... • United btates and British North America, by Bri- BlaY /8 tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry...A. •,,, 310 /3. 13. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Tcneriffe . .. • ...a , West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, vs, and Mexico gag .1 Bahamas, via New York. gage l. Bermuda, ditto June Cuba and Mexico MS.! _..,.... Births. COMBE.—On the 10th inst., at Compton, the wife of V ent" Col. J. J. Combe, Bombay Army, of a daughter. of MACGREGOR.—On the Bth inst., at Torquay, the s"" „/ Major-General Sir George Macgregor, K.C.8., daughter. t he of the 10th inst., at Limpsfield, Burrell e of the Rev. H. G. Bolt, of a son. Marriages. nrg e'e, HAVELOCK—MORETON.—On the 10th inst.,t St• or e— 0 a • ~..r ob A Hanover-square, Lieutenant Colonel Sir Henll,l';,,ioel" Havelock, Bart., son of the late Sir Henry PI" tl O K.C.8., to the Lady Alice Moreton, daughter o late Earl of Ducie. LIGHTFOOT—KAL—Ott the 10th inst., at Bedh a 7deog , Frederic James Lightfoot, Esq., of 9, Gl ouc ester-o" . fl f Hyde-park, to Alice Marianne, younger daught er „tovf late James 0. Kay, Esq., of The Elms, Bedhaln;. Hants. Deaths. BLACKBURN.—On the 10th inst., at Allerton Lodge, filer' ton Moor, John Blackburn, Esq solicitor, age d . f i c y BOYES.—On the 10th inst., at Islington, Miss JO° aged 62. 0091 Cuuns.—On the 9th inst., at Stepney, Mr. George C aged 68. no reSt DEIVES.—On tho 10th inst., at Buckingham, gaj or -- a g ed 78. a ge/ KNAGGS.—On the 10th inst. , at Bath, William bn Esq., aged 63. stool NELSON.—On tho 10th inst., Horatio Nelson , of the Exchange, aged 26. styce SCLATER-BOOTH.—On the 9th inst., at 15, Ne A - lat e " Spring-gardens, Lydia Averilla, daughter of Cr• -c Booth, Esq., M.P., aged 21 years. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAII i' n t of No. 112, strand, Inter, at THE SUNOIUce '- Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in tk e Nay 1805.