The Sun. — London, England, 1848-06-20 00:00:00

itself into an exchange of respective products between the black population of the West ladies and the northern St a t es o f America.—(l.lear, hear.) What dial 11 . 1 Noble F r i en d mean to d o a b out th e h eav y sa l ar i es that were now paid to official personages in these colt). Ines? Did he think that they would long continue to Pay their governors 7,0001. a year a piece?—(Hear, near.) D epen d upon i t the w h o l e system must b e ehar ee , e , or the whole thing given up.—'Jles.r, hear.) Much and deservedly as many, he might say all, of these governors were respected, valuable as were the ser vices—to mention particular instances—of Lord Harris and of Sir Charles Grey, his Noble Friend might rely Upon it that if their present salaries were to be con tinued they must be paid at the table of that. House. (deer, hear.) And not only as to salaries must the sys tem undergo a thorough change. There must be a ces• cation of that eternal interference en the part of the h ome Government in every petty detail of local admi nistration which had so long oppressed and annoyed the ' eolonists.—(Hear, hear.) The colonists must be per . Milted to naanaae their own local affairs, by their own ‘' local representatives fairly 'elected, under the direction of their own governors, elected by themselves, and re munerated by such. salaries as might be agreed upon be tween them.—(Hear.) He agreed with his Noble Friend t hat the days of protection—as protection—were gone ; but he thought at the same time that—peculiarly in such a period of general crisis as this—somewhat of a • more conciliatory policy was required towards towards our West India colonies. He entreated his Noble Friend to give some explanation of his further views with regard ' to these colonies, for, as to himself; he would say that, Nvbile disposed wherever possible to support his Noble Priend, he would not sanction these resolutions until he had heard a much more satisfactory account of his Noble Friend's further policy on the subject.—(dear.) _ Lord J. RUSSELL.—I b eg to assure th e H o n. Baronet opposite (Sir J. l'akington) that I shall not detain the House many minutes from the consideration ' of the resolution he means to propose. It appears to me that the more re g ular course to have been taken would ave been that the House should have gone into Coin- Mitte e , and there to have heard such explanations and defence of the resolutions to be proposed by the Govern ment as . we should have been prepared to offer. The l ion. Baronet opposite, however, has not thought fit to allow that course to be taken ; but has given notice of a r esolution as an amendment on the motion that the ‘ Speak er l eave the chair. That being the course taken by the H on . B aron et, it se ems to m e that the only co u rse the Government can pursue is, to hear the motion of the n on• Gentleman, and then to enter upon a defence of lne course of policy we propose to adopt. What the Right . Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ellice) asks us to do is, to enter into a discussion and general explanation of our !evirs now, before the Hon. Baronet shall make his mo tion. But that is a course which I am not prepared to adopt. I am the less inclined to adopt that course, be . cause my Right Hon. Friend, while he declared at the I Mittnencement of his speech that he blamed no one, while he threw out objections to every course that has been proposed—and I should say, to every course that can be proposed—does not seem, with all his sagacity, - knowledge, and experience upon the subject, to have blade up his mind as to the course which he feels ought • ' to be pursued. My Right lion. Friend seems to think that we should not propose the course of giving any more ' Protectio n and that we ought not to have pursued the c ourse of advancing money to assist the immigration of l abourers into the West Indies. Now, it does appear to me, not only from all we know ourselves, but from 4 11 the evidence and suggestions laid before us by others, 'that either one of these courses or the other, or ' both, are desirable,—that either we ought to give them a longer term of protective duties, to enable the planters of the West Indies to make Preparations for competition, or that we ought to give th em greater facilities for the introduction of labourers, thereby reducing the rate of wages; that one or both of these 'courses was necessary to remedy the distress which I regret to think exists in these colonies. But my Right 110 n, Friend says it would be better to give them • 500,000/. in the shape of diminished duties on their pro duce. But, supposing we were to guarantee this 5 00,000/. and look upon it as wholly lost to this country , 'the interest of that sum at 4 per cent. would be 20,0001., and the reduction of duties that would give that amount would not be much more than what is proposed by the 'Ron. Baronet; for no ono supposes that the reduction of the present duty from 14s. to 10s. would produce a re duction of the revenue of much less than 20,000/. I do not mean to follow my Right Hon. Friend into his va rious objections, because it would be, in fact, to enter 4 into the whole debate which the Hon. Baronet proposes to raise; but let me say, that with regard to the motion of the Hon. Baronet, he seems to me to have made a Change in it, which, if ,his motion be supported by the Rouse, will piece the West Indies, as well as Parlia ment, in a most embarrassing situation. As the motion stood on Friday night it was a very intelligible proposi tion—it was to give an increase of the protection, which is now 65., and to make it los.; and that was to he done by keeping foreign sugar at 20s. and reducing colonial sugar to los. I do not say whether that was or was not a wise proposition. I have no doubt that the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn would have defended it with great ability, and with all that extensive knowledge of the subject which his attention to the Committee must have given him; but at all events that proposition was Intelli gible. But the Right Honourable Baronet now proposes that the proposition of the Government should be con , deemed by the House, and therefore leaves the present law to come into operation in July next. It does not follow that, supposing the proposition of the Government is condemned, the next day, or within the next 12 hours, any proposal for increased protection may not be con demned also; and therefore the present Act, which in July Willchange theduty of 20s. to 18s. 6d., and thereby reduce the protection from 6s. to 4s. 6d., will at once come into operation. In 1841 the present Lord Harrowby made a • 'similar proposition, the object of which was very clear, and it was carried into effect; but the Hon. Baronet will hardly gain his object by a mere resolution condemna tory'of the present proposition. I, for my part, do not ' believe that the House would adopt the proposition which the Hon. Baronet made on Friday night ; and I suppose that he himself despaired of carrying it. He thought there was no hope whatever of raising the pro tection to 10s. and therefore proposed his present mo tion for the purpose of embarrassment and rendering the plan of the Government ineffective. I will only refer to an allusion made by my Right Hon. Friend to the speech I made on Friday night. He says that I commented on the • extravagance of the colonial pro prietors, and that I have taken my notions f rom the prevailing idea of the C olonial-office. ', 'ln says I have founded the two or three words I said with respect to extravagance solely on that idea. I beg to inform my Right Hon. Friend I have T taken my notion from reading the evidence of a West 'units proprietor himself. That proprietor said that he himself went out to the West Indies, and made a reduc. lion of 1,0001. a year.—(Hear, hear.) That was no un der-secretary, no clerk in the Colonial-office, but the gentleman himself possessing the property; and when he. was asked how he reduced the I,OOOL, he said it was don e by perquisites, and when asked what was the iti nount of those perquisites, he said, " I do not believe that the merchants in this country, intelligent as they are, unless they go out themselves, know much of what toldoing on in the West Indies. My own merchants me that they believed my estates were economically ` co nducted. When I went out, however, I found they w ere not so. Th e at t orneys are th e head agents of the estate; the merchants simply see the plantation . accounts. In the pla n t a ti o n accounts there is always tillvery large it e m, name ly, l a bourers' wages; and I tell the Committee some of the charges which I . f ound w ere i ncluded in t h at i tem . There is an estate groom, fur instance; then there is attorney's J cook and r attorney's groom, attorney'. servant, tt attorney's washer, attorney's maid, orney's pigs, minding manager's minding pigs, picking grass for attorneys; besides which, there are manager's ser , • vants and overseer's servants. As far as I and the merchant could see, all th ose c ame under the head of labour ers ' wages. " —( Hea r , hear.) That is pract ical testimony—it i s no prejudice of the Colonial-office, but practical n testimo oetin rvrlind, __y, and it certainly made an impr ession and whi c h I h a d on m y mina when I spoke proarYs.night o f the extravagance o k some of the propriet ors , And now I am to be told I am makin g an • unfounded imputation and maligning the characters of those gentlemen who are not guilty in any way of ex travagance in managing their estates.—(ilear, hear.) I r h lieve it is not the extravagance of those gentlemen -einselve g; I believe it is the consequence of that sys temof management—(Hear, hear) —and I believe there are many instances of a similar c haracter. But I do not "'se to prevent the Hon. Gentleman from making his r l 'uPosition. He will have an opportunity o f a g ain stat -11g his objections to our scheme , a nd we shall endeavour as far as we can to explain the views which we hold 'With .regard to the West Indies. I do not, how ever, thi n k my Ri g ht Hon. Friend has consi dered f „..ee4llY all the con sequences that might follow from the .4gCl•sti• ons he threw out of things that might possibly f don e. I have always been very fa vourable to giving - 3 e colonists, as far as possible, the man a g ement of their ... , e , d r3vt l affairs ; but when we speak of giving to the West _lan e teen the management of their own affairs, we touch • -- Some very nice questions of practice, representation t_ald rights of voters, as difficult as those may be which e shall have to consider to-morrow cm the motion of 41 e Hon. Member for Montrose, or still more difficult, or t ? ect npanied with more peril, when we have to consi der hem as applied to the West Indies. If you are to intro :lice a ve r y l ow su ff rage i n T r i n id a d ; if you a ll'iw every l ave of the i mporte d negroes i n t o T r i n id a d who may been there a year, and is a maleilof full age, to have v ?te,l think the re pr ese ntative chosen by those persons dill not tend t o ass i st L or d H arr i s i n hi s governm ent of ,t,ritldati, and that it would introduce a very difficult p ro blem in the government of the West Indian colonies. hear.) My Right Hon. Friend has not consi ioerceed all the diffi cu lti es th a t would arise if we should at n • introduce a system of representation in Trinidad the duo d e lib erat i on . I a m for increasing the power „,"LPeople o f th e co l on i es h ave ov er their own affairs and ovnerneeent ; but I am f o r increasing it with considers ,.r.t and delib e r at i on f rom t i me t o time, and not at once g r anting t h em an assem bl y c h osen from the bla c k s , fo r r the government of these colonies.—(Hear, hear.) ~h z ; ELLICE said he had made use of no expression S01:1 could at all justify the last observation of his Sir j. Noble Friend.(Hear, hear.) eniec PAKINGTON then rose to move, pursuant to e - taken l -hat this House, considering the evidence mitte during the present session before a Select Com - M a i es e ; . t, 3 of opinion that the remedies proposed by her s government for the great distress of the sugar ruiteellg possessions of the crown, and which that corn retie as said will require the immediate application of „ ow r will neither effect that object nor check the sti us to theslave • of cultivation trade which the diminution the easienss7 of sugar in those colonies has inevitably oc- Meet I';' He denied that, in proposing this amend he desi e was actuated, by any party feeling whatever. red ' oo a the d to save our West Indian colonies ealruction with which they were threatened, He had merely altered the form of his motion because, entertaining a decided objection to the government measure himself, he had upon conside!ation, deemed it expedient to seek from the House a distinct expressior of its opinion on the subject.-(Hear, hear.) This wa, no question between protection and free trade ; it was e question standingon considerations peculiar to itself, and he looked for support alike to the flee trader and to th, Protectionist.-(Hear, hear.) There aas no one who more decidedly approved of the measure of 1834 than hr did. What he sought to counteract, as far as possible, was the legislation which had subsequently taken place with reference to our West India interests, as well under the present Government as under its predecessors.- (Hear, hear.) He did not complain of emancipation, but he complained that all the pledges to the West In dians which had accompanied emancipation had been violated.-(Hear, hear.) The whole series of legislation for the West Indies, up to the coup de grace inflicted in 1846, had been utterly monstrous. The Noble Lord op posite, however, had repeatedly declared his firm reso. lotion to abide by the Act of 1846. He had made tha. declaration emphatically when the Noble Member for Lynn moved for his Committee, and he repeated it, at emphatically, so recently as the 29th of May, distinctly stating that whereas the West India Committee recom mended that the differential duty should be continued for a certain period beyond that fixed by the Act of 1846, the Government did not intend to propose any change in the Act of 1846, with the view either of in creasing the amount of differential duties, or of con tinuing them for a longer period than that fixed by thr Act in question. This was so recently as the 29th Ma) last; yet on Friday last the Noble Lord came down to the House and proposed a plan which, whatever might be thought by various parties of its merits, every one must admit to be a material deviation from the Act of 1846.-(Hear, hear.) While deeming it right to ask the Noble Lord why this deviation had been made, he could not but congratulate the friends of our West Indian colo nies on the obvious fapt that Government had found it absolutely necessary to make the change.-(Hear, hear.) He himself could attribute the change to no ether consi deration than that the evidence before the Committee was of such a nature, so conclusive as to the fearful dis tress which was weighing down the colonists, that Government found it wholly impossible to adhere to the Act of 1846. Then came the question whether the change proposed by the Government would meet the case of the colonists-whether it would even mitigate the distresses which afflicted them. H, would not then detain the House by enquiring why it was that Government had thought fit to pro. tract the period of closing the duties to 1854 instead of to 1851. Nor would he stop to inquire what reason had induced them to think it better that the duties should close at 10s. per cwt., rather than, as in the Act of 1846, at 14s. per cwt. Every one must feel that this change, irrespective of its bearing on the present distress, un doubtedly involved very important financial considera tions, and therein reflected upon the Right Hen. the Chancellor of the Exchequer quite as much blame as he bad sought to cast upon the Noble Member for Lynn for proposing an immediate reduction of the duties on our colonial sugars. The Right Hon. Gentleman, however, possibly thought that he might not be in office in 1854, and that he should only be bequeathing to a successor the large defect in the sugar duties which must inevita bly result from his plan.-(Hear, and a laugh.) He was driven to the conclusion that the proposal of the Govern ment was wholly unequal to enable the West Indies to struggle with their increasing distresses or to compete with the slave colonies; and he was enabled to prove the latter half of his assertion by comparing the present con dition of the British West Indies with the Brazils and other slave-labour settlements. Ho. would refer to the evidence of Mr. Tollemache, than whom no gentleman had spoken more fairly before the West Indian Com mittee: and what was the statement of that witness? He says that he entertained hopes at some future day, by persevering in the course the colonists were pursuing, that the cost of producing sugar would be reduced to 15s 6d a cwt. But Mr. Tollemache stated further, that even at that reduced cost of production the freight and charges would prevent him from laying down a cargo of sugar in London at less than 225. old. per cwt. Look ing at that statement, and taking into consideration the prices that had ruled of late in the sugar market, the minimum of which was 225. per cwt., how was it possible for a planter who, under the most favourable circum stances, could not bring his sugar to market under 225. a cwt. to compete with a Brazilian planter, who can offer his produce in the London warehouse at 19s. a cwt.? In fact, says Mr, Tollemache, it is impossible for the free-labour planter, under his present circum stances, to compete with slave-labour sugar growers. There were also other witnesses who spoke to the ques tion of cost of production before the Committee, the re sult of whose testimony he would shortly recapitulate. In Jamaica the average cost of producing sugar, ascer tained from an examination of 138 estates, was 225. 7d. a cwt. ; another witness, Mr. Green, stated it to be 225. 9d. ; Mr. Higginson rated it at 295. 2d. ; and a fourth witness, Mr. Miles, considered the cost of produc tion in that island to average 235. a cwt. The mean cost of the production of sugar, taking the various state ments into consideration, was 1/. ss. OZd. ; and Sir C. Grey, in the important dispatch which was alluded to the other night-(A laugh)-stated it to be his opinion that the permanent cost of producing a cwt. of sugar in Jamaica was 305., and unless the planter could reckon upon that the cultivation of sugar would cease in that colony. Such was the deliberate opinion of Sir C. Grey, himself a free-trader.-(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Lord Harris, writing from Trinidad, states the cost of producing a cwt. of, sugar at 20s. Bd. Another witness, at 325. 6d.; and a third, at 28'., the average cost being for Trinidad 275. 10d. In British Guiana the average cost was 255. Bd. And the general average of all the British West India colonies, including Jamaica, St. Vincent's, Trinidad, Barbadoes, St. Kitt's, and Guiana, gave the amount of 225. Bd. as the mean cost of producing a cwt. of sugar. Now, what on the other hand did they find, from evidence brought before the West India Committee, was the cost of producing a cwt. of sugar in the slave colonies? In Cuba the cost of production was 6s. W.; in Porto Rico, es. 2d.; and in Bahia, Bs. 9d. a cwt., giving a mean for these three slave colonies of 6s. 102 d. per cwt. This sum, as com pared with 225. Bd., the cost of production in the Bri tish West Indies, left the amount of 15s. 9d. as the differences between the cost of sugar in the two countries respectively. The calculations into which he had entered were so essential towards establishing the case of the British planters, that he must call the particular attention of the Government to them. His argument was, that so long as there existed a difference of 15s. 9101. between the cost of producing sugar by free labour and by slave labour, so long would it be impossible for the British West Indies to compete, under a differential duty of 7s. only, with Cuba, the Brazils, or other slave sugar-growing colonies.. He had therefore a right to assert that it was impossible, by means of the Government proposition, to afford an adequate protection to the British West Indian colonies. Another thing the planters had a right to complain of was the manner in which the Act of 1846 had been carried into operation. The Government had stated that it was a great experiment, but if so, why not at the same time take measures to give the experiment fair play? Why not have afforded the pla nters the means of a p b ro le iecuereinndgitabnunadtatanecbeeodf labour?to the s ta T c h e a e s t i w f u a i s the cultivationind is p n o s stirrer in the British colonies. The negro and the planter had changed positions during the last ten years in those colonies. 'The negro was the easy man; the planter the oppressed and ruined man. Why had not the Govern ment taken precautions against vagrancy and squatting in the West Indian Islands ? Nothing had been done by way of assisting the British planters to compete with the Brizilian and Cuban slave-holders. He admitted that recently Earl Grey had proposed some regulations, whereby free labourers were to be sent to the West In dies, consisting of the captured Africans-a system which was liable to great abases. But this was not the ques tion which was before the House. He would not at that moment enter into any detail of the losses experienced by the sugar planters in the British colonies. All the witnesses examined before the Committee concurred in the opinion that it was impossible for them to carry on the cultivation of sugar as present prices. One witness stated a fact which was quite startling, as to the depre ciation of property in the West Indiei, The estate of Mulgrave sold for 25,0001. in the year 1843. The sum of 10,000/. was spent upon it after it was sold, a nd in April of the present year the same estate was put up again to sale, and the prices it realised was 2,800/. Looking, therefore, at the facts which had been stated before the West India Committee, he had a right . to assert that these losses were principally due to the Act of 1846. Since that Act had passed, eighteen of the principal merchants connected with the West Indies had become bankrupts, and if the present state of things continued, other houses must fall victims to the same melancholy fate. Would . the House permit him to call their attention to the state of affairs in the Mauritius ? Sir George Larpent, in his evidence before the Com mittee, stated that, acting in the full belief that the legislature sanctioned the course they adopted, the mer chants connected with the Mauritius suddenly found them selves deprived of protection ; and thus, at the moment when they were recovering from former losses, they found themselves subjected to a fresh blow, which they could not survive. The same witness stated that the cost of producing sugar in the Maufitius was 203. 10d. a cwt.; how could the planters there com pete with the slave colonies of Brazil and Cuba ? The consequences of these changes had been to bring ruin upon seven great mercantile houses, whose principals were men of the highest integrity and honour. Amongst those gentlemen were their late colleagues, Sir John Rae Reid, Sir George Larpent, and Mr. Barclay, all Members of that House, 'and holding a high position In it. He could not refrain from express ing the pain which he felt in seeing men such as these involved in ruin by the melancholy state of things caused by the changes introduced into the sugar duties by the East LegL eg i a u t d u i e r e s Let h p i r m ed r u e e fer to t ie ne t f h e sugar stat of e had been things girna grade he u a w l h ly en g t o h i e n c iguaonntitamounted to s e Tn t that a fe tr coat om s coun t rytthence n ;33 re oto from producing England 5 to 1,520,114 cwts yi . n sugar was, in Bengal, 205., and at Madras 23e. p er cwt.; and how, when the cost of transport was a dded, could these sugars compete at such prices with Brazilian and Cuban sugars in the English market ? All the authorities, including the Governors of the West Indian colonies, agreed in opinion that it was impossible at the p resent cost of labour ther e f or f ree labour sugar to compete with the sugar sent from Brazil and Cuba. The Hon. Member here quoted the opinions expressed in the dispatches of Lord Harris, Governo r R e id Sir C. Grey , G overnor Higginson, and Go vernor Lig,ht, all of whom coincided in representing the state o f the planters in the British West Indian colonies as most pitiable. In looking at the question it was also' advisable to take into consi deration what the relative proportion of exports to the British West Indian colonies was in the years preceding and subsequent to the alteration of the sugar duties in 1846. Burne, the editor of the Commercial Glance, says that the value of the exports of manufactured goods THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 2O , 1848. proposed for the West India planter, or what amount of (,tand itvotes. he protection they wo u ld su b s tit u t e fo r that which the re solutions of the Go vernme nt would establish. The Hon. Baronet (Sir J. P a ki ng t on ) h av ing given notice of the . terms d 0 Buxton) slave grown v e _ oifnhjahadiii t snasofmitevecneed putdm iennitt,,.a in a had: hin z s tiv au i cpreeewiastra e which - changed te his thou ui g s — ai ( d Er fa " ir r ly h e e n a o r 4:l t Isis hat Hon. would Frien d(S r E totally grown sugar.— (H ear, h ear. ) Hi s li on . Friend con tended thet wh en emanc i pat i on passe d in 1834, th e exclude N. House and the country entered into a compact with the West India colonists that they should have twenty mil lions paid to them as compensation, together With the perpetual monopoly of the British market. He admitted that if the Imperial Legislature chose to deprive the West India proprietors of their slaves, it was bound to give them full compensation ; but he remembered that Lord Stanley argued at the time that the compensation which was given was full and ample. Parliament had since decided against giving to the West Indies a per petual monopoly of the British market, and against the permanent maintenance of a high protective duty.-_ (Hear, hear.) It there had bean a contract entered into in 1834 to grant such a monopoly of the market it was broker, as his Honourable Friend behind him had stated, by the Act of 1844, which, according to the present Lord Harrowby, who moved the cele brated resolution of 1841, did, by opening our market to the sugars of Java and other foreign sugar-growing countries, encourage the import of slave-labour sugar in the market of Hamburgh; and only last year no less than 3,000 tons of sugar were admitted from slave growing countries into England which eve were com pelled to admit by our treaties under the Act of 1844. He did not mean to say that the Act of 1846 had not given a further encouragement to slave - lab our su g ar.— (Hear, hear.) But if they were to stand on the con tract, he must contend that the first infraction of the principle of discouraging slave-grown sugar was to be found in the Act of 1844, and those who supp orted that in Act were not nowa position to turn round on the proposition of Ministers, because it might in its results encourage the import of slave-labour sugar. The grounds on which the Act of 1844 was brought forward, as stated by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Gonlburn), himself a West India proprietor, were the insufficient supply of colonial sugar, and the consequent high price; now, however, it was contended by the Ron. Baronet (Sir J. Pakington) that it had always produced a supply sufficient for the demands of this country. If any one would compare the present con sumption with that a few years back, he would see that a more monstrous proposition had never been put forward. In 1840 the consumption was 179,000 tons; in 1842 it was 193,000 tons; and last year it was 289,000 tons; an increase of more than 110,000 tons in seven years, and 96,000 in the last five years.—(Hear, hear.) Comparing this increase with that of the population, it was evident that the supply was not adequate to the consumption hi 1840 and 1842. When the Bill of 1846 was proposed, there was scarcely any person in the House except those who voted with the Noble Lord (G. Bentinck) who did not distinctly avow that the principle of permanent pro tection as against slave-labour sugar must be given up. The Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tam worth made that avowal distinctly; and the Honourable Member for Leominster (Mr. Barkly) declared that he was for free trade in sugar, as he had been for free trade in corn, it being understood that protection should be continued for a time in order to enable the colonists to make arrangements to compete with other sugar. growing countries. He was entitled to assume, therefore, from what had occurred in reference to the mestsure of 1846, that the present majority of the House abandoned the principle of permanent protection. He thought the Hon. Baronet had somewhat overstated the case as to the in creased export of slaves as attributable to the Act of 1846. He believed it would be found that the number of slaves exported from the coast of Africa in 1847 scarcely ex ceeded the number in 1846, and that the increased ex port during the last two or three years was owing rather to the Act of 1844 than that of 1846.—(Hear, hear.) But the only way to put down the slave trade was to beat slave labour in open competition by the superior cheapness of free labour production. They had tried all other means and failed; and it was no argument against the coarse they were now taking—the only course left, as he hel:eved, for eff , cting the object—that the number of slaves exported had increased under the operation of the Act of 1846—even if it were so. With regard to the amount of ;protection, he found that the Committee , 1 on the coffee and sugar plantations recommended a dif ferential duty of 10s. for six years; but if the Hon. Baronet's facts and arguments went fur anything, they went to show that there was a cost of 15s. 9id. between the cost of slave-labour sugar and free-labour sugar, and that nothing short of a permanent protective duty to that amount would have the required effect of enabling 1 , the West India colonists to compete with slave-labour countries. If that - was the view of the Hon. Baronet, he could understand why he was no longer prepared to abide by the recommendations of the Committee of which he was a member. But the Committee went further, and agreed with his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) view, that the ultimate prosperity of the British West India possessions must depend on their means of success fully competing with the foreign producer rather than on any permanent protection—(Hear, bear)—and unless they were so enabled to compete, there was but little hope of their being restored to permanent prosperity. If it was still the opinion of Parliament that sooner or later the British West Indies must compete with the slave-growing colonies, the question was how that com petition could be brought about in the best and safest way. From the evidence taken before the Committee it was shown that great reductions in, the expense of managing might be effected without any loss in the amount of production. In one case the cost of management had been reduced from 2,3001. in 1843, to 1,600/. in 1846; and in another from 2,3001. in 1843. to 1,3001. in 1846. The evidence of Mr. Barkly, Mr. Lines, Mr. Greene, and others, also went to show that if protection were only continued for a short time, and arrangements were made for a small additional sup ply of labourers —a few thousands in a continuous stream—the rate of wages might be considerably reduced without any real injury to the labourers who, in conse quence of the very high rate of wages which they now received, enjoyed luxuries to which persons in a much higher station in life in this country were strangers. The Hon. Baronet had not stated what he recommended in lieu of the Government plan in regard to the emigra tion of labourers to the West Indies, but he had alluded to contracts, and had urged that permission should be given to enter into contracts for labour for three years. He believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Glad stone) had permitted such contracts to be entered into. Mr. GLADSTONE—But excluding natives of . Africa and the West Indies. The CHANCELLOR of thtOEXCHEQUER would not enter into the details, but believed that it depended on the colonial legislators themselves whether such con tracts forlabour should be entered into, and his Noble Friend (Lord Grey), since he had been in office, had not refused his sanction to any A ct o f the Colonial Legisla ture for that purpose. But it was not quite certain that the contract system would act. Mr. Tollemache, in his evidence, stated that it had been tried in Antigua, but he was not inclined to think that it answered. The object of the contract was to compel the labourer to work for less than the ordinary rate of wag.es.—(No, no.) To that there was no objection, provided the la bourer refusing to carry out such a contract was not treated as a felon. With regard to squ atting . , he heard no means suggested by which it could be effectually prevented. There were plenty of laws::on the subject., but the difficulty was to euforce them ; and he must say that the worst kind of squatting was produced by the proprietors themselves, who drove the negroes to a dis tance from their estates. The great difficulty was ad mitted on all hands to be the want of labourers, but the proposal they made of advancing money, or guarantee ing the interest of a loan, if the colonists raised it them selves, would enable theta to meet that difficulty. But neither the introduction of labourers, nor the other measures proposed, would avail, unless they extended to the West India planters further time than was contem plated by the Act of 1846. In so extending the time, however, he did not consider that there was any depar ture from the principle of that Act.—(Bear.) It was stated as a matter of complaint, that, owing to the pre sent classification of sugars, the colonists did not get that amount of protection which it was intended they should have, because the whole of the colonial sugars was exposed to a competition with the best foreign sugar. That was stated very clearly in the evidence of Mr. Greene. To remove this ground of complaint they pro posed to introduce a new classification of foreign Mus covado sugar, and to divide that which was now intro duced uniter one denomination into two classes, to be called brown clayed and Muscovado. The lion. Gentle man said that this plan would be defeated, because the fine sugar would come in as Muscovado. .Everything depended on the point at which they fixed the standard, and, after consultation that day with the officers of the Board of Trade and Customs, they were of opinion-se but they would not pledge themselves absolutely to it— that the description of sugar which was now 36 8 . 60. long price in the marke t should _ e be the stand ar d o f b brown clayed sugar, and that all low that should be entered at Ow rat©• If the M u scovadopresent law re mained unchanged the West India plante rs wou ld only have a protection of 6 s. By the,pl have an which th e Govern ment proposed they would second aprotection of 7s. fo r the first year, 6s. 6d. fo r the a.. year, and 6 s . f or the third year. But that was not for they proposed to reduce the differential duty on rum, with respect to which ho was surprised that no mention had been made in the recommendations of . th Committee. —(Hear, hear.) And this was not altogether valueless to the West Indian interest, for a great increase h a d taken place in the quantity of rum entered for home consumption. In 1846 the number of gallons entered amounted soot 2,684,000 ; in 1847, to 3,330,000. And the qaity entered was still on the increase ; for the number of gallons introduced during the four. first months of 1847 was 849,000, whilst for the four first months of 1848 no less than 1,010,000 gallons came j a .—(llear, hear.) These were the advantages which they proposed to give the West Indians. They proposed to give them a higher protec tion than they at present enjoyed, and to extend that protection t h re e years beyond the time for which it now existed. They proposed to reduce the differential duty on rum, to advance money to facilitate immigration, and they were prepared to c oilsider . any suggestion for th e t suppression of vagr ann Y . Butthey were not unmindful of the interests of t he consumer in this country.—(Hear.) He believed that the i n t e rests of the producers of sugar and of the consumers were identical, and that the pro ducers must ultimately look to increased production with low prices for safety and prosperity.—(Hear, heir.) They proposed to reduce the duty on colonial sugar Is., and to increase the differential duty between foreign and He did not think that colonial sugar. H the price would be thereby enhanced to the consumer for the present or the next year, because in the first place there was a great quantity of sugar in hand as com pared with last year ; a nd, seco ndly, there was a prospect of a large production in the present year ; and, during the 19 m on th s prev i ous t o the alteratio n o f th e sugar duties in 1846, vms 5,988,554/. Whertas 19 months after th.. sugar duties were altered the value of exports was 4,856,2861., showing a decrease in the ex ports to the same c‘donies within the period of 19 months after the Act of 1846 cuts passed amounting to no less than 1,123,268/. The same statistical return reports that the export of cotton manufactures to the slave colo nies during the nineteen months previous to 1845 were valued at 2,490,777/, whilst during nineteen months sub sequent to 1846 they had risen to 2,946,151/., showing in increase in that branch of export of 455,3511. But comparing the value of the exports to the slave colonies with those to the British colonies, there was a balance against the manufacturer of no less than 676,8411., re sulting from the diminished consumption of British manufactures in the West Indies in consequence of the present state of affairs. The questicin then came to be considered whether the consumer was benefited by the change; and he had no hesitation in asserting that when the cultivation of sugar in the British colonies was extinguished the Brazilian and other slave colonies would obtain the monopoly, and the price would be come very materially increased. He must now turn, tnd he did so with great pain and humiliation, to the great feature of the subject, which related to the .lavery question.—(Hear, hear.) He had stated on Friday night that it was with feelings of astonishment tlmost amounting to indignation, that he had heard the Prime Minister make his statement without one .word ,f allusion to the subject of slavery. But, on rcconsi leration, his surprise ceased, for believing the Noble Lord opposite to be a sincere advocate for negro free dom, he must have felt great difficulty in touching upon the subject, more especially when he was aware that the prophecies uttered in 1846 respecting the increase of slavery, which was certain to follow on the Sugar Duties Bill of that year, had all been fulfilled. The irst witness he should call to prove his statement that daverphad increased was the Noble Lord the Foreign secretary, who stated before the Committee, that the number of slaves imported into the slave colonies, in the year 1846, was 55,000, and as many in 1847, making total of 110,000 slaves in those two years; whilst in die years 1844 and 1845, the average number of slaves imported into Cuba and Brazils was only 32,000 I year. There were other returns, which gave the number of 75,000 slaves as having been imported rite the slave colonies since the year 1846. From this evidence he thought he was justified in assuming that the effect of the Act of 1846 had been to double the 'inportation of slaves in Cuba and Brazil.—(Bear, hear.) But, if any confirmation were wanted, it might be had in the returns of the exports of machi nery to those countries (luring the last few years. In 1844 the value of the exports to Cuba was 6,5721., and to Brazil, 17,5051. From that time a gradual increase had been going on. until in 1847 it amounted to—Cuba, 17,6641.; Brazil, 35,1531.—(Hear, hear.) He must now refer to what he considered the most important evidence that had been given before the Committee. Captain Alatson, of the royal navy, on being examined, a man of great experience in these matters, had stated, that in his opinion,the admission of slave-grown sugar had increased the importation of slaves into Cuba and Brazil very much. Captain Matson stated that he was at Havannah when the remission was announced, and that the news created a feeling of universal joy ; the price of slaves and of land increased at once, and a general jubilee seemed to prevail throughout the island. In describing the mode in which the slaves were transported from the coast of Africa, Captain Matson stated that they were packed close, doubled up, and generally in irons. The general calculation was, that if a captain expected to land 300 slaves, ho must ship .500, the difference being generally cleared off by ` weeding" during the aassage. The explanation of this was, that the most aractised eye could not always distinguish the healthy i'rom the diseased previous to shipment, but the first tarty-eight hours at sea decided the matter by carrying )ff the latter.—(Hear, hear.) As a general rule those who stood out the first forty-eight hours were landed alive.—(Hear, hear.) One'great cause of thi s dreadf u l mortality was the diminutive size of the vessels employed in the trade, a remarkable instance of which was men tioned by Captain Matson—that of a shipment of 427 duxes in a vessel of only forty-nine tons burden.— (Hear, hear.) lie (Sir J. Pakington) might perhaps be told that these horrors were no novelties. He was sorry to say that there was a feature of novelty in these details, and that was, that the whole of the circumstances de tailed by Captain Matson, were now going on under the sanction of the Government of this country.—(Protec tionist cheers.) He did not impute the crime of intention to the Government; but he implored the Noble Lord at the head of that Government to pause and consider whe ther any other conclusion could be drawn from the state ments he (Sir J. Packington) had made,-than that the le 4islation of 1846 had given new life to the abominable slave trade,with all its attendan t horrors. Why, previous to that year the slave trade to Cuba had almost ceased.— (Rear, hear.) The greater length of the voyage and difficulty of transport rendered a more expensive class of vessels necessary, and it was in consequence declining; but the legislation of 1846 gave it a fillip, and it was at the present 'moment going on with as great vigour as ever. The treatment of the slaves after their arrival at Cuba was also a point which must not be overlooked in considering the question. Captain Matson stated that they were usually kept at work for 18 hours out of the 24, being goaded during the latter hours with the lash, and hunted by dogs to keep them together in the fields. —(Hear, hear.) He would next proceed to call the at tention of the House to the reports which had been sent home by British Consuls in slave colonies. Mr. Morgan wrote from Rio Grande that the vessels were coming in there every day with slaves, under the sanction of the authorities, who received a bonus of from 10 to 15 dollars on each one landed. From Bahia, Mr. Porter wrote that the importation hal nearly doubled during the last year ; and the Go vernor of Sierra Leone stated that, notwithstanding the vigilance of our cruisers, the traffic between that place and the Havana was enormously on the in crease.—(Hear, hear.) He thought he had now said and quoted enough to prove that the prophecies of 1846 had been fulfilled, and that the results of the measure of that year, however little such results might have been desired by government, had been to give a great impulse to slavery and the slave-trade. He regretted to have to observe that the Noble Lord at the bead of the govern ment had not thought fit even to allude to those subjects in his opening speech, but in consequence of the indig nation expressed by, several Honourable Members who followed him had subsequently found it necessary to say something which was not at all satisfactory, being merely the expression of his hope and belief that the measures of government would tend to place the planter in such a position as would enable him to enter into a t'air competition with slave labour, and to prevent the continuance of the detestable traffic in slaves. He (Sir J. Pakington) trusted that the result of their delibe rations would be consistent with the principles which this country had adopted with reference to the slave trade, and such as, while they preserved our colonies, would redound to the honour of the sovereign and people of this country.—(Cheers.) Sir E. N. BUXTON, in rising to second the amend ment of the Hon. Baronet, must at the same time take leave to deny that the abolition of the apprenticeship system gave the colonists any additional claim on the mother country. In his opinion the policy which was most consistent with justice and humanity, was that contained in the Act of 1844, which wholly excluded sugar the produce of slave labour. Against that policy it had been urged that we were only driving the slave :grown sugar to the continental markets. He acknow edged that there, was some force in that argument, but he believed that if we had persisted in 'the exclusion, recent events on the continent would have given us great opportunities of making it influential there as well as in this country. Under present circumstances he believed that the only course would be to adopt the amendment of his Hon. Friend. His Hon. Friend had so com eletely exhausted the subject, that it would be un necessary for him to trouble the House at any length; out there was one dispatch of Lord Harris to which he could not help alluding. Lord Harris said it was .painful to see men waiting the ruin which was sure to overtake them, and labouring without hope, be cause their labour was sure to go unrequited. The re medy proposed for this state of things by Government :vas immigration; but had immigration now been heard if for the first time? Why, since the project had first been conceived, upwards of 80,000 free labourers had peen imported jute our colonies; and the result proved now inadectuate was the remedy. Lord Hurls was op posed to immigration as hitherto carried on, but recom mended its continuance at the expense of the individual parties requiring the slaves instead of making it a charge on the colonial revenue. Having read some further quo tations to the same effect, the Hon. Baronet proceeded to say that it seemed to him, looking simply at the con lition of the West Indies, that the policy of this country had been too changeable, and that the principles of tree trade should have been applied to them with greater caution. The great question was, whether, after all the efforts and all the sacrifices of the last forty years to abolish slavery and the slave trade, we were for the future to depend for our supply of sugar on colonies were both were carried on in the most brutal manner the world had ever witnessed. During the last year we had imported 48,000 tons of sugar from Cuba ; and, looking at the orders which had recently gone-out to our own colonies to stop cultiva- don, it was not to much too expect that the importation would reach 100,000 tons next year, and so on until that island and Brazil would monopolise our whole supply. That would be a serious calamity, and one for which, in his opinion, no excuse could be found in the necessities of this country.—(Hear, hear.) The produce of our co lonies had always been equal to the demand, and during last year was 40,000 tons more than it had been during any previous year. Lord J. RUSSELL—That was under the Act of 1846.—(11ear, hear.) Sir E. N. BUX TON'—Yes, but the free-trade mea sures could hardly have acted so soon.' He had taken his present course with some regret. He admitted the necessity of supplying the labouring classes in this coun try with all their necessaries at the lowest possible price, but he believed that if the people had the ques tion fairly put to them—if they were told that their cheap sugar was purchased with the life-blood of their fellow-creatures, they would reject the, boon with dis dain. Having quoted Mr. Calhoun andj the late Dr. Chinning's opinions on the subject of slavery and the slave-trade the Hon. Baronet said, in conclusion, that the House of Commons had, in 1846, passed an Act under the impression that it would not aggravate the horrors of the slave-trade. They had been disappointed in their expectations ; it was acknowledged on all hands that under the operation of that Act the trade was on the increase, and therefore heltrusted that, on the pre sent occasion, they would not hesitate to retrace their steps, and, as far as in them lay, prevent the evil conse quences of their error.---(Cheers.) The amendment having been put, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER cm oiained that neither the mover nor seconder of the mendment had explained what means of relief they thirdly, it was probable, from the state of the continent that a great portion of the sugar in the foreign ware houses would be brought to this country in the first in stance,. The stock its hand in the five chief ports of the continent and this country in the present year, as com pared with the quantity held last year, was 143,000 tons against 103,000 tons, being a difference of 40,000 tons in favour of the present year. He did not, for these reasons, expect any enhancement of price during the present or following year. The Hon. Gentleman said that the production of the colonies was equal to the con sumption in this country, and could be even more ; but did not the Hon. Gentleman see that if the colonies pro duced more than we consumed in this country, the sur plus must go into foreign markets, and therefore that the price must depend on the price iu those markets? But if, on the other hand, the colonies only pro duced for this country, and that at a high price, it was quite clear that the consumers would not stand that high price, and that they would demand an adherence to the principles of the Acts of 1844 and 1846. With regard to the effect of this measure on the revenue, which it was said this proposal would endanger, he could only ask, if their proposition was likely to have any such effect, what would be the effect of the recom mendation of the Committee? The loss by their pro posal would be is. per cwt., or 1/. per ton, on colonial sugar ; and as their consumption of colonial sugar, — w (r, hear.) taking it a t w h at i t was last year, was 240,000 tons, the thereper a t loss wo u ld b e 240,000/. But if the recommendation of questionhatea way permanentar.) a o n ewieasne o e f es c sa o r lo y n f i sugar, 96 was, 0,000 in 960,0001. —(Hear, a r l H the Committ ee were adopted, the loss would be 4s. a cwt., or 4/. w s any o n, other on point the inton whole hh consumption it was lle b did en n e o fi t t l t t o no t w he that him to afford further i n f ormat i on to the House. The co lonies could be promoted ? He believed that could only be by a great consumption of sugar, and that that con sumption must take place iu consequence of reduction in price. Mr. K. SEYMER said his object was to force upon the Government a reconsideration of this imp question. The Right Hon. Baro ne t at the head oorfta the t e late Government always app eare d to him to entertain sound and statesmanlike vi ews on th i s question. eie viewed the question as one of justice. The state of the colonies was awful. People were every day falling into a lower grade. It was time for free-traders to retrace their steps. Right as they might be in their decimals, they were proved to be wrong in their millions. Their policy had involved the West Indies in ruin. He con tended that we could naturally enough only rely upon the loyalty of our West Indian population so long as that population considered itself more prosperous and consequently happier under our rule than it would be un der any other. It we systematicallyoppressed our colonies our colonies would ultimately reject our rule, and either seek a connexion with some other country or set up for themselves. As to the slave trade, it was a mere farce to suppose that while it continued to be so profitable a commerce as it now was it would be given up. Cheap sugar might, no doubt, be an excellent thing; but once throw our colonial sugar estates oat of cultivation and cheap sugar would no longer be attainable, for we should be wholly at the mercy of the foreigner, and have to pay a high price for slave-grown sugar. There was no question that all our exertions and all our sacrifices to put down the slave trade had only made matters in finitely worse than they were before. He was not pre pared to assent to the proposition that sugar was so very wholesome an article of consumption. Sugar was extensively used in the United States, especially by the ladies, and it was notorious that no lady's teeth there, after the age of thirty, would bear inspection. He should give his decided support to the amendment of the Hon. Baronet. Mr. HUME concurred in the opinion that this was not a question within the category of free trade, which sup posed that the parties acting upon it should be upon equal terms. Mr. Deacon Hume, in his: evidence before the Committee, had given his decided judgment that while the West Indies were placed upen as good terms, in re spect to free trade, as Cuba, Porto Rico, and other foreign colonies, they could compete with the whole world in the sale of their commodities; but that since the emancipation, which had placed them upon an in equality with the slave labour sugar countries, they were nut in a position to compete, without something in the shape of protection, until they had secured an ample ' supply of cheap labour. The whole annals of legisla- ' tion did not present an example of such monstrous in justice as that which the Parliament of Great Britain ' hail inflicted upon the West Indies. Every engagement we had made with them we had utterly violated, and an intelligent witness before the Committee, Mr. Jones, had distinctly stated that so gross had been the bad faith of the Imperial Legislature towards the West Indies, that the colonies had lost all faith and confidence in that Legislature.—(tlear, hear.) As to slavery, there were no means of putting it down but by rendering free labour cheaper than slave labour; and this was the object ' which the free-traders had always in view when they advocated emancipation, fully convinced that free labour, if it had a fair trial, would beat slave labour ' in cheapness as in every other quality. His com plaint was that free labour had not had a fair trial.— (Hear, hear.) He considered that all the distress of the West Indies had resulted from our policy since 1834, well-intentioned, no doubt, but wholly erroneous. He denied that the engagement of 1834 had been fulfilled. The full price had not been paid; for the captured slaves under the treaty of search had been valued by arbitration at a much higher sum; and had the West Indian slaves been valued at that rate, they would have amounted to 101,919,000/. Besides paying below the value, the ap prenticeship bad been curtailed—another instance in which the engagement with the colonists had not been carried out. Instead of offering a round sum of twenty millions, the colonists ought to have been heard as to the measures which were necessary for giving due effect to emancipation. The colonists were unable to act; they were deprived of labour, one-third of that extracted from the slaves being taken away. Proper regulations were also needed, which were never made. So early as 1836 Lord Glenelg had written a dispatch, urging the importance of making provisions against squatting and idleness, before the apprenticeship expired; thus show ing that it was then thought most important to keep up the supply of labour. The want of that single article had produced all the mischief to the colonists; they had even been forbidden, by orders in Council, to bring la bourers from Africa, America, or anywhere else.— (Hear.) They were not even allowed to get labourers from Europe, could they have done so. The restric tions had been one by one relaxed, but without restoring the supply of labour which had been cut off by these orders in Council, secretly issued from the Colonial-office without the authority of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Had they possessed due facilities for obtaining labour, no doubt they might have competed with other places. The blame was wholly attributable to the Colonial-office, which had been a nuisance from first to last.—(Leughter.) Had the Colonial-office been locked up, and the colonies allowed to manage their own affairs, without the potty meddling and interference of ignorant men (for how could Lord Grey or Mr. Hawes, though they might be as clear-headed and sharp-sighted as anybody, know intuitively what was requisite for the colonies?) they would now have been in a very different state.—(Flear, hear.) Why, every two years almost there had been a fresh Colonial Minister, so that the colonists never knew what they had to expect for two months together.— (Hear, hear.) In one case rules had been drawn up, and sent out for the regulati on o f t h e coo li es, of vshichLord Harris observed that they were not wholly faultless. Thereupon Earl Grey sent out an order ' 'lmmediately to cancel the rules ; and the consequence was that the coolies were see n d y i ng i n the highways with hunger.— (Hear, hear.) The intentions of the Legislature in passing the Emancipation Act were clear, from the statements of Lord S tan l ey, the Duke of Wellington, and others, all of whom contemplated the passing of proper vagrancy Acts and other measures to secure a duo supply of labour. Notwithstanding all this, almost as soon as the Act was passed difficulties had been thrown in the way, which had since been increased, till things had now come to the worst. It had been said the high wages in the colonies were not the result of the want of labour, but of the competition between the colonies ; but it was clear the high wages could only arise from a want of labour. As it was, the negroea were the masters, and the masters had become the servants; it was said the negroes went to their work in cabs, and with silk umbrellas.—(Great laughter.) He regretted that in the case of Guiana, Lord Grey had , stopped the supply o f l a b ourers, because the taxes were I not voted—a very paltry pretext, in his opinion. Let the colonies be placed in the situation in which it was meant to place them in 1846. The Act of that year had not produced, though it had much aggravated, their diffi culties. Why not allow the colonists now to go to Africa, and obtain their own labour without the intervention of Government? Now that the colonies were almost ruined, was it not high time that something was done for them? The plan of Government would have no effect; it would be much better to let the colonists die out at once. Let them have protection for a period sufficiently long to restore their confidence, and to enable them in the meantime to prepare themselves to compete with other sugar-growing countries, and -thus give a fair chance to free labour. He believed that no shorter period than ten years of protection would suffice to place the colonies in a fair position. But the Right Hon. Baronet asked how he was to mike up the loss in the revenue by adopting the proposal of the Noble Lord. He would tell him how. Let the squa dron be withdrawn from fhe coast of Africa, and the amount lost by the sugar duty would be saved in the naval estimates. If something were not done soon the colonies would relapse into a savage state, and this would be a sad resullt for the sacrifices England had made. He was satisfied the Government proposal would never answer, and he therefore counselled the Noble Lord, if ho was not prepared to do more, to take the course pointed out, and to leave the colonies to their fate. For these reasons he was opposed to the resolutions of the Noble Lord, taking it for granted that the Hon. Baronet would follow up his amendment if carried by a definite propo sition. Mr. MOFFATT moved that the debate be adjourned. —(Go on.) Mr. ROBINSON seconded the motion. Mr. CARDWELL, before the motion was put from the chair, begged to point out that the number of stages of the Bill, being a money Bill, required that no time should be lost in carrying it forward before the sth of July, otherwise the measure could not become law in time to supersede the sugar duties, which would come into operation on that day. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER agreed that there was a difficulty in point of time; but the course pursued by the Hon. Baronet opposite was in some respects unprecedented, and calculated to impede the fair progress of public business. Sir J. PAKINGTON protested against such an im putation being cast upon him as that just made by the Right Hon. Baronet. Mr. BARICLY also eindicat.d the proceeding of the Lion. Member for Droitwich. The.debate was they atijourned 0 Thursday next. PUBLIC HEALTH BILL. Viscount MORPETH moved that this Bill be read a third time, which was agreed to. Mr. HENLEY moved the following clause to be added as a rider to the Bill :--" And be it enacted, that if it sh:111 appear to a majority of not less than threo•tifths of the rated inhabitants of any parish or place co ntain ing less than two thousand inhabitants on the then last census, in which this Act shall not be in force, assembled at a public meeting to be called as hereinafter provided, that it would contribute to the health and conve nience of the inhabitants generally that a public drain or sewer should be made, or a well dug, or a pump provided, for the public use of the inha bitants, it shall be lawful for the church-• wardens and overseers to have an estimate of the cost of making such drain, or digging such well, or providing such pump, made, and to lay the same before another public meeting to be called as is hereinafter provided ; and if the same shall be approved and sanctioned by a majority of not less than three• fifths of the meeting, it shall be lawful for the churchwardens and overseers to have the same, or any part thereof, sanctioned as afore said, executed, and to pay the costs thereof out of the poor rates of the parish or place, provided always that notice of any such meeting shall be given by the church wardens and overseers, as is by this Act provided to be given of meetings to be holden by the superintending in spectors ; and the notice shall also contain a statement of the work proposed or intended to be submitted for the consideration and approval of the meeting. Viscount MORPETH thought the clause would im pede the action of the Bill, but should not for that rea son object to its insertion. Colonel SIBTHORP moved that the House do now adjourn. Viscount MORPETH hoped the Hon. and Gallant Member would not persist in his motion. Mr. URQUHART hoped that the Hon. and Gallant Member would persist in his motion. Mr. HUDSON hoped his Hon. and Gallant Friend would not persist in his motion, but that he would per mit the measure to proceed, as it had been fully and fairly discussed. The clause was agreed to and added to the Bill, and the Bill was passed. The House adjourned at Twenty minutes to One. THE WATERLOO BANQUE T. havin The a nn i versary o f t h e b at tl e o f Waterloo g this year occurred on a Sunday, the customary . banquet given b y the Duke of Wellington to the officers who participated in the glories of that great day was not cele brated until last evening. As usual, the noble and gallant Duke received . yery . nume rous congratul atory visits at Apsley House—Fie ld Marshal Grosvenor, Marshal Viscount Beresford, the Duke of Richmond. Sir William Verner, Viscount Ccmbermere, who Marquis of Londonderry, and many other o ffi cers WhO served under his Grace; the Mar chioness Cornwallis, Viscountess Beresford, the Marquis of Headfort, the Earl and Countess of Jersey and Lady Clementine Villiers, Lord and Lady Braybrooke, and in fact a host of the aristocracy. - - Soon after half-past six o'clock the gallant veterans invited to the entertainment began to assemble; his Ex cellency Count lmansegge, Lord Saltoun Hardinge, Sir Edward Kerrison, and Sir An , Viscount Andrew nard being among the ear l y arrivals. Bar- In the inner hall, immediately communicating with the grand staircase, was s t a ti oned the full band of the Grenadier Guards (the Duke's regiment) which, during the arrival of the guests, played a variety of m arches and martial airs. The Marquis of Anglesey, on being recognised by the crowd, was loudly cheered, as also was *Viscount .Elar dinge. His Royal Highness Prince Albert,rettended by Major. General Bowles, Colonel E. Bouverie, and Colonel E. P. Buckley, arrived at ten minutes after 7 o'clock. Th e Prince was warmly greeted by the populace without, and on alighting was welcomed by the Duke of Wellington, by whom the Prince was conducted to the saloon in which the majority of the Waterloo heroes had mustered. The Prince Consort, on his arrival, was saluted by the band playing the National Anthem. Pluictaall3; at half-past seven the banquet was an nounces in the Waterloo-gallery, when the Prince Con sort and the illustrious host, followed by Prince Castel cicala, the Count Kielmansegge, the Marquis of Angle sey, and the remainder of the guests, passed into the ban q ueting-room. Tae Prince wore the uniform of Colonel of the Scots Fusilier Guards; the Duke of Wellington, that of a Field-,Marshal, with the riband of the Order of the Bath; the Marquis of Anglesey wore the uniform of the Royal Horse Guards (Blue), as Colonel of that Regiment. On the right of the Duke sat Prince Albert and the Marquis of Anglesey; and on his left, his Excellency Prince Castelcicala and his Excellency Count Eielman segge. The table presented a gorgeous display of valuable plate, the celebrated Portuguese plateau occupying the centre. Ranged along the table were immense china vases, gifts from the Emperor of Russia and King of i Prussia, filled with the choicest flowers, and the whole of the fruit-dishes and ornaments were of solid gold. The dessert service was the celebrated set of Dresden china, a present from the King of Saxony. At the north end of the gallery, the sideboard exhibited a varied collection of gold% plate, amid which was Pitt man's shield, emblematic of the Duke's victories, the whole being lighted from the superb candelabra presented to his Grace from the citizens of London. The arrange ments were, in fact, with trifling difference, the same as noticed on previous years. In addition to the Duke there were present:— Field-Marshal his Royal Highness Prince Albert, and the following Waterloo officers:—Field Marshal the Marquis of Anglesey, K.G., G.C.8., and G.C.H., Colonel of the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards; General Lord Strafford, G.C.B. and G.C.H., Colonel of the 29th Foot; General Sir Peregrine Maitland, K C. 8., Colonel of the 17th Foot; General Sir C. llalkett, G.C.B. and G.C.H., Colonel of the 45th Foot; General the Right Hon. Sir F. Adam, G.C.B. and G.C.M.G., Colonel of the 21st Foot; Lieutenant-General Sir E. Kerrison, Bart., K.C.B. and G.C.H., Colonel of the 14th Dragoons; Lieutenant- General Sir A. T. Barnard, G.C.B. and G.C.H., Rifle Brigade; Lieutenant-General Sir A. Woodford, K.C.B. and G.C.M.G., Colonel of the 40th Foot; Lieutenant- General Lord Fitzroy Somerset, G.C.8., Colonel of the 52d Foot; Lieutenant-General Sir James Macdonell, G.C.B. and K.C.H., Colonel of the 79th Foot; Lieutenant General James W. Sleigh, C. 8., Colonel of the 9th Dra goons; Lieutenant -General Sir Arthur B. Clifton, K..C.8. and K.C.H., Colonel of' the 12th Dragoons; Lieutenant- General the Earl Cathcart, K.C.8., Colonel of the 3d Dragoon Guards ' • Lieutenant -General Vis coun t Hatclinge, G.C.8., Colonel of the 57th Foot ; Lieut.- General the Hon. H. P. Lygon, C.B; Colonel of th e 13 t h Dragoons ; Lieutenant-General Sir George Scovell, K.C.8., Colonel of the 4th Dragoon Guards ; Lieut.- General Lord Saltoun, C.B. and G.C.H., Colonel of the 2d Foot ; Lieutenant -General Henry Wyndham, Colonel of the 11th Hussars ; Lieutenant-General Sir Edward Bowater, K.C.H., Colonel of the 49th Foot ; Major- General Sir Henry W. Rooke, C.B. and K.C.H. ; Maslor-General Henry D'Oyly, Colonel of the 33d Foot ; Major-General Thomas Delmer, C. 8., Colonel of the 471 h Foot ; Major-General James Hay, C. 8., Major- Ge neral Douglas Mercer, C. 8., Major-General John lte eve, C. 8., Major-General Sir Robert Gardiner, K 0.13. ani I Major-General Archibald Money, C.B. and K.l). ' Major-General E. P ar ki nson, C. 8., Major-General Sir Thomas Hunter Blair, C. 8,, Major-General R. Llt tellyn, C. 8., Major-General R. Egerton, C. 8., Major- Ge neral John Boteler Parker, C. 8., Major- Ge neral J. C. Bourchier, K.C., Major-General J. Gr ant, C. 8., Major-General T. W. Taylor, C. 8., Major- Ge neral F. Calvert, C.B, Major-Gen era l Si r D. L. By ens, K.C.8., Majoe.Ganeral Lord J. Hay, Major- GC neral J. S. Kennedy, C. 8., Major-General Lord Sa 3dys, Major-General G. Bowles, Major-General T. W. Robbins, Major-General R. M'Neil, Major-General W.. L. Walton, Colonel H. Dawkins, Colonel Michael Childers, C. 8., Colonel Wilaman, Colonel J. Martin, Co lonel the Hon. H. Hely Hutchinson, Colonel W. G. M( (ore, Colonel J. Simpson, Colonel the Hon. G. Anson, Co lonel S. Stawell, Colonel Lard Hotham, Colonel the Ho el. G. Catheart, Colonel E. P. Buckley, Colonel Ch arles Yorke, Colonel Berkeley Drummond, Colonel C. F. R. Laseelles, Colonel R. Wallace, Colonel John Olt (field, KAI.; Colonel E. W. Bouverie, Colonel Lord Ro keby. Lieutenant Colonel C. Rowan, C. 8., Lieu ten tut-Colonel Wilkins, C.B. and K.H., Lieutenant- Col onel the Right lion. G. L. Dawson Darner, Lieut tenan t-Colonel E. Keane, Lieutenant-Colonel P. Camp bell, C. 8., Lieutenant -Colonel J. Cox, K.H. Y vers were laid for eighty-four persons. T ho Hon- and Rev. G. Wellesley, Rector of Strath field sage, Was present and said grace before and after dine T he dessert having been placed on the table, " H T he D u k e of WEr.trunrow rose and proposed the ?alth of their gracious Sovereign the Queen." • The toast was drunk with three times three. T tto DUKE then rose and said, he would next give the heal th of his illustrious guest who had honoured him with ;his comparty—.. The Health of the illustrious Pritl.te •' the Cons or t o f h er M a j esty , P r i nce Alb ert ." I lia Royal Highness Prince ALBERT, in acknowledg ment, said, he was highly gratified at having the high 1•43 to attend that annual festival to meet those officers who had acted under their renowned chief. He cordial ly thanked them for their kindness, and by their Permits slot, he would propose to their notice " The Heal . :b of the noble host, the illustrious Duke of Wel )r t." Tb.e announcement of his Grace's health was received with enthusiastic cheering. The Duke of Wellington bowed his respects to his as sembled guests. B at Tl tl ele DUNE then g ave —" Th e A rm y th a t f oug ht t h e of Waterloo," which was responded to by the heartie st cheers. The Dust said, the next toast he would give was one always drunk in silence at these anniversary meetings. It was - —" To the Memory of those brave Companions in Arms that fell at Waterloo."—The toast was drunk in solemt t silence. The) DIIE:E then ros e t o express th e hi g h sense o f the great services rendered by the cavalry at Waterloo, An undt the command o f hi s N o b le F r i en d t h e M arqu i s o f Wat glesey. :He wo u ld g i ve " The Cavalry t h at f oug ht a t srloo, ad the Marquis of Anglesey."—(Cheers). Th te Grac a and h . 2 q u ie of ANGLESEY rose and thanked his on thecap Is brother comra d es f or t h e h onour conferred miry, and on him personally. He believed they had ai 1 1 done their dut The Dtr. KE the y. n" The Infantry engaged at G eneral the E ar l Waterloo .nd the E gave- -arl of Str a fford." - of brifly re plie. The Du: KE th en said, that STRAFFO he RD could e bear testimony to the of cier ,cy and brilliant achievements of the artillery at Water], )o, with which toast he coupled the name of a Gallant 0 dicer who faced him, Sir R. Gardiner. Major-1 3- eueral Sir R. GARDINER, in reply, thanked the Duke and eemPftoy; belit•ved tile qiillery never em • pl oyed to greater advantage than at the field were of Waterlit r under their illuttzioua chie£ ti '-",~ ' The illustrious DU c KE said, he experienced 4, , ,Tcat plea sure in seeing again among them a Nolile'Friend who had on many occasions eminently distinguished Limself in the field, and what gave him more gratification was, that he had returned to this country in .unimpaired health. That gallant officer had been called &on to gos:mg to a distant] country to administer its governThent, ant in his military rank bad assisted Lord Gough. He (the Duke) need not speak of his exertions during the trying scenes he took part in, for it was well known he had re turned to his native country to receive the approbation of hisliovereign, and the admiration of his countrymen, from 'whom he had obtained the highest honours that could be bestowed. He would give " The health of Viscount Hardinge." Lieutenant-General Viscount HARDINGE expressed his sincere thanks to the Duke and his brother compa nions in arms for the manner in which they had received the toast. As for the civil position he held in India, he felt proud of it, but as to his military services with the army of the Sutlej, he was confident that the brave army under their gallant and intrepid commander, Lord Gough, had done only that which might be expected from the example set them by the army which fought under their illustrious chief. He was sure nothing could be more gratifying to the Indian army than the repeated expressions of praise uttered by the Duke and the country generally. The DUKE then said, the nex toast he would submit was " The Hanoverian Army that fought at Waterloo," and he would call on Count Kielmansegge. His Excellency Count KIELMANSEGGE said he was proud to be again present at the festival, to meet his comrades in arms in that glorious battle, the success of which had given them thirty years of peace. To the gallantry of the troops and the leadership of the illus trious Duke they were indebted for that blessing. He thought the King's Germans, as they were then called, did their duty. Germany had been in a con vulsed state to obtain a change of constitution, and he trusted by the blessing of Providence it would secure those lasting institutions which had rendered the British empire pre-eminent among all other nations. England had withstood the storm, and he believed it was owing to the loyalty and practical science of the people, and the devotion of the army, at the head of which was the Noble Duke, that the country continued to retain those great blessings. He was deeply obliged, on behalf of the Hanoverian army, for the favourable notice of the Duke. The DUKE then gave " The Sovereign Allies of Eng land at the Battle of Waterloo," to which be coupled the name of Prince Castelcicala. His Excellency Prince CASTELCICAIA returned thanks in a brief address. The DUKE said he was glad to see a gallant officer who had been absent on the last anniveitsary, but who had rendered great services to his country. lie would give " The health of Sir Frederick Adam. " Lieutenant-General the Right Hon. Sir F. ADAM, re turned thanks in a short speech. • The DUKE now rose and expressed his pleasure in giving " The health of General Sir James Maedonnell, Lord Saltoun, and the officers present who so ga ll ant l y acted at the farmhouse of Hougoumont." Lieutenant-General Sir A. WOODFORD replied. The DUKE said, he had another toast to offer; they all were aware that nothing was more important than to have active, zealous, and experienced officers on a staff, and it was never more clearly illustrated than at Waterloo; those officers had nobly done their duty, and he would therefore give " The O ffi cers on the St aff at Waterloo, and the Earl Cathcart." Lieutenant-General the Earl CATHCART replied in a few observations. It being then half-past ten the Noble Duke vacated his chair, a signal which the Prince Consort and the gallant guests promptly followed. The Prince and company retired to the saloon. At a quarter to eleven his Royal Highness Prince Albert departed, and the company then broke up. SPORTIN G INTELLIGENCE. TATT ERSALL'S.—YESTERDAL All the stakes now in the market were touched upol, but the investments were small, and the fluctuations of no importance. NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE. to 1 agst Mr. B. Green's Sylvan, 3 yrs, 4st 101 b—t 5 to 1 agst Mr. Pedley's Administrator, 4 yrs, Est 6to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Glen Saddel, 3 yrs, sst 81b—taken 13 to 2 agst Mr. S. 1. Fox's Executor, 4 yrs, Est 81b —taken 10 to 1 agst Mr. Willington's All's-well, aged, Est 10 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Chanticleer, Ist 81b GOODWOOD STAKES. 10 to 1 agst Mr. Verity's Diplomatist 12 to 1 agst Mr. Osbaldeston's Chat 20 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Alpheia—taken 20 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Hydrangea—taken 25 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Vhmpyre—taken 25 to 1 agst Lord Clifton's West India Planter—tkn Weldid not hear any bet laid agst theifavourite. Several inquiries about Remembrance, but no business done. GOODWOOD CUP. 7 to 4 agst Mr. J. B. Day's The Hero, 5 yrs, lOst 4 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Van Tromp, 4 3 rs, 9st 31b—taken 6 to 1 agst Mr. Pedley's Cossack, 4 yrs, 9st 31b-- taken to 1001. ST. LEGER. ' 5 to 4 agst Lord Clifden's Surplice—taken and after wards offered 3 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's Springy Jack—taken and afterwards offered 6 to 1 agst Duke of Bedford's Justice to Ireland -7 to 1 taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. B. Green's Beverlac—taken and afterwards offered 50 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Loadstone taken and afterwards offered . _ _ Several hundreds were laid out on the first favourite at 5 to 4, but the odds were currently offered at the close. DERBY. 20 to 1 agst Mr. 13. Green's Garrick 20 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton'aElthiron—taken 25 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Flying Dutchman— taken to 1001. 25 to 1 agst Honeycomb--tkn to 4001. 1,000 to 30 agst Mr. Jaques's Chantrey—taken 1,000 to 30 agst Mr. A. Johnstone's c out of Alice Hawthorn's dam—taken 1,000 to 30 agst Mr. Payne's Crucible—taken 1,000 to 30 agst Mr. J. Scott's Windermere—taken 2,000 to 30 agst Mr. Gratwicke's Rochester—taken Offers to take 40 to 1 each about Osterley, Saucy Dick, and Meal c. 40 to 1 (taken to 75L) agst Flying Dutchman winning July Stakes and Derby. INTELLIGENCE EXTRA. NEWMARKET FIRST OCTOBER MEETING, 1848. WEDNESDAY. Duke of Bedford's Saddle, Bst 71b, agst Mr. Fedley's Foreclosure, 7st 121 b. T.Y.C. 200, h ft. SECOND OCTOBER MEETING, 1848.-110z/3)IY. Mr. Pedley's Lady Mary, Bat 71b , agst Duke of Bed ford's Festus, Bst 41b. Last half of Ab.M. 100, h ft. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert, attended by Colonel Buckley, visited ber Majesty the Queen Dowager yes terday, at Marlborough House. Her Royal .Highness the Duchess of Kent also visited the Queen Dowager yesterday. Her Majesty, attended by the Hon. Miss Macdonald, took an airing in a carriage and four. His Royal High ness Prince Albert rode out on horseback, attended by Colonel Bouverie. Their Royal Highnesses Prince Alfred and the Princess Helena took an airing in a carriage yesterday, and their Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, the Princess Alice, and the Princess Louisa, took their usual airings yesterday, in the plea sure grounds of the Palace. _ _ _ _ HC;Royal Highness Prince Albert honoured the Duke of Wellington with his company, yesterday, at the Waterloo Banquet given by his Grace at Apsley House. His Royal Highness was attended by Major-General Bowles Colonel Buckley, and Colonel Bouyerie. The royal dinner iiirty yesterday at the Palace, included her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, his Serene Highness Prince Edward of Sase-Weiniar, the Marquis and Marchioness of Kildare, Lady Augusta Bruce, Baroness de Speth, Lord Fortescue, Earl of Desart, Lord James Murray, and Colonel the Hon. C. B. Phipps. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited the Tower yesterday. The Royal Duke also paid a visit to the London Hospital. Prince George visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent yesterday. at her residence, Clarence House. St. James's. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cam bridge and the Princess Mary, visited the Duchess of Kent on Sunday. . Lieutenant dibbs had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday. Mr. Fowler had also an interview with the Noble Earl yesterday, at the Colonial-office. Lord Hatberton and Mr. Saunders, had an interview with the Corntoissioners of Railways, yester4y, at their office in the Board of Trade. Sir Thomas Fremantle, Chairman of the Customs, had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, at his official residence in Downing-street. A deputation from the Dissenting Deputies, consisting of Mr. J. R. Mills, Mr. B. Banbury, Mr. A. Ferrell, and Mr. John Bennett, bedsit interview with Viscount Mor path yesterday, at the office of her Majesty's Commis sioners of Woods and Forests, on the Health of Towns MISS BREMER'S NEW NOVEL, " BROTHERS AND SISTERS." TRANSLATED BY MARY HOWITT.—To the novel reading public a new novel by Miss Bremer, is indeed a treat of the most refined and elegant descrip tion, as the one before us amply testifies. The peculiar character of Miss Bremer's works, the simplicity and beauty of her style, and the freshness and thought dis played in her execution, have long made her a very great favourite, and placed her high in the class of novelists, where, as a pourtrayer of domestic lite and what we may term the domestic affections, she need yield the palm to no competitor. " Brothers and Sisters" is of this class. The story is exceedingly interesting, and the tale throughout is told with the excellence and grace of style which always adorn the works of this authoress. " Brothers and Sisters" is indeed a first-rate novel, and equal to any of the former productions of Miss Bremer. —Messenger. PRINCESS'S THEATRE.—The well-conducted and obliging messenger, Mr. McLean, has announced his be nefit to take place at this theatre on Thursday next, the 22d instant. We know of no one who is more deserving of support; his arduous duties are done with an urbanity that gains him the esteem of all he has to deal with, and we hope to hear of his success. All the favourites will be engaged on the occasion.