The Sun. — London, England, 1866-07-24 00:00:00

INPERIAL 'ARLIA TIENT HOUSE OF LORDS.-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on th% woolsack at five o'clock. NEW PEERS. Lord Wodehonse took the oaths and his seat as the Earl of Kimberley, being introduced by the Earl of Clarendon and Earl Granville. Lord Henniker took the oaths and his seat, being introduced by Lord Digby and Lord Eger ton of Tatton. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Devon Valley and North British Railway Companies (Branches), Berwickshire Railway, Tamar Kit Hill and Callington Railway, Vale of Crickhowell Railway, Great Western Railway, Nye Valley Railway, Greenock and S haws Water, Greenock Water, North-Western and Charing-cross Railway, Louth and Lincoln Railway, Bre con and Llandovery Junction Railway and Northampton and Banbury Junction Railway. THE WAR IN EUROPE. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE wished to know if any, and what, steps had been taken by her Majesty's Go vernment in recommending negotiations for peacok to any of the belligerents in the European war. From what fell from the noble earl Opposite on Friday night, he thought some steps had been taken ; and the noble earl on the bench above him (Earl Russell) had expressed his regret at a dinner which took place on Saturday evening, that the British Government had taken the course they had. The Earl of DERBY said the question ought to have been addressed to the noble earl opposite, and he (Lord Derby) now begged to ask if the report of the speech by the noble earl with respect to the course pursued by the Government was correct. Earl RUSSELL said what he had stated only referred to an armistice favourably spoken of by the Government, and not to any terms of peace. The Earl of DERBY—I confess I can hardly reconcile the explanation given by the noble earl with the words as reported, as in those words the noble earl expresses his regret that the British Secretary of State should have given his sanction to terms which he knew would be offensive to the Italian people. I should not have taken any notice of this speech under the circumstances had. it not been for the question of the noble marquis. That speech was made, I believe, at a species of political picnic, established bn Saturday last, for, in the first instance, doing honour to the memory of the late Mr. Cobden, and in the next place establishing the Cobden Club; and the names of those pre sent, and more especially the names of those who formed the committee, appeared, in conjunction with Mr. Gladstone and the noble earl, to form the most advanced section of liberal politicians. Before that audience the noble earl's health was drank, and in returning thanks he thought it necessary to deal with the question on which the noble marquis had touched. The circumstances are briefly these. Upon the first day that we accepted office, and before we returned from Windsor, the French ambassador called at the Foreign-office and communicated to the Under-Secre tary of State the arrangement made between France and Austria, and communicated copies of letters addressed to the Kings of Prussia and Italy, communicating the cession of Venetia to France. That was accompanied by no obser vations at all, but later in the day he again called at the Foreign-office, and stated he had received a telegraphic communication requesting us to unite our good offices with those of France to stop the effusion of blood. That telegram was communicated to us immediately on our return from Windsor, but, in conformity with the determination we had come to not to interfere to state any terms, we simply complied with the application, and instructed our ministers at Berlin and Florence to so-operate to obtain, if pos sible, an armistice for the purpose of endeavouring to ascertain whether any terms of peace could be named. I need not say that in dealing with that proposal for an armistice we expressed no opinion whatever upon any political question attached to it. We did not think it con sistent with our duty, having simply received the intelli gence as unjait accompli of the cession of Venetia, to make any representation to either France or Austria, nor did we consider it any part of our duty to consider whether the cession was or was not likely to be agreeable to the Italian people. I can easily imagine that a proposal for the ces sion of Venetia to France would not be likely to be conci liatory to the people of Italy, and that they might feel con siderably hurt at finding they had obtained that which they desired, not by their own arms, but by the arms of Prussia and the diplomacy of France. But that was a question upon which we had no right to enter. Our sole object was to stop the effusion of blood, and if possible to pave the way to peace. It is perfectly well known that our endeavours and those of France failed in their object, and from that period the attempt at mediation has been in the hands of the Emperor of the French. We have taken no part whatever in negotiations ; our advice haS not been asked, and we have not given any. We have simply stood aloof awaiting for any opportunity which might occur for interposing our good offices if required towards the resto ration of peace, but we have had nothing whatever to do with any terms between the three belligerents. That is the state in which the case stands at present. The Emperor of the French has taken upon himself to mediate between the contending parties. Certainly at one time his media tion did not appear to be successful, but I am happy to say that by the last telegram, although I do not know what the terms precisely are, preliminaries of peace have been accepted by Austria and Prussia. I think that we may indulge the sanguine hope that the horrors of war are over for the present, and that diplomacy may effect, on what ever terms, at all events a peaceable if not altogether satis factory solution of a question which at one time threatened to involve Europe in a very long and sanguinary war. (Hear, hear.) Earl RUSSELL—I am of the same opinion now that I was, namely, that the proposal of an armistice without any preliminaries of peace was not likely to stop the King of Prussia in his career. I understand now that preliminaries of peace have been proposed—l hope that is so—and that those preliminaries have already been so far accepted as to give hopes of the restoration of peace. (Hear, hear.) No one can rejoice more than I shall at that event. The Earl of DERBY—The authority upon which I stated that the preliminaries of peace had been accepted by the Governments of Austria and Prussia is a telegram received from Lord Cowley yesterday after communication with the Emperor of the French. With regard to the observation of the noble lord, I confess I do not understand its force, because I do not understand how, if it were commendable on the part of the Emperor of the Frenchto offer these pro positions, it can be matter of regret that the English Sec retary of State should have endeavoured to give effect to the views of the Emperor. (Hear, hear.) Earl RUSSELL—The noble earl will allow me to ex plain somewhat further what I said. The Emperor of the French, having made this proposal for an armistice, re ceived, as I understand, an answer from the King of Prus sia which, I think, was very natural and fair under the cir cumstances, the purport of that answer being, "I cannot accept this armistice, which is a scheme to give time to my enemy to recruit his forces and repair his strength ; but if it was coupled with proposals that might serve as prelimi naries of peace, then I should be willing to agree to an ar mistice." I just read as I came into the house au account of the proceedings of the Emperor Napoleon the First after the battle ,of .Austerlitz, which states that the two princes, the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of the French, met, and after some conversation agreed at once to an ar mistice and to the preliminaries of peace ; and the account ends by saying that preliminaries of peace having been agreed to, peace may be concluded in a few days. It is perfectly conceivable that preliminaries of peace having been agreed to, an armistice was likely to be accepted ; but it is not conceivable that two belligerents, one being vic torious over the other, should agree to an armistice merely to give hope of the establishment of peace. Lord ST. LEONARDS drew attention to the present state of the law upon sales of estates by auction, and gave notice that he should once more introduce a bill for its amendment. The National Gallery Enlargement Bill passed through committee, and several other measures having been ad vanced a stage, their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The Speaker took the chair at 4 o'clock. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal assent was given by commission to several bills, for which see Lords' report. The Cattle Insurance Diseases Prevention Act (1866) Amendment Bill was read a second time. Tho Facilities Act (1864) Amendment Bill was also read a second time. THE AMAZON AND THE COLLISION IN THE CHANNEL. Mr. SAMUDA asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, in reference to the collision of her Majesty's sloop Amazon and the screw steamer Osprey, and the foundering of both vessels, to explain how it had happened that the Amazon, apparently built with the view to be used as a ram, should have caused her own destruction by striking a vessel in a smooth sea, that vessel being smaller than herself, and not built with any p o wers of r es i s t ance b eyon d t h ose ordi narily adopted in merchant vessels; and, if the Amazon was not intended to be used as a ram, to explain why the cutwater was constructed in a form only to be justified if it were intonded to be so used? Sir J. PAKJNGTON said that it was not intended to make the Amazon a ram vessel, w hi ch statement might do away' with a great doal of misunderstanding on this subject. FENIANISM IN State AMERICA. Mr, WHITE asked the Secretary of St Affairs, whether, lo okin g to the co nspicuOus f u l o P od or f e a i and friendly feeling o f the Government offaith St a tes towards this country in its recent conduct to the United Fenians, her Majesty's Government is n ow prepared to submit all claims and matters in dispute between the tw o Powers to an arbitration mutually acceptable ? Lord STANLEY said that he recognised the import_ ance of the subject, and that he was very happy to state that a good feeling prevailed between this country and the United States. SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The sup plementary estimate that has. been laid on the table has changed the position of the public accounts since the finan cial statement of the right hon. gentleman opposite, and I feel it convenient that I should place exactly our position before the house, and state the course whic'i on the whole we think it expedient the house should pursue in conse quence. The house will recollect that when the right hon. gentleman brought forward his financial statement he estimated the revenue at £67,013,000, including £500,000 to be paid by New Zealand bonds, and the right ion. gen tleman stated his expenditure at £66,727,000, including £502,500 for the creation of terminable annuities. The result of that estimate of revenue and expenditure left a surplus of £286,000. Now, the amount of the supplemen tary estimates that we have placed on the table is £495,000, and the result of that, as the house will see in a moment, has been that the surplus of £286,000 has been changed into a deficiency of £209,000. The question, therefore, is what, under these circumstances, is the best course that her Majesty's Government can pursue. We might, in the first place, of course, propose a new tax to supply the defi ciency; but I should think that there would be an almost unanimous opinion in the house that that isa process which it is not expedient to have recourse to. (Hear, hear.) Under ordinary circumstances the obvious course would probably be to ask the house to grant a supply to complete the ser vice of the year, which would be raised by Exchequer bonds or Exchequer bills. But thera are objections to that course ; and, in the first place, I need not remind the house that under the present circumstances which prevail in the monetary world it is not very easy to place securities of that description ; in the second place, it must be recol lected that with these difficulties prevailing we have not yet floated our £500,000 New Zealand Bonds; and in the third place, I must remind the house that by the existing law Exchequer bills are payable for taxes, and the holders of Exchequer bills may always require payment of .the security at the termination of the current year. Now, of course, in:times of extreme financial pressure like those which we have experienced, and I am sorry to say still ex perience, it is not wonderful that holders of Exchequer bills should have availed themselves of this term in the security. At the present moment Exchequer bills to the amount of £BlO,OOO have been discharged by balances in the Ex chequer. It is very true that we have the power granted to us by Parliament to issue bills to a similar amount, but the difficulty to which I have alluded is an obstacle in our way. And considering that we have not yet placed the New Zealand bonds, that we have yet, in order to square our accounts, to issue £BOO,OOO of Exchequer bills, I trust the house will hardly be of opinion that a recurrence to a fresh supply granted by the house in the shape of Exchequer bills or Exchequer bonds would be an expe dient course to_meet the difficulty in which we find our selves. There is a third mode by which we might remedy the inconvenience and bring our accounts into that state which the house I am sure wishes they should be in ; and that is by considering the propriety of relinquishing pro ceeding with a bill for the conversion of permanent nto terminable annuities which has been read a second ,ime. By that bill there is an increased charge upon our resources of something exceeding £1,000,000 a year. The exact sum is £1,005,000, but only a moiety of that amount would come into charge during the present year, so that if we do not at present proceed with that bill the account will thus stand : —That £502,500 would be added to our revenue, and deducting the present deficiency of £209,000, there would remain a surplus of £293,500, a surplus almost identical with that which was contemplated by the right hon. gentleman in his financial statement. Under these circumstances we are of opinion that, on the whole, the wisest course is not to proceed with the bill for the con version of permanent into terminable annuities. If that suggestion meets with the general concurrence of the house, I will, with the permission of the right hon. gentle man (Mr. Gladstone), when the order of the day for that bill comes on, move that it be discharged. (Hear, hear.) There is one observation that I cannot refrain from making on the present occasion. I confess it is with unaffected concern that I find that my first act as minister of finance should be to propose an addition of the public expenditure of the country. If, indeed, supplementary estimates to a much greater amount than those that we have laid on the table were required by the necessities of the State, I trust that I, and I might trust that any one who occupied the position which lat the present moment fill, would never shrink from the responsibility of such a proposition, but at the same time I feel it my duty to state, in order that there may be no mistake on the subject, what are the principles, so far as the public expenditure is concerned, upon which the present administration is founded. Four years ago, when we were upon the benches opposite, at the time when the expenditure of this country had reached its cul minating height, I felt it my duty, after as complete an in vestigation of the subject as could be made by a man who was not assisted by the advantage of official information, to call the attention of the house on repeated occasions to the necessity of a reduction—a considerable reduction—in our expenditure. (Hear, hear.) The scale of expenditure that then obtained appeared to me not consistent and compatible with the condition of national prosperity. I took that course with the entire concurrence of Lord Derby, and of many eminent persons whom I now count among my most in fluential colleagues. And the view which on repeated occasions I then brought before the house having found favour in the house, the Conservative party assembled and came to the conclusion that the opinion of Parliament should be asked upon the question, and that they as a party would support that reduction in our expenditure which they deemed necessary for the welfare of the country. In consequence of that determination a resolution was drawn up and placed in the hands of my colleague, the present Secretary of State for the Home Department, but in consequence of the declaration of Lord Palmerston that he should consider such a resolution, if passed, a vote of want of confidence in his Administration, the resolution was not pressed to a division, but it was met by the Go vernment by an amended resolution, which so far as I in terpreted it contained a specific, and I will say, under the circumstances, a solemn declaration that the reduction which we advised should be made in the expenditure of the country. There were some who distrusted the sincerity of Lord Palmerston on that occasion, but I am bound to say that, in my ()Onion, the pledge then given by the Govern ment was sincerely and completely carried into effect, to the amount and in the gradual manner which the house wished that those reductions should be effected, and which I for one deemed necessary to the welfare of the country. Well, I wish to state that, sitting on these benches, it is our intention in spirit and in truth to carry into effect that policy with respect to the expenditure of the country which we recommended to the late Government. Sitting on these benches we are still of opinion, as we expressed op the benches opposite, that although we acknowledge that the first duty of a Government is to arm our soldiers with the most efficient weapon, and to make provision that her Ma jesty's seamen should float in ships which, either for defence or aggression, should be equal to any vessel they might have to encounter ; it is still our opinion that these results are consistent and compatible with a prudent and econo mic administration of our finances. Sitting on these benches, we are still of opinion, as we expressed on the benches opposite, that in an epoch like the present, which is an epoch of speculative armament, of discovery, of ex periment, and rapid vicissitude of practice, that foresight and scrutiny, and vigilance, are qualities as valuable in a minister as that precipitate zeal which, squandering the resources of a country, often does not even accomplish the public end proposed. Sitting on these benches we are still of opinion, as we expressed on the benches opposite four years ago, that one of the principal sources of the strength of England is her financial condition ; that her financial reserve is far more important than those military reserves of which we so often hear such boastful accounts. (Hear, hear.) If it be true, as has been said by the highest authorities on such subjects, that there are few powers in Europe, however fond they may be of war, who can enter into a third campaign, it may be some consolation to England when she is taunted for not entering into quarrels in which she has no interest, to recollect that if ever her honour is assailed, or her interest is attacked, her financial condition is such, that if she enters into a contest, she can pursue her inexorable purpose, whatever may be the amount of the expenditure, or the duration of the war, until her rights are vindicated, and her honour is placed in the position which she desires. Under these circum stances I need not assure the house that the principle that will govern us in the administration of our finances is the principle of economy. (Cheers.) But by that word Ido not mean negligence, inefficiency, imperfection, but I mean, as I have presumed to state before on the benches opposite, that wise application of our resources which engages itself in nothing but what is necessary for the public welfare, but takes care that it shall be accomplished in the most complete mtnner. I thought it better before we entered into committee of supply, when we are about to propose an increase of expenditure —a not very graceful act—to make this explanation, and I trust that the house will pardon me for making these few observations. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE, whilst offering no opposition to the withdrawal of his Terminable Annuities Bill, did not abandon the policy of which that bill was an indication ; but he reserved his judgment with regard to a portion of the supplementary estimates. He did not object to the proposed vote for small arms; but he thought that the . . - War-office was acting with premature haste in incurring such a large expenditure for conversion, with the prospect of a new arm having to bo substituted for the weapon so converted. He had heard what had fallen from the Chan cellor of the Exchequer with groat satisfaction. If the Government were determined to enter into an honourable rivalry for a reduction of expenditure, the country was to be congratulated on the fact ; for he knew of no monopoly that the Liberal party possessed with respect to public re- xenchment. He admitted that they had been the principal nstruments in giving it effect ; but whilst he made this admission, the just historian must give to the Government of the Duke of Wellington the honour of having firsttaken the matter in hand with earnestness of purpose. The field was still open, and there was encugh in it for all to do : and ho heartily rejoiced that the right hon. gentleman had made this declaration, if he understood him to mean that he considered the expenditure to be still susceptible of con siderable reductions. Sir S. N ORTHCOTE remarked that the object of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not to throw any reproach upon the late Government, but simply to state that the po licy which Ministers had announced in opposition they in tended to pursue now that they wore in office. After a few words from Mr. SAMUDA, Mr. WHITE tendered his hearty thanks to the Chan color of the Exchequer for the declaration of an economical policy which he had just made, and he assured the right hon. gentleman that he and many of his friends "below the gangway" would be happy to co-operate with him in carrying out his views. Mr. B. HOPE then rose, and directing attention to the subject of the National Gallery, invited the house to agree to the resolution which he proposed, that it was desirable to erect a new gallery on the site of Burlington House Gardens. Mr. H. SEYMOI7R opposed the motion, on the ground that it was made at the instigation of the Royal Academy, who were anxious to get possession of the National Gal lery, and to that end were using their utmost efforts to turn out the national collection of pictures. Mr. LAYARD, speaking in the name of several of the trustees and directors of the National Gallery, said that the question had nothing at all to do with the Royal Academy. He added, that the majority of the trustees and directors were of opinion that Trafalgar-square was not the best site for a gallery, the atmosphere being injurious to the pictures and detrimental to the health of the students. The hon. gentleman also described the class of persons who constituted the bulk of the visiting public, and made it matter of complaint that he had seen whole rows of mothers nursing their children there, whilst many opened their wallets, and turned the rooms into a great eating house. Mr. Axrton spoke in support of retaining the pictures on tho present site, Mr. Tite favoured Burlington House, as did Mr. Baring, because he considered they would there secure more rapidly and economically a suitable gallery, and Mr. Cowper declared that if the motion were adopted it would be a retrograde step, and the violation of an en gagement entered into by Parliament to appropriate a portion of Burlington House to the University of London. Observations followed from Mr. Gregory in support of, and from Mr. J. Goldsmid against, the motion. Lord J. MANNERS said that after consideration of the whole subject he had determined to abide by the former decisions of Parliament respecting it. He regarded the objections to the present cite of the National Gallery by reason of atmospheric and other influences as simple ex aggerations. There was no reason why a grand and fit ting building should not be erected there, and he thought that the best course would be to to raise an entirely new structure on that magnificent site. The house having divided, the motion was negatived by 94 to 17. Mr. D. GRIFFITH inquired whether the Porte had consented to the recognition of Prince Charles of Hohen zollern as Hospodar of the Danubian Principalities, and referring to the speech of Earl Russell at the dinner of the Cobden Club on Saturday last, asked for an explanation of the part taken by the English Government in the nego tiations for an armistice between Prussia and Austria. Lord STANLEY, in answer to the first question, said that the Porte had not yet recognised Prince Charles, but negotiations were in progress which he ' hoped would shortly be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. To the other inquiry he replied that he had already fully explained to the house the course which the Government had pill.- sued. It was not the fact that they had either proposed or accepted any position in the negotiations. An armistice had been concluded between Prussia and Austria, he be lieved, but was not certain, with the adhesion of Italy ; and though it was impossible to say what would be the result, we might hope that that temporary armistice would be prolonged. A question from Mr. BROMLEY relative to the defec tive operation of the Metropolitan Houseless Poor Act, and the great number of professional vagrants who have beet thereby attracted to London, elicited from Mr. Hardy an assurance that the matter should receive his serious atten tion during the recess. In Committee of Supply General PEEL moved a sup plemental estimate for the conversion of Enfield rifles into breech-loaders. He explained that the proposal to arm the troops with the new weapon had come recommended by a committee of officers, and he was only doing what his predecessor would have done in taking measures to expe dite that object and considerably increase the number of converted rifles to be supplied during the present year. After consulting the authorities at the small arms factory ho found that, by great exertions,loo,ooo Snider rifles could be converted at an additional charge of £45,000, and that 50,000 could be' supplied by the trade of the:country. The whole cost, including the requisite supply of ammunition, at the rate of 200 rounds for each gun, would be £245,000, and the converted weapon would be in no degree inferior to the original Enfield. The right hon. gentlemen con cluded by moving a vote of £140,000 for the proposed con version.. Mr. REARDEN thought this expense would be uselessly incurred, as improvements in rifles were daily introduced, and the hon. member for Stockport had brought down to the house a breech-loader which repeated its fire 20 times in a minute. Col. SYKES, for a similar reason, saw no ground for haste, and believed that the Snider gun would very soon be superseded. Mr. BAILLIE reminded the hon. member that the ques tion had been under consideration for at least ten years, and that therefore there had not been any precipitation. Mr. OLIPHANT remarked that if we were to wait for the last improvement.our troops would never be efficiently armed and the country never in a fit state to go to war. Mr. MAGUIRE recommended caution. There was no danger of England being drawn into hostilities, and there were better weapons than the Snider iti existence. Major WALKER was of opinion that by agreeing to this vote they would put into the hands of the army a rifle pperior to that of any other country. In reply to Mr. WHALLEY, General PEEL said he could not propose to arm the volunteers with the new gun during the present year, nor until the regular army had been supplied. The vote was then agreed to, as was also the sum of £105,000 for ammunition for the new arm. Mr. CORRY moved the sum required to complete the vote for education, amounting to £694,530, which is an in crease upon the sum granted last year of £1,452. This amount is distributed as follows :—Annual grants for schools in England and Wales, £431,694 ; for Scotland, £75,900; pensions to retired schoolmasters £650; building, enlarging, and improving schools, £30,000; maintenance of training colleges, £75,000 ; administration and inspec tion, London, £78,656; and poundage on post-office orders £2,630. A long discussion ensued, relating chiefly to questions of detail connected with management and the system of instruction, and ultimately the vote was agreed to. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed the second reading of the Railways (Ireland) Temporary Advances Bill, which authorised the Commissioners of the Treasury to advance to the Loan Commissioners a sum of not more than 4500,000, for a period of three months, with power to increase the term for 12 months, the money to bear interest at the rate of 4 per cent. By this means the Irish railway companies would be enabled to meet the de- bentures now accruing due, notwithstanding the pressure existing in the money market. After some remarks from Sir F. Hoygate, Mr. Childers, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Henley, and other hon. members, the bill was read and ordered to be committed. The other business on the paper was also disposed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter tO two' o'clock. How Shall England Repay America. The following letter appears in the Anglo-American Times : Sir, —If I justly estimate the character of your paper, its purpose and object is to harmonise the relations between England and America, by pointing out the errors which a violent and partisan press may promulgate, and, by well timed explanations, throw oil upon the troubled water ; and thus, by earnest words and kindly advice, endeavour to instil a spirit of perpetual good feeling in the minds and hearts of both Peoples. That being my interpretation, I trust you will pardon me if I occupy a limited space in the forthcoming number in considering our present mutual relations and future policy. The war in America has ceased—the nation is recuperat ing its strength—wounds are being healed —reconstruc tion is creating harmony out of chaos—the loom, the anvil, and the plough are unceasingly moving. In the North and in the East, the manufacturer and merchant are pursuing their vocations with increased success and accumulation of wealth. The great West and North west • are pushing and spreading with resistless force their civilising sway over plain,, prairie, moun tain, and valley to the Pacific. The wild belts of prairie that have been regal for ages in their match less splendour of luxuriant, uncultivated flowers are disappearing; the mighty forests, bearded with aged moss, are melting Away ; corn, wheat, and rye are clothing all the valleys, while unnumbered flocks of sheep and herds of cattle find pasture upon a thousand hills and plains ; the lakes and rivers are dotted with vessels, transmitting the wealth of the interior to the ocean ports ; the slopes and base of the Rocky Mountains, and the range of Sierra Nevada, are gross with their quartz-bound riches of silver and gold. Looking at the South, we find, indeed, the simoom of battle dealt hardly with her : that long war fever has left her depressed, weak, and sad, but the innate vitality has not been blotted out—the•great cancer that was eating her heart-life away has been excised, eradi cated, utterly destroyed, and now fresh, healthy blood will soon give her a constitution that will carry her through many a day of coming prosperity. her ports are already crowded with shipping; her cities present incontrovertible evidences of a revival of trade and commerce; her bridges are being re-built, her railroads repaired ; the master is returning to his home, the freeman to his labour ; her plantations will soon smile again, and the white-plumed cotton will adorn her fields. Emigration will soon fill up the gap which the past conflict made, for millions of acres of splendid lands invite him to their possession. One de oade ! Ten years of patient waiting, but earnest working, and the South, like the Phcenix, will arise from her ashes anew, strong, prosperous, and great—proud of her own redemption and the victory achieved over self. Thus stands the United States—high, bold, confident, and aloft, resting on the granite base of union. Who that loves pro gress, the advancement of intelligence, liberty of speech, and the extension of great principles, cannot afford to say in the glowing language of Longfellow,— " Thou, too, sail on, 0 Ship of State ! Sail on, 0 Union, strong and great, Humanity with all its fears, With all the hopes of future years, Is hanging breathless on thy fate ! We know what Master laid the keel, What workmen wrought thy ribs of steel, Who made each mast, and sail and rope; What anvils rang, what hammers beat, In what a forge and what a heat Were shaped the anchors of thy hope." On the north of the 49th parallel, the lakes and the River St. Lawrence, the United States, as we are all aware, is bounded by the British North American possessions, which stretches across the Continent from ocean to ocean, and contains a population of over four millions. On the the south lies Mexico, a nation whose history for the past half-century has been a story of revolution, anarchy, bri gandage, and bloodshed. The present attempt to foist a monarchy, supported by European arms and monarchical protection, will inevitably result in a disastrous failure. Its annexation to the United States would probably be the greatest boon that could be conferred on the people ; its ulti mate absorption and redemption by her is only a matter of time. The throne of Maximilian is being undermined, and his power scattered by the echoes of the Prussian guns at Koniggratz. He passes away as a Kaiser. What is the lesson that Europe must learn from the varied incidents of the past five years ? Why, they must be con vinced that America, has established her position as one of the first powers on the earth —that their people are giants in arms—their battles have evinced their bravery, their patriotism, their endurance, and their greatness ; all these qualities have combined to draw a tribute of respect from the first of living warriors. Look at her navy !—it has no parallel ; to-day it is the best and strongest that floats upon ocean, sea, or river. Again, their Government has proved its solidarity, their people their homogeneousness, their land its inherent vitalisation. Aware of their colossal power, capable of 'advancing their policy, extending their territories, and alike capable of defending friend or punish ing foe. Like Cincinnatus, we see them retiring from the smoke of battle and the field of carnage to devote their best energies to the arts of peace. Have they not digni fied themselves in the eyes of the watching world ? During the unfortunate civil war there was of necessity a diversity of opinion in reference to the aim and purpose of those in arms. Englishmen are by instinct, sympathy, and education Abolitionists ; the mass, not waiting to argue or reason, cannot comprehend the holding of a fellow creature in bondage. They will not listen to the defence of a necessary evil ; they unhesitatingly sided with the Union, and not only on that ground, but on others. Eng lishmen love peace; they like events to come along life's path regularly, not roughly. The daily salutes that echo through the City Hall Park in New York would disturb an English merchant out of his usual equanimity—he doesn't like change ; even the peaceful departure of the Gladstone Go vernment from power was a source of nervousness for weeks for fear of a general election and its attendant ex citement. Much more does it affect him when bloodshed accompanies a revolution in a country with which he has extensive mercantile relations. Violent change in the form of Government and the disruption of an empire is horrible in his eyes. History records the sad memorial of civil war and the terror of revolution among great nations—the breaking up of Alexander's Empire—of the Roman Empire —of Mahomedan unity—of Papal unity at the Reformation —these are the only parallels to the drama that was open ing on the American continent. John Bull comprehended it at a glance, and took sides with the attacked. The Hon. D'Arcy M'Gee, Minister of Agriculture for Canada, in one of his speeches delivered in September, 1861, says : "In the first stages of the contest it seemed tome and others that the public sympathy in this country was altogether with the North, the newspapers did much to turn back the genial currents of that sympathy." There can be no doubt that he uttered the sentiments of an immense majo rity of the people of the Canadas. In England I know that the universal sympathy was with the North. I remember well how the volunteers poured across the Canadian fron tier by thousands, not only men but officers of high grade, with their horses and equipments. Many of the latter waited upon the President and offered to raise British legions ; at least three thougand men were enrolled in the city of . New York for the defence of the Union. I speak knowingly, as one of my eons, who gave his life for the cause, assisted in the formation of one of these regiments. Unfortunately an occurrence took place which revolu tionised this friendly feeling and changed the sympathy of many. The Trent affair fell on the heart of England like a thunderbolt ; passion overcame judgment ; the press fanned the flame ; the old traditional policy of America, which in 1812 she had fought for, was violated by her own officers ; they seemed supported by the people and the press. On this side of the Atlantic they did not understand America; they did not seem to realise that the people across the ocean were engaged in a life-and-death combat ; they did not know that men, maddened as they were by a whirlwind of passion, forget nice boundaries, and failed to recognise the law of Vattel or the treaties of nations. England looked at the fact and acted accord ingly ; she prepared for war ; the dockyards dis played vigour and activity ; the Guards left for Canada ; the Secretary of State of the United States saw the error at a glance; the remedy was at hand; the anger of the British lion was appeased. But during the time which elapsed from the forcible removal of the Southern Com missioners and their rendition, the opportunity offering, it was seized at once, and the subtle poison of opposition was allowed to permeate the public mind ; while a portion of the press inflamed their partisans, public opinion was di vided, and their views soon took shape. The over-to-be remembered serio-comical battle of Bull Run made the American soldier the laughing-stock of Europe. Fort Donaldson, Corinth, Shiloh, Antietam, Fredericksburg, South Mountain, Spottsylva,nia, the Wilderness, Rich mond, and Petersburg had not been fought. What a glo rious redemption were they ! The thunder of Dahlgren's, Parrott's, Wier's, James Brook's, and Rodman's guns, from turret ship, from para pet, from casemate, in barbette and from iron monster, had not as yet sent their thunders echoing to the walls of the universe. The tale is all told now, in blood and glory. Never did attentive eyes watch or eager ears listen with more solicitude for the sight or sound of peace than the people of this isle. • But America has a complaint against England; they charge her with a want of neutrality. It must be granted that her position was a delicate one. The European Powers had declared a state of war, and acknowledged the South possessed belligerent rights. There is no doubt that the manufacturers here did supply the South with an immense amount of war material, but the Government could not be held responsible for the operations of indivi duals when they had law on their side. If it had not been for the purchase of 276,000 rifles at Birmingham and Lon don during the year 1861 the North would have been without arms. When General M'Clellan took command of the Ohio Volunteers there were no muskets to be had to either drill or arm them. The Government of the United States sent agents over here for the purchase of muskets, rifles, sabres, cartridges, caps, saltpetre, accoutrements, artillery, and even steamships and launches, besides cloth and blankets. So great and so pressing were these orders that the rivalry between the North and South ran rifles up from 40s. sterling to 70s. It must be remembered that during the war there were many, many houses in New York and Boston who loudly proclaimed their attachment to the Republican party, but were engaged in furnishing boots and other things by way of Halifax and Bermuda to the Confederacy. Business men put national principles in their pocket when profit is in question, and having the articles for sale they asked not the object of the purchaser. But America evidently recognises this fact. The great bone of contention is in reference to the Florida, the Ala bama, and the Shenandoah. That the Rritish Government ought to have stopped them there can be no doubt, if they were aware of the character of the vessels. It is assumed that they could not interfere with the business of a private firm upon mere suspicion, but that they must have posi tive proof. I care not what may be the argument, what may be the line of defence, or what legal technical excuses may be made. The ships which destroyed so much American commerce, and almost drove it off the ocean, were built by British ship-builders, were partially manned by Englishmen, and sailed from English ports upon their errand of desolation. These acts lie heavier upen the American heart than any committed during the war : they will remain there till reparation in some form or other is made. England had the courage to refuse to co-operate with France in recognising the South. America owes her a debt of gratitude for that. But how stands the position to-day ? A plot, whose ramifications extended from the centres of great cities to the remotest villages and hamlets, whose members were bound by the most sacred oaths—whose supposed wrongs had imbued them with a terrible earnestness to free their country, was organised in America. Every evil passion was aroused by exaggerated stories of misgovernment and oppression ; the minds of the ignorant were inflamed with great promises never to be realised, and secret agents were scattered on both sides of the Atlantic to encourage the dissatisfied, and with bribes to purchase the loyalty of the wavering. Ido not exaggerate when I say the people of England never comprehended what a danger was at one time hovering round us ; they do not know to this day how widespread Fenianism was in the very metropolis. In London there were hundreds of men who had joined the circles, and in every city, both small and great, its agents were busy at worldrAt least Three Hundred Thousand men in America were ready at the first sign of victory to rush into the mad conflict for the " Green." Money poured in by millions of dollars. Officers tried in war, and under standing its science, were ready to lead" them on. The United States never had a better opportunity of taking signal vengeance for the raids of Canada into her towns ; she never had a better opportunity of reciprocating the Alabama policy. Her day of triumph had come. I care not what people may say. I know that the Canadas would not have been ours a fortnight if America had willed it. British power exists upon that Continent only on suffer ance. So long as there is peace, the British North Ameri can provinces may flourish ; but let there be war, and the retired soldiers of the past campaigns would gather, thick as the Huns, sweeping with resistless Power everything before them. How nobly, then, has the Government of the United States behaved ! They not only prevented bloodshed to any extent, but they acted as the watch guard to Canada; they used the strong power of the mili tary arm ; and not only that, they gave permission for the Governor of Canada to supply himself with arms and am munition from the United States to defend the frontier. Such conduct has saved this country millions of money, and it has proved that the people across the water are as magnanimous and as generous as they aro bravo and heroic. Thare never was a time when England could entertain the claims of the Alabama and Shenandoah with a better grace. America has asked for an arbitration. Surely a great nation like this can afford to abide by the decision of an impartial judge. What are a few millions in compari son with the inestimable blessing of a lasting peace and an enduring friendship. I earnestly hope, Mr. Editor, that you will continue to enlarge upon this theme which I have so loosely treated. In another week we may have the news of the success ful laying of the Atlantic Cable, and I trust sincerely that it may ever bear messages of amity and good-will between the two peoples. Tho dynasties of Europe are tottering and tumbling about us ; the map of Europe will soon be changed. England may ride her ship of State amid these angry storms in peace. But let her remember that no alliance can ever endure which is not founded on mutual concession. Let her wipe out her indebtedness, committed as sho is, by endorsing Messrs. Alabama, Shenandoah, and Co., and then we shall have an alliance founded upon honest, sincere, and lasting friendship. Gresham House, London. T. RAWLINGS, F.R.G.S. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS TIMES.—We trust that Mr. Beales and his friends are satisfied with the success of their demonstra tion yesterday. They have succeeded in keeping the West-end of London in a state of disorder for a whole evening, in causing great damage to the Park, and in producing a dangerous riot, accom panied with serious injury to several persons. They have also made perfectly evident, what more sen sible people than themselves expected, that they have no power to insure the good behaviour of such a crowd as their proceedings were sure to bring together. The orators and their political sup porters did, indeed, retire after summoning Sir Richard Mayne to surrender his stronghold ; but the London " roughs," who came for mischief, would not be content until they bad prised up and thrown over the old railings which defend the Park on its northern and eastern sides. The Reforming host has had the honour of calling into active service for an hour or two a part of her Majesty's House hold troops ; they have shown conspicuously how useless such gatherings as these are for political dis cussion, and how easily they might p ro d uce ser i ous danger to the public peace. For the last week the working men of London and the provinces have been invited by placards to come "in their thou sands" and assert their right to hold a meeting in spite of Sir Richard Mayne. The assurances of their immediate leaders, and the instigations they received from other quarters, confirmed the various committees in their resolution to assemble and to make their demonstration, unless actually prevented by force. Against this purpose the Commissioners of Police have been preparing for the last few days. With their general arrangements we have no fault to find. It having been determined that the Park should not be given up to this monster demonstra tion, a large force of police and a few of the Life Guards were placed within the enclosure or held ready in the neighbourhood. Mr. Beales and the various leaders of the agitation were informed that they would not be allowed to harangue the people, and that, in fact, no assemblage at all for a politi cal purpose would be permitted. But it was a mistake, we think, to close the gates and to make the total exclusion of the public the means of pre venting the meeting. It should have been remem bered that there is no effectual means of keeping people out of the Park. It is easy to defend the gates, but it would take our force of police ten times told to man the whole length of the Park rails. If even the Park were defended by high walls, they might be scaled, but, as it is, the only obstacle to the entry of the crowd is an old rusty railing resting on a dwarf wall, and a few prises of a lever are sufficient to throw down several yards of it. When notice was given that the crowd was to be excluded by the shutting of the gates one could not but expect some such incident. However, at some parts of the Park all went quietly. Between six and seven o'clock one or two processions presented themselves on the southern side, and, being refused admittance, quietly went off. We are obliged to add that the multitude brought together was not of that decent and respectable character which the promoters of these gatherings would lead the public to expect. The processions did, indeed, contain a certain number of decent mechanics, and some persons who, from their dress and appearance, seemed to belong to the middle class ; but these were almost lost in a surrounding and interpenetrating mass of the coarsest mob. The great majority of the people in the crowded streets were the usual slouching, shambling man-boys who constitute the mats of the ordinary London multitude. Beyond, however, a great deal of groaning and hissing, there were no demonstrations of opposition to authority, and as the bands struck up and the heads of the pro cessions were turned eastward, it seemed that the Reformers would be content with their formal demand of entry, and, reserving the legal question for future trial, would go and hold their meeting elsewhere. But, whatever the wishes of their leaders, the break ing down the rails and the forcible entry into the Park were too easy for the mob to resist the temp tation of such a victory. On the northern side of the Park, where the meeting was to be held, the crowd gathered strongest, and while the police were ready to prevent them from entering at the Marble Arch and the neighbouring gates they simply pulled up the railings in Park-lane and the Bayswater-road, and made their way in. Attempts were then made, it is said, to hold meetings, and resolutions are said to have been carried, but nothing approaching to discussion was possible. For two or three hours, however, the neighbourhood of the Park was in an uproar. The streets were impassable. People had to get out of carriages or cabs and walk to their homes. The groaning and hooting of the police, who took it all very quietly, the rush of the crowd when once or twice a few horsemen passed through them, and the general blockade of traffic made the streets scenes of disorder until nearly dark. The occur rences of the evening show bow undesirable it is that these gatherings should be tolerated in the metropolis. When the Reform League summoned thousands of " working men" to a " demonstration" in Hyde Park they simply desired to make a dis play of numbers which should overawe the Legisla ture, and what they are pleased to term " the ruling classes." They did not desire to teach or discuss, for the multitude whom they expected to attend could not possibly hear the voice of any speaker. When it was announced that they would be refused ad mission to the Park, they gave orders that the pro cessions, on failing to obtain an entrance, should march to Westminster, where the Legislature is in session, and then back to Trafalgar-square, to hold their meeting. The whole purpose of these schemes is unmistakable. One excess leads to another. First, members of Parliament are hooted and mobbed ; then, houses and clubs are assailed ; next, we have a forcible breaking into the Park. There is even in the coarsest London crowd so much good-nature that. one need fear no serious disturbance, and certainly no act of savageness or cruelty ; but it is not at all impossible that, under the instigations which are evidently applied to them, these people may do something which will make their more respectable associates regret that they have joined in such de monstrations. With respect to the right of meeting in Hyde Park, the leaders of the agitation tell us they intend to try the question at law, and so we may wait to learn what one of the superior courts decides on the subject. Certainly, if the Govern ment have the right to prohibit field preaching or cricket on the ground that they interfere with the purposes for which the Park is kept up, it can hardly be maintained that any body of men have:a right to go in and do what they please simply because they are a part of the public. Whatever the law, it is reasonable that there should be restrictions placed on the use of the Parks, or, instead of being places of recreation, they will become simple nuisances. Parliament has endowed London with a number of these pleasure -grounds ; there is Hyde Park for the West-end, St. James's Park for Westminster, Vic toria and Greenwich Parks for the east and south east of the metropolis, Regent's Park for the north, and Battersea for the south. If political agitators did really wish to harangue m Parks, one would think they might be content to use those which are nearest to them. But. here we have the extremest regions of London placarded with invitations to the lowest class of their inhabitants to occupy a Park which is the ordinary place of recreation for the people livinc , in the west of London. It is against all reason and all justice that motley crowds from all parts of the metropolis should take possession of Hyde Park, and interfere with the enjoyments of those to whom the Park more particularly be longs. It is no infringement on the right of public meeting that the Parks should be kept for their legitimate use, and we trust that Parliament will support the Government in not abandoning this principle. HERALD.---The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave an unexpected interest to the supplementary budget statement which he had to make yesterday after noon by an eloquent explanation of the principles which will guide the financial policy of the new Go vernment. The figures with which the right hon. gentleman had to deal were comparatively unim portant. Mr. Gladstone had calculated upon a surplus of £286,000 after defraying the proportion of charge occasioned by his proposed conversion of permanent into terminable annuities which would fall to the current financial year. That surplus, however, is turned into a deficit of £209,000 by the supplementary estimates which the house is now asked to vote—£49s,ooo in amount, for nearly half of which, as Mr. Gladstone penitentially admitted, the late Government are responsible. The ques tion arose, therefore, as Mr. Disraeli observed, whether this estimated deficit should be covered by the imposition of a new tax—an expedient, he added, not likely to find favour with the house or the country ; whether its ultimate satisfaction should be left to the chance of an excess of revenue sufficient to cover it, and be supplied for the pre sent by a further issue of Exchequer bills or bonds --a recourse which the right hon, gentleman showed is,under the peculiar conditions of the money market, much better left untouched ; or, finally, whether the Annuities Conversion Bill should be dropped, and by the saving of the five hundred and two thou sand five hundred pounds which the operation it authorises would have cost for the current year, a surplus of two hundred and ninety-three thousand five hundred pounds be obtained. The Government have decided in favour of the adoption of the latter plan, and Parliament and the country will endorse their decision. Mr. Gladstone's scheme has never yet been fully discussed, and very strong objections are entertained to it by many high financial autho rities, quite as anxious as the right hon. gentleman can be that some systematic effort should be made to reduce the debt. The passage of the bill would have been out of the question, even if the supple mental estimates had not made it difficult to spare the money it requires. By general consent the order for the second reading of the bill will be dis charged. and we will hope that the increase of the revenue will leave the whole of the half-million still applicable to the reduction of the debt after the old fashioned and, as it seems to many people, the best mode of appropriating the surplus of income over expenditure to that purpose. Passing from this short statement of figures, the Chancellor of the Exchequer proceeded to express his concern that his first act as Financial Minister should be to propose an addition to the expenditure of the country. He reminded the house that four years ago, when the expenditure had reached its culminating point, he drew attention to its excessive character and urged its reduction, an effort which resulted in a pledge to Parliament from the Ministry of the day that it should be reduced, and which pledge the right honourable gentleman allowed had been kept. The principles which he had urged from the Opposition bench, with the entire concurrence of Lord Derby and most:of his present colleagues, would be the principles upon which he and they would act now that they were called to _power. Whilst deter mined to maintain the army and navy of the country in a condition which the needs and the duties of England require, the Govern ment will bear in mind that, in a period of specu lative armament like this, foresight is as important as zeal. Our financial reserve, said the right hon. gentleman, is of more importance than the boasted military reserves of which we hear so much, and by it England can afford, whenever the maintenance of her honour or the protection of her interests call on her to go to war, to continue the struggle until she has secured her rights and satisfied her honour. The principle of the Government will therefore be a judicious economy, not the negligence, inefficiency, and imperfection which have too often cloaked themselves under that good name, but the prudent and severe application of the national resources to necessary and useful ends, and to those ends alone. Mr. Gladstone could of course offer no opposition to the proposal of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to let his conversion scheme drop for this session ; but he intimated his assent in so captious a manner as to deprive it of all grace or merit. The original reso lution of 1862, in favour of a reduction of expendi ture, was, no doubt, proposed by Mr. Stansfeld, in concert with some of his friends below the gangway, and the resolution of Mr. Walpole was really an amendment, and not, asmight have been understood from Mr. Disraeli's speech, a substantive proposi tion first inviting the house to pronounce its opinion on the question ; but Mr. Gladstone knew very well when he dilated, with so much unction, on what he called the inaccurate statement of Mr. Disraeli, that it was the speech of Mr. Disraeli, that famous de nunciation of bloated armaments, which kindled the economic zeal, such as it was, of the Radicals of that day, and that Mr. Stansfeld's motion was in truth not so much a genuine effort to enforce the principles of retrenchment as a dodge to catch the Tories, and as was hoped to create division amongst them. Sir S. Northcote put the matter right in a few words, and the incident is only interesting in so far as it shows how eagerly Mr. Gladstone will catch at any chance, however slight, of damaging an op ponent. Mr. Gladstone, as is natural now that he is out of office, comes forward in the character of an economist. He has had seven years in which to show that he really cared for retrenchment, and has given in that time but the faintest signs of any such economic fervour. Forced by public opinion in 1862 to abandon the outrageous and wanton expen diture to which he had been privy, he has no doubt presented smaller estimates in the succeeding years, but certainly he has done nothing to justify that solemn profession in which he indulged yesterday, or to warrant the alarm he professed at General Peel's announcement of his intention to convert in the course of the next three years, at the cost of a quarter of a million per annum, all our rifles into breech-loaders. However, Mr. Gladstone's alarm is not likely to stop the Secretary at War in his ex cellent purpose. If there were any probability that it would, an alarm far wider and deeper than that of Mr. Gladstone and his friends would grow up. The nation has been reassured by the energy with which the new War Minister went to work to sup ply the army with breech -loaders ; and any hint as to an intention not to carry out these promises would excite the greatest alarm, and we may even say indignation. Mr. Gladstone professed even greater alarm at the discussion of last Tuesday, in which, as it ?vill be remembered, there was a pretty unanimous expression of opinion from authorities on both sides of the house of satisfaction at the re turn of Sir John Pakington to the Admiralty, and besides attributing to the right hon. baronet a de sign to at once raise our navy to a strength equal to that of all other maritime powers combined, charged him with having in 1859 wasted a large sum of money in the conversion of sailing vessels into steamers. Sir John Pakington showed how unfounded was this charge, and that the course which he took was the only course open to a Minis ter desirous of maintaining for England a fleet fit to vindicate her interests. If Mr. Gladstone is going to show his economic zeal by protests against all measures which may be taken by the Government to make our army and navy thoroughly efficient, he will find work enough to do in the coming ses sion, but it will not be work that will pay him as a politician. The country desires economy, but it will not sacrifice efficiency to economy ; and if Mr. Gladstone, after having neglected to effect real re trenchment by compelling an economic application of money in the different public departments, comes forward and preaches the starvation of those de partments, he will certainly get but few followers. The economy which the country asks is that which Mr. Disraeli has promised, and for which that pro mise and the character of his colleagues supply a sufficient guarantee. Extensive Swindling Operation. CANADIAN BANKS VICTIMISED BY A YANKEE BOGUS BANK- S2OO,OOO IN SPURIOUS DRAFTS ISSUED. (From the Toronto Globe, June 21.) The particulars of one of the most gigantic swindling schemes ever concocted on the other side have just been revealed in this city by the arrest of some of the princi pals at Lockport, N.Y., where several of the villains had retired to spend their ill-gotten gains, in the expectation of undisturbed felicity. The facts, as detailed, present a scheme so skilfully planned as might have insured success, but for the circumstance that their victims, once on the alert, were as sharp as the swindlers, and now, with the aid of detectives, have succeeded in bagging the greater number of them. About eight or ten months ago an establishment, styled the Canton Banking House, was started in the town of Canton, St. Lawrence county, N.Y. The persons engaged in the undertaking-30 in number - obtaining all the paraphernaliaof a legitimate institution, had made their business notice sufficiently public in Thompson's Bank Note Reporter, and took other precautions to en deavour to assure the public that they were on a sound basis. Meanwhile their swindling operations were set on foot, persons being despatched in all directions with drafts on the Second National Bank of New York, drawn by a Mr. Clarke, who has since turned State's evidence in the hope of escaping from the wob so completely woven around his confederates. He has stated that no loss than $200,000 is this worthless paper was issued, all payable at the bank named, where for a few days the sum of $5OO lay to the credit of one of the parties concerned, but that it was all, with the exception of $12.50, withdrawn a few days subsequently. The many agents of the concern here then flooded the country with this worthless trash ; $200,000 was a largo stake, and if they only won occasion ally there was yet a large percentage over the rewards of honest labour. In Buffalo a considerable sum was cashed, New York was slightly bitten, while even as far South as Kentucky and Alabama the rascals are said to have pursued their unlawful scheme. It is estimated that by this means fully $lOO,OOO of the waste paper was disposed of to the duped victims. Tho first intimation of the affair in Canada was made in December last, when Mr. 11. B. Forbes, broker of this city, was asked to cash a draft for $3,500 on the bogus concern, to a party representing himself to be a cattle buyer in want of money, and had been introduced as such by Mr. Palmer, of the Albion Hotel here. Mr. Palmer had been assured of the relia bility of the fellow only by a confederate, a man named Hezekiah S. Bennett, on whom the weight of the law is now likely to fall in full force as one of the principals in the affair. Mr. Forbes consulted the detector, found the houso ad vertised, and the party, a man named Toomis Willard, ap pearing to answer his own representations, he cashed the draft immediately, but scarcely had he done so when he thought something was wrong. Telegraphing to the bank ing house, ho only received an answer from an operator, stating that Mr. Clarke, the drawer of the draft, was in New York. This heightened his doubts to a well-founde d suspicion, and telegraphing to the Second National Bank, their presumed agents, he was informed that they had only $12.50 to their credit. He immediately went to Lockport, and on reaching there was informed that one of the drafts for $1,500 had been presented at the Exchange Bank of that city, and was about being Pa id the clerk having retired to obtain the sanction of the ma nager, when the operator, suspecting that he was detected, made off, leaving the draft in the possession of the clerk, who only then became aware of the narrow escape from being victimised. Mr. Forbes' visit to Lockport was almost on the sam e day, and he had just entered the First National Bank of that city when they informed him that a draft for 800 had been cashed, fully b e li ev i ng th a t it was gen uine. Th e doubts of Mr. Forbes changed their tone, and by the aid of a detective they shortly recovered th e f u ll amount. M r. Forbes, however, found Willard wo r th no thing ; but, af ter some trouble, succeeded in connecti ng B en nett with t he scheme—the former having bee n ac ti ng as Bennett's to ol, he receiving $5OO of the money f or hi s serv ices as "st ool pigeon," while Bennett retained th e li on ' s s h a re. The Wail C. E. Clarke, who has "peached" on th e rascals, appea rs to have been fully as guilty as the o th ers; but, not obtain ing his expected share in th e p ro c ee d s , a s well as fe ar of the State Prison, induced him t o reve al his schemein the transaction and help to b r i ng the oth ers to justice. Several other parties in Canada have lost more or less by the swindlers. Mr. J. W. Murton, of gamd ton; Mr. Patterson, of Port Hope, and others bei n g named. It is also said that the Bank of British North America at London has lost $l,OOO b 3 one of the parties having deposited a large sum there for collection, and obtained an advance to that amount. In Buffalo several extensive hauls were made, and Detroit and many sections of Penn sylvania were visited ith the same intention, in many cases successful. One party in Buffalo, a few days ago, recovered $4,500, an amount sufficient to cover all loss and damag e ' besides a bonus from a man named Chappel, the agent, negotiating there. A serious difficulty has, however, presented itself with regard to the two prisoners. Bennett and Willard, arre sted at the instance of Mr. Forbes, they having committed th: act in Canada, while the conspiracy to defraud, on whi ch they are held, was concocted in the United States. s t “ strenuous efforts will be made to bring the perpetrators of the scheme to their full deserts, and, if possible, th e y will be held to account for their action. The trial com menced at Lockport on Tuesday last, the arrest hav g been made a few days previously. COUNTRY MARKETS. NOTTINGHAM—Jury 21. The show of wheat to-day was moderate. The F ad e was very dull, at a reduction of is to 2s per qr. -' - ';;,1 was a short supply of barley, and samples were disP b ° :;. o of at Lite rates. The show of oats was middling, and, t "',, - 0 was a steady feeling in the trade, at late currencies. Be an scarce, and sold at rather over late prices. Old white wheat, 59s to 63s ; old red, 55s to GOs white, 60s to 63s ; new red, 54s to 598 per 36 stone. v s l - d; old, 32s to 35s ; new, 26s to 33s per 24 stone. Beans , ° a - gs 51s to 53s ; new, 48s to 50s per 38s stone. Fine flour, to 41s per sack. CHELMSFORD—JULY 20. -1,- ton was a very fair supply of wheat at man.° ~ t t O O day. Trade rather inactive, at a reduction of is per ta• the prices of last week. Spring corn was the turn 10 " - A few samples of new dun peas sold at 40s. 42s Wheat, old white.... 478 578 Peas, Partridge ...... 40S aos new . .42s 568 White ...... —. 32 E' ":-. old red 42s 52s Riling .......• 0 4 0 new. 41s 51s iDun.... ..... ... 38 ~..S Barley .. 25s 33s dit. o, new....-': 45s Chevalier -- 8 —s Beans, Tick, old --Au° IQs Grinding 25s 30s new. . - 38 a 40 Malt 58s COB Harrow i icks.42s 17 ~, _ . Chevalier 60a 62t ne w. ... 40s Oats •• 2Js 26s ..... Mangan . ..... ;36.15 GRANTHAM—JULY 21. efl Old white wheat, 54s to 595; old red, 51s to 55s ; , white, 52s to 56s ; new red, 47s to 52s p er 36 stone. it r ley for malting, 36s to 42s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 3 38 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 30s Per,,,, stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s; new, 44s to 46s per 38 6t °- Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER—JULY 21. Here to-day there was a moderate su pply o f wheat, and business could only be done at a reduction of is V' p e r vious rates. Prices of spring corn unaltered. Iv e a " still fine and forcing. An , 4 23 Wheat, white 543 583 ' Beans, Mazagan....•-y: 46 3 red. 508 548 Middle and small.-%'.° ilarley 34s 133 Peas, white. ......... 383 40 Oats ABERDEEN—JULY 20. There was little business doing to-day. Oats continue ending downwards. White — wheat ()Odd toto 4 4 5 5 5 s 0 0 ( 1 } 62/b 11 bus hel' 4 4 o o s s Rod wheat Potato oats 25s Od t o 25 s 6d el. Common oats 24s Od t o 24 s Gd} 40lb ? bush Bore 30s Od to 31s Od ( A o lb 71 bushel' Barley 32 s Od t o 32 s 6d) " a " " Oatmeal Flour, line 19s 6d to 20s Od Il b o ll of 28° Ib p : 36s Od to 37s Od ,3 sack of 28°' KIRKCALDY—JULY 21. A fair supply of wheat ; only two parcels of b arie ld and only two of oats. Wheat is cheaper. Oats wer e higher. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First 46s Od ' —a 61 31s lid k., eeond 47s Od I—a Od —s Od I Tiiird 4!s Od —a Od —s Od , t v . : 1 .: 1: COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. d, s. d. s. 6 Heaton Lyons ... ... 18 6 H e tt on L yons ' ...••••• 18 3 Walls End Hetton ... 21 0 K e ll oe Wylam 17 0 Keipe r G range ........: , 19 6 Eden Main East Hartlepool Buddle'sWestliartley 17 6 [ADVERTISEMENT.)—That the fearful annual mortalitYir 6',0.0 young childre n an d d e li cate persons of all ages WO:, arrested, if, instead o f fl y i ng b l i ndly to pills and me dielnl, which, though apparently relieving the patient, h asr , e ,•ti, reality no other t en d enc y th an th a t o f i ncreas i ng deb.. 1 ,4 and with it the clangor of life, we were simply to study 11 ,; 1, to increase the vit a l fo rce by i mpart i ng new an d pure Di u me upon which the harmonious development of the whole iavii depends, has been successfully proved by Du Barry's .`A„`" 1 ts lids' and I n f an t s ' F oo d , t h e Revalenta Arab i ca, sn';ll ~ thousands of cures annually. It yi e ld s th ree ti m es as r d easily assimilated nourishment a s th e b es t me at, 1"" fo pr. children it is the best substi u:e for human milic• Routh, physician to the Samar:tan Hospital for Womell Children—the best authority on ouch matters —in his adifuty able publication on Food, says—Amongst the vegetable P i °I , stances, th .t which comes closest t o m i lk i n its coMP°Bl„ino- is, without doubt, Du Barry' s R evalenta Arabica Fo od, L ' f laining both phosphor i c a c id i n a b undance and c hloride; potassium ; it also incl u d es case i n, the same principle Ohe. is found in milk in its cons) Anent part:. No wonder , O ct a l fore, that under its influence many children affected atrophy (wasting away of the body), and marked deb l , l 4t have completely rec overe d . I h ave g i ven it with t h e grealL., advantage in such cases ; and so far as I may judge troll:LT, own experience, practice fully carries out what the,T.f., from a knowledge of it s compos iti on, le d us to an ticips‘' l% In tins, alb, 2s 9d ; 21b, 4 s 6d ; 51b , lls ; 121 b, 22s ;_,40024 ; 10s.—Barry Du Barry and Co., N o . 77, R egen t- s t ree t, Lo'si4 s e also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King Willi am - s t re et ; at 61, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopeg°d. street Within ; 63, 350, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Strangsl, Upper Baker-street; 103, Tottenham-court-road; ,o 0 Upper-street, Islington, N. ; Har ve y, N o tti n g-hill; C I Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terra es cm , John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and mists.—Beware of spurious imitations. Births. LANGDALE—On the 19th inst., at O e lb r id ge , coun ty nj the wife of C. Langdale, Esq., of a son. vc righti MARKHAM—On the 21st inst., a t C owes, I s l e of - Mrs. Markham, of Bocca Hall, of twin sons. Oi l- RIORDAUXT— On the 23d inst., at 13, Victoria-road , - soy-rise, Mrs. Geo. Mordaunt, of a daughter. g. RAYDEN—On the 22d inst., at Weybridge, Mrs. " Hayden, of a daughter. Marriages. I TIO S't4 D OUGLAS — JENKIN—On the 21st inst., at c .., f .. ,listo— n Church, Dover, James Dougl a s S. Douglas, of ( -du v ier Park, in the county of Kent, Esq., a retired Conon t o of the Royal Navy, t o J ane S ara h, e ld es t d au ghter ° late James Joukin, Esq., Royal Engineers. j ob, REEVES —VANDELEUE-011 the 19th inst., at - 0 „ 1 , 10 09 W. C. Reeves, Esq., 0 6 rs co county Clare, Robert Dorothea, youngest daughter of Colonel and Lady Vandoleur. Deaths. A N IV. , BENSON—On the 20th inst., at 75, St. Paul's-1' 03 '7 Mr. Thomas Benson, aged 70. 4h W V ' CAPE —On the 20th inst., at Birdbrook Rectory, — e cittre ) Joseph Cape, M.A., formerly Fellow and Tutor of College, Cambridge, aged 72. tvlla' CUMBERBATCH—On the 20th inst., at Queen's Hous e, — of 6 hurst, the wife of Lawrence 11. Cumberbatch, sq•+ dauter. Ge r- FIELD— gh On the 21st inst., at 6, Eaton-place We s ' f f ,tglq giana Mildred, infant daughter of George H. Fi e ld, • and the Lady Georgiana Field. f the MAY— On the sth inst., Vice-Admiral James Man n ' e r 0- Dutch Navy, Port Admiral and First Cororaiss i°- the Dockyard at Amsterdam. riv lsosl NEWBERY—On tho 21st inst., at Sloane-street, " the Rev. Henry James Newbery, aged 75. OUGHTON—On the 19th inst., at Lichfield, CatlierTri'dge relict of the late James H. Oughton, Esq., of rettu" crescent, Bayswater. t, 1/°- RONEY—On the 21st inst., at 19, Gloucester-cresceri fisq• gent's-park, James, infant son of Richard C. 1 10 " 377 aged five weeks and two days. AN Elll London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AA-. No 114 of No. 112, Strand, Priater. at Tim SUN Strand, in the Precinct of: the Savoy,lin the " I° Bilddleem—Tuesday, July a, 1866. day din TI Ye tur &C. Wit xe da3 of t nee, or b tinp teet STI Sto ' An eler b 7( Iner , -ura, Di ns Year ,It Tcri .uko Fl op A 1 S I C o ul and 0 street THE SIN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 18N.