The Sun. — London, England, 1848-04-11 00:00:00

and published, there was some security against the in tention of the party being misunderstood, but what se curity was there in the accidental record of words spoken? (Hear, hear.) In the case of Winterbottom they had an instance of a man being punished for words he had never uttered. Then what was the meaning of the phras e , " Overawing Parliament?" Parliament was always being over-awed by public opinion, and it was to that circumstance they owed many of the liberties the People enjoyed. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had given way to that species of overawing, and the Nobl e Lord (J. Russell) had done so often. Nothing Could be more perilous than hasty legislation upon e subject like this.—(Hear, hear.) All despotic laws had resulted from panic. If any duty was paramount at this time it was that they should not widen the gull that existed between the different classes of the people. If there was ever a moment when the House was bound to inquire whether the national representation ought not to be enlarged, and whether something ought not to be done to redress the grievances of the many, and to place our institutions on that broad foundation on which alone they could rest in security, it was now. Mr. P. WOOD objected to the words "by open and advised speaking," but would vote for the second read ing of the Bill, reserving to himself the right of op- Posing those words in Committee. He considered that there was a marked distinction between the offence of Open and advised :peaking and the overt act of printing a nd publishin g the same words, and the law had invariably made that distinction, Mr. Justice )31acks tone, in referring to the crime of treason, said— " It was clearly agreed that words spoken amounted nn ly to a hi g h m i s d emeanour; f or as 'th e y m i g ht b e spoken in heat, or be mistaken, or per 'forted, or mis-remembered by the hearer; and as their meaning might depend upon ether words, or things, or even upon the tone in which they were uttered ; fact, nothing could be more ambiguous than words f a P ° lten, they ou g ht no t t o b e ma d e high treason."—,. ( Rear, hear.) The Bill of 1756 was introduced at a Period just as formidable as the present, and yet it did not contain those words.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed he be lieved it would be found that Mr. Pitt intended to have introduced them, and had drawn up a clause for the ,P ur pose, but withdrew it. That Bill, which was only temporary, was made permanent in 1817, during the period of the Manchester riots, and when a Minister presided at the head of affairs who was well known not t° have been favourable to popular demonstrations. He regretted; therefore, that the Government should have t liought it necessary to set aside that distinction which the law had hitherto made between words spoken and Words written and published, and now for the first time m ake the crime a felony. He would suggest that it S hould be made only a high misdemeanour, not bailable. fro ca ptain ARCHDALL, referring to what had fallen t h e Hon. Momber for Limerick, defended the lo yalty, of. the Orangemen of Ireland. They could not, he observed, forget the heavy blow and great discourage• went given them• by the Noble Lord opposite, nor that they had been one day lauded and the next day perse cuted by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam- Wor th.—(Cheers.) But they had, notwithstanding, re mained firm in their loyalty and attachment to her ?Nest}, and the throne. Between discontent and disaf Tection if there was a wide difkrence.—(Hear, hear.) And the Government would only act with justice to the Protestants of Ireland they might bid defiance to 10,000 Smith O'Brien's. - ▪ Mr. MUNTZ had voted for the introduction of the Bill in ignorance of its real character. Now that he had seen it, he should vote against it. He concurred in the P,ropriety of assimilating the law in Ireland to that of .angland, and would grant every reasonable power ne cessary for the protection of public order, because he was convinced that without good order there could be no re l h liberty.—(Ch eers .) B ut h e cou ld n ot consent that e or f e l any other man should be subject to the charge of felony for words alleged to have been spoken on the e vidence o f one witness, who might be base enough to swear falsely.—(Hear, hear.) a_ Mr. DRIFMMOND looked upon the simultaneous out weak through Europe as deeper than a mere political i t radY- • He attributed it to discontent on the part of e masses with their social condition—discontent, he ! I:li ght say, with th e p rov iden c e of God—(Cries of )—for as well might it be supposed that we could regulate the height of men, as that we could alter the constitution of society, and award to each a certain 17aessure of wealth. The disturbanc e s in I re l a nd a nd this country were but phases of th e ma l a dy w hi c h per !tided all Europe. The Hon. Gentleman, having quoted several passages from speeches by members of the Con vention in - this count r y an d t h e C on f e d erat i on i n I re l an d, declared.. th at nothing so overt had been committed in the year '9B, and that the question was not against this or that institution—it was not a question of a republic or a monarchy, but whether the whole institution of society should not be upset and perverted. The labouring classes of this country were deeply mistaken if they supposed that they would be nefit their condition by reducing the profits of the master manufacturers. On the contrary, their best chance of prosp er i ty was by increasing the capital of the m anufacturer. in lt was owing to the sentiments contained the extracts he had read to the House that he grounded the opinion at which he had arrived—namely, that there Was a determination on both sides of the Channel to alter the social condition of the country. But the man who told the people that by a new constitution of society they would be benefited only grossly deluded them, and Must be an abominable quack.—(A laugh.) The mai. who told them, as they were lately told, that if he had the charter he would double and treble their wages, only trifled with their distresses ; and in pretending to bring them a light from heaven, only brought them a glare from the bottomless pit. He was prepared togo further than those Hon. Gentlemen with whom he usually acted in that House, in thinking that they had done nothing they ought to have done to diminish the public expendi ture and lighten the burden of taxation on the people. '(Loud cheers from the Radical benches.) He thought .they ought long ago to have extended the elective franchise.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the same quarter.) He thought they ought also to have shortened the duration of Parliament—(Hear, hear)—and done many other things in reference to sub jects not now before them. He had only abstained from alluding to those subjects before because he did not wish to thrust himself into other men's labours, and with a because he thought that the task would have been undertaken by those who were much more competent -for it; but rather than suffer this charter to be passed off mere motion, which might amount to nothing, -- he would himself bring in Bills upon the questions involved. (Cheers.) Mr. Canning had said that the next war which would desolate Europe would be a war of prin. ciples and opinions, and he confessed that that was th e war of which he was afraid, and of which he saw the gathering symptoms around him. Mr. BRIGHT said that out of every seven grown men only one was represented in that House, and that, looking to the unfairness of the distribution of the elec toral power, it might be said not more than one-four teenth of the grown male population were directly re presented in Parliament, and his belief was that the best security to property, capital, and labour, would be found in diminishing the taxation and increasing the political rights of the people. This Bill proved one of two things—either that the Government Was getting worse, or that the people were getting Worse. After carrying on the Government so long Without this law, after all our boasted improvements, Were we now to introduce a new principle of legislation, when eeten Lord Grenville, in 1795 o r 96, h a d. b een Obliged to withdraw from the Bill of that day? - That Clause weeethen most strongly objected to by a relative of the Noble Lord now at the head of the Government, the then Duke of Bedford; and it was in defence of that Bill and that clause that a bishop had made his cele brated declaration, " that the people of this eountry ha d nothin g t o d o w ith th e l aws b u t o b ey t h em ."— ( r e ar.) He did not object to the first part of this Bill ; but he thought the House was in mistake as to what Would be it s p rac ti ca l operat i on . I t came b efore the S ouse as a mitigation o f p ena l ty; b ut t h at pena l ty, for the, most lead, could not be carr i e d i nto e ff ect; and t f aongh he denied not th e p ropr i ety o f substituting or capital punishment, one of a miner character, he believed its practical effect would be to punish m any men by transportation who could now only be tried for -sedition, and punished for a misdemeanour. If he understood the clause right (and its ambiguity was such he doubted if any one did', it meant that any one Who exercised • such " compassing, imaginations, inven tions, devices, or intentions, or any of them," should be liable to be charged with felony, and to receive the punishment awarded to that offence. He had yet to learn that it was wrong for any Member of that House to speak in favour of a different form of Government, or that it was a crime for any one, in or out of the 'louse, calmly and deliberately to argue the question whether a total change in the form of Government 'tight be advantageous.—(Oh, oh.) He advocated no Such change ; but in making a new law, and introducing a new principle, to punish an offence which was most difficult of proof, the House ought to be extremely clear as to the effect of this law. He thought it unwise to seek to extend such a law to England, because at this Moment their was danger in Ireland. lie would ask the A ttorney -G enera l w h et h er i t was not poss ibl e to i ssue a Special Commission for the trial of the parties charged _w i th sedition i n I re l an d. Th e comp l a i nt was that whi l st these parties were under this charge they were at liberty to go to France, or make other seditious speeches, before their trial came on; but if they were tried and convicted under a Special Commission, they could be immediately. Subjected to three years' imprisonment, and thus pre vented from spreading their seditious or treasonable opinions. This would be a much better course than to extend a new law and a new principle to the United Eingdom because Ireland was in difficulties . The Go vernment was pursuing a course unfavourable to itself and to the liberty of the people; and though that House Might not choose to deliberate long on the measure, the time might come when they might regret that they had not examined it with more attention. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he objected to the whole of the Bill. He rejoiced to find that English Members were at last rallying against coercive measures, doubt less owing to their own country being touched by this 13 ill. lie did not thank them much, for most of' them had said that if the Bill was confined to Ireland they would vote for it with the greatest pleasure.—(A laugh, and No, no.) The Learned Solicitor-General had assumed that judges and juries would strain the laws co nsiderably, and the Irish people had had ample ex perience of this. Parties were about to be put on their trial there for sedition ; and it would have been time enough when the existing law was found insufficient to have come to - the House after Easter, an d as k e d fo r a more stringent law. Most unwise was it to pro pose a measure of coercion at a time of excitement like ` Li s , —(Cries of " Divide.") „l s wy. S. CRAWFORD, who rose amidst loud cries of re l. Tide," complained of the injustice of the House in using full discussion to so important a measure. He ebt3tained. from opposing the first reading from _ acquaintance with its provisions ; but the more ° Aka considered it the more was he convinced that it I was unfit to be entertained by the House. . No man who spoke at a public meeting—none even who heard him— would be safe against transportation for life with a Bill so vaguely worded as this. What was meant by such expressions as " compassings," " inventions," " imagin ings," " devices," &c. ?—(Hear, hear.) He denied that even in Ireland was there any necessity for this Bill. The persons who had there infringed the law were about to be brought to trial. Let not the House, then, be be trayed into the error of legislating with the view to meet imaginary evils. This Bill would be in effect a repeal of the Habeas Corpus Act and of trial by jury. The best protection to the Crown and Government would be to redress the grievances of the people.—(Hear, hear.) The horrible spy system had evidently been revived in Ireland ; and he believed it had been resorted to in this country also. He regretted that those who had hitherto supported popular rights should have introduced such an objectionable measure. Mr. WAKLEY had hoped that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would modify the objectionable parts of this Bill. This was only due to the calmness with which a subject of such an exciting nature had been discussed; but no such modification had been consented to. The Solicitor-General had given his view as to the construction of one clause; other Hon. and Learned Gentlemen had done the same; and there was the utmost diversity of opinion as to what would be the operation of the clause. This was a state of things neither creditable to the House nor safe for the country. It was said that judges and juries would comprehend the measure; but if it was not understood by those who had manufactured it and introduced the words, how could it be so by others ? If this loose legislation were allowed there would be no security for the people who took part in political mat ters, and they would have great reason to complain of the negligence of the Legislature. The Honourable and Learned Member for Oxford (Mr. Wood) had put a construction on the clause which was as opposite as the poles to that of the Solicitor-General. Knowing what might be the operation of the clause, they ought not to allow it to proceed a stage further ; and his impression was, that he ought to move the adjourn ment of the debate. Whence the necessity for this breathless haste for the sudden introduction of a Bill like this ? There had been what he might call open insurrection in Dublin for the last two months, almost with the connivance of the Government. Men stated there that they bad resisted the law in a minor degree, and were prepared to resist it in the fullest manner. Pikes had been manufactured and publicly sold by auction. Only in November last a Bill had been passed empowering the Lord-Lieutenant to proclaim disturbed districts, and issue a special commission for the trial of offenders. That law, if carried into effect, would have been amply sufficient to repress crime ; but there had been a remarkable supineness in exercising its powers. Of what use was that law if it could not be applied to Dublin under these circumstances ? At all events, the people of England, because offences were committed elsewhere, ought not to be saddled with a measure which was not less a gagging Act than any of the Six Acts of 1819.—(Hear.) Least of all should such a measure be passed by a Government calling itself liberal. —(Hear, hear.) If the words were expunged to which objection had been made he would cease further opposi tion; if the clause so ambiguously and peculiarly framed were retained, it should have his most determined and unflinching opposition at every stage. No case had been made out for this measure. The present law had not been proved inadequate for the preservation of the peace. What had Government not anticipated? Their fears had completely overwhelmed them; they had expected a violent outbreak. Yet the monster petition had been presented, and, so far as he could learn, not a single case of common assault had occurred that day.—(Divide.) Had not the law triumphed?—(Hear, hear.) Had not the common sense, the sense of justice of the people who presented the petition, also triumphed.—(No, no.) It was an atrocious calumny on the people of this country to intimate, by accent or tone of any kind, that it was their object to commit outrage and violence. The Hon. Member for Bridport might exclaim " Oh, oh;" but it was a calumny on the people to accuse them of being lovers of outrage and violence, or of being prepared to commit them. They believed that they were deprived by the Legislature of their just political rights, and he believed so too.—(Hear, hear.) lie further believed that they never would relax in their just and reasonable de mands until those rights were conceded—a concession which would add to the security of property and of life, and would place the throne on a basis which would ren der it absolutely immoveable.—(Hear, hear.) When he heard of the condition to which the people of Ireland were reduced, and when they got nothing from that House but coercion Bills, he thought they were right to be indignant at such treatment. When he opposed the Coercion Bill, in November last, he could only gat twenty-two Members to vote with him .—(Cheers.) They were now in April, and where were the measures which nad been promised ?—(Hear, hear.) There was a Land lord and Tenant Bill; but no one could comprehend it, and its only object seemed to be to give employment to the lawyers. He believed that the agitators in Ireland were actuated by the best motives.—(lronical cheers.) Would they have the people to lie down quietly and die of hunger? He did not think that English Members would wish to allow that. He would suggest that the second reading should be taken without a division, on the condition that the Government would commit the Bill pro forma, and make what modification they could in the clause so much objected to.—koh, oh.) If the Govern ment persisted in adhering to that clause, he would give every opposition to the Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he could not, on the part of the Government, consent to accept the proposi tion which the Hon. Member for Finsbury was good enough to make with a view to a future consideration of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) So far from agreeing to that proposition he declared at once that he would consent to alter no part of the Bill when the House went into Com mittee.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman attributed a character of harshness and violence to the Bill which was calculated to mislead those who attended to his speech. The Noble Lord then explained the nature of the Bill, which he said was merely to make certain offences which were now punishable by death punishable by transportation, and extending the law, which was only in force in England and Scotland, to Ireland. He was not then going to defend the particular clause which had been objected to, because it would be opposed in Committee, and the Solicitor-General had clearly and ably stated the reasons why it was introduced. The Honourable Gentleman asked why they should select a time of excitement and fear for introducing such a Bill. It was on account of that excitement and fear, and the mischief which they had produced, that they were justified in introducing this Bill. He admitted to the Honourable Gentleman that excitement and fear prevailed. No person could have read the speeches in the newspapers delivered in this town within the last week, and in Dublin within the last month, without having cause for that fear and excitement. And while he relied generally on the support of this country to oppose such machinations, there was one great and numerous class of people who would be affected more than any others by such fear and excitement. He would not appeal to the gentlemen of England, because their high spirit would induce them to come forward in favour of the institutions under which they lived, and which had been the glory of their country.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the middle classes they were loyally affected, and there was no fear that they would be mis led by arguments addressed to their passions.—(Hear, hear.) It was the working classes who were more espe cially exposed to danger by this excitement.—(Hear, hear.) They it was who would be the sufferers by anything that would derange the peace and order of this country, and prevent the application of capital in those numerous undertakings from which profits and wages were derived. (Hear, hear.) If that were the case, was it not fit that they should en deavour as much as possible to put an end to this excite• ment, and endeavour to punish those who urged them to commit breaches of the peace, who urged them to levy war against the institutions of the country, and put in peril the welfare of those classes to which they addressed their appeals.—(Hear, hear.) If he were right in that supposition the Hon. Member for Finsbury, instead of opposing the passing of this Bill, ought, as a friend of the working classes, to support it.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Manchester, also, who knew how susceptible a thing capital was, and how its investment was stopped by any violation of the peace of the commu nity; who knew very well that amongst the new-fangled theories of the organization of labour, nothing was so valuable to the labouring man as that there should be a great number of employers, and that they should have large capitals in which to found their enterprise, and to call for the employment of labourers, ought to support this measure.—(Hear, hear.) If that Hon. Gentleman distrusted the objects that were put before the working men, in which they were told that by some future organization of labour they should be secured in plenty, and should have every comfort and almost riches—if he distrusted those theories, he would join with him in putting an end to those disturbing forces which were now agitating society.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to Ireland, on which subject the Hon. Member for Finsbury had reproached them, although they might have introduced a Bill on the subject of the relations between landlord and tenant, which they thought would be beneficial to the country, but which might not have given satisfaction, he begged to say that he did not think these matters were the great or main business of the Parliament or Government of this country.—(Hear, hear.) There were exceptions—exceptions which were sometimes justifiable, sometimes beneficial, sometimes even necessary. But those who could best regulate the relations between landlords and tenants of Ireland were the landlords and tenants of Ireland, and those who could best regulate the relations between the employers and employed were the employers and employed. So with regard to the other relations of society. They might at times think fit to interfere—(Laughter)—but he al ways contended that those cases were to be defended as exceptions for a particular occasion. That which was the main business of Government and the Legislature was to say that the landlord and tenant, the employer and employed, should be protected by the law as longas they respected the life and property of others, and that the law and the - arm of power would interfere against those who disturbed them in those useful, peaceful, and bene ficial relations.—(Cheers.) Such was the business to which Government and Parliament should direct its con stant attention—each as what society could not do for itself, which private individuals could not arrange amongst one another—such were the objects to which Government should chiefly direct its efforts. It was for that purpose that they proposed this Bill. It was to offender maintain s h a state ould fet p h e a a t c h e e a c n a d uld se n curity, the grand name of being a martyr o for of el longer g i h n escape t w re h a sicohn, the o under f which Apr ninde, capitalip if helpunishment—it aonfy go wouldgovernment, ye enocn could n le dn c ut was r doubt ush h ba e ttt p ot e ohm n r e a ahy l terylsi maintain at t b ai r e ntoe c dat foruuh c s ise e d i a t tmhi necessaryniosflmi Billc e t e n d t. as to the value of internal peace, and the necessity o f pr e s er vin g it, that which et..turrti , l to-day would show its vast hen. ht. What would be the state —not of the upper classes as they were called, but of the THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENIN G, APRIII 11, 1848 ► working classes—if those excitements to crime, of which they had seen so much, had been successful, and this o wn had been made the scene of confusion and blood shed?—(Hear, hear.) And, what was the state of the case when, owing to the staid, admirable, and magnani mous conduct of the great body of the people—(Cheers) —when, owing to the respect which the people pay to the name and authority of the law, to the attachment and love which they bore their institutions—when, owing to the respect and confidence which they reposed in those demonstrations of force which the Government had at its command, and which thus backed became more powerful, but which, without the assistance of the great body of the people could no more keep the peace of London than it had been pre served at Berlin, Vienna, or Milan—the peace of the metropolis had been maintained?—(Hear, hear.) This power had been quite successful. And when they contrasted the situation in which they stood with what it would have been had the event been otherwise, there was no man but must put a higher value on the peace and security of society, on which not only the progress of institutions but the daily comforts and even the daily subsistence of the great body of the people mainly de pended. He assured the Hon. Member for Finsbury that he would not be a party to the introduction of this Bill if he believed that the liberties of this country would in any way be infringed by it.—(Hear, hear.) He be lieved that the power of discussion, whether by the press or in public meetings, would be enjoyed as fully by the country, after this Bill passed, as it was now enjoyed. —(Hear, hear.) But, at the same time, he believed that some reckless persons would be checked in their career, and that, while those who rose in arms would be strictly punished by the law, those who excited others to such offences would be no longer safe in their impunity.— (Cheers.) It was for this purpose that he sked them to agree to the second reading of the Bill. If he was told that this was a coercion Bill for Ireland, it was the same as was proposed for England and Scotland, and he hoped with confidence that a large majority of the House would consent to the second reading.—(Cheers). Mr. HORS MAN rose to address the House, but the cries of " Divide, divide," preventing him from being heard, he moved that the debate be adjourned. Mr. HUME seconded the amendment. Lord J. RUSSELL called upon the House to hear the Hon. Member. Mr. HORSMAN then withdrew his amendment, and said he should vote for the second reading of the Bill, in the hope that the Noble Lord would omit that part of the measure which precluded " open and advised speaking." The precedent for such a course was afforded by Lord Granville, who withdrew these very words from the identical Bill—which then passed into an Act it was now proposed to modify. Mr. HINDLEY said he should be ready to support the second reading on the same conditions. The House divided, when there appeared— For the second reading 462 Against it 35 Maj on ty Sir G. GREY moved that the House do go into Com mittee on the Bill. Mr. AGLIONBY objected to the transportation clause of the Bill. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said that he hoped Ireland would be struck out of the Bill.—(A laugh.) Mr. HUME, believing that the Bill was an attack on the constitution, by which the Government would be weakened, and believing also that the Ministers were urged on by those who only supported in order to betray them, earnestly begged Ministers to delay the progress of the Bill, so as to let the country know what it really was. He proposed that Monday next should be fixed for the Committee. Sir GEORGE GREY urged that it would be a mercy to those who were now being goaded into rebellion to let the Bill pass as speedily as possible. If the House would consent to meet to- morrow at twelve o'clock, he would be content with committing the Bill pro forma, merely for the purpose of making some verbal amend ments. Mr. HUME had no objection to this course. Mr. J. O'CONNELL would not yield his precedence on the following day. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Hon. Member would be able to bring forward his motion at the usual hour of sitting in the evening, when he would have precedence. Mr. GARDNER said, that although he was a young Member—(oh, oh)—he appealed to the House.—(ob, oh.) He begged only to be heard.—(Oh, oh.) He would not detain—(Oh.) The cries of " Oh" at CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION. KENNINGTON COMMON. A portion of the followi ng a pp eare d i n our F ourt h an d Fifth Editions of last night:— A.I-Jout half -past two o'clock the waggons which had Previously contained the petition and the members of the Convention were drawn off the common and for warded to a li very stable in the neighbourhood. lV te else e s t ed elections have been boroughv ariouso f Lambethoccasions and con thatwhere, an d we are most decidedly of opinion the number of persons present on the common did not at any time exceed that which we have seen upon other occasions. It is a matter of congra tulation that the demonstration has ended so peaceably. Too great praise cannot be bestowed upon the autho rities for the manner in which they have carried out their a rrangements. There was not a single person connected with the police or military force present upon the occasion to offer the slightest disturbance or in duce the least provocation. A person on horseback, how ever, rode several times round the common, and informed the people in the most courteous manner, that immediately upon the meeting breaking up the persons present would be expected to disperse quietly and peaceably. We believe that not a single accident worthy of note took place throughout the whole proceedings. At the conclusion of the meeting on the common it was announced by Mr. E. Jones, from the waggon, that a meeting would be held to night at the South-London Chartist Hall, in the Blackfriars-road. It is satisfactory to state, up to the time of our going to press with this Edition, that no disturbance of the public peace has taken place. The demonstration has passed off as peaceably as we stated we believed it would, in writing our reports for the earlier editions of The Sun. Up to this hour it would seem that the apprehensions of an outbreak have not yet left the minds of the public, as the shops which were closed in the morning remain so now, with very few ex ceptions. It may be said with truth that business has been almost suspended In th e l eading thoroughfares of the metropolis during the whole of. the day. The special constables remain, with very few exceptions, at their posts, and many will not be relieved of their duties until nine o'clock, or even later, should any outbreak be intended. The conduct of the demonstration in not going in pro cession is spoken harshly of by many unthinking per sons, who no doubt would have been gratified had it been our painful duty to have announced loss of life as the result of what, considering the determination of the Government, would have been foolhardines s in the extreme. The proceedings in the Convention to morrow, after the " split" of to-day, will be more than usually interesting. PRESERVATION OF THE PEACE OF THE METROPOLIS. From the commencement of the day the authorities of the Home. office were in constant communication with the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police, th e Horse Guards, the Electric Telegraph, Mansion-house, and other public offices and authorities in the city of London and Westminster for the preservation of the public peace, and preventing riot and tumult on pre senting the Chartist petition. The extraordinarynuz ber of special constables who came forward on t occasion fell very little short of 250,000 persons of the most respectable class of society. The Lord Mayor was at the Mansion-house for the purpose of receiving com munications and acting as circumstances might require. The Royal Exchange was closed to the public, but formed a rendezvous to about 1,000 special constables and police. The Hall of Commerce was another resort for the police and constables under the direction of Captain Back and Mr. Bannister, the celebrated butcher to her Majesty. The South Sea House, Haberdashers, Drapers, Merchant Tailors, Grocers' Goldsmiths', and other City Companies, were supplied with a large number of police and constables ready to act. The plan adopted for the protection of the City wards was admirable, and the instructions given:to the City Com missioner, as to the respective positions to be taken by the officers under his control, who were distributed in different divisions under this superintendence, proved extremely convenient for communicating with the Lord Mayor. The gentlemen of the Stock Exchange, with their white ribbons round their arms and staves,:marched through the City as far as Blackfriars-bridge, and remained there until the information arrived of the breaking up of the meeting. It is most gratifying to know that the most complete preparations were made at all points for the protection of property and life. The police at all parts of the town were arranged in the most judicious and effective manner. The special constables, as a body, acted with perseverance; the_ appearance of the civil power is peculiarly English, and forms a re markable difference with all foreign proceedings ' com posed as they are from the peer of th e H ouse of Lords to the hard working coal whipper on the Thames, each defending his own liberty, property, and fireside. If it is possible to judge from the conduct of the citizens of London, nothing can be more certain than that rioters would very soon find out that they had miscalculated their chances of success in London. The health of the Queen and the royal family was drunk at all the public places by the special constables, arid the utmost loyalty appeared to reign throughout every ramification of the different departments. In addition to the above precaution, at an early hour four detachments of the PensiOners arrived by steam boats at Blackfriars-bridge. Two detachments imme diately occupied the end houses of Chatham-place, over looking the river and commanding the bridges; and the other two occupied the Royal Hotel and the Equitable Assurance Office. Bridewell was also occupied by a detachment of the Grenadier Guards. The demeanor of the troops and pensioners was admirable. They all evinced the most perfect steadiness and good temper. They seemed to feel that they were performing an im portant duty, and kept themselves ought of sight in the most unobtrusive way possible. We have reason to believe that the Lord Mayor and the Commissioner of the City Police had an interview on Sunday at the Home-office, with Sir George Grey and the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police, when final regulations were made as to the course to be adopted, and placed in the hands of the autho rities, and throughout the whole of Sunday night, the principal officers of the City force were occu pied at the several stations in preparation to carry the instructions into effect: Apart from the innumerable special constables, who assembled at the various wards under the Aldermen, and the greater part of whom was provided with staves and armlets ; upwards of 2,000 of the younger and more active " specials " were selected by the Aldermen, and placed in direct com munication with the City police under the Commissioner. This latter body had received instructions to take up positions at the Cross Keys in Gracechurch-street, the Royal Exchange, which was placed at the complete dis posal of Mr. Harvey, and Bridewell Hospital ; and as they mustered at the several places of appointment they were immediately marshalled into bodies of 100 each, an d again subdivided into twenties, and placed under the command of captains and sergeants of their own selec tion with inspectors of the City police force controlling the whole. At eleven o'clock the police and special constables marched in large bodies to the three bridges, and took up their station there, in immediate communi cation with the metropolitan constables, who attended at each in great numbers. As from previous com munications it was inferred that the Chartists would proceed with the petition from Kennington common to the House of Commons over Blackfriars-bridge, that station was the point at which the most formidable resistance was contemplated. It was generally believed in the City that the Government had determined at the latest council to offer no obstacle whatever to the assem bling of the people at Kennington-common, or to their progress from thenee with the petition to whichever bridge their movements might indicate their intentioirto pass over ; but that it was resolved that every resist ance should be offered to any greater number than ten of the petitioning body going over any bridge ; such resistance to be left, in the first instance, to the manage ment of the civil force, the military to be called upon in the event of the inadequacy of that power, for which purpose most formidable bodies of cavalry and infantry were stationed in the neighbourhood of the bridges, but out of the sight of the people, under the special com mand of General Brotherton. The wish amongst numbers of the special constables, who were thus crowded together in enormous masses, was, that those who caused so much annoyance to them, and such serious injury to the trade of the metropolis, might be " pitched into," and there were certainly not a few who expressed an anxiety to be engaged in inflict ing summary punishment. Most assuredly the arrange ments made by the city authorities were such as to justify a larger or nobler object, for it is scarcely pos sible to exaggerate the exertions and sacrifices which have been made by all classes in the city. The conduct of the police and the special constables will, we under stand, be the subject of a commendatory resolution in the next Court of Aldermen. It was a source of much gratification to the citizens to witness the cordial co-operation, and the absence of all jealousy, between the Metropolitan and City forces. The Com missioners of the Metropolitan police and the Commis sioner of the City police were observed in fr equen t com munication on Blackfriars- bridge during the early part of the day. MARYLESONE.—Yesterday the greater part of the day was taken up by the swearing in of special constables, and from ten till five no fewer than from 400 to 500 persons, the majority of them being of the highest re spectability, received their appointments from the sit ting magistrate. THE PARISH Or ST. MARTIN'S-IN• THE-FIELDS.— Yesterday morning, between seven and eight o'clock, the special constables of this parish assembled in the vestry-room, the Earl of Arundel and Surrey being the commanding officer. There were about 2,000 sworn in. They were arranged in ten divisions, under the com mand of captains and lieutenants, and patrolled the various streets throughout the parish, being relieved every two hours. THE PARISH or ST. JAMES, WES MINSTER.--The special constables of this parish met in the vestry-room adjoining the church. The Earl de Grey was chosen as their command officer, and the Earl of Eglinton was tho second in command. There were about 1,500 sworn in, the greater majority of whom remained in the church yard. About two o'clock, Mr. Osborne, the Member for Middlesex, arrived; and stated that the proceedings at Kennington common were at an end. Sr.GEORGE, Hanovna-SQUARE.--There were about 4,000 special constables sworn in for this parish. About eight o'clock, the Earl of St ra ff or d, the general, and the Earl Delawarr, the leader, arri v ed at the board-room of the workhouse, Mount-street, Hanover-square; atwhich pr sent. time a large body of the special constables w They were form e d i n e i g ht divisions, under th e e r of the Duke of L ee d s , th e Earl of Luaan,C. em Earl meni a nd the of Harrowby, Viscount Cantilupe, Colonel G riffiths, Mr Stokes, Mr. T. Dowbiggin, and Mr. Arber. The con stables were arranged in sections, and patrolled the various streets of the parish. WANDSWOBTIG—On Sunday Mr. Bedton attended to length completely drowned the Hon. Member's voice, who sat down for a moment, and then rose and moved that the House do now adjourn. [A desultory conver sation ensued, during which Sir G. Grey and Lord J. Russell urged the Hon. Member to withdraw his motion and speak to the question.] Mr. Gardner withdrew his motion, and said that ho had taken the course which he had done merely in order to be able to deliver his sen timents on the Bill, as he had not been able to catch the Speaker's eye. The reasons urged by the Noble Lord (J. Russell) were all against the Bill. He objected to the Bill as curtailing that freedom of speech which was one of the most essential privileges of the British people. Some violent language of Mr. Mitchell had been quoted as its justification; but, he asked, would Govern ment have cared for such language had it not been ad dressed to a people smarting under misery and injustice? —(Hear, hear.) When the people demanded justice, every delay was interposed; but when coercion was con templated, precipitation was the order of the day.— (Question, question.) He believed he was giving a vote in favour of order, and on Conservative principles, in opposing every constitutional obstacle to the progress of this measure —(Hear, hear.) Mr. AGLIONBY hoped that the suggestion he had offered in the early part of the evening, with reference to the third clause, would be attended to by Govern ment.—(The object of the Honourable Member's sug gestion was to make a distinction between spoken and written treason.) Mr. F. O'CONNOR wished for postponement, and grounded his request on the speech of the Hon. and Learned Solicitor-General. He considered that that lion. and Learned Gentleman's explanation of the de finitions of the Bill was most ambiguous. He (Mr. O'Connor) should give every opposition in his power to what he conceived to be a most unconstitutional propo sition. He conceived that Government had acted most unconstitutionally in tacking themselves to the Crown in this BilL Take a case. As soon as this Bill became law lie should raise the cry from one end of the country to the other of " Down with the Whigs." Would he not in doing so make himself obnoxious to its provi sions ?—(Hear, hear.) The Bill might check agitation but only to put in its place secret plots and conspiracy. There was no man in that House rejoiced more than he did at the way in which that day had passed off.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") But London was not England, and they did not know how their conduct would be estimated in the provinces. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said be had a motion on the paper for this day, and claimed precedence for it at the next sitting of the House. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Hon. Member's mo tion for the repeal of the union would come on exactly at the same hour, whether the House sat at twelve o'clock or not. _ _ Mr. HUME considered that the Hon. Member for Limerick had a right to precedence. With these views he should move as an amendment that the Bill should be committed that day week. Mr. WAKLEY seconded the amendment. The House divided, when there appeared--- For the motion For the amendment Majority A motion was then made that the House do now adjourn, upon which the House again divided, when there appeared— Ayes Noes Majority On our return to the gallery we found Mr. G. THOMPSON contending that the measure would not give security to the Crown or the people.— (Oh, oh.) They were now legislating on liberty of ihotight-Lon liberty of speech—a right that was not given by human enactment, and which ought never to be taken away by human enactment.—(" Oh, oh," and " Hear, hear.") They were making it felony by this Bill to deny the divine right of the Sovereign—(Hear, hear)—or to advocate the separation of any part of the empire. —(Hear, hear.) They were about to admit those who denied the divinity of the Saviour—(" Ques tion, question")—and they were now to make it felony to call in question the divine right of the Sovereign.— (" Oh, oh," and " Question, question.") He defied Honourable Members to point to one act on the part of the people that day, or previously, which evinced any intention or desire to commit an act of violence; and yet the Government had thought it necessary to make preparations of the most horrid and unexampled de scription for their slaughter.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh," groans, and other interruptions.) He was determined not to bear any share in the responsibility of the measure, and he, therefore, moved that the House do now adjourn. Mr. WAKLEY said the whole question was, whether the adjournment should be to " this day" or " to morrow." Sir G. GREY had no objection to say " to-morrow," if the lion. Member would guarantee that the Bill would be allowed to take precedence oa that day. But Wednesday not being a Government day, without such pledge he could not consent, and must ask the House to support him.—(Cheers.) The House then divided, when there appeared— For adjournment-- 24 Against it ait The Bill was order M ed jor y to be committed to-morrow (this day) at twelve o'clock. We were informed that, during our exclusion from the gallery, Mr. F. O'Connor was discovered fast asleep on one of the benches of the House when the Members re turned into the House from the lobbies. Thin circum stance was duly reported by the tellers to the Speaker, and the lion. Member was thereupon awakened, and required to say whether he voted with the Ayes or the Noes ? The Hon. Member voted with the Ayes, which provoked much merriment, his vote being, as we under stood, at variance with that which he had just before given. - The House than adjourned, at Half-past One o'clo c k, to Twelve o'clock to-morrow (this day). ABD-EL-ILADEB.—The Provisional Government of the French Republic has just given orders for the speedy removal of Abd-el-Kader and his suite to the castle of Pau. The Commander of the Engineers of that place has sent to a journal the following as the substance of the orders which he has received :—" The persons to be with Abd-el Fader are three oftis brothers, his brother in-law, and three or four near relations. Each of these persons has a family composed of one or two wives end several children, and each family has one or more ser vants. The whole number will be at least 40 persons.' this court for several hours, and with the assi,tance of Mr. A. Taylor, the chief clerk, swore in some hundreds of special constables. Yesterday Mr. Paynter attended long before the usual time, and was completely besieged by persons of all classes desirous of acting as special constables. The whole of the students at the College of Civil Engineers tendered themselves, and were ac cepted as special constables. LAMBETH.—Yesterday morning, at nine o'clock, Mr. Elliott, who was magistrate for the day, arrived at the I court, and shortly after a vast crowd of respectable per ' persons were i❑ attendance to be sworn in as special constables. Amongst the gentlemen who attended were 111esrs. Maudslay and Field, the extensive engineers in the Westminster-road. Mr. Maudslay, addressing Mr. Elliott, observed he was sorry to see in a morning paper that it had been asserted by some of the speakers at tht Convention that it was the intention of his men to join in the Chartist procession. This he (Mr. Mandalay) believed to be untrue, and the best proof of this was, that not more than forty of the men, out of upwards of 700, were absent from their work, and this number on a Monday wss not at all unusual. The whole of the parties in the employment of Messrs. Clowes, printers, in Duke-street, Stamford-street, nearly 300 in number, were also sworn in as specials. CHARTIST MEETINGS. MANCHESTEIL—A meeting of the Chartists of this city took place in Smithfield Market, at two o'clock yesterday afternoon. The meeting was convened by placard, ex tensively distributed, for the purpose of giving expres 4ion to the full and undivided confidence of the Chartists in the " National Convention " now sitting in London, and to express their determination to stand by the body. At the time appointed for the meeting the entire square was completely filled. The numbers present were va riously estimated from 20,000 to 60,000. Without ven turing to be exact in the matter, we have no hesitation in saying that it was decidedly the largest meeting held in Manchester for the last thirty years, excepting only, perhaps, the single exception of the memorable meeting of Peterloo, in 1819. _ _ . The chair was occupied by a working man., named WILLIAM GROCOTE, who briefly addressed the meeting, and enjoined order and attention to the several speakers. JA➢IES MITTAL, a working man, moved the first reso- ution, expressive of confidence in the Convention, and pledging the meeting to stand by them at all hazards, and under every emergency. He declared, and he should always cry for, " Up with the people, and down with tyrants." After adverting to the recent events on the Continent, he reminded them that they were assembled there that day to contend for the same principles for which Arthur O'Connor had been banished from his native land fifty-six years ago, and for which poor Henry Hunt had died broken-hearted. The speakers who had already addressed the meeting, and some others, then got on to another cart at some i n m_ Gn eE, speakingotßhoeuspAe distance from the hustings, and addressed the crowd, which was quite as dense, from both places at the same R a t en k Hetrph those furthest a n d is e lo b e back upon the Chairman, a read the resolution. come from the north, where he delegate H e e. from ssaid d t h h e e Irish h ad Con federation,just unanimity amrtgwthheitefiiiiends hadnrthweltncehsaserdtetrheamudtmtohset Irishmen E R n e g pe li a s l h e m rs e . n. an a d vea n he had addressed 1,500 i t u o w ce i a n se E n their 2;is n dexertionsand e there until asthae tc r hm en e p n, who vowed never People's Charter was a Thanks were the n voted to tnhaetioenhal a fla m g a f n o , r r n e d l a t n h d e . a me e ti ng meeting quietly disper se d. LIVERPOOL, MONDAY EVENING. —_A Chartistis called for this evening, at half -past Si x O'clock. The authorities are prepared for any outb rea k , and the fsepaercioafl constables are all on the alert, but we h ave no any disorder. BIRMINGHAM, MONDAY.—A meeting of the Chartists of this town, for the purpose of asserting " t h e right of the people to public meeting," was held this day in she People's Hall, Loveday- street. It was, in comparison with meetings of former days, very thinly attended. Mr. Baldwin, a member of the Towusualn character,pre sided. The speeches were of the combined with strong attacks upon the Government for the course which Sir George Grey and his col leagues were said to have adopted with regard to the proposed meeting on Kennington-common. A resolution expressive of the confidence which the Birmingham Chartists repose in the delegates they have sent to the National Convention, and to the effect that if they should be arrested by the Government, they would elect efficient successors, was unanimously adopted. All went off peaceably, and the assemblage broke up about half-past three o'clock. Another meeting is to be held this evening. The civil and military authorities are fully prepared to protect the public peace. Additional troops and two pieces of ordnance have arrrived in Bir mingham, and the magistrates were engaged this morn ing in swearing in special constables. There is no ap prehension of tumult entertained by the inhabitants, but still laudable caution has been evinced by the Mayor and other authorities. STATE OF THE PROVINCES. THREATENED DISTURBANCES. In addition to the very effective and successful ar rangements made by the authorities for the preservation of the peace of the metropolis, the Government, we are happy to say, took the wise precaution of preventing the diffusion of groundless and exaggerated reports and the creation of unnecessary alarm throughout the vari , ous parts of the country, by taking possession of the telegraphs, and prohibiting their being worked by pri vate individuals, by which, from mistake or watonnes , , the most mischievous results might have been produced. We are happy to be enabled to say that the information received from some of the most important provincial towns was of such a character as to dispel any appre hension of a disturbance of order. The following communications by electric telegraph were received by Sir George Grey down to half-past seven o'clock yesterday evening : From Liverpool to Sir George Grey:— " There is no truth in the statement about the rails having been interrupted or pulled up here. " St. Matthew's Church has been burnt down to-day by accident—overheating the flues. I send this informa tion to prevent misrepresentation. The town is quiet. A Chartist meeting is to be held in Queen-square this evening, at six o'clock." From Manchester to Sir George Grey : " All is quiet here at present. We see no grounds for:apprehension. Four P.M." The Secretary of the Midland Railway Company to Sir George Grey : " The meetint , at Nottingham has just broken up peaceably, and has adjourned until two o'clock on Wed nesday next." From the Mayor of Manchester:— " No meeting of any importance has been held here to-day. We have no excitement here, and have been quiet and peaceable throughout the day. There is no apparent ground for apprehension." From the Mayor and magistrates of Leeds:— " Monday, Six P.m. " Tranquillity prevails here, and the peace is not threatened. A meeting of about 6,800 people has just broken up peaceably. Similar communications have just been received from Bradford." From the Mayor of Liverpool:— " The meeting, consisting at the utmost of 300 per sons, has just peaceably dispersed, and the special con stables, consisting of the most respectable inhabitants, have been dismissed amidst the most enthusiastic and long-continued cheering for the Queen." THE LAW OF RIOTS AND UN LAWFUL ASSEMBLIES. (Abridged from the. Legal Observer.) At a time when the peace of the metropolis and of other great towns in the kingdom has been threatened or disturbed by riotous and unlawful assemblies, which have attracted the attention of both Houses of Parlia ment, it may not be considered inoppertune to advert to the state of the law upon this subject. All the text writers endeavour to establish a distinc tion between a riot and unlawful assembly ; but, when their definitions are scrutinised, and their correctness tested by their application to adjudged cases, it must be admitted that the boundary line between an unlawful assembly and a riot is not very satisfactorily defined. Without adopting precisely the definition to be found in any of the books, we may, perhaps, venture to suggest, that a riot is a premeditated assembly of three persons or more, accompanied or followed by some circumstances of a violent or turbulent nature or character, tending to create apprehension or terror; and that an unlawful assembly is a meeting of several persons, under such circumstances as seem calculated to en danger the public peace. To constitute either of fence, it is not necessary that there should be actual personal violence committed ; and an assembly (may be unlawful, although not accompanied or followed by any circumstance of a violent character, if it be a meeting for a purpose which, if executed, would render the parties rioters. A meeting may be riotous, whether the purpose for which it assembled be lawful or unlawful. In the case of the Queen v. Vincent, Mr. Baron Alderson is reported to have said : Any meeting assembled under such circumstances as, accord ing to the opinion of rational and firm men, are likely to produce danger to the tranquillity and pe ace of of the neighbourhood, is an unlawful assembly, to s d their viewing this question the jury should take into held, consideration the way in which the meetin gs the hour at which they met, and the languagw:deudsreedssbeyd the persons assembled, and by those w a ci nd rational them, and then consider whether men, having their families and proper ty fir there, a brea ch of the peace, have reasonable ground to fear such would as would as the alarm must not be merely frighten any foolish or timid pers a o b n le , b firmnessu t must be an s d uc c h o a u s would alarm persons of reason - rage." All persons joiningassembly of this kind, or to it in any way, are who give su pport countenanceor a n of a breach of the law. liable to indictment and gui l tyAt various period, w hen the public tranquillity h as been menaced or disturbed by meetings of a turbulent or seditious character, the Legislature has passed Acts to meet the supposed exigencies of the ti me b y the suppression of such assemblies. We prop ose b r i efly to enume rate the principal statutes now in force bearing upon the subject. Ono of the earliest Acts in point , of date, and certainly not the least important in its practical a pplication, to which we d eem it neces sary to allude, is the 13 Car. .11., e. 5, which, after rt citing the mischiefs of tumultuous petitioning, enacts, t h a t no person shall solicit the getting of hands or other consent of any persons above the number of twenty, to any petitien, &c., to the King or the Houses of Parliament, for alteration of matters established by law in Church and State ; unless the matter thereof shall have been first consented unto and ordered by three justices, or by the major part of the grand jury, or in London by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council; and thatno person shall repair to his Majesty or the Ilouses of Parlia ment, upon pretence of presenting or delivering any peti t on, accompanied at any one time with above the num . PARLIAMEN TARP DIVISIONS. _.,,,.._______ (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) MONDAY, APRIL 10. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. Order for Second Reading read; Motion made, and Ques tion proposed, " That the Bill be now read a second time :," —Amendment proposed, to le ave ou t t h e wo rd " now,",'and, at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day nix months :"—Question put, " That the word ' now' stair part of the Question." The House divided : MAJORITY —AYES, 452. Abdy, T. N. Ewart, William liul'‘rave, Earl Acland, Sir T. Ferrer, James I ]handy, E. 31. Adair, Hugh E. Fellowes, E. Mare, Colonel Adair, R. Shafto Fer g us, John " Napier, Joseph Adore, Viscount Ferguson, - Colonel Nieeld, John . Adderley, C. B. Ferguson, Sir It. eeld, Joseph Aglionby, H. Fitzpatrick, J W. ewdegate, N. Alcock, Thomas Fitzroy, Henry Newport, Visct. Alexander, N. Fitzwidliam, G. W. Newry, Viscount Alford, Viscount Floyer, Joint Noel, Gerald J. Anderson, Arthur Foley, J. D. 'Sorreys, Lord Anson, Colonel Forbes, W. Norreys, Sir D. Amon, Viscount Fordyce, A. D. Nugent, Lord Anstey, Thomas Forester, G. C. I O'Brien, Sir Lucius Archdall, Captain Forster, Mathew Connell, M. J. Arkwright, G. Forttscue, Chichester Ogle, S. C. Armstrong, Sir A. Fortescue, J. W. Ord, W. Armstrong, It. B. Fox, S. L. Ossulton, Lord Arundel, Earl of French, F. Oswald, Alexander Ashley, Lord Fuller, A. E. Owen, Sir J. Bagge, W. Gast ell, J. M. Packe, C. W. Bagot, Hon. W. Gladstone, W. E. Paget, Lord A. Bagshaw, John Glyn, G. C. Palmer, Robert Bailey, J., jun. G o dd ard, A. L. P a lmer, Roundell Baines, M. T. Gord on, A dmiral Palmerston , Viscoun Baldock, E. H. Goulburn, Henry Parker, John Barkly, Henry G race, 0. 1). Patton, J. W. Baring, Henry G ra h am, Sir James Pearson, Ch ar l e s Baring, W. B. G ran b y, Marquis of Peel,;Sir R o b er t Barnard, E. G. Gr eena l l, Gilbert P e nnant, Colonel Barrington, Lord Greene, Thomas Perfect, R. Bateson, T. Grenfell, C. Pascoe Philips, Sir G. R. Beckett, W. Grenfel , Charles W. Pigott, Francis Ball, Matthew Grey, Sir G. Pilkington, James Bellew, R. M. Grey, Ralph W. Pinney, W. Bennet, Philip Grogan, Edward Plowden, W. H. Beresford, William Grosvenor, Lord R. Price, Sir R. Berkeley, Captain Gwyn, Howtl Pugh, David Berkeley, H. • Haggitt, F. E. Pusey, P. Bernal, Ralph Raiford, Sir H. Raphael, Alexander Bernard, Viscount Hall, Sir B. Rawdon, Colonel Birch, Sir Thomas Hall Colonel Lord Rencllesham, Lord Colonel Reid, Colonel Blackall, S. W. lially Blackstone, W. S. Hals e y , T . p. Repton, G. W. J. , Blake, M. I. Ha m il ton, G. A. Ricar d o , Osman Blakemore, R. Hanraer, Sir J. Rice, E. R. Blandford, Marquis Hard cast l e, J. A. R i c h, Henry Bolden), H. G. Harris, Captain Richards. Richard Bolling, William Hastie, Al exan d er R o b ar tes, T. J. Bourke, It. S. Hastie, Archibald Robinson, George Bouverie, E. P. Hawes, Benjamin Romilly, John Bowles. Admiral • Hay, Lord John Rufford, Francis Boyle, Colonel Hayes, Sir E. R us hout, Captain Brackley, Viscount Hayter, W. G. Russell, Lord John Bramston, T. W. Headlam, Thomas Russell, Edward S. Brimd,lThomas Heald, James Russell, F. C. Bremridge, Richard Heathcoat, John Rutherfurd, A. Brisco, 31. Heathcote, G. J. Sadleir, John Broadley, Henry - Heathcote, Sir W. Saiwey, Colonel Brockman, E. D. Heneage, G. H. Sanders, George Brooke, Lord Henley, J. W. Scott, F. Brotherton, J. Henry, Alexander Scrope, G. P. Brown, H. Berries, J. C. Sealtam, Viscount Brown, W. Hervey, Lord A. Seymer, H. K. Bruce, Lord E. Heywood, James Seymour, Sir H. Buck, L. W. Hildyard, R. C. Seymour, Lord Buller, Sir. .4.Y. Hindley, C. Shafto, R. D. Buller, Charles Hobhouse, Sir John Shell, R. L. Bunbury, W. Hobhouse, T. B. Shelburne, E ar l of Banbury, E. H. Hodges, T. L. Sheridan, It , B. Burghley, Lord Hogg, Sir J. Shirley, E. J. Sibthor Burroughes, H. N. Holland, Robert P, Colonel Busfeild, W. Hood, Sir A. Simeon. John Buxton, Sir E. Slaney, Robert A. Cabbell, B. B. Hope, Alexander Smith, R. y. Campbell, W. F. Hornby John Smith, J. A. Cardwell, Edward Horsman, Edward Smith, 3,1 Tucker Carew, W. P. Hotham, Lord Smyth, John G. Carter, John B. Hope, Henry T. Howard, C. W. Somerset, Captain Castlereagh, Visc. Howard, E. G. Somerville, Sir W. Cavendish, C. C. Howard, P. H. Sotheron, T. H. Cavendish, G. 11. Hudson, G. SPearman, H. J. Cavendish, W. G. Humphery, Ald. Spooner, Richard Hutt, William Stafford, Augustus Ingestre, Viscount Chaplin,:W. J. Stanle y,, E • . J. ld Charteris, Francis Inglis, Sir R. H. Stalls fie ,W. R. Cholraeley, Sir M. Jackson, Willia m Stanton, W. H. Cayley, Edward S. Chichester, Lord J. Jervis, Sir John Staunton, Sir G. Christopher, It. Jocelyn, Viscount Stephenson, Robert Christy, Samuel Johnstone, Sir J. Stuart, Lord D. Clay, James Jolllffe, Sir W. G. Stuart, Lord J. Clay, Sir W. Jones, Sir W. Stuart, Henry Clerk Sir G. Jones, Captain Stuart, J. Clifford, Henry M. Keogh, Williara Start, H. G. Cobbold, J. C. Keppel, G. T. Sutton, H. M. Cochrane, A. Ken, Rickard Talbot, C. R. Cocks, T. S. King, Peter John Talfourd, sergeant Codrington, Sir W. Knight, F. W. Tancred, H. W. Coke, E. K. Knightley, Sir C. Tenison, E. K. Colebrooke, Sir T. Knox, Colonel Tennent, .J. Coles, Henry B. Labouchere, Henry Thesiger, Sir F. Compton, H. C. Langston, J. H. Ihicknesse, R. A. Copeland, Alderman Lascelles, W. S. Thornely, T. Corry, H. Law, Hon. E. C. Tollemache, F. J. Cotton, W. H. Lemon, Sir Charles Tollemache, John Courtenay, Lord Lennard, T. B. Towneley, John Cowan, Charles Leslie, C. P. Townley, R. G. Cowper, W F. Lewis, George C. Tovvnshend,-Captairt Craig, W. G. Lincoln, Earl of Trelawny, J. S. Cripps, William Lindsay, Colonel Trevor, G. Cubitt, William Littleton, E. R. Trollope, Sir J. Currie, Henry Loch, James Turner, George Currie, Raikes Locke, Joseph Tyrrell, Sir J. T. Darner, Colonel Lockhart, A. E. Urquhart, David Davie, Sir Henry Lockhart, W. Vane, Lord H. Davies, D. A. S. Lowther, Colonel Verney Sir H. Dawson, T. V. Lygou, General Villiers, Viscount Denison, W. J. Mackenzie, W. F. Villiers, Charles Denison, J. E. Mackinnon, W. Villiers, F. W. D'Eyncourt, C. T. Macnamara, Major Vivian, J. E. Dick, Quintin M`Naghten, Sir E. Vivian, J. H. Disraeli,tl3. , li`Neill, Duncan Vyse, H. Divett, E. 31`Taggart, Sir J. Waddington, David Dod, J. W. Mahon, O'Gorman Waddington, H. S. Dodd, G. Mahon, Viscount Wall, C. B. Douglas, Sir C. Ilanners,lLord G. Walpole, Speneer Drumlanrlg, Vle. March, Earl of Walsh, Sir J. Drummond, Henry Marshall, J. G. Ward, H. G. Drummond, Home Marshall, W. Watkins, Colonel Duff, George S. Martin, J. Wawn, J. T. Duke, Sir James Martin, C. W. Wellesley, Lord C, Duncan, Lord Martin, Samuel West, F. R. Duncan, George Masterman, John Westhead, J. P. Duncombe, A. Matheson, Alex. Whitmore, T. C. Buncombe, 0. Matheson, J. Willcox, Brodie Duncuft, John Matheson, Colonel Williams, John Dundas, Admiral Maule, Fox Williamson, Sir H. Dundas, Sir David Maxwell, J. p. Willoughby, Sir H. Dundas, George Melgund, Viscount Wilson, James: Dunne, Francis P. Meux, Sir H. Wilson, Matthew Du Pre, C. G. Miles, Philip W. S. Wood, Sir Charles East, Sir J. B. Miles, William Wood, W. P. Ebrington, Lord Milnes, It. M. Wortley, J. S. Egerton, Sir P. Mitchell, T. A. Wyvill, Marmadtiko Ellice, Edward Moffatt, George Yorke,:E. T. Ellice, E., jun. Monsell, William Yorke, H. R. Elliot, J. E. Moody, O. A. Young, Sir John Emlyn, Viscount Morgan, O. Estcourt, J. B. B. Morpeth, Viscount Euston, Earl Morison, General Evans,John Morris, David Evans, William Mostyn, E. M. TZLLEES. Tanen, iieitry Hill, Lord Marcus MINORITY —NOES, 35. Blewitt, Reginald Hume, Joseph Reynolds, John Bowring, Dr. Kershaw, James Scholefield, William Bright, John Lushington, C. Scully, Francis Callaghan, D. Hagan, w. H. Smith, John B. Cobden, Richard Meagher, Thomas Strickland, Sir G. Crawford, W. S. Moore, George H. Sullivan, Michael Devereux, J. T. Mowatt, Francis Thompson, Colonel Fagan, William Muni.; G. F. Fox, R. M. O'Brien, W. S. W akiea Fox, W. J. O'Connell, Joh n Gardner, Richard Osborne Ralph Grattan, Henry Power, Dr. Greene, John Power, Nicholas .----WlmsYleyT, Thomas Fox, TELLERS. O'Connor, Feargus Thompson, George WILSON'S SCOTTISH ENTER TAINMENTS IN ABERDEEN. If the attendance at public amusements were to be taken as a criterion of general prosperity, we would conclude that never was Aberdeen so flourish ing as at the present moment, for never were concerts so numerously attended, as were Mr. Wilson's entertainments on Thursday and Friday last. We must attribute this, however, rather to the high talents and great popularity of this eminent vocalist, and to the very attractive nature of his en tertainment. Mr. Wilson was in excellent voice, and we certainly never heard biro sin g with greater effect, nor listened to him with greater de a number were a 0 of m e de light. On this occasion too, in addition to a choice selection of old and established favourites, he in atrmoodnugcedw which b enter tainment, from the works of Sir Walter Scott, y which ho has this season gathered fresh laurels e in the metropolis. Among these may be mentione d the serenade, "Love wakes and weeps," from new to us 8 0 ° f ngs the en ge ti m re s ly Pirate, a graceful, flowing melody, with an as of his accom paniment in imitation of a guitar, exactly such under the window of Minna Troll. The . spirited we might suppose Cleveland to have played and sun ballad of " Young Lochinvar" was given with great spirit; and to a fine sparkling d thatcar hy _Mr•lrilson nielo y as' this bal. Tied the singer glibly through the story, S. substituted the ballad of "Alice Brand," The Lady of from the audience, lad is, it was rapturously encored; but Mr. W ilson kindly the Lake, which afforded a high treat of the Lake, must be my bed," also from The Lady/ is a sweet melody in the Scottish style, and le, highly so dramatically was it given. " The He to ath this night Of W i lson 's perform ancesuitable to the words. n both evenings, ballad, "Lord Ul daed the strongest proof of lin' s daughter, " g hCtae Cam pbell's , the tears of the audience afforded and of Wilson's success in pbe w ll h 's ieh be h au e tif a u O l ng the effect it produced on thetn,n admirably seconded in the adapting it to music. 0 forte player, and enters Mr. Jolley, who is a " pl . ayed by his new coadjutor, descriptive accompanime n t , played heartily into the spirit of t accompanied. Did our limits was never before so well . ac t c pianoforte various songs. Mr. Wilson permit, We cannot omit, which were highly effec e i admirable manner in however, to record th "Does haughty Gaul which Burns' fine song, and the heartiness, with we might po i n t out o v u e. t many other songs invasion threat" was g Though i t wa s th e last song, sen timents it contains. Altogether: the it was enthusiastically encored.musical and ' 1 entertainments afforded a high mental which the audience responded to the patriotic ' sen of the new hall. Many assembled within the wallsto withdraw without being parties were compelled and much regret was felt that treat to - the most crowded audience that wasi ever able to gain admittance ; have been equally we have no doubt would ha Lord Pan re success ful. But being engaged to v is it a , d he was unable u at to Mr. Wilson could not give another _ entertainment, which Brechin Castle on the following day , d • ma e to him to orth of Scotland Gazette, prolong his stay in Aberdeen. — April 4. comply with the numerous reisques o. It ------ The Observer of Sunday, April 9, gavetaed twelve folio folio columns of Chartist movements, including upwa r d s of three columns of the Saturday proceedings of th e National Convention. Mr. Feargus O'Connor's speech l a a t t e l e s n t g t p h a , r p t i r e e n p l n a r r e a t io of n st the the e n G d o e v d e rdnemmen, nstration may be asked, why is the Observer enabled on every po pular occasion to do so much better than other jou rna l s ? The reply is, that the establishment of the Obse rver i s , equal t o th a t o f a ll the other Sunday papers p ut toge ther; so far as regards editors and reporters, the Ob server is o n an equa lity w ith nearly all the daily newspapers. The Obse rver g ave a column of Saturday's pr ocee di ngs at a meeti ng of surveyors at Freemason's Tavern Saturday's Marylebone Vestry, &c. &C.—Pric e o f the Observer 6d. Monday's edition at Four Monday after noons. FOREIGN HONEY.—A vessel arrived from Cuba has brought upwards of two hundred tasks of ho ne t h e produce oi that place. This Of honey from the foreign West India island mentioned is a remarkably large keportatioa of the article. ber of ten p ,, rsons, upon penalty for each offence not - e ceeding 1001. and three montheimprisonment ; such °genet' to be prosecuted in the King's Bench, or at the assizes of quarter sessions, within six months, -and proved by Who credible witnesses. It was contended in Lord George. Gordon's case (Doug. 571), that this statute was im— pliedly repealed by the Bill of 'Rights, which declares.. " all commitments and prosecutions for petitioning: illegal ;" but Lord Mansfield said, it was the unanimous. opinion of the Court of Queen's Bench that the 13th. Car. 2 was in full force.: Perhaps the next statute in. order and importance is the Ist of George 1., statute 2,. c. 5, which is generally known as the Riot Act. It perhaps, scarcely necessary to add, that, although read ing the Riot Act, as directed under this statute, renders offences liable to more severe penalties, the meeting may be riotous and illFgal at common law, without reading any proclamation, and without any reference to the Riot Act. The next statute in point of order is the 39th of . George 111., cap. 79, against secret societies, which, . after declaring that certain societies named shall be - suppressed, proceeds to declare societies, the members of which take unlawful oaths, or where the names of the members shall be kept secret, or where there are divisions or branch societies, unlawful ; and persons corresponding with such societies, or aiding them, are declared to be guilty of an unlawful combination and confederacy. The 57th George 111., C. 19, contained many enact ments of a temporary character, together with provisions of a different nature, still in force. The 25th section declares, that societies taking unlawful oaths; &c., and electing committees or delegates, shall be deemed unlawful combinations and confederacies, and (by section 28) persons permitting unlawful meetings of such societies, or of any division or committee of them, to be held on their premises, are subject to a penalty, and, if licensed, to be deprived of their license. The 60 Geo. 111., and 1 Geo. IV., c. 1, prohibits meetings and assemblies for the purpose of training, drilling, or practising military exercise without lawful authority, &c. The latest of the statutes to which we deem it neces sary to call attention, is the ith and Bth Geo. IV., c. 30, which enacts (by section 8), that persons riotously assembled, and unlawfully demolishing, destroying, or pulling down, or beginning to demolish, &c., any church, chapel, house, b u ildi ng use d in trade or manfacture, or machinery proposed for or employed in any manufacture or mine, shall be guilty of felony, and suffer death as a felon. The beginning to pull down, as mentioned in the Act, means a demolition of a part with intent to demolish the whole ; and it seems it must be proved that some part of the freehold was destroyed ; and it is not enough to prove that witrdow-shutters or doors were demolished. Attempting to destroy a house, by setting fire to it, is within the Act. Under this Act (by sec. 26), principals in the second degree and acces sories before the fact, are punishable in the same manner as principals in the first degree; and accessories after the fact are liable to be imprisoned for any term not exceed ing two years. The statutes above briefly enumerated, and others of • more ancient date, to which it does not seem so necessary to direct attention, are merely in aid of the common law, which authorises proceedings, not only by magistrates, iheriffs, peace officers, constables, and others, but by private persons, for restraining and suppressing riots. llagistrates are, of course, peculiarly required and expected to restrain riots and take the rioters into custody, and for this purpose they may call upon any or all of the Queen's subjects to assist them, which they are bound to do upon reasonable warning. The duties of private persons, as well as of public officers, in cases of this nature, were stated with much ability and precision by the late Learned Chief Justice Tindal, in his well-known address to the Bristol grand' jury, after the riots of 1831. [lt is this Act which is referred to in tho Police Commissioners' notice, issued on Thursday.] UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. CAUBRIDGE, APRIL 8. —The gold medals given an nually by the Chancellor of the University to the two commencing Bachelors, who having obtained the degree of Senior Optime, at least prove themselves the greatest proficients in classical learning, were this day awarded Chas. Brodrick Scott, Trinity College. 2. Brooke 'rost Westeott, Trinity College. Old Trinity has, since the institution of these prizes, in 1751, an immense majority over the other colleges in the number of its scions who have borne them away, and among whom may be found some of the brightest ornaments of the University, and their respective eras. h J a o v s e ep b h een Ne el v e i c ll t e ed White, schol an arso d f Charles c u i j e sa t ym.. es COLLEGE.C:arr": The Rev. W. Dickson, 8.A., 1846, has been presented to the perpetual curacy of Goostrey, county Chester. CATHARINE HALL.—The Rev. Thomas Henry Lister, 8.A., 1847, has been appointed to the living of Ludding ton, Lincolnshire. CHRIST COLLEGE. - The Fellows of o'4:lt College have agreed to and presented an address of congratula ti)n to Dr. Graham (master) on his promotion to the bishopric of Chester. The Bishop's reply has Since been received and read in the College Hall. - - ROYAL THAMES YACHT CLUB At the monthly meeting of this club, on Thursday night, the members were occupied until a very late hour in making alterations in the club laws, and other matters - of interest to the yachting world; Lord A. Paget took the chair. After the transaction of some routine business, in the course of which Mr. Wheeler, the treasurer, communi cated the gratifying intelligence that the club lied upwards of 275/. .in hand, besides 5001. vested inAhe Consols, Lord A. PAGET briefly explained that in consequence of a larger class of vessels having been rendered eligible to contend in their future matches, it had been found:; necessary to make considerable alterations in conformltY: with the new arrangement, in the club laws. The sail= ing committee had bestowed great attention upon glue matter, and had suggested the alterations which he wits about to submit to their consideration. The Commodore (Lord Alfred) then went throuat the whole of the laws, which it had been found necessary to revise, putting each to the vote separately, afte? affording every gentleman an opportunity of expressing his opinion. Thera was, however, but very little discus sion, and very trifling alteration, the whiste having been so admirably framed, as to meet with general approval. The substance of the alterations are xs' follow: —ln accordance with the vote of the special meeting, con vened about a fortnight ago, the maximum tonnage of yachts eligible now to sail for ctub prizes is increased from 25 to 50 tons, half a minute time being allowed. The value of the prizPoe. the first class is 801. The second class consists of , yechts from 12 to 25 tons, the prize being 601. The third class consists of those under 12 tons, and the prize for which is 301. In neither of the two latter is there any time allowed to compensate for deficiency of tonnage. Should a boat of the second class come in ahead of all those of the first class it will receive the most valua ble prize, and in that case, the first of the largest boats which comes in after it, will take the price intended for the second class, the same rule will apply with reference to the third and second class, unless there are four of the first and three of the second classes enter, and two start, the prize for that class will not be given. Should it occur that from this reason there is no race with the largest class, then there will be a prize, value 30/., given as a second prize for the second class, provided five enter and start. With respect to the small class (under twelve tons) if two enter and start, the prize will be given. • It was also determined that the Strangers' Prize be increased to 1001., open to all yachts belonging to Royal Yacht Clubs, and instead of being limited to .50 tons, half a minute per ton being allowed for difference of tonnage ; vessels of any size to contend. The first Match of the season was appointed for Monday, the 29th of May. Entries to close a week previously. FIRE AND EXPLOSION.--EIGHT HOUSES BURNED. —Yesterday morning; - fearft7lfiTe, Con siderable destruction of valuable property , of .... .J. shortly after three o'clock, uponthepremo.s33, Goewell street,nar R. Kendall, co ff ee-shop-keeper, situate N attended broke with o ut confine the flames to the premises then extensive back ware houses Clerkenwell. The firemen e x erted hen themselves h se u l t v . e t s he t y o speedily communicated with the to M th r e and drysalter. To this property and lofts belonging n were there engaged were carried, and whilst the character,fireme which blew the roof S h c e h s e e l e e n f c t k h e e r , enginesoi lm an an explosion of a terrific dhouses to their founda tionslencker's off, and shook the surround ing inflammable • ted of articles of . . warehouse cons isted the l 1 M m r o; t 8 che f turpentine, oils, saltpetre, spirits o occurred. The stock 9f in g g oodsi character, such as t such a powerful auxiliary t o th e fi re with the swiftness of lightnin g , an d the h ous e occupied by Mrs. Flemming, milliner, No. 34, i n the same stree t, n ext became ignited ; f rom thence the . that i i which travelled proved w ork of destruction extended to the premises in the in of every ex er ti on the flames of occupancy Mr. Bobblett, pr e p arer of engravers' wood, a nd spi te pene trated the premises in the occupation of Mr. John Cherry, carman, in Middle-row. This property con tained an immense quantity of timber in its construction, which made the fire progress with still greater vehe mence. The whole of the firemen continued to labour for some hours, when they at length got the mastery over the flames, but not until the majority of the above houses were nearly destroyed. KING'S COLLEGE HOSPITAL.—On Sunday morn ing a sermon in aid of the funds of the above charity was preached by the Right Rev. Lord Bishop of Lichfield at St. John's Church, Clapham-rise. In the course of a very eloquent appeal, the Reverend Prelate warmly advocated the interests of the charity (which since the foundation in 1840 had distributed its manifold blessings to upwards of 106,250 destitute creatures), and at the conclusion of Divine service a collection was made amountin g to 59L 9s. THE UNEMPLOYED IN GLASGOW,—We regret to learn that the list of unemployed is increasing, and the total who have enrolled now amount to upwards of 2,400, with the usual average o f d ependents. Of t h ese , perhaps, a half have been set to stone breaking, weaving, railway work, &c., and the remainder are assisted by daily rations of soup and bread. A large number who have no claim on the city have been sent to Ireland. Generally speaking, tho patience and endurance of these poor people are above all praise ; but a feri of them have resorted to the plan of holding meetings and speechify ing on the Green, with no sane attempt that we can discover. After what has already occurred, the authorities have wisely resolved to put down these assemblages, which gather round them all the thieves and vazabonds in the city.—Glasgow Herald. ARRIVAL OP SPECIE.—The steam-ship Columbine, from Havre, has brought two boxes of igold coin, ad dressed to two individual firms in the metropolis.