The Sun. — London, England, 1848-07-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE O. LORDS, July 22. The House sat this afternoon, shortly after Four o'clock, for the purpose of giving the Royal Assent to the following 70 public and private Bills: Consolidated Fund. Poor Removal. Commons Inclosure. Game Certificate for Killing Hares. Certificate for Killing Hares (Scotland). Imprisonment for Debt (Ireland). County Cess (Ireland) Appeal in Civil Cases (Dublin). Truro Turnpike Roads. Dundee and Perth Railway (Dundee Junction). Drumpeller Railway. Arbroath and Forfar Railway (Additional Capital). York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (Deviation, and Abandonment of part of the Thirsk and Mahon Branch). Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Branch from Melmerby to Nortballerton, and Junction with the York and New castle Railway). Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Alteration of Level of Leeds and Hartlepool Railway on Eaglescliffe, Stockton, and Preston). Manchester South Junction and Altrincham Railway. Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton Railway (In crease of Capital—No. 1). Whitehaven Junction Railway. Waterford and Kilkenny Railway Act Amendment. East Lincolnshire Railway. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Junc tion with the Midland: Railway, via Barnsley, and Branches therefrom). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Station Approach at Manchester). South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment (Extension to Pennistone and Alteration of Dod worth Branch). North Staffordshire Railway (Deviation at Wellington). Aberdeen Railway (Additional Capital). Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Harrogate and Pateley Branch). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Cross ing of Sheffield-street in Manchester). Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway (No. I—Amendment of Acts and Branches). Leeds Central Railway Station. Scottish Midland Junction Railway (Amendment and Branches to Birnam). Caledonian Railway (Branches connecting the Clydes• dale Junction and Wishaw and Coltness Railway). Great Western Railway (Extension of the Berks' and Hants Railway from Hungerford to Westbury, with Branch to Devizes.) Windsor and Staines and South-Western Railway Act (No. 1, 1847—Deviations). MiCand Great Western Railway of Ireland-(Devia tions on the Line from Mullingar to Athlone). Bristol and Exeter Railway (Branch from Bleadon to Wilts, Glastonbury, and Street). Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock Railway (Amendment and Branches). Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway (Relinquishment of Line between Omagh and Enniskillen). Whitehaven Junction Railway (Extension, Alteration, and Branches). York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway (Great North of England, Clarence, and Hartlepool Junction). Bristol and Exeter Railway (Taunton and Castle Cary Branch). North Staffordshire Railway (Ashbourne Branch). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock and Ayr Railway (Ref sion of Maximum of Tolls). Exeter, Yeovil, and Dorchester Railway, and Branches. Manchester, Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway (Ashton Canal Purchase). Salisbury and Yeovil Railway, Midland Railway (Branch to Ripley). London and South-Western Railway Company, and Southampton and Dorchester Railway Company Amalgamation. Lo-don and Blackwall Railway (Improvements and Bra.lches to the St. Katherine and London Docks). Chester and Holyhead Railway (Power to Purchase). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway. Humber Ferries Improvement at Hull and New Holland. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Sta tion at Sheffield and Branches to Sheffield Canal). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Shef field Canal Purchase). Plymouth Great Western Dock Act Amendment. Mersey Navigation (Amendment of Acts). Dover Harbour. Bnrntisland Harbour Improvement. Hemsdale, Little Ferry, and Leek Roble Harbour. Chester Cemetery. Manchester Water Works Amendment. Leeds Improvement Act Amendment. Patent Galvanized Iron Company. Middle Level Drainage Act Amendment. Lowe's Patent. Scottish Provident Institution. Dublin and Mullingar Turnpike Road. Tadcastgr and Halton Deal Road. Philanthropic Society Charity Estate. Esdaile Orphan Working School Charity. Rawlin's Estate and Herrick's Estate. The Lords Commissioners were the Earl of Shaftes bury, Lord Campbell, and Earl Granville. the conclusion of the Commission several Bills were brought from the Commons, the Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned shortly before five o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 22. STATE OF IRELAND. (Continued frost our Afternoon Edition of Saturday.) Lord J RUSSELL—The confederate clubs have been making great progress in forming; they are in fact secret, and no person is admitted who is not a member of these clubs. The general object which has been held out to them is that they are to overturn the Government—that they are to procure arms for that purpose—that nothing is wanting but the day and the hour to be fixed by their leaders in order to carry into effect that fatal and dreadful revolution.—(Hear, hear.) In the beginning of a letter which I have received from the Lord-Lieutenant to-day, he says,"he has nothing satis - factory to say; the accounts from the country are as bad as they can be, short of open rebellion; everybody concurs in saying that an immense change has taken place within the last few weeks in the opinions of the Irish people upon the subject of repeal." What was not formidable two months ago has now become formidable, and I agree with the gentle man whom letter I have read, that we may put down these people in the end, but before that could be effected much life and property would be sacrificed, and we shall have cause to reproach ourselves if we take not some measures in order, if possible, to prevent an outbreak from taking place, and preventing the leaders from taking means for the purpose of opposing the authorities. Sir, I come now to the measure which I think it my duty to propose in order to meet this state of things. The Lord lieutenant of Ireland, in concert with the Lord Chan cellor, has pointed out the dangerous character of the clubs, and we may think it necessary to introduce a measure for the purpose of meeting the organization of these clubs, but it is to be remembered that the organization is directed, and the whole proceedings carried on by per sons who are well acquainted with the law, and if a new l a w were passed, they would not be found unsuccessful in their endeavours to evade its provisions. At all events, they have shown themselves to be skilful hands in evading the provisions of the present law, and again, I repeat, it may be necessary to introduce another measure besides this one.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I have received to-day a further letter from the Lord Chancellor of Ireland with respect to the mode in which the law has been hitherto evaded, but with respect to the clubs there is no doubt, he says, that they are in themselves unlawful. Clubs established for the purpose of procuring arms, and raising resistance against the Crown and against the law, are clearly illegal.—(Hear, hear.) But when the law officers of the Crown came to advise th e Government!as to the means of putting down these clubs, it was found that although their general object, a s the pub lic well knew, although it is well known to every Member of this House, and to all people who read the news papers in this realm, yet the means of procuring evi dence as to what passed in their clubs, in con sequence of the secret natu re of t h eir deliberati ons , as to enable the Government w i th are not such any facility to put do wn those clubs. I say w i t h any facility, because, though a measure might be adapt e d oe towards that end, yet we should soon find that by some means the law would be evaded—some new form proceeding would be adopted, wilic ; the , though tora pn it legally would of violate the law, would not la to punishment, and these clubs would continue in gr eater force and in as powerful a state of organisation as ever. With respect to marching d they who have read the accounts d r illing clubs, I t hi nk of what recently hap pened at Cork and elsewhere, must b e of opinion that the law was evaded, and that it could not be made ap plicable, owing to the policy the parties adopted, to the punishment of such marching and drilling. But with respect to that, again, there is this difficultymrnand: everything tike a military word of command,: and all that is mentioned by the law as constituting an offence, is carefully avoided. In order to obtain their ob ject these conspirators have acted in a way which would . not render them amenable to the law ; but Sir, I think, after what I have stated, and after that information which the House has heard—the open notoriety of the fact — there can be no doubt that there is an association in Ire land which intends to subvert the authority of the law, and of the Crown of this country, and which means .to effect its object by force of arms.— (Loud cheers.) If such is the case, then I know no remedy so straightforward, so direct in its object, so clear in its purpose, as that of securing the persons of those who are at the head of this movement, without in any manner endangering the persons or of even putting the innocent to inconvenience, by what is commonly known as the suspension of the Act of Habeas Corpus. —(Prolonged cheering.) Whatever other measures we may pray for—and measures may be necessary to meet particular events in the special shape which they may assume from time to time—l say the remedy which is above all necessary at this time is a Bill to enable the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to secure the persons of those who are suspected of high treason.—(Loud c h ee rs.) I come forward, then, to ask this House of Parliament to grant the Executive Government this Bill.—(Loud cheers.) I ask it now. I feel that I might hare been justified in asking for it at an earlier period.—(Loud cheers.) But Sir in weighing that question as I have anxiously weighed it during the last few months that have passed--(Cheers) —it has seemed to mo that any extraordinary law, sus. podding tile liberties of part of the people of the United Kingdom, passed merely by a majority of the Members of this House, and without a very general concur. rence passed amid conflicting debates by many who would doubtless oppose it would lose more than half* its value and importance, and would be felt in Ireland as merely an expression of feeling w emanating in a majority of men of undoubted integrity, of the lovers of peace, and order of society, whilst a large minority could not be persuaded that any such necessity existed. I say, Sir, that a law so passed would, to my mind, lose a great part of its efficacy, and would not tend, as I should wish, to the complete pacifi- cation of the country.—(Loud cheers.) I have, therefore, within my mind, and the same exists in the minds of my colleagues—for the evidence was so clear, so notorious—a sense of the necessity of such a measure, and so satisfied are we of obtaining the universal conviction of the two Houses of Parliament to the necessity that the powers we ask are absolutely necessary, and that they will be acceded to—(Cheers)—but, Sir, likewise I wish to say that if it is the conviction of this House that such a measure should be passed, I trust that the House will lose no time in passing it.—(Prolonged cheering.) The arming of the Lord-Lieutenant with these powers which I now ask for him, and which we declare it is necessary that he should possess if he is to possess any means of stop ing insurrection—(Cheers)—when I ask for these powers I ask for that which I think it is to the interest not merely of those who would uphold the constitution of this country—of those who would defend and maintain the integrity of the nation ; but I ask it on behalf of those persons who would be sure to be the sufferers by insurrection.—(Cheers.) I have no doubt myself that any protracted debates will take place upon this subject. The measure passing ,as it is sure to pass, and with the means which the; Government of an empire like this has at its disposal, will effectually put down the attempt which these wicked men are conceiving—(Hear, hear)—but, Sir, if we were to exercise that power, we should put it down at a loss of life—at the hazard of the permanent peace of the country—at the hazard of depriving many of her Majesty's subjects of the means of obtaining a livelihood.—(Cheers.) We should put it down after an outbreak and a convulsion, and would not be able to prevent that outbreak from taking place. I say, then, it is the interest of all that such a measure should be passed. If there are Gentle men, and there may be many, who, although they think this measure necessary, are yet of opinion that the whole duty of the Government has not been performed —(Some ironical cheering)—that we have not in this session produced and carried into effect those measures, whatever they may be, which aro useful, and perhaps, as they state, necessary for the well-being of Ireland, I put forward only this. An Hon. Gentleman has given notice of his intention to bring forward the whole ques tion of the state of Ireland. I shall be most ready after this Bill shall have passed this House to give every facility for such a debate—to meet any such charge, and to submit, if the House thinks fit, to any censure which they think the conduct of the Government has deserved —(Hear, hear)—but I do beg those who are of that opinion to preserve till that time the expression of those views—(Hear)—and not let a debate which should be con fined to this one subject—whether this measure is neces sary or no—extend into various matters of opinion that cannot but lead to a conflicting and prolonged debate, and thereby prevent and delay that which it is essential to do. Sir, I ask, therefore, that the House will permit me to introduce this Bill; and I ask it likewise that, if they do sanction it, they will have that sanction speedily given. —(Hear.) No man can say what may be the conse quence of the want of those powers for a short time.— (Hear.) And I ask those who are of opinion that this measure should be passed—who are of opinion that those powers are necessary—nut to render themselves respon sible for any delay, and thereby save life in Ireland.— Hear, and cheers.) I believe, in my conscience, that this measure is calculated to prevent insurrection— to preserve peace in Ireland—to preserve the dignity of this empire, and to secure the throne and the established institutions of this country. If there are other ques tions, let them be brought forward and considered upon another occasion, and in a different mode. For myself I stand hero responsible for proposing this measure. I stand hero responsible for not proposing it earlier. —(Hear, hear.) I stand here responsible for not de laying it now.—(Hear hear.) I and my col leagues are responsible. We have accepted the responsibility, and however painful, however odious, the powers may be which we ask, having accepted the re sponsibility, I confidently ask the House to accept theirs, to be mindful of the blessings which they now enjoyed, and to be mindful of the risk which by any other course they may incur.—( ['he Noble Lord sat down amid the most deafening cheers, which lasted for some minutes.) Mr. F. O'CONNOR then rose to ask the indulgence of the House while he stated his opinions on this measure. The Noble Lord had requested that the House would let this measure go to Ireland as an unanimous measure of the House. That had been invariably the argument and the request of a Whig Government when they were asking for coercion for Ireland, and the moment they got it, and it produced tranquillity in Ireland, they refused to have anything to do with remedial measures. The Noble Lord had goaded the people of Ireland to re sistance, and he now came down to the House to taunt and punish them for their resistance. The Noble Lord had shown that he was determined to govern Ireland by patronage, and that alone. The Noble Lord had shown that the law as it at present existed, without superior powers, was strong enough, and why, therefore, should he come down and propose the present measure? The object of this measure was to defeat Mr. Smith O'Brien and Mr. Meagher, and put them into custody. He (Mr. O'Connor) would take that opportunity of de claring that for his own part he was for total separation. He was not for a repeal of the union; he would have a total separation between England and Ireland; and, as he had said to the Noble Lord before—if the French had won at Waterloo, and had come over here and confiscated the property of the Bedford family, what would the Noble Lord himself have done, if not bequeath to his children the lesson that they must contend for the free dom of their country from the yoke of a foreign foe? [Lord J. RUSSELL here reached forward, and taking up the form of the oath of allegiance taken by Members of Parliament, he held the paper towards the Hon. and Learned Member. This action elicited vehement cheer ing from all parts of the House.] Ir. F. O'CONNOR—The Noble Lord had directed his attention to the oath of allegiance, but for what ? He trusted the House would not allow the measure to pass without debate. For his own part ha was determined to give every opposition in his power to it, and he trusted every Irish Member would do the same. He had no doubt the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, would vote for this measure, but he (Mr. Feargus O'Connor) believed if the Right Ho nourable Baronet was at the head of the Government, there wculd be no necessity for the measure. —(Hear.) But when they treated the Irish people like barbarians and savages, he asked how they could expect to attach them to the Crown? Why, if the tithes were taken away from the bishops they would soon lose their loyalty, and if the landlords were deprived of their rent they would all become Chartists.—(Laughter.) Ile would conclude by this observation, that to be forewarned was to be forearmed. He under stood his country better than the Noble Lord did, and he now told the Noble Lord that the effect of the Bill would be to create an immediate re volution in Ireland. The Noble Lord might hope to suppress it by the ability, energy, and courage of my Lord Clarendon, but he would tell him that he was mis taken. Instead of arming Lord Clarendon with these excessive powers, he would have done more real good to Ireland by carrying out the suggestions made by his Lordship, for recovering waste lands, but he supposed such a course was too mean and too vulgar for a Whig Government. He would tell the Noble Lord not to lay the flattering unction to his sonl, strong as he might fancy himself, having united all classes in that House in favour of a measure for the suspension of the constitution, and at the close of the session in which so much was promised, but in which nothing had been done—he would tell the Noble Lord not t o lay the flat tering unction to his soul that any vote of that House, or of the other House, could much longer keep the starv ing people of Ireland in a state of quiescence. He would prophecy, that so far from the measure putting down disturbances in Ireland, the effect of it would be to hasten that rebellion with which it was proposed to deal. Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose and said—l am, Sir, gratified by the anticipation of the Hon. Gentleman, when ho said that I should give the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government my decided and cordial sup port.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, my support is not qualified by reminiscenses of past contentions —my support is not qualified by party recrimination ; but, looking at the state of Ireland—but looking at the combinations which exist but looking to the parties who head those combinations; and I give them credit for their veracity; and, giving them credit for their veracity, I believe there exists in Ireland at this moment a wicked conspiracy to deprive the Queen of her rightful dominions in that country—(Ureat cheer's)—and that being my impression, and trusting to the avowal of the parties, I am willing at once to take t w bciyu with ni flytahwtehl uewho Crown vhmaoleuaeunr o ose i r t me h n : id s sie U euaaffv n ror i , a t u e gra d ei nn l i bdgy i n tla g oo Iduowocinmr:c speech, ee a ect i rh n es ha s . ) t t m l t power iconspirator s , w y e o p n a r t neither will I blau,() her Majes y ty's Government ' for delay that cngh t o t in m p n r o e t sshavingion is, rGovernment forward thi s measu re ought to o be e before. most for bearingAly raenadt relsotwrictionpsrun on the liberty of the subject. impose g I dare say that at an earkorstepheermioedasaurceassecamlciuglahttehdavteo liberty of individuals been made out for placin g at the discretion of the d own proposal of this nature Noble Lord opposite that when Tsbut I agree with the impression is made there ought to be a stronsms impression s i s n i o t n h the n m mind no ar z n or t tunity of mind of the House, and a strong of the public, that there is further delay, that a necessity has extreme measures, and that the measur o e justifY st insure for itself the general support o f all T e l l! disposed persons.—(Hear, hear.) And here, Sir, I must say that in my mind the question at issue is really not whether there should be a repeal of the union or not. —(hear, hear). I believe if you do nothing, during the recess you will have a desolating warfare in Ireland. I believe that the authority of the Crown will be ulti mately successful after great devastation of property and loss of life to many innocent persons, and also after great loss of life to many who might have joined in the rebellion from a doubt as to the policy and sincerity of your measures of relief for Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) But this I believe, that if the Crown should fail in ultimately re establishing its authority, you will have substituted for the Government under which you now live by far the most cruel, by far the basest, and by far the most san guinary despotism that ever disgraced the annals of a country.—(Hear, hear.) But what is to be the nature of the new power to be established? There is no con cealment as to the instruments by which it is to be esta blished. Have we not seen reference made to the value of the standing crops, and a distinct encouragement given to the masses of the people, to the *airtively to physi ca l strength of the country, to combine with men insuunpdeerriomrine th intelligence and of a the nded c u r ea ow ti n on , , or n t o o t repeal the legi s l at i ve un i on, but at once to resort to pil 1a ge and to plund er , i n or d er that the spoil may be divided among the suc cess f u l insurgents.—(Hear, hear.) such is the mode by which the power of these men is to be wielded.—(Hear, hear.) I will not enter into other questions of general government. I believe that the danger is imminent, and if there has been too much delay in the passing of the measure, that circumstance constitutes a reason for immediate action, and I for one am perfectly prepared to insist that no ordinary forms of the House shall prevent its immediately passing into law.—(Hear, hear.) I think the Government is justified in asking for the measure, and I believe that the power sought—consi dering that the spirit is not an agrarian one—not a conspiracy of assassins, but the avowed determination of open traitors—considering this, I say, that in my opinion the measure of the Government is justified.— (Hear, hear.) It is possible that other measures may be necessary, and I hope there will be no delay on the part of the Government in asking for further powers, whether to be directed against the club or against those persons who have openly avowed their inten tion to commit assassination, and wk , a scruple sot to recommend the heart of the Lord-Lieutea - taitt as the butt to which their bullets are to be disessted.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") If further measures are required for the suppression of crime, I hope that additional powers will be sought at the hands of this House, and I hope there will be no delay in stating to what extent they are to be. It would be unbecoming to urge upon the Government the adoption of additional measures, as the responsibility rests with them. I will not therefore urge them upon the Government. But I say that the question being one that nothing but necessity can justify, the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, that immediate action is desirable, and I hope that they will consent to the suspension of any forms of the House in order to obtain the Act.—(/tries of " Hear, hear.) With respect to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Nottingham, I tell him without hesitation that I am prepared to protect the Crown of England against those mock Kings of Munster, who, when royal authority is offered to them, say—" Not yet, not yet."— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I tell the Hon. Gentleman that I am not prepared to shout out for the King of Munster yet—l am not prepared to exchange the mild supremacy of Queen Victoria for that of this new King of Munster.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman says he for one is a friend of separa tion. Well, the Noble Lord showed him the oath by which ho swore to bear true allegiance to her Majesty Queen Victoria, upon which the Hon. Gentleman said, " Am I not fulfilling the oath of allegiance when I am trying to insure for her Majesty the loyalty of her faithful subjects in Ireland?" That Mr. O'Connell might have said who was the enemy of separation, and who wished to maintain the golden link of the Crown. But I believe the Hon. Gentleman declared for a separation between Ireland and England, and in that re spect he differed from Mr. • O'Connor. Now, if the Hononourable Gentleman means that by a separation Ireland is still is remain connected with the United Kingdom, and is to form an integral part of it, whylvvas he scared by the oath of allegiance when it was produced by the Noble Lord? The Hon. Gentleman's declaration in favour of a separation was unanswerable. But then, on seeing the oath, he declared that he was faithfully discharging his obligations by preserving for her Majesty her rightful dominions. Mr. O'CONNOR—Her English dominions. Sir ROBERT PEEL—Oh! Her English dominions. Let me remind the Honourable Gentleman that the oath was taken without equivocation or mental reservation. That allegiance which was pro mised was an allegiance on the part of Ireland as Cully and completely as on the part of England, and if the Hon. Gentleman took the oath with a secret reservation to be a faithful and; loyal subject of this part of the United Kingdom, but reserved to himself a latitude with regard to Ireland, and a perfect right to sever Ireland from her Majesty's dominions, then I say that he possesses a latitude of consideration so largo, that there can be no value in his oath of allegiance. He asks whether it is possible to maintain a restrictive monarchy after the example which has been shown in France, Italy, Germany, and other European states. Sir, I will say not a word with respect to the internal administration of foreign states. I have done all I could during the period of these revolutionary move ments on the continent humbly to discourage any any reflections upon them; but when the Honourable Gentleman holds up what has taken place in other coun tries as an example, and as a reason why I should dis trust the advantage of maintaining a monarchy in this country, I then think I may claim a right to speak on the subject. And looking at what has taken place on the chief arena of these revolutionary movements (Paris and France for instance)—looking at the Government which existed before February, the securities for the public liberty, the state of the revenue, the condition of the manufacturing classes, the principles which were acted upon with respect to the reward of labour—look ing at what passed in February—looking at what passed in the interval of three or four months until June, when the new Government, which was founded upon the barricades of February, was exposed to the most violent attack by those whose hopes were.disappointed—looking at all those circumstances, avoiding any reflection upon them, and only drawing an example for the guidance of the people of this country—l say so far from what has passed inducing me to distrust the advantages of a limited monarchy—to believe its foundations are less secure—to believe that there was less affection for the person of the Sovereign, or less rational conviction in favour of the advantages of a limited monarchy—l look to the experience of the last six months, and retain an increased conviction that the monarchy of this country is secure, and is endeared by numerous consi derations and associations to the affectionate support and devotion of the people of this country. (The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers liom all parts of the House.) Mr. B. OSBORNE deprecated the speech of the Hon. Member for Nottingham, but it was consistent with the acts of his latter life. He had heard with regret the notice given by the Noble Lord of his intention to move for leave to bring in this Bill to-day, and he at first thought cf stopping away, and giving no vote on this subject. But, upon consideration, he felt it to be his duty manfully to come down to the House and state the reason why he should not oppose the introduction of this Bill. He could not believe that the object of the men against whom this Bill was directed was repeal, he believed their object to be murder and pillage—(Hear, hear)—and he thought it a measure of mercy to lock up those men who wished to occasion it, in order to 'prevent the deluging of Ireland with blood.—(Hear, hear.) Of one of these men he would say, if it would not be considered profane and irreverent, that he had taken the lower orders of the people of Ireland to the mountain top, and showing them the broad land of Ireland had said, all these things will I give you, if you will only fall down and worship me. Although, however, he would not oppose the introduc tion of the Bill, he could not give his vote in favour of its being continued to the Ist of March, 1840, because he thought, in the event of this measure being passed, it would be better that the House should not be prorogued, but sit from month to month, and that hand in hand with this measure should go forth some remedial measures for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He thought there ought to be some modification of the Act of Union; but, being of that opinion, he would sooner lose his life in support of order than have anything to do with men whose object was pillage in order to enrich themselves. He would not taunt the Government now with their omissions or mis deeds, as it was not the time when the House was on fire to prevent the engines from going to endeavour to put it out.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the state of things in Ireland to be most alarming ; and he had received a letter th at morn i ng, stat i n g the houses in Tipperary and Cl onme l h a d b een stripped of their lead in order to make bullets. Under these circumstances he should not oppose the in. troduction of the Bill. Mr. SADLEIR apologised for interfering at this early stage of the debate; but as one closely connected with Ireland he could not withhold his support from the course the Noble Lord now proposed to pursue. It was quite true that sedition in Ireland had outstepped the legislation of that House ; but when he re membered that the victory of the revolutionary party in Ireland would be the greatest calamity that could befall Ireland, he thought it was high time the movements of the revolutionists were inter rupted. There no longer existed in Ireland but two parties—the party who stood by the then existing Con stitution, and the party opposed to it. Something must be done to remove this state of things, and upon the un derstanding that remedial measures were to follow this Bill, he for one should give it his decided support. He had ventured to tell the Noble Lord, in the words of Lord Bacon, that unless he adopted a better course to expel the "matters of sedition," Ireland would soon come to the state she was now in. Also, that the people of Ireland were deceived by the large promises of the Government, and disgusted at the small per formances. He quoted the case of Tipperary to show that the people were not by any means represented. He would refrain from discussing those measures by which he considered they might secure the safety of life and property.—(Cheers.) He should cordially support the Bill of the Noble Lord, because he believed it was the only step open to him to adopt in the present emergency ; but at the same time he might be permitted to say, no such disaffection could exist in any country in the world except by the conduct of its rulers. Mr. S. CRAWFORD never addressed the House under more painful feelings. He was a loyal subject, and wished to see the continuance of the union, and life and property respected. But they should inquire what was the cause of the condition of Ireland. No one could disavow more strongly than he could the conduct of the agitators who had brought Ireland to her present excited state. No change could make Ireland worse, and the people in consequence of prolonged suf fering and undue taxation were almost reckless as to the _exact nature of any change. The force at the disposal of the Executive was quite sufficient to put down any insurrection. Unless remedial measures were adopted, no coercive measures would be effectuallf the Felony Act were properly carried out, he considered that the machina tions of the persons for the capture of whom this mea sure was proposed would be put an end to. Ho begged to propose as an amendment, " That the present dis tracted state of Ireland arose from misgovernment and the want of remedial measures, without which no coer cive measure can have effect." Mr. FAGAN seconded the amendment. He said that if this measure passed the political position of Ireland would be throw n back half a century; but, at the same time he considered, that separation would be destructive of the interests of both countries, yet was he in favour of i s l g a Gt t ni u l t too h h l •rtseiaes. mitigatestr et i s stm e hs ineeosnnet sense—namely, ht f Amplenha passing suspensionmanvesYlopportunities o givingaofvreme dial trl hee availed H t hlr h rea a e epd b m l ea e mpa s n a lr e d s ee l a y s c ose e afu o n s r r tee p t oshdufe. domestic Corpus Act whichuße c e n t i l os i themselves ti v ghv i would eneis Ire land, he should support the amendment. The manner in which Mr. Mitchel's conviction was brought about had only tended to increasa th e march of iu rel nOW ' in ai l d rel i an t d al)P st e r a u r g e glin to g h to ini p t la h c a : thereinsurrection wer e parties themselves in Mr. Mitchel's shoes. He doubted whether the affai s r u on s. spe l n t si mig o h f t t r h e e m H ov a e b t e h a Co es leaders rss Act of the w the od improve m ul uvemeat in Ireland, but it would not cure the disease. Coercion had. always failed in Ireland, and as he did not think the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment bad made out a case for this Bill, be could not con sent to continue this system of coercion. Why did not Government rather attempt to mitigate the evils which pressed upon Ireland? They were of a social ch erecter, and if they could be removed, the House would hear no more of these insurrectionary movements. The Government could not longer keep Ireland by the force of arms, and in order to put an end to the expense of maintaining an extensive armed force, he called upon Government to delay no longer the settlement of the two great questions of the union and the church.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI wished to take that opportunity of stating the reasons which would induce him to support the propositions of her Majesty's Government. If he thought the origin of this impending revolution arose from these social and political grievances, of which they had heard so much from the sister isle—if he thought this measure of Ministers would prove an obstacle to those remedial measures which were necessary to remove those social and political evils—he should for one view it with jealousy and distrust. Its character was flagrant; it was invested with no hypocritical gar meat; it was avowedly an assault upon the constitu tional liberties of the subject, and the only justification for such a proposition must be the necessities of the case. He thought the necessities of the case existed in those circumstances to which the Noble Lord the First Minister had referred.—(Hear, hear.) It did not indeed require the exposition of the Noble Lord to impress that conviction upon the House or the country, for the Noble Lord was not in the position which Minis ters in similar circumstances had found themselves. The Noble Lord did not come there with a green bag filled with anonymous and numerous communications, or with statements made to the Minister under circumstances ' which would not solely be revealed to the Senate or the country. The Noble Lord, without affectation, with a frankness and simplicity which did him honour, referred only to those circumstances which they were all familiar with, and which were daily and hourly occurring, as his justifica tion for the policy which he recommended to be adopted, and the responsibility of which he did not shrink from. (Hear, hear.) If he thought that this impending revo lution was founded upon these social and political evils, he should have taken this proposition with great jealousy and distrust; but he was bound, in giving his unvarying support to this measure, to state that it was his opinion that this im pending insurrection did not in any way partake of that character. It was not an agrarian movement. It was, in his opinion, no movement arising from any sentiment of perverted nationality. It was neither more nor less than an external continental move ment. It was neither more nor less than a Jacobin move ment, an d looking upon Jacobinism to be nothing more nor less than a system of universal plunder and unmitigated violence, he thought it was their duty to grapple with the evils in which they recognised such features with a power greater than their violence, and with a determination to maintain every social principle and every social right with a courage equal to their audacity, which had been so much encouraged by events which had unfortunately occurred on the continent, but hap pily not in England, nor yet in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It was for that reason that he thought they ought not to hesitate to invest the Government with these great and extraordinary powers, and he for one protested against the social and political evils of Ireland being in any way mixed up with this the question which was before them.—(Hear, hear.) He protested against it being assumed in argument that thoe who had origi nated this movement had, in fact, any desire to remedy these social and political grievances in any way which the common sense and feeling of the country could re cognize or approve of. Nor did he believe that this im pending insurrection was either now, or in its origin, an insurrection for the repeal of the union; and the chief reason which had induced him to take that opportunity of making these few observations was to protest against its going forth throughout Europe that the question before them was a question between the Government of England and the people of Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) He did not believe that even numerically the traitors had the advantage ; for he could not for a moment suppose— indeed, he had every reason to disbelieve that the Roman Catholic priesthood looked with any face upon a Jacobite movement.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the great body of the peasantry of the south of Ireland at first looked with no favour at this movement, although the neglect with which it had been treated, and the pitch it had now attained—as must al ways be the case in a country like Ireland, with a half-fed population—had naturally tended to induce those to rally round who took a leading part in the movement. It might, he repeated, have produced a great effect upon their opinions, but he was still of opi nion that the great body of the peasantry were not heart and soul in the movement, which was so menacing. It was a movement, he repeated, organized by a party that was stimulated by foreign example and inspired -by foreign successes—(Hear, hear)—who on pre vious occasions, in the history of Ireland, had adopted the same course, and met with the same results. But he for one wars anxious that their overthrow this time should not be attended with the terrible expenditure which had attended their previous defeats—not an expenditure of the treasure of this country only—not an expenditure merely of the lives of Englishmen, but of the destruction of all that harmonizing and good feeling between the two countries which had taken now half a century to cherish and foster; and if the Government could quell this impending insurrection without that bloodshed— without those scenes of spoliation, ravage, and disorder, and without exciting the feelings and passions of one people against the other, the Minister would, in his mind, deserve well of his country, and be entitled to the hearty and full countenance and support of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Mr. D. CALLAGHAN was anxious to say a few words upon this all-important subject. He was not one of those who blamed the Government for endeavouring to stop the progress of inaurrection in Ireland, but he doubted whether this Bill would effect that object. He entertained as much loyalty to the Crown and affection for the people of England as any man in that House, but he could not consent to sit quietly in his place and allow Ireland to be be made the dupe of every party in or out of power. Let the House apply remedial measures to Ireland, and they would do more to sow the seeds of contentment amongst her people than, all the coercion Acts put together. If it was intended to apply the Bill at once to Mr. Smith O'Brien and one or two others, what would be the result? Why others would arise to fill the places of the arrested leaders, and the feeling in favour of repeal would be greater than ever. He considered that the measure would perpetrate a political suicide, and considering that so many remedial measures were required, he could not consent to be a party to the introduction of a measure which would have, in his opinion, a contrary effect to that anticipated. Sir DENHAM NORREYS said the time had come when a measure like this was absolutely necessary. This was no tune to inquire whether the Government had kept its promises or not. His country was on the verge of civil revolution. God forbid that he should occupy the time of the House when a measure like this was so imminently required; for they could not tell at what moment the spark would burst into flame. He did not need the atatements and arguments of the Noble Lord to induce him to accede to the Bill, for he had read his information on the market cross.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever consequences might come from this measure, he was sure the house would at once grant the Ministers a Bill of Indemnity. He besought the House to pass this Bill at once to seize the heads of the conspirators, and save the lives of his coun trymen, who, only for this Bill, would perish.—(Cheers.) Mr. DRUMMOND supported the Bill because he be lieved it would be, to a great extent, efficacious in sup pressing the rebellion about to burst upon them, and because civil war was no child's play.— (Laughter.) MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. The House was informed that their Lordships had agreed to the following Bills:—Appeals on Civil Bills (Dublin)—Consolidated Fund (3,000,0000 —Helmsdale, Little Ferry, and Leck Robie Harbours—Truro Turn pike Roads—Dundee and Perth Railway (Dundee June. Lion), without amendment—Law of Entail (Scotland) — Joint Stock Companies—Newry and Enniskillen Railway (Amendment of Acts, and to authorise Arrangements with other Companies)—Oxford, Worcester, and Wol verhampton Railway (No. 2), with amendment's. The Usher of the Black Rod here entered, and sum moned the Speaker and the House to the House of Lords, to hear the Royal Assent given by Commission to several Bills, which will be found in our report of the House of Lords. During the absence of the Speaker, many of the Members formed themselves into groups, and appeared to discuss the principles of the measure with much animation. Mr. DRUMMOND resumed—He was prepared on a future occasion to discuss with the Irish Members the grievances of which they complained. They had now before them a particular measure brought forward for a particular purpose. He denied that the press of this country was profligate, as the Hon. Member for Nottingham bad stated : it needed no defenders in that House. He had yet to learn that the respectable portion of the press of this country would.publish a list of books, with the titles of which he would not offend the ears of the House,as fit for the perusal of the people. A man must either publish books of the kind because he agreed with their prin ciples, or because he wished to derive some paltry gain. (The Hon. Gentleman then read passages from. the Northern Star, stating that the time was coming when the land would be divided among the people, from whom it had been filched.) The use of an un bridled tongue had been the curse of the clever people of Ireland, and believing that this Bill would tend to go far to stop this, he should support it. Mr. HUME said the paper from which the Hon. Gen tleman had quoted was no credit to anyone .—(A laugh.) Thank God, there were but few newspapers that pro mulgated the dangerous doctrines of the paper in question—the division of property among those who would not obtain it for themselves.—(Hear, hear.) They would willingly believe him when he said that he gave a reluctant consent to this Bill, because remedial measures were much required, and he had always fairly and oper.ly advocated them. Catholics had been arrayed against Protestants. The state of Ireland arose from the people being deprived of their civil rights, and whilst they were not treated like the people of either England or Scotland, how could they expect them to act like freemen? The people were discontented, and easily excited by clever demagogues, who possessed a great share of influence, and was it a wonder that Ireland was in the state she was? This measure may put down rebellion—nay, it might act kindlite; many—it might quiet for a time ; they might crowd their prit.ons, but disturbances would continue. As the Government were new a seeond time about to be allowed to 'suspend the constitution, he implored them to look the evils of Ireland strongly in the faee. Ire land was now held as a garrison, and that expense fell as a punishment upon England, by which they were running the risk of bringing England to th e s t a t e o f Ireland. Let them sit from to clay day, and devise measures for Ireland—improve the state of the Church, and extend the franchise, which was far too limited. lie asked the Government to turn their attention to the grand jury cess and the municipal corporations. He for one would cordially support her Majesty's Mi nisters in bringing forward this measure. Judging from the, last speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth before he went out of office, it was his opinion that great social improvements were necessary, and he (Mr. Hume) now only regretted that the mea -1 sures which the Right Hon. Baronet had in view to ame liorate the condition of that country had not been carried into effect.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide.") Mr. NEW DEGATE gave her Majesty's Government his most unqualified support. He would not have in terrupted the progress of the debate, except that he felt it necessary to say that the measure .of the Government was absolutely required for the preservation of peace in Ireland. He looked upon it as a great measure, and one which was entirely unexceptionable.—(Loud cheers, and cries of" Divide.") Mr. GROGAN said, in the name of the laborious and industrious classes in the city of Dublin, he begged to return his thanks to the Government, for having at length determined to graPpie with this monster agita • tion, which had kept the whole "country in a state of uneasiness and apprehension, which had paralysed trade, put a stop to employment, and brought thousands to a state of poverty and bankruptcy.—(Hear, hear.) He regretted that the Government had delayed so long be fore bringing in the measure, but he would say " better late than never." It was on the ground of humanity to the humbler classes, those poor deluded persons who had become members of clubs, and of a revolutionary army who would unfortu nately be punished for their misdoings, that he regretted that the measure had not been intro duced earlier. He would conclude by making one observation. There were a great number of Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants of Irish counties at present in this country, and he trusted that the Government would call upon them to return to their respective counties, in order to aid the Government in their endeavours to suppress disturbances. Mr. REYNOLDS said he represented another por tion of the inhabitants of Dublin, and be begged to enter his entire dissent to the measure which had been introduced to the House. Although not dis posed to pursue a vexatious course, he was prepared to vote against it in all its stages, and he hoped they might be long and tedious.—(Laughter.) If the Bill were passed, as no doubt it would, he would prophecy that it would be inoperative and altogether a failure. It would increase the discontent and dissatisfaction which now existed, multiply the number of Repealers, and convert men to the doctrine of repeal who had previ ously held entirely aloof from it. He disclaimed osi the part of the Repealers of Ireland that they participated in any of those doctrines which had been imputed to them. He could not conclude his address without recalline , the recollection of the House to the declaration or the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tarn worth upon going out of office, that Ireland could no longer be governed by coercion, and if the Right Honourable Baronet were sincere in that opinion, he now called upon him to come forward and assist in governing Ireland by conciliation.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ rose to ask the Honourable Gen tleman the Member for Rochdale to withdraw his amendment.—(Hear, hear.) It could do no good to the people, God knew they were in a dreadiully miserable state, and he wished he could find an excuse for opposing this Bill. The truth was, however, the present disturbances in Ireland were crippling her trade, and he felt bound togive this additional power to her Ma jesty's Ministers.'4 would be, however, upon the condition that they at once 'set about• considering what remedial meastires'eould be applied to Ireland. Two years ago he suggested to them the propriety of setting the poor to work.upon the waste lands, but his suggestions had never been adopted by Government. He must therefore tell them now that, if after the passing of this Bill, they did not apply conciliatory measures to Ireland, he would never give them his support again. Sir H. W. BARRON regretted that this measure had been so long delayed, but upon the principle of better late than never, he hailed the introduction of this Bill with the utmost satisfaction, and he could assure the House that feeling was participated by the majority of the inhabitants of the south of Ireland.—(Hear.) Nay, more, he would venture to say that many of the parties who had joined in this movement would rejoice at the passing of this Bill. They wanted something to enable them to back out, for they felt they had gone too far; and he was quite sure that they, as well as the great mass of the Irish people, would hail this Bill as an act of mercy. After a few - words from Colonel DUNNE, who sup ported the Bill, not, however, upon the case made ou by the Government, but upon the strength of informa. Lion he had received from Ireland. After a few words from Mr. SCULLY, The House divided, when there appeared— For Mr. Crawford's amendment... 8 Against it Majority against the amendment... --263 Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then brought in the Bill, which was read a first time. The Noble Lord expressed .a hope that the House would allow the Bill to go through all its stages and pass it immediately. After some short discussion, the standing orders were suspended, and the Bill was read a second time. The House then went into Committee on the Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in Committee on the Bill, stated that the only alteration from the Bill of 1822 was the omission of the clause with respect to Members of Parliament. Mr B. OSBORNE moved that the Bill should only ex tend to the Ist September, 1848, and nOt Ist March, 1849. The motion after some discussion was withdrawn, the Bill passed through Committee, and was read a third time and passed. The House then adjourned shortly before Seven o'clock. Major-General W. Rowan, C. 8., has been ap pointed to the Staff of the Army in Canada, in succession to Major-General Sir R. Armstrong who has resigned. Major-General Rowan served with the 52nd Regiment in Sicily, in the years 1806 and 1807. He subsequently proceeded on the expedition to Sweden in 1808 ; went again to the Peninsula, under Sir John Moore, in 1808 and 1809, and was also at Walcheren in 1809, including the bombardment and surrender of Flushing. During the first half-year of 1811 the Major-General was in Portugal, and was present at the action of Sabugal. From the begining of January 1813, to the close of the war in 1814, he served in the Peninsula and the South of France, sharing in the battles of Vittoria, the Bidassoa, the Nivelle, Nive, Ortheus, and Toulouse. He concluded an active career at Waterloo. where he received the Brevet Rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. —United Service Gazette. Major-General P. Bainbrigge, commanding the Belfast District. has succeeded to the increased pav of twenty-five shillings pez diem, from the 4th instant. The name of Major-General Bainbrigge has long been known to the army in connexion with activity and efficiency in the Quartermaster-General's department. He served in the Peninsula in that department from 1810 to 1814, when the war was brought to a close. He was present at most of the great actions in the Peninsula, including Torres Vedras, °livens's, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz, Salamanca, Burgos, Vittoria, and the Pyrenees, San Sebastian. the Nive, and many smaller affairs, dowa:to Toulousa.—lbd. Tamps FOR IRELAND.—The second battalion 60th Rifles and 89th Regiment are under orders to proceed from the Northern District to Dublin, and to be relieved by the 33d from Edinburgh, and the 90th Light Infantry from Chatham. The 17th Regiment is to leave Ports mouth for Chatham. Four Companies of the 62d, under the command of Major Goode, passed through London this morning (Saturday), en route for Manchester, having received an order late last night to leave Portsmouth. No orders have been given for a battalion of the Guards to be held in readiness to embark for Ireland.—lbid. ROYAL MiLITARY ASYLUM, CHELSEA. — Assistant Surgeon Balfour, M.D., of the 3d Battalion Grenadier Guards, is to succeed S ur g eon Lawrence in medical charge of that establishment, the latter officer having retired from the duties of that appointment on account of ill-health. Dr. Balfour's services are well known as the able assistant of Lieutenant-Colonel Tulloch, in his compilation of the Statistical Tables of the Army,— --- LIEUTENANT- GOVERNORSHIP OF JAMAICA.—Major- General McDonald, C. 8., is not to proceed to th a t i slan d in command of the troops, and, therefore, the appoint ment of Lieutenant-Governor has again become vacant. Ibid. CHARGE OF MANSLAUGHTER.---OR Friday an in quiry, adjourned from Monday last, was resumed an d concluded before Mr. Baker, at the London Ho s pi ta l , on view of the body of Christopher Broderick, aged 28, a j our neyman tailor, who is alleged to h ave di e d of in. u ries inflicted by a man named John Donovan. It ap peared that on the night of the 26th of June, deceased, who was in liquor, was going along the East India Dock-road, Poplar, when a man, named John Donovan, came out of a court and knocked his hat off. Deceased went up to Donovan and tried to kick him, Donovan then gave deceased a violent blow on his forehead with a brick-bat, or stone, which knocked him down, and in flicted a deep gash over the left eye. He was taken up in a state of insensibility, and, after having been seen by a medical gentleman, was removed to the London Hospital. He went on favourably till the 6th instant, when erysipelas came in the wound, and led to his death on Friday last. Deceased resided at a common lodging house in George-street, Whitechapel. Verdict " Man slaughter against John Donovan," who loft his lodgings immediately after the assault, and who: has not been heard of since. AN ACTIVE WOMAN.—On Wednesday last, a woman named Foley, who had only arri►ed from Ireland on the preceding day, was brought to the police-office on the charge of pocket-picking. She was liberated on Thursday forenoon, however, for want of suffi cient evidence, and within an hour afterwards gave birth to an infant, in a court off Bell -street, from which she was removed to a place of shelter. On Saturday morning the woman, accompanied by her child, called at the police office to make inquiry regarding a relation, and on the same evening she was again lodged in the office, on three separate charges of picking pockets, which bad been committed during the day. This indefatigable personage and her infant re main, of course, in custody till liberated in due course of law.—Glasgow !Jerald. The Chairman of the Customs had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Saturday. The Earl and Counoia Grey lett town on 6uturday for the Priory, Stumm PRICES OF SHARES. IN BANKS, ASSURANCE, AND OTHER COM- I'ANIES' STOCK. LONDON. FRIDAY, JULY 21. XOTICT-STOCIC ZAIVTIKS. ~ ,?mo of Company. ustral ask% B ritsh orth American Ceylon .. .. lommercial of London r:olonial.. ..... Gloucestershire • • .• • • lonian • • •• •• • • •• • • Londe and WestminstT. Ditto imadon Joint-Stock ... Provincial of Ireland.: Ditto, New... Srational of Ireland .. N at. Provneial of Eng. „... Ditto, New... .. .. South Australia Unioo of Australia Ditto Uni , na of London Union of Madrid Name of Company. Charing-cross Southwrk, Nw Sub. Av. Ditto Nw of 7 p. c. Waterloo • . Ditto Old Ann. ail/. Ditto Nw ditto of 71. Vauxhall .... • • • Ay. PIS Name of Company. , Albion Alliance Brit. and For. DLit) Marine. • • • • • • 'alas ........ British Commercial .. Clericl,Med.& Gen. Life Caunfy .......... C: own •• •• •• •• tingle .. Eng.& Scot. Law •• • • European Life ••• • • • Family Endowmc t Soc. F:•eemasons' . • • • • • • • • Globe guardian .......... • • imperial Fire .. • • • • • • Imperial Life ........ Indemnity Marine •• • • Law Fire ••..• • • • Law Llfe•. Legal and General Life L. - indun Fire •• • Landon Ship Marine .. ........... Med. 1 nviid & Gen. Life National Loan Fund.. S ALIO nal Life.... Palladium Life Pelican P.,ccuix . Protector Life.... ... Provident Life.... • ... Rock Life Ikoy al Exchange Sm Fire .itto Life ••-. • ••• Universal Life.... • • • . Visnoria Life.... same of Company. Dividend per C .minereial Ea.at and SVQst India... P,fist Country • London ............. vitt° 80nd5........ SL. Katharine ..... Ditto 80nd5........ S )uthampLou •• Annum. 51. per cent. 7/. per cent. 6/. per ceut. Sr. per cent. .151 per cent. 6i per cent. , 6/. per cent. 61. per cent. 81 per cent. 8/. per cent. 51. per cent. .61. per cent. a per cent. .54 per cent. 61. per cent. 61. per cent. [3ss. per cent. 41. ss. 4d. N. 2s. 2d. 11. 17s. 81. 10s. 6 per cent. 6/. per cent, 13s. 6d. pr sh. 7s. per share 5 pr ct.& bs. 31. 14s. 6s. 51. per cent. 5% per cent. 41.& Us. 51. per cent. 61. per cent. Si. per cent. 12 per cent. 12s. 11. sh. & bs. 11. IGs. 41. per ct. 51. per cent. 81. per cent. 51. per cent. 3/. p. sh. & bs. 5/. per cent. 11. ss. 4s. 5/. per ceat. 61. 10s. 11. 6s. 10 3 4 pr cnt. DOC; Dividend per AITCOURt of share. X s. (1. 40 0 0 50' 0 0 25 0 0 100 0 0 100 .0 0 Amo'rnt of Sha Z. s. d. 632 12. 8 50 0 0 100 5 0 Annum. 70 10 3 s. d. 500 01 0 100 01 0 100 6 0 50 0 50 0 , 0 100 0. 0 100 0+ 0 50 6 0 50 0 , 0 50 6 0 20 6 0 100 rt 0 20 0 , 0 Sto 100 th 0 500 01 100 a 0 1100 0 0 100 a o 100 a o 50 0 , 0 25 0 , 0 25 0, 0 100 th 0 50 0) 0 20 0, 0 100 a 0 50 0, 0 20 0 0 100 0 0 5 0 0 Sto 100 Op 0 Amou it of Share. Paid. £. E. d. 25 0 0 Paid. 4/. per cent. 6!. pr cent. 255. per sh. pr cent. 4/. per cent. 4 per cent. 1%1. pr cent. 2/. per cent. X s. d. Stock. Stock. too o o Stock. t. d. Stock. 50 0 0 Price. 50 0 0 WATER—WOK KS. Dividend Amount 1 Name of Company. per of raid. Prict, Annum. Share. £ s. d. X s. d. Birmingham. ••.• • • •• 18s. 25 0 0 25 0 0 East London.... ••• • • • 81. 100 0 0 178 Grand Junction ••• • • • 21. 10s. 41 13 4 81 3/. 100 0 0 75 New Rivr Lndn Brdge 2/. 10s. . 55 Vauxhall ............ 5/. per cnt. 100 0 0 West Middlesex . . . • 61.05. pr cnt.l 117 GAS-LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price Annum. Share. X. s. d. X. s. d. British .• • • •... •• •• .. 11. 40 0 0 18 0 0 16 Ditto Provincial—. • 11. Bs. 20 0 0 19 0 0 22 Bristol .. ••——• • • • •• 101. per cent. 20 0 0 Brighton ...... ••• • •• 51. per cent. 20 0 0 16 City of London ...... 101. 100 0 0 100 0 0 250 ContinentalConsolidat. 925. pr share 50 0 0 39 5 0 Ditto, New . • .... •• 85s. pr share 50 0 0 37 10 0 Equitable ........ •• .. 455. pr share 50 0 0 50 0 0 36 Imperial .... ••• • •• 61. per cent. 50 0 0 50 0 0 71 Independent ....... • . 61. per cent. 40 0 0 40 0 0 64 London •............. 50 0 0 40 0 0 50 0 0 50 0 0 Phoenix ....... ••• • .. 5/. per cent. 50 0 0 4 6 0 0 29% Ratcliff .... . ...... —5/. and bns. 100 0 0 90 0 0 75 United General ...• • • 4%1. pr cent. 50 0 0 50 0 0 15 Westrainster Chartered 31, 50 0 0 55% Ditto, New .... - ... 12s. 5O 0 0 10 0 0 11 • C.aIt..N.A.X.S. , I Names of p: Dividend: T .,.,,,. Names of g 'Dividend Companies. ,c 4 per I ' '-' Companies. ,„, per Price. Annum.l Annum. in - -.. £ X Ashtn & Oldh 97 71. p c 80 Macclesfield . 100 - Barnsley •• . • 160 121. 180 Neath ••• • • • 100 is/. srknk&Abrg 150 51. 85 Oxford.. •• • • 100 201. 190 Birmingham 35 41. 80 Peak Forest. 78 _ - Coventry ...• 100 251. - Regent's ••• • 33 11. 53. 18% Derby ••• • • 100 61. 63 Rochdale •••• 85 4/. 54 Ellsrre&Chs 133 41. 48 Somrset Coal 150 71.105. 130 &rev% ash ... 100 321. - Do.LkldSt 12 6/ . p. c . _ Gra tidJ unetn 100 5/. 77 Stffrd &Wore 140 1 281. 290 Grand Surrey 100 - 35 Shrewsbury.. 125 i 151. Grand Union 100, 11. 10s. 25 Stourbridge.. 145 20/. 285 ;74rantham • • 150: 12/. - Severn and 7 iCennt & Avn 39 1 7s. 6d. 4% Wye Rail. 5 26 11.8$. 26 Leeds& Livrp,loo l 341. 410 Warwick& , Leicester ..••11401 101. 75 Birming. j 'OO 51. 65 Getestr &Nth 83 1 41. 36 Warwick&l , r ,„ :..oughborogh 142, 701, - Napton..j ''''' - 46 Monmouthsh 100, 81. - Worcstr &) 78 2/. 39 Mntgemrysh 100 51. - Binning. dieltnMwbry, 100 101. - Wilts & Brks - 11. 11 LIST OP SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICE Li - - - Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. X s. d Bank of Scotland British Linen Company 81. per cent. 100 0 0 100 100 0 41. Os 1 1 2 6 5 3 Caledonian Bank ••. • • 7 per cent. 10 0 0 City of Glasgow Bank . 61. per cent. 2010 0 0 Clydesdale Bank ••• • • • 6% 0 0 per cent. l l o2 o 0 0 0 0 1 1 21 :0 5 Commercial Bank . 0 0 C O 21 1 . 6 1 8 astern Bank •••• • • • • 61. per cent. 25 o 0 L. 500 5 0 % Etlinb.& Glasgow Bank 6/. per cent. 50 0 0 41% 70 0 - isleE x e h o a f n 3 g f e a ß ri n . k c o o n f , S p c a o n t y . . 7 6 1 1 . . p p e e r r c c e e n n t t .. 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 00 1 0 0 0 13 National Bank 654 per cent. 50 0 0 North of Scotland Bank 71 . per cent. 50 1 0 0 3iA 2 0 g 0 5 0 0 3"5 s . North British Bank • • - ttoyal Bank of Scotland 5 /. per ce nt. Union Bank of Scotland 81 . per c ent. 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 8 181,( 2 •Vcstern Bank • • • • • • • 81. per cent. 50 0 0 50 0 0 70 • Aberdeen Fire and Life 121. per 20 0 0 011 0 - cent 12 10 0 20 e 23 B. Accord. Life aud Fire British Guarantee Ins. - 10 0 0 1 0 0 lOs Od •2aledonian Fire Incur. 1 0 1. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 21 Church of Bngland Ins. - 50 0 0 2 0 0 - City of Glasgow Life 6l. per cent. 25 0 0 2 0 0 21. 41 v:dinburgh Life Incur 6/. per cent. 100 0 0 12 10 0 17 East of Scotland Life - 10 0 0 015 0 1 1 LW. Eng. & Scot, Law Life Si. per cent. 50 0 0 217 6 - Hercules Insurance Co. 71. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 11 [num Co. of Scetlnd• • SI. per cent 100 0 0 10 0 0 7 Life Assoc. of Scotland 5/. per cont. 10 0 0 1 0 0 11. 7s Mercantile Life - 10 0 0 010 0 ss. Od. National Fire and Life Si. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 20s. North British Incur. • • 5141. pr cent. 200 0 0 20 0 0 22 North & West of Scot. 6/. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 17si9d. ' Scottish Life and Guar. - 20 0 0 011 0 si. Scot. Mag. and Gan. Life 51. per cent. 1 0 0 015 0 10s. Od Scottish Union Insrnce. 641. pr cont. 20 0 0 1 0 0 11. Is Standard Life ...... • • 51. per cent. 50 0 0 45 0 94 United Dep. Assurance 51. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 125.0 d MISCEI.I•ANEOUS. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price Annum. Share. X. s. d, .X• s. d. Australian Agriculturl - 100 0 0 30 0 0 - Anglo-Mexican Mint., 11. 4s. 10 0 0 10 0 0 17 Ditto, Half Shares.. - - 210 0 - Canada ........ ••• .. 6/. per cent. 100 0 0 32 10 0 - Uppr Canada Bonds 51. per cent. - - - City 80nd5.......... 3341. pr cent. - - 82 Comp. Cppr Mnrs Eng. M. percent. 100 0 0 70 0 0 - Gen. Revers. & Invest. sp. c.& bs, 2/ 100 0 0 100 0 0 Equitable Reversienry 5/. pr cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 91% Gen• Steam Navigation 11.8 s. 15 0 0 14 0 0 18 London Institution ... - - • 10 Peninslr & Orient.Stm. 8/. per cent. 50 0 0 50 0 0 5134 Reversionary Int. Soc. 4341. pr cent. 100 0 O. 100 0 0 - Royal Mail Steam.... 354 1. pr cent. 100 0 0 60 0 0 45 34 South Australian ....• 11. per share. 25 0 0 25 0 0 16 Van Dieman's Land.. - 100 0 0 23 0 0 - Universal Salvage • - - 25 0 0 5 0 0 - THE REMOVAL OF THE COLONNADE IN THE REGENT'S QUADRANT.—Lord Morpeth and Mr. Parker have prepared and brought in a Bill to empower the Commissioners of her Majesty's . Woods and Forests to remove the unpopular colonnade in the Regent 's Qua drant. The preamble sets forth that . whereas the colon- R o e f g th ei e tt;s h tr a e b e i t . , i n s a i d n e c , o commonly n c d a i e n d j u t h r l e o u Q s u t a o d t r h a e n t t , r a i d n e i t t an is ts t a h n e d re o fo c r c e up e i x 'e p r e s d o i f en th t e t houses e an c d om sh m or s s si t o h n e e re rs m o , f a h n e d r Majesty's Woods and Forests shall be empowered to re move the same, and. . also to make such architectural alteration and addit i ons and to the front elev a ti ons o f the houses as shall be desirable, it may be lawful for the said Commissioners to take down the whole of the columns, with the entablatures and balustrades ab ove the same, and the beams, roof, ceiling, and skylights over the foot-pavements, and all the mat er i a l s f orming the colonnade, and to dispose of the same. The Bill further provides that balconies may be erected in front of the houses, and that a suitable pav emen t s h all be laid down. The expense is not to exceed 8,5001., the same to levied by a rate not to exceed eight per cent. on the total cost. All the houses in the Quadrant are to be assessed to the rate, and credit is to be given for the sum realised by the sale of the old materials. A meeting of the friends of Mr. Richard Hicks, the much-respected dep u ty o f C astle Barnard Ward, ' was held on Wednesday, at the . London Tavern, for the purpose of presenting to that gentleman a splendid ser vice of plate (manufactured by Hunt and Roskiil, of Bond-street), subscribed by the trade of butchers, sales men, and others, as a testimonial of their esteem and gratitude for the persever ance , a bi lity, and public spirit with which he has for many years advocated their in terests and those of the comm un i ty at l arge, more par ticularly by obtaining and personally superintending the ebt ;lad inipluve4ii,ul of Smithfield thaikei. The company sat down to an excellent defamer provided for the occasion. Mr. William Sharpe in the chair. Price 25 0 0 100 0 0 AO 0 0 100 0 .0 10 0 0 30 0 , 0 100 0 0 20 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 40 0 0 331LIDGES Dividend per Annum. .NCE COMP El 6NIES. Dividend per Annum. Amount of Shr Paid. s. d. 50 0 0 11 0 0 5 0 0 5 6 8 5 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 5 0 0 5 0 0 2 12 6 All paid. 4 0 0 8 0 0 36 10 0 50 0 0 10 0 0 5 13 1 2 10 0 10 0 0 2 0 0 12 10 0 12 10 0 15 0 0 2 0 0 2 10 0 5 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 10 0 0 0 10 0 9 0 0 4 0 0 FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE OF FRIDAY. • • . DIVIDENDS. At the Court, Basinghall-street. J. Collins, Middle- yard, Great Queen-street, Lincoln's Inn-field,, whodwright, Aug. 11, at eleven—R. Fletcher, Great ',Winchester-street, City, and Rawson's-wheel. Yorkshire, steel manufacturer, Aug. 11, at one. In the Country. E. Dibb, Idle, Yorkshire, grocer, Aug. 18, at eleven, at the Cour', Leeds—T. 13 elliwell, Halifax, Yorkshire, stock broic( r, Aug. 18, at eleven, at the Court Leeds— J. S. Maling, Scarborough, Yorkshire, joiher, Aug. 18, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds—H. Garthwaite, Hopton, Yorkshire, fancy goods manufacturer, Aug. 18, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds.—W. Wingfield, Masborougb, York shire, common brewer, Aug. 12, at eleven, at the Court, Sheffield. PAYMENT OF DIVIDENDS. T. Orpwood, Bear-street, Leicester-square, coach carrier, 3s. 4d., any Wednesday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman street. W. Kennett and J. H. Reynolds, Lamb -street, Spital fields, wax chandlers, l ld., any Wednesday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman-street. J. Jillings, Honiton, Devonshire, draper, 11s. 6d., any Wednesday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman-street. J. F. Shaw, Mortimer-street, Cavendish-square, up holsterer, 55., any Wednesday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman street. H. Harvey, Stock Exchange, and St. Paul's-terrace, Islington, stockbroker, Is. 9d., any Wednesday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman-street. S. BagnaU, Leek, Staffordshire, grocer, 2s. any Thurs day, between the hours of eleven and three, at the office of Mr. Christie, Birmingham. G. Lloyd, Shrewsbury, Shropshire, general iron monger, 3s. 6d., any Thursday till Aug. 17, between the hours of eleven and two, at:the office of Mr. Valpy, Bir mingham. _ J.'Forster, Shafto, Northumberland, banker, 205., any Saturday, between the hours of ten and three, at the office of Mr. Baker, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. T. Chatto, Morneth, linen draper, 10s., on Saturday, July 29, or any subsequent Saturday, between the hours, of ten and three, at the office of Mr. Baker, Newcastle upon-Tyne._ _ _ _ - J. Sh - ore, Rochdale, Lancashire, flannel manufacturer, 55., on Tuesday, July 25, or any - subsequent Tuesday, be tweeen the hours of eleven and one, at the office of Mr. Fraser, Manchester. NOTICES OF CERTIFICATES. At the Court, Basinghall-street. J, Farmington, Tottenham, farmer, Aug. 11, at twelve —F. Finney, Tottenham, pastrycook, Aug. 11, at twelve —R. Thompson, Basingstoke, stonemason, Aug. 11, at half-past eleven—T. Ridsdale, jun., Milton-next- Graves. end, ironmonger, Aug. 14, at half-past one—C. J: Ed wards, Great Sutton-street, Clerkenwell, currier, Aug. 12, at one—W. Sage, New Brentford and Hampton, tallow chandler, Aug. 14, at half-past twelve—H. Shaw, Gerrard -street, Islington; Southampton-row, Russell square; and Sloane-street, Chelsea; china and glass• dealer, Aug. 12, at one—R. Knight, Lewes, Sussex, butcher, and Barcombe, Sussex, farmer, Aug. 12, at two —D. Simons, Trowbridge, Wiltshire, ironmonger, Aug. 21, at eleven. In the Country. J. Stockham, Bristol, licensed victualler, Aug. 22, at eleven, at the Court, Bristol—J. Beak, Cadoxton, Gla morganshire, grocer, Aug. 17, at half-past eleven, at the Court, Bristol.—G... Godson, Brailes, Warwickshire. far mere•Aug. 22, at eleven, at the Court, Birmingham —W. El. Hyde,. N ewcastle-und er , Lyme and Stoke-upon-Trent. print( r, Aug. 22 ; At eleven, at the Court, Birmingham— J. Bevan,' , Bridestowe, Devonshire, tanner, Aug. 17, at one., at the Court, Exeter—A: Harrison, Bootle-cum- Lineacre, Lancashire, builder, Aug. 11, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool. ' At the Court of Review, Aug. 11.: J. Capel, Bouverie-street, Fleet street, coal merchant —E. Pauli, Lawrence Pountney•hill, City, commission agent —G. Umphray, Liverpool, merchant—W. P. Micklam, Fleet -street, tobacconist—J. W. Hooper, Holloway-road, Islington, statuary—C. Cousins; Shep herd's place, Lee's-mews, Grosvenor-place, corn merchant —J. Cotton, Manchester, spindle maker—T. Holt, Bury, Lancashire, rope manufacturer—W. Jolley, Charing cross, poulterer—H. W. Russell, Bisley, Gloucester, grocer and draper—W. Ashbee, Tonbridge, Kent, grocer —G. D. Rose, Duke-street, Smithfield, plumber, painter, and glazier—J. Riley, Mount-place, Walworth, cheese monger—J. Porter, Wormwood -street, City, cheese factor—H. Roose, Salisbury-street, Strand, and Liver pool, merchant—H. A. Hart, Devonshire -street, Queen square, linendre per. - PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. W. Baker and R. Speed, Brighton, grocers—J. Kirk ham and J. Chambers, timber-merchants—R. Seanor and C. C. B.Williams, Montague-street, Whitechapel, manu facturers of chemical matches—T. Cardus and T. Faw cett, contractors—P. P. Wragg and H. Jackson, Hol beach, Lincolnshire, grocers—N. Kennett and E. Cotten, Shoredith, chymists—W. Haslett and J. Reid, London derry and Liverpool—H. Kershaw and J. G. Good, Leeds, wool merchants—W. H. L. Corron and G. Agett, Liverpool, Irish and foreign provision dealers—W. Box all and W. C. Boxall, Stopham and Fittleworth, Sussex, farmers—C. Fox, J. Henderson, A. Moore, and J. W Roby (so far as regards A. Moore and J. W. Hoby: Birmingham, engineers —D. Henderson, C. Fox, J Henderson, A. Moore, and J. W. Roby, Renfrew, Scotland, engineers —B. Fox and J. S. Kenway, Brid port, Dorsetshire, manufacturers—W. Carter, sen., and W. Carter, jun., Emscote and Leami ngton P r i ors, War wickshire, ironfounders—J. Levy, E. Levy, and R. Levy (so far as regards J. Levy), Manchester, tailors—E. Keddell, T. Baker, and J. H. Grant, Lime-street, City, attorneys—J. Ryle and T. G. Edgley, Deptford, coal-merchants—J. Walmsley and A. Hoyle, Scout, Lancashire, woollen drapers—H. Lupton, S. Lur ton, and H. W. Reynolds, Theme ' Oxfordshire, surgeon —S. Baxter, A. Thomson, and S. Baxter, jun., High' street, Wapping, shipwrights—T. Lloyd and J. Gill, Plumber's-row, City-road, grocers--T. Wallis and S. Acocks, Cambridge Wharf, Hackney-road, coal and fire-wood dealers—C. J. Moore and W. B. Kewley, Liverpool, ship brokers—G. Oxley and G. Dunlop, Bradford, stuff merchants—T. Robinson and C. Brewer, Banner-street, St. Luke's, emery-merchants—J. Holden, T. Holden, J. Holden, and G. Holden (so far as regards James Holden), Holdenfold, Lancashire, cotton-spinners —J. G. Henry and R. 11. Lankester, Lawrence Pount ney-hill, City, sail-cloth manufacturers—E. Westlake, W. C. Westlake, and E. Thompson, Southampton, mer chants—T. Gill, J. Rundle, and C. V. Bridgman (so far as regards C_ V. Bridgman), Honabridge, Devonshire, woollen factors—G. Braund, W. Pearse, and G. Pestle, Nether Stowey, Somersr tshire, linen and woollen drapers. INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. B. Kirry, Cumner, Berkshire, blacksmith. T. Edwards, Newcastle, farmer. It. Fisher and W. Fisher, Abingdon, carpet manu facturer. I. Spurgin, Liverpool, assistant to a draper.. R G. Goatman, Berrow, 'Worcestershire, wheelwright. .1). Jones, Penbrigog, Flintshire, corn dealer. B. Croft, Bowling, Yorkshire, shopkeeper. J. Turtle, sen., Staveley, Derbyshire, wood turner. J. Hughes, Liverpool, publican, R. W. Davies. Birkenhead, ironmonger. J. Smith, Great Sutton, Cheshire, milkman. H. Narraway, Exeter, painter. H. Parkes, Northfield, Worcestershire, brewer. T. Booth, Bakewell, Derbyshire, joiner. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. A. Leighton, Dundee, bakery to meet July 28 and Aug. 25, at two, within the Royal Hotel, Dundee. T. Penman, Glasgow, grain merchant, to meet July 27 and Aug. 17, at two, within the Eagle Inn, and Hotel, Glasgow. . Y - T— ..01t1C, . 11 IIRSDAY.—Yesterday evening a soiree was given to Mr. Henry Vincent, one of the late candi dates for the city of York. Upwards of 1,200 p rsons were present. Amongst the Company were E. Miall, Esq., of London; Dr. Gordon, of Hull; J. Plint, Esq., of Leeds; J. Thompson, Esq., of Manchester, and a number of other gentlemen connected with this city and ounnty. BRISTOL SUGAR MARKET, JULY 21.—The opera' tions in our sugar market have been quite suspended this week, and prices must be considered nominaL The business of the refiners will be seriously interfered with by the proposed admission of Dutch refined sugar at e duty of 24g. Bd., instead of 63a., under the law of Bristol Mercury. Mr. J. Greenwood, now Recorder of Portsmouth, is appointed Recorder of Devouport, being the first Re' corder of that borough on the grant of quarter sessions there. Mr. T. Phinn, of the Western Circuit, is to succeed Mr. Greenwood as Recorder of Portsmouth.--" Observer. 27,141. On the 16th inst., at La Resiere, Jersey, the lady of T. E. Le Blanc, Esq., late Captain 37th Regiment, of a daughter, On the 16th inst., at Shrivenham-house, the Hon. Mrs. Barrington, of a daughter. On the 19th inst., at Hersham-ledge, Surrey, the lady of W. G. Monk, Esq., of a daughter. On the 19th inst., at Peasemore Rectory, Berks, the wife of the Rev. T. A. Houblon, of a daughter. On the 20th inst., the wife of Horatio It Handey, Bur geon, Upper Stamford-street, of a daughter. On the 20th inst., the wife of the Rev. J. 0. W. Haweill. of a daughter. On the 21st inst., at Ebury-street, the Hon. Mrs. Gerald Dillon, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 19th i ns t., at Fittleton Church, Wilts, Charles S. Harris, Esq., of Budleigh, Salterton, Devon, to Catherine Jane, younger daughter of the late Major Vowell, of the 88t1 1 Regiment of Foot. On the 20th inst., at St. Mary's, Islington, J. Bethel], Esq' of Connaught-place West, Hyde-park, to Sarah Cross, eldest daughter of the late V. Smedley, Esq., of Highbury-place. On the 20th inst., at Wimbledon, H. 0. Savery, of Morden. terrace, Greenwich, to Mary Eliza, daughter of the late Sanford, Esq., Bengal N.I. DIED. On the 18th inst., at Austin-friars, J. Cockerton, Esq. On the 19th inst., at Crar brook, Kent, the Rev. F. C• Wilson, M.A., incumbent of All Saints, Islington, aged 41. On the 19th inst., aged 74, Anu, widow of the late DO' Cobbett, M.P. On the 19th inst., at Endsleigh-street, Tavistock-square, Caroline Elizabeth, second daughter of the Rev. P. Hewet t ' rector of Binstead, in the Isle of Wight. On the 20th inst., aged 20, James, only child of A. 11 ° 1-- dern, Esq., of Oxley-house, Staffordshire. On the 20th inst., at lloddesdon, , Herts William Tuck Esq., aged 75. On the 20th inst., Mary Alice, the wife of R. Fowler, Esq" of Lambridge, Bath. London: Printed and Published by MIJRDO YOUNG, a t No. 112, Strand, Printer , At Wice, No. 112 ; Strand, in the Precinct f the Savoy, i n ,the multi °' Middlobox, Monday, July 24, 1848. Paid. X s. d. 40 0 0 50 0 0 25 0 0 20 0 0 2,5 0 0 25 0 0 20 0 0 13 0 0 10 0 0 25 0 0 10 0 0 22 10 0 35 0 0 10 0 0 22 10 0 25 0 0 2 10 0 10 0 0 40 0 0 CO 0 0 40 0 0 Price, Price 115 44' 218 15Y6 444 41 Os. 304 154 4% 162