The Sun. — London, England, 1848-04-14 00:00:00

92 baton SUN OFFICE, Seven ei ,rock. PARMA. The Duke of PAEMA and PLACENTIA has accorded a very liberal constitution to his people. The follow ing are the principal points in it : The State shall be governed by a moderate, here ditary, and constitutional monarchy, with the represen tative form. The Roman Catholic religion is declared to be that of the State, but others are to be permitted. The Sovereign is inviolable, but the Ministers are responsible. The Sovereign possesses the usual powers, and can grant pardons to condemned persons, but not to Ministers who have betrayed their duty. The legis lative power is to be exercised by the Sovereign and a Chamber of Deputies. Every citizen is to be an elector at the age of 25. A LAIN l 5 to declare the conditions on which a citizen can be elected as deputy. The Deputies are to be paid by their respective communes. The Chamber of Deputies is to be assembled every year. No tax can be iniposed without its sanction, and that of the Sovereign. Tye press is to be free. Judges not to be liable to removal. No foreign troops can be taken into the service of the State, except in virtue of a law." FRANKFORT. The Frankfort journal publishes the following pro clamation, addressed by the Committee of Fifty of the Provisional Parliament of Frankfort to the German people, for the convocation of a National Assembly:— " To all who inhabit Germany and who have German hearts we address the present appeal ; and you also, Croations; you, men of Schleswig and eastern and wes tern Prussia, until now the artifices of diplomacy have kept you separate from us ; now, on the contrary, you are our brethers. Our German country must be one country only, great and free. Tne whole German people will it, and the will of a people is irresistible. Men invested with the confidence of the public have as sembled at Frankfort to prepare for the realisition of the will of the people. Not having beep selected by a regular choice, they have regarded it as a duty to convoke a na tional cote.tituent assembly, and to abandon to it the regu- lation of the future destiny of Germahy. The whole Ger man people must be represented in the National Assembly. No difference of condition, fortune, or religious creed will limit the liberty of the elect ions. Every citizen of age, and independent, is an eloudier in his country, and eligible in all Germany. As the ba,es of the welfare of the people the Assembly has recognised—the un limited liberty of opinions ; the liberty of conscience and faith ; the right of associations ; the protection of individual liberty ; the independence ot the tribunals and ot justice, and the institution of the jury ; the pro tection of the labouring classes ; the just a,sessmeet of taxes, the independence of the communes, the subordina tion of individual to generality, and the free development of the national spirit. In order to guarantee all these precious advantages, and that individiril will may never resist the general interest, the Assembly has resolved on the general arming of the people ; we must also be armed, and ready to defend ourselves against foreign enemies. The Assembly has resolved that Schleswig and also eastern and western Prussia shall enter into the Germanic Confederation. It has rejected for Germany the ignominy of the partition of Poland, and imposes upon the German people the duty of endeavouring to secure for the Pules the restoration of their country. Whatever may be the result of these resolutions, Germany is sufficiently strong to answer fur the co nsequences that they may produce; the spirit of conc ord and general defence are the surest guarantees for victory. Men of Germany! You know what has happened and what may happen; it is for you to complete what the assembly hi whose name we speak has commenced. It is in its name that we invite you to commence the general elections with gravity and regularity. Send to the National Assembly plain and honest men ; men who have proved to the people that the wish for the general good overpowers in them all considerations of private interest; in whose eyes justice has a higher place than considerations of classes and prejudices, and who regard truth as more valuable than the victory of individual opinion. Reflect on your mission; reflect that your ethers look down upon you." MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of April 14.) SUGAIL—To-day the market For raw Sugar had a more active appearance, and for all sorts better prices were obtainable, whilst supplies were but moderate. West India was in fair request by the home trade, and 380 hhds, &e. were sold at 6d per cwt advance. The total sales for the week are 740 hhds and tres. The market closes with a firm appearance fur both free and slave labour. REFINED.—To-day no variation took place in the value of refined goods, but home buyers made purchases with cauti in, and large parcels are on offer. Bonded Crushed Sugar is dull of sale at 26s to 273 641 per cwt. Of Dutch crushed Sugar 600 tons have been sold in Rolland for Genoa. AIALTRITICTS. —This a!ternoon more desire was mani fested to make purchases in Mauritius Sugar, and 6,486 bags 126 casks, at auction, ws=re all sold at full 61 p”r cwt adva. , ce. The chief part of the Sugar was out of condition. _ EAST INDIA.—This afternoon the purchases male in Bengal Sugar prii,,tely were upon a more eauenct.d scale. At auction 1,261 bags were offered, and 570 ba4a sold at GI to is advance. Of Penanv, 1,492 baskts, and 344 bags were bought in at 26s 6d to 27s 6(1 tor low and middling dark damp [Town, and good to fine 23s to 294 per cwt FOREIGN.—To-day there was no public sale of Foreign Sugar, but privately a fair business was done, and at stiffer rates ; 3,000 bags of low brown Manilla fetched 33s for Muscovadoe kind ; and 350 baskets Java, the particulirs of which have no► transpired. MOLASSES.—The amount of business concluded in West Nadia of all kinds has been limited, and prices continue on the decline, as the stotk is large. The value of low to fine quality is 14a 64 to 184 per cwt. Bengal Treacle is little required, and can be obtained at lower rates. The stock is also on the increase. COFFEE.—This afternoon at public sale 98 bags, and 18 casks of Pantation Ceylon Coffee were offered fine bold c. - dory Mountain went at 58s 6d to 59s 6d, and peaherry 655, which are lower rates by 44 to 53, other kinds realised the full value—fine fine ordinary yellow 38s, fine ordinary 355, ordinary 305, and peaberry 50s 6d to 42a. Of Native 1,000 bags were offered, but a small part only sold at 31s for real good ordinary, and which is 6,1 lower. Mocha is little wanted, and of 216 bales, 1721 bales were all taken in at 563 for middling, being above the value; 134 bags Mysor sold at 72s for first class damaged, and at 26s 6d to 305 for second and third. TaA.—There are ready sellers of black upon previous reduced terms, still the purchases made by private treaty have been limited in all sorts—ordinary Congou is only 6d to 6-id, good common 7d to 7id per lb. Green is little required, and the rates accepted are rather under those previously current. Of 6,400 pigs offered at auction only 2,100 were actually sold, and at a reduction on former rates of Id to lid for Hyson of ordinary (humility, whilst on plain and scented orange Pekoe the fall wa s nearly 2(1 pe r lb. RICE.—To-day there was no increase in the demand for East India Rice. At public sale 1,006 bags and ' 1,123 pockets of Bengal were offered— allbsuoutrid was nearly taken in at 10s for middling whits damaged dand sold, first class 9s 6d to 10s, second ditto as, thir fourth 53 to 7s 6d; 500 pockets of good sound white, however, sold at 10s 6d, which is rather cheaper. Of Arr. • ' .tats were disposed of at 7s 6d for fine yellow, ac ard I s as i 4s to 5s 6d per cwt. sr,.._ss—To-day at public sale 657 bags of Sumatra Pepper were offered, the sound were all taken in at the full value, good black rather dusty_ at 21,1 to 2id, cl ean ditto 2}a, but damag , d sold, first class 2d to `lid, second and third lfd to 2d per lb. RCM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDR. 7 Th .e . market f or Jamaica Rum has been in a dull state au the week, and supplies continue to increase. For exportation orders are unusually small for all sorts, whereas home buyers are not disposed to pu rchase more than siitil- - t cient for their immediate r imirmidecdriartehusewann/L The rates accepted are ra th:s day week. Plain and mid.:hog qua lit y selling at 3s 7el to 3s 9d, good middling and proof. For high g oil 34 MI to 43 2d, fine 4s 31 to per cent over 4s 6d for 30 to 36 10 w buyers ffir v ured sorts holth,rs ask w 4s it 4 h .l t0 E 4 ,, , s t 9d l ; ndia is little are, however, to he wanted, and must with c. rtifivates. Lee ward be c m a e fi t . ed rathor cheaper, Is 7d to Is 8.1 is the value of proof etnerara is U Island met with a dull demand at Is 9d to Is ty 9 e d d p u r p o , o n f, and which were easier rates. D lower terms; still buyers opera te with caution, and • 2 * 1M to 3a 2 d i s t h e w orth of 30 to 38 per cent over proof. The stock of Brandy arrivals are near at hand. H o ld e rs of Rim is yet large. and are more inclined to sell, on quantiti es being near with less freedom a Yi .taue Ot 1844, at 5, 7., 1 to t•t hand, and a b e u e ;:e u r i buyers t p u ° r f e a largesl Cognac best braticis ot the per gallon. v nor tai ion Ger.eve ) . - 9.1, and 1846 at 4s 8d to 44 10d is dell of sale, ordinary e —r - , i. sort at 1s 10,1 to 2,, British Corn S if t ." 1 fl, Q for duty 2s 10d to 3s Zli 10. net cash. 1) 1 i'.ll')wever, set much in demand at Hors.—For the finer sorts the demand is active, and former rates are well kept . et is rather up, and the supply is on the 1 decrease. The mark kinds, still holders will not suitinaitt eatnytor ordinary I • do not supply the market lar decline, and asp private ate bettertre a d t e y m s a a n k d s , I ' SILTPRTRE.—To-day ItougehYiNzi and stiffer rates are obtained! . wore made at 34s 6d to 35s for y 8 to 101 per cent, r e _ • fraction. low, rates In consequenc e of rather induee,j to 0 , - TunPENTINR.- - having been accepted fir spirits buyersAwe,are r, i ;air and a m. thereoun t o i : make purchases with more freedo m . tr i ed, and , business has been concluded ßough at 3nSost mtou3,ll6's not a large stock. must be called cheaper; there is also a furthieur in the stock, and 8s to 8s 3d is the value. Tar r n e c a r r "" stiff rates on account of the limited stuck, and 201sz'tts) 21s is the worth of Sweet - fish. OlLS.—There are sellers of Linseed Oil at further reduced rates, yet there is no increase in the home demand, and on the part of exporters little inclina tion has been manifested to make purchases. The supply is, however, yet moder a t e , an d there is a large consumption. On the spot the prices accepted are 23s 3d to 23s 6d per cwt. For forward delivery there are sellers at 24s to 24s 3d few purchasers are, however, to be met with. Rapeseed Oil is not much required whilst prices continue to give way as the stock is large. Palo is only worth 34s Gd, and brown 33s 6d, but the consumption is steadily on the increase. Olive is not much in demand, and sellers are /willing to make a slight concession in the value; although deliveries are exceeding the arrivals. Cocoa Nut is not much in rt-quest, and can be obtained at , rather lower rates, a s th ere i s a more plentitul supply. The consumption is li m i te d and further arrivals are near at h+nd. Lard Oil has been dealt in with caution at 47s to 50s, and Ground Nut Oil is dull of sale at 38s to 395. In Palm the operations are upon a more extended scale, in consequence of holders submitting to rather lower rates. Fine quality has been selling at 34s 6d to 355, and low to good 30s to 345; there is also a larger quantity pressing upon the attention of the trade. For Fish Oils there is no improvement in the demand either for home consumption or exportation, and a further in crease is observable in the supply, whilst the general tendency ofprices is yet to decline, and large arrivals are expected ; the neliveries are also unsatisfac tory. Seal met with little attention, although sellers are wrlling to further reduce their prices. Cod is held for 251 to 25155, but the amount of business concluded has been of little consequence, and there is an increased quantity on offer. In Southern of all kinds the .les made have been of little moment by private treaty. Sperm has been dealt in with caution, and rather lower rates are accepted. Headmatter is selling at 141 to 84/ 103 for fine quality, but the demand is li mited. At public sale 350 pkas of Cochin Cocoa Nut Oil were nearly all taken in at 50s for fine sort. TaLLow.—This afternoon lower rates were accepted for 'fallow. At the public sales 419 packages South American mostly sold at 43s 6d to 495 for low to fine; 280 of New South Wales, 42a to 50s; 50 of Belgian, 48s to 50s; 47 of French, 47s 3d to 47a 6d; 47 of Tag anrof, Sheep, 46s 6d to 49s 9d; 195 of Russian , p art sold, first sort P.Y.C., 50s 3d to 50s 6d; town melted, 51s 6d. BANK OF ENGLAND. (From this night's Gazette.) A. Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and tith ot V ictoria, cap. 32, for the Weet ending on Saturday, the Bth day of April, I sail. 1.155U1 DiTAITILINT. Notes iieae4•• • ..... 28,008,35 r. Z24,',;08,3 85 Dated the 13th day of April. 18. DANXIND Dl Prope etors' capital. • 14,553,000 Rest •• • • .... 3 , 396,002 Public dapcsits (in- eluding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Sav ings-bank s, and Di vidend accounts) • • 4,5115.054 3ther deposits • • • • • • 11,961,561 'even day and other bills •••• • • • • •• • • 1.007,666 235,304,814 Government debt • • 11,015,100 Other securities •• • • 2,984.900 Gold coin and bullion 12,059,758 silver bullion • • • • •• Dated the 13th day of April. 13, 128,008,345 MAUSHALL, Chief Cashier. r ETIZT YEN T. G•vernment securi ties (including Dead Weight Annuity). • 12,C42.866 Other securities •• • • 11,468,152 Notes ••••••• • • • • • • • 9,7G7,750 Gold and sllrsr coin.. 594,046 £35,504,414 i if. MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. 0 CHARTIST CONVENTION. (THIS DAY.) AFTERNOON SITTING. In the absence of the chairman, Mr. Cuffay was elected to take the chair, which he did amidst much laughter and cheers. Mr. WHEELER said he had been requested by Mr. O'Brien to make an official communication to the secre tary of his resignation as a delegate. Mr. HARNEY considered that Mr. O'Brien had treated the Chartists of London with great disrespect in acting in the way he had done. He would, therefore, move— that this Convention considers that Mr. O'Brien has treated the Convention with disrespect in the manner in which he has thought fit to vacate his seat iu this as sembly. Mr. CEFFAY seconded the motion. Mr. KYDD did not think they had any right to inter fere between Mr. O'Brien and his constituents, who ought to be allowed to settle any matter of difference between themselves. As his constituents had returned him as a delegate, they had power to receive his resigna tion, and it was their business to see that they were represented in the Convention. With that view he begged to move that the question be not entertained. The amendment was seconded by Mr. WALTER, but was negatived on a division being taken, and the motion was accordingly carried. Mr. HARNEY said he had observed a sneering para graph in a newspaper at the end of the report of their proceedings, stating when the meeting broke up a per• son stood at the door shaking a money box in the ears of the public. Now he wished to know upon what autho rity the box was placed there? He did not object to any person contributing towards the expenses of that assembly out he did strongly object to a man shaking a box at the door and crying out " Remember the poor delegates of the Convention."—(Laughter.) He was one who thought that those who sent delegates to the Convention ought to be able to support them—(Cheers)—and he was therefore much against adopting the practice of the disciples of Daniel O'Connell. Mr. M`GRATH said, as theirs was a public cause it ought to be supported by the public, acd he saw no rea son why a box should not be placed at the door to give an opportunity to those who were able and willing to contribute t 'wards the expenses. He did obj- cr, however, to a person shaking the box in the ears of the people as they left the meeting. It was ultimately agreed that the box should be left at the door in a less objectionable manner. Mr. WALTER brought up the address which had been prepared by the different trades' unions in Great Britain and Ireland, which was agreed to and ordered to be printed. Mr. HARNEY said he had received a communication from Aberdeen, stating that at a meeting held there of five or six thousand people, a resolution was come to to enrol a national guard, and also one expressing their confi dence in the proceedings of the Convention. The letter further stated that the enrolment of the national guard had already been comna , nced.--(Loud cheers.) ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN. Mr. ERNEST JONES proposed that the Convention should draw up a memorial to the Queen, requesting her to dismiss her Ministers, and to call men to her councils pledged to the principles of the People's Charter ; and further, requestin ; her to dissolve Parliament, as not representing the feelings and the enlightenment of the people ; and that such memorial be entrusted to the National Assembly for presentation to the Queen.—(Cheers.) He believed that resolution was in compliance with the one which had been passed by the Convention, not again to petition the House of Commons should the National Petition be re jected ; for after the proceedings in the House of Commons last night they might look upon the petition as virtually rejected. The Sovereign was therefore the next highest court of appeal to which it was the bounden duty of the people to submit their grievances betore re sorting to any ulterior measures. As the conduct of the House last night was tantamount to a rejection, it would be humiliating on their part to have any further intercourse with it, and he contended that they should send no more petitions on any plea whatever. It had been stated that the enthusiasm in favour of the Charter was dying away, in consequence of the events on Monday last, but on the contrary the Chartists were stronger, more courageous, and prouder of the cause than they had been before.—(Cheers.) Would any one venture to assert after looking round the hall, and seeing the enthusiasm which prevailed, that the people would have gone, day after day, and listened with so much interest to the deli berations of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) He concluded by suggesting that the memorial should be adopted at the simultaneous meetings on Good Friday. Mr. WALTER, in seconding the motion, observed that if the monarchy of this country was ever put an end to, it would not be so much by the proceedings of that Convention or even by the act of the most ardent Republicans as by those who were in the confidence of the Sovereign, and who prevented her listening to the opinions and the real wants of the people.—(Hear.) The motion was unanimously carried, and a Com mittee was appointed, consisting of Mr. E. Jones, Mr. Harney, and Mr. Walter to draw up the memorial. wit i‘ h i cu . t l an . any After a good dealof d' • ee ry pr„ being come to, discussion upon several matters to draw up eer.talinr"Pl9-ed that a committee be appointed illustratio n of the p,oull? gratuitous distributiel P i i ' 4 tracts, containing a simple sale, at the lowest possible cases, Charier, for publication and The !notion was secondeedpbriyeeilr. STazavdEsilLN. others fur The su tr i i 3 t ; o e .f ffect, was announced se treeitttee A subscription of 1/, ire io carry ing that tn 0t i,,, 91 a stranger present, to aid amidst loud cheers. of ladies should by a recommendation that a Co was accempanied I be appointe i to distribute the in the army, which recommendation among the soldiers burst of applause. was received with a A DELEGATE said a soldier in the ar my been rent over to thi s country horn Cork, who h a d putting down their demonstration on Mound y, t° s d id h; in the t ther day that he did not think, in the told him the collision, the soldiers would have fired upon the pee D -• a The way in which the 1/. was received had a Pe c o ' l " . mita gious effect upon the aud.tors, if we tray judge 'rum t h e manner in which a number of shilltngs and six pences were thrown fretn all sides of t h e h all upon the sen atorial tables, to the danger of the uncovered heads of the delegates. The motion was unanimously carried, and a committee appointed for 1 he purpose, and the meeting shortly after wards adjourned. THE LONDON GAZETTE. (THIS EVENING.) CROWN OFFICE, APRIL 14, 1848. MEMBER RETCRNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PAR. LIAXENT. Borough of Sligo—Charlesh having been declaredelectio n for the said boroug IL 14, 1848. WAR OFFICE, APR f i wi n Alexander Life Guards — C aptain t o be Unattached, a Regiment of Towneley, E sq.,the vo ls id st . George Fullerton, from half-pay Captain, vice Brevet Niajor John lioc,,e, to be c Li a e p u t te a i n n c r t by Ed p w u a rc rd hai ll e, ich v a i : e l E F a u r l l le who retires; 1, w ho exchanges; Cornet and Sub Lieutenant Robert Hesketh, t o b e 1 the F.el Lieutenant, by purchase, me --" of Longford, April 14 ; Lieutenant ' Fountains R og 2 Longford, trona the 2d Dragoon Guards, o r t i t) n, to be Lieutenant, vice Greville, who exchanges, Bamford April 15; Cornet Henry John Townsend Stephens, from the Ist Dragoons, to be C ornet and S u b-Li eutenant, by purchase, vic e Hesketh, Ap 2d Drag on Guards—Lieut ena nt William Hamilton Grenville, from the 2d Regiment of Life Guards, to be revnicaediller°gßigeginawhenteloefhFaonogteGuards—Catain April 15. Lieutenant, l s t or G Villiers La Touche Uatton, f rom 76th Foot, „ to be Lieu. TkiE SUN, LONDON, tenant and. Captain, vice Disbrowe, who exchang,es,l April 14. Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards Capiain George Warrender, frt..m the 92d Foot, to be Lieutenant and Captain, vice Lyon, wl o exchanges, April 14. 16th Regiment of Foot—Ensign George Hartwel! Marsack, from half pay 31st Foot, to be Ensign, vice Grant, appointed Adjutant ; William Stacpoole, Gent., to be Eesign, by purchase, vice Marsack, who retires, April 14. 34th Foot—Lieut. William Leopold Talbot, to be Captain, by purchase, vice E lward Plantagenet Airey Talbot, who retires; Ensign Joseph Jordan to be Lieu tenant, by purchase, vice W. L. Talbot; Granville Wil liam Puget, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Jordan, April 14. 40th Foot—John Pinckney, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Coke, appointed to the Scots Fusilier Guards, April 14. 52d Foot--Lieut. Martinus Van Kerkwyk Bowie, to be Captain, by purchase, vice Brownrigg, who retires ; Ensign George Charles Synge to be Lieutenant, by pur ehase, vice Bowie; William Gascoyne Bulwer, Gent., to ,'be Ensign, by purchase, vice Synge, April 14. 68th Foot—Lieut. Samuel William Henry Hawker to be Captain, by purchase, vice Browne ; Ensign Stephen Croft, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Hawker; Harrison Welke John Trent, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Croft; Sergeant Major Thomas Turks, to be Quartermaster, vice Doherty, appointed to 44th Fcot, April 14. 69th Foot—Ensign Francis Gamble Blood, to be Lieutenant, vice Hussey, who retires; George Frederick Gilder, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Blood, April 7 Foot—Lieutenant and Captain Joh n G eorge Cavendish t l4 h Disbrowe, from lit or G rena di er R eg i ment of Foot Guards, to be Captain, vice Hatton, who ex changes, April 14. 81st Foot—Captain William Henry Charles Wellesley to be Major, by purchase, vice Hort, who retires; Lieu bsnant John Aurthur Gildes to be Captain, by pur chae, vice Wellesley; Ensign Thomas Howard Fenwick to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Gildea ; Charles Hunter, Gent.; to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Fenwick April 14. 88th Foot—Ensign Henry Ernst to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Conyngham, who retires ; Richard Grace, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchafe, vice Ernst, A pril 14. 92d Foot—Lieutenant and Captain William Charles Lyon, from the Coldstream Regiment-of Foot Guards, to be Captain, vice Warrender, who exchanges, April 14. Ist %Vest India Regiment—Major Robert Hughes to be Lieutenant Colonel, without purchase, vice Capadose, deceased; Brevet Major James Clarke to be Major, vice Hughes; Lieutenant Edmund Hayter Bingham to be Captain, vice Clarke; Ensign George Philan to be Lieutenant, vice Bingham, March 1 ; James Wright, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Philan, April 14. BREVET.—Captain Alexauder George Fullerton, of the 2d Regiment of Lite Guards, to be Major in the Army, Nov. 9, 1846. HOSPITAL STAFF.—Assistant-Staff Surgeon George Roche Smith to be Staff Surgeon of the Second Class, vice William Gibson B)rne, who retires upon half-pay, April 14. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. William Davis, iron manufacturer, Abercarne, Mon mouthshire. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. George Sturt, banker, Saint Albans, Hertfordshire. BANKRUPTS. James Trigg, upholsterer, Southampton, to surrender April 28, at one, and May 26, at half-past eleven, at thi Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Birchin lane. Cornhill; Finch, Southampton-street, Bloomsbury William Isaac Dan son, cigar merchant, Lime-stree . , City. Joh❑ Winterbourne, builder, Oxford. John William Ham' mon, watch case manufacturer. Sailor .le-street, Clerken well. Gid ley Ilowden, patent stove manufacturer, Old - street- road. Andrew Ball, innkeeper, Wells, Somerset-hire. Stephen Davis and Adolphus Troeger, furriers, St. Helen's-square, York. William lieskin Osborne, wine and spirit merchant Shafield. Henry Thomas Smith and John Hewitt, tailors, Li ♦erpool. Henry Davies and William Davies, stock brokers, Liverpool. George Keilar, timber merchant, Liverpool. Thomas Hastings Irwin, stock broker, Liverpool. William Essex, stock and share broker, Manchester. John Brown, carpet dealer, Manchester. Ssmuel Kershaw, cotton spinner, Charlestown, Der byshire. . _ James Mottram Goodwin, grocer, Ashton-under.Lyne. John Couttg, iron ship builder, Newcastle upon-Tyne. James Carter, grocer, Csmbrtdgeshire. Edward Burls, baker, Commercial-road East. John Benson Browne, brewer, Newcasile-under-Lme, StatEirdshire. Henry Jowett, draper, Birmingham. Warwickshire. Thomas Wyle, grocer, Gloucester. John Fitzherbert Bridges,innkeeper,SherstonMagna, Gloucestershire. William Patt Watkins, cider merchant, Long Ashton Somersetshire. • PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, compute from the returns made in the week ending April 11, 1644, is 225. 1 4d. per cwt. ,;()URSE EXCH NGE.—(THIS DAY.) • • : 1. - Leghorn ........ ••. • • • ••• ••••• , ;etioa .. ••••..•• • • • • • • "" Naples .............. as ea.lorrno, p0r05........ Lisbon.... ..... &Lnet•tr tarn .......... 12 4 Dit.o, at sight • ....• .......... tiarnhurglt .... • • 11. It. ltona .......... •• Pada, 3 days' sight .... 25 50 Varseilles • . Itourdeaux ......... • • Frankfort is retersburgh, Itble.. Vienna, exec. f 10...... frieste, ditto.... ..... . Barcelona •. • • ........ iavWe• • • • •• • • • • • ..... Oporw ................ Rio Janeiro ........ • • itahla • • •••• • • • • litienos lyres .• .. • • New York. 2 L dayesight Philadelphia .......... P&ICU 01 11C'LLION, ! LA OIL Fore! gn Gold it bars ...V 17 9 :raw Dollars • ..... 0 0 0 Portugal Gold Coin .. U 0 0 3paniah Dooblooas .. 1 14 9 :11 veri bare • • 0 0 0 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the Wool sack shortly before Five o'clock. _ _ MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills, which were respectively read a first time. 'PETITIONS. The Earl of ORKNEY presented a petition from the schoolmasters of Orkney, praying for an alteration in the law respecting schoolmasters in Scotland. Also pe titions from various lodges of Odd Fellows, praying that their societies might be legalized. MUTINY BILL. The Mutiny Bill was read a third time and passed. MARINE MUTINY BILL. The Marine Mutiny Bill was read a third time and passed. LEASES MINES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of the Earl of DEVON, the Leases Mines (Ireland) Bill was read a second time. MINISTERS' MONEY (IRELAND). The Marquis of CLANRICARDE presented a petition from Drogheda against the imposition of ministers' money in Ireland. ODD FELLOWS. Lord BEAUMONT presented a great number of petitions from various lodges of Odd Fellows, all very numerously signed, praying for the legalization of their society._ The Earl of HARROWBY presented scveral peti tions with a similar prayer. SCOTCH POOR-LAW. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from Forres, prayieg for an alteration in the Scotch Poor. law. ELECTION RECOGNIZANCES BILL. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from Chel tenham against the Election Recoguizances Bill. Lord MONTEAGLE, in cons« quence of the absence of a Noble and Learned who was exceedingly anxious to take psrt in the discussion of the Election Recog nuances Bill, postponed the second reading of the Bill to Monday, and he hoped that after that day no further ob,taclea would be thruwu in the way of the progress of the Bill. Lord CAMPBELL thought that the Bill might be read a second time sub silentio, and the discussion taken on going into Committee. Lord BROUGHAM reminded the House that al though the discussion on the principle of a Bill was usually taken on the second reading, yet still it was nut unusual by agreement to permit a Bill to be read a second time, sub silentio, and to take the discussion on the motion for going into Committee. After a few words from the Earl of ELLENBOIOUGH and Lord C.smPisem., the second reading of the Bill was postponed to Monday. t:r o o rd ug h h ad th t e u Lord REDE SDALE SM in O tr K od E u ' red a Bill for the sup pression of the nuisance of smoke. It was identical in itsthesceporpnodr:rivseiiedsoin;nnaaw.oiutfshetl) Bill which had last session passed 111 his The Marqui s of LefACEnons measure so wN i on E th w e as m g o la ti and he would explain coit a li ss . i i st A an wee in his attention to the subject The Duke of RICHieN.IOND power. to the manner in w e i f t h the ern averages render him every ' were d e f otNra wouldkotbehlnee. AVERAGES. appeared in the cornaverages commutation was foun ownertehes asked for information as Great quantities ' i k m ep p t o . r ta ti tie thwatzhetdhe to area " seoladverwagheicsh, it t ne w Y a e s r atgs a s ll hou an ld a beas the e rfe t c it t h ly e Whether • t p h e e rso ß n o s ar w d h e w s c; of Trade sent. down from Zreet u a i r d id to see that w in e e re the pro b p o e o r k i s y okfeptht,e ins pect or s, ethxeaym sugest that farmers might 6,2 permitt e d t o make return s of their sales and prices direc.; to the Board of Trade, had been made i.n taking the averages againesatttTeistakes r titiori of which iit.,was the duty of th e B oard of TraZeto. guard. The Marquis. of LANSI)OWNE said that in the towns which had l:een added in 1842 to the markets for taking the averzigt .:s those averages were taken by the Excise officers,, who were responsible persons. I TI what might be r ;alled the old towns the oversees were keepers, whose accuracy eoul i i taken by respec table shop be depended up on, and as vacancies occurred in those places in insper :torships of corn returns, those vacancie e were filled up b 5- excise officers. FRIDAY BI7SINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord STANLEY rose, according to notice, to draw'. the attention of the House to the manner in which the business of both Houses of Parliament was conducted. He did not at all intend to touch upon the manner in which private besiness was conducted, but should confine his attention to the manner in which public legislation was conducted. There was now a much greater degree of attention paid by the public to the subject of legislation than was paid many years ago, but with i that greater degree of attention there had arisen an idea n the mind of every man that he was a competent judge in all matterss of legislation, so that contemporaneously with this greater degree of attention to public affairs, there had arisen a want of deference to the authority of Parliament. There had arisen a feeling of a somewhat similar nature in the other House. Members of the House were more inde pendent in the) expression of their opinions than they had formerly been, and were much more dependent on their constituents than formerly ; and to conciliate those con stituents, they were obliged frequently to speak in the House to the great obstruction of the public business. (LEFT SPEAKING) HOUSE OF COMMONS. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL ,(Continued from our Afternoon Edition ) Mr. OSBORNE said, as there was a great difference amongst the Learned Members of the House as to what constituted the offence of treason, he wanted to know how the people were to ascertain how to act when the doctors disagreed? The Act was a retrogressive one.—(Hear.) It really was too bad for the Government to come down to the House of Commons in the nineteenth ceatury, when every country in the world was making rapid progress, to ask for powers to render " open and advised speak ing" a felony.—(Hear, hear.) Let the Govern ment bear in mind that a similar Bill to the one now before the House caused a split in the strong Government of 1792.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had made some allusion to a state ment he supposed be had made with respect to the Duke of Wellington. It that Noble Duke was a member of the Cabinet, he should speak of it with respect. He had called the Government " an old woman "—it was an old woman's " Cabinet in his opinion ; but it was for the House to judge whether the old woman was the Secretary of State for the Home Department, or the President of the Board of Trade, or any other member of the Government.—(Laughter.) Sir DE L. EVANS supported the motion for goine into Committee on the Bill; at the same time, he wished to know from the legal authorities in the House whether or not the law as it now stood was sufficient to enable the Government to put down seditious speaking. He objected to the introduction of the new principle of speaking into the legislature of the country. He had no objection to granting extraordinary powers to the Go vernment it it were shown that they were not already possessed of sufficient powers. Unless such necessity were shown, he should feel it his duty to move an amendment in Committee, leaving the severe punishment only for a second offence, if committed within a month after the commission of the first. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said, that if the opposition to the Bill were a factious one, he most sordially approved of that opposition, and thought it had been productive of considerable good, inas much as several mitigations of the severity of the Bill had been obtained. He thought it would be a very good proposition, considering the great difference which existed upon the subject of treason, that all the lawyers in the House should be sent up stairs to a Committee in ‘)rder to define clearly what treason and sedition was, Ind until they had decided upon the question the fur ther progress of the Bill should be retarded. Sir W. CLAY thought that the Bill as it now stood placed in the same category, and inflicted the same punishment upon crimes of a very different character criminality.—(llear, hear.) There was a great aifference between words spoken and excited in he heat of debate and an article deliberately prepared by a person, and afterwards printed Ind circulated, for the purpose of exciting the people to provide themselves with arms, and entering fully into the details of the mode of using and procuring them. Both reason and experience showed that the wiser course for a Government to adopt was to be lenient towards political offences. There was not a capi tal in Europe where such language as had recently been used in this country would have been tolerated for a .uoment, and what was the result? all those other powers tied fallen, while Englund alone remained calm and serene amid the storm. He called upon his Noble Friend to reconsider that portion of the Bill. It was, aowevar, most unfair to call the Bill a gagging Bill, or soercion Bill, or a Bill of pains and penalties, or to throw anything like aspersions upon her Masjesty's Government. The measure was one of a mitigatory character in all its phases, except in that portion which did not harmonize with the constitutional character and institutions of the country. Mr. MUNTZ was of opinion that a large portion of the people of this country considered this to be nothing more nor less than a gagging Bill. After the differ ences of opinion which prevailed among members of the Legal profession as to the effect of this measure, it was hardly to be supposed that simple-minded laymen like nimself and other Hon. Members should be able to un derstand its effects. A great deal kad been said about dr. Fox and his opinions. The people of this country were of the opinion that the Foxites had forgotten all the principles and opinions of Mr. Fox. Now what :lad this Government done for the country? Their first measure was an Irish coercion Bill, their second he appointment of a one-sided Committee to inquire into the distress of the country, and their third and last was the present gagging Bill. He was most decidedly in favour of assimilating the law of treason between the two countries, but he warned the Government that if they passed the Bill in its present shape, they would not long continue to hold tne reins of Government. It this Bill had been in force rom the year 1832 and up to the present time, he should nave been, with the very best intentions, transported as a common felon. He certainly never would give his -upport to any clause which would give power to a Go vernment to transport any person for speaking his mind upon the evidence of persons who cold and whose testimony might be openlyo o ug ht e aaonsridl honestly, purchased, be bri bribed , if they would only pay them well enough. There was great distress in the country, and it was his most decided opinion that where there were persons able and willing to work, and were not able to obtain it, it was the fault of the Government of the country, and if the present Government could not dis cover the cause of this distress, the sooner they retired from the position they occupied the better it would be ror themselves and the country. Mr. H. GRATTAN did not believe that if the present Bill were passed it would have the effect of giving any greater security to the Crown and Government than was now afforded by the existing laws. He was sure that the eff ec t o f r e volutionizing Ireland f s The Irish were not, he was happy to sat t aa h giy i ai measure itisrttawouldhaveiEtonrgslaoiri would d. ail, but if it did not, he was err rebels, but they were agitators for the purpose of improving their coudition.—(Hear, hear.) What was that condition ? why, starvation and misery. He believed the law, as it at present existed, was quite strong enough to secure peace and good order, and he co sa ulnecessity for so stringent a measure He thought that the Irish people complain of the way in which they ah dt the e great not pre seescei cause nu ts a eß n had been treated; everything that had been done of the Government was done after an English fashion. Englishmen had been preferred for every appointment in Ireland, and Irishmen overlooked.—(Hear, hear.) Such being the case it was useless to attempt to unite Eng lishmen and Irishmen as lung as they were severed by the law and the constitution.—(Hear, hear.) He recollected well upon one occasion having an interview with the Marquis of Wellesley, when Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, on which occasion he used these memorable words— " The system in Ireland must be changed, or the time will come when Ireland must be governed either by the military or the mob."---(Hear.) lie trusted the time was far distant when such an event would take place. Mr, MOWATT wished to know from the Attorney- General whether it was the intention of the Government to retain the 36th of George 111., so far as related to that part of it relating to the compassing the life of the Sovereign, which required the evidence of an overt act ; and whether they intended also to retain that part of the 57th of George 111. which made it high treason to imagine or compass the death of the Sovereign which did not require the proof of an overt act The ATTORNEY GENERAL said it was proposed by the Act to mitigate the punishment of high treason, and to preserve the enactment that had been referred to. There was no intention by the Act to jeopardise the liberty of the subject. Mr. WAKLEY thought this Bill was a most atrocious libel upon the people of England He could not see how the Government could, after the people had acted as they had done within the la st few da y s, endeavour to shorten their liberties by t he Bill. He warned the Government from trusting the support they got on the measure from the other side of the House.—(Hear.) They might say what they pleased, but if ever there was a gagging Bill, this was one. Out of doors the middle classes were astonished at the acts of what was called a Liberal Government. The Government were adopt ing harsher measures than ever were adopted in the worst of times. If these things were persisted in, it would be the Government that was undermining the constitution of the country, and not those this who unis h to Bill were asking the for nd and Scotland for the sufferin g s of Ireland.—(Hear.) If a Tor y Government were to p people of England reform. It was proposed by adept the course of the present Ministers it would not be tolerated now because the present Government had come into power under false colours. He trusted that tolerated for a moment by the people, and it was only Honourable Members would not allow the objection able words in this clause to be continued in it, for although they might be in a minority on that point, there was a course warranted by the forms of the House which would enable them to compel Members to allow the words to be expunged.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped the Government, ere it was too late, would con sent to the erasure of the objectionable words in the clause; if they did not, he would offer every opposition in his power to the Bill, let that opposi tion be desi g nated however it might.—(Hear, hea r. ) Mr. AGLIONBY appealed to the Government whether, after the discussion that had taken p lace and the opinions that had been expressed a g ainst them, the y would still persevere in retaining these words in the clause. The House then divided, when there appeared— For going into Committees Against it Majority for going into Committee --254 The House then went into Committee. Mr. HUM E wished to know w hether Government bad any o bj ection to adjourn for an h ou r.—(No, no.) Sir G. GREY said, the Hon. Member fo r Nottin g ham having given up his m ot i on , he proposed that the House should sit e n till they got through this Bill.—(Cheers.) On the question that " open and advised speaking" stand part of the Bill, Mr. MO WATT rose to oppos e it. lie said he had I no sympathy with the fools a n d ma d men w h o spoute d sedition either in Dublin or at t h e so - ca ll e d Nat i onal Convention, but he did not think that their insane ravings were pass i ng any justification f or the of such a clause as this.—(Bear, hear.) H e admitted, with the Noble Lord who introduced this Bill, that they lived in extraordinary times, but he could see not hi ng i n them to justify this retrograde policy.—(Hear, hear.) In 1792, when the French Revolution had had the effect of almost overturning the institutions of the country, and when the life of the Sovereign was openly threatened, Mr. Pitt introduced a similar clause, but Parliament even then refused to pass it.—(Hear, hear.) Wny, then, should they at this advanced period 01 enlightenment attempt to inflict upon the public such a measure? The law as it at present stood was amply sufficient to meet all cases, and he for one n ever wou l d consent to the creation of this new offence.—(Hear.) He thought the Government was perfectly justified in pressing this Bill in order to put a stop to th e se di t i ous proceedings of certain persons in Ireland. Ile objected to the clause before the House, because it merely had reference to the deposition of the title of the Queen, and not to the regal state and dignity of the Crown. Why, after this Act, it a man, at a public meeting or at his own dinner-table, stated that he thought the time had arrived when the union with the sister country should be put an end to, and that consequently th e Queen should no longer reign over it, he would tender himself liable to punishment for felony. The Government might depend upon it that so soon as the reaction of public opinion set in upon this question, they would most grievously repent their indecent hurry in pressing forward this measure. The two main consti tuents of the British Constitution were freedom of speech and the freedom of the press, and this Bill would violate those fundamental principles. He wished to show to the House the dangerous effect which this Bill would have in exciting the sympathies of one portion of the people in favour of those who would be most grievously oppressed try its operation, and most earnestly hoped that the Government would not press forward the obnoxious measure. The Marquis of GRANBY thought that there ought to be a wide distinction kept up between the person who should sit down and advisedly write sedition, and the person who in the excitement of public speaking might make use of expressions tending to the seine result. It was also to be borne• in mind what was the vast power which eloquence had over the human mind. He thought for the reasons he had stated that it was necessary that the words " open and advised speaking" should remain part of the clause. While he stated that he regretted that Ministers should not have contio ued their confidence in the loyalty of the people, instead of rely ing it on their forbearance in bringing forward the pre sent measure.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. CLAY agreed in the general provisions of the Bill because he thought a measure like it was required for the peace and safetyuf the country; but he never could con sent to the retaining of the words in the third clause of " open and advised speaking." He did not think it wise to brand with felony two offences that were totally different, that of writing and speaking. Ile could not believe that it was wise or judicious in them to leave a hole in the law for a court of law to fill up, and he therefore thought these objectionable words in the clause ought to be struck out. In his opinion, however, it would be utterly impossible for a court of law or a jury to decide whether words spoken had previously been premeditated, and every friend of humanity was called upon to oppose a clause which was calculated to lead to much doubt and injustice. lie hoped Government would not content themselves with the precautionary power proposed to be given to them by this clause, but, for God's sake, that they would turn their attention to those remedial measures which were calculated to remove the di,content which prevailed amongst the working clases of this country.—(Hear ) Mr. EWART really did not think there was any necessity for retaining the objectionable words, and he should therefore, out of justice to the people, support the am relment for their expulsion.—(Hear) Ile would sug gest that the clause should be amended by the insertion of the words " public speaking," and that a man should not be prosecuted for any sentiments he might have uttered, unless he had spoken them more than once. He objected to the punishment of transportation for such an offence, and would rather see imprisonment in • them! in lieu of that severe punishment. He recommended Government to expunge the objectionable words "open and advisedly." By doing so they would do an act which would prove satisfactory to a great number of their supporters. Mr. AGLIONBY also objected to the words in the clause, and as one who had supported every stage of the Bill, he recommended the Government to expunge them. He intended in Committee, however, to move, should the omission of these words be agreed to, the insertion of, after the words " be guilty of misdemeanour," " and be liable to be committed to prison, and there to be kept without bail and mainprise until delivered in due course of law ; and any per son who shall be convicted of that offence shall upon being convicted by the Court before whioh such person shall be tried shall be liable to be im prisoned with or without hard labour for any time not exceeding ( ) years. lie thought that that amend ment would meet with the almost unanimous opinion of the House. Mr. BAINES was happy to see that some modifica tions had been introduced into the Bill. It was originally proposed as a permanent measure, and no degrees of punishment were intro duced into it, so that the person who should be convicted of open and advised speaking must, under the Bill, be liable to the great punishment of transportation, the period of the duration of the Bill bad been limited to a comparatively short period, and the amount of punishment considerably mitigated. He could not adopt even as a temporary measure the clause in its present shape. Because the temporary measure of to-day might be the temporary measure of a twelvemonth hence. He was not to be told that there were precedents this measure in the statute book of the State Trials; that would be no ground with him for the adoption of such a measure as this ; before he consented to such an Act he must look to the time and :the circumstances under which it was brought forward; and looking at the times and the circumstances, he did not see any thing to justify such a clause as the one now under discussion. He thought that all the statutes in existence were evident proof of the injustice of such a clause. The authority of Mr. Pitt, Lord Granvi,le, and Lord Eldon, against placing open and advised speak ing upon the same footing as writing.—(Hear.) Hun. Members one atter the other had expressed their difficuty to understand this clause, and he would venture to say that the most practised lawyer in West. minster-hall would nut understand it till ho had read it over most carefully three or four timt 5. (Hear, hear.) Wast it not, therefore, highly desirable that the clause by which it was proposed to establish an offence that had never before existed, should be rendered as intelligible as possible.— (Hear, hear.) Words of themselves had never till now been taken as sufficient evidence of a compassing or imagining the death of the Sovereign, and looking at the severity of the punishment with which it was pro proposed to visit this new offence, namely, trans portation for life, he thought some further time ought to be allowed fur consideration before the clause was agreed to. Let the Commit tee remember the stigma that attached to the name of a convicted felon ; not only, how ever, was the name of a c onvicted felon stig matised, but his goods and chattels were for feited, and he was decidedly of opinion tnat the House would be acting most unjustly and most unconstitutionally if it inflicted the severe punishment of transportation for life upon the almost harmless offence of " open and advised speaking."—(Hear.) Believing that they would violate a principle of the constitution of England, by adopting the clause as it at present stood, he should support the striking out of the clause the words " open and ad vised speaking." Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD considered it the impera tive duty of the Committee to retain the words in the clause, because he considered them just. (LEY'T SPEAKING.) Captain William Mitchell, paymaster for many years of the 2d battalion of the Ist Royal Regiment of Foot, died on the II th inst. at Camberwell. He went through some rough service, having accompanied the regiment to the Cape, Monte Video, the Peninsula, Sicily, Holland, Flanders, and during the Waterloo cam paign. He was in his 72d y ear. THE CHARTIST3,—LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY.—The Chartist meeting announced at the close of the last assembly of that class of politicians for last evening proved a failure. But a few hundred idle ♦agabonds attended, and not even one speaker was present to re lieve the nausea of the public mind. The vigilance of the authorities did not slumber, however. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 13. The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions praying that the Odd Fellows' societies should be placed on the same footing, with regard to legal privileges, as other benefit societies. REMOVAL OF ALIENS BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the second reading of this Bill, and said that the Noble Lord (Lord Beaumont) bad not convinced him that he was wrong in bringing forward the measure. He wished to afford an unrestricted hospitality to all foreigners, but there might be exceptional cases, and to those cases alone the Bill applied. There were no means of ascertaining the number of persons who came to this country, still less could it be discovered who might come fur legitimate and who for illegal purposes; and therefore he could not present any statistical details to their Lordships. But the observation of all who walked tt.a streets of the me tropolis or elsewhere must have convinced them that there was a great increase of foreigners in this country, and no doubt a great many bad come with a view of taking part in the civil dissensions of this country. The Bill did not ask for any indiscriminate authority to send such persons away, neither would their conduct elsewhere, but their conduct here alone, be taken into consideration.—(Hear , hear.) His Noble Friend said that the events of last Monday proved there was no fear of the people of this country acting under the instigation of such per sons. Fortunate as had been the result of the proceed- ings on Monday, not only evincing as they did the extent of the loyalty of her Majesty's subjects, but that they were determined not only now, but hereafter, to preserve order and maintain the peace, yet he was not prepared to say that there was not in other parts of the kingdom a disposition to obtain that assistance. — (Hear.) Many weeks had not elapsed since the proof was afforded of persons in Ireland endeavouring to ob e'ain the assistance of foreigners for the destruction of this ountry, were it in their power.—(Elear, bear.) It was, f herefore, necessary for the Government to be on the-ir • guard, and they proposed the Bill only for a period of one year.—(hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis then detailed the provisions of the Bill, and said the discretion as to the removal of foreigners might be safely entrusted to his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department, subject to the control of Pat liamouts He intended to propose some slight modifications in Committee. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH thought that one of the greatest benefits that could be conferred on this country would be the burning of every copy of Ilan card, and not looking to what had been said as to past cases, regarding only the present evils, and the remedies necessary to be applied to them. Ile thought the mea sure was not sufficiently stringent. If the Noble Mar quis could cot tell the number of aliens in this country the Act would be inoperative. The Alien Act of 1836 obliged every captain of a ship to give the number and names of aliens whom he might bring into this country; but he had no means of compelling them to give their names. It was true the foreigner was to produce a pass eort, but if he did not do so he was only liable to a fine of forty shillings ; and how could they tell an alien to leave the country if they did not know his name ? Unless this Bill were accompanied by the most stringent measures of registration and pass port, it would be quite ineffectual. The Noble Earl then recited the provisions of the Act of 1836, and contended that the measure of the Noble Marquis was a mere fractional part of the Alien Act, and likely enough to deter foreigners from coming here, bat very ill adapted to send them out of the country after they had arrived. Ile believed we never before had so little regarded a re volution as that which had recently occurred in a neigh bouring country. On former occasions the minds of Englishmen were horrified with the bloodshed of the French revolution; but that had not been the case yet with reference to the last: ruin had certainly been the result, but it had been gradually operative. It was well to guard against the influence of French Republicans in this country, but be believed the Bill before their Lord ships would be ineffectual for that purpose. Earl GREY said the provisions of the Alien Act were not sufficient to obtain a perfect registration of foreigers coming to England, and he was afraid it was impossible to contrive a system of passport which would not be highly offensive to parties who had no criminal intention.— (Hear, hear.) This Bill would give a power to the Go vernment, if information were obtained that any parti cular emigrants were inciting disturbance and resistance to the law, to remove them, and he thought foreigners could not so conduct themselves without the fact being ascertained. He firmly believed the Bill would be effec tual for the purposes for which it was designed, and he should not like to see introduced a system foreign to the customs of the country .—(Hear.) Lord BEAUMONT regretted, in the present state of the continent, where it was clear that the Governments of Europe must be remodelled, that a personal attack should have been made by a Noble and Learned Lord opposite (Brougham) on certain Princes of Europe, who had been abused and caricatured by the Noble and Learned Lord in no measured terms. He did not hesi tate to defend the conduct of the King of Sardinia, which had been condemned by the Noble and Learned Lord in language so objectionable and unqualified. It was well known that for the last ten years, in consequence of the conduct of Austria, many of the states of Italy were deprived of their indepen dence, being in fear of that power; and if they had given their people the rights which they were entitled to claim, it was known the Austrian Government would have invaded their territories to put down the march of freedom. The states of Italy had long sought for independence and free institutions, which they had been afraid to claim from fear of Austria. The revolution in Vienna had weakened the Austrian power, and it was felt that she could no longer crush any attempt at insurrection in Lombardy. Sardinia and the Roman States had not taken any step until Milan had declared her independ ence, arid then they interfered because they had no choice but to do so, or place themselves in danger by a war between France and Austria. Austria had long dictated, in the proudest and most insulting terms, to the states of Italy. She had laid neighbouring states waste, and broken the treaty of Vienna, but her power was now shiveting to atoms—it was now crumbling to pieces; and had not the King of Sardinia, the Pope, and the Duke of Tuscany, a right to look to their own interests and protect their subjects ? This they had done, and he contended they had done no more.—(Hr, ar, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM said his Noble Friend had cer tainly made a very eloquent speech, but of all the figures by which it was distinguished, dislocation was the most remarkable.—(A laugh) When the Alien Bill was not before the House, he made a speech on it ; now he had dwelt on other subjects.—(Hear, hear.) It was a saying that it was good to leave well alone; and perhaps it was as well to leave ill alone for fear of making it worse. He thought the Holy Father—if as infallible in temporal as he claimed to be in spiritual matters — would not thank his Noble Friend for his defence. He (Lord Brougham) believed the King of Sardinia to have acted out of fear of his Genoese subjects, and from a desire to make himself king of the north of Italy. To the Holy Father he ascribed no worse a motive than the vain and pernicious desire to make himself popular. This had given the impetus ; but his subsequent motive had been the basest that could sway a ruler—the fear of the Roman populace. If anything could draw down contempt on those entrusted with temporal power, it was the fear of doing their duty, lest it might render them unpopular.—(hear, hear.) The history of Europe for half a century had shown the evil effects of succumbing to a mob, and betraying a solemn duty to popular opinion. He was sorry to accuse Pius IX. of having acted thus. As to Charles Albert he did not doubt his capacity for effecting that movement technically called a retreat ; this he would doubtless effect very quickly, and get out of the enemy's way. He must either do this, or conquer Rsdetzki before he could possess Lombardy.— (Hear, hear.) After the treaty of Vienna had existed a quarter of a century, and become the statute law of Europe with regard to territory, it became the most imprudent thing to disturb it ; but if without such disturbance the freedom of Italy could be assured, no one would have a right to complain. It was the greatest mistake to suppose that the Austrians were not justified in doing what they did at Ferrara. Had the Pope, instead of appealing to considerations which might increase his popularity, merely insisted on the Austrians keeping within the fortress, they must have done so; for Austria had as perfect a right to that for tress as the Pope himself had to his castle of St. Angelo. Thus much in reply to what had fallen from his Noble Friend opposite, who, he hoped, would have no difficulty in obtaining absolution from the Holy Father for this extraordinary defence of him. The Noble Lord then referred to something which he had said on Monday evening in respect to the French Provisional Govern ment, and said that he had meant no disrespect whatever to M. de Lamartine in his remarks on the answer which he had given to the Irish deputation. Lord GRANVILLE said he must protest against the opinion that the politics of the Pope had been influenced, at home or abroad, by any base love of popularity.—(Hear.) Lord STANLEY said that while he gave his cordial and hearty support to this Bill, he must say the Go vernment had not been over hasty in introducing the measure, nor did he think it was likely to be so efficient as they desired. It being admitted that the provisions of the Registration Act were not and could not be strictly complied with, it was evident that this Bill could not operate efficiently. To this no answer had been given by the Noble Lords opposite, who had merely alluded to vexatious interference with private life. Why, the Bill itself was an interference—he had almost said an unconstitutional interference—with the ordinary law, with private arrangements and comforts, and with the ordinary laws of hospitality; but, as such it was justi fied by the circumstances, of the times, by the necessity of providing for the safety of the empire, and by the fact that there were, perhaps, 50,000 foreigners in this country, though the number was nut material —their influence and disposition was everything. These were the grounds on which the Noble Lord opposite had defended an interference, which was confessedly inefficient. Either they ought to have interfered effectually, or to have been restrained from doing so by the considerations he had cited. This Bill and another in the other House had been in troduced with the view of passing them before Easter; so that the time was too short to discuss either of them fully. This measure in particular demanded the most careful consideration, and investigation of the existing law. It went to recognise foreigners by name, while the Government confessed that they had no means of know ing those names. This was avowedly a temporary measure; but the one in the other House was not so; it was a measure for a great and permanent alteration in the law of sedition and treason. With respect to this latter measure, their Lordships had a right to complain that unless they would consent to pass the Bill hastily, they might be told they were responsible fur the con sequences. Looking to what had passed here and in the sister island, the Government was highly censurable for not having brought forward these important measures until within a week of Easter. They might have been cer tain of the support of large majorities in both Houses; they might even have relied on the cordial aid of their political opponents to neutralise any opposition from their political friends; still they had delayed these measures most un wisely.—(Hear.) He was fully disposed to support these ic measures, but he must com a p t l t a e i r. complain ° must complain of another of Ireland, with the open declaration of the in t ent ions , I of the the Government me He hopes and desires of a body (not a numerous one, cer tainly) in that country—with the recommendation to a y n s e u e fa a e l t l u t r hi e s o fgoon weaponsu n the people to arm themselves in resistance to the Go cv h e r e li c k m e e d n , t , a w n a d s e c y o e i n i t e t n o t before their eyes, whic h could be used for no legitimate a to llo si w tb the an m a purpose, he must condemn such a course.—(Hear, hear.) For the first time, not only since the union, but for a much longer period, all restrictions on the carrying of arms in Ireland bad been removed by the present Government; and hence the difficulty in which they were placed with regard to the measures necessary in that country. He regretted that no new powers were asked for by Government, and that even no efficient steps were taken for carrying out the provisions of the Bill passed before Christmas. The number of arms hitherto given up was extremely small compared with the number that had been manufactured. If there was to be an outbreak there, it was inconceivable folly not to take steps for securing a well-armed population in sup port of Government and order, and to disarm the disaffected, especially with the full warning that had been given. To the Bill before the House he offered no te v n i t e io w n to to pr a ey s e ta n t t e t o h f e t things a s l o f a r r a m u n h g t w t h i t a h t opposition; but he thought it hi s d uty to call their evil, g Lo Lordship;' s w h i iy t ' th at e was going on in Ireland.—(Hear.) Lord DENMAN said the Bill before the House had his cordial support. Still he must express his regret that powers so extensire and alarming were found nines- 0y sary. The Secretary of State would be bound to act NIL any information conveyed to him, from whatever quitrtert and however founded. The repeal of the Alien Bill in 1826 had been hailed with shouts of applause; and it was most painful to be compelled to entrust such dangerous powers to any Government. He regretted that the Noble Lord opposite (Stanley) had sought to divide opt nion on the conduct of the Government at a time of such imminent peril.—(Hear, hear.) Ile thought the Govern', ment well entitled to their Lordships' thanks for the prompt steps they had recently taken, last few days.—(Hear, hear.) Their conduct with re gard to Ireland led him to the gratifying conclusion that preservation did ot deem thenny further powers necessary for t a rs pr of peace in that country. With regera to the Bill now before the House, he hoped its provisions especially in the would be well considered, and that their Lordships would be able to give it their undivided support. It was most important, in times of order and quiet, to for any disturbances that might arise. As to the meet ing on Kennington-common, he considered that the G:: vernment were perfectly justified in the measures whi the ook to put it down. Such assemblages wert! highly dangerous, to none more than to those deluded persons who were led to suppose that their liberties were invaded by the steps that were taken to presort° order.—(Hear, hear.) prepare The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said there app eare f el t to have been a mistake as to the object of this Bill. did not at all relate to the system of passporta—but it effected that which it proposed—namely, to give Go vernment the power of excluding from the country in I : visluals whose conduct might render their presence here dangerous.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord opll°L ill (Stanley) thoughtta the Bill did not go far enough; was most impornt, on such a subject as this, that the Government should strive to carry with them the opinion of all classes, and this would not have been the case had a more rigorous measure been proposed. He would make the same remarks with respect to the measures adopte°, in Ireland; and he thought the Noble Lori (Stanl e y ) had gone out of his way fur the purpose of prematatelY condemning the course of Government. The even t. of the last few days had, he hoped, shown that the, attention of Government was fully called to the state of affairs.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") On Monday nest 11 should be prepared to state what course the Governme nt meant to adopt with regard to Ireland. He could not make that statement now, for h e w as n o t so 1 7311 °' in advance on these questions as the Noble Lord oppo• site (Stanley). Exceptional laws of this kind wer e necessarily founded on the circumstances of the moment' and could not be justified or condemned by precedents' A much more severe law might be required at one time than at another; if ever one moment was strongly dig' guished from others by the peculiarity of its circus' stances it was the present; and it was the part of ~e statesman not to look to th e f ormer op i n i ons o f himself or others, but to judge from existing circumstances what measures were necessary.—(Hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY said that he and h ie political friends had suppo r t e d thi s Bill f rom t h e f a irest and most patriotic motives, and it was unfair to imPut e to them any other. While willing to share the respor, sibility and odium of th e G overnment, t h ey h a d a right to see that the measure was effective. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said a few word' l 0 reply, which were inaudible in the gallery. The Duke of RICHMOND wished the Bill had bee n more efficient; but he hoped it would answer the par" pose desired. Ile supported the Bill because he believe" that prevention was better than cure. He could wish_ lt were a more efficient measure, but he would not, 0 ° that account, offer any opposition to it. On the control, looking to what took place in other countries, he we e not prepared factiously to opp ose t h e G over nment , but to give them his feeble but hearty support to enab le them to carry on the affairs of the country. Lord REDESDALE called the attention of the Noble Marquis to the loose way in which the provisions in th e Bill respecting the service of warrants were drawn up. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that wIl! the Bill was committed would be the p ro p e r time for discussing the objection. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered t° be committed on Monday, and the standing orders SOS: pended; upon which their L or d s hip s a dj ourn ed, ' ll ' twenty minutes before eight. ROUSE OF COMMONS, April 13. An HON. MEMBER presented a petition, praying for the abolition of the attorneys' certificate duty. _ A Capt. JONES presented a petiti on f rom Wextur' in favour of tenant-right. CONVICTION OF MATTHEW DAVIS. Mr. EWART, in allusion to the conviction of Matthe^ Davis, at the recent assizes for W arw i c k, f or t h e mord° ., of his wife, said that he had received the strongest 11 ; presentations from the medical m en th a t D av i s wee nt)d. reponsible for the dreadful act which he had commit- 1t He wished to know whether the ma tt er was u nder ti h, e consideration of the Secretary of St a t e f or the 80% Department, and whether it w as true, that unless th e ' were some alteration in the de c i s i on w hi c h h a d hither , to been arrived at, the prisoner would be executed t c). morrow ? Sir G. GREY—It is very true that a man of the WTI of Davis was convicted at the last assizes for Werv" c d for the murder of his wife, by cutting her throat, e n a memorial was a few days ago presented to me, sce° ul i pacied by the statement of medical men, who alltse.e that, in their opinion, his mind was not in that Oft which made him responsible for hi s ac t s . I took tb• course as to that memorial which is invariably taken in these cases—viz., transmitted it to the Judge before whom the prisoner was tried, who said that these -two medical men were examined at the trial, that the jury came to a conclusion that the man was in a state of mica to make him responsible, and the Judge informs me a l " he concurs in that verdict. JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL. Sir R. INGLIS asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether, in the present state of public business, h e thought it likely that he should be able to bring for; ward the Bill fo r th e remova l o f t h e c i v il di sa bilities the Jews before Easter, and, if not, when he thoughs tt likely. Lord J. RUSSELL—In answer to the sinestion of el right Hon. Friend, I should-say that we shall propoe on reading the order of the day for the Crown and Go; vernment Security Bill, t o proceed with the Comreitt, on that Bill at twelve o ' c l oc k to - morrow. I h ope to able to fix the third reading of that Bill for Monday, 511 therefore, the Jewish Disabilities Bill cannot be Prl; ceeded with on Monday. Of' course I shall not 1 13° . attempt to b r i ng i t on b efore the Easter recess, an d or s the motion f or t h e a dj ournment of the House I will I ts the day on which I propose to move it, The Earl of LINCOLN asked on what day the 141°6 2. 1 . ° Lord propo se d t h at the House should a dj our n for o' Easter recess, and for what period ? h• Lord J. RUSSELL said he would give the egr—e intimation he could. The order of the day for the Committee on the and Government Security Bill was then postponed • tl to-morrow, at twelve o'clock. MINISTERS' MONEY—DUBLIN. us Mr.W. FAGAN said that the resolution which • ta d was about to submit to the House had been sub o3o-- t ,,, in precisely the same words by Mr. Sergeant Ilailr1 ) :; in 1842, 1843, and in 1844 was adopted by the 1 - 1 011 ,,,1 He should have applied for a Select Committee , n'i ; had su ffi cient experience of the House to know th a t was the almost universal opinion that a Select ell': mittee was but an approved mode of shelving a questi°l and that it was un i versally considered as the verY means of relieving a Government from the responsibillSl of accepting or rejecting a proposition. A Select Cool mittee was not necessary on this p art i cu l ar o ccasi°°' because eve r y information which a Select Cornmilt e. could acquire was already in the possession of the B° ll 6 in the records up stairs. It had been said elsewhere $' this resolution was informal. The object of the resole' i tion was to a s k l eave o f t h e H ouse to bring in a Bill lcl ,/ the immediat e ab o liti on o f m i n i sters ' money in Rollin% but inasmuch as it was a Bill f or the abolition done Sal and the substitution of another, it was requisite he should move a reso l ut i on. He had the big ht % authority for statin g t h at t h e reso l ut i on was per f e ctly l form. He had sc a r ce ly ta k en hi s seat w h en he pr e, seated a petiti on f rom 16,500 citizens, call i ng f o r t h e immediate and total abolition of the tax. He regrettgl that some one of more weight and influence in . I)s t . House had not undertaken to bring forward this et subJeb-ia and he particularly regrette d that some li o n ba d Member of a di ff erent p ersuas i on f rom his ova' -- t here were undertaken the task, f or h e was aware t h at in that House many Honourable Members of the Estelle lished Church who wer e opp ose d t o t h e i n fliction of t h e tax of ministers' money upon the Catholics, and her therefore, would much prefer that some one of theta should bring this subject before the House. It was I ) tax which ought at once to be put an end to, and he Wi le aware of the fact that the Protestant clergy were or, posed to the odious necessity of collecting this ministers money from their Catholic fellow -subjects. It 1 " 1 : i a great aggravation of the evil th a t this "I , ; was paid principally by C a th o li cs. There wet s only eight corporate towns in I re l an d which P a id _ the tax, and those eight were all Catholic-- whilst the Protestant towns of Armagh, Cno r , l t fergus, and Belfast, paid no ministers' money. Kilkenny, Waterford, Clout:mei, and Limerick paid rol l 37: n m tg or i in e y t , ho a s n e d to t w he ns pzo ns po a r s tio f n oll o o f w C s Catholics and Cork k d t r iv r e ;7, were testa 65,071 Catholics and 11.905 Protestants—l& P h .- ,-; portion ef about 6 to 1 ; in Dublin, in the parishes paid ministers' money, nearly 160,730 Catholics 8 .: 53,492 Protestants—a proportion of nearly 3to 1 l Limerick, in t wo p ar i s h es wh i ch paid this tax, 14. 2 1; Catholics an d 7 92 P rotestants—a proportion of 20 t° i in Waterf or d, i n s i x par i shes which paid the tax. 17,7 9 Catholics and 3,251 Protestants—a proportion of st° fe in Kinsale, 523 C at h o li cs and 1,070 Protestants, Tof o l i was one pecul iar i ty connecte d w i th this tax, caused a great d ea l of suffering, and a most unjust pre,` sure upon th ose w h o were su bj ected to it, namely, 11,0 under the law as it now stan d s, t h ere could not b e A valuation unless the houses were rebuilt ; but it so haL pened that in some towns, such as Limerick and CO I ' the houses now inhabited by the poor people were tb° a which had been formerly inhabited by the rich. 6 1 1 0 thus the tax p resse d w i t h a ddi t i ona l i nequal i ty upon tag poor who were the inhabitants of those houses. 1111 ' the law whi c h regu l ate d t h e co ll ect i on of m i n ister ;0 money, the churchward ens were empowere d to disto^ o and sell the effects upon which the distress was levied,.o once, in default of p a ym e nt. H e saw a statement el° l , o ha( been laid on the table of th at H ouse w i t h respect pt those distresses, and in that statement a Protest‘ e y clergyman laid the average num b er o f suc h di s t r esses fourteen in a year; but if it were only one in would, in his (Mr. Fagan's) opinion, be one too ninny (Hear, hear)—tor it was n o t a l one t h e persona l in;y 1 which each Catholic suffered from this tax which cau s tbe the evil, but the rancour which it produced k i ss °f country.—(Hear, hear.) H on . M em b ers had no ilia the rancour which w as pro d uced in Ireland by trl,olf matters of this nature—(Hear, hear)—and whilst oM eight towns in Ireland paid ministers' moneYF EVENING, APRIL 14, 1846.