The Sun. — London, England, 1865-06-06 00:00:00

AMERICA. (From the Times' Correspondent.) NEW YORK, May 23. The Americana, in the pride of their success in the subjugation of the South, are pleased to be facetious in recalling to mind the many errors into which English statesmen and English journalists have fallen in the course of the long struggle against the " rebellion," and in comparing the apparently bright and hopeful prospects of the Union at the present time with the anticipations formed at the commencement and during the progress of the war. It is quite true that the attentive and deeply in terested foreign observers who thought the war a mistake, likely to end in the loss of liberty both to the North and South, have been at fault as regards the power of the South to resist, and of the North to subdue ; that the sudden catastrophe of the last six weeks has been a surprise ; and that the North, if not the South, still retains the forms of liberty, leaving it uncertain, and for the future to decide, whether its spirit has not departed. But con ceding that European opinion, moulded by the ex perience of European nations and by the lessons of history, has not been able, with all the lights at its command, to forecast with accuracy everything that has happened, the Americans themselves can scarcely claim the credit of greater perspicacity. If slavery has been really abolished, and the Union actually restored, and settled on the firm founda tion of liberty, fraternity, good will, and mutual interest—which is certainly open to doubt—there are but few, if any, American statesmen or jour nalists of any note or influence who are entitled to claim superiority of wisdom over their European critics, and to vaunt with truth that they always foresaw the end, or struggled hopefully and with out misgiving to attain it. " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institu tion of slavery in the States where it exists," said Mr. Lincoln in his first inaugural address ; " I be lieve I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so." Circumstances, however, did not conform themselves to Mr. Lincoln's determina tion, and he did at a later period what he believed he had no right to do, and violated the Constitu tion that he might preserve the Union. " The dis ruption of the American Union," said Mr. Seward in a public lecture delivered in Baltimore long before the war, "is inevitable. When that dis ruption takes place, be it sooner or later, the Ame ricans will offer to the world a shining example of the virtue of Republican institutions, and will sepa rate peaceably and without bloodshed." This sentiment he repeated in Washington in 1858. All the world knows how completely he changed his opinion, and how constantly he maintained that the war of which he made himself the champion was to he but a small war, to last for 90 days only. The late Mr. Edward Everett was originally of opinion that the North ought to concede the independence of the South, that the continent was large enough for two separate Confederacies, and that trading interests would keep the two at peace, even if they had no larger amount of political intercourse than France has with Great Britain. Mr. Greeley, the life-long and consistent enemy of slavery, was ori ginally opposed to the war, and in the winter of 1863 was willing to make peace on the basis of Southern independence, if the North could not re stow the Union by force of arms by the Ist of May following. Mr. Johnson, the actual President, supported the claims of General Breckenridge for the Presidency, and voted for the Crittenden com promise, which would have guaranteed the perpe tuation of slavery in the Cotton States, and pre vented a war by yielding all that the South claimed. Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, the most high handed, peremptory, and persevering opponent of the South from the day that he assumed office until the present hour, declared when Mr. Lincoln was originally elected that Secession was just. " Even so lately as the first battle of Bull Run," says the World of Saturday last, Secretary Stanton adhered to his original convictions in favour of Secession and treason ; laughed at the discomfiture of the Federal troops, and derided anew the possibility of coercion." The New York Herald, which now calls for the hang ing of Mr. Jefferson Davis, supported the South in 1860 and 1861, and only changed its tone when a mob threatened to burn down its printing-office, and during the first three years of Mr. Lincoln's Administration criticised his acts with greater asperity than was ever exhibited by any European journal. Mr. Wendell Phillips, a far more dange rous and more polished opponent, exhausted the very copious vocabulary of his elegant sarcasm in denunciation of the late President, and was among the first to raise the cry and vindicate the right of Secession by declaring the Union " a league with Death and a covenant with Hell," which every Northern man who detested slavery had a right to break up if he could, or depart from if it pleased him. Mr. Fernando Wood, the great wielder of the Democracy of New York, believed at the outset that the Union was not only destroyed, but it would be split up into a half dozen or dozen fragments, and that the only safety for his darling metropolis, the emporium and the pride of the continent, was to become, like Hamburg and the Hanseatic towns of Germany, a free city, yielding allegiance to none but its own mayor and magistrates. Nor were the Southern leaders less at fault In forecasting the future than their Northern rivals. Grass was to grow in the streets of New York for want of traffic, caused by the interruption of its Southern trade. Cotton was King, and Great Britain and France were to kneel at his feet and own his supremacy. Mr. Jefferson Davis declared that Richmond was of no particular value to the Confederacy, beyond the pride of holding it against " the detested Yankees," and that if forced to abandon it he could carry on the war for 20 years in the mountain fastnesses of Virginia. Gen. Lee was not more fortunate in the as sertion that the cities of Mobile, Savannah, Charles ton, and Wilmington cost more to defend them than they were worth, and that if he had liberty to aban don them he would for the first time be in a position to show the North what the war really meant. The Chicago Convention of August, 1864, which nomi nated Gen. M'Clellan for the Presidency, declared that " the war was a failure." The assertion was true at the moment, and only ceased to be true a few weeks later, when the Confederate Gen. Hood marched towards Nashville, where Gen. Thomas was in sufficient force to foil and crush him, and thus left General Sherman and his army free to march in the opposite direction, from Atlanta to the Atlantic, and change the whole aspect, condition, and fortune of the war by one apparently rash, but, in reality, wise and vigorous movement. General Hood's folly and General Sherman's wisdom revolu tionized everything. If they put European opinion wrong, they did the same by that of America. In fact, the war has been a surprise to everybody, and until the bloodless victories of Sherman had put a new face on events there was scarcely an American competent to form an opinion who did not believe that the war on the part of the North was a war for a boundary and for the possession of the Mississippi rivers, rather than one for the subjugation of a gal lant peopl e having the same language as themselves. Under circumstances like these European observers can afford to let the Americans laugh if they will at the errors of estimate or opinion into which they fell in the course of the conflict. If Europe was wrong, America was not right ; and mutual mistakes ought to teach them mutual tolerance. And in this con nexion it should be added, for the instruction of Americans who are bat too willing to believe the contrary, that many of the most ardent of the sup porters of the South in its claim of indepe n d ence t o ok that side, even though encumberedthe incubus and unpop ularit y of slavery, not because with they loved the South, but because they loved liberty in the North, and were conscientiously of opinion that the ultimate result of so fierce and so protracted a struggle would be a state of affairs incompatible with liberty in either of the tw o sections ; and that Republicanism on the North American Continent would yield, after an interval of anarchy and a series of usurpations, to a stringent and in evitable military despotism. Time alone can show whether these fears are ill-founded, and four years are but a short hour in the life of a nation. At this moment of triumph the exultation of the people is such that any one who ventures to hint that the war is not positively en d e d, an d th a t on the west of the Mississippi there still remains a large country claiming to be a part of the Confederacy, and that it is held by a large army and a capable leader, is pronounced to be either a lunatic or a traitor ; or, if he be a foreigner, a decided enemy of republican institutions. Nevertheless, it may be of interest to Europe, and possibly to America, to know what force is actually under the command of Gen. Kirby Smith, in the Trans-Mississippi region, and what spirit animates the leader and the army at a time when all other portions of the Confederacy yield enforced obedience to the Federal authority. It is possible that Gen. Kirby Smith may be convinced of the uselessness of any further struggle. It is also possible that he may be in his heart a Unionist, and equally possible that if he have the desire to carry on his back the burden of the Southern cause, and hold aloft in his hands its banner in this day of its humiliation, he may not possess either the energy, the genius, or the good fortune necessary to insure success. Without speculating in this respect one way or the other, or asking what will or can be done by the Federal Government to trample out the last embers of the civil war in that region, I proceed to place before your readers some facts in relation to Texas which are not publicly known, and which, if not sufficiently grave to embarass the Federal Go vernment in its domestic policy, are serious enough to impose the utmost caution upon it in reference to Mexico, and, above all, in its attitude towards the Emperor of the French. I learn from an intelli gent English gentleman, who has just arrived in this city from Texas and Louisiana, where he passed two months, part of the time in the camp and tent of Gen. Kirby Smith, whose friendship and hospitality he enjoyed, that the Trans-Missis sippi army has 150,000 men upon its muster rolls, and that its effective force is fully 85,000, to which number rations are daily issued. In this number are included 30,000 cavalry, well Mounted on good Texan horses. Were it desirable, he says, to convert the whole force of 85,000 into cavalry the want of horses would be no impediment to the realisation of the project. So great has been the quantity of clothing, ammunition, material of war, and other supplies from Europe run into Texas, via the Rio Grande, that Gen. Kirby Smith calculates on unmistakable data that if not another ship were to run the block ade he would have sufficient stores of all kinds to supply all the wants of his army for two years. The vast plains of Texas swarms with herds of cattle, but in consequence of the vigilant patrol of the Missis sippi night and day by the agile and numerous gun boats of the Federal army, he was not able during a whole twelvemonth to transport more than 700 head across the river to the relief of the famishing armies of Lee, Hood, and Johnston. For the same reason, although he made four several attempts to throwreinforcements into Tennessee and Mississippi, he was utterly unable to aid Mr. Jefferson Davis with the 30,000 or 40,000 men whom he could well have spared from Texas, and whose timely assistance might have retrieved the fallen fortunes of the Con federacy. Texas, he added, is not only much more prosperous, but more populous than it was at the commencement of the war. There has been a large immigration of planters and landed proprietors from the Gulf States, bringing their negroes with them. One of these gentlemen brought 600 negroes, and has purchased a large estate, in which he is successfully cultivating cotton. Another, from the eastern bank of the Mississippi, got over with nearly 1,000 slaves, and has produced by their labour during the last year a highly profitable crop of sugar. Altogether, about 250,000 slaves and their masters have been thus located in Texas, since the fortunes of the war began to turn against the Confederates, and have greatly aided in developing the resources of the country. Last year the cotton crop was partially destroyed by the worm, and only about 50,000 bales were secured. This year the crop is healthy, and will yield on a fair estimate 250,000 bales. The Germans—a nu merous body in Texas—were at one time inclined more or less to favour the abolition of slavery, but have modified or renounced their opinion in this re spect, in consequence of the great immigration of rich planters and their negroes, and the immensely profitable cultivation of the soil by their agency. Supposing that Gen. Kirkby Smith, or, in his de fault, Generals Magruder, Buckner, and Stirling Price, were to determine upon holding Texas to the last extremity, several questions remain to be answered before the European or American public could form any opinion as to their chances of success. Is the' army to be depended upon ? And is the country capable of a prolonged defence ? On the first point nothing can be positively known. Events alone must determine. On the second, information is clearer and more precise. Throughout the whole length and breadth of Texas there is not a river or stream pouring more than five and a half feet of water over the bar, a physical condition which would eliminate from the problem of battle all assistance to be ren dered to the Federal armies by gunboats, except of the very lightest draught. The country is for the most part as level as Lincolnshire, abounding in horses and cattle, and well adapted for the move ments of cavalry. It is subject to long periods of drought in the summer, rain not falling for 4 months at a time, a circumstance which compels the people to preserve water in tanks, as they do in Bermuda and other countries exposed to the same affliction, and which in case of a summer campaign would act as a very formidable obstruction to an invading army. Add to this tact that the southern frontier of the State of Texas is no portion of the territory of the United States, and is therefore unsusceptible of a blockade by either the land or naval forces of the Federal Government, and another condition favourable to the Texans, if they continue the struggle, is introduced into the problem to be solved. General Buckner with from 20,000 to 25,000 men holds the strongly fortified city of Alexandria on the Red River, which from that point to Shreveport, the present headquarters of General Kirby Smith, is not navigable by gunboats on account of its shal lowness, and bristles with defences on either bank. General Stirling Price is said to be somewhere in Arkansas, in -which State the Federals with a slight force hold no more ground than is covered by the guns of Little Rock, the State capital ; and General Magruder commands at Galveston. Gen. Kirby Smith is represented by my informant as a man of strong health and vigour, apparently about 50 years of age, ambitious, and with a strong faith in the ultimate triumph of the Confederate cause. Now that Mr. Jefferson Davis is removed from the chief place, it is his opinion that the General will make a desperate fight for Texas as the nucleus of a new Confederacy. ' Thus far my informant. The telegraphic de spatches from New Orleans received this morning report that General Kirby Smith lost his life in a personal encounter with a Major Mackee, who had accused him of fraud in some cotton speculations in which they were jointly interested. The state ment may or may not prove to be correct ; but, con sidering how many times General Stirling Price has been reported killed in telegrams from the South, and that he is still alive and vigorous, and that Gene ral Forrest, the dashing, and as some have called him " the heaven-born soldier," has been assassi nated at least five times within the last five months in the newspapers, but still lives and writes, there needs corroboration of the story before it can be ac cepted as a truth. Supposing it to be correct, Gen. Stirling Price will probably assume the vacant posi tion of commander-in-chief of the Trans-Mississip pian army, and be master of the same opportunity as his predecessor to uphold the fortunes of the Confe deracy. There are not wanting men who believe that for this purpose he would be more formidable to the Federal Government both as a soldier and a fitatesman that General Kirby Smith. However this may be, there is in the position of affairs west of the Mississippi a sufficient element of future trouble to moderate the extravagant elation of the hour. So violent a storm as has for the last four years been raging on the ocean of American politics cannot subside in a day. .The force of the hurricane has passed, the clouds have lifted, and the sunshine has streamed into many long darkened places, but the waters still heave and swell, tossing upon their bosom the helpless hulls of the mighty ships that have been wrec k ed, and cumbering the shore with the relics and rui ns o f th e great commotion. ADMIRAL FITZROY.—The following resolution was unanimously adopted yesterday by the council of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce :—" That this council re cord their profound sense of the loss sustained by the sea faring and mercantile community of this country by the death of the late Admiral Fitzroy, and of the benefits he has conferred upon it." rHE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 6, 186,i.. French Finances, The following is a full translation of M. Thiers's speech on the above subject : , " Gentlemen,—When I last year had the honour of ad dressing you for the first time on the state of our finances, I endeavoured to give a retrospective view of them for the last 20 years, and to show from what causes our expendi ture had risen in the last few years from about 1,500 mil lions to nearly 2,300 millions. To me the causes are evident enough ; and, had there been any doubt, the propositions now made to us would suffice to remove it. Within the last fortnight, 360 millions have been demanded for France in general, and 250 for Paris; in all, 610 millions. It is said that a law is now under consideration in the Council of State demanding 100 or 200 millions more, making 700 or 800 millions in the space of a few weeks. I need not dwell on the causes of the increase of our budgets ; I will only make a concise statement concerning them. I will after wards show the financial situation which those causes have produced ; in short, I will attempt to present a balance-sheet of our finances. I believe you will agree with me in thinking that the causes are these :—Since our new institutions have diminished the share which the nation took in managing its own affairs it was feared that the activity of mind with which I am reproached might be dangerous, unless means should be found to occupy the attention of the country. These means, sometimes dangerous, always odious, have been wars abroad, and enormous expenditure and great specula tions at home. After great wars came small ones—small, if we consider the number of men engaged, and large, if we consider their distance and the serious complications they may cause. The war in Mexico has already cost us more than the Italian war, to say nothing of the compli cations it may entail. The war expenditure has of course been met by loans, and the public debt has consequently been considerably increased. Next come our great public works, an excellent employment for the country's savings in time of peace, as every sensible man will acknowledge ; but we ought to proceed prudently. It is a mistake to sup pose, as some do, that there need be no limit to the appli cation of our savings to public works; agriculture and manufactures ought to have their share, and if only a por tion should be employed by the State in improving roads, canals, and other means of communication, still less should be devoted to the mere embellishment of towns. It is certainly necessary to widen the streets and improve the salubrity of cities ; but there is no necessity for such vast changes as have been operated in Paris, where, as I think, all reasonable limits have been exceeded. The contagion of example is to be feared. The proverb says that he who commits one folly is wise. (Laughter.) If Paris only were to be rebuilt I should not have much to say against it, but you know that La Fontaine wittily says— " Tout bourgeoise vent batir comm Oles grander seigneurs, Tout petit prince a des ambassadeurs, Tout marquis vent avoir des pages.' The glory of the prefect of the Seine has troubled the re pose of all the prefects. The prefect of the Seine has re built the_ Tuileries, and the prefect of the Bouches du Rhone wants to have his Tuileries also. Last year the Minister of State answered me that only a trifling expen diture was intended, not more than six millions ; but it appears from the debates of the Council General that the expenses will be 12 or 14 millions, and some persons say as much as 20 millions. I know that the prefect of the Benches du Rhone is a senator; but if it takes 12 millions to build him a residence that is a large sum; all the other prefects will be eager to follow his example, as the prefect of Lisle has already. Tho sub-prefects also will want new residences and new furniture. Where would all this lead to? The Minister of Public Works, full of glory, must have more consideration for the cares of the Minister of Finance. But here we have a new Minister of Public Works, with a new glory to make, and demands for millions multiply. The Minister of Finance defends himself as best he can, but ap pears to be conquered ; he might resist by resigning cer tainly, but that is a means borrowed from past years (inter ruption). A compromise is at last effected. To spare the Treasury 100 millions are to be obtained by selling part of the state forests. For this, however, your consent is neces sary, but the matter is settled in principle, and the public domain will supply the funds which the Treasury refuses. By whom is this torrent of expenditure to be arrested ? By yourselves, gentlemen ; your wisdom, patriotism, and courage can alone achieve the task. Your responsibility is great, especially in financial matters; in politics your powers may be contested to a certain extent ; but in questions of finance they were undisputed. In finances you therefore are responsible for everything. It is time to halt in this course of expenditure, and not to imitate those sinners who are always talking of reforming and after all die in final impenitence. We aro often told that financial science is obscure, but the assertion is untrue. Sciences are never obscure, except through the dulness of those who expound them, or the charlatanism of those who assume a false air of profundity. I will take my examples from private life. Lot us suppose two fathers, one methodical, strict and somewhat morose ; the other easy and good-natured. The former will regulate his expenditure according to his income, and fixlimits which he will not pass; during the year that may cause some unpleasantness to himself and his family, but when settling day comes he has neither anxiety nor embarrassment. The latter takes no such precautions ; he passes quietly through the year, restricting neither his own expenditure nor that of his family ; but when he settles his accounts he finds that he has exceeded his income and is obliged to encroach on his capital to pay his debts ; and he goes on from year to year with every increasing embarrassment till ruin stares him in the face. The stern father meanwhile has preserved or even increased his estate, and taught his chil dren a lesson which will be useful to them through life. ,As in private life so it is in public affairs. Statesmen have the same passions as other men, and it is only by resisting these passions that they can save the State. I will now ap ply these reflections to our finances. What is the principle which governs their administration ? You have five budgets and I will show you the consequences of that multiplicity. First, there is the ordinary one, which ranges from 1730 to 1780 millions; this year it is 1700 millions. Then there is a special budget for the departments and communes, vary ing from 230 to 240 millions. Next comes the. extraordinary budget, from 120 to 140 millions. But that is not all. As the budget is voted ayearbeforehand, all expenses have not been foreseen, and at the end of the year a rectificative budget of 100 millions is required ; so that the total budget exceeds 2200 millions. Then, when the final settlement comes, it is found that certain expenses have exceeded the credits voted, while other credits have not been employed ; the latter are made set-offs against the former, but there is always a balance required of from 20 to 80 millions, which has to be voted by special laws. The budget is thus raised to 2220 millions or more ; in 1863 it was 2292 millions. Such is the figure we reach with our five budgets ; and then, like the father abovementioned, we have to strike the final ba lance. This is done by the Court of Accounts, and, when the result is submitted to the Chamber, if there be an ex cess of expenditure, the floating debt is increased by so much. Last year you made a loan of 300 millions, and it will be exhausted next year. This is how the budget has risen to between 2,200 and 2,300 millions. Last year M. de Vuitry, President of the Council of State, told me that it would be a childish expedient to divide the budgets for the purpose of deceiving the Chamber as to their total amount, seeing that the general situation might be ascer tained by adding together a few figures. I replied that it took me two months to make those additions, and, if I mis take not, the reporter has found three months to be neces sary this year. though he had numerous documents at his disposal which Jima who are not members of the com mittee have never seen. Your reporter, indeed, has had confidential communications from the Ministry of Finance which inform him of things he cannot repeat to us. We have not the information we ought to have, and yet the re porter required three months to work the little sum in addition to which the President of the Council of State alluded. It has been said, Calumniate, calumniate ; some of your calumnies are sure to remain.' We may say, ' Dissimulate, dissimulate ; something is sure to re main.' (Murmurs.) We will now see whether the plan of dividing the budget is not a moans of creating illusions as to the true amount of the expenditure. The Hon. M. Gouin yesterday said that the budget was really 1,571 millions. When the law of accounts comes be fore us that budget will be 2,300 millions. Were there any good reason for thus dividing the budget I would not object to it. Why should there be one budget for the state and another for the departments and communes, when all the expenditure is paid from the same treasury and made under the same responsibility ? Separate budgets may be reason able enough in Austria, which contains distinct kingdoms and provinces, but there is nothing to justify them in France. Then there is another illusion, that of the ordinary and extraordinary budgets. When thousands of millions were concerned, as in the Srst establishment of railways, there was some reason for an extraordinary budget, but when the expenditure is only for ameliorations which may be effected gradually it can only tend to dissimulate real expenses. The oxtraordinrry budget contains the expendi ture for repairs, which must always be a permanent item ; why should it then not be put in the ordinary budget ? I also see in it sums of 5 and 6 millions for the Ministry of War, which should be considered:ordinary expenditure. In the extraordinary ibudget of the Marine I see a sum of 12} millions for the arsenals, which ought certainly to be considered an ordinary item. But we are told that it was required for the transformation of our navy into iron dads. I have seen three of these transformations in the course of 40 years, and therefore see no reason for calling it an extraordinary expenditure. In the Ministry of Public Works, I find five millions for improving the high roads, but all such outlay has hitherto been considered ordinary ezpenditure. Then comes the large sum of 33 millions for payments to railways as guarantee of interest, but some parts of these payments will last 80 years, other parts 20 and 40 years, and therefore ought to be in the ordinary budget. The only use of the extraordinary budget seems to be to make the ordinary budget appear less, and give it a more favourable appearance when compared with the ordi nary revenue. M. Gouin says that our ordinary budget being 1,900 millions, and our revenue of the same amount, there is an equilibrium. But even when viewed in that light there is still a deficit of 30 millions. The division into ordi nary and extraordinary budgets serves to put the real re ceipts in comparison with what are called ordinary expenses. As to the other -expenses, they are met by instalments or other means. The rectification budget also serves to dimi nish the apparent amount of the ordinary budget. The system of rectification budgets is justified by alleging the impossibility of providing for all the necessary expendi ture a year in advance. I admit the necessity of sup plementary credits ; but even to justify them, the expen diture to which they correspond ought to be really ex penses in some degree expected. An eminent member of the old Chamber, M. Le Pelletier d'Aulnay, was a severe critic of supplementary credits. But I repeat that the grand principle of such credits is the unforeseen. We have the rectificative budget of 1865. Well, gentlemen, read it, and see if it is composed of expenses impossible to foresee. Out of 80 millions there are 60 for the occupation of Rome, for Cochin China, and for Mexico. Can it be said that last year nobody foresaw we should have to pay all this in the present year. And doubtless the Minister of Finance last year never anticipated that he should have to remove the Post-office to the Rue de Rivoli, for which he is now obliged to ask 6 millions ? Was I not, therefore, right in calling the rectificative budget an extraordinary budget deferred? The expenses of this budget are met by augmentations of receipts sometimes but not always realised ; by the Mexican Secu rities, the great resource of the moment ; and lastly, by annulments. Then comes the liquidation, when fresh ex penses are discovered, ordinarily discharged by annulments, but these last are found to be exhausted. That is the way in which a budget of 1,900 millions is swelled to one of 2,200 or 2,300 millions. The form in which a budget ispre sented is of great importance ; the present system enables people to say that we are nearly in equilibrium when we are very far removed from it. Let us take as an example the three last years. The budget of 1862, voted in 1861, was composed of 1,777 millions for State expenses, and 125 for communal and departmental outlay; 1,902 millions in all for the ordinary budget. The extraordinary was 67; in all 1,970 millions. In 1862 there came the rectificative budget, which added 193 millions, accounted for by the great cost of the Mexican expedition and of the check at Puebla, so gloriously repaired. The liquidation arrived in 1863 ; and it was found necessary to add from 49 to 50millions, carry ing the whole expenditure to 2,212 millions. The budget of 1863, voted in 1862, was composed of 1,721 millions for State expenses, and 217 for communal and departmental, besides 121 for the extraordinary budget; total 2,061 mil lions ; and the rectificative budget and liquidation raised that amount to 2,292 millions, the highest figure we have yet known. The budget of 1864 showed 2,105 millions, as ordinary, and 135 as rectificative ; total 2,240 millions, swelled by the liquidation to 2,260 or 2,270 millions. The budget for 1865 was last year voted at a figure of 2,100 millions. The rectificative budget, which we are now dis cussing, has added 88 millions, thus raising the figure -to 2,188 millions, and leading to the belief that the total will exceed 2,200 millions. The budget of 1865 will be smaller than the preceding for the reason that the Mexican ex penses have diminished. I am aware that the Minister of Finance would gladly see a reduction in our expenditure, but the Minister of Public Works is fond of renown ; and it is always difficult to find the Minister who pays and the one who spends in perfect accord. In the present case they seem to have arranged matters at the expense cf third party, purely passive-I mean the sinking fund. Allow me to say a few words on that topic. When the State borrows 100 millions there is an annual expense of 5 millions incurred to pay the interest, and 1 million more is added to redeem the whole debt. At this rate such a debt could only be extinguished in 100 years, and that would be bankruptcy. When I was studying finance under the auspices of that great financier Baron Louis, I came to the conclusion that to defer for a period beyond 30 years the extinction of a debt was tantamount to deferring it in definitely. But how can a debt be extinguished in a little over 30 years ? By leaving in the possession of the sink ing fund the million of redeemed Relates the next year it can redeem 1,050,000 Rentes, and thus by force of compound interest the object may be attained in somewhat over 30 years. Our laws have made the extinction of the public debt by a sinking fund obligatory. The dotation for that purpose has become a sacred thing ; but not so the redeemed Rentes-they can be annulled. And as the spirit of the law implies redemption when the prices aro high, it is scarcely just to the holder of Rentes purchased, perhaps, at 84 to reimburse him at 67. But what is the budget that has been made by annulling the 65 millions of redeemed Routes ? The advantage of the measure has not been complete, for out of that sum it was necessary to allot six or seven mil lions to the sinking fund, and seven to the ordinary budget, so that 50 millions only remained to establish the budget of 1,700 millions; then there were 236 for departmental ex penses-in all 1,236 millions for the ordinary budget. Then comes the extraordinary one. The Minister of Public Works is not content with the 119 millions which he got last year, but asks for 144, and the committee makes it 152, but 1936 millions for the ordinary budget, and 452 of the extraordi nary make 2,086. Such is the budget of 1866, without count ing the rectification budget, which will infallibly come. Now I will ask you, have you 2,086 millions of receipts in prospect? I maintain that you have not ; that there is a deficit of at least 200 millions. We are told, indeed, that the sum total of expenses can be reduced. I only hope it may. I cannot, however, agree with M. Farnier-Pages as to the facile sup pression of a variety of taxes. There appears to me but four chapters in which savings can be realised :-Mexico, if you evacuate it; public works, if you restrict them within bounds ; the army, if it can really be reduced ; and the sink ing fund, if the principle of it, as some say, is really an effete and antiquated theory. The evacuation of Mexico will perhaps wound the susceptibilities of the Government. But let me remind the Chamber of the admirable language held by M. de Caulaincourt, Duke de Vicence, • lo Napoleon 1., at Dresden, in 1813. Sire,' said he, conclude this peace ; your amour propre may suffer, but not your glory ; for your glory is that of France, and it is in no way tar nished by the proposals that have been made to you.' I wish then to hold the same language to you. Lot us imitate Spain in her conduct regarding Santo-Domingo, since hor amour propre did not hinder her from desisting from a fault which would cost her blood andtreasuro without any chance of success (adhesion from several benches). By evacuating Mexico you may save about 50 millions per annum. Again, by a judicious restriction of public works, you may realise savings to an extent of 20, 30, and in time of 50 millions annually. But respecting economies to bemade in the army and in the sinking fund I feel considerable doubts. Can there be any notable reduction of our army expenditure ? I think not. In 1830 my friends on the left of the Chamber demanded such a reduction, but without success, as the army not diminished, but increased from 280,000 to 350,000 men. Personally I shared the opinion of Marshal Soult, who thought an effective force of from 360,000 to 380,000 men absolutely necessary. The figure was indeed re duced for a moment to 320,000, and what happened in 1840? That it was suddenly raised to 500,000 men, and at an enormous cost. The year 1848 arrived, and the effective was carried to 420,000 men, and continued so for two years. I come now to the Empire. Believe me I am far from wishing to put the august Prince who now occupies the throne in contradiction with him self, but desire merely to cite facts. Prince Louis Napoleon had often in his works applauded the Prussian system, and affirmed that an army of 200,000 men with a strong reserve was quite sufficient for France. Since he has become Em peror we are every day told that France cannot do with less than 400,000 soldiers. Thus it is that every one talks of reductions in the army before attaining to power, but power once gained, nobody carries them out. Gentlemen, I do not hold this language for the sake of making myself popular with the French people. The real fact is that pro mises aro often made of which circumstances prevent the fulfilment. For the different foreign services you will always have 100,000 men out of the country, and if you then take the figure of the non-effectives at 50,000, out of the 400,000 you will have 250,000 for our immense territory at home. What is the state of neighbouring countries ? In Pruspia the Crown accepts a fearful conflict with the Par liament, in order to maintain an effective of 200,000 men ; Austria has 400,000; Russia, from 600,000 to 700,000. Those only who have not studied the subject are capable of calling for reduction. A soldier under arms costs about 430 f. a year; suppress 50,000 men, and what will be the economy realised ? About 21 millions. Such an economy is certainly not to be contemned, but nothing on a large scale can be realised without inducing by negociation all the great powers to modify their military systems. Nor do I think there is any chance of success as long as Austria continues restless about Venetia, as long as Prussia aims at dominat ing all the smaller German States, and as long as Russia shall choose to retain Poland and foster her designs upon the East. I conclude that any serious reduction of the army is impossible. I must now say a few words on the sinking fund. There is a school which affirms that public debts are not disquieting, but even advantageous, and that England is happy in having so large a debt, as so many creditors are interested in her prosperity. Such may be the reason ing of merchants at Rotterdam or Marseilles at the sight of their quays covered with merchandise. Oh, what splendid commerce !' they might exclaim ; but if the bales contained goods which they could not pay for they would change their note. A good financial market ought to be filled with goods representing the debts of other people. It is good here to cite the example of the - United States. They redeemed the whole of their debt ; and well it was for them, for they were thus enabled to find 20,000 millions of francs to pay for the re-establishment of the American Confederation. I do not, however, wish you to redeem all your debt, but to diminish it. Public debts are like the lakes at the foot of great mountains ; nature does not empty them ; but after the snows and rains of winter and spring she di minishes gradually the mass of water by the dry heats of summer. Debts must be paid off in peace, so that we may be able toborrow when war comes. The Government ought to buy up a part of the debt, were it only to afford the State creditors a certainty of finding a market for their se curities, which they cannot unless the State maintains its credit. The English Government, after long neglecting the sinking fund, has now decided to buy up every year 75 millions (of francs) of the public debt, but yet Mr. Glad stone tells Parliament that he does not think that sum suf ficient, and apologised for not having done more ; but you who have done nothing in that way for ton years now tell us that you have fulfilled your duties. When we are told that the sinking fund, after being entered as expenditure, is then entered as receipts, the result is the same as if a private individual, after laying aside 1000 f. to pay his cre ditors, should spend them before the year was out. I have now gone through the several means of economy proposed; but with regard to the sinking fund, I must say that not to have effected any reduction of the debt for 10 years, and to _ continue 15 years longer in the same course as proposed, is' if I may be allowed the expression, walking blindfold on to bankruptcy. I know you do not intend to do so; but it would be prudent not to run the risk. As to any great economy in the army, I do not see how it is to be accom plished. In fact, the only means of realising any economy are, in my opinion, the evacuation of Mexico and the re striction of public works. Now, to draw out the balance ; have you the 2,086 millions required for your three budgets ? If you have, go on ;if not, begin at once to make economies. All your resources amount to only 1,904 millions, so that you still want 182 millions. Against that sum you set 127 millions from the sinking fund, 18 mil lions of supposed surplus on the budget of 1865, in which the committee has no faith, with 27,400,000 f. from the Mexican indemnity, 7 or 8 millions from Cochin China, and other receipts of small amount. This is all you have towards the 182 millions. But shall you get the 27,400,000 f. from Mexico ? You inserted in the budget of 1864 54 millions of Mexican securities, which were calcu lated at 63, but are now worth only 44. Will you sell them at that price ? This resource having failed in the budget of 1864, how can you expect to be paid the 27 mil lions of 1865 ? The Minister of. Finance has also taken 22 millions from the Army Dotation Fund, but that cannot be regarded as recipts. In fine, you have only 1,904 millions of receipts, and your expenditure amounts habitually to between 2,200 and 2,300 millions, and this deficit you can only cover by means of the sinking fund and chimerical receipts. It will never do for the State thus to repre sent the finances to be flourishing when they are not, like the directors of certain joint-stock companies, who distribute dividends which the state of their affairs does not justify. Be sure of one thing ; when you engage in unlimited expenditure, apparently una ware of the course you are taking, it is our duty to tell you that you are on the road to ruin. You will be obliged either to fail in the engagements you have con tracted in the name of France, or to have recourse to ex cessive taxation. I ask your pardon for speaking so warmly, but it is impossible to treat a graver or more in teresting subject. I repeat that you are running towards the double rock, either of failing in your engagements or of rendering inevitable the imposition of onerous taxes which may give rise to deplorable divisions. I adjure you to reflect most seriously on this state of affairs. You are on the brink of a financial gulf if you persist in the present course. I ask pardon for distressing you, but it is my duty to tell you the truth, and I tell it whatever the Jesuit may be." (Approbation.) Naval and Military Intelligence. VALETTA, May 31.—News has been received from Athens that the King will leave for Corfu on June 10, when H.M.'s ship Gibraltar, having probably on board our Minister, the Hon. E. M. Erskine, will form part of his escort. H.M.'s ship Wanderer, 4, Cora. M. C. Seymour, will remain at the Piraeus ; the Assurance, 4, Corn. H. B. Woolcombe, had left for Patras. The Admiralty yacht Enchantress, Staff- Cora. J. E. Petley, left Malta on the 23d inst., for Gibraltar, Lisbon, and Portsvouth. She took as passengers Mr. E. R. Lytton (appointed Secretary of Legation at Lisbon from Athens) and Mrs. Lytton; Corn. H. W. Comber, invalided from H.M.'s ship Pelican ; and Mr. H. Wilkinson, midshipman, inva lided from the Royal Oak. H.M.'s ship Pelican, 17, Acting-Com. N. B. Smith, left on the 27th inst. for Beyrout, with orders for the Orlando, 46, Capt. G. G. Randolph, and the Chanticleer, 17, Com. J. E. F. Risk, to return to Malta. The latter ship will call at Budroum (Halicarnassus), to assist Mr. Billiotti, her Britannic Maj esty'sVice-Consul,who is employed there in excavation for the British Museum. H.M.'s ship Magicienne, 16, Capt.W. Armytage, has arrived at Salerno, and it appears that her sudden departure from Malta was owing to the capture of two Eng lishmen by Italian brigands. Efforts are being made to procure the release of the gentlemen, who are still in the hands of the banditti. H.M.'s ship Supply, screw storeship, Staff-Com. C. Bawden, having nearly completed loading naval andvictualling stores for England, will leave on June 1 for Spithead, con veying a few time-expired men and invalids. Her Majesty's surveying steamer Firefly, 5, Corn. G. R. Wilkinson, left on the 27th instant, to resume her survey on the east coast of Tunis. During the cruise of the ironclad Royal Oak off the port an accident occurred to her boilers, by which 54 tubes were broken, owing, it is said, to priming: Her Ma jesty's gunboat Surprise, 4, Corn. G. Tryon, having arrived at Gibraltar, from Malta and Tunis, the Racoon, 22, Capt. Count Gleichen, left that station for Spithead. The Redpole, tug, conveyed the Bishop of Gibraltar to Malaga, where his lordship was to hold a confirmation. Lieut. N. B. Smith, of the Pelican, has received an acting order as com mander of that vessel, vice 11. W. Comber, inva lided ; and Lieut. W. G. Lecocq, supernumerary of the Victoria, has also joined the above ship, vice N. B. Smith. Lieut. C. R. Harris, late flag-lieut. to the Commander-in-Chief, goes home by the present packet to join the gunnery ship Excellent. Her Ma jesty's ships in port are :—The Victoria, 102, bear ing the flag of Vice-Admiral Sir. R. Smart, K.C.8., K.H. ; the Hibernia, receiving ship, bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral 11. Kellett, C.B. ; the Royal Oak, 35, ironclad ; the Meeanee, 60 ; the Resistance, 16, iron ram ; the Cossack, 20 ; the Enterprise, 4, iron corvette ; the Psyche, 2, and Caradoc, 2, despatch vessels ; the storeship Supply, 2 ; and the Wizard, gunboat. The Commander-in-Chief, Sir R. Smart, purposes leaving soon for a summer cruise. He will be accompanied by the principal ships of the squad ron, including the iron frigates ; but no day has yet been fixed for his departure. It is reported that he will leave about the Bth of June. Yesterday the first of the boilers for the ironclad frigate Lord Warden arrived at Chatham from the establishment of Messrs. Maudslay and Co., Lon don, in readiness for lifting on board that vessel. A portion of the machinery has also arrived and will be forthwith fitted on board, it being intended to ship all the heavy machinery before the Lord Warden is floated into dock to be plated with her armour and to be brought forward for sea. The Lord Warden will occupy the . second dock, from which the Bellerophon was recently launched, and the workmen yesterday commenced preparing the blocks and clearing the dock for her reception. She will be placed in dock towards the end of the pre sent month, and the work of completing and pre paring her for sea will occupy about six months. The screw corvette Charybdis, 21, 400-horse power, Capt. E. W. Tumour, from the Pacific sta tion, has been inspected by Vice-Admiral Sir C. Talbot, K.C.8., Naval Commander-in-Chief at the Nore, and is now being rapidly dismantled, prepa ratory to being paid off into the Steam Reserve. She has returned the greater portion of her war depart ment and other stores into the Ordnance depot at Chatham. The Charybdis has been in commission a few months short of five years. A number of additional workmen have been placed on the screw corvette Reindeer, 17, 250-horse power (originally commenced at Chatham in May, 1860), in order to complete that vessel and bring her for ward for launching. She is about one-third com pleted, and will be ready for launching in about four months. Her Majesty's ship St. George, 72 (Coastguard), Capt. Edward B. Rice, sailed from Portland-roads on Saturday last, with Coastguardsmen and Naval Volunteers, for a month's cruise in the Channel for general exercise. The troops which arrived in the Himalaya, from Quebec, disembarked at the Dockyard, Portsmouth, in excellent order, yesterday ; the regimental baggage having been previously landed. The dis embarkation was carried on most expeditiously, under thepersonal superintendence of Col. Shadwell, Assist-Quartermaster-General. A special train being in readiness, they left the dockyard at 1 p.m. for the Farnborough station, en route to Aldershott, where they are to be quartered, in consequence of want of proper and sufficient accommodation at the camp. The soldiers' wives and children were removed to barracks at Chichester. The military invalids were removed by Government steamer to the Royal Victoria Hospital, Netley, and the time-expired men to their respective depots. The Himalaya will again soon be in full employ ment. She will shortly embark a regiment from Aldershot, for Kingston, the relieve the 32d at the Curragh, with whom she will leave for Quebec. The Urgent, troopship, Captain Ilenderson, left Portsmouth yesterday for Plymouth, to embark the 71st Regiment for Leith. [ADVERTISEMENT.I—HoIIoway's Pills.—Without health no amount of wealth, no means of pleasure are of the slightest value. It is inconceivable how small a disturb ance of the animal functions begets wretchedness, and how readily it may be rectified by a few doses of some purifying and regulating medicine, such as those world renowned pills. These have proved the best friend to mankind in every grade, in every land, and under almost every circumstance. Holloway's pills purify the blood, rectify digestion, stimulate the liver and kidneys, and re gulate the bowels. When fever, influenza, and other ail ments are epidemic, these pills should be taken occasionally by every one, to keep the blood and system free from t'ie seed of the prevailing pestilence. UMlliami. 11111111111111 SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—For the next few weeks public attention in America will probably be concentrated on the proceedings to be taken against the captive leaders of the Confederate secession. The murder of Pre sident Lincoln has roused in .the Northern breast a feeling more akin to implacability than has existed at any period of the war. It is strange that in the crisis of the struggle, at a time when the most sanguine were inclined to despair of conquering the South, there was comparatively little animosity towards the men who had apparently overthrown the Union. Not only were the military genius of Gen. Lee and the heroism of Jackson the subjects of Northern admiration, but the political capacity of Mr. Davis, his firmness and courage, and the mas tery he had gained over the section of the American people which followed him, were duly acknowledged. But the spirit of revenge which could not be excited by disaster has now followed indignation produced by an odious deed. The declaration of President Johnson that treason should be punished has been received with general approbation throughout the North ; and there are not wanting those who inter pret the President's words to mean that the Confe derate leaders shall expiate their offence by death, and who maintain that it is just and expedient that this should be the end. We cling, however, to the belief that when the horror excited by the act of Booth has been somewhat mitigated by time, wiser and more generous counsels will prevail. There are, indeed, already signs that the ominous threats of the President and the savage clamours of some of the Republican politicians excite apprehension in a respectable section of the community. Most of the leading anti-slavery men, though they do not scruple to pour out their scorn and hatred on the fallen head of Jefferson Davis, yet demand that no blood shall be shed in political executions. Such is the language of Mr. W. Phillips, such is also the language of the chief Abolitionist organ in the New York press. These sentiments willprobably gain ground every day, and as some time must elapse before Mr. Davis and his late colleagues can be brought to trial and con victed, we may trust that before that event takes place public opinion may have recovered its usual placability and good-nature. The arguments of those who say that the Southern leaders have caused the deaths of thousands, and that as the man who murders one victim suffers death, so the man who murders a multitude ought not to escape, are as fallacious as they are cruel. There can be no comparison between private crime committed for gain or revenge, and a political act which has the sanction of several millions of people and is sup ported by their lives and fortunes. Mr. Davis and the other Confederate politicians were merely the representatives of a great community, which for merly believed that it had a right to dissolve a poli tical league, and to defend the South by force of arms against those who would compel it to return to a Federal affiance which was no longer suited to its interests. From their position in the Union as it existed before secession, they were called upon to bear office, and were, in fact, elected to it by uni versal suffrage. Such an act differs very far even from the treasons which have been common in Europe, when some ill-disposed persons have excited a partial and hopeless rising. A community which has carried on war for four years, and has been treated as a belligerent, not only by its own ad versary, but by all civilised countries, is entitled to be placed in a position different from that of a riot ous county, and may well cover the acts of those who administered its affairs. We may hope, then, that the United States' Government will deal in a gene rous spirit with those fallen politicians. The chief men of the Confederacy are now in its power. Jef ferson Davis, Vice-President Stephens, and several of the Governors of the Southern States are in the prisons of the North. The military leaders are on parol, and are, we presume, protected by the terms of their capitulations, though it seems there is a re port that General Lee is to be arrested and brought to trial. But if the Government prosecute the Con federate President and one or two of his chief col leagues, it will probably be enough to satisfy whatever of vindictive feeling exists in the minds of Americans. The grand jury in Washington has found a true bill for treason against Mr. Davis, and the arrests still continue. But we may trust that these measures will not be followed by acts of vengeance, which can add nothing to the strength of the Government, and must envenom still further the animosities which the war has produced. Next to the trials of the Confederate leaders the greatest interest attaches to the threatened pro•ecution of the war on the west of the Mississippi. The vast region which com prises Texas, Arkansas, and a part of Louisiana has, as yet, felt nothing of the-hardships of the contest. A Federal force has been able to hold Little Rock, in Arkansas, but, otherwise, the state is almost en tirely in the hands of its inhabitants, who have been staunch Confederates. Texas has been quite un touched. The people of these trans-Mississippian districts, to the number of about a million, have now determined, it is said, to continue the war, a course in which they are encouraged by their leaders, Generals Kirby Smith and Magruder. The re sources of the region are certainly not to be despised. It is capable of supporting any armies that may be raised, for its extent is vast and its soil is fertile. It is inhabited by a bold and hardy population, I used to arms, priding themselves on their martial habits and their impatience of control. It is in part difficult to be harassed by an enemy, because there are few rivers, and these incapable of bearing . the gunboats which have so often given the victory to the Federal cause. Then the geographical position of Texas gives it certain advantages. It adjoins a territory which is not under the control of the United States' Government, and through which munitions of war may be brought in to a certain extent. To crown all, it has been resolved, it is said, to use the negroes in the war, and to oppose the North by means from which President Davis and the Richmond Congress shrank even in the last hour of trial. When we have said this we have said everything that can be supposed to favour prolonged resistance. Yet, taken altogether, there is nothing in it which can give the slightest expecta tion of a successful issue. It may be that these Texans may be . able to keep a great extent of country in a state of disorder for a year, or even two lor three years. They may succeed in reproducing on a much larger scale the anarchy which has so long prevailed in Southern Italy ; but unless they have some reasonable hope of conducting the war with such eminent success as will force the Wash ington Government to recognise their independence, they have no right to continue the shedding of blood. It must be evident to every man who looks at the matter dispassionately that they have no such hope. In such circumstances there will be but one wish on the part of this country, and that is that a capitulation of the trans-Mississippian Generals may take place on the same terms as those obtained by Generals Lee and Johnston. The total cessation of the war will then allow the shattered social and commercial system of the South to be in some way restored, and will probably remove in a great degree that desire for vengeance which recent events have produced. POST.--There are many versions of the parable of the Two Fathers, which M. Thiers has related for the purpose of imparting financial instruction to the Corps Legislatif. It may be true that the father who, as M. Thiers supposes, regulates his expenditure according to his income, experiences no difficulty in settling with his creditors,. and, by living within his income, he can increase his estate. On the other hand, the father who exceeds his income, and is obliged to encroach upon his capital, is of course travelling through annually-increasing embarrassments on the high road to ruin. He is going to the bad, and if he does not pull up and retrench his expenditure, will, sooner or later, reach his destination. The story is as old as the hills, and any mistress of an infant - school can points its moral. But how that moral applies to nations is, we conceive, quite another matter. Even with regard to individuals the theory may be carried too far. Good as the principle is, it can be abused and perverted. Strictly enforced, it would be a drag upon the wheels of progress. It is by the judicious investment of their capital that men become wealthy, and this is also the case with nations. There is a distinction between speculation and enterprise which M. Thiers does not appear to have sufficiently considered, and, if it were worth while, we could take up the parable he has adapted to his argument, and make it fit to a converse pro position. M. Thiers wished to describe, or rather, as he habitually does, to personify two systems of administration, but he omitted to account for the historical failure of his favourite system, and the political bankruptcy of the father whose memory he holds in reverence. Public works, fairly distributed, present, M. Thiers admits, an excellent investment for the savings of the country in time of peace. He is, however, of opinion that, inthe improvement and embellishment of the cities and towns of France, all reasonable limits have been exceeded. In effect, he contends that, as the father would not be justified in drawing upon his capital for the expenditure ne cessary to the improvement of his family or estate, so the cost of the public works of a country should be defrayed from the savings of its income; and the theorem is indisputable. It is just one of those hard inflexible statements which are logically in vincible. The only way to test these exalted ideas is to put them bodily into the crucible of common sense. Therefore, and still looking at the question from the exact point of view M. Thiers has thought proper to place it in, what, we will ask, would be the consequence of carrying out the principle he propounds in the case of an individual—a father or a landlord ? Do fathers, as the rule, pay for the education of their children out of the surplus of their incomes, or do landlords improve their estates from the same source ? and if the education of children or the improvement of estates were to be limited in subjection to this condition, what would result ? To say nothing of the great operations of commerce, which could not possibly be executed without a considerable investment of capital, M. Thiers has, we submit, by his own parental and patrimonial illustration, shown that nations must make provision for the requirements of progress. Of course people, whether as indivi duals or communities, would not advance money for the benefit of posterity without security, but in France public works have followed and been motived by the establishment of public order. There is, M. Thiers says, a torrent of expenditure to be arrested ; the country is running upon a rock, standing on the brink of a financial gulf. But the passionate adjurations of an irresponsible orator, who argues with reference to ideas which the French people have banished, will fail to shake the confidence that is founded on the increasing prosperity and the tangible advantages of good government. M. Thiers also proposes to effect a reduction in the national expenditure by the evacuation of Mexico. This measure is, he thinks, further recommended by its political expediency. The abandonment of the Mexican expedition would, M. Thiers conceives, wound the susceptibilities of the French Government, but it does not seem to have occurred to him that the French people might be averse from the retro grade policy he suggests. It is, however, by no means clear that the French can consistently retire from the work she undertook, and has all but com pleted. There can be no doubt that the resistance of Juarez is encouraged by Americah sympathy, and if the French troops were withdrawn that sympathy would most probably be actively expressed. The Government of Washington have excellent reasons for declining a war with France, but if the French flag were furled in Mexico, there could at all events be no longer any difficulty or dissimulation about an " emigration " which is not more patriotic than convenient. We can quite understand that the dis solution of the Confederate Government has contri buted to retard the consolidation of the Mexicali Empire ; but, having gone so far, it will, we appre hend, be difficult to persuade France to draw back, and especially under the existing circumstances. It would appear reasonable to desire that the Govern ment of the Emperor Maximilian should be recog nised by the United States before recalling the pro tecting army. France will not, we know, be terri fied by declamation. She is now strong in her own strength. If her expenditure is heavy her resources are more than adequate to meet it. There is nothing appalling even in M. Thiers' statement, and he can . scarcely be regarded as a financial authority, th ou g a L he did sit at the feet of an eminent financier. nti; that which is above all evident is that he has ceased to think or speak in unison with the public opinio n of his country. M. Thiers draws his inspiration from an irrevocable past, and, though his faculties are unimpaired and his mind is as active as ever, he • is no longer a power in France. COUNTRY MARKETS • NORT HMO T ON.—Jurrn 3. At our market to-day the supplyof wheat ins tolerabl ° the demand, however, ruled dull. Barley only moderately represented, and the demand inactive. A thi n sprinklil of oats, for which the demand assumed a dull aspect. were disposed of at unaltered prices. New white wheat, 39s to 425; new red, 39s to 40s ; 01 ,1 white, 40s to 435 ; old red, 38s to 41s per 3 6 stone. B‘irleeo for malting, 31s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 26s to 31s per stone. Oats, old, 25s to 26s ; new, 18s to 24 s per 24 stoe' Beans, old, 36s to 40s ; new, 35s to 38s per 38 stone. 33s to 38s per ;6 stone. COLCHESTER—JUNE 3. To-day the show of wheat was moderate. Business 'OS limited, and quotations generally as last week. Beans 1.5.. ther in favour of the buyer. Peas unaltered in price' Wheat, white 42s 46s Beans, Maza,... - an.., ! .. 330 A po" — red 3is 42s Middle and 5ma11.. 350 - Barley ... 2Cs 340 Peas, white 358 354 Oats 20s 25s grey ..... ....... 363 GRANTHAM--JuNE 3. evt Old white wheat, 41s to 465; old red, 37s to 425; white, 40s to 44s ,• new red, 37s to 40s per 36 stone. ley for malting, 295 to 83s per qr. ; grinding, 248 to 26s I A 30 stone. Oats, old, 25s to 27s ; new, 22s to 24s per 0 , stone. Beans, old, 39s to 41s; new, 36s to 38s per 38 sten Peas, 34s to 36s per 36 stone. aID—JUNE 2. ly of wheat to-day, and tra.cl e I last week's rates ; inferi or A thin attendance. Peas, Partridge...... 360 384 White .3 0 gds BAling ........ 380 Dun —3lo 354 dit o, Beans, Tick, old ......310 new....--0 Harrow l'icks.3so -0 ne w. ...—s Haz igan 335 253 CHELMSFO: There was an ample suppi dull. Best barley maintainer sorts were fully is lower. Wheat, old white 40s 488 new 40s 48s old red 30s 42s new. 373 423 25s 328 Chevalier 206 83s Grind ng .0s ',Ss Malt 6ls 67s Chevalier • Cis 68z Oats ... 2os 26s ABERDEEN—JUNE 3. The weather is dull, chilly, and showery. The Mil ries aro very light. At this day's market there was a sn ro show of samples. Oats were is per qr. cheaper than tt' sa i day week. Barley and wheat same as last. Town lu has fallen to our quotations. White wheat 35s Od to 38s °di . 621 b ill bushel . Red wheat 34s Od to 36s Odj Potato oats 20s Od to 21s Od t 401 b v bushe l ' Common oats 19g Od to 20s Odf Bere 21s Od to 22s Od l . 53 115 v bushel. Barley 21s Od to 22s 6d 1401 b• Oatmeal 15s 6d to 16s 6d 4,1 boll of 01D• Flour, line 31s 6d to 32s Od ?sac.- , °- f 8 2' KIRKCALDY—JUNE 3. A b a rlQi Small supplies of all kinds of grain. Wheat an . without change. Oats fully 6d per qr. up. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First...... 86s Od I 24s Od I 22s Od Second.... 388 Od 288 Od 228 6d lOs Od —s Od 238 6d COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. 0. c i, s. d. is 0 Kelloo Tunstall Cowpen Hartley l5 6 Holywell Mam .... ..... 1 0 Hartlepool . Braddyell's Hetton.... 17 0 Walker Primrose .... .. .. .! 5 3 g W.Wylam l6 0 West Hartley ._. ....... 1 5 3 Cassop Ships at market, 43; sold, 12. Foreign Mail Packet List. s• IS• Australia and New Zealand,- via Southampton ..... junn , 0. . Jun e I ' .- Ditto, via Marseilles „ Iv 4. Brazil and Cape Verde, by British pac.et ...... . • • •u 2.. Jun e 2 Ditto, by French packet . ............. e 02 , Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.• • • " 71 16, China. Penang, and Singapore, via Soul hampton.. 0. June Ditto, via Marseilles Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton • ............. e Jun e it' is . India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... Ai n e 0 un , f Ditto, via Marseilles . • ...••. J e ' India (Bombay), via Southampton . J une !It Ditto, via Marseilles .. . Jun e 6. —. Mauritius, via S ou th a mpton ........ • Jane Ditto , via Marseire 3 Jane Z l . Newfoundland ........ .. . '' :rev *, Portugal • .... ...... • • • • Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... ....... United States and British North America, by Bri- 16 . eln le tish packet . • • • .... ... .... Ditto, by United States packet, via SouthaniP" tcn Ditto, via Cork • ..... 9. Ditto, by Canadian packet, via LondonderrY• 0/ 11/1 ! 10. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ...... Juov Pest Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, Jae is. J and Mexico • J' ne 29. Bahamas, via New York. ......... . .................. Jae- 7.8 Bermuda, ditto Cuba and Mexico .... Juno ' • ............. -, e n ; General R. E. Lee (says a Richmond corr ;mate dont) will soon leave the city and repair to his Wu), °" 0 - r, to near the famous White House, on the Pamunice9 rilr d a gri" spend the remainder of his days in peace, quiet, iii i , Goo • culture, if unmolested by the Government. iiisr ° , l l3 c toll/ Curtis Lee, is already on the farm alludedto , ana i ' s - - his own ploughing in person GAMBLE.—OD the 3d inst. Bir , tahtS.Florence, 3111 ' mil°llsl3° Gamble, o E f s a q. :o o n f . a ALL .ali7On On th t e he 4t 4 h th in in st s , t at 8 t daughter. "a icAp lCeld KEND 'ChM= 13TY ° B r , Glouce park, the wife of Lieutenant-General Sir Robert K.C.8., of a son. Marriages. LUSHINGTON—SStOII-Aritlet Surrey, Godfrey the Lushington, of Lincoln's -luny ' judg ° at-law, son of theßightHon:Stephen Lusitlgtoo,lloo, of the High Court of Admiralty, to BOatriCo 1000 'Dot, third daughter of Samuel Smith,E of COinbe sq, Surrey. , Ann' the Ist inst., at St. Georg e : J a ne, over-square, Rear-Admiral G. T. Gordon, to Rel 0 a,stet:e:ran'ectof:Doil; widow of the into Capt. 11. Byres, R.N., 13. BRYAN.—On the 3d inst., Deaths. of Bryan, 14.111. ghtirsti Henry D. Choh Leicestershire, aged 63. W Wl. ' CHeLmELEv—On Woo _ cor ing t n h o e ie 2 3 (l ,, inst., atthothoenPlyri;%gc.o.ntago son of the late, and brother'of the present Sir A- . . - Cholmeley, Bart., of Easton Hall, 31. P., a ged 6° • _ Ra t, DANyEns.—On the 2d inst., at the house of his n " s 23, Queen's-gardens, Charles Danvers, Springfield, Totnes, aged 75. r ottO Cl, FARNELL.—On the 3d inst., at •Isloworth, much reg Charles Farrell, Esq., aged 76. r V i ' WO ~TACQT.TES.—On the 27th ult., at Birstall Souse, tester, James Jacques, Esq., aged 61. r, SIIIRREFF.—On the 31st ult., at No. 21, Th© 80a,e,,, ,),,, mouth, S. Devon, the Rev. Saml. Brett Ship-ea:l " e ' d 6 7. rector of Berkswell-cum-Boston, y(S , ----------- g ANO li ' .2 London: Printed and Published by VVILLIA Dice N O 1. ' of .No. 112, Strand, Painter, at Ttlz SUN 0 ,,,.unty ef Strand, in the Precinct of the Salo, iu the vu Middlesex. —Tuesday, Jane 6, 18t35. Sli, late of NMI. , ree, li aer C 2 1 WI Ile s , ke sE 1 Durp, Irh o i their li A c' 411. 0 ,-......... T 10 ( TAI 1. cube The 1 4 : J . Itia l E 3,