The Sun. — London, England, 1852-05-11 00:00:00

14,800 -the town of Liverpool, with a cenetiturincy of • 17,400—the borough of Lambeth of 18,000. I further find these three places 4uppor•ed the tell iwing amount of population, viz —in Westniiroasr, 241,1.00; iu Litn heth, 251,000; in Liverpool, 376,003—each of these Ones represented by two lalembore There is, also, Futsbery, with a conitite3ney of 20,003—supported by a population of 323,000; Marylebotic, with a coning - ency of 19,700 —supported by a population of 370,000; the Tower lisinlets, with a constituency of 23,000 — supported by a population exesediug 500,000; Slid dlesr.x, with a constitnency of 14,600; AI sochester, with a constituency of 13 900—supported by a population of 316,000; South Lancashire, with a constituency of 21,650 ; with a population of between 590,000 and 600,000. We must also consider that where there is a c•iristitu tueney of occepyitg tenants—we will say of 501.—as regards the material of a constituency they may be said • to rank with the 101. franchise of a borough. Taking, then, into coniideration what may be truly called the prominent elements of national wealth, which must not be omitted iu our inquiries upon this subset, tier M jesty's Government here resolved to recommerel the 71 bum to apportion tie two other ,erebers to the southern division of the eouety of Lancaster.—(hear, hear.) Sir, I have been told wet thee votes that have bern lost have been lest to the towns, and that they ought to be given to the town.R. tier Msjeety's Ge vestment are telly aware thett, this is ea oljection that is easy to make, but movt ditlitiult, to sustain. Note Lo One more admires the energy of the great towns than mysej. Ido not wish, however, to mix up either their present proud position or the it future futures with the degraded members of St. Albans or Sudbury.—(hear, .hear.) Sir, I cannot think that the liembsrs taken from those boroughs could either sustain their energies or add to their value. Let the House tic:J][4,o, that, i n re commending the apportionment of those four seats, we are including in these two county constituencies scores of towns four times larger than either Sudbary or St. Albans.—(Gear.) .0 you take the surplus population of • South Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, you have upwards of 1,400,000 persons who are directly or indirectly represented now by oily tear Members. We propose that they shall be iu future represented by eight Members—that is our proposition.—(Cheese.) And if you look at the population of any of our greatest boroughs and constituencies brought under our conside ratieu, you will not find one of them that equals the surplus political population of the West Riding or South Lancashire; and you will not find any two, or any three, or anytfour of those great constituencies, equal to that united population to which I have referred. We propose, then, in regard to South Lancashire, for the same reasons, in order that the minority, whether it be agricultural or manufacturing. may be truly represented, that South Lancashire shall be also divided —(Hear, hear.) South Lancashire consists of two hundreds—the hundred of Salford and the hundred of West Darley (as we under stood). In the former we find the flourishing city of Manchester. In the latter we find the famous port of Liverpool. Therefore, there is here a natural and well-understood line of demarcation. The result will be that in the constituency of Salford there are 12,000, and in West Darley 9,500. There are some details with respect to this divisnn which I might men tion if the House would sanction them; but I think the House will excuse them at present. I have thus endea . "soured to place before the House the intentions of the Government; a g ed to show the various considerations which have induced her Majesty's Ministers, with the utmost impartiality, to recommend this plan to the House. Every opinion founded upon popular support that has been expressed upon this s übjeut has received every re :OPeOt and attention from her Majesty's Government. On the whole, then, desirous to do that which I think will be most advantageous to the community, we have thought proper, in reference to the pledge w e g ave, in pursuance to the duty which we owe to that Sovereign Whose power wo acknowledge, to bring the proposition before Parliament. Whatever may be the result of it, we are confident that we have only done our duty as Ministers of the Crown in submitting it to the conside ration of this House.—(hear, hear.), It is obviously a question of the greatest importance that the Constitu . tional number of the House of Commons should be corn pleted—(Hear, hear)—and that the continuous and sys tematic deficiency of our number, which is perilous to the welfare of the country nod to the honour of this House, should be removed. If these propositions are adopted, we believe that public opinion will sanction them, and that they will contribute to the welfare of the community, and tend to the increase of the strength as well as the lustre of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE said that he did not feel disposed to impute to her Majesty's Government any sinister oh .' jeot in the introduction of this measure. Neither would he charge the Right Hon. Gentleman with having taken the House by surprise, or with having tampered with an • .bonoura,ble undertaking; because the Right Hon. Gen --tleman had, with perfect correctness, stated the terms of the announcement which he made upon a former °mt- He had likewise done -him (Mr. Gladstone) the honour of referring to an objection which he had been permitted to make at the first moment of the announce ment of th e present proposition. lie did not suggest to the House that it was wrong on the part or the Govern ment to introduce a measure of this nature because they Were suspected of an intention to procrastinate the dis solution. What he bad stated was this—that it was the duty of the House to obtain a pledge from the Govern ment that no measure but one of urgency should be introduced by the Government in the present session of Parliament, and that the measure of the apportion ment of the four vacant seats, by any latitude of con struction, could rot be brought fairly within this de scription. lie would not join issue with the Right lion. Gentleman in respect to the merits of the proposition he had just made, but he would strictly confine himself to the question whether the subject opened by the RA:: ht Hon. Gentleman to the House was one which the House should consent to enter upon. Instead of meet ing the motion with a mere negative, he would suggest that the House should puss, in the usual phrase, to the order of the day. It the Right Hon. Gentleman had succeeded in showing that this was a question of consti tutional urgency, then the House should give him leave to introduce his measure, but it ho had fatted in proving this fact, th en h e (\'l+•. Gladstone) thought that the House should refuse hirer the permission ho asked. It was proposed at that moment, and in what has been em phatically called a moribund Parliament, and by an Ad ministration which did not plead the title of pre sent confidence, and who was about to ask for • that confidence by tin appeal to the people, •• to introduce a measure which ho (Mr. Gladstone) contended had no plea of urgency to recommend it. The Right Hon. Gentleman admitted that there was no magical or cabalistic virtue in the number 658. He (Mr. Gladstone) would goefurther, and say there was no law or principle of the constitution—no solemn decision - of Parliament, nor anything beyond accident and the duration of about forty years, which the Right Hon. Gentleman called prescription—to recommend this num• ber to their especial notice. There was a popular error upon this subject, when it was supposed that 658 re presented a great balance of interests, and that it was the duty of Parliament at once to complete that num ber. What they found by referring to the Acts of Par liament was this. Fly the Act of Union with Scotland the stipulation entered into by this country was that Scotland should have forty-five members, and by the Act of Union with Ireland the latter country was to have 100 tut tubers. But these Acts set no limits to the total num ber of the members of the - douse of Commons. The Right flon. Gentleman referred to what he called the danger of • remaining in this continuous and systematic deficiency. if, then, there be a systematic and continuous de ficiency, where, ho would ask, was the alleged prescrip tion? Sudbury had nut been disfranchised very recently. It had been disfranchised since the year 1844. Since that time eight years had elapsed. They had had three Ministries—all parties in the state had successively been in opposition, and not a single member of any of these parties in opposition, including that which now sat op ,posite, had celled upon the House to vindicate this sa cred prescription, or had appealed tothis number — ( Bear, hear)—or this s d o constitutionalld numbersaid toe t s h tng e d wor d . upon the necessity of raising and that although they had passed through th e e " r a d a ea a l r oi a general election in the intervening thni'.—(He e ar, hear) e n M t l e e m m b a e n r s towards returned the o They had had 656 instead of 658 (4 Parliament. The Right Hon. .. close of his speech had said a condition of things like that was dangerous to the country, an d menan-d -honour of the House. That was the first time had the heard such a view, and he had beard it with regret, pressed of a reduction of their numbers, which was likewise consequent upon accident, as the originally fixed number was likewise consequent upon accident. (Hear.) It was purely a question of convenienc e and policy, and nothing else. But setting aside an y mere opinion on that—whether the private op c s '• • uion of Right Honourable Gentlemen, or their opinion as Ministers of the Crewn—the point he put to them wee this: that the Right Lion. Gentleman was bound, he order to make good his case, to show that there was some constitutional sacredness or prescriptionattached to that numb e r. On the contrary, he had showif, reference to the great Legislative instruments, that that • number did not exist in them; and the Right Hon. Gen tleman had failed to show that it was the constitutional number. and h e cou ld no t make any claim to t he House consequenthis p roved its being the con the tutional upon PI Ron. Gentleman On the other hand, which he hoped that ,nntleman who took the same view as that in t o ree to o ll a ; Gladstone) was now humbly endeavour . now standi na Q „ n ee d ' w ould remember that they were not punctilio. Ea ; 1 "" 1 "Y ground of mere etiquette or it would have beegttreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman in coming into onieouticonstitutionat if the Government introduction of had pledged itself absolutely to the any giv en then to dissolve r at ii,,, l number of measures, and c onstitutional to expect from t ' But what was right aid g iven as a pledge, wee them, end what they had • , not the fl • of measures—three, four, or fixing a certain number jug down of a principle, theneynotther number—the lay erin went which was definite, and etrieng into an engage might contest the Right uou ' ou Y r. understood. Ho construction of that engagement ansi'" Gentleman's its scope as understood by the Right I.lelitre latitude of man. He at once conceded to the Right ilounrable Gentles that there was not the slightest intention to .es Gentlemanae it. But the principle of the understanding was, that from , that no measures, except those of immediate urg ency , should be submitted to the House of Commons. — (Hear, hear.) That was variously stated on v arious oc casions. At th e same time it was said that none but necessary measures were to be submitted to the jadgment of the- House of Commons. On one occasion the Right Lion. Gentleman carried his language so high as to say that the Govern ment would not introduce any inewures except those of absolute and indispensahle necessity. lie did not wish to stand by any one particular expression or another, for he felt that the substance of the understanding was clear in the mind of evesn lion. Gentleman who beard him, and that he was not stating; it too strongly when he said, that the understanding asked and obtained was • . that no measures but those of immediate urgency should tea ~gatbaailted EirlitmozNeither did "h t. • a Yi4der - TILE ------- standing rest upon a narrow ground. Ou the contrary, it was stated and obtained in viedicetion of a principle prectical object of the ch'figthheesthimghoenaset ein't"uss.ac: it n- i ' v il it: ' eicetion of the c sne et e . tional principle that a Goverament at issue with the ex isting Parliament upon acerdinal point of its policy was bound to take one of two alternatives—either to resign office es course which no oee recommended under the cir cumstances), or else to appal to the people. Bat there was another object which Parliament lied in view, and that was to discheage its solemn duty to that great prin ciple of commercial policy which they were bound to see well brought homo to haven, and at the earliest moment.—(Bear.) It was a fallacy against which every man ought to guard, that because with the present Go vernment in power, the principles of the commercial po licy of the country had not been altered by auv positive measure, they were to rent sa isfied. It would bo no fulfilment, but an abandonment, of their duty to be con tented that the matter should so. remain. It had been admitted on the other side that it was a solemn duty upon them all to bring the matter to a spsody and final issue. That could only be done by an appeal to the people by dissolution; sad, therefore, in asking a dtseuluti et it wo not for any party object, but it was berme, if there WAS one duty more ineumb than auother at the pre sent time upon that large mejerity of the llonos of C , :tim..)ns who lied on repsated oseesions testified their opiei eel in favour of, and given their cordiel adleettes to the princleles of free trade—it was that they should net be contented, whatever might ba said ot the ex• istenco of Lb. Ministry, to leevu thus° principles to °xis: epen sufferance—to the chapter of accidents, that t'my should Istsve them as matters mew. etood, in the guerdietelip o'w-who:nu whose own iecauatious, with l e out doubt or disguise, w ro o pposed to them—( , ar, hear)—but that they s h o uld , expedite tho process ladleh the Prime Minister bad justly and fairly proposed; namely, the process of obtaining the deliberate judgment of the concituenciee with regard to the principles of their commercial legislation; and having so obtained it, that they should then find them in a condition to lay down a course of policy by which they meant to be guided, and that if they foiled the public averse to the policy w hich they had hitherto pursued , th en that the y should frankly and finally own that state ot facts, so that at length this groat controversy might be at length defi nitively ended, and the machinery of the constitution might fall into its usual course and order. This was a question which was not applicable to the merits of the Right Honourable Gentleman as to other pro posal; and not involving any animadversions of an acrimonious character on his conduct. It was a question strictly relating to the introduction of a Bill and to the inquiry as to whether that Bill ought to be entertained at all. Inasmuch, then, as he bad clearly shown there was no constitutional ground or claim for the introduction of the question at the present moment, he thought it right also to point out the great inconvenience attending its introduction. It was a sound canon of Parliamentary practice, that, except under immediate urgency, the eve of a dissolution of Parliament was the worst moment for the introduction ot measures like this affecting the constituencies, for it was a moment at which local partialities and personal interests were most alive, and at which it was most diffi cult for Members of the House of Commons to give a deliberate and dispassionate judgment. But, beyond that, this was a question with regard to which two essential conditions for its consideration entirely failed them. The first was, although the scale of the subject was a small one—although it might appear not a serious matter what should be done with so insignificant a fraction of their representation as that -of four seats out of 658, yet it was plain it was a question of the highest importance, and de serving the most serious consideration ; and, above all others, it ought to be approached once for all, and then should be finally settled. Those seats ought not to be held up to the people as a prize for every man to snatch at. The matter ought to be decided, not in a provisional and unsettled state of things like the pre , sent, but when they had got an Administration in full possession of political power. The Right Hon. Gentle man had himself already seen and mentioned some in dications and dispositions of all parties unrepresented, or not sufficiently represented, to catch at the possession of those vacant seats. These were claims which ought not to be decided haphazard, nor by accidental.: divisions, in consequence of parties being nearly balanced, nor in a disorganized state of the House of Commons. But the proposal ought to be made with the authority of a strong Executive; and, once seriously entered upon, it ought not to leave the table of the House until a definitive conclusion had been arrived at. There were moreover, great difficulties in the case which the Right Ilan. Gentleman had hardly adverted to, which per haps be had found it necessary to pass by. When they satin the multitude of parties who could make a plau sible claim to those seats, they were bound to consider what was due to them and to the feelings which they en tertained. He did not say they could please them all, but they were bound to satisfy them all that they had had a fair hearing of their case; and he put it to the Right Hon. Gentleman whether this moribund Parlia ment was in a position to give a fair hearing to all their different claims. The Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded to some of them—to the universities—and he stated the case of the universities of Scotland as entitled to respect and approbation; but the upshot of the Right Honour able Gentleman's speech was, that for want of machinery, for want of degrees, he had toregone the idea of enter taining the claims of that university. But the members of that university could say that the degrees were but the certificates of attendance, and that these could be ob tain, d by some other means; and that if the conditions for conferring the representation on the universities of Scotland were fixed, these conditions could be readily satisfied. He e.id not pre judge; but if ail the parties were to he fairly heard, they could hardly sa tisfy the universities of Scotland that they should be passed by because there was no regisiation of degrees in existence amongst them. He said the came with respect to the inns of court; and also with respect to another class of claimants—the un eofranchised towns.—(gear, hear.) He did not enter into the question whether the university and the inns of court, as representing the elucation and intelligence of the country, or the uneufranchised towns, or the old constituencies should receiv e th ose sea t s . But this he did say, it was their duty caret (Illy to examine and in vestigate the question —to enter upon it when they , had a free choice—not to precipitate the d e termination of it. The late Government ha s proposed to bestow them upon Burnley and Birkenhead. He had never examined these particular claims; he said nothing about them; but it would be rather hard if they passed them by, and if they legislated at a period when they could not possibly have time to entertain them. Nor could they expect that the people of Burnley or Birkenhead 'would be satisfied with the verdict of the House of Commons if they wore determined, without any consideration of their claims, to go to an issue upon the question at a time when it was impossible they could entertain those claims. There seemed to be in the Right Hon. Gentleman's mind something which he had not stated — some secret about the constitutional number of the Mem bers of that House which he bad not been able to fathom. All he could say, then, was, that, having consulted their history and the laws on the statute-book, it appeared to him upon the clearest evidence that there was not any constitutional virtue attaching to the number 653. Any opinion that there was such was the purest fiction that ever entered the mind of man. It was a matter of no toriety that during the last eight years—during three Administrations, with a general election intervening— they had fallen short of that supposed constitutional number; and such being the case, he put it to the [louse was it necessarily a matter of constitutional importance to proceed with this measure—while, on the other hand, he lied shown it was not a constitutional practice on the eve of a dissolution to proceed with measures which were not of immediate urgency. So far, then, from the pre sent time being advisable, it was the worst and most in convenient that could be selected for the decision of the question, while he had proved that their decision could not give satisfaction to many claimants upon the fran chise whom they were bound to hear, or to the public at large, who view with much interest the disposal of a question pertaining to the representative system of this country. He moved that the House do pass to the orders of the day.—(Cheers.) After a short pause, during which no Member rose, he Renee divided, when there appeared— For the motion ... l4B For the amendment —B6 Majority The proposition of the Government was seoordingly ,ost. THE MILITIA. The House then went into Committee on the Militia Bill, resuming at clause 7. Mr. HUME said this clause contained the essence of the Bill, which was the creation of a reserved force of 80,000 men. Believing that the money would be wasted, be moved that the Chairman should report progress; and he hoped the House would agree with him that this question should be referred to a uew Parliament. Mr. WALPOLE said the proposition was not very reasonable. The Bill had been repeatedly affirmed. Ho hoped therefore the decision on one case would not be the guide to another. Mr. HUME would, under these circumstances, take the sense of the Houso upon the clause. Mr. BRIGHT said, the two- staternen ts made the other night by the Home Secretary and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, respecting these 80 000 men, altogether al tered the circumstances of the case. The division that had just taken place was not u nexpected, nor, he be lieved, unsought by the Government. The House curie to a division with one speech on each side. Such a majority o f 0 4 , circums t a nce was unprecedented. A bad pronounced egainst n th n e t ti mr o , g o erneeent ,ifi .Lts proved t hat the Govertnno at didT Righjt y the cn Hon. Home Lecroeftatig House of Co sa id this wasinainendifferente' be question, and that majorities of the House had p res sed their ateent to the principl e . It was a diffslent question, but he denied that the majo e the princip le of the Bill. A question of rides were on oinvolving expenditure of such great importane..,onot. money, an and 80,000 men, for three-quarters of a w i th martial purposes, Parliament like the witn the ballot in perspective, should not be decided in a disloca ted pre sent. Referring to the speech iht) considered it alto e speech of Lord Derby at the Mans getheion-house, r a peace speec; only fur his own Arnbassedcla speaking not he h (gr a . nd th e r speech of the French Govern ment, but for the whole corps dtplomatique, was a most satisfactory assurance that nut only was there no ques tion in dispute with France and o t h er c ountries but n there was, in fact, p er f ec t a mity. If those distiguis bed men could b e b e li eved, what shou ld be though Government f or urging forward suc h a measure as this any of the ' —a measure of a more dangerous character than y that had b een proposed since 1815. The course now _ takieg by th e G overnment was one the best ca l cu l a ted to produce the result which they professed to avoid. One of the Ministers of the French President had stated t's) an English gentleman in Paris that nothing was more calculated to excite ill-feeling in Frazee than the dm- C 4 5" 5 -4" ggin:Cil ju.r 6 riktmint aid ill this country • SUN, on the eulj-ct of this Bill. The same Minister had pre eented by his own power the insertion of extracts from I u speeches, f r tee puroote of er erentiog heat iii the mind of the French people on• the sueject. LTeder the-e cireurnsteeeee h e thouebt the Committee should riot he caked ta divide on tee clause; but that, ref,er the division artnigh - , the Bill &hould at least be postponed for a few days until it should be reconsidered by the Cabinet, it it was not postponed until the assembling of the new Parliament. :Jr. J. BELL agreed with the Hoe. Member that the eireurnstences of the case had changed since the intro duction of this Bill. Triere had been positive evidence since then of the fallacy of the feers that had prevailed. If the French Piesident elesired t r invade this country, he would have token adventagr of tire period when this country was left without a Government. lie hoped, therefore. the House would eceede to the proposition of the Hon. Member for Manchester. Mr. FOX said there was one remarkeele change since the introduction of the Bill. It bad been stated that two successive Governments hod given their assent to the measure. leading to the ie;eletice that they were in possession of privete information; got the Noble Lord at the head of the lute Government hid eieelared Ids , conviction that, there was no imuaell see or urgent din. Hear" from Lord J. Russell) —while • the pre w:et tir , vernment feel poepened the urgent prineiplo of the 13111—namely, the hal tot —to the close of the y. ar. Ihe inevitable conclusioo was, therefore, that no den. ger existed, anti that there could be no public wrong in postponing the measure emit the uext Parliament. He (Mr. Fox) was of opinion that this measure was the prelude of a change of policy es respected the foreign relations of this country, and for rocking it more of a military power. It was, therefore, a measure which ahould not be entertained by a moribenal Parliament. the cone;ry would regard us an ominous C mjumeion the revival of protection end of a mili.ary force, in the nature of an arrny.ef reserve. On grounds of prudence her Majesty's Government would do well to have this Bill postponed. Mr. WALI'OLE declined to enter on the general ar gument, not from any disrespect to the Hon. Member for Manchester, but because the principle of the mea sure had been frequently discussed. The clause before the Committee had been debated during two nights, and there bad been more than one division upon it. Under these circumstances, he thought the Committee could take no other course than that of proceeding with it; and the Hon. Member for Montrose would see that there was no ground, therefore, for his motion. The lion. Member for Oldham would, however, remember that the urgency of the measure was declared by him (Mr. Walpole) not to be the ballot, but voluntary en listment. He hoped thenHouee would, therefore, go on with the clause, which -had been twice before discussed, and on which there had been three divisions. Mr. HUME only wished that Parliament would not enter on such a large expenditure as 80,000 men in volved at the present moment, but defer it until after the general election. Mr. FORBBS could not see what an addition to the Parliamentary representation had to do with the de e fence of the country. Ho might be wrote; as to the nature of the danger, but he certainly did think there was all the less of it when the country was prepared. He could not understand the objection of Hon. Gentle men opposite to the militio, whoa he considered their antagonism to standing armies. The militia was con stituted on a far better footing than the National Guard of France, or the militia of America. He (Mr. Forbes) would ratner pay taxes than have contributions levied on him, either directly by foreign bayonets, or indi rectly in the form of a forced loan. He would not be a party to defeating the Bill in any shape whatever, be cause he believed it to be absolutely necessary. Mr. WAKLEY thought the discussion of this Bill should be persisted in until her Majesty's Government were convinced of its inappropriateness. The vote of that night had changed the circumstances; the Govern ment had sustained a defeat on a strictly Government measure. In a House of 382 Members the Government w ere absolutely in a minority of 86. He would ask every constitutional Member whether an instance existed of a Bhiell. could He put w ou h ld is as fi k ng the er oa G o vernment who so completely wanted the confidence of the House being entrusted with the conduct of such an any he constitutional EI p re cedent? Ho denied that the c im he p q o u rt e a r n i t f precedent could be found. Well, then, in that case it was the duty of the people's representatives to discuss the principle of the Bill. The Bill was dreaded and abhorred by Was it a Bill which the minority ought to allow to pass? Ile did not care about being charged with acting with a factious party in obstructing this measure; he was satis fied with the consciousness of meaning to do his duty to his country honestly and fairly. When the Bill was first introduced by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Rus sell) he bad implored the Noble Lord to show any suffi cient reason for such a Bill. He had heard no reason stated. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite bad also assigned no reason why this Bill was more needed in 1852 than in 1842. He was for peace all over the world; but it appeared to be the wish of the supporters and framers of the Bill to produce as many provocativea to war as possible. As far as France- was concerned, he saw no symptoms of a warlike character. The French had had enough of disturbance; they apparently wanted nothing now but peace, and he believed the present ge neration of French people would not be anxious to go to war. Such a Bill as the one before the House ought to be obstructed, and defeated if possible, by every mode which the forms of the House would admit of. The Government aught not to press forward the Bill this session; but if they did force the Bill through Parlia , ment by the aid of a tyrannical majority, then, he ha ltered, they would not very much like what would be said at the hustings of their conduct. Mr. WALPOLE—The Hon. Gentleman had com- menced his speech by saying that GlVernerit were in a minority, and a Government in a minority ought not to advise the Crown to raise 50,000 men for defensive pur poses; and he concluded his speech by telling G ,vern went they ought not to go on with a tyrennical In ijerity against the a ishes of the people, who, he believed, were decidedly against the Bill. Now, if it be a fict that Go vernment were in a majority, and that the Houle, by a majority, had confirmed the principle of the Bill, was it not right that the Bill should be proceeded with ? (ilear, hear.) The House were agreed upon the princi ple of the Bai, and they were now called upon to con sider the details. The Hon. Member might show that the principle of the Bill was had, but that principle having been affirmed, ho would nut discuss it then. If the Hon. Member was right in his argument, the proper time would be to discuss the principle at the third reading. Mr. B. ELLIS well knew the effect that the former Militia Bill bad on the rural population. He was satis fied the proposed "army of reserve" would produce simi -lar effects when the term of enrolment expired. They would return to their homes and former occupations to deprave.nnd demoralise the:population. Mr. NEWDEGATE said the Hon. Member (Mr. Fir ekley) had spoken of the division against the Go vernment. The persons, he believed, who were most • surprised at that division were those who supported the amendment. A great number of MembPra had left the House, not anticipating a division. It was with the greatest difficulty he got into the House in time to give his vote, and there were several Members in the lobby in a state of consternation because they could not get in. Ho deeply lamented the division, He thought the proposi tion of Gove rnment was pertectly fair and liberal, and he would tell Hon. Members who had professed liberal po litics that they could not have taken a more unpopular merle than that of v oting against the Govern ment mea sure. It was said by El.. n. Gentlemen o pp osite that they must not pa ss m e as ures of importance 10 a mori bund Parliament, but by their acts they desired to pro vide an incomplete Parliament to carry important mea sure& lion. Members opposite argued that the votes of Members representing large constituencies ought to tell for more than ono vote each. .All their argument turned against them—because by the recent division they declared that the representation should not be more equally distributed.—(Hear, hear.) Now with re spect to the militia measure, the Honourable Member (NIT. Ellis) said he objected to it because of the grievous moral effects it would produce on the population. The lion. Member said he remembered the consequences which resulted from the last local militia. This Bill, however, wait not intended to be a local Militia Bill. But it appeared there were special circumstances which made the Hon. Member abhor both a militia or an army. ['hose reasons were doubtless very creditable to the Hoe. Gentleman; he deprecates a resort to arms, bo deprecates military power altogether, and of course he deprecates a militia. But on account of those special ;reasons the lion. Member was not at liberty to give an unbiassed opinion. The Hon. Member came to the discussion with a foregone conclusion. And though the lion. Member was justly entitled to give an opinion, still that opinion must stand singly.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to dividing the House, he trusted they would not have another snap division—(Bear, hear)—like wbat had just taken place. Ho trusted the House would • not permit the principle of the 13i11 to be mutilated in- Committee, which they had already sanctioned. The principle had over and over again been confirmed; it was vain, there fore, to expect to defeat the measure—it could only :be uselessly obstructed. Air. ROEBUCK would just look at the recent divi sion, so that the House might understand the fact. The numbers were 234 for, 184 against; the pairs were 80— .and these together made a total of 462 Members. Now, 462 was a large portion of that House, though it had been said many went away not expecting a division; that argument might operate on both sides—so that there was an end of the Hon. Gentleman's snap division. The fact was, that the Hon. Gentleman knew the ma., jority of that House was cgainst the Government on that question. The opinion of the House was, and ;is, that the present Government ought simply to pass those measures necessary for the good government of the country; to defer all other measures, 'and to bring the Parliament to an end. He readily acknowledge d that on e th Bu t Lordas hhoaudti since hvy b c y ae 11 h iititia Bill a majority of the House was vgainst him. which e h nederstood how (hut was. First, the Administra tionich preceded the present a similar Bill, and Government introduced the a large portion of their supporters w b e ro e a ken loose . from his fetters (we under stood), they gave. But the Noble a a s onli a t t i g it e ß p i o ll r , tio o ti r Thera in w t stood), and Militia Bil l.o a f t th l e ea li st on th se is , representing a large section were strongiy agai ns t all Militia • of the population, who addressing Governmen t in consequence Bills. They were now vote, by which their minority wan of the recent to view. And they said, "Wb as remarkably brought tended to do? Da_ just enough to n to ot do what you in business until you can go fairly before the on the public and when you get another Parliament, edcoonstituences, what con stitutional Government ought to do."—(Hear, a suppouing Government were in a majority on this hare ß .) , they would still he crippled; for they who were in a mi nority would turn round and say , " Any Government beaten as you are, as a constitutional Govern men t, ou ght to resign." It was clear Government could not escape from the difficulty, except on the principle that .thEy would qpeal to tao country, If Governukout told - ,_• them that, then he yielded. But Government said, "It is. true we are beaten, but it is in a Liouso of Commons that is not ours, rind that, we does not properly represent the people of the country."—(ilear.) To that he replied, if you pass tho Bill you are shattered and shaken by your position, you will be unable to do that which is right in the next Parliameat in consequence of your false psition. The Right Honourable Gentle man was hampered by his position—ho was bound by one set of opinions, while he was dolt alt he could to maintain the opinions of . Gentlemen b, hind him. The Right H in. Gentleman was not at the. presmt moment in a straightforward course, and he could tell the Go vernment they could not on that account govern the country. The Hight Hon. Gentleman may be in a ma jority on the Bill, but he was in a minority as far as the [louse was concerned; he could not, therefor", maintain tight prineiples--he could not govern the country en fixed principles. He did not care who came forward and told him Government were right on this qaPEtion, and that they had a majority in that Rouse—:itin it was clear. Government were playing .3 false gstoe, their nuthority vv,is shaken, and they could riot do is hat was right. In a constiiutional point of view ho contended Government (might to withdraw not only this all, but every 13ill ex cept the Mutiny Bill and the Bills requisite fur the army and navy services. The H u m e hal in oot4N , ce the greater portion of those ineasnrcs, rw I therefore the bait thing the Right Hon. Gentleman ceull do for him self and the country was to hriog:the matter to a close to withdraw this Bili—and then if th.: country Was wil ling to have I ', they would enable Geuerntuent not only : upportie~ the peculiar e c u o l r i , ry lr viewstllt B 0 : I f l i t i ) e u but a al r l v e, Ll t 7 %‘ l , fa hich thr c Ru lot lion. Ge A rkt c h . e_n ri ti E % , b 7 e o l, i imici rr . E repeated that Brea` the supporters of Govern ment were shio re o a t t it nu irnern bar the of late division. As far as th e measure was concerned, be again stated that the H ouse, by a g re at majority, had already determined' that some such meas ure of defence should pass, and he theref ore t ruste d her Mai"tis Go vernm for if the an• ent would perseve re; Geutlernen had wished the session tube brought to a close, why di a l they.not select . some opportu n ity before of defeating the Government? Sheffield had explained th e di v i s i on sat i s factorily. Mr, REYNOLDS th oug h t th e H on . Member for and hid shown that 462 Members was a l arge portion of that House. He would account for the opposition he in tended to offer to the Bill. Re had been told if the clau se were rejected, it would endang er t h e Bill ; 'that was a strong inducement for him to en d eav our to get . that clause rejected. The HOD. and L earne d Gentleman (Mr. f Whiteside) had been very et-ego-eat in the laudation of a militia. Why, then, did the Hon. and Learned Gentle man not extend the benefit to Ireland? Why should England have a militia and not Ireland? He bad always heard, at least from co o k s , th a t what was sauce for the goose was sauce for the gander; but here all the sauce was given to the goose, and none to the gander—(Laughter.) Ireland, however, though left out of the Bill, was included le the more important part of it—for Ireland would have to Pay h e r share of the burden—(Hear, hear.) The Icon,Gentleman here re ferred to the Kafir war, and ad verted to the i tem in the Budget of 600,00 0 /. for the expe nse o f that war. He had lately askei a friend who .had just returned from Kafirland what notions the Kafirs entertained of Chris tianity. His reply was, that ono part of the Kafirs con sidered Christianity meant brandy and tobacco, for it was through the agency of brandy and tobacco that conver sions were attempted to be made. Another part of the Kafirs considered that Christianity meant burning corn, stealing of cattle, abusing women, and slaughtering one another. Now he would ask the House, was it lot time to put an end to all this bloodshed and expense? He contended that a Militia Bill was not needed, and that Government were not justified in inflicting it on the country. He thought the bounty would be a premium on emigration to America. The men were to be drilled for twenty-one days, and then to be set at liberty to go where they liked. That was called providing for the defence of the country. He might refer the Committee to the_authority of Paley for the reasons why that eel( brated philosopher thought a regular military force preferable to a militia for the defence of the country. He had not heard a single ar gument from Hon. Members opposite in favour of the Bill. If the public prints were to be believed, no one could apprehend any danger from France. The Presi dent seemed to be occupied in consolidating his power, in promoting schemes for the improvement of France by railroads, drainage, education, and other peaceful works, and in breaking down that terrible band of men, the leaders of the Red Republicans. It was quite true that the present Bill had been supported by large majorities, but majorities were not always in the right; and it ought not to be forgotten that there were many lieute nantsd of co un ti e s in that House who would have a g reat deal of patronage under the Bill, if it be came law. He thought the Bill unwarranted a nd un called for. lea bl cu r n . g S o A f N th D e ßS Bill-though said h he h h e did ad voted for the secanct not approve of all its details —and he had done so on the ground that addi tional defenees were necessary . His impressio n had been that the b es t mode of provid i ng that defenc e would have been by an addition to the re gu lar arm y and b y voluntary corp s; b u t the speech of the N oble L o rd the Member f or T iverton bad convinced him that the b est mode would be the means proposed by the present mea sure. tie did not at all approve of the compulsory clauses, and ho had to suggest to ills Right Hon. Gen tleman the Secretary for the Home Dep artment whether it would not b o a d v i s able to get rid of these clauses. He felt satisfied that it would be imposstblo to carry into effect these clauses in the part of the country he canto from (the West Riding), and would recommend their withdrawal. .Mr. MOWATT said that without the compulsory clauses there wunlii be co meaus of ensuring any force at all. Ho was one of those who thought that Our de fences were not in a satisfactory stet'', and that we wore not sufficiently protected against probable danger. For years he' had entertained_he might almost say the conviction—ghat this country was exposed to the risks of aggressions of a warillo character, and that these were risks which ought not to be allowed to hang over them. Iu the course of the debate many military autherities had been referred to, bat ho had out heard any one assert that thew military authorities could not provide for the defence of the country if the expenditure of the 16 , 0 00,000/, voted for military pur pose.) were left to them political consi derations. His justifie ' • - • ,riet the present etion in voting aga - ' 13111 was the manner • which our regular forces wer e in whi distributed in differen t lel We seemed parts of the wor • to distribute our forces at oar ex tremities, a nd to Y leave ourselves exp ose d to a ere e thrust at our heart. y An additional rea son wh he voted against the m easure was his opinion th a t the present Government were not the persons to bring for ward this eat as they measure , more espe cially after such a defeat had that night - sus tained. After a few words from I'4r- the Crawford, Mr. Brown, and Mr. G. Thompson against -Bill, divided The Committee then7ided wh en t h e re appeared— ). For reporting progress , 85 ogress ... ••• Against it 156 ••• , ... OD. Majority again s t the motion 0 gallery we found —7l On our return to the ' ' n d Mr. HUME moving the • • of the clause, and complaihing of the contra omission the conduct of ' the Chancellor of the Exche contrast which _ his party on that occasion presented to . the(leer and or whichthey had pursued course on the Opposition benches, The. QiIANCELLwe of' " the EXCHEQUER said the Ilon. Goutleman had - h (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had on formerstated that C occasions always been ready to oppose every pro F ofcocra thesi expenditure of puhlic money. But that waspthution for wherever the credit, tee honour, and th o not ' so; of the country were security involved, he had never ions for expen diture.—(Cheers. ° 1 , 3 ) As he was esed PreP"sl__ e ,, to oppose grants of public money to was thenotprepar o diridende to the disbursement. creditor, co he was P 437 dto oppose any of publie tu not prepare' delete© of the country.— (Hear, hear.) un eY . for the thing more on the clause, which had belle would discussion sy.o gariag two nightd: He believed thatti under olic then re quired was a declaration or what . the • • Mr. HUME said that the honour end the interests of n the country were not at etake . o that o ccasion. The Right Hon. Gentleman had otter I , f a il e d ee establish any such position—(Langhter, -erica,of " Oh, oh") —and it was on that groued that and the measure. He would he ho (11r.H4cue t ) opposed t any proposal which was ba„%ueo of the necessityfirst oosfunippalt. tabling the public credit, But tnhtbe rebefore them was only a means of endangering e that credit.—(Hear, hear.) All profligate Governments exhausted the public resources by unnecessary exp ec d ita . Laughter, and general marks of disapprobation ' ie .---( Ministerial n . the . benches.) If Hon. Gentlemen 0 way ho should be obliged to that coove npoaite went on in . eain that the Chair man should" leave the chair, because he was not to be bullied.—(Hear, hear, and l aughter.) told If he were that he was anxious to destroy t h e s hould throw back the charge. , e public credit, he believed"h he had done as much as any man to preser ve the public • • credtt— (Hear, hear)—and their credit would iaog perhaps be in the in which it was if he had, not ' . state inter fered.—(A leugh.) Those who knew g nothin at all about the matter were laughing, but he pardoned them. n dCI not want to quarrel with the Chancellor of the Ex e ch l he wanted to keep his coffers full. H e (perk was ashamed ot the course pursued in that matter by many Members with whom ho had lung been in the h • ' ' e but Whigs and Tories had agreed abit of on that that r '' waste the public money money. Ho would occasion div h to Committee against the proposal to enrol and tete 80,000 additional men a s p ar t of the a e keep up e rmanent armed force of this country. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the clause ... ... ••• 169 Against it ... ••• ... ... 82 Majority for the clause ... 87 The clause was then ordered to stand part of th e Bill. On clams 8, which empowers the Queen fu Council to fix the quotas in the different counties from which the force is to be drawn, Mr. M. GIBSON asked for information as to who were strictly liable to serve. He understood that any poor man with more than one child could claim ex emption. Mr. WALPOLE said that exe m p t i on would be claimed under th e 42d of George 111. , rhe words of this clause were in conformity with that Act. Mr. COBDEN doubted if gentlemen were at all ac quainted w ith the provisions o f th e Act in question. Mr. WALPOLE said that this clause provided for the contingency of the voluntary enlistment not producing the requisite number of men. If the ballot were put into operation every person of a certain age and height would be liable to serve, and exerePtien would be claimed under the statute to which be referred. Mr. M. GIBSON thought it would be well to post pone this clause until the compulsory clauses came under conside W ration. MA ALPOLE sa id here was "'ling in the clause LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MA .Y il, iBs2 which made it necessary to have the iiLt made out before the (Fultm.4 were completed. Mr. ROEBUCK asked what was meant by " Mr. 'W ALPO LE repnat , d that persons of certain agos and 11, , i4ht w3uld be liable, unless exempt under the 42(1 of George 111. • Mr. BRIGHT thought that unless the ballot were had recourse to it would not be necessary to proceed to an apportioanoent of districts. He urged the withdrawal of the chose. Mr. WALPOLE maintained the necessity. of fixing tha (loofas, to provide against the contingency to which he had referred. M. BRIGHT asked whether eny deficiency in one. district would bay() to be mado up by another? Mr. WALPOLE said, that a district which had fur ni3hed.it% cpota would ha exempt. SE - YMOUR, and tit-. V. SNmr suggested the post ponement of the clause. • Mr. WALPOLE, in reply to a remark from Mr.. Roe buck, said he proposed to iosort in the 10th elatte a pro vino to the i ffs,et that the voitm!eers should be xwEt dent in the partieut , e ct;eutv in which the Ttritz of which they formed part was rtiit;ed. rnt oc. ft,.t lr.rhd:i dispose . 1 p ( be .3 e,)isti V;(3),:lo,uffs,o,Ltti. the R v o S : i did zitc e n r e s t 3.st c m understand in t h e w why i t t h they eo ui withoutd b in e te n n e de c r e l e t , o ,.i r t.) e , s t o , r )r t Mr. WALL'OLE a --I' quotas.—(dear, hear.) .Ia reply to Sir G. Grey, the Itight ll , mourable Gmtlatnan added, Caat the provi :demi of the Bth clause Would be necessary only in the event of having recourse:to the ballot; and that by the 10th clause they would raise a certain ameuut of volunteers in each county, anal probably only thl proportionaf , e number which each county ought to furnish; but he had prepared a proviso to that clause to the effect that when .a county had furnished its proper number of volunteers, it should also he allei,vi , il to fur nish a supplemental number, with the view of raising the whole number of men re.qu!red in the aggregate. Sir C. WOOL) declared himself to be still at a lass to understand the meaning of the Government. Mr. WALPOLE—If the Right Hon. Gentleman would take the Bill in his hand and examine it he would see that there were three divisions, and that down to the end of the 9th clause it provided that a certain number of men were to be ruisod us Z., militia I)rec: it would fol low, thercf6re, as a matter of course that these men would be raised in the ordinary way that the militia had hitherto been raised under the .121 George 111., viz., by having recourse to the ballot. For that purpose it was necessary to fix the proper quota which each county was to furnish, giving the Queen in Council the power to alter those quotas as might be deemed necessary. From the 10th to the end of the 15th Clause it was provided that in the operation of raising the force, the . necessity for the ballot might be superseded by allowing men to volunteer. And from the 15th clause the Bill enabled the Crown to have recourse to the bal lot, after giving credit to the different counties, subdi visions of counties, and parishes, for the number of men they had furnished by voluntary enlistment. The pass ing of this clause would, therefore be simply to say, that if recourse were had to the ballot under the 42d of GeOrge 111., the Crown should have the power of fixing the quotas. Sir C. WOOD then asked if it were intended that, in the first instance, a certain number of men should be the quota Of militiamen for each county in England, to be raised in that county, either by voluntary enlistment or by ballot ? Mr. WALPOLE—The intention of the Bill was to raise volunteers in certain quotas from each of the counties in England, and to have recourse to the ballot where they were insufficient to fill up the quotas. In answer to an observation from Mr. ROEBUCK, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the object of the Bill was, first of all to raise a gross number of militia men; but that gross number was to be distributed over the country in certain proportions to each. Those pro portions must be ascertained; and the eighth section provided, therefore, that the quotas should be fixed by tier Majesty in Council. But the quotas being fixed, voluntary enlistment was what they proposed to look to is the first instance to supply the required force; consequently, it was necessary that the quotas should be established as a preliminary measure to ascertain the number of militiamen who were to serve for each county. If they could get the exact number by voluntary enlist ment everything would have been done that was neces sary; but if they did not get the exact number, then the ballot would come in aid to supply the deficiency—bat only in that event.—(Hear, hear.) Thus it would be • seen that it was absolutely necessary to begin by fixing the quota. It was the very foundation of all their ope rations, and without it they could not proceed one step, either in the way of voluntary enlistment or theleallot. Mr. ROEBUCK—Did be understand the Right Hon. Gentleman to mean that in case the Middlesex quota, for instance, was fixed at 5,000 men, that county would not be allowed to raise more than that number; so that, if it proposed to raise 8,000, 3,000 of them would be re jected? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—With all due sub mission to my Hon. and Learned Friend, we should not reject one.—(Laughter and cheers.) Mr. M. GIBSON believed the making oat of the lists and the appeals formed one of the worst features of the militia system, giving rise to a litigation which would be needless, except 'older a compulsory system. The Bth clause, as it stood, ought not to peas, because it in volved questions of fitness, &a., which would be useless unless toe ballot were resorted to, and therefore, until it were decided that there should be a ballot, the clause ()opt to be postponed. He therefore moved that the clause be postponed. Sir G. GREY said he understood the 80.000 were to be raised by voluntary enlistment. Bun so far as that went, the "fitness and liability" of the men mattered not ie this clause, and these words could be omitted. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, said the intention of the Government was that the quota should b.) the basis of the inereese, endeavouring to supply it first by the voluntary enlistment, acd thou falling back on the ballot. By the clause the number would only be fixed, not the particular men. Sir C. W 001) understood the clauses as they bad been explained, but ho conceived it desirable that the words "fit and liable" should be omitted. Tho AT PORNEY GENERAL agreed in this opinion, and to strike out the words. The el iwa.e ran thus:—" it shall be lawful for her Majesty from time to time to take into consideration the number of men .fit and liable to serve in the militia who aro resident in the said several counties and places, and to ascertain and fix the number of militiamen who shall, until other quotas shall bo fixed, in like manner serve for each such county and place, so as to apportion as near as may be the whole number of militiamen by the Act directed to be raised among all the said counties and places, accord ing to the number of men fit and liable to serve therein respectively, and the numbers so fixed shalt be the quotas of the several counties and places until other quotas aro appointed in like manner." Mr. GIBSON maintained that the clause should still be postponed. , Mr. ROEBUCK argued that the ballot being aban doned the clause would not he required.—(Divide.) The ATTORNEY GENE it AL said the Government could not be certain that the voluntary enlistment would succeed to the extent desired, and so the compulsory clauses were requisite, that they might fall upon the ballot. Mr. T. EGERTON thought there was no objection to the clause as it stood.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr. MO WATT suggested that while in one county there was a deficiency, in the next there might be an overplus of men volunteering, and it would be a hardship to put the ballot in force to make up the &Twit:icy in the tormer. Mr. WALPOLE said that was provided for by the discretion reposed in the Crown, and might be further provided for by a proviso (in the 10th clause) that the deficiency in such a case should not be made up by the ballot. Mr. BRIGHT considered the clause would be as ob jectionable as before, even after the Attorney• General's amendment, and pressed its postponement. It would put people to trouble which would be useless , if the ballot i were negatived. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was willing to divide on the clause with words " fit and liable" retained in it, as the omission did not satisfy the Honourahlo Gentle man.—(Divide.) Mr. MOWATT suggested a schedule , . with a s list of exceptions and exemptions in the existing , militia laws, which would much diminish the objections to this clause and to the Bill in general.—(Divide, divide.)• Colonel THOMPSON said it was not necessary to define the number of mos " fit and liable" to serve. Mr. RlCs‘ RDO asked the Right Lion. Gentleman whether it was the intention of the Bill to raise rho 8 0 0 s ,00 1 0 w i d n er a s u t y no o d ne wording of the clause did not warrant such an interpres :valet Cation. n e . n u i na t bwears impossible t c o oa s n e t e y! that the sition of the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Mowatt). , The Committee then divided, when there appeared — Mr. AV A.LPOoTfs:ew he could assent to the prop°. .. —ll7 Majority against it o • ... t of the Mr. BRIGHT suggested the postponemeritusioi. Forijgaitlihsetainit..e.nclmen..t. ...... ...... .... 21699 • clause, as they would only be getting omit the words " fit and liable," so as to allow to he proceeded with. the clause as amended After a lengthened conversation w as agreed to. The ATTORNEY -GENERAL IsainitclNjtehceticolnautsoe On clause 9 being read, progress. The motion was agreed to, from Foreign Ships Ireland) Bill passed through The Turnpike Roads (Irel again D l r . onC 0 Friday.B DE N moved that ' thean leave d C u h i r e spassed eont through o h o P u o sg t ih t t Committee. h C°ilunitlec t : ring in a Bill to mike provision for riages Bill were considered al ink , and the amend ments agreed to. The CJMIUODS Enclosure Ac:s Extension Bill p asec d Bill, and il l'At °2P t ic h Pt:a e r setieCnusskt°iApprehension Registration .. 0 fil al:o:fe: Births, I rcs. c , don of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, leave was given to . , establishment of officers to perform th s a permanent in s. du tiessuperior courts of at nisi pries, the and at the judges' chambers; and for the payment of such officers by salaries, and to abolish certain offices in C t h 0 1:1 1: 1 > those courts. The Bill was brought in and read a first time. hnumegthe motion The Housethenadjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. COUNTIES RAILWAT,-- A ThiS company liare just T rtroduced a new system f or t h e conven i ence of fam ili e s and parties of ple in ure , whereby, at a fixed fare t o an d fro, they may travel i n private compartments of th e compan T's carriage's, to the various W a te r i ng or o th er pl aces tbe LITERATURE. AURELIA; or, a Beduty's Life irt Italy. 3 `.l7ids4 Co/bur tz . Then is the charm of novelty in them volumes to tempt, those who are tired i.f perusing, details of home life, and who 'weary of being repeatedly foinced bow the gorgeous' banquet is succeeded - by the brilliant bull, and in what mummer the votariEs of feshion, carry on their pursuits in our native isle. The heroine is English,: however; and although, on the whole, not a very favourable specimen of our races she yet continues to infuse some portion of the in trinsic decorum and propriety of -Albion into the reckless society BO unsteady morals of. the foreign coteries *into whioh she is plunged. She drew her fate on herself, it is true, but nevertheless none can refuse sympathy to .the misfortunes and injuries of one so gifted and sensitive, awl in misrepresented. Her genuine affections Were mistaken for a passing passion —her enthusiastic adinirstion of the beautiful for the affectation of display, entl the, pride - which prompted her to conceal her Inisetiss was supposed to be the triumph of her, suckle:les. Ooe thought sug gests itself—tnat the author, who is said to be three perts foreign, has not pourtrnyed to the reader a very levon'sable accesunt of fereign men end 'metiers. While we turn with disgu.t from the paltr's and mediocre mind of itivulgie, and feel indighant et the base and ties; cable Martinereoos a ask in astonishment, can th!s h , !, "lse. true delineati o n o f th e c h arac ter of modern' Itsly ? Ali that is e!a:sic and 'artistic is :Mown to sureourld ir say , ; the sn'elitne retuias,ntsof the magnificent o f o ld still linger in their .Shristes of worship, and &lore their - temples of seethe Th e beautiful is worshipped on every e altar without, but Within the mind is lett uuruled.be disc:indite etel the heart untouched by charity.. It the "garb et old G-aur has been superseded by modern twee:Woes, surely the" fire of old Home''ought to be s till f ound burning. Apart from these national reflections, gee ' e s' information may be derived from the-various deecrip tions of entertainments that tai:© place.; also consi derable. eloquence characterises the pictures g4e en of scenery and cities in that fair country. 'Venice, the queen of the waters, is ehadowed tprth with her pa laces of yore still crowning with sublimity their pre sent ruins. Naples is entered in the majestic stillness of the twilight-7hour,- and the effect thus produced on the beholders is ably depicted. Altogether no one can fail to be interested in the work as a whole ; for if not reflecting life's most happy hours, it represents its most glorious scenes in its most gorgeous hues. While - the adventures of the beauty in the gay scenes of life in which'she moved adorn the tale, it is to be hoped that her premature and awful death may point amoral toll inexperienced and infatuated, rushing heedlessly into temptation. These descriptions con tain great beauty of style and force of language What pen, what pencil might hope-to render even a faint idea of that scene of enchantment! The sun was sinking in a sea of crimson and gold behind the pro montory, gilding Vesuvius with his last rays, and irradiat ing undulating hills and cliffs of Castellamao Sorrento and Ulassa with alternate tints of the softest lilac and rose. In the far background the distant mountains of Salerno and Amalfi towered one above the other like Golopean steps, casting their denticulated crests on the ' horizon in every shade, from the richest violet to the deepest purple. At their feet lay the limpid Mediter ranean, a sheet of sapphire spangled with tiny sails, like specks of snow resting upon its waters; bounded at one extremity by the circling shores of Portici Re sins and lone del Greco, whose gardens and groves of orange and lime bathe in the very water's brink, and at the other closed in by the little island of Capri, glorying in the rich mellow hue which flooded the whole land scape, melting every outline and every traced line into one soft harmonious whole. " Rose exclaimed in rapture that to die without see. ing Naples was not to have lived; and Amelia remarked that Naples was the only place she knew in the world where the mere sensatiott of existence was enjoyment. " There is a tone of profound and touching melan choly which permit's much of the Italian church music, that'renders it unlike all other. Alone it is gifted with the power of awakening every human sympathy, and °touching every human affection; yet, in grandeur and solemnity, it cedes the palm to none. No one"denies that Handel and Mendelssohn are sublime. y et p a l es _ trine and Marcellino are:sublimer still, but while the German strikes you with awe, or chills you with fear, the Italian overwhelms you with all the contending emotions of love, pity, and remorse. A single hymn of Palestrina, a single chord of Baia or Baini, nay, the simplest litany, the evening prayer of the•nuns and pea santry in a convent church of Italy, thrills through one's veins and fills one's eyes with tears. Who that listens to the glorious Missa Papa Marcell,' or the divine chant of the unrivalled Miserere' of the Sistine, that is'not irresistibly forced to compsre them to - the lamen lations of the Seraphim, as ho feels their accents and superhuman beauty, and anguish quiver through his every fibre, till they seem to rend his very heart-strings. Ho must be dull and unimaginative, indeed, who can leave an Italian church unmoved end unimpressed." TBE DEATLI FLAG; or, The Irish Bucca►leers. ___, n LUMLE Y V. WAGNER Te eleci,e' o n U the V ieei ,. Uhttneellor:inibe case of " Ltru le4 v• 72 -7 12 .r"wi1l bevel mere intereee to e eer t 0.41 of our relatTe; the e sun , we i r ort ; direeee3icns with whiee our columns raierdeile filled. The promise it si:uaeiee whiee operatic . per"" — ".3 fill the Poh!ie (ye giveA a kind of s p ur ious , ini r in their equchb!es tie d litieation. There are, certainly,t to good =lay men in the west end of London -who ve° Id b e sadly puzzled to write down a correct list of theu junior Lords of the Admiralty or Treasury. There are few, com?aratively speaking, who are not familiar with the names even of the second-rate singeeteat the rival Opera-houses. So great was the interest' displayed by the public in the course of the present dispute that du• ring the -three days the trial proceeded the court was crammed with spectators, and when the Vice-Chancellor delivered his jedgment yesterday it waiimpossible to get even "squeezing;" room. Independently. .of the in terest wilieh naturally attaches to an . operatic squabble, soma little indignetion had been excited by an 'expres sion - wee v i l wee found in one of Mr. Wagner's butters. Te e , wntdsy, as it woeet appear, only considers the English ie itie light ocgteee wit.) lay golden eggs for the henetit of Wagners and such like folk. • Btfore ho has done wit!: us Mr. Wagerr may discover that he has scarcely formed a jot idea of English powers of appre ciation. For gores persens we here looney and admira tion; for others money and contempt. Tee wies) teory rosy be cendoesed into 11' few para graphs it it be regarded as ft mere narratives)* * !'acts, and not us a theme ter the xegenuity of cettmel. The de eition has gone, us a wetter of course, in Mr. Lusaley's terour. Tne: it rested not tie otherwisl will at once ap- Far Iron :telt/a-leg brief recapitulation of the facts: --lit the autienn a LiAt sear Dr. Beeher, a friend of the latesly, wes oceepied to ,p;&.:,Mi . engagements for tdanete Wagner in Lend ate. sod Paris. , He naturally came into contact with Jewelry, and received from that gentleman a format-paver coutaining his usual sti engaeng the services of a p er f ormer . This oap % - e r „ e l . i t r eeed 151011/bitory clause which forbade the uppearanee rf Madlle Wagner at any private con certs. See., while her engagement 'with Mr. Lumley should subsist. When the doeument was shewn to the Wagners, they objected to this aurae, and drew up another paper sptc:s, sav e , that this prohibitory similar--are believe—to it in other re clause was omitted. To this paper the Wagners affixed their signatures, and it was conveyed by Becher to Mr. Lumley. In such a shape thf* manager would have nothing to do with it, and insisted upon the restoration of the veto. To this Becher assonted—added the clause—and signed it as agent to the Wagner& So far as it turns upon this point ntthe question throughout i s a simple one of agency. Dr. leacher the right to sign as agent for, the Wag nem; or did the Wagners, by any subsequent„ conduct or act of their own, adopt an for defect of authority? It will be not in the first instance have been binding upon them to dwell upon the first point, b agreement which might InaWgaeve:tllerr.isindirdinistau4kber. fiEntphtileyaicrea'ek,o7)t;: r i se i ci t u a i p te pe u ars nne tra s t sa t rY he plete w adge the act of their Irach a er ve tei rY le c u m s that when be had added the clause he forwarded acknowledged warded the paper to Madlle. Wagner, an d i t was by in a letter bearing data one day of November last Then we find all parties engage d i n a corr.e pendence . ai ! e h e on the subject - Mr. Lumley—M. Albert Wagner,a father—Madlle. Joanna —Mr. Luml e y _D r , c and all of them assuming that there svasacontrzert subsisting between the manager and the singer. " Now," as the Vice-Chancellor shrewdly enough marked, " there had been no contract signed without this clause, therefore this is the contract concerning which the parties were in correspondence." What the Wagners say is, that when the paper was sent back to them they objected to the clause, and only received the document upon Dr. Bacher'a assurance that e when they arrived in London the little matter should be set right. Now, we cannot forget that they must have been per fectly aware that they would not be permitted to pass slipshod over this clause of the contract. Mr. Lumley Insisted upon it with so mach earnestness that he refused to effia his signature to the agreement until the clause which he had originally introduced, but which had been struck out by the Wagnere, had been replaced. Was it probable be would suffer himself to be duped out of so capital a proviso by Dr. Bather's little diplomacy, when ho had in the first instance refused to complete the contract without it? Is it possible that M. and Madlle. Wagner could even for a • moment have entertained so preposterous an idea? Such, however, is the only reason assigned by the Wrigners against the validity of the' contract — namely, a vague hope on their own part that, when they arrived in London, Mr. Lumley would be induced to give up the advantages for which he had negotiated with Co much earnestness. As many of oar. readers as have patients) to wade through the evidence will find that another point was raised in favour of the Wagner:). it was on their side alleged that money was not paid by Mr. Lumley on a particular day-when it should have been paid. It is re plied, in the first place, that .11r. Becher had money of Mr. - Lumley's in his.hands, and that, even bad it been otherwise, all deficiencies in this respect were excused by the conduct of the Wagners on and after the sth of March, and hr a sAseqsent tender of the money on the 15th of April. It was ou the sth of MarCh that the Wageers, who had to bmind themselves to Mr. Lumley, were found at litmhurgh quietly entering into a {Teal contrzle:, with Mr. tiyei from which they hoped to derive larger pecuniary advantages. More than this, on the 140 of March, Dr. titaer wrote to Madlie.Wagner, asking wth r* he should pay the money he had re..dy for her. and receivcci from her father the fellowing yoe scud the hill to Berlin. he good enough to udriress it, either at this time to 13 it.- ho, or from (de) the 3l of April to liamburgh, to Evil and t, Ferdireend iliet•t. where wo shall remain sou:e time longer with our (11110031..7 flowerer this may Le, it 1. quite clear that on Mr. Lumley's part there was no disinciirs 4tion or inabili!y to pay the money when riretld. The paltry subterfu , ze wa4 furbished up at the hat momeet to ~erve the turn of those who would not herp and could scarcely evade the terms of an agreement into which they had entered of their own free wilt. 'Fho simple truth of this long trial is that Madlle. Joanna Wogner and her excellent parent :40ezht ":at ihe second bargmn was besti , r than the tv-,eref'rto et!dc...nrured to repudiate their ontn het. It is shahb! business, and the.scroner, for hisfille. Wagner's sake, it is forgotten, the better. At the balm) time, it is el;:ar enough that, the fault lies, not with the 'young girl, but with the sordid circle around her, who were endeavouring to huckster her talents about the m ost p rofitable market w ithou t reg t ,rd to any conside r ation but. those of .E S. d.—Ttmes. By Miss Crtimpe. 3 Vols. Shoberl. Miss Ccutnpe dues not appear for the first time among the female writers who have enriched our lite rature during the last half century. We may regret that the wolki Of one whose advent is, in plural senses, " like angels visits," 'are not more In Fluent ; notwithstandiug that deliberation, in .:Iliss Ceumpe's case, has been for the advantage of those who may avail themselves of the extensive researches in foreign archives, by which she has been .enabled to enrich her romantic narrative of the latter adventures of Prince Charles Stuart. "'Tae Dcath Flag" takes up the history of the ill-fated prince at the point where former narrators leave hitr, and makes us acquainted with facts, in connexion wi!ho the wild heroes who inhabited the southern coasts of Ireland in the middle of the last century ' %%WI which we were totally un acquainted. Added to the p4infully interrntirg e,, ~t; in the .life of " 1153 Pretacder, after his defeat at Culloden,Ahe atc.•h?r's pictures of rock •and rural scenery, of ocean hie and danvrs, and of Irish pro vincial character, ore among the most exciting or amusing traits of her vivid genius. None but one most intimate with the peculiarities of the Hiberno- Milesian inhabitants of the far south could give such graphic delineations, as in her portraitures of the O'Sullivan Beare," and his retainer " Dan Con nell," and none but an acute and refined genius have drawn the pathetic scenes of domestic vicissitude which sustain the anxiety, whilst inducing theisvm pathy, of the reader for the amiable and lovely heroine of her story, the youthful " Edi t h." In short, " The Death Flag" is a felicitous addition to our bis toric novel library: The dramatic structure is per fect, as the public will .soon have an opportunity of judging; for we believe " The Death Flag" is about to be dramatised and performed on the st:ge. The scen , :ry and incidents change with a rapidity that prevents weariness, and with a harmony that pre• serves in the mind the unity of the subject. The local descriptions are chastely beautiful and trae. Grand in their simplicity, the charms of rocks, hill', and ocean, of calm and tempest, as described by the accomplished author, are in the strictest accuracy of delineation ; and her personal characters are suffi ciently varied, without the least of that exaggeration or caricature which spoils half the dra rnatig p ersona of the bistoriCo-romantic schobl,. and from which, according to the opinions of some, the work: of the Magician of the North are not always exempt. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen gave a concert last evening at Bucking. ham Palace. , Cooper, at Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Bent attired the Palace at half--past nine &Week, attended by L a d y Fanny Howard and C olonel Sir Geor g e Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambrid ge tuid the Prinee ,a Mar y were attended by Lady and Mojur B.trou Knesehreic. Suffield His Royal flietnesa thi , Duac of Cambridge was a t. torded by Lord William Paula. His Royal Highness the Count d'A 't c n 0 leek, attended ::lorteit r a e r ce ri i v v e e d i by the Palace at twenty minutes before ti i i ii y e '. l l 7 C i i i : ti i E ld : : C B ll : i" o e b ; e n i; l ' d i .: O lo n a r l i olu rt r i r h e . , e u ß r. o d o j y as b a y l t ' yt E mily ho CI r 0 Qui a end Equerries rectived her illustriou s Draw ing room, wlm . e , her M. • conducted to the Yellow 4';''uelelitctell: , g can:drawl began e c r o o rn u il l n eyr,d through the Green Drawing u -r p oo th m e t gr e Ga llery. t a h tl e a y s ic ta tur irc e ase : Chamberlain_ . S ho r HS Saloon, i g o n o n n e , s am which h i tlybeforteroln: o'clock t.' nviceatiA,filbt:,ret wore conducted by h i thes royal rd tier M ajesty and Yellow Drawing-room to the il l ,3sB,earisiii,)lineestsinlicwln sd up for the Concert, with rows and gold. iii ,, ises the i) . ere stecllnpa nie I b il y er th ll ei l r ai l ' i s e t y Y si n H ai g hhi: bri; r :e e , 4 o :sem i . ,: ier e di t : l e vgm s tv s ,it o c,r f a i f i a e : tloh t e : ectdhoeunthltptdouvkchieuuss s o , f ac C d a t m h ; litee ~of Cutu r tr " i'lar3. ' tgiihevei_l_ae,ld_ofglt:l.ests being seawd, the e u ller M aj esty a n d hel ona A triO,ial..cmnidrcenldeeedieitninatoi Refreshments before 10 o'elcuk. ibefresilmenta red to the company in the Green "rawnag-room daring the evening, and after the concert a supper was served in the State Dining-room. The Queen held a Court at three o'clock yesterday afternoon at Buckingham Palace. Their - a.l Highaoses the Count and Countess d'Aquila had an anaience of her Majcstyto take leave. Thrqr R o yal Highnesses were introduced by the Earl of Malute,,bory, the QUACII'd principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. end conducted by her Majesty's Master cif; the Ceremonies. The Queen was attended by the Countess of Cherie moot, Lidy in Waiting, the Hon. Matilda Paget, Maid of Hono:fr in Waiting, Lard Polwarth, Lori in Waiting, ar:d Sit- Edward Bowater, Groom in Waiting. The Count 4 -,, A 1 Coantess. w e re attended by the Princess de Villa sod the Chen:ter Folgori. The Earl of Mulareallury had an audience of her Ms ~ _ FORCE CIRCUMSTANCES' 4 HE hphase l i c ( *( 0 1 :: : . e r p roc? the Force of Circum- In every p past us, -and carry us stsfloos; i t h be .L, C e l ° :: e n d ourselves insensibly altered along with i f b sl ; heir influenoe. The young girl wh o and change- --Y a n. ideal picture is not the sam e th at s its brooding over planned and loved die pit, counting its moments with, as the monk his beads! : N o; she, a s much vcner"tiqu' human affairs. hat 'W too, is altered by the tine of mother, h. t .if e , leoking back ov e r t h e past, has fotind o h er r f . :LjTeci r r - ved out_? Shine there ar e w h o, ha v ing centred their hearts regairement on love, have found it answered more a thousandfold. thanahey could have hoped or expected. But how often in our transit through the world—in our e xper i ence —hare we not heard sketched the sunny picture which a woman' has drawn of her yoUth, and the bitter contrirst presented by actual events. Young, eager, and.enthuslastic ; full of the wild spirit of joy which the consciousness of young life imparts ; bef ore we have lived - through the try i ng experience of others, before we have tasted either of deep grief or immeasurable,joy, she gives her heart, and she thinks she has done all! And ,what sacrifice more can she make? What has a woman to give more : precious to m an t h an the love of a young, confidi ng , and - unsuspecting heart? Full of life_ impreseed with Re consciousness of, her own purity and devotion—she oars forth all the treasures of her thought at man's feet; she lets'him into all the little weaknesses of her nature; .she unfolds her unmeasurable love;' she plans a happy future; she fancies she hears the joyous tones of infant voices, in the distant horizon of her life, sweep past like the tone of a di stant bell; she places her little joys in them=tlie.happinesii they must afford her. In fancy she rears them to brilliant :positions; she make s them all herself—good and pure; she g i ves . Om! her thought, she inspir es them with her own elevated sentiments, and the husband of her choice with undYi g love and tenderness ! How often —v i e will hope that .„ am is not always thus—how otter), we say, are thent; of disappointed! She watches the dying out of tr., kinduese; she has her children; us long f ' arc her young, her pictures still coutitme true; th'33.;;:hcs over happiness and her joy • she loves i hem til l, , wa ,, oat i en ef them tenderly, and cherishes each early !• 11 h e r her e . emit Went. Time, however, dissipatesfm, wee. leans; circumstances turn out dlttle n a ' r Y o not , ideal she anticipated ; the children of reality e good, . others children; they sate human beings—some o f 0 i ?Tani • bad—the fate 3 are determined stances, which worts ont quietly ••;.. a b -, is not what she which, however briiihnt it ....3Y " foe ecch, but . . tri f uture planned !—Eliza Cock's .journal, 1): jolty. Their Pl,yal Highnesses the Prince of \Vales, the Princess Royal, and the younger members of th the Royal F sm ily, took their usual exorcise yeste rday in gar deo of Buckingham Palace. Th© Archbishop of York had an interview with the Earl of Derby yesterday -- a t his officia l residence Dawn ing-street. Admiral Gordon a nd Mr. Pegg ° had in also iterviews with the .Neble Bar. Vis n count l3arrington had an interview with Mr. Secretary Walpale yesterday at the Home-office. A ;deputation headed by Mr. Wilson Patten, M.F., and Ur. Heywoo4 ALP., had an interview with he Itigia Hen. .l. W. flenley cud Lord Colchester, cm s 4. turJay, et the Board at Trade. Mr. Chandler. from Canada, had an interview w ith Sir John Pskingpan yestrrezy at the Wortiol,aitv. MaacheAtr) had Air. John Woad, Chairman el - the D.;tird of I iftrlfi Walpole yesterday at Revenue, bad au interview yebterday r'ti "'- , i 1 Le Earl 9f Derby. Mr. Josrph Heron (roam Clerk of an ii,oryiew with Mr. Secretary ihtarview, with Sir the T ii hr A 3 m .° 4:r li i;a . o Minister had ts it t John Pakington at Cie ColoLitkl- - . , Mspatehes aro.° reeeivi.d at 4A - I .' Yeitvrday. terday from Lilo (3, o y erucr _ ~ the Colonoffice yes rd La the North American Pro- vineci. -- ------------- irT. De,,, ~. ROYAL P. OLYTFCUNIC INSTITUTION. --/115 igu= fleas the Rajah of Kt,org, attend ed b y Colonel Drummond and a large suite of gentlemen and ladies, visited this insti tution yesterday, to see the °ay-hydrogen microscope, and the experiments under water by the diver of the establish ment, who , exhibited the process of blowing up sunken ves sels. The diving bell (that old 'favourite of the public) also made several sub-marine trips, much to the amusement I 0149 1110046 OFFICIAL APPO IN'ImENTs.--The Lord Chancellor has appointed Mr. John Stuart„; an., of Lincolu'.} Inn, bar rister-at-law (son of Mr. John Stuart, Q.C. Member for Newark), to b e hi s Secretary-in-Chief, in this place of Mr. Simmons. Colonel Maherlv has appointed Mr. Alan E. ChambrC; to be his private secretary at the Post-office, iu place of Mr. John Hall, resigned. The Royal Agricultural Society of England are t,) 1414 their Gouty meting ) lot 18531 C0N4015011