The Sun. — London, England, 1865-02-11 00:00:00

INTERIAL PARLIAMENT lIOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE ADDRESS. Lord SYDNEY (the Lora Chamberlain) read her Majesty's answer to the Address, adopted by the House of Lords in reply to the Royal'Speech, as follows :—" I thank you most sincerely for your loyal and dutiful Address. It is satisfactoryto me to be assured that thevarious measures which shall be submitted to you for the amendment of the law will receive your careful consideration, and it will always be my earnest endeavour to co-operate with you in promoting the happiness of my people." THE BELFAST RIOTS. Lord LEITRIM moved for some papers relating to the late Belfast riots, but afterwards withdrew the motion, and their lordships then adjourned. -- • HOUSE OF COMMONS —LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. A large number of private bills, in which the Standing Orders had been complied with, were read a first time. PETITIONS. Mr. MOOR presented petitions from the Tower Hamlets and other places against the transportation of British cri minals to any part of Australia. Mr. BAINES presented a numerously signed petition from the mayor, corporation, and inhabitants of Leeds ge nerally in favour of an extension of the elective franchise in boroughs and counties. Mr. BRIGHT presented petitions from Birmingham and other places to the same effect. ELECTORAL FRANCHISE. Mr. BAINES gave notice that on the 21st instant he would move for leave to bring in a bill to extend the fran chise in the boroughs of England and Wales. (Hear.) ACCIDENTS ON RAILWAYS. Mr. BENTINCK gave notice that on an early day he would move for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the frequent recurrence of accidents on railways. LEGACY AND SUCCESSION DUTY. Mr. LOCKE KING asked whether it was the intention of the Government to introduce any measure, whereby the claims of tho Crown, especially in matters of legacy and succession duty, would be limited to some fixed period, in like manner as simple contract debts are now limited with respect to private individuals ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that instructions had been issued to the Commissioners of Inland Revenue to revise the existing sys tem, but this was a very complicated subject, and had not yet received a report in reference to it. PROVISION AGAINST FIRES, &c. Mr. BUTLER asked when it was probable the commis sioners appointed to inquire into the Government powder magazines throughout the kingdom will make their report; and whether it was the intention of Government to intro duce a bill to compel the owners of public buildings to pro vide sufficient means of escape in the case of fire? Sir G. GREY said that a commission, of which Sir John Burgoyne was the chairman, had been appointed to inquire into the most efficient means to be adopted for the protec tion of life by the prevention of accidents, not only in Government magazines, but in other powder magazines throughout the country. THEATRES AND PLACES OF PUBLIC AMUSE- MET, Mr. H. LEWIS asked the Home Secretary whether it was his intention to produce a measure rendering it obliga tory that in future the plans for theatres and all other places of public amusement should be submitted for approval to an architect, to be appointed for that purpose by the Government, SLc. ? Sir G. GREY said that there was no intention to intro duce any such bill at present. The Lord Chamberlain had adopted very stringent measures within the last three years respecting the construction of metropolitan theatres and the securing adequate means of egress. Similar means might be taken to prevent accidents in music halls and provincial theatres. TRANSPORTATION TO AUSTRALIA. Mr. MOOR asked whether it was the intention of Go vernment to discontinue the transportation of criminals to Australia, and, if so, at what period such discontinuance would be commenced? Mr. CARDWELL said, from the papers laid on the table of the house, it was apparent that the Government pro posed to recommend to her Majesty the discontinuance of trans-British criminals to Australia, and that the same ild take effect in three years THE RIVER TYNE PILOTAGE.. In reply to Mr. lIoDGsoN, Mr. M. GIBSON sail that a bill on this subject would be introduced next vic.:l,7. JUDGE COURSAL Mr. PEACOCKE asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether Judge Coursal in Canada had been dis missed in consequence of any communication from the Go vernment at home ; if so, whether such communication was made at the instance of the Government at Washing ton. Mr. CARDIN:ELL said he had received no official infor mation on the subject, and if the gentleman in question had been dismissed, it had been by the Governor-General of Canada acting on his own responsibility. REVISION OF TURNPIKE TOLLS. Ig reply to Mr. WESTERN, Sir G. GREY l it was not intended to introduce a on thl , object EIGIITS OF TALOODARS AND CULTIVATORS OF OT DE, Lord STANLEY asked the Secretary of State for India whether the inquiry now being carried on into the respec tive rights of the telookdars and cultivators of Undo is in pursuance of instructions issued by him; and whether he would lay on the table any correspondence has passed on the subject? Sir C. WOOD; who was very indistinct, was understood to say that the policy of Lord Canning on this subject would be adhered to. IRON-CLAD SHIPS. Sir J. ELPHINSTONE asked the Secretary to the Ad miralty to lay Admiral Dacres' report on the iron-clad ships in the Channel fleet upon the table of the house. Lord C. PAGET said the report alluded to could not be laid on the table at present, although it had been received. THE CONVENTION BETWEEN ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES. On the motion for going into Committee of Supply, Sir J. WALSII asked the First Lord of the Treasury for information relative to the circumstances which have led to the notice by the Government of the United States of North America to terminate the convention under which England and the United States mutually engaged not to fit-out naval armaments upon the Canadian lakes ; also re specting the abrogation of the treaty of commerce between the provinces of British North America and the United States by the late Lord Elan; and moved for all papers and correspondence connected with these subjects. The hon. baronet entered at some length into details to show the importance of this subject. He contended that the greatest advantages had resulted to this country, as well as Canada, from the convention which it was now sought to set aside, and that a spirit of great hostility existed, both in the Northern and Southern States of America, in regard to this country, arising from the neu trality which it was thought expedient to adopt in regard to the belligerent States. Lord PALMERSTON said that he did not intend to enter into any discussion as to the present state of there lations between the U n it e d States andthis country, as he did not consider such discussion would be conducive to countryr e h a a d n been dthe the public interest. (Hear, hear.) He said two arrangements entered into between thi s related on to United States. The first was in 1817, and it the limitation of the naval force which was to be k the coasts of the Un ited States and Canada. That w a convention, but merely a for mal arrangement. T s not here was a treaty in 1854, which was a treaty of reciprocity. With regard to the first arra n g e m ent it w as merely of a. temporary character, and the desire on the part of the United States to terminate it did not prove hostility to this country. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the treaty of 1854 Government had received no official communication on the subject, and if such were received the papers would be laid on the table, and he appealed to hon. members not to be influenced by paragraphs that appeared in the American newspapers, or to suppose that they represented cor rectly the views of the Government of that country. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. The house then went into committee of supply, and Passed the usual general resolution in regard to the estimates. COMMITTEE OF BANKS OF ISSUE. The CHANCELLOR of the -EXCHEQUER moved the 1011 °Iving resolutions :-1. That it is expedient to make pro vfriosirn eonfeor empowerin g county banks of issue to obtain relief of a certain restrictions, upon payment from time to time sation chargeb in respect the r e o f. 2. Any compen- Payable privileged bank for y t the B an k o f E ng l an d to any suc h notes shall be re he determi na ti on o f i ts r i g h t t o i ssue United Kingd o paid m of .Grout of the C onso lid a t e d F un d o f th e ad opted d ßritain and Irela n d. Th ese re solutions had b een adob a committee, an d were t o b e the foundation o f a bill whi c h would afterwards intro duce. Tho proposal did not bearho any material or tan gible manner on the important q g u a e r s i it i on of the issue of bank notes. It was not a measur e re would. it interfere with the existing 1131rgivIculTency bill, nor be eg a es or legal ar rangements made with banks. It would Fast means of facilitating the btu;iness of banks of issue. of all he would remind the committee that the act of tr l t g issuers of bank notes in the possession of the privileges left the had theretofore exercised, without giving them th a they %nee of the countenance of that possession for any gmisvilr tne, and imposing on them a limitation with respect to t e ll "`-,- of the issue they were entitled to make. The bene fit of the power of issue was left in their hands, but con -ted with that benefit were serious burdens and restric and, consequently, some of the banks possessed of ;ssue were so hampered in their banking func restrictions, that they showed a disposition quanta power of by tt to escape from the operation of them. About three years ago an application was made to the Treasury for the re moval of the restrictions imposed by the act of 1844. The answer of the Treasury was that they could not undertake to consider the restrictions referred to without also consi dering the regulations with respect to the issue, because both departments were correlative in the view of the act of 1844. Another application was made to him on the part of the National and Provincial Bank. That b ink was invested with the privilege of issue to a consider Able amount, and its operations were large and widely diffused over the country. That bank signified to the Government its willing ness and desire to purchase a release from the restrictions of the act of 1844, by modifying its issue. Of course, so far as that bank was concerned, it did not belong to the directors to speak on behalf of parties other than themselves. But finding no reason to decline the consideration of the ques tion proposed, he felt that it would not be possible to ask Parliament to pass a bill allowing that particular issuing bank to place itself under a new condition without offering similar facilities to other issuing banks. These were the circumstances which led him to propose the resolutions upon the table of the house. Those resolutions did not require any extended explanation, but he would say briefly what were the leading particulars with regard to the differ ence between the present position of the banks of England and Wales, and the new conditions of all issuing banks acting under the proposed arrangements. By the present law a bank of issue was prohibited from carrying on business in London, it was also prohibited from the issue of notes in London, and if it was a joint-stock bank it could not issue notes within the radius of 65 miles of London, nor could it extend itself to a greater number of partners than six, nor could it amalgamate itself with any joint-stock bank. The present issuing banks were looking to the intervention of Parliament, whenever Parliament should think fit to deter mine their power of issue, which they possessed since 1844, for a statutable title in the way of compensation. Those banks were also under the restraint that they were not permitted to transfer the right of issue which they held from one issuing bank to another. Under the bill proposed the National and Provincial Bank would have power to open an establishment in London to pay their notes, but not to issue them within three miles of it from any part of England or Wales. Being a joint-stock bank, they would be released from any restrictions as to the number of partners. And another proposal of the bill was, that banks acting under its provisions shall take a lease of the right of issue for • a certain number of years, and that right shall only be taken from them on the payment of a certain compensation. Those banks coming within its provisions shall have power to purchase the right of issue of other bankers, and it so far altered their issue that all existing banks could dispose of their right in this respect. They must also pay to the State, as compensation for stamps on their notes issued, £2 ss. per cent. on the amount, to be ascertained in the manner prescribed by the bill. These were its principal provisions, but there was another as to the mode of issue in cases of bankruptcy. In the event of any bank included in its provisions becoming bankrupt, the bill allowed a certain sum for compensation for its amount of issue, to be paid by the State and chargeable on the Consolidated Fund. These were the principal provisions of the bill, and it was there fore unnecessary to detain the committee at any greater length. After a few further explanations by the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply to Mr. CAVE and Sir H. Wu, Loucamx, the resolutions were agreed to. HER MAJESTY'S REPLY TO THE ADDRESS: Lord PROBY appeared at the bar and jead her Majesty's reply to the Address of the house, in which she said—" I have received with much satisfaction your loyal and dutiful Address. I thank you for the assurance you have given that you will direct your earliest attention to measures of public usefulness, and you may rely on my desire to pro mote the happiness and prosperity of all my subjects." BANK OF IRELAND (CONSOLIDATED FUND). The house next went into committee, when The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the following resolution—" That the remuneration to the Bank of Ireland for management of the public debt in Ireland be paid out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland from and after April 6,1865." The resolution was agreed to, after some remarks by Sir H. WILLOUGHBY. COURTS OF JUSTICE BUILDING. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL then asked leave to bring in a bill to supply means towards defraying the expenses of providing courts of justice, and the various offices belonging thereto, and for other purposes. He trusted the time had at at last arrived when courts of justice would be provided worthy the dignity and honour of the country. (Hear.) It was a common saying that questions of considerable im portance took a considerable time for discussion before they were adopted, and he believed this was one of them. It had been thirty years before the house, and he might remind them that the first person who introduced the subject as a matter of great public convenience and economy was no lawyer, but the veteran reformer and economist, the late Joseph Hume. In the year 1836, after the destruction by fire of the Houses of Parliament, he took notice of the then existing condition of their courts of justice, and urges' that it would be for the public convenience if all the courts of law were built in one neighbourhood. The question had also been in vestigatedby three several committees of that house—one in 1841, another in 1845, and the third in 1862. ARoyal Com mission was also issued in 1860, consisting of Sir J. Cole ridge, the late Sir G. C. Lewis, Vice-Chancellor Wood, the present Queen's Advocate, and other eminent persons. They examined the whole question carefully, and made a report which was of a most satisfactory character, recommending a measure which he (the Attorney-General) hoped he would nowfor the last time propose for the adoption of the house. As to the nature of the evil, the actual accommodation now given was in all respects insufficient for judges, for barris ters, solicitors, jurors, or witnesses. It was a loud and con stant complaint for the last 30 years, and especially at the present time in the case of the Divorce Court, where for want of accommodation witnesses were obliged to walk up and down for hours and hours together on the flags in West minster Hall. The same want of accommodation existed in the equity courts at Lincoln's-inn. There were two Courts. of Appeal, three Vice-Chancellors' Courts, and that of the Master of the Rolls in Chancery-lane, which were totally insufficient for the purposes for which they.were intended. They had become since additional Vice-Chancellors were appointed absolute hovels without any accommodation whatever. (Hear.) Things were not much better at Guildhall, and this want of accommodation, together with the dispersion of the courts in various localities, and a separation from the various offices, created an amount of inconvenience which could hardly be understood by the house, and should be put an end to as soon as possible. The solicitors were in a worse position than the bar, owing to the dispersion of the courts, and when they were concen trated legal business would be done more rapidly, and conse quently with greater economy. He supported this opinion by quotations from the report of the commissioners of 1860, showing that everybody would be benefited by the concen tration of the courts, the bench, the bar, the ,solicitors, and the officers of the court, as well as the public at large. In litigation nothing was more important than the saving of time, and the present dispersion of the courts led to an enor mous waste of time. The remedy of course was obvious. The courts and their offices must be brought together into immediate proximity with the chambers of barristers and the offices of solicitors. The right hon. gentleman cited nu merous authorities of the highest order in favour of the con centration of the courts, and observed that there was a wonderful unanimity in the legal profession on this point, for'they knew where the shoe pinched. Two sites had been proposed. The first was the - whole site of Westminster Hall. That idea was abandoned for want of room, and on account of the distance from the Temple. The other was known as the Lincoln's-inn-fields site. When this was first proposed in 1841, the idea was to erect the new building upon the open space in Lincoln's-inn-fields. Lord Campbell and others objected to this, as blocking up one of the lungs of London in a part of the metropolis which could ill afford to lose an open space for the free circulation and purification of the air. The centre of the square was too small, especially if they wanted to bring the offices there too, besides which they would have had to make extensive alterations and im provements, so that the site would have been as expensive as that which it was now proposed to purchase for £500,000 or £600,000. The site ultimately selected was called the Strand site, l a large space of 71 acres, covered with houses of the c e r y h - 7 1 a t ir e , to corner e I e moe of ' oofwcehstapossible description, between Bell-yard, on the west so-lane, - h st i r c e h et r : ins the Strand down ho en will o f the space from the Strand to Carey-street on the The northw be taken. This site will give plenty of room for w courts and offices. The cost of the proposed building all the had been over and over again considered, and he thought house might safely rely upon the estimates as now ughtthe fur nished. As valued by two different gentlemen rately, the sums given were £675,000 and £678,000 respec tively.sepa- Valued again by Mr Pennethorne, it was stated at £703,000, the cost of the site. The cost of the buildings would be £750,000, making a tot a l cos t o f a million and a half. This was a considerable sum of money, but it would be well spent in the way proposed. One of the evils of the present system was, that it kept up the separation between law and equity. If they would assimilate law and equity, and give to courts of both law and equity such powers as all courts ought to possess, they must bring the courts themselves together. They required to provide for a sum which might be taken at a million and a half, of which £900,000 would be provided by a million stock sold out at £9O from a fund in Chancery called Fund B in the report of the commissioners. The Government, on enquiry, found that by the rents now paid for offices, they would save £llO,OOO by the change. £ 400 , 000 is to be advanced by the Treasury on terms of repayment spread over 50 years, at 31 per cent. interest, by means of a kind of prudential fund f formed by small fees payable on the proceedings of these courts. Those Chancery funds of which he had spoken were two in number. The first, the surplus fund, consisted at the present moment of £1,300,000 stock ; the second was the siuplus fees fund of £201,028 stock, being a million and a-half of stock. Nov had they a right to take this stock ? He thought there was no doubt of this. Its history Was r simply thi s. The house was aware that the Courts o f ,quity administered a vast amount of property. As might 13 ° expected, th e greaterpart of that consisted of money and not of 1. - -nu• ; and by f ar t h e greater portion was invested i n stock on account f • to th em., and was 0 .suitors, an d a por ti on o f stock belonged be. That fund W a a s s secure as anythi ng i n th e coun t ry cou ld 1863, it was no less constantly increasing, and in October, y growin • stantl than x 51,292.00 0, and it had been con g and increasin That was the suitors' g, and was expecte d to d o. stock, and he had nothing to do THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1865. with it on the present occasion. But, as the house would expect, the same cause which brought in this immense amount of money in stock, also brought into court an immense amount of cash. Now the suitors might have that cash invested, and there was always a con siderable fund of cash which the Court of Chancery funded for suitors to whom it belonged, just as a banking fund, tobe ready at a call. The suitor might have it whenever he pleased, but he might have neither more nor less. Then the Court of Chancery being possessed of that sum, which in Oct., 1863, amounted to .Z 2,789,608, had dealt with it merely as the instrument of the Legislature, and what was done was done under public legislation. In 1739, Parliament commenced a system of investment from time to time with so much of this cash, for which they were answerable to the suitors, as it was not then necessary to keep at a call. A considerable sum was still to remain in cash at theßank of England, but the Government invested so much as might be safely so disposed of. The investment in Oct., 1862, was £2,820,702, representing £2,464,744 — the cash kept at the Bank of England for the suitors' benefit being almost £300,000 at call. The interest arising from that fund was the banker's profit, and with which the suitors had no right whatever. It was as much public revenue as anything which came from the Crown lands or any other sourbes of revenue; and although Parliament had dealt with it for the discharge ®f public liabilities connected with the administration of justice, that was not from any obligation to do so, but just because it was thought that that which was received in this way was properly applicable to the ad ministration of justice. As he had already said, not one single suitor had any right to take one single farthing from this fund, and not one single suitor had received anything beyond the actual cash paid into court, or had demanded any portion of profit from the fund. Parliament had con- tinually dealt with this fund. It did so in 1744, in 1774, in 1791, and in 1810, in purchasing sites and erecting build ings upon those sites for offices in connection with the Court of Chancery. But Lord Cottenham and Lord Lang dale, Lord Justice Turner, and Sir Samuel Romilly had doubts as to this fund being applicable to any other pur pose than that of reducing the fees in Chancery. But he (the Attorney-General) contended that Parliament had a right both morally and legally to deal with the fund in any way that it pleased, and if this was true as a matter of principle, it had an especial right to so deal with it when the purpose in view was to promote ad vantageously the administration of justice by bringingito gether the courts of law and equity upon one site. Therefore he contended that the application of the fund in question in the way which he proposed was much better than the sug gestion that it should be appropriated to the reduction of fees in Chancery. If the fund was so applied, it would in fact only reduce the fees four per cent. But what did the solicitors say on the subject ? Let them hear Mr. Lake in respect to it. What did Mr. Lake say ? He said there could not be a doubt that it would be less for the benefit of the suitor to abolish all official fees, than to enable the solicitors: to attend to their business in a proper way. The suitor would by that imerovement save ten times over the amount of the court fees, and that no practical man would entertain a doubt of it. Mr. Field said that they were to judge of the advantage to the suitors through the convenience afforded to the soli citors. The concentration of the courts would be a great gain and capital bargain to the clients, if at the expense of £30,000 a-year they could obtain that improvement. He estimated the aggregate amount of property under the ad ministration of the Court of Chancery at any one time at £loo,ooo,ooo,and he was satisfied in his own mind that the advantage of each official day would be worth at least.E2s,ooo. That was the evidence, not only of Mr. Lake and Mr. Field, but of the unanimous body of solicitors. Did the house believe that the solicitors did not know the value of the pecuniary loss to their clients, or did he believe that their sole object was to save the salary of a clerk or two ? He thought their evidence perfectly reliable and more to be de pended on than that of all the judges and the bar put to gether. He now came to the machinery of the bill, and how it proposed to deal with those charges. The Legisla ture would be asked to guarantee the suitors' interests against any deficiency in the funds. The guarantee, how ever, would be merely nominal, for according to all ex perience, the incomings of the Court of Chancery were con stantly increasing, and in the next place, unless all the cash were called for simultaneously, and all the stack sold-under 87, which were impossible contingencies, there could be no deficiency. Since 1757 there had been only seven occasions on which it had been necessary to sell any portion of the stock, and those occurred between 1844 and 1857. At all other times the cash balances at the Bank were sufficient to meet all demands of the suitors, and the sales made were not on account of any actual deficiency, but to keep up the amount of those balances for the reasonable profits of the Bank. The guarantee was therefore only no minal, but it would place the suitors in the same position as if the cash was not at all interfered with, as Parlifiment would be pledged to make good any deficiency which might arise. The whole annual charge was £45,000. At the beginning of the present year the total amount of terminable compen sations was £50,469, and the rate at which they had fallen in during the last eight years justified him in saying that they were now likely to fall in at the rate of £35,000, and that more than covered the interest on the whole. If, therefore, they provided for these compensations, theymore than provided for the whole of the annual charges on that fund. Mr. Finlaison estimated the capital value of the com- pensations at £380,000, but assuming it £500,000 at the outside, to provide for that they would have to sell out £541,000 stock, taking the stock at 90, which would give a balance of £41,000, more than sufficient to pay interest on the extreme capitalised valuation. On the other hand, if they were not capitalised, these annuities would run off in the course of 18 years, and that would realise a surplus of £154,000. That reserve would be ample for the purpose of meeting the whole of the charges. There would more over be a still further relief to the suitors in the reduction of fees to the extent of £15,000 per annum. That being the case, the house would agree with him in thinking that this bill was entirely free from the objections urged against the bill of 1861, in which it was proposed to throw the whole cost upon the country. Now only a part would be thrown on it. A sum of £200,000 was the estimated value of the rents of the sites which would become available, and, therefore, there remained £400,000 to be provided for. That they proposed to raise by fees. They would put a charge of 18d. additional upon each writ of sum mons, and 6s. Bd. additional upon each probate or letters of administration over £lOO, or if the house preferred it 3d. per cent. It did not at all follow that these fees would be continued for any great length of time. Some of the fees at present charged were subject to reduction at the discretion of the judge, but a bill would be introduced in the course of the present session providing that all court fees should, for the future, be levied by stamps, so that all the collection would be made with greater facility and security. So that it became probable that before long the suitors would be entirely relieved from these addi tional fees. In the meantime they would throw on the courts which would be benefited by the concentrationpro posed a reasonable portion of the expense. He thought he han now clearly shown that they had a perfect right to avails themselves of the funds which they proposed to use, and that their doing so would be a great benefit to the suitor. He now submitted his bill to the house in the con fident hope that it would be the means of removing a great blot from our judicial system, and of restoring something like proportion between the dignity and majesty of Eng lish justice and the means secured by the country for its administration. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said the financial part of the scheme, by which the funds were to be provided, did not inspire him with much confidence. He believed that a large portion of the funds must come :out of the pockets of the taxpayers; and that the expense, instead of £1,500,000, would be nearer £2,000,000, or £2,500,000. After a few words from Mr. HADFIELD, Mr. SELWYN likewise objected to the financial portion of the scheme, contending that the Attorney-General had greatly overestimated the resources to which he proposed to resort, and he did not think the object of concentrating the Courts so important as to justify a large vote of public money. He did not:oppose the introduction of the bill, though he objected to the appropriation to the cost of the proposed scheme of the funds which it was intended to divert to it. Mr. AYRTON approved the principle of charging the cost of the new building not upon the public revenue, but upon funds arising from the courts themselves. Mr. MALINS supported the proposed scheme. He thought it would be better to take the money from the Consolidated Fund ; but if the Government had said they had got the money, he believed them. He described the great inconvenience arising from the separation of even the equity courts, and considered that the advantages re sulting from the concentration of all the courts under one roof would be cheaply purchased on the terms proposed by the Government. The motion was supported by Mr. Denman, Mr. Bevil], and Mr. Scully. After a brief reply by the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, the motion was agreed to, and leave was given to introduce the bill. Mr. COWPER moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable the Commissioners of her Majesty's Works and Public Buildings to acquire a site for the erection and con centration of Courts of Justice, and the various offices be longing to the same. He described the advantages.of the proposed site, bounded on the north by Carey-street, on the south by the Strand, and on the east by Bell-yard, in close contiguity to Lincoln's-inn and the T.3mple, and to the chambers and offices of the legal profession, and he suggested the practicability of subsidiary improvements, affording further facilities. Leave was given. The ATTORNEY-.GENERAL moved for leave to bring in a bill to alter the constitution and amend the practice and course of proceeding in the High Court of Chancery in Ireland. _ _ After some remarks by Mr. GEORGE and Mr. SetTLIN, leave was given. Mr. SCOURFIELD obtained leave to bring in a bill to award costs in certain cases of private bills. Mr. SCULLY obtained leave to bring in certain bills. The house adjourned at half-past 10 o'clock. RAILWAY DIRECTORS IN PARLIAMENT. —A list prepared for Bradshaw's Manual shows that Parliament has opened with 50 Peers directors of railway companies, and 149 members of the House of Commons ; the publication of the names of the Board of the Metropolitan District Rail ways Company raises the latter number to 151, or three among every 13 members. hitherto done so well that, according to the calcula tion of the authorities, it would require little more than 4,000 men to complete its quota. But if the naval recruits are to be credited to the State it will require upwards of 20,000 instead of 4,000 men to free the city from its liability; and 20,000 men, at 1,000 dollars each—supposing they can be bought on those terms, or any other—will cost the real estate of Manhattan Island the very considerable sum of 20 millions of dollars, to be borrowed on the security of the rates and taxes. Already rents are enormously high in consequence of the burdens upon house pro- perty and the depreciation of the currency—so high that the working classes are compelled to " pig together" (the phrase is but too apt) in human styes called " tenement houses," where they sleep 12 or 20 in a room, without regard to the comforts or the de cencies of humanity. An increase of the debt of the city to the extent of 20 millions would tend not only to intensify this evil as respects the poor, but would add to the discontent of the professional and middle classes, who find it difficult to keep house at present prices, though in the enjoyment of incomes which in most parts of Europe, and even in England, would be considered affluent. If after all the efforts made to provide a volunteer army it be resolved, as the least of two evils, to attempt the enforcement of the draught, the Administration may perhaps regret that it quarrelled prematurely with Major-General Butler, or may even be induced to go the length of re-appointing him to the military dictatorship of this city during the perilous operation. It is in structive to note in connexion with this subject how indignant both the Democratic and the Repub lican papers are against Mr. Fenton, the new Go vernor of New York, for not having done as well as Governor Seymour in procuring an abatement on the calls, and, on the contrary, how grateful the people are to every official who makes out a good case for the diminution of the quota in his district, and what praises are showered upon him for his public spirit. It may be public spirit in a certain sense ; but it is not the public spirit which will carry the war to a successful termination, or which need im press the Southern people very strongly with the patriotic or military ardour of their opponents. The war news promises a revival of interest. The , sudden dash made by the Confederate flotilla in the James River upon the Federal war ships and tran sports, which they drove down to Fortress Monroe as so many wolves would have driven a flock of sheep, and the immediate appointment of Admiral Farragut to command in the river, betokens that the Confederates beleaguered in Richmond are meditating and have commenced the perpetration of mischief. The Confederates lost one of their small gunboats, the Drury, carrying two guns, which ran aground, and was blown up to prevent her capture by the enemy ; but no information has yet been per mitted to pass over the wires of the extent of damage done by this naval raid to the fleets of the North. That the emergency was as great as it was sudden may be surmised from the haste with which Admiral Farragut was notified by telegraph to proceed to the scene of danger, as well as by the silence which the telegraphic censorship at Washington has imposed upon the press. Yesterday afternoon a variety of wild rumours were in circulation in regard to the matter, which later in the day received an addition of unpleasantness from another quarter in the announcement that General Terry had marched against Wilmington and suddenly found himself in presence of a vastly superior force, by which he was attacked and forced to retreat with heavy loss. It is confidently asserted by the friends of the Government that both Wilmington and Charleston will be in Federal possession within a few days, and as confidently maintained, by the friends of the South, that, however galling to Southern pride the loss of those cities may be, the result upon the for tune of the war will not in any case be prejudicial, but may be of service to the Confederacy. General Butler and Admiral Porter continue their controversy on the failure of the former to capture Fort Fisher, and the Admiral gives the General the lie direct in as courteous and Parliamentary a man ner as it is possible to employ in statements which amount to an asseveration that a man says the thing which is not. Gen. Butler is by far the better logi cian of the two, and the Admiral will infallibly get the worst of the discussion if he do not make haste to close. His own despatch, in which his friends say he " excoriates" the fallen Butler, is a singularly pompous and egotistical document, and that in which he details to the Secretary of the Navy the results of his own operations, after he was relieved of the assistance of his military " friend" from Lowell, cannot fairly be designated by any other epithet, unless that of " vulgar" be added to the number. He states that in every fort he captured he found one or more " Armstrong guns," marked with the " broad arrow," from which he draws the in ference that they were once the property of the British Government, and thinks it " would be in teresting to know how they came into forts used by Southern rebels." He also states that he is " almost afraid" to mention the amount of provisions, stores, and clothing which he has captured, and which have come from England into what he calls " rebeldom." He adds, as a matter likely to be of peculiar interest to Mr. Welles, and if not to him to the American people, that in a blockade-runner called the Char lotte, which was seized in attempting to run the blockade into Wilmington, ignorant that the Cape Fear River had changed masters, " were five Eng -lish passengers, one an English army officer, who had all come over, as they expressed it, ' on a lark,' and were making themselves particularly ' jolly' in the cabin on their champagne." It is obvious that the gallant Admiral should confine himself to fight ing, and learn to write as little and as seldom as possible. Generals Grant and Sherman are models in this respect, which he and other Federal officers would do well to imitate. A LAND SLlP.—About half a mile to the north of the Fyvie station on the Aberdeen and Turiff Rail way, there is an embankment of about 70 feet high, close by the turnpike road, where the line crosses the " Lownie Burn." The heavy fall of rain and sleet during last week, accompanied with partial frost, had so impregnated the em bankment with moisture that on Thursday it was observed to be giving way on the side next the turnpike road. In order to relieve it a little, the surfacemen laboured through out the whole of Friday night shifting the rails a little to the opposite side ; but on Saturday forenoon the west side of the embankment also gave evidence that it was about to move, and about half-past 12 (noon) a huge mass of the slope moved down, leaving the sleepers clear in some parts half across the line, and about 36 yards in length. A mass of earth slipping over the mouth of the culvert, the water was effectually dammed, and the burn being swollen by the rains, a lake was speedily accumulating. A boat was procured from Fyvie Castle with the view of facilitating a clearance, but was found to be of little service. The telegraph at Fyvie station was hard at work, and a number of the surfacemen from other portions of the line, and some of the officials from Aberdeen, rapidly arrived. They laboured hard until past 11 p.m. endeavouring to reach the culvert through the face of the embankment, when the men retired a few yards to partake of refreshments. By this time the waters had risen to a height of nearly 12 feet, and formed a fine lake, covering from 2 to 3 acres of ground. Ere the men had resumed work, a few gurgles were heard, then the mighty rush and roar, joined with the cheers and hurrahs of the workmen, clearly told that the waters had forced their way. The impetuous torrent, on emerging at the opposite end, swept down a few yards of the turnpike bridge and tore up some trees by the root. Fortunately, as much of the turnpike bridge remains as will suffice for traffic on the road, but a fewyards more would have isolated north and south for a time. Passenger traffic is still carried on, one engine running from Banff and another from Inver amsay, meeting at the place where the interruption has occurred. Great efforts will be made to have matters put right as speedily as possibly, but traffic in goods must for a time be partly deranged. It will be observed that till the breach be closed the late train leaving Inverainsay at 8 30 is discontinued.—Banfshire Journal. BII,EAKFA.ST B EVERA.GE.—Horn 03 )pa`hic practitioners, and the medical profession generally, recommend cocoa as being the most healthf u l o f a ll b everages . When the doc trine of homoeopathy was first introduced into this country, there were to be obt fined no preparations of cocoa either at tractive to the taste or acceptable to the stomach ; the nut was either supplied la the crude state, or so unskilfully manufactured as to obtain little notice. J. Epps, of London, Homoeopathic Chemist, was induced in the year 18 ii to turn his attention to t.hig subject, and at length succeeded, with the assistance of elaborate machinery, in being the first to produce an article pure in its co reposition, and so refined by the perfect trituration it receives in the process it passes thro .gh, as to be moat acceptable to the delicate stomach. For general use Epps's Cocoa is distinguished as an invigo rating, grateful breakfast beverage, possessing a most deli cious aroma. Dr. llassall, in his work, "Food and its Adulteratio -.8," says -"Cocoa contains a great variety of im portant nutritive principles—every ingredient necessary to the growth and sustenance of the body." &gain: "As a nutritive, cocoa stands very much higher than e ther coffee or tea." Directions—Two teaspoonfuls of the powder in a breakfast cup, filled up with boiling water or milk. Secured in tin-lined Vb., lb., and Ilb. labelled packets, and sold by all grocers, tonfectioners, and chemists.--[Amrr.] THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. (From the Times' Correspondent.) NEW YORK, Jan. 27. The " sensation" of the day, which has thrown into temporary insignificance all other events of war or peace, is the cession, reported from San Francisco, of Lower California and the provinces of Sonora, Sinaloa, Durango, and Chihuahua to the Emperor of the French, in trust for the repayment by Mexico of the expenses incurred in establishing the throne of the Emperor Maximilian. The an nouncement that this new and rich territory is to be governed, on behalf of Napoleon 111., by ex-Senator Gwin, of California, a native of the State of Missis sippi, and one of the warmest friends and best known advocates of Southern ,independence, has strongly impressed the public mind with the belief that an alliance between the two Emperors on the one hand and the Government of Mr. Jefferson Davis on the other is a main condition of the arrangement, and that the recognition of the Southern Confederacy by the Great Powers of Europe will follow as a matter of course, if it do not take place simultaneously with the action of the French Emperor. It is asserted by many that the facts have been long known to Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward, and that they are alone sufficient to account for the two missions of Mr. Blair to Rich mond—charged with the duty of ascertaining from Mr. Davis what terms, if any, he is prepared to make with the Federal Government if the latter will take the initiative in recognition. It is hinted that a slight concession on the subject of slavery, pro mising a gradual emancipation, or the establish ment of a system of serfage, such as that inaugu rated by General Banks in Louisiana would recon cile the main body of the Republican party to " accept the situation ;" that an export duty of 10 cents per pound on cotton would satisfy the manu facturing interests of New England ; and that if Mr. Davis would break with his French friends, and enter into an alliance offensive and defensive with the North in vindication of the Monroe doc trine, he would gratify the ambitious lust of empire entertained as vividly by the North as by the South, and bring the whole strength of the Democratic party to acquiesce in separation. The consequences predicted are no less than the annexation of the whole of Mexico, including Senator Gwin's Vice royalty, to the South, and the whole of British America to the North. Such is the dream of the mo ment ; such is the hallucination which has taken temporary possession of the American mind, and which causes steady people to assert in public places that it is a neck and neck race at this hour between Napoleon 111. and Mr. Lincoln who shall first make terms with Mr. Jefferson Davis. Whether the re turn of Mr. Blair from Richmond bearing the news that the South refuses to treat, except after uncon ditional recognition of its independence, will change the tone of the public mind remains to be seen. The political dissensions in the Southern capital, as reported both in the journals that support and in those that oppose the Administration of Mr. Davis, also attract unusual attention. Some observers see nothing in the attacks made upon Mr. Davis but a proof that the Southern people are so weary of the war that they are anxious to make peace upon no other terms than these of a general amnesty and a repeal of the Confiscation Acts ; while others, better informed, or drawing more correct conclusions from the study of human nature and of the lessons of history, see in the animosities expressed against Mr. Davis and in the forthcoming appointment of Gen. Lee to the supreme control of the armies of the Re public nothing but a determination on the part of the South to carry on the war with renewed vigour, to centralise power for the better organisation of victory, and to allow no man, however great and able, or however eminent in character and previous service, to stand in the way of the accomplish ment of the national purpose, if from any cause, real or imaginary, he have forfeited the once implicit confidence of the people. The restora tion of General Joseph E. Johnston to the com mand of the Army of the Tennessee, contrary to the advice and wish of the President, marks not alone the diminished respect of the Confederate Congress for the military judgment of Mr. Davis, but shows to what cause the public opinion of the South attri butes the recent reverses which have befallen their arms. In like manner, the resignation of several . members of the Cabinet is to be accepted as a proof, not of discouragement, but of the inauguration of a more vigorous or, at all events, of a more popular system ; and if, as the indications seem to prefigure, Mr. Davis will cordially accept the position in which a temporary want of success—if not an error of judgment in the removal of General Johnston—has, perhaps, undeservedly, but not unnaturally, placed him, and act in thorough military subordination to General Lee, it is probable that such energy will be infused into the heart of the Southern people as will speedily enable them to achieve a victory suffi ceent to overbalance their late losses, and bring upon the North a renewal of the cold fit of despondency which it suffered in the early days of the Chicago Convention, when the war was pronounced to be a failure, and the whole tendency of Northern opinion was towards peace and conciliation. As General Lee some time ago declared himself to be in favour of arming the negroes and reward ing their faithful service with freedom for them selves and families, it is safe to calculate, now that he is about to assume the rank of Generalissimo of the Confederacy, that he will continue of the same opinion, and represent through the proper agency to Congress the necessity or expediency of taking measures in accordance with his views. The oppo sition which may be made by such slaveowners as maintain that their slaves should not be taken from them by their own Government without compensation need not stand in the *ay of the project, for if the Northern Government and people, in their extreme need of men to re plenish their armies, are willing to pay bounty money of 1,000 dollars ahead for fair-skinned Germans and Irishmen, and almost as much for dark-skinned Africans, to fight their battles, the South can find means to buy the manumission, at the same rate, of such ablebodied slaves as their masters may not be disposed to lose upon lower terms. If there be no question of prejudice to re move or conciliate, the political and financial impe diments in the way of the arming of the slaves will not be of a kind to try very severely the statesman ship of Mr. Davis and the military genius of Gen. Lee. Mrs. Foote, the wife of the Confederate repre sentative, arrested with her husband while attempt ing to pass the Northern lines, and who was subse quently permitted to continue her journey to Wash ington, where she was hospitably received and enter tained by Mr. Seward, is reported to have assured that gentleman that the South would have at least 200,000 ablebodied black troops embodied, drilled, and disciplined before the month of May, and to have expressed her conviction, which she shares with the great majority of the Southern people, that they will make good and faithful soldiers. However that may be, the question of a Northern conscription seems almost as difficult of solution as that of the replenishment of the Southern armies. On the 15th of February, less than three weeks from the present time, Mr. Lincoln has proclaimed that measures must be adopted to provide him with 300,000 men. Little has been done in any of the States to furnish them by voluntary enlistment. High bounties have been offered, but scarcely a man has presented him self to receive them, except soldiers whose term of service has expired, an occasional negro, and batches of newly arrived emigrants, who either left Europe for this special purpose, or were inveigled, stupefied with drink, and robbed by the bounty brokers of Castle-garden and the Battery. It is publicly notified and lamented that not 100 men a week are recruited in New York, notwithstanding all the efforts made and all the inducements offered singe the last proclamation was offered. A feeling of anxiety for the consequences of a forced conscrip tion in this troublesome city, filled with a foreign and unruly class accustomed to the discontents of the Old World, and tainted with the Communistic and Socialist ideas of the Red Republicans of Paris and Germany, begins to prevail, and has within the last two days been strengthened by the unwelcome notification that all the naval recruitments, and some others hitherto credited to the city of New York are to be credited to the State at large. The city has SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—So the Prince and Princess have very nearly had their house burnt down—of course not over their heads, for that very seldom happens, but when their backs were turned ! The proper season for the combustion of a country house is not when it is full, not when there is a blazing fire on every hearth above and below, when lamps and candles are burning on every table, every mantelpiece, every toilet ; when careless people are hurrying to: and fro, making draughts, waving drapery, and whisk ing crinolines ; but when the house is all but empty, and perfectly still, and not so much life in it as in the lodge at the park gate. Any hour in the twenty-four is equally appropriate, though perhaps the fire is more likely to be confined to the " wing," or the offices, if it breaks out in the night, as it thereby gives intelligence of itself to the villagers two miles off, and the nearest fire-engine ten miles off. The housekeeper is darning her stockings, or in bed, or making a call, when a wreath of light smoke, an unusual light, and a flame successively announce that a great house of ancestral interest and historic fame is soon to be a blackened ruin. The causes are familiar, almost certain, and not many. The plumbers have gone to their dinner, leaving a fire just built up on a narrow lead gutter, between two slopes of old tile roofs, or they have gone for the night, leaving the arrangement to burn itself out. Or a glue pot or a varnish pot has been left somewhere on a good fire of wood, surrounded by shavings several inches deep. Or the house keeper or her deputy has made an immense fire in the state bedroom, hung up closetsfull of linen on "horses" and chairs, and then gone off to something else, forgetting all about it. Perhaps she has only made a fire in a very small grate, in a very disused room, but left it to take its own course. In these several cases the next thing is an overboiling, or a smouldering, or a spark, or a flying coal, or, far more likely than all, some woodwork in the structure too near the hearth or the flue. Sometimes the beam comes right into the fire, sometimes there intervenes a thin and ill - jointed screen of brickwork. The soot lodges or coats, as it may do for many reasons. It ignites, and remains ignited for hours. It has done so many times before. The beam end or the joist ends under the hearth have long been charred, dry, and ready to communicate ignition to almost any substance. Once in a flame the fire runs up and down through the hidden cavities and interstices of the building. Half an hour after it breaks out all is over in that part of the building. At Sandringham they seem to have been either very prompt or very fortunate. A bedroom was burnt out, and a billiard-table un derneath destroyed by the fiery droppings. The demon, we, should think, must feel disappointed of his prey, and must now be brooding, in some odd twist of the old family chimneys, how to do his 'Work better another time. According to pro gramme, nothing but some pictures and a little furniture ought to have been saved. Unless we are mistaken, the next attempt to burn down the house will be with hot-air flues. The case of a country house is just like all country things, safe, good, and specious, till all goes in a moment. It is not per petual danger here, an inch scope of deadly colli sions, as in our London streets, or a powder maga zine, but perpetual safety, and the incuriosity bred thereby. You go to a theatre prepared to stand fire. There are firemen about, with buckets and hose, and you are thankful to have escaped. But in a country house all is as serene and as secure as in a green field or a sea-side cave. Once left to the pru dent old housekeeper it is out of harm's way. It can't burn ; it won't burn. How often have they tried to make the chimneys draw, and they won't. The fire wood is green; the coals are just dug out of the snow. It was a piece of work to make a fire at all. The damp settles on the walls, the mirrors, the chairs. The air is damp enough to put out a fire. The long corridors with their stone floors were never warm since they were built. Then there is a legend of a vast water-tank somewhere in the attics or the roof, which no doubt will do its duty, if a fire should ever break out. But this very house, where a fire cannot possibly occur, and where it must imme diately put itself out, is the place of all others where fires do break out, and once alight are sure to work their wicked way. It is seldom—seldom, compara tively—that you have a fire at a inn or at a college. Nay, there are not many fires at sea, considering that a ship is a fire ready laid, with a match always on the point of being applied to it. The reason— that is, the general-law—of these country-house fires is to be found in the proportion of these three parts —the inflammable material, the ordinary human agency, and the governing faculty. A man does not often set himself on fire, and cause himself to be burnt up, because so far as regards a fire he is al most exclusively the governing faculty. In hotels and other busy and much frequented ouildings there is a good deal of ordinary human agency and a fair amount of superintendence. In colleges you have a crowd of careless, but wakeful and intelligent men. In a country house you have a vast pile of combus tible matter, with the least possible amount of human intellect to take care of it. There is a housekeeper who is accustomed to her own ways, and never dreams of the house catching fire. Her fellow-ser vants think the house like the church—a thing that can only be burnt by lightning. This is the state of affairs that the fire demon loves. All he wants is time and secrecy. If he is not watched, he lays his train of soot or dust ; he saps the timber, and penetrates from flue to flue and floor to floor, blessing the old or modern scamps who made his work so easy. When all is ready he w atches housekeeper to her gossips or to her bed, he ascertains the tank to be empty, the waterworks out of order, the kei.s mislaid, and he breathes the spark into a flame. lie can then perch himself on the topmost cowl of the old chimney_ stacks, and laugh to see the elements do the rest of the work for him. It appears to be considered an object by all architects and builders to make the arrangements connected with fire and water as complicated and inaccessible as possible to human oversight, and as exposed as possible to the undesired action of these elements. It seldom happens that any living being understands the flues, or the pipes, or the drains of a large house, or can make them out except in the same way that he would explore for coal under your property by digging and boring. The architect considers it his business to hide the sinews and nerves and veins of his house, and all its curious anatomy, as in the human frame, under a fair skin, or half a dozen skins. An operation is necessary to get at them. The burning soot flakes of a neighbouring chimney falling down your empty grate reveal for the first time that the two flues run into one, or have an irregular communication. A blazing fire is made on an old hearth ; the flames run higher into the chimney than your eye can follow ; a second fire piles itself up below the grate and spreads through the cinders ; nothing can be more cheerful. Is not the flue brick, and is not the hearth stone ? But that stone may have cracked, or may have parted from the wall, and there may be fissures of half an inch opening a way to ancient cavities full of coal dust, and surrounded by wood work as dry as tinder. In the flue there are ledges and easy slopes on which. any amount of soot can lodge ; nay, sometimes a wide shelf all round the throat of the chimney. The culprits, of course, are past inquiry, or justice, when the catastrophe comes to pass. But even these old-fashioned chimneys, modernised for register stoves, are not a tithe so dangerous as the recondite varieties of apparatus for warming large buildings, and which seem to know no medium between freezing point and combustion. We are disposed to think that architects are of that susceptible and imaginative quality which leaves them quite at the mercy of hard, designing trades men, who undertake to warm a church, pocket the money, and sit down next Sunday at their fire sides thanking Heaven that they are warmer than you are. Can art achieve nothing more in these days, and must we always live in fear of being burnt, or blown up, or drowned, or frozen ? This is a building age, but we see signs of a sickening and repenting. Architects and builders must see to it. A few more houses just built in order to be burnt will turn the tide, and make people content with the old houses. Old and new, to be sure, are in equal danger, but the first sensations on hearing that an old house is burnt to the ground are not quite so disagreeable as in the other case. POST.—Herr Grabow, the Speaker of the Prus sian House of Commons, has, as it were, just been crowned in the capital. The people f Cologne have just sent him the present of their civic crown as a testimony that he is the true representative of Prussian citizens. But the address which he makes in acceptance of the token, expressive and touching as it is, seems to betray some of that misgiving which is perceptibly working in European opinion as to the success at the present moment of the course to which the Prussian Liberals are committed to wards the CroWn. He says he will persevere in the hope of bringing about a reconciliation between the House of Representatives and the Executive until it shall appear that every attempt to reunite the Crown and the people is useless. The King of Prus sia appears to have seen from the first that the war he had with his own subjects was quite as much to be decided upon Danish soil as his claims upon Den mark themselves. The love of conquest, even in an inglorious war, seems to have satisfied, or at least allured away, a good many who, two years ago, were content with nothing less than constitutional freedom. The Prussian Government has just affected to bridge the chasm between itself and the public by an inappreciable approach towards the opposite side. It has introduced a bill to regulate the mili tary organisation, which leaves matters very much as they were. The gist of the popular grievance remains almost altogether unredressed by it. Th e Liberal party in Prussia demanded that the term of military service which the laws of the country exact from the whole adult male be abridged from three years to two. The I rli t b iT i rs self is understood to have vehemently oPPe — of proposal, on the alleged ground that the security of the country required what was already exaeteu, er the whole community; while the public, on the otn. hand, have as firmly asserted that the industriail f o r terests of the nation were needlessly sacrifleca population should what was little more than a pretext for youth. u ing the military subordination of the contention Prussia. On the main point of no compromise whatever appears in the now brought forward by the G" e le What is now proposed is merely that the w, term of military service shall be reduced of 19 to 16 years. Of this period, the first seven Y, are to be served with the regular standing i. a rnl i; three years with a regiment, and four with tears o f serve. With regard to the nine remaining Ye a ' v " ouch nominal military service, the patient—we, b e g ; don, the civilian forced into military serviee-T,ad remain for four years in the first call of the wehr, and for the final five years in theseconu _tat The only even apparent reduction ism the length of service being lessened from 19 to 1 6 17 rl,li but this is merely nominal; for the extreme P e a It have always been more or less inoperative ; they happens that the Government, by another law p er have just introduced, fixing the proport ion °r the tentage of the annual military conscription to short' total male population, have atoned for any comings as regards the length of service. Tlitis,aleS portion they have placed at 11 in the I,oo o is of all ages ; so that, the total population of being 20,000,000, and themales being presuraP'ois half, the annual conscription is about 110,00 0 • A o f is a proportion which would afford a gross reswito 330,000 to the troops mustered in regim ents ' the 440,000 to the reserves—or 770,000 in all t ( 0 ) g r s standing army. Making an allowance of 1 , • cent. for troops invalided, there would still, at rate, be an effective of 700,000 men—an e ll°r ,. e ,seo force, and considerably in excess of the 4 P ati r• e 3, amount, which is about 630,000. These tlie however, of course include troops of all al - I'm:, de • army in the field, the forces in garrison, an' T r as' pot. They represent the war establishment of f on ly sia ; the peace establishment consisting °, a t 200,000, though it is one capable of inerea,N i ere' very short notice. The Prussian Governinem,,,,' be fore, does not do much towards a comprotorvieo tween the King's views and the reforming ten von of the public. Yet it is amusing to see that 111 0 Roon, the Minister of War, has the assurall ee „„thig present the measure he has introduced as arn u r - r oifo' to a great surrender on the part of the - T . - c oo,' " He hopes that the wish of the country for ciliation between the Diet (i.e., the 1 331 ' 1 , - ,, i iie• and the Government may find an echo in the He adds that the Government, " although 1 1131 j ,l ing its project for the reorganisatian of the r ip e 0 willing to renounce the execution of the scnuvro' its full extent." We have seen what such a e u ta dieg mise as this really amounts to. But the c° l l n ti platitude of the Minister of War is ceer'' happiest of all. General von Roon finishes hi te e ing that "the Government is convinced of tl ie ci poe` sity of all military reform being e ffected crow , Parliamentary basis." The latest intelfigelicOle Berlin since the introduction of this Aro; Y,a,o• of that the measure is considered as rellutise,,,'," breach between the Government and the Representatives permanent and irreparahleooet commentary on General von Roon 's ca,,on oe of that he had succeeded in putting this goes ter Parliamentary basis, must convince the - 1 " -1 " t iv0/,," his deceptive expectations. At the sain e „ co n begins begins to appear as though the Parliatneotij'it,',' / , test would not be maintained with the 1 11 ; which it was characterised in the last sessi °l l o l o :i House of Representatives, indeed, apPear s „mberm - e lost nothing of its former zeal. But a f ro nt Iva Deputies must be vigorously supported . 4 ' - ab id i i heart of the country if it is to effect much ‘ - ' O , D ole% a strong military and bureaucratic Go ° :;, l l)l3 t h 'e The State must feel that the popular as ;iv - of ",;q really the living exponent of the inaP r lsre ! I ,i; nation, in order to accede to its deinands• vriiS; do injustice to the state of public opinion' - u icl s ' r e it is quite true ; but, nevertheless, it we r, that, since the occurrence of the Danish wtor, has not been the same enthusiasm in fill' Prev Liberal policy and a free government as ~ st ieli to before those hostilities began. Of o urs „;041 / Government as that of Prussia is haPPY. c lOt o r discover that it has succeeded in thrownig pas no the eyes of the public so easily. It was it that object that it began the war; and '",, v tlO la in "05 humour to throw away its advantages l i nesel i c e, has obtained them. The telegrams - wh ic ' o nd e ,i /I from Berlin, as well as our own corret t on o indicate that the consciousness of being 13 `:" a itn'i c ' t quately supported is already working with, l oolb e effect on the independent resoluti on of the u eo g eie If the King should succeed in carrying his rid, as there seems now some reason to aPPren - ci, k be will scarcely be any other great point 0 . ,, 40 . 1 between the House and the Ministers d' remainder of the session. COUNTRY MARKE TS ----- 9 1 / 1 1 LIVERPOOL.—FRIDAY• vo At this day's market sellers of red wheat hA to tioll,° c o l ' to make fair progress by submitting to a re h th e n eq ie clif per cental as compared with last Friday ; is tle c o lle ll Flour dull, and except for choice qualitl cheaper. Indian corn has more buyers 311 „ v ia I P - t ecv,; to-day, but really practicable quotations re atia eal A it t Pit as at our two last markets. Oats an cl A o detaa' n ; v e. Beans, peas, and barley are each in „lc — n ot 0+ ",," it sil 3e ` rates, Market closes firm, but decideto9JAs w to-day's auction of old American cloyerS u ' - was done. 3 6 LINCOLN.—FRIDAY• „„ to 39 0 .0 g-; New white wheat, 39s to 44s ; new red, • 00" stone. Barley for malting, 31s to 34s P er - 13e1 101 27s to 30s per 30 stone. Oats, 21s to 245. 40s per qr. • 3 6 DERBY—FRIDAY. 4 05 . Pe ri* 06s to to New white wheat, 40s to 44s ; new red, ; 6 2 0 '00 stone. Barley for malting, 30s to 33s Peql s . old; to' 27s to 28s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 23s to 2 4 6 3 9 27s per 24 stone. Bbeans, old, 42s to 458; li e per qr. O' WAK EFIELD.—FRIDAY. bo Wheat trade dull. Last Friday's Prie gs uiieD d tained. Barley, unless very fine, difficult to eA le ; 411 The following are the averages fo r the `i 1 6u'V Feb. 6 :—Wheat, 3,228 qrs., at 38s Did ; ir s • at 29s ; oats, 20 qrs., at 27s 6d; 4beaes, Od ; 'peas, qrs., at —s Od. —F- 405 Y, STAMFORD.—.eninAi New white wheat, 41s to 435; new red,. 375.9:00.0". done. Barley, malting, 32s to 34s ; grindink e r l3 per qr. Oats, new, 18s to 245; old, 25s to 2 8 ,s 0 rfore• Beans 37s to 40s per 38 stone. Peas as hem w Y BRISTOL SUGAR.—FitIDA I 'A,eO The demand continues most limited, and ~,,t l '" - 5i " 0 10, ( g . "P dined 6d per cwt. on sugar under 32s per ;7 v'eri, eV' descriptions maintain former value, but se" 1 0 0ipi Refined sugar is in slow demand at rathe r to Rum is less active, and prices slightly in fair° COAL MARE Price per ton at the LET, JAN. 80. c lose of the m ar 4 0 4 0 Buddles'WeStgartled; la S Davison's W. tliatie'' 1 4 6 North eltou 09";) 16 WallsEndAcorllo,ll3 Ig 6 6 Walls End Gosfol%. 1 0 Walls End Belsaow' 19 6 Walls End Walls End 13°-s llettoti•iii 't Braddyll 6 Walls End Sasie Stewart's .......... 80:; sold, 77. • ebe s. d. Lambert's W. Hartley 14 9 Walker Primrose l2 6 West Hartley Carway and Duffryn Malting 22 0 Tunstall Wylam l6 0 Cowpen Hartley Eden Main Byass's Bebside West Hartley l5 0 Ships at marke' TT 40' 4 0' 3 ,1 MISSING VESSELS.—The J. E. "'' from Melbourne for London on the 16th of ; on iP London, which left Gottenburg for 1.4° 11 1 , January, have not since been heard of. Births. 0 40 p 01 6 BURN.—On the 9th inst., at Bourn e of Togllte the late Rev. Thomas Parris Burn, of 8 ' 13, otaii CARWARDECE.—On the 9th inst., at Liu t°- , ‘ ,6,47 Y wife of J. Carwarthne, of a daughter. giva' ROOPE.—On the 9th inst., at 23, Bedf° l%.- v ° a t sington, Mrs. J. C. Roope, of a son. SAUNDERS.—On the 10th inst., the vrif i3 - 13 Saunders, Esq., J.P., Chobham / I ° llse ' son. DEBENium----RIDLEY n the 9th in St ' of 6 . 6 j, a tt iv o ,3° e ;ot if i : —Moarriages: PliA Paddington, Henry. at S t ' Ac i de Debenham, Esq.", til IC d, ' road, Kensington, to Charlotte Carobile,ia..roii .„,itY hill. Em Sir J a oh on n e ß a Ridley, Esq., of 19, Blonray' t Ti''V y a a s i r , 11°GmeiLLneraY—lyLE MARCHANT.—On the 9th - -- ri 0 1 kilo , d ,' Hon.urch, Marylebone, William, eldest o° r o f ,' l ,o' to Cox, E Sir Gaspard Le Merchant. o° 4 sq., aged 40. Cox.—On the Bth inst., D eaat tttou-suPeril.darr;;;P4e:: mAs G ct rlin Kaffitoy s r d .—On aged GREGSON.—On the Bth inst., at 32, " -l ui l r n f e r P:so3l ' " 7, Samuel Gregson, Esq., M.P. for I,llAs.Le', 0° 9 0' GRIMSDALE.—On the 9th inst., at tr:c 1)11 lrillAth dal° 'Ol GuT sin ton Robert Guthrie " d 51. fr , Esq., age- vsci. ° 04 KEYS.-0 1 if p KEYS.—On the 9th inst., John $O lO, oes a 1 0,0 Pr lIRIE.—On the 10th inst at 19, Scars , h , ri ttag'g'tl) ' Lieut.-Col the Bth inst., at Gal°lll't°o of l v ' "/ Lieut.-Colonel Eneas John MacliaY, Grenadiers. i '' ,----- s pe ill' ---------ipf A $o o t London : Prin'ed and Published by ViriciTi./ 00cedotOil of No. 112, Strand, Piinter, at Tits " it , Ole Strand, in the PreCinet of the Savnij, Middlesex.—Saturday, February 11, 18 J (378napilhlYia'' Bart.,ede dthavegghteigirteol ve In es Of , ). b, At le sir &., e ° l (' J ,„ A Till 4 4 , 4 1)41 'h. li 4 11 It 1 e t Dl a cil iti I : , i i ) 9 14 11 bot ---