The Sun. — London, England, 1835-05-19 00:00:00

ice must not do much ; Mr. O'Connell will scarcely brook it. Mr. O'Connell must not visibly take the lead ; his doing so would break up the Administration. In the Commons, therefore, the party is, or rather we ought to say the parties are, at a dead stand. And in the Lords their paralysis is, if possible, still more deplorable. Lord Melbourne is afraid to open his lips, lest the unpropitiated Lord Brougham should open upon him his terrible battery of sneer and in vective, and explain, perchance, to an admiring world some of the contrivances and compromises by which, within the scope of his own personal experience, a Whig-Radical Ministry, constantly on the point of fall ing to pieces, has been kept together. Every body, in short, now perceives that there is no chance of any thing being done. So that, in all probability, the account at the end of the session will stand thus :—Gain to Lord John Russell and his colleagues : one or two quarters' salary. Gain to Mr. O'Connell and his Tail: the glory of having had for a time the government of the British empire substantially in their hands, and the advantage of augmenting and consolidating their power in Ireland. Gain to the public, under the head of economy : nothing ! Loss to the public under the head of Reform : the English Tithe Bill of Sir Robert Peel ; the Irish Tithe Bill of Sir H. Hardinge ; the Dissenters' Marriage Bill of Sir Robert Peel ; the Ecclesiastical Courts Reform Bill of the late Attorney General ; the Church Reform measures about to be presented on the authority of the Right Reverend Commissioners. Such is the bargain which the pre sent House of Commons has had the wisdom and patriotism to make on behalf of the people of England, who must be exceedingly grateful, of course, foi what their Representatives have done for them.—Morning Post. There are few parts of Sir Robert Peel's speech at the late dinner in the Merchant Tailors' Hall more deserving of attention than that in which he so strongly remarks upon the neglect with which the privilege of the elective franchise has been treated throughout the kingdom. Were it not that this neglect has been as apparent, if not more so amongst the wealthier classes, as amongst the lower description of voters, there might be sonic justice in attributing the strange state of things wholly to the bad effect of the Reform Bill having placed the franchise in hands totally unfit to appreciate its value. But, as Sir Robert Peel asks, how can people expect a redress of what they may consider grievances, or that the affairs of the country can be conducted in consonance with the wishes of the majority of the intelligent electors, "if so many chose to cast upon their neighbours the public duties which they themselves ought to perform ?" The right to vote should be looked upon as one of the most valuable privileges of a free man, and he who would neglect it, or basely prostitute it for a bribe, is only less degraded, in cur cstiavitior, than the infamous wretch who would thus seduce the elector from his duty. The omitting to have their name:; placed upon the registers of voters, or the neglecting to vote when they are there—whether this arises from a wish to conciliate a rich or powerful neighbour, oblige a friend, or secure a customer, or from fear or love of ease—is an equally disgraceful compromise of principle, and wholly unworthy of a free subject of a free State. After such conduct, what right has the wealthy householder of Marylebone to complain of having a Radical Representative, if he not only ne glects to see that his name is registered, but neither by precept nor example takes any steps to counteract the influence which he considers (whether rightly or wrongly is immaterial) to be detrimental to the best interests of the country ? Or with what justice can the farmer, the mechanic, or the small shopkeeper complain of the unequal pressure of taxation, &c., if, on the occasion of an election, he is ready, at the corrupt invitation of some wealthy and selfish candidate, or some unprin cipled political adventurer, to throw away his vote ? With respect, indeed, to the registration of their votes, all parties, and all classes of voters, seem to have been ezually neglectful—proving that, to save them selves the trouble of once in every year bestowing a few moments to inquire if their vote is secure, the ma jority of the constituents of the kingdom will leave it to chance, or, what is worse, to a few party agents, either to enfranchise or disenfranchise them, as it may happen to suit their purpose. In South Devonshire, at the last contest, it was discovered that by some little attention having been paid by the Conservatives to the two last registrations, from 400 to 500 votes had been gained. With respect, however, to the registration, the Reform and Conservative Societies, which are evATwhere springing up, will doubtless do much to awaken the constituency of the country from this disgraceful state of sluggishness ; but though such societies may effect some benefit, it is only from each individual elector being impressed with the high importance of the fran chise committed to him that the Reform Bill can be expected to work out the means of general ameliora • tion, - and be the guarantee of good government.— Morning Herald. There are said to be honest, though timid men, who have joined the Conservative party, because they have been told that the measures proposed by Reformers tend to shake the foundations of property, to destroy the gradations of rank, and even to endanger the Mo narchy itself, who nevertheless profess their earnest desire to correet the numberless abuses that disfigure every department of the State. We beseech these men to consider, if they be sincere in their professions, that by attaching themselves to a party which has no other bond of union than the maintenance of abuses, they are contributing to uphold that very system which they wish to destroy. There may be Con servatives who are not enemies of reform, but of this we are sure, that there is no enemy of reform who does not call himself a Conservative. Is there a pluralist in the Church who performs his duty by deputy, and enjoys at a distance from his cure the income which ought to be expended within his parish, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a clergyman who aspires to one of those devoted stalls doomed by Sir Robert Peel himself to destruction, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a younger bro ther who looks forward to a rich bishopric in return' for his father's services to the Minister that is not a Conservative ? Is there a sinecurist, or a placeman, who employs another to discharge the duties of his office, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a bar rister or attorney who looks with dismay to reforms that may shorten the duration or curtail the ex pense of legal proceedings, who is not a Con servative ? Is there a Mayor or Lord Mayor who abuses and brings into contempt the brief au thority of his office, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a close corporation which wastes the funds of the community entrusted to its care, that is not Conservative ? Is there a noble family that seeks places for sons, and pensions for daughters, which is not Conservative ? Is there a landed pro prietor who maintains the Corn Laws, because he can not afford to lower his rents on account of his mort gages, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a veteran contractor who 'regrets the glorious times of our just and necessary wars, and sighs at the recollection of the profits he then acquired, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a monopolist who has suffered from the free dom of trade opening to others the sources of wealth which were formerly shut against all but himself and his partners, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a money-lender who has risen to greatness by supplying the powers that were with the means of controlling and trampling on the liberties of mankind, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a speculator who laments the quiescent state of the Funds, which renders it impossible to realize a fortune ty one lucky hit, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a political adventurer checked in his career by the reform of abuses, that is not a Conservative ? Is there a mil gade from popul ar pr i nc i p l es w h o d espa i rs o f reconci liation with his old asso c i a t es , th a t i s not a Conserva tive? Is there an u p start , su dd en l y an d w i thout any merit of his own, raised above the station in which he was educated, that does not think it genteel to become a Conservative ? Is there a broken-down dandy de sirous to efface at Court the remembrance of His youth ful follies, that does not enlist among the Conserva tives ? But if this be the composition of the Con servative army, what correction of abuses can an honest Reformer expect from such associates ? Whatever weight his name , his influence, or his purse can lend to his party, will be employed to defeat the objects he has at heart. It will be in vain for him, after the victory is gained, to protest against the abuse that will be made of it. Let the Conservatives but once obtain a majority in the House of Commons, and the Reform Bill will soon be an old almanac. To acquire that majority is the object of all their efforts and intrigues. To deter mine elections in their favour, they are multiplying and extending their clubs in every direction. These clubs—like the Jacobin clubs of France, fraternize with each other, and corresponding with the parent society in Carlton-terrace, they receive from its leaders instructions and directions how to act. The avowed purpose they pursue, •is to obtain a majority in the House of Commons—which their leader has described to them as the chief authority of the State—not to repeal the Reform Bill—for that he disclaims—but to modify and amend it—to fritter it away and reduce its efficacy, so that Tories may rise again to the pinnacle of power from which they have been precipitated. To counteract these machinations, it is necessary that Reformers, in their turn, should associate in every town, village, and hamlet throughout the kingdom. Self-defence requires that they should thus protect themselves against their enemies. It is lamentable that the country should be thus marshalled in two hostile camps. But it is the fault of those who have begun and provoked the conflict. Had the Conservatives not bestirred themselves, the Reformers, confident in their superiority, would have remained quiet. Our adversaries have chosen to divide the country, and they must abide by the consequences of their own act. Let it be the first business of the Re form Societies to diffuse instruction—not by public meetings, inflammatory harangues, or noisy declama tions, but by encouraging among their neighbours the circulation of cheap and useful publications, that maybe read and reflected on in leisure and retirement. Let it be their next object to ascertain their strength in every district, and prepare it for action. When wanted for election purposes—when the time for using it ar rives, let it be their endeavour to return to Parliament, not the persons who are loudest and most violent in their professions, but those who have been the steadi est and most consistent in their conduct and opinions. Let every Member of Parliament be made to feel at such times, that to desert the colours under which he entered into the service of his constituents is equiva lent to a civil death—to an ignominious termination of his Parliamentary existence ; that the surest passport to their favour is an honest fulfilment of the en gagements he voluntarily contracted at the time of his election. Among Reformers are to he found many landed proprietors of large estates, many great merchants, many rich bankers, and many skilful and opulent manufacturers ; but it must be owned, that in some of these advantages, they cannot compete with the Conservatives. But they have numbers, whose aggregate property greatly ex ceeds the wealth of their opponents. In their ranks are includod a vast majority of the middling classes, and every operative who looks forward to raisi, himself, by his skill, his industry, and his frugality, to a higher station in society. If a large portion of the drones be arrayed against them, they have the bees on their side. If the young gentlemen at Crockford's and Alinack's be hostilely inclined, they may reckon on the active and intelligent youth, destined to form, in future times, the nerve and pride of the State. The weak at tempt of their opponents to bribe the people into arenun ciation, like Esau, of their birthright, they will treatwith the contempt it merits, keeping at the same time a vigi lant eye on such practices, acid bringing the perpetrators, if guilty, to punishment and disgrace. Intimidation they will counteract. If the parson or the squire threatens to withdraw his custom from the shopkeeper, the baker, or the brewer, it may be hinted to the in tended victim that he will better consult his interests by adhering to the many than by bowing to the dictates of a single employer. There is but one class of persons against whom intimidation can be used with effect. But he must be a senseless, as well as a bigotted Tory, who, in these times, would dismiss a good tenant be cause he did not submit to be treated like a negro slave. The first farm left unoccupied after such con duct will teach the squire, that, though he may do what lie pleases with his own, there a>e certain enjoy ments of the rights of property moral costly than they are worth. No time is to be lost = the hour is come— our enemies have sounded the alarm bell ; let us obey the summons.—Morning Chronicle. ADMIRALTY COURT. THE EWEL GROVE.-JUDGMENT. This was a question of much importance to the shipping nterest. The officers and crew of his Majesty's steam ship Rhadamanthus proceeded against the owners of the Ewel Grove, for salvage services rendered to that vessel while on Rocky Point, off the island of Jamaica, in July last. An award in favour of the officers and crew of the Rhada»zanthus had been made by the Magistrates of Ja maica, under a local Act, by which one-third of the value of the ship, cargo, and freight was adjudged to the salvors, the ship, cargo, &c, of the Ewell Grove being estimated altogether at above 6,000/. The owners of the Ewel Grove objected to the award, as being irregular ; and it was contended on their behalf that the services rendered by the officers and crew of the Rhadamathas were of an ordinary nature, and undeserving of any considerable re ward, and, further, that it was by the power of steam alone that the Ewel Grove was got off the rocks. The officers and crew of the Rhadamanthus being public ser vants, and steam being a national invention, of which the mercantile interest had, it was contended, a right to avail themselves in protecting property at sea, it was submitted on behalf of the owners of the Ewel Grove, that only a small reward should be given to the salvors. Sir JOHN NICHOLL this day gave judgment, and had looked into the cases cited during the argument. In cases of recapture the rate of proportion was the sole principle upon which the Court had acted in granting rewards, one eighth of the value of the property retaken being,given to King's ships, and one-sixth to privateers. In cases of civil salvage, where the property was not derilect, and where the owners appeared, it had not been usual to give so much as when the property had become droits of the Crown or deri lect. In cases of derilect one-third was generally given to the salvors ; and in the great case of the Thetis, where the property saved was immense, and where the merits of the salvors were great, the Court gave a certain fixed sum, which, however, was increased on appeal. There was, in fact, no fixed rule of compensation for civil salvage, the peculiar facts of each case furnishing criteria upon which the Court grounded its opinion ; and the observation peculiarly applied to the present case. The Learned Judge then referred to the facts of the case, and said the value of the property saved was about 6,000/. ; but the Court was not disposed to go the length of the award made by the Jamaica Magistrates, and would not give one third to the salvors. There were about 200 men to be re warded for the services performed ; and he (Sir J. Nicholl) though he should direct about one-fifth of the value of the ship, freight, and cargo to be given to them, should direct all the costs to be paid by the owners ; and, further ; direct the sum of 1,200/. to be paid to the salvors. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY. BENTLEY, DEAR AND CO.'S BANKRUPTCY. A meeting of the creditors of this firm, the failure of which created so great a sensation some months since, was held to-day, for the further proof of debts, and the declara tion of a dividend. _ Many additional claims were made to-day, and the total amount now proved against the estate is 140,0001. The amount received by the official assignee since the last audit is about 5,5001. A dividend of two shillings in the pound was declared, which will be in the course of payment in a few days. The first dividend declared was five shillings in the pound. Saturday being a dies non in Parliament, added to the fineness of the day, drew a more than ordinary concourse of persons into the streets at the west end of the town, giving it all the appearance of the first day of the London season. LONDON UNIVERSITY.—The annual meeting, convened for the purpose of distributing medals and prizes amongst the students of medical science at this University, was held on Saturday. The large Lecture-room of the Uni versity was, at the appointed hour, filled in every part with a highly-respectable assemblage of persons, amongst whom there was a great number of fashionably dressed ladies, whose presence contributed, in no slight degree, to give an exceed ingly animating and interesting effect to the proceedings. Shortly after one o'clock, Lord Nugent took the chair. He was surrrounded by the Duke of Somerset, Mr. Tooke, M.P., and several other friends and supporters of the Institution. The business of the meeting was commenced by Dr. Elliot son reading the General Report, which contained a highly sa tisfactory account of the advance of medical science at the University. It stated that the medical pupils derived the greatest possible advantages from the establishment of the North London Hospital. It also announced the gratifying fact, that the number of medical students had, since the Re port of last year, increased from 350 to 390. The medals and prizes were then delivered by the noble chairman to the suc cessful candidates. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Mir 18. Lord DENMAN took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. SCOTCH CHURCH. Petitions praying for protection to the Established Church of Scotland, from Dumbarton and other places, by the Duke of Gordon ; from several parishes in Scotland by the Earl of Roslyn, and by the Duke of Buccleugh from Dumfries and other places were presented. ESTABLISHED CHURCH. Petitions were also presented praying for protection to the Established Church of England and Ireland, by the Earl of CAWDOR from Cawdor, and by Lord WHARNCLIFFE. GRANT TO THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented two petitions from pa rishes in Glasgow, praying that no further grant might be made to the Church of Scotland. The Noble Lord also pre sented a petition from the hand-loom weavers of Ayr, praying for relief. SPIRIT LICENCES. The Earl of BURLINGTON presented a petition from Derby against the additional Duty on Spirit Licences. PUBLIC INSTITUTION—IRELAND. The Bishop of EXETER, seeing the Noble Viscount (Duncannon) in his place, wished to know whether he had any objection to an address to his Majesty, pray ing that he would be graciously pleased to order the Commis sion, by which Mr. Craig was appointed a Commission er of Public Education in Ireland, to be laid on the table of the House. Viscount DUNCANNON replied that he had no objection. GAOLS. The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that on Monday next he should propose a resolution to the House in conformity to the recommendation of the Gaol Committee. Lord MELBOURNE presented a petition from the hand loom-weavers of Ayr, praying for the establishment of a Board of Trade in Scotland. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 19, 1835. SCOTCH CHURCH. The Noble Viscount also presented various petitions against any public grant of money for the endowment of the Scotch Church. The Earl of ROSEBERY presented similar petitions from Torres, Kinross, and Denny. The Noble Lord entirely dissented from the prayer of the petition. GAOL COMMITTEE. On the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Wharncliffe were added to the Gaol Committee. ESTABLISHED CHURCH. The Earl of WILTON presented a petition from Man chester, praying that no alteration might take place in the English or Irish Church. The petition was signed by 10,500 persons, headed by a gentleman of the Roman Catholic per suasion: The Earl of SKELMERSDALE made some observations which were understood to be in favour of the petition, but as the Noble Earl spoke from under the gallery, he was inaudible. The Earl of WILTON presented a similar petition from Middleton. CONYER'S DIVORCE BILL. Their Lordships then proceeded to hear the arguments of Counsel and evidence on this Bill. After hearing evidence on Conyer's Divorce Bill, it was read a second time, and the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAy 18. The SPEAKER took the Chair at half-past 3 o'clock. Lord NIORPETIT took the oaths and his scat for Yorkshire- The Noble Lord was cheered on his entrance. HALL DARE moved the third reading of the Bark ing Parochial Assessm. r.t Mr. A L SAGER proposed the third leading of and Croydon Railway Bill.—Agreed to. Mr. NV lI,K S presented a petition against the London and Greenwich Railway Bill. Mr BR OTHE RTON proposed the second reading of the London Small Debts Bill. _ . Mr. HA L FOR D presented a petition from certain graziers in South Leicestershire, against the removal of the Smithfield market. . . Mr. HANDLE Y brought up the report of the Committee on the Islington Cattle Market Bill. A number of petitions from licensed victuallers were pre sented by Mr. BERNAL, Lord STANLEY, and others, complain ing of the additional duty imposed upon spirit licenses. CHURCH REFORM. Lord STANLEY he had a petition to present which he was most unwillingly induced to bring forward, because it contained charges of a very serious nature against a clergy man of the Church of England—against a gentleman who was then suffering from bodily as well as pecuniary dis tress.—( Hear, hear.) At the same time he felt it to be a duty incumbent upon him to call the attention of the House to the statements which the petition contained, because his con stituents considered themselves aggrieved, and also because it afforded sufficient grounds for insisting upon that real and substantial reform in the Church which all so much desired ( Hear, hear.) The gentleman to whom the petition referred was Dr. Webber, who is a Prebendary of Westminster, Dean of Ripon, and parson of Kirkham, and was for merly Chaplain of the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) 'His parishioners complain in this petition of misconduct that they conceive him guilty of. The parish is one of rather an extraordinary description, and is so circumstanced as to render it impossible for any man adequately to discharge the duties that necessarily devolve upon him. It contains 12,000 inha bitants scattered over an immense agricultural district. It is 130 square miles, and is divided into 17 townships. So long ago as the year 1636 an inquisition was held respecting it, and a report was made 'recommending the division of ther living !nto several parishes. At present the parish church is only sufficient to accommodate two of the townships. The emoluments of the vicars vary from 501. to 150/. a-year. Eight of these townships receive no religious instruction whatever, and the House would bear him out when he stated that this was one of the strongest cases that could be instanced in sup port of a salutary reform of the Church. From parish church to parish church there was no less a distance than twelve miles. A portion of the great tithes was appropriated to Christ Church, Oxford. In 1814 Dr. Webber was inducted into this living, and obtained possession of the great and small tithes belonging to it. Previous to that period the income of the Vicar was 2501. a year ; but on the induction of Dr. Webber, who, as he (Lord S.) had mentioned, was Chaplain of the House of Commons, the parishioners voluntarily raised it to 1,0001. At that time Dr. Webber expressed his gratitude for their liberality, in letters which he ( Lord S.) had in his possession, and voluntarily stated that no alteration whatever should take place in the amount of the tithes, and that nothing under the sun could induce him to reside out of the parish. From 1814 to 1829, Dr. Webber resided amongst them ; but at the latter period he was presented with a prebendary of Westminster. Unfortunately for his parishioners, he also got the deanery of Ripon, and from that time never set his foot in the parish, not withstanding that residence was one of the conditions of the obligations he voluntarily placed himself under.—( Hear. ) In the present instance, one of the persons employed as curate by Dr. Webber was a gentleman of the name of Mathews, who, was also Master of the Grammar School, one of the fundamental regulations of which was, that the Master should attend to no other business, but should attend wholly to the business of the school. The appointment moreover was pro tested against by four of the visitors, and yet this gentleman was chosen by Dr. Webber to fulfil the parish duties. The petitioners further complained, or rather they wished to make an appeal to the liberality and justice of that House, with regard to the impropriate tithes of the parish, which amounted to 3,5001. per annum, as they conceived that the small tithes, looking at the enormous extent of the parish, were not adequate to fulfil the object for which they were received, subservient to the due performance of religion. In 1650, the great tithes were left to a person of the name of Clifden, a Papist, whose descendant was at this moment the High Sheriff of the county. What the petitioners complained of was, that while 3,5001. was raised as great tithes, the principal benefit arising from them was enjoyed by the college of Christ Church (Oxford), which- held an intermediate place between the impropriate rector and clergyman of the parish ; and the great object for which the tithes were instituted was in a great measure neglected—they state that if the Col lege of Christ Church would adopt a different mode of plac ing the tithes, it would be for the great benefit of the parish, and that the College had received for a renewal of a fine for 7 years a sum of not less than 10,000/.; they state further that if this system were altered, there would be an adequate main tainence for the Clergyman of the parish. In 1833 Dr. Webber, as he before stated, returned to the parish, but he returned under circumstances not very flattering. He returned, notwithstanding the agree ment in the year 1814, feeling it to be his duty, and he (Lord Stanley) believed that he did feel it to be his duty to his successor and not to himself, to set aside those modusses with which he was before perfectly satisfied.—( Hear.) The parish resisted, as was natural, this attempt to increase the tithe. Dr. Webber then made a proposition that he would abstain from legal proceedings, if the parish would pay all the ex penses, provided also that they would pay a certain sum for the improvement of the rectory house, and that they should raise the tithes from 1,0001. to 1,6001. a year. Upon this condition Christ Church was willing to enter into terms for dividing the parish, but not otherwise. The pa rishioners felt themselves deeply aggrieved, and thought that the College, in conformity with the spirit of the original grant, should make a more liberal appropriation out of the great tithes to enable the parish to be divided. The peti tioners prayed for the interference of the House for two pur poses ; the first was, and he hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would attend to it, that this House, and more especially where the clergy were adequately provided, would strictly enforce re sidence. The next was, and he was aware of the difficulties at tending it, that the Bishops of Dioceses should have power to render it imperative upon impropriate Rectors and Vicars to en dow chapels of ease where necessary. He was aware that there was great difficulty here, and he was therefore the more anxious that the College of Christ Church should take up this case, and seeing the representative of the Univer sity of Oxford in his place, he urged this requ es t, as he conceived it to be a reasonable one, and he could cite an authority in support of it, the validity of which he was sure his Hon. Friend would admit. It was the authority of the Protestant James the First, who, in the year 1603, in a letter addressed to the University of Oxford, stated " that there was no one thing that more impeded the progress of religion, than the want of a competent support of the clergy, and that this could only be remedied by restoring the impropriate tithes to their original purposes ; he therefore advised that the Chancellor, and heads of houses, and other discreet men should assemble with a view to a better appropriation of their funds, so as to leave the Colleges what was necessary for their own maintenance." He begged to recom mend this Royal recommendation of James the First, and he hoped that House would endeavour seriously, com pletely, and effectually to remove those great and signal abuses in the Church of England.—(Loud cheers.) He would not offer any further observations, but begged leave to bring up that petition.—( Cheers. ) Sir ROBERT INGLIS said, that as his Noble Friend had so directly referred to him, the House would expect that he should say something. The amount of tithes received in a given parish, or their reasonableness, or whether the vicar should receive 1,0001., and Christ Church, Oxford, 3,0001., was not now the question for the House ; the question was, whe ther a single shilling more than was due had been asked by the persons entitled. With respect to Christ Church giving up part of the income they derived from any parish for the furtherance of religious instruction in that parish, he was sure that they would be most willing to dals if his Noble Friend could induce all o ther Corporations persons receiving Church property to make similar sacrifices.—( Hear, hear.) He apprehended the compact between the Vicar and the pa rish was this—if you raise my income to 1,0001., I will undertake to receive it, and will not enter into any . . litigation to enforce my rights. If that had been the compact—he believed it had not been complied with, as many summonses had been issued—he agreed with his Noble Friend that residence ought to be enforced, but he thought that there was no parish in the North of England in which the means of religious education were so well supplied as in Kirkham. It was stated in the petition that the Vicar was not resident ; now, in point of fact, from the time when he became Dean of Ripon, he had duly discharged all the duties of a resident incumbent, having regularly discharged his duties as the Minister of Ripon, which was considered the Parish Church of the district. With respect to the Curate being se parated, either by law or custom, from the Parish Church, he was by the decree of the Court of Chancery compelled to preach once a month at the least in the Parish Church of Kirkham. The vicar distinctly stated that whatever increase he looked for, should be for the benefit of the future incumbents of the parish, and his only object was to prevent the rights of his suc cessors from being compromised. This principle could not be objected to, unless it was contended that the rights of property should be sacrificed, merely because the party had spiritual du ties to perform, and that the rule should be reversed where there were no spiritual duties. He held a letter in his hand from the curate, in which that gentleman stated that he never heard of any opposition or objection to his being appointed schoolmaster, until he had seen it in the petition ; and he also bore testimony to the ex pense to which the vicar had gone in providing an additional place of worship and instruction for the people. This was not the case of a vicar deserting his duty without taking a cure of souls elsewhere. This was not the case of a man neglecting his duty, for he had two curates besides for additional chapel ries.—( Hear, hear.) This was not the case of a man seek ing emolument for himself, although he might do so in law, but it was the case of a man stepping forward at a time when the interests of Church property are threatened, and, without any personal advantage to himself, preserving the rights of others. When the rights of the Church had been once suc cessfully invaded, the popular party, gaining fresh strength from their victory, would endeavour to assail property of other kinds, and therefore it behoved Honourable Members not to allow themselves to be led away by the specious statements in petitions of this nature—( Hear, hear.) He thought his Noble Friend was one of the last who would be willing to sacrifice the rights of the Church to popular clamour. He trusted he had said enough to satisfy the House that the case was susceptible of a different version from that which the pe titioners had taken of it. The Vicar had not been neglectful of his duties, and he had, in fact, sought less than he was legally entitled to. The principle to which his Noble Friend had alluded had been already recognised, and acted upon in one of the colleges of Oxford, where a sum of 2000/. a year had been surrendered, and the effect of which had been to enrich the re.ree , ive livings to the amount of 8,0001. Mr. D. W. HARVEY 5,.: Ca_ -asssu e 1,11.-ed of the greatest importance ; but he could not help saying, that if such a petition had been presented from the humble indi vidual then addressing- the House, they would have heard of nothing but spoliation, &c. He would have been told that he was taking some inyidious means for the purpose of getting hia ends accomplished, while at the same time he was afraid of grappling with the main principle. If the House had not adjourned over the day on which lie would have been, allowed to bring on his motion respecting Queen Anne's Bounty, he would have shown that that was not, as probably the Noble Lord and many others in the House thought, a solitary instance in the Church, but that there were many of the same nature; and that in some instances the impropriators had even had the meanness to take money from the fund created by the bounty. There was not one lay impropriator to whom the letter of King James would not be most applicable. He trusted that the Noble Lord would not content himself with laying the petition on the table, but that he would bring it forward in a more substantial manner—if not, he (Mr. Harvey) would have an opportu nity of laying the whole matter before the House before the session closed, by means of his motion respecting the Bounty of Queen Anne. An HON. MEMBER, whose name was not known in the gal lery, said he would not have said a word upon the question, but that the parish in question adjoined the one in which his own property was situate, and that he was one of the visitors of the school of which he (the curate) was master. He would only say, that when the tithes were so much as 255. an acre for potatoes, they could not be raised much more ; he would only further add, that the visitors of the school were now debating whether they should stop the money for the mastership; until the duties of the office were better performed, because they had it not in their power to remove him. Mr. COBBETT knew a parish which yielded 1,7501. clear tithes ; yet the parson had but a bare 151. a year, for though at the endowment it was worth at the rate of 3001: a year, the alteration in the value of money had reduced it to barely 15/., and the people were taxed to support the parson, while my Lord Guildford, who was the proprietor of the living, as well as several lucrative posts in the Church, put the 1,750/. into his own pocket.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) But the Church abounds with such instances ; and those who complain of them are the true friends of the Church. If the Church were overturned it would be overturned of itself. If it were destroyed its dignitaries would have destroyed it.—(Loud cheers.) In many instances the Archdeacons and Deans had the sole appropriation of tithes, as well as the revenues of the parishes; the Archdeacon of Surrey had the tithes of five parishes all nearly joining each other, while the Rectors of them had only a miserable pittance. An application was made to Parliament to tax the people to enable these parsons to live—he hoped that the Noble Lord who talked of reformation on this subject would come forward with a real reformation, something tangible ; if he could he would save his Church ; but if not, his Church could not be saved. The petition was then laid on the table. An HON. MEMBER presented two petitions from parishes in Stafford, one praying for inquiry into the causes for the dismissal of the late Ministers, and the other in the support of the Irish Church, complaining of the con templated appropriation of the revenues of that Church to the dissemination of the pernicious errors of Popery.—( Hear, hear, from the Irish Members. ) Mr. O'CONNELL thought it would be more fitting in the petitioners, whom the Hon. Member called respectable, to use more decent language—( Hear, hear.) Mr. DUND A S presented a petition from the solicitors of a town in Gloucester against the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill. Mr. C. FERGUSON presented a petition from Glasgow in favour of the Established Church of Scotland. Mr. COBBETT said he was informed that in Glasgow there was room in the Churches belonging to the Establish ment for 3,000 more than were in the habit of attending them. The truth was, that the voluntary principle was getting ahead, and the opinion of the people was entirely against compulsory payment. Mr. C. FERGUSON gave notice that on the 27th inst. he would bring forward a motion relative to the duties on East India manufactures. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition from the Presbyterian Congregation of the parish of Killileagh, in the county of Down, praying for the extinction of tithes, and the withdrawal of the regium donum. The petition was signed by 800 landholders of that parish who had been informed that the Noble Lord who represents the county of Down (Castlereagh) had stated in this House that the Presby terians of the North of Ireland were favourable to the tithe system, and consequently they took this means of con troverting the statements of the Noble Lord. The inhabitants of the parish were almost exclusively Presbyterian. The amount of income which the parson received was 1,5331. a year, and, for the two Presbyterian clergymen who officiated in the parish, only 3351. was required. The opposition to the tithe system was extending over the country ; and the opinion was generally becoming prevalent that tithes should be abo lished not only in name but in substance.—( Hear, hear.) He requested the particular attention of the House to this pe tition, which coming from a numerous and respectable body of the Presbyterians of the county of Down, furnished an answer to the statement of the Noble Lord, the Member for the county, that the Presbyterians were anxious to pay tithes. Lord C A STLERE AGH begged to doubt whether this petition, coming, as it did, from two parishes in the county of Down, did really represent the feelings of the Presbyterians of that great county. He believed, nay, he was sure, that the Honourable Member was mistaken on that point.—( Hear.) He had hoped that the Bill introduced by the late Government would have put an end to the complaints on the subject of tithes, but it appeared that it had failed to do so. Now that the Hon. Member had gone over to' the other side of the House, he hoped he would give his consent to the Bill which the present Government would introduce, containing of course an appropriation clause. Mr. O'CONNELL merely rose because the petitioners had done him the honour to request that he would sup port the prayer of the petition. He did so the more wil lingly, because it would convince the Noble Lord (Castle reagh), that the agitation of the tithe question would not have the effect of raising the " No Popery" cry in the North of Ireland, and the selecting him (Mr. O'Connell) as their advocate, was a pretty good proof that such would not be the case.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that 800 out of a population of 15,000, was no proof of the sentiments of the people, but the House would recollect that all those 800 men were landholders, claiming from the House the benefit of the Christian principle, that one class of men should not pay for the support of the clergymen of another re ligion in which they did not conscientiously believe. Mr. FINN begged to state to the House the contents of a letter he had that morning received from the North of Ireland, and it would account for why there were not more petitions upon the present subject from the North of Ireland. It was dated ,from Londonderry, and stated that there had been a meeting of the tythe payers appointed by the church= wardens of a certain parish in consequence of a re quisition from 150 of the most wealthy landholders of the parish. —( Hear.) The meeting was to petition the Legislature for the total abolition of tithes, and was to be held in the town of Ballykelly, and when the proceedings were about to commence, a body of Orangemen marched in military array, and armed with muskets, through the town, and took possession of the market house, where the meeting was to be held and fired off a number of shots. The farmers immediately retired, and the Orange men went to a public-house,where they were supplied with whis key, but not at their own expense. It was afterwards discovered that there were a great number of Orangemen dispersed in dif ferent houses through the town, and a concealed stand of arms. The farmers were all Presbyterians, and it was important that this should be known, to show that the circumstance did not arise from the ancient feud between the Roman Catholics and Orangemen. He trusted the House would take steps to prevent armed Orangemen from interfering with one of the most important privileges of his Majesty's subjects. Lord C A STL EREAG H observed that these occurrences took place in the county of Londonderry, with which he had no connexion. Mr. S. CRAWFORD then presented a petition from 1,500 inhabitants of another pairsh in Down to the same effect. Mr. E. S. RUTH VE N supported the petition, which was laid on the table. STAFFORD ELECTION. An HoN. MEMBER, whose name was not known in the gal lery, moved for a new writ for the borough of Stafford, in the room of Sir F. H. Goodricke, who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Mr. DIVE TT said, that as one of the Committee on the Stafford Election, he felt himself bound to oppose the motion. That Committee had come to an unanimous resolution that the borough was so corrupt that it should be visited with the highest punishment possible, and that the Chairman should bring in a Bill for the purpose of disfranchising the borough. --(Hear, hear.) Had the Parliament which then sat been still in existence, he would not have said a word upon the subject ; but as there were many new members in it, he would state a few of the facts of the case as presented be fore the Committee. From the evidence then adduced, it ap peared that there was a system of corruption and bribery in ex istence in that borough, and that whenever a candidate presented himself, it was the custom to pay from ss. to 10s. to all who thought proper to wait upon him at his first meeting. The Honourable Gentleman then went at considerable length into the evidence, from which it appeared that more than two-thirds of the electors were corrupt, even after the passing of the Reform Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Now, after having thus stated that the writ for the borough of Stafford ought to be suspended, he would maintain that the perseverance in such a system would destroy the purity of elec tion, and that no other means than the suspension of the writ would be effective—for the House was well enough aware, that by legal chicanery, by prejudices existing in this and the the other House of Parliament, it would be impossible to disfranchise the borough. He would maintain there was no ground for issuing the writ on the present occasion, but luckily he had a precedent in favour of the course he recommended. He instanced the case of Liverpool as being one perfectly in point. The Right Hon. Member for Montgomeryshire ( Mr. Wynn) on that occasion recommended a similar course„ and he ( Mr. D.) was happy to he enabled to quote so excellent an autho rity. He ( Mr. NV. ) then stated that the House was limited only by its own discretion. Other Members gave expression to simi lar sentiments, and the question that elicited them was not taken up by them as a party question, but as one in which all who were desirous to promote and maintain the purity of elec tion, were deeply interested. The persons who objected to the disfranchisement of the borough of Stafford, when that subject was brought under the consideration of Parliament, were the M.srphs-- of the county s‘n I or the borough, who were its guar dian angels in its decay. He next referred to the case of the borough of Grantham, which was also conclusive in support of his argument, and concluded by stating, that the course he proposed, was necessary to maintain the character of the House of Commons, the purity of election, and the best inte rests of the country. He hoped he would have the support of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite ( Mr. Wynni, when he moved that the Writ for the borough of Stafford be sus spended until Monday, the 22d of June. Mr. CHETW YND had listened with considerable atten tion and surprise to the arguments of the Hon. Member for Exeter; he listened to hear what were the overwhelming proofs that were to induce the House to suspend the issuing of this writ. He had listened with surprise to the Hon. Member, be cause he looked upon him as one entertaining Liberal opi nions and professing Liberal principles—as anxious to give the people every opportunity of exercising their privileges. A great part of the arguments of the Hon. Member, so far from producing the impression that they ought not to issue this writ, were with him (Mr. C.) most powerful reasons for issuing it.—( Hear.) If the borough of Stafford was upon its trial, if accusations were made against it, it was only fair that it should have every advantage and indulgence, and the full privilege of two representatives, in a case in which the character of the borough was involved, in which its interests were attacked, and its elective franchise assailed. He put it to the House, and to the Hon. Member for Exeter himself, whether it was fair play or common justice to the constituents whom he repres'ented, to throw the whole responsibility of a case of this magnitude upon so humble an individual as himself. Should it be said that so weak was the case against Stafford, that that House was to take advan tage of his Hon. Friend's resignation, and his (Mr. C's) inability to defend his constituents, what would be thought of a judge who, upon the eve of trial, should send away one of the Counsel, perhaps the leading Counsel, of the party accused ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) He felt confident that that House would not think of passing sentence on the Borough of Stafford before trial, for though alle gations had been made on a former night he had re futed them, and he was still able to do so. —( Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he called upon the House, in the name of those constituents whom he represented, to give them a fair trial.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Exeter said on a former occasion, when he brought forward his Bill for the disfranchisement of Stafford, that his object was to produce purity and morality at elections. The House must be aware that there had been a general election when these allegations were made, and he would state distinctly that out of the 456 electors who did him the honour of returning him, there was not one to whom he had ever given, who ever expected, ever thought of, either directly or in directly, the slightest gift, reward, bribe, or advantage whatever, and he was ready to prove this upon oath.—( Loud cheers.) The most influential men in the town of Stafford had formed themselves into a committee to support liberal candidates upon liberal principles, and he would assert that the Members of that borough were returned as constitutionally as any other Members of that House. He had previously refuted most of these charges, and he did not see why they should be again revived. There was no petition against the return of the members at the last election. There had been no unjust or unconstitutional proceedings at that election—in fact, nothing but the most constitutional proceedings had taken place in the borough of Stafford. Should the Bill for the disfranchisement of this borough come to a second reading, he would then be prepared to refute the charges which had been brought forward against this borough. It was but fair that an opportunity should be afforded him of replying to the allegations that had been brought forward, and that would be best done by affording him a col league.—( Hear, hear.) There was much difficulty in the case, and the greater the difficulty the greater the necessity for allowing him a fair and full opportunity of defence. He appealed to the justice of the House, and he was satisfied that he would not appeal to its justice in vain.--( Hear.) Mr C OBBE TT happened to be in the immediate neigh bourhood of the borough of Stafford at the last election.— ( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Although he did not interfere in the business of the election in any way, he heard a good deal about it, and it was universally believed that with the excep tion of the 33 men who voted for Sir Charles Wolsley_ ( Much laughter)—all the rest were bribed.—( Continued laughter.) The whole body of electors were corrupt, but he was sure this was without the knowledge of the Hon. Mem ber.---( Hear.) The bribery had been carried on in the roost shameful manner; genteel women were seen in their carriages sending in for their 71. or 8/.--( Laughter.) In fact, the bribery practised there exceeded any thing ever known or heard of in the world. Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE had the session before last introduced a Bill for the disfranchisement of this bo rough, and he had since then seen no reason to change his opinion. Having been in the last session connected with Government, he had thought it improper that the weight and influence of that Government should be thrown into the scale, in bringing forward a judicial bill of pains and penalties. He had transferred it to the Hon. Member for Newport, who had for the same cause, now transferred it to the Hon. Member for Exeter.—( Hear, hear.) His (Sir T. Fremantle's) opi nion, therefore, remained unchanged, and unless he heard something now that would change his opinion, he would give his support to the Bill for the disfranchisement of this borough. He believed that the House, almost uniformly, when a Bill was instituted to disfranchise a borough, objected to issue the writ.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He felt great satisfaction at the statement of the Hon. Member for the borough, that the last election had been carried on with the greatest pu rity—( Great laughter)—but he was afraid the Honourable Member's recollection had failed him upon that subject. He hoped he had convinced the House, that although he did not bring forward the Bill in the present session, his opinion remained unchanged. He should vote for the suspen sion of the writ. Mr. E. BULLER thought if the writ was suspended it would be productive of great and inconceivable con. fusion.—( Hear, hear.) He " thought all the evidence that had been taken before the Committee last year and all the charges contained in it ought to be well weighed before such an extreme step was taken as to suspend the writ. Mr. FOSTER did not think that the charge of bribery could justify the House in taking away representation from a large body of the constituency of Stafford, against whom no charge whatever existed. Mr. WILLIAMS said a few words to the same effect. Sir ROBERT PEEL thought these questions ought not excite party feeling ; he had voted in a majority of 98 for the dis franchisement, and he had voted for the resolution that there was notorious corruption practised. The House had passed that Bill, and supposing that there had been no resolution, he could not see why a general election should make such a great difference that they should alter their opinion of those proceedings.--( Hear, hear, hear.) The refusal to issue the writ does not altogether decide the question. The issuing of the writ would give a new vested right to the electors, and if they intended to disfrarieSise the Borough, it was not consistent with a permanent diss franchisement to invest it with the exercise tg the trArichiw on this occasion. He should therefore vote for the suspension the writ.--( Hear, hear.) The gallery was then cleared, but the motion was agreed to without a division. Mr. HUME begged to ask the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he was prepared to agree to the appointment of a Committee relative to the question he proposed a few evenings ago in relation to the union of the military and civil services suggested by him. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied, but his answer was not heard in the Gallery. ORDNANCE DEPARTMENT. Mr. HUME, after referring to the proposed plan for anvil' gamating the civil and military departments of the Ordna nce, begged to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman (the Chancel lor of the Exchequer) whether he was prepared either to agree to the appointment of a Committee of that House to inquire into the subject, or to renew the former Commission, or to app oint a new one, with the view of ascertaining how far the object be d had in view could be accomplished ? He (Mr. Hume) she not be satisfied to go on with the Ordnance Estimates, unless he received some assurance that measures would be taken t _ ° , l prosecute the inquiries which had already been comment upon the subject. lied The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER r e B that it was his intention, without delay, to renew the et a " mission appointed under the Government of Lord Grey. THAMES TUNNEL. Mr. WALTER begged again to revert to a subject to 's hi l h ! he had alluded a few nights ago. A short time before the recess he saw a statement, that a considerable sum of ni °ll ; upwards of 30,000/., had been advanced in part payment . sum of 270,0001. agreed to be advanced by the Governm ent the Thames Tunnel Company, and it was said at the time ute the Government were entitled by Act of Parliament to in t that advance. Now, considering the 270,0001. so a greed W te w - r) advanced to be in some jeopardy, the question he (Mr. wished to put was this, whether the Right Hon. Gentlewisti the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had any objection W before the House all the information which Governmen t received encouraging it to make the advance, and also to' security was proposed to be given for the repayment of it. e d, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUERreP,ia that the advance had been made upon the strength of o e:s fi d representations which were last year laid before the BO re Works. All who had read the Act of Parliament were af. he that the money was advanced on security of the whole 0 1 et property of the Company. There would be no object!T,i_ es , difficulty to produce the documents to which the Hon. tleman had referred. the' Mr. WALTER was afraid that the security was 1 10-° than that of a losing concern. E. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EN CH QUER, the House resolved itself into a COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.—BRITISH MUSED he Sir ROBERT PEEL (as one of the Trustees 01 f ed a British Museum), moved that the sum of 17,7961. be gl to his Majesty to defray the estimated expenditure °' the e% , British Museum for the year ending April, 1836. Un de cted isting circumstances, there being a Select Committee ape f to inquire into every matter connected with the expend't ° , re to the British Museum, it was not necessary for him n o l i o n enter into any detail. The House would hear with satisfar ero that the public advantages derived from the Museum w er j rapidly increasing. In 1833, there were 210,00 0 gen is visitors; in 1834, the number was 237,000. The reatler; 6; the library, in 1833, were 5,800; in 1834, they were 7,2 06 and the number of students in painting and sculpture had increased. wit° Mr. HUME hoped the number of d a ys and hours on the Museum could be visited would be increased. After a few remarks carried on in a conversational tone int dible to the Reporters, b) Sir Robert I ng li s , Mr. Re ec x. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, M r . C o bb e tt, and Bowring, the resolution was agreed to. ORDNANCE ESTIMATES. the Colonel LEITH HAY said, that in b r i ng i ng forws , . - , t s Ordnance Estimates it was not nece ssar y f or hi m to trest7 d t long on the time of the Committee. It would be evident;,, these estimates were drawn up under peculiar circuMs tsit io inasmuch as they were draw n u p by hi s M a j esty ' s late t ipt ters. It had been his duty to investigate the items°, t bet estimates and endeavour to co me t o a. conclusion as to vol e t o they had been drawn up with a view, in the first place' t° 00 efficiency of the service, and in the second to economy t bst was quite satisfied, so far as lie was able to judge t bst both those circumst a nc es h a d b een atten d e d to , sn' jsa the estimates were such as the House ought to red ect el and adopt. Though th e re d uct i on t h at h a d been en_ s ,ti, was small, yet it was as much as could be done with r ce :;„ and consistently with th e efficiency of the public so il 0 0. (Hear, hear.) During the time that Sir James Kempt wes ad , netted with the Ordnance—that was, from 1830 to iTaf six hundred officers in the civil depa r t men t o f th a t brancotl. the service were reduced, making a saving of 46,694 1 . 25. 00 and on the salaries of the officers who continued a saving Ire; effected of 8,4021. 19s. Th e O r d nance E sta bli s hment""tei land last year cost 86,005/. ; the present estimates anwL e st only to 71,193/. There had, h owever , b een an increase s expenditure occasioned by the transfer of the Goinal l iaot from the Treasury Board t o th e O r d nance d epar traent., the last estimates also, by th e statute w hi c h remilatrm e oe affairs of the East Indi a C ompany, t h e i slan d of ' St. bi had been transferred f rom t h e C ompany to t h e Crown sal which it became n ecessary t h at an O rdnance es tablish t o t should be sent out to that colony. The Hon. Menlber of Middlesex would b e g l a d to h ear t h at hi s recomme ndatitn i of the removal of the depot in Tooley-street to the Tow e r been acted upon, and would soon be completely effected. og had caused a temp orary i ncrease ofexpend i ture , b ut thesa 01 of expense prospectively would amply compensate for it' s i c had endeavoured so to alter the barrack arrangements ill ; g land, Ireland, and th e co l on i es , as to g i ve a further n oll 'o expenditure. The vote taken last year was 134,7 85 1* vote required this ye ar f or t h e same serv i ces, an d exe the increase by the transfer of the Commissariat was l in ' the the difference being in consequence of the increase 'nest price of forage which had taken place, He had now tO . t° that the sum of 71,193/ should be granted to his Nini t ilt pay the salaries of the Mast er -G enera l an d t h e prinniblas" cers belonging to the O r d nance D epartment a t in Ireland for the ensuing year. „„ After a desultory co nversa ti on b etween Mr. 11°1';esoly Cobbett, Dr. Bowring, and other Hon. Members, the tion was agreed to. The next vote was one of 8.206 e. for defraying the of salaries in the Ordnance Department. —Agreed to.ceegog The question wa s th en put , t h at a sum no t es e sts' 14,8811. be granted for defraying the salaries of the to" - t tion.—Agreed to, 0 The next vote was 27,983/. for the salaries of - 01 6 K t , Ordnance at the out. s t a ti ons; w hi c h, a f ter some dest ° Ijsjr marks from Mr. R oe b uc k, M r . H ume , C o l one l LeP - o ftk! the Chancellor of the Exchequer, &c., on the subjee ts f o rf fortifications building in the Canadas, which the tw o Gentlemen contended to be unnecessary, was agreed listock The next vote, for 35,477/. f or B arrac k mas t er s, anl 000 1 A 6 Sergeants was, after some conversat i on b e t wee n Mr' o ths . '" Mr. Roebuck, the Ch ance ll or o f t h e E xc h eque r, an d agreed to. old er The following sums were agreed to, after some fe y( vations :- 4,459/. for the Master Gunners of Jersey and Gtler i P 74,9341. for the Royal Engineers, and Sappers an d in Great Britain, Ireland, and the colonies. 275,4451. for the Royal A r till er y. an d •tb • 39,962/. for the expenses of the Royal Hospital , Riding House duty. san ß. -- 10,0401. for the M e di c al E s t a bli s h men t o f the o. u n 30,888/. for defraying the charge of O r d na nce w° ll 0 5. 00 01.- 1,6841. for the repair of O r d nance wor k s , f o r rents o f and premises. 28,2161. for superintendenc e of buildi n g and r e barracks. 68,2031. for the building and repairs of barracks. WO * 64,011/. for Barrack Masters' ex p en dit ure and a" lodging money to Officers, &c. 131,932/. for civil, military, and barrack contingene 65,0001. for stores. d P' c o, 20,000/. on account o f s t ores f or th e y ears 1836 8 - - 1,600/. for services performed by th e o ffice of U rdosa and not provided for by Act of Parliament. 164,258/. for Ordnance, civil, and military superannus 161,083/. for Commissariat suppli e s. the reW .01 The CHAIRMAN th en o bt a i ne d l eave t o re tTrt e befl lutions, embodying the above votes ; and, the no un resumed, they were reported accordingly. O tt OATHS ABOLITION BILL. Aboti On the motion of Lord STANLEY, the Oaths , Bill went through Committee. seam s ' On the motion of Sir J. GRAHAM, the Merchant ode° Bill went through Committee. 5 0- • e a Sir J. GRAHAM moved for returns of corr e fore's between the Admiralty and the Consuls resident a a t o. ~0 stations relativ e t o th e di sc h arge o f seamen. Agrs e , pet' Dr. BOWRING p os t pone d t h e presentat i on 0f not' ;,1 from the inhabitants of Preston, of which he had gl of, The other Orders o f th e D ay were t h en dispos e the House adjourn e d a t a quarter - past ten o'cloex• „...._____,.......-- . 4 l er BIRTHS. a D oil On the 2d inst., at Capeure, in P r a nce , the wifer a h Clifton, Esq., late Secretary to the Victu a lli ng Board, °f r o il oleo, On the 14th inst., at the Dowager Countess c,: . alter Streatham, Surrey, the Hon. Mrs. W. C ov entry, °' - still-born. lioti• idrS On the 18th inst., in Uppe r G rosvenor - s treet, the George Dawson Darner, of a daughter. Te e° MARRIED. 1 a, On the 14th inst., at Ep som , th e R ev . George Treve) ghter d of Malden-cum-Ches s i ng t on , S urrey , t o Anne, only "etil- Of Henry Gosse, Esq., of Epsom, in the same county ,_,„,.t.ofr,, t et On the sth inst., at the British Embassy, Fraill"" — dieg"l, Maine, Captain G. Walter Story, to :Mara-,_,dret, youngestooie of the deceased John Anderson, Eso . „ late - of Gladsvo°d' lift' shire. ~ h u rcli , .r On the 14th in s t., a t S t . L eonar d' s, Sh or editch , ''' - „„t„% John Charles Brant, of Oxford -street, only son of J o hnit u r;. c i of Lower Edmonton, to Jane, the second daughter of l' c. ” well, Esq., of Shoreditch. of Oconhithcehalu6gthe,lleaiefe; ? a e te org r. JO i n t o s t . s , u a s t au S , t . second James's da Church, ughter 0 of the Thomas, of Brydges-strect, Covent-garden. DIE D. ; AO On the 11th inst., at the Ha ue the relict of the V.° °- i Hag ~ sre ' Baron Van Capellen, G. C. W., and li.„ C B. On the Bth inst., at Rock Point House, youngest daughter of the late Wm. Molyneux, Esq.' ef 1 ' i1 t ,40 1 , 11 , On the 12th inst., at Dieppe, Chas, Cumberland, Esq 111 10'4 On the 12th inst ,in Ra.ndoloh-street, Camden Ne.v i d° j one " widow of the late William Kinnard, Esq., of Holborn, an the Magistrates of the Thames Police, , it ~ .7 •, - --- .--L- _ ,•,.-_-_-n--n-2..._. ''''''"'" . "L'''" 3s- ?-'" ?- 1 G, 0. I London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOU b, VP ° 112, Strand, at 3 1 he Suit Otlice, No. 112, Strand, in t Cheshire, Merlol. of Middlesex. APrien ( Ro om The 11 On TH noti ce CE NT. 11846 4 !ea 'A ' vid pi a 14 the ( th e h. ,„ rl tbOve Lit Seld N. p At h is Ni ne At n ,, 11411,_ del,rotli tibl e ' l ttlaba ri Ijoras II of th e E, QUA R of the 11 ties ; Er ;Ind Tra %loured vole, • Faber' ; v ols . • T. . 5 kr t 3 4 1 1Z 4t1 1 ' l I: ce R ti te . 11.0 1 tr ' Pas % tl;;t l ''' t t .l / 1 41(1 ' 'tible