The Sun. — London, England, 1835-02-18 00:00:00

PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS It has become a favourite maxim of the last six weeks that the Speaker should be of the same , political sentiments aS the majority of the House of Commons. Good. Suppose, however, it was impossible to obtain a majority of the House of Commons, we will not say agreeing exactly in opinion upon all subjects (that it would ,be folly to require), but even concurring as to the expediency or necessity of any three or four specific measures disputed by any considerable minority of the whole Parliament; what, in such a contingency, does common .sense prescribe ? An Established Church, as we are told even by its enemies, ought, if its tenets or discipline he compatible with the safety of any political state, to be the Church of the majority of a nation, But how, if, as some wild arithmeticians among the Dissenters assure us, the Church of Eng land, for example, be not that of the absolute majority of the nation, will you overthrow it and have no Esta blished. Church ? Not so, we answer ; for admit ting (which we do not admit) the fact alleged by such Dissenters, that the members of the Church of England fall short of a numerical majority of the entire people, the nearest approximation to the principle contended for is undoubtedly the establishment of that Church whose doctrines are subscribed to by the largest single sect of Christians in the country, which is be yond all question that of those who subscribe to the doctrine of the establishment. So with regard-to a Speaker of the House of Commons. He ought to represent, say they, the majority of the House. But we ask what single political sect or party can be al leged to constitute a positive majority of the House of Commons ? Literally none. The joke, we take for granted, is too stale a one, to count Mr. Spring Rice or Lord. Ebrington, who may fairly be considered as organs of the most respectable class of Whigs, among the same party with Messrs. Hume, O'Connell, and their adherents, who scarcely 'agree with the two first-named individuals in any common principle or measure. There was no concord, we repeat, much less identity of action, in the political schemes of The Whig Ministry, and of the Destructive Opposition during the last two years. To be sure, the Ministry was dragged one day, and pushed in the next in an opposite direction, and either incessantly disturbed in its repose, or paralyzed in its movement, by the barbarous irregularity of its so called friends, the ultra Radicals. But what was there, we ask, to justify the designation of these two bodies as one party or one power ? Was there not every reason by which a judgment in such cases ought to be determined, for classing the Whigs and Radicals separately, even, more widely asunder, quoad principles, than the Conservatives and the old Whigs themselves —who seem' to us to be divided much more by ancient prepossessions and personal rivalries, than by any striking disparity of political opinion, since the Reform Bill has passed ? Why, then, we say, that if the Whigs and Radicals, and outlyers of all descriptions, do form a grciss majority of the House of Commons, although they may, for a particular purpose, and for twenty-four hours, bury their vital differences, and coalesce in one specific vote ; yet cannot one Speaker, as isishrewdly remarked by a correspondent, be equally the representative of each of them ? If a Whig like Mr. Abercromby, he will no more act or think or muster with the Radicals than would Sir C. Sutton. If a Radical, he will mis-represent the Whigs even more than Sir C. Sutton would do. Again, if a Whig Speaker, such as Mr. Aber cromby, be chosen, he will not only fail to represent the absolute majority of the House, but he will actually represent the smallest and weakest of the three parties now composing that assembly. The Radicals, being considerably more numerous than the Whigs, might pos sibly prefer to have their own Speaker --Joseph Hume perhaps, or Mr. Fitzsimon, or Mr. Ruthven ; but still little more than one-fourth of the House of Commons would be then represented. So that, according to the chosen doctrine of their day, neither Whig nor Radical could correctly fill the Chair. We come next to look into the pretensions' of the Conservatives to furnish the chief officer of the House of Commons. It is true that the Ministerial Conservatives, amongst whom we include not Mr. Stanley, Sir Francis Burdett, or any other such, but the regularly banded and organized adherents of the Miiiister, through good and evil report. It is true that this phalanx of Conservatives, does not amount to a moiety of the entire House of Commons ; but it does ex 'seed 296 Members—that is to say, it exceeds by 14, three sevenths of the gross muster-roll of Parlia ment, and its parts are all in perfect harmony, and under one command. Then, if not the absolute majo rity of the House, which could not be found perma nently under the same banner, we aver that Sir Charles Sutton would, as Speaker, represent by far the largest party in the House,—a party outnumbering the Radicals by almost 140, and the Whigs by at least 150 members ; nor, unless there be three Speakers elected, does it appear to us that the claims of all the Parliamentary sections can be otherwise satisfied, on any fair principle of representation, than by the re election of the Speaker, since his constituents will beat the immediate and proper friends of Mr. Abercromby in as near- as possible the proportion of 2to 1. It is many weeks since ye exposed, and to judge by conse quences, not unsuccessfully, the delusive attempt to shake up all the elements constituting this heteroge neous' opposition in the same bag, and then to fancy that all was done, when the mass was denominated the " Reform party." No number of men can be truly called a party who have not one common binding i prin ciple to hold th em i n co h es i on . Wh at , t h en , s the .bond of union between the Whigs and Radicals ? It was (in a certain transitory sense) the Reform Bill. But what is it now ? The " reform" of the Church But how many different, dissonant, conflicting schemes of Church reform, were the question put to the several subdivisions of the army which fights to-morrow for Mr. Abercromby, should we have forced upon the country ? How many are there who would insist on an abolition of the Church of Ireland ? How many on the mere extinction of her bishoprics ? How many on the substitution of Popery as the State religion of the Sister Island ? How many on the voluntary prin ciple in all parts of the empire? But, finally, would the bond of party alliance be found in the Repeal of the Union ? It is altogether a perplexing difficulty for those who affect to reconcile the common sense of the crisis with their own selfish or factious views. For the man whose horizon extends beyond his coterie— beyond the petty oligarchy, alike vulgar, whether high born or plebeian, of the current minute, the view is encouraging, and his course clear. A steady, tempe rate, decided, unflurried Ministry, is what the nation - wants—and that without which there will soon be an end of all good government, under any aspect, in this country. Place, then, no premature reliance upon any man. But "be not passion's slave"—hear what each candidate for favour has to advance for himself ; and, whether Speaker or Prime Minister, treat him as his acts deserve—not as prejudiced anticipation or angry recollection may whisper.—Times. Looking at the question of the election of Speaker, in the light in which it ought to be looked at by a journal independent both of the Government and the political party opposed to them, we never could for a moment hesitate to prefer the claims of the tried, ex- , perienced, eminently qualified and strictly impartial Sir C. Manners Sutton, to those of the untried, inexpe rienced, and unqualified Whig-Radical partizan, Mr. Abercromby ; who, if chosen, of which there is hap pily no chance, would have to commence his noviciate in the Chair of the new House of Commons, at a time when the solemn incapacity of ignorance dressed out in a Speaker's wig, would be more than at any other period prejudicial to the interests of the country. Great and heavy are the arrears of important business which have accumulated in consequence of the shuffling, irre solute, " do little" policy pursued by the Whig Minis ters during the former Session. Hence the greater :necessity that during the ensuing session the House should have the advantage of the presiding judgment of a Speaker possessed of the most experienced ta lent, and the most intimate knowledge of Parliamen tary law and usage, to give order to its debates —regu larity to its proceedings, and to facilitate the despatch of btisiness, which has been too long sacrificed in Parliament to Ministerial indolence and to the passion for interminable loquacity. If Mr. Abercromby were placed in the Chair of the House of Commons, we rahortld see, not a "juvenile Whig," but one whose year are ratherr venerable, beginning to learn the , .)ft•4., 0 THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1835. cannot fail to express its settled and unalterable dis ipproval of Lord Londonderry's nomination. If we can, by any exertion, prevent it from being carried into effect, we shall strain all our strength rather than submit to such a national disgrace. Lord Londonderry is not an untried man. The cir Fles of Vienna still ring with the narratives of the acts by which his car eer i n th a t cap it a l— not a very prudish one either—was distinguished. We hold it no part of the duty of a journalist to inquire into the private conduct of public men, if restrained within the ordinary bounds of decorum. But a journalist pro fessing to speak the public sentiment of his country, is not bound to shut his eyes to the private conduct of those wh o represent that country abroad, if its interest or its reputation be a sufferer from it. If the personal conduct of Lord Londonderry renders him unworthy 9f being the representative of England, need we add that his temper and his inferiority of intellect ought to have prevented even the possibility of his nomination to a Court whose Ministers are, perhaps, without ex ception, the ablest diplomatists in Europe. Questions the most momentous to the interests of Great Britain must speedily be discussed and arranged at Peters burgh. We must persuade or compel Russia to feel that she shall no longer act the master over Turkey—that she must give up Silistria— that she must not treat Wallachia and Moldavia as provinces of her own Empire—that she must aban don her designs upon Constantinople, the Bosphorus, and the Dardanelles—that she may as well at once sink the fleet she is building at Sebastopol, or we will sink it for her—that she must curtail her plans with reference to Persia, and cease to intermeddle to the detriment of liberty, at least in the south and the west of Europe. These are all subjects of vast importance, requiring the utmost delicacy of disposition in their ~management, and the most refined intellect in order to bring them to a peaceable and fortunate issue. Are they to be committed to the hands of Lord London derry ? For the mild and winning tone in which he is accustomed to carry on even the most commonplace debate, let his conduct during the last four years in the House of Lords be appealed to. The slightest incident, the very shadow of a contradiction, was sufficient, at any time, to convert the Legisla tor, or even the Judge, into a Fury. Those who are best acquainted with Lord Londonderry in private life say that for these outbreaks in the House of Lords—indecent as they are admitted to have been—his heart is not responsible. We confess that when we hear of a man being appointed to one of the most important embassies in the gift of the King, we are very indifferent to the character of his heart. We look to his head, to his clear-sightedness, his judgment, his good sense, and his industry, and if he be deficient on all these points, if his head be weak, if his vision be liable to be obscured by his infirmities, if his judgment be capable of yielding to irritation, if he be destitute of common sense, and be the very slave of indolence and indulgence, we should assert his incapacity for such an office if he were the " best natured man in existence. When Sir Robert Peel's motley Government was first formed, there were some milk-and-water politicians who augured favourably of the experiment. But it is not possible that even these simpletons can look upon the appointment of Lord Londonderry in any other light than as an act done with a view to try how far the patience of the people of England could be pressed upon with impunity. It is an act which may be considered as the very epitome of all the worst principles which are com bined together in the present Cabinet—hatred of Reform at home, civil or ecclesiastical—intolerance in religion—resistance to the spirit of the age—oppres sion in Ireland—retrogression in England—anti-li beralism on the Continent—submission to Russia— no alliance with France, unless France become Con servative and Monarchical, or Aristocratical—despotism in every shape, wherever it can be established. These are the political principles of Lord Londonderry--they are, consequently, the qualifications, and the only qua lifications, he possesses for the arduous office to which he has been nominated by the Duke of Wellington. But we are confident in the hope that the good genius of the country will yet relieve her from the insult which that nomination has inflicted upon her charac ter. It is impossible that a Government can, under any circumstances, long endure amongst us, the mem bers of which are so insensible to the suggestions of common prudence, as to invest with the character of our representative at St. Petersburgh, a person whose very name has become a synonyme for the union of utter incompetency with extreme presumption.— Morning Chronicle. horn-book of a Speaker's duties, at a time when he ought to be, if qualified for the situation, an ac complished master of his art. If the present Parliament should subsist for about three years only, Sir, Charles, Manners Sutton being re-elected to the office of Speaker, will have given twenty years of his life in that arduous capacity to the service of the public. He is now in the prime of life, and the full vigour of his faculties—why should the public lose the benefit of his matured abilities, and his consum mate knowledge of the law of Parliament, at a period of life when his talents and judgment, strengthened and enriched by experience, can be made more avail able than ever to the public service ? Can faction bestow upon the nation any equivalent for depriving the , House of Commons of the abilities and know ledge of the ablest Speaker that has presided over the national representation at least within living memory ? As to the mere political adventurers of political life, we know they care for none of those conside rations. Nor are we so ignorant of human nature, as to address any such arguments to them. But there are some men of character—of honourable senti ment, and of naturally just' disposition, whose good un derstanding and feelings are sometimes wrought upon, by the stimulating draughts of party excitement,- to do that which in their calmer and more sober moments they would regard as both pernicious and un just. Sure we are that if any such men are induced to join the partizans of faction, the political adven turers, and the O'Connell and his " tail," on the pre sent occasion, for the purpose of preventing the re election of Sir C. Manners Sutton to that chair, in which for seventeen years his conduct has been so ex emplary—so distinguished for the display of sound judgment—ready knowledge, courtesy, firmness, and integrity, as to obtain for him " golden opinions from all sorts of people," they will bitterly regret the injus tice, when the heat and ferment of party shall have subsided, and reason shall have regained its mastery over the unreflecting passions. But we trust the good sense of far fthe greater number of British Reformers, whose battle we have long and un shrinkingly fought, will not fail to distinguish be tween the exercise of a rational, honest, and indepen dent scrutiny of the measures of Government, and a blind, unreasoning, and factious attempt to oust the King's Ministers before they have an opportunity of laying their measures before the representatives of the nation—for that is the secret of the unholy alliance between the Whig-Radicals and the O'Connellite and repeal faction, to thrust the Whig pensioner, Mr. Abercromby, into the Chair of the New House of Commons, to which he ought no more to aspire than Sir C. Manners Sutton to be Chief Justice of the King's Bench, if it happened to be vacant. Our principle of election for difficult and responsible offices is that the best qualified men should be selected, without any regard to party considerations. We have always maintained this principle with regard to all ap. pointments affecting the public interest, whether they be judicial, legal, medical, or of any other description. When the Chief Baronship of the Exchequer was vacant the other day, to whom did the eyes of all persons, who knew anything of the relative merits of the leading lawyers in Westminster Hall, naturally turn, as to the man whose experience, whose knowledge, whose eminent accomplishments as a lawyer and advo cate, marked him out for that situation, which he now fills with such credit to his own ability, and such sa tisfaction to the public ? Was not Sir James Scar lett the man to whom even Reformers conceded the claim of superior qualification, without considering for a moment that the country should lose the benefit of his services, because in politics he was reckoned one of the ornaments of the Conservative party. Suppose some untried, inexperienced Barrister, or some lawyer far inferior to the great leader of the King's Bench Bar in learning, sound judgment, discretion, and legal acu men, had offered himself for the situation, and even touched the pulse of public economy, by offering to undertake the duties of the office on cheaper terms. Suppose, also, that Government had closed with the offer of the " cheap lawyer," and placed him in the seat which Lord Abinger now fills, what blame would not Government have justly incurred—what public re probation would they not have deservsd,when the business of the Court began to fall off—when the suitorsbegan to desert it, and the overflow of causes which Lord Lynd hurst had attracted thither, dwindled into something like the penury of business which trickled through the sinecure Court of Exchequer, the Chief Baronship of which Mr. Abercromby accepted from the Duke of Wellington—a Court where he enjoyed a sort of ju dicial nap for some two years, or thereabouts, and then awakened once more to the bustle of political life, and a pension of 2,0001. a year. Now, we say, and the testimonies of the Whigs themselves bear us out in it, that it is quite as absurd and preposterous to compare Mr. Abercromby's claims to the Speaker's Chair with those of Sir C. Manners Sutton, as to institute any comparison between the qualifications of an inexpe rienced or superficial lawyer, and those of Lord Abinger for the chief seat in the Court of Exchequer. But does the country in reality purchase the inex perience and official incapacity of Mr.Abercromby, on cheaper terms than the great experience and accom plishments of Sir C. Manners Sutton ? Far from it. The worse commodity is offered to the public at a much higher price, which we believe is contrary to the canons of political economy, at least it must be so, if there be any connection between that branch of science and common sense. Let us see how this is. The Abercromby job—one of the least defensible jobs we have ever heard of—has pensioned the ex-sinecurist and ex-steward of the Duke of Devonshire on the public taxes 'to the amount of 2,0001. a-year. If he were elected, of course the pension, which we say is a more scandalous one than most of those which excite the patriotic dis g ust of Mr. Whittle H arve y, w ill merge in the salary of the Speakership, which is 5,0001. a year ; but then the Speaker becomes entitled to his pension for his 17 years' service, that pension being, if we recollect right, 4,0001. a-year. Let us now see what the difference is to the country— The Speaker's salary £5,000 Pension of Mr. Abercromby 2,000 £7,000 So the account stands, provided, as we expect will be the case, Mr. Abercromby remains where he is for the present,' a pensioned, placeless Whig, and Sir C. Man- ners Sutton is restored to the situation where he ought to be. But, for argument sake, let us imagine the rule of right inverted, and Mr. Abercromby raised to the Speaker's Chair, in spite of his poverty of pretension, how will the account stand then ? The Speaker's salary £5,000 Pension of Sir C. Manners Sutton 4,000 £9,000 Making a loss to the country of 2,0001. a year, be cause the Whig-Radicals choose to prefer an inexpe rienced gentleman, considerably advanced in years, for Speaker, to one thoroughly qualified and in the vigour of life. But this is not all. In the nature of things it is impossible but Mr. Abercromby must be pen sioned off in a few years, and a younger and more vigorous Speaker chosen—one who if he may not have any experience, will at all events be competent to en• dure the fatigues of that arduous office. In that case an additional 4,0001. a year must go out of the public purse, And then the account will stand thus— The nest' Speaker £5,000 Sir C. Manners Sutton's pension Mr. Abercromby pension Cost to the country of the 8 peakership £13,000 Thus the country will have to bear the additional cost of pensioning two Speakers instead of one, to pay for this factious freak of the Whig-Radicals. If the loss were to be incurred by the purchase of superior quali cations that would be another thing : but the Whigs themselves have settled that question by putting upon record their unqualified praise of the official conduct of the late Speaker, than whom no man in any high of fice ever received more honourable testimonials to lus public worth from his political adversaries. Whether Mr. Whittle Harvey intends to vote for Mr. Aber cromby, because he is pledged to oppose all un merited pensions, we know not—or whether Mr. Hume takes the same side in the contest, because he is pledged to economy, and because he described the pension to Mr. Abercromby, on a former occasion, as a mon strous job, we are equally unable to say. We leave those Honourable Gentlemen to reconcile their votes to their professed principles touching undeserved pen- sions and waste of the public money, but we are confi dent that to all those Reformers, among whom we reckon ourselves, who are not prepared for party pur poses to vote " black is white," the appeal which is made to their calm reason, their good sense, and their good feeling, will not be made in vain.—Morn. Herald. The people of England perceive very clearly that the junction of the O'Connell and the Whig-Radical factions, for the purpose of placing their nominee in the Chair of the House of Commons, is a political alliance like that of which the fable speaks between the lion and the other beasts of the forest ; and that in the very improbable event of their hunting down their prey, the Irish Agitator and the English place-hunters will divide between them the political power of which both are in quest in similar proportions to those which the nursery fable has rendered familiar to us. That Mr. O'Connell in this common chase fills the place of the lion, while Lord John Russell and his adherents occupy that of the inferior brutes, is a proposition 'Mr. O'Connell openly advances, and which no section 01 his confederates have yet had the courage distinctly to deny. Nobody will be convinced by the pretence that the union of Mr. O'Connell with the Whig-Radical party in England, upon the question of the Speaker ship, bears any resemblance to the ordinary junctions of political parties in favour of a vote in which each feels a common interest. Mr. O'Connell upon this occasion distinctly avows purposes which his confederates think it their interest or their duty to disclaim, and he makes this avowal in the consciousness that if victory be obtained, he and his party shall reap not only the first fruits, but the bulk of its produce. He votes with the Members of the ex-Ministry while he rudely sets them at defiance. He declares that he will vote for Mr. Abercromby as a means of promoting the Repeal of the Union. He manifests in the whole proceeding a vigour and audacity which is not to be found in the language or conduct of his confederates. He is, in a word, and knows himself to be, the lion hunting with brutes of a lower order. Nothing can be more preposterous than to compare the, chase in which Mr. O'Connell unites with such men as Lord John Russell and the English Whigs, and Messrs. Hume, Warburton, and the other English Radicals, to the fair pursuit of a common prey by equal and equitable sportsmen. Mr. O'Connell will do what he deems his share of the work, but he will insist, and he makes no scruple of saying so much, that the.. whole profit of the common toil shall be exclusively his own. A more extravagant idea never certainly entered into the mind of man than that Mr. O'Connell would consent to pull in harness with such puny animals as Lord John Russell, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Duncombe, unless upon the well understood condition that he should be the forehorse of the team, and have the ab solute guidance of all the rest. It is said that the Repeal of the Union is not involved in the question of the Speakership, and that, after carrying the latter ob ject together, the O'Connell and Russell factions will not be bound to proceed further in unison. Nothing is more easily said than this. But Mr. O'Connell proclaims that his purpose is to obtain the Repeal of the Union and nothing else ; and it is surely to pay him no very extravagant compliment to suppose that he knows at least as well what he is about as the best of his British allies know the objects and meaning of their own projects. All that is really important for the British people to know and to recollect is, that Mr. O'Connell supports Mr. Abercromby avowedly because he wishes the downfal of the present Administration, as a preliminary step to the Repeal of the Union ; that he is the ally of Lord John Russell and his party avowedly because he thinks he can always con troul them ; that the latter opinion is founded upon an experience of which the whole British nation has been the disgusted witnesses in times past ; that in every former instance Mr. O'Connell, whether in con flict or in combination with the Whigs, has invariably been their master ; that by thus blending the present with the past, an irrefragable proof is obtained that the Abercromby question is in fact no other than an O'Connell or Repeal question. Nothing can be more idle than to say that because the Whigs scouted the proposition for a Repeal of the Union during the last session of Parliament, they will now successfully or even sincerely withstand Mr. O'Connell upon that question. The last Parliament was their Parlia ment ; the present is much more Mr. O'Connell's than their's. Then Mr. O'Connell was their declared anta gonist, now he professes to be their Mend. They were then in place and cautious ; they are now out of place and desperate. They were then acting upon a policy which assumed that the property and intelli gence of Great Britain might be brought over to their political cause ; they have now discovered that the property and intelligence of Great Britain must always despise them and their ways. Notwithstanding all the powerful motives above described to repel and resist the influence and authority of Mr. O'Connell, the Whigs then bent and truckled to the agitator of Ire land. How far—and this is the single question for the British people —may it then be expected that they will be ready to carry their subserviency, now that he has soared and that they have sunk ?—Morning Post. We should have been glad to have left the appoin ment of the Marquis of Londonderry to the e - rribassy of Petersburgh in the hands of the Times, as our worthy contemporary had promised to deal with it in a befitting manner. "Itis an appointment," said that journal, " against which the whole country will pro test." The conduct of the Noble Marquis, while he represented our Sovereign at Vienna, ought to have been of itself sufficient, according to the opinion of the Times, to disqualify him from ever holding again an office of that, or indeed of any other description. When the wealthy brother of Lord Castlereagh re turned home from the Austrian Court, after the ter mination of a mission which has but few paral lels in the records of scandal and extravagance, he had the courage to solicit a retiring pension from Lord Liverpool. The answer of the Premier to this application has • since passed into a proverb, to which we now usually resort whenever we wish to describe, with peculiar indignation, a demand, wanton, unjust, and rapacious, on the part of him who makes it, and scarcely differing from an attempt at extortion as against the party to whom it is made. " This," said - Lord Liverpool, flinging the letter on the floor, " this is too bad !" These significant words he even minuted on the back of the letter. " This," exclaimed the Times, when the new appointment of the Noble Marquis was first announced, " is, indeed, too bad !" " We are willing," it added, or seemed to add, " to serve the Duke of Wellington, to sustain his Ministry by all the means within our reach—for his Grace we are prepared to abandon the people of England, to desert our former friends, to betray and to denounce them from day to day, to sacri fice all the high and generous and manly principles which we have advocated for fifteen years, to discover matchless talents for Government in those whom we have hitherto laughed at as dolts—but with all our for getfulness of what we have been, turn-coats as we are, apostates as we are resolved to be, we cannot brand our breasts with the ignominy of this promotion of Lord Londonderry. Our foreheads already bear the marks of shame ; but we are not as yet, at least, quite so base, so steeped in infamy, as to approve of this most extraordinary nomination. In the language of Lord Liverpool, we must declare, again and again, This is too bad I' " We expected, of course, that the Times would have followed up the game which it had started, and have fairly hunted it down. We con fined ourselves, in consequence, to a few occasional observations on the subject, lest we might di- vert our contemporary from his purpose. But we now find that the subject has been dropped—it is ta booed within the precincts of Printing-house-square. An instruction from the Foreign-office declared all no tice of the affair to be injurious to his Majesty's ser vice, and inconsistent with Conservative principle. The padlock has been completely fixed on the mouth of our contemporary ; and as it must henceforth only speak out when and how the Duke of Wellington A l oes, we may feel assured that Lord Londonderry's name has passed away for ever from the columns of the Times. To what pitiable situation has this vic tim of political seduction been thus Pchlcedl With the appearance, at least, of virtue, she has forfeited everything like freedom of action, or even the sem blance of integrity. But the country, nevertheless, COURT OF CHANCERY. LADY HEWLEY'S CHARITY. ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. SHORE. (Continued from The Sun of yesterday.) Mr KNIGHT said, taking it as proved, that Lady Hewley believed in the doctrine of the atonement and original sin, and the Trinity, then there was an end of the question at issue, both with respect to law and fact. Now, then, did the persons who now administer the charity believe as Lady Hewley believed ? That was the question. Among the many startling things he had heard in the course of those proceedings was the assertion that the religious doctrines of the trustees were immaterial. If this were so there could be no reason for rejecting the Papist or the member of the Greek Church, for to that it might readily come. They had, and he (Mr. Knight) regretted to say it, great difficulty in bringing Mr. Wellbeloved and his coadjutors to state what their religious opinions really were ; but after much • fencing they at length extracted from the theological tutor of Ma nc h es t er co ll ege , a str i ng o f texts , from which his real principles might be gathered. He says, "he desires to be considered a Protestant Dissenter of the Presbyterian de nomination, and as one who believes in the divine mission of Christ, and holds no other doctrines than those contained in Christ's Holy Gospel, to all of which he yields a full and cordial assent ; that in using the term Unitarian, as appli cable to himself, the means that he professes the fol- lowing doctrines :—That to know God to be the true God, and Jesus Christ's, whom he has sent, is eter nal life ; that it is his duty to worship God accord ing to the precepts and example of his divine Lord and Master, who taught his disciples to pray to God, their father in heaven, and to ask of him what they needed in his name ; that it is his duty to ascribe glory to the only true God through Jesus Christ ; that he acknowledges Christ to be the Word that in the beginning was with God ;' and that he bath sent his only begotten Son into the world, that the world through him might be saved," &c. The de fendant goes on to say that he does not in his chapel preach the doctrines of any particular sect, and that he does not know the doctrines of his congTegation, because he never inquired. The other defendants refer to the exposition of faith made by Wellbeloved. Now, it was obvious that Wellbelovod took the text of Scripture for his guide, but that he reserved to himself the right of the interpretation to be put on these texts. He believed in the Bible, but , it was in his own interpretation of the Bible ; the only ques tion at issue being as to the method of expounding the Bible. Mr. Wellbeloved might have spared himself the trouble of collecting his texts, when the only question was how those questions were to be construed. But then Mr. Wellbeloved had a way of getting out of the difficulty. He believed in the Bible, but it was a Bible of his own ; in which, by means of turning e, og into o c , and some other slight liberties of that kind, he made the whole text corre spond with his peculiar creed. He (Mr. Knight) saw no difficulty in making the Koran, on the same plan, a perfectly orthodox work, if there was no obstacle in the personal cha racter and morality of Mahomet. In the catalogue of works circulated under the direction of the British and Fo reign Unitarian Society, their Lordships would find first on the list, " The New Testament, in an improvod version, on the basis of Archbishop Newcomp's new translation, with a corrected text, and notes, critical and explanatory, cor rected according to the last text of Griesbach, with addi tional notes." This was the Unitarian version of the Scrip tures. YM. The LORD CHANCELLOR asked if the books of the So ciety were given away ? Mr. KNIGHT—NO. They were sold at lower prices for distribution, in the same manner as the other societies dis tributed tracts. The Vice-Chancellor had commented on this version of the Scriptures with great critical acumen and ability. He (Mr. Knight) should not attempt to go into the same field, but merely content himself by referring their Lordships to the following version in that book of that well known Epistle to the Hebrews. That chapter, in the improved version of the Unitarians, is rendered tis fAllows ; Epistle to the Hebrews, chap. 1, " dod, who in several parts and in several manners formerly spoke to our fathers by his Son, whom he bath appointed heir of all things, for whom he constituted the ages ; wbo, being a ray of his brightness, and an image of his perfections, and ruling all things by his powerful word, when he had by himself made a cleansing of our sins, sat dRIIII °P.* rig* hqfd.,pf the Majesty an high; having been made so much greater than those 'messengers, as he bath obtained a more excellent name than they. For, to which of those messengers spoke God at any time, • Thou art y Sea, this day I have adopted thee,' and again, ' I will be o him a Father, and he shall be to me a Son.' And when od bringeth again the First-born into the world he saith, i And let all the messengers of God pay homage to him.' " Now, their Lordships would mark in this piece of trans tation b't 0 , ..) was for the first ti me t rans l a t e d f or w h om, an d 1 ,r vr g — e z a -i , , perfections. No ordin ar y f our th-f orm b oy at i • any of our public schools could have fallen into such a jranslation : and he (Mr. Knight) declared most solemnly, that if any son of his had attempted to make such a trans lation, he would have insisted on his being publicly flogged cor his stupidity. To use the language of the Vice-Chan lellor, the Unitarians, in putting forth such a thing as a translation of the Scriptures, gave the wor ld a creed under the guise of a translation. Their Lordships would find that other passages were similarly mutilated, as if it was thought that before Trinitarianism could be changed into Cnitarianism, a version of the Scriptures must be made on purpose. But the servants of Mr. Wellbeloved (if any further proof were wanting) would show the nature of the doctrines which that gentleman and his friends wished to promulgate. In a discourse spoken in aid of the fund for liaising a Unitarian chapel at Calcutta, the Reverend Gen tleman expressly says, on the 23d January, 1835, " that he cannot bring himself to believe the Almighty would . brin any of his rational children into th e wor ld t o b e s 0 aved solely by a particular mode of belief." In an cither sermon, preached at Bow Alley Chapel, in the town of Hull, in the year 1823, the Reverend Gentleman gives utterance to these expressions (the Act against blas phemy, it will be recollected, being repealed in 1811) : '1 We see nothing in the pages of the Old or N ew Testa ment to justify the doctrines which are generally received as orthodox, as relating to original sin, the total corruption 4 human nature, the moral impotency of men, or the means of obtaining the Divine favour. We cannot adopt them, because they appear unsupported by authority of §cripture ; nor the notions relative to the doctrine of atone- Tent, and much less those concerning satisfaction, imputed righteousness, and the efficacy of the merits of Christ." These last words are, it will be seen, the very expressions used in the will. He then goes on to observe that he rejects them as decidedly adverse to the word of God ; and thus speaks of his own sect :—" Of us, certainly, all do not speak well. Few, indeed, can be found who do not say of us all manner of evil. Beyond our own narrow, but daily increasing school, no one biddeth us ' God speed,' or holdeth out the hend of Christian fellowship ; but many are they who hate us, reproach us, and separate' us from their com pany, and cast out our name as evil." He then pro- ceeds—" But it will be said we deny his Deity, we refuse to acknowledge him as the second person of the God head. We do not allow him to be one God with the Father, co-eternal and co-equal, or even God of God. We confess the man Christ, but we deny him as that suffer ing, incarnate, and dyin g God which he is believed to have been by all persons who bear his name. True, we do deny the Jesus of the Nicene and Athanasian creeds, of the con- Cessions of faith adopted by the Christian Churches, but let no one on this account apply the language of St. Peter in Ty text, until he has proved that the doctrine of these creeds on this point is indeed the doctrine of the New Tes tament." Those were the published opinions of Mr. Well beloved, the professor of theology in Manchester College. There was another sermon published by Dr. Kenrick, the classical tutor in the same College, but as their Lord ships would hear it in evidence he should not now advert to it. Mr. Wellbeloved spoke of the daily in- Crease of his narrow circle, but he (Mr. Knight) thought he had not shown enough of the nature of his doctrines to secure the removal of those funds which had hitherto contributed so effectively to ' enlarge that Circle. When withdrawn that circle would probably begin to recontract itself to its natural and proper limits. Mr. Wellbeloved was the tutor of theology in Manchester College. Mr. Kenrick was the classical tutor. What did their Lordships require more? But then they said the doctrines of the College were Presbyterian ; that every student was left to form his own private judgment on points of doctrine, and that nothing was inculcated but a love of truth. The inculcation of Unitarianism was de nied, but such were the consequences of instruction in Man chester College. The LORD CHANCELLOR.—How many tutors are there? Mr. KNIGHT.—Three ; Wellbeloved, Kenrick, and a Mr. Hincks, all Unitarians. The evidence of Mr. Hinc4 it was his (Mr. Knight's) painful duty to say must be con sidered as anything but creditable to a man of fair charac ter, for he had founded all his answers on an alleged in ability to understand the meaning attached to the name of Unitarian. His answers were, however, a specimen of the whole of the evidence, and as such he noticed it. He was, however, about to speak of the education at Manchester College— The LORD CHANCELLOR—What is the result of it ? Mr. KNIGHT—The result is, my Lord, that although we are told no particular doctrines are inculcated, yet, with few exceptions, the whole of the pupils come forth Unita- mans. Mr. BARON ALDERSON—The result, I suppose is, that they go as they are guided, although they are said to be left alone. Mr. KNlGHT—Precisely, my Lord. The LORD CHANCELLOR—Are any of the funds of the charity applicable to the purposes of the college ? Mr. KNIGHT—Yes, my Lord. , Mr. ROLFE—No, my Lord. The LORD CHANCELLOR—Yes and no. Which is it ? Mr. KNIGHT—I say yes. It has the benefit of the ex hibitions at twenty pounds each. Mr. Wellbeloved's salary was 2781., and yet he received 801. as a godly preacher of the gospel from the Hewley charity. To this College, too, the trustees were subscribers, as was established by the re ports of its proceedings ; and it was also a remarkable fact, that although Mr. Wellbeloved denied that he belonged to any class of Christians, yet a circular written by him is ap pended to one of those reports ; and in that circular he en joins exertions to preserve a regular succession of ministers of " our" class of Dissenters, by procuring an increase of the subscriptions to Manchester College. The LORD CHANCELLOR here said it was within a quar ter of three o'clock, and he must attend the Church Com mission at three. They would, however, go on to-morrow morning. Mr. KNIGHT said he feared he had yet work for an hour and a half longer. VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT. POWELL V. ALLARTON. Mr. HATTER moved for an injunction to restrain the defendant, the partner of the plaintiff in the firm of Allar ton and Powell, at Birmingham, from manufacturing or selling awl blades, and other steel articles, with only the name of " Allarton" stamped upon them, in contravention of the articles of partnership. Mr. ROLFE, for the defendant, stated that the awl blades sold by the partnership were well known long before it commenced as " Thomas Allarton's original fine spring steel awl blades." His HONOUR did not conceive the use of the old stamp was a violation of the articles, as they had been understood and acted on. But the plaintiff was at liberty if he pleased to bring an action upon them, alleging as a breach the stamp used upon the awls, and in certain pattern books which were complained of for the same reason, the bill to be retained till the result of the trial at law was known. Tbe plaintiff elected to pursue this course. ROLLS' COURT. His Honour, the MASTER of the RoLLs, at the sitting of the Court to-day gave judgment in the following case : BAINBRIGGE V. BLAIR. His HONOUR said that several questions were raised in this case ; some upon points of form, others upon the merits. The objections in point of form were, that what ever the case made by the plaintiff might be she was not enti tled to take any benefit under the release which had been executed ; and that the Court could not look upon such release, but was bound to direct an issue upon the will. The state of the pleadings was somewhat singular ; but as they had been the subject of an order of the late Master of the Rolls, who gave the plaintiff leave to file a supplemental bill, for the purpose of stating the deed of release, he should not now observe upon them. The supplemental bill had been filed, and he (the Master of the Rolls) was bound to look at the pleadings in this case precisely as if the two bills had been in corporated in one. The case made by the bills was that the testator's heir-at-law, Mr. Joseph Bainbridge, had executed a deed to confirm the will. It was admitted that the will was well executed, and the heir at law tendered his assistance to give effect to its provisions ; but it was now contended that in such a case the Court had no juris disction, and the argument in behalf of the heir at law was founded upon the supposition that a Court did not esta blish a deed though' it established a will. Under all the circumstances of the case, he (the Master of the Rolls) apprehended that no doubt could be entertained that the defendant, the heir at law, had estopped himself from dis puting the testator's will. The plaintiff had a clear right to have the will established, as the heir at law had effectu ally relinquished that right which the rules of the Court of Equity gave him, viz., of trying the validity of the will by an issue. He reserved the question Of costs. (This same cause then came on on the original hill s which contained no point of any interest.) A SPLIT VOTE.. -..4t a 14te election an elector, that hikd outrun the constable, came to the poll to vote :—" I shall give one vote to Mr. A.---one vote to Mr. 8.," said he ; -,-" And another vote to me l" added a Sheriff's officer, giving the astonished voter a plumper on the shoulder. COURT OF KING'S BENCH. THE KING V. GEORGE CALDWELL, HARRIET SERGEANT, AND BEVILLE, The Attorney-General, Mr. Adolphus, Mr. CharleE Phillips, and Mr. Pollen appeared for the prosecution Sir J. Campbell and Mr. W. H. Watson for Caldwell ; and Mr. Kelly and Mr. Clarkson for Mrs. Sergeant. A verdict for the defendants was entered. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS. SPENCER V. ANGLE. This was an action brought by the plaintiff to recover from the defendant, an omnibus and cab proprietor, the amount of damage alleged to have been done by one of his coaches to a chaise belonging to the plaintiff. The c ase, however, fell to the ground, in consequence of the inability of plaintiff's counsel to prove that the coach did really be long to the defendant. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT. Lewis Davis, a wandering hawker in the "general line►" was opposed in propria persona by Mr. Skinner, a Pe n manufacturer, at Sheffield, and was supported by Mr' Woodroffe. The Court sentenced the insolvent to eight months im prisonment for fraudulent conduct to his opposing creditor. John Andrew Anderson, a clerk in Greenwich Hospital, was opposed in person by two creditors named Porter and Wheeler, and supported by Mr. Cooke. The insolvent was discharged, and 201. a year ordered to be set aside out of his salary towards the liquidation n' his debts. COURT OF REQUESTS. WHITE CHAPEL. John Pinker appeared to answer the complaint of James M'Gouch, a man-milliner, for W. 15s. 9d. Pinker requested to be allowed to sing dumb, and that his wife should be g permitted to plead i n hi s b e h a lf as t h e b etter spokesman 01 the two. COMMISSIONER—H ow was the alleged debt incurred ? M‘Gouch—Vy, please your Vorship, Miss Mary Anne and Miss Caroline, the daughters of these 'ere folks, vanted to cut it fine, you see, and so they comes to my shop and they buys a silk dress and shawl, for which their mother went security. Mrs. Pinker—Oh, you shocking man, I never did 1 10 such thing. Mqxouch—Vy, I gave the things into this 'ere veman's own 'ands. Mrs. Pinker—On, you nasty man, you never did 0 such thing. M‘GotiCh—Pll swear she came to my shop an d pro mised to be security. Mrs. Pinker—Oh, you terrible man, I never seed your shop with these two eyes, as sure as I'm a woman. M'Gouch—l say now don't you go for to say as 'ow you didn't say you'd not pay for that 'ere dress. Mrs. Pinker—Oh, you wicked man, you knows that you's gammoning their honours. The COMMISSIONERS having ascertained that the bus' band had not been a party to the agreement dismissed the complaint, remarking that M'Gouch had been frequently before the Court in similar cases, and recommending hill' to be more cautious in future. COURT OF ALDERMEN. Yesterday a Court was held for the purpose of perform' ing the ceremony of swearing in the two new Aldermen , Thomas Wood, Esq., of Cordwainers' Ward, and John A. Lainson, Esq., of Bread-street Ward. The Lord Mayor arrived in state at the Guildhall at one o'clock, and there was a very full attendance of Alderman. Sir W. POLAND introduced Alderman Thos. Wood , whom he described as a gentleman well known to all the members of the Corporation; as - a person peculiarly well qualified to perform the duties of the Magistracy, and dis tinguished by very remarkable talents, intelligence, and assiduity as a member of that body. The Ward which had done itself the credit of electing Mr. Thomas Wood had done itself still greater honour in electing him unani mously. Mr. Wood had the additional recommendation of being a resident of the Ward, a circumstance of tie small advantage to the constituency as well as desirable to the citizens at large. Mr. MATIIIE introduced Alderman Lainson, a gentle. man the choice of whom entitled the Ward of Bread-street to the highest praise, for a more independent, honourable , or liberal man was not to be found in the city of London. Mr. LAWRENCE, one of the Bread-street Ward Corp' mon Council, said that the Court of Aldermen had now amongst them a member who had declared himself hostile to the practice of that Court of discussing matters nf public importance with closed doors. Mr. Lainson had stated that he should do all in his power to make the Court ef., Aldermen an o p en C ourt. H e had also stated that upon any occasion he should he incapacitated from Per forming the duties of the office by infirmity, insolvency. et any other cogent reason, he should resign the gown into the hands of those who placed it upon his back. It was in hi% (Mr. Lawrence's) opinion a very desirable thing to have in that Court a gentleman upon whose word they could de pend for the punctilious execution of what he pledged hiu self to perform, and it was to be hoped that the points upon which Mr. Lainson had recommended himself to the con stituency of Bread -street would be referred to in all future elections of the Magistracy of the city of London. The strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the two new Aldermen were sworn in and took their seats. The Court sat but a short time, during which they were occupied in hearing excuses for not serving the office of constables. The Lord Mayor then took the two new Aldermen in his state carriage to the Mansion House, where he e nter.- tained them and a large party in a very splendid manner. HATTERTON.—A dramatized version of 8 4 inte resting tale in " Stello, ou le Docteur Noir," o - ,1 th e un timely fate of the unfortunate poet Chatterton, ha.s been l a tely brought forward at the Theatre Francais with distinguished success. ANECDOTE.—A short time after the peace of 'Or a company of refugees were assembled at a tavern not far from the line between this State and New Brunswick. Here thei r , amused each other for hours, in recounting their exploits ° tory memory. One had been with Arnold, at the burning 0 ' New London, and assisted in the slaughter of Fort Griswold; another had assisted in burning Falmouth ; another aided il l the slaughter at Wyoming, &c. &c. While they were dae amusing each other with their tales of shame, a British Colonel was a silent spectator of the scene. He was walking Wok and forth in the room, with a thoughtful countenance.. A t length they addressed him, and inquired why he was s o seriol —wheth er h e was unwe l l, that he did not seem to partake 01 the good feeling of the evening. He informed them he wa l well, but that he had a dream last night which troubled hil l ; and prev en t e d his usual tone of lerfulness. Th ey i ns ister' . that the Col one l s h ou l d relate his earn. He then proceedel to inform th em t h at i n his dream he saw King George al Gen Washi ngton together, and about settling the affairs the Revol u ti on . Th ey proceeded very amicably for " WTI time, At length the King sa id to t h e G enera l_,, You ar e welcome to the refuge e s." " N o, " sa i d Washington, " I'll have nothing to do with them ; they are your Majesty's pro perty." After considerable altercation on the subject, ° A turning ar oun d t h ey perce i ved that his Satanic Majesty bad taken his st a ti on b e hi n d t h em. At once it was proposed the refugees should be given up to him. But what was the i g surprise, wh en even h e refused to accept them. He final ly consented, how ever , t h at if they would settle the re f ugees nest the line of thei r respect i ve territories, he would take the super; intendence o f t h em. The dream silenced the tories ; and was long bef ore th at b ar-room was again entertained with tv , tales of refugees. BIRTHS. On the 17th inst., in Arlington-street, the lady of Edward Duke Moore, Esq., of a daughter. On the 16th inst., at Claremont-square, Mrs. J. A. Tabor, ° f3 daughter. On the 11th inst., at Manchester, the lady of Henry Beville, Esq., Captain in the sth Dragoon Guards, of a son. MARRIED. On the 12th inst., at St. Luke's, Chelsea, Frederick phi' . _, h P °4 Esq. surgeon of Upp er S out h w i c k -street, Paddington, to Elizaw' Phillips, eldest daughter of the late George W. H. Parker, Esq' t of Charlotte-street, Fitzroy-square. On the 14th i ns t., a t S t. M ary ' s, Islington, Mr. Alez..-- Jet , Luders, of Hamb urg , t o J em i ma Eleanor, only daughter of the 13' e Mr. George Clarke, of lslington. • --- DIED. • her On the 14th inst., i n Ed war d -street, Portman-square, I° 97th year, Catherine, relict of the Hon. General Simon Frase r ' eldest son of the last Lord Lovat. On the 16th inst., at Lieut.-Colonel Fanshawe's, in the Regen t Park, the Dowager Lady Dalrymple aged 82. WO' On the 15th inst., Judith, th e wife of the R ev . J ona than ton, D.D., Recto r f Birdbrook, Essex. On the 16th i ns t., at t h e Ranger ' s house, Blackheath, Lucy Eliza, eldest daughte r o f th e l ate John Cotes, Esq., of Wol'uc°t e, Salop. On the 13th inst., at Uxbridge, Thomas Avery, Esq. ter- On the 14th inst., in Allen-terrace, Kensington, Robert Pa son, Esq. On the 15th in s t., i n h er 6 t h year, Ell en Frances, third daught e r of Mr. John Lake, surgeon, Fore-street, Cripplegate. On the 4th inst., at Neufchatel, S w it zer l an d , J ames Rlakeic" . ' Esq., late of Bedford_street, Covent-garden. On the 13th inst., Ellen, relict of John Whitley, of Ashton , " ear Warrington. On the 14th inst., M r . Willi am Wright, of Rochester, agC'„ 5 6' or On the 15th in s t., a t Ch e l tenham, David Per:ant, jun., Esq'' Downing, Flintshire. On the 17th inst., in Parliament-street., Mr. Robert Mann' his 86th year. On the 13th inst., Miss Lyndon street, Birmingh am , bi the Minerva Tavern, Queen London : Printed an d P u bli shed by MURDO YOUNG, ° f o af 112, Strand, a t Th e S un Office, No. 112, Strand, in the c 0 of Middlesex. T G re lileral znon b Lid all capit a ] üb! '"Pect Earl of Earl o f Lo r d ( Sir c, Ron, p Ro bert ' John Afeca rg The 1i; The B, The p", TheA R , And Ireland, Prop Co rn p a Paid to towns ii 4 p L T PIi ,duc o , Lett, 77, Lo , t*scard irr( sprint, s Ar,„: e w , Mori'