The Sun. — London, England, 1835-05-20 00:00:00

__......^ ........."'" 'IQ DII4C4'.' ,eport• . of naideratio DAY• DOdHeilet t h e ext-- at acts he Lora's (740 1 ce auto in cot° is n Fisherio nanagement npressra for 01prison4 ler s olidat fn°4 of Ca office mrts ' 4l4'l'o EstAtel (SC°l• Sil:•,, Dulle r Jaial,,,' 1, .‘•'' j, Icor, , s, %, • TEE* • , Teo, l erton , Joh n.leo, T er, ,L ISLA' Rober t J. 13 a rle l 11, 11. 6. bbu, t , j, re, L-1., ,ton, A Vu•rryord 10 ) 91L :;,1 At' Diedi .8 Olie • 1103 j The P l oigi sp eir such ea re, o f t . li t e ighe i! Pit i g l ost r eare d t f :a LP ta ° the P oi ers , e r tbe t o 9 [ that Pa le crelfAo 0 0 4 7 0 0 - the r f ti wh t eg a i rl da s ept s tt.. : ' the cas t l e be eli ch ba D eri l4 e P ar n t eol 6 the r; SO t AY.) ‘I ive e sl' this ops du i I ,eegratioo.;ted subol ro or i • sc o I 5; Y•) .Cl ,()C t of Y e ' t n e ll , 0 0 0, . ve t a t" ,l i s staejary of r t r : d wre e f er e it th e , o oo tll ' f )100. - i nt, I d Pr ,neY ES' ..... ...... / 0 , ... ''''' cesibt 4 ...... ........... 'lO Co t • . ;614 ...... ~.••• 1 1 00 1 ' , 0115 er :)4 : the a EC re ar e a 01 ' b e fr e lo6f° ti 0 ( P a g e el' te r, ca 0 " iOA • 1 01° or y , of tbeborgTh DO. ?fl s co° p g en ' dote% do Do at t h b is for p vel ...l a e d b° a tjail • pa' 1 S 3 Pe 'v ha . i e re' c o re p ntre , 00`. acted tb' ; cre d 0 J . lg• 0 fro rit o frO rh e Of t AC! h }ZOYL L ' o . ;; ', i t :on, . v 6 ,a,rOOP" COURT CIRCULAR. The Di 'uchess of Kent gave a Concert on Monday evening at Kensington Palace, to a party of upwards of 200 of th e Nobili ty and Gentry, as well as some of the Foreign Ministers and their Ladies. This Concert, the first this season, was of the Italian school, and was supported by the principal performers now in this country. The next Concert will be composed of English performers. we e c orn pany began to arriv e s h or tly b e f ore 10 o ' c l oc k , an d were ush ere d into into the Grand Saloon, which had been ele gantly fitted up and arranged as a Concert Room. The adjoining room (the vestibule), through which the 7 a niPany pass e d, h a d, on t h e garden side, a temporary build Ing erected in the form of a tent, the roof being hung with variegated lamps, and the lower part ornamented with shrubs and plants, was also studded with variegated lamps. In this tent the band of the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards were !tationed, and performed a number of favourite pieces in the Intervals of the performance. Th e drawi ng rooms on each side of the concert room were also opened on this occasion ; in one of them the choicest fr uits and refreshments of every variety were served to the visiters during the night. The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria entered the room s at a quarter to 10 o'clock, attended by the ladies and gentlemen of their household. The Concert commenced at half-past 10 o'clock, M. Costa presiding at one of Erard's grand pianofortes. The principal performers were—Madame Malibran, Made 2niselle Grist Signori, Tamburini, Lablache, Rubini, and anhoff. The selec t i on compr i se d pieces from the Operas of " I di Puritani," " Marino Faliero," " Guillaume Tell," " Assedeo Corinto," " La Donna del Lago," and " Il Prova." 13 y two o'clock all the company had left the Palace. AAmongst the company were their Royal Highnesses the ble and D uc h ess o f Cambridge, attended by Baroness efeldt, Sir William Davison, Captain Stephens, Captain i( nesebeck, and Captain Hay ; the Prince of Leiningen, the Russian Ambassador, the French Ambassador and Countess ebastia n i, t h e N eapol i tan Minister and Countess Ludolf, the Prussian Minister, the Belgic Minister, the Danish Minister it .and B aroness Bl ome ; the Portuguese, Spanish, and Saxon ginisters ; the Charge d'Affaires of the United States, Prince rarY, Count Pahlen, Count and Countess Charles Pozzo di ,arr,,, , 0, Count Ludolf, Count de Pollon, Count Praslin, Count ' r eptowitch, M. Achart, the Archbishop of York. I).l3uKEs...._Gordon, Devonshire, Grafton, Somerset, Argyll, 41ehmond, Sutherland. lid ccnEssEs—Gordon, North um b er l an d, C ountess Suther . M ARQUISSES—Hertford, Downshire, Douro, Conyngham, 4Ylesbury, Hastings. O ,,,,,MA RCHIONESSES —Dowager Hastings, Dowager Salisbury, nmond, Dow ns hi re , L ans d owne, C onyng h am, A yles b ury, tn onde. , A Tits— Liverpool, Ilchester, De La Warr, Grosvenor, a ut.h ani, Roseberry, Kerry, Grey, Euston, Sefton, Beau- V —a mp, Morley, Surrey, Wilton, Mansfield, Cawdor, Cado im, Darlington, Falmouth, Granville, Fitzwilliam, Uxbridge, rroll, Albermarle, Lincoln, Dc Grey, Carnarvon. v C OUNTESS ES —C a d ogan , M ex b oroug h , T an k erv i lle, Gros 4nor, Durham, Euston, Sefton, Jersey, Beauchamp, Morley, -" "sfield, L ons d a l e, D ar li ngton, Granville, Erroll, Albe 4„rle, Cowp er , Wil ton, C arnarvon. h "scot:NT B resford, Combermere, Ebringt on , M or p e th, 4 la rnersto n . • V ISCOUN TESS Howick . L pr, °4 bs—Dalmeny, S a lt oun , Lilf or d, F ranc i s E gerton, Fitz 's. Wharncliffe, Robert Grosvenor, Hill. Y ar b oroug h, El , I , ins t'lne, Auckland, Adolphus Fit zc l arence , J ames S tuart , A l eiri eletown, J o h n Ch urc hill, R usse ll , B urg h erah, Lynedoch, Ossulston. SL' A tnEs—Catherine Jenki nson , L ou i sa J en ki nson, C onroy, 1 6 usta Cadogan, Honoria Cadogan, (2) Hastings, Theresa ngeways, Chatterton, G ar di ner , C ust , W est, G or d on, i;lttrobus, Frances Egerton, (2) O'Bryen, Charlotte Hill, g a ily Lambt on , H arr i et P r i mrose , C o d r i ngton, M ary Dundas, 4 1 : 1,1 Savile, Georgiana Grey, Fitzroy, (2) Molyneux, k. es Byng, Caroline Lascelles, Lilford, John Russell, Bul (3) Murray, Willoughby d Eresby, Wharncliffe, Geor tirt4 Pane, Robert Grosvenor, Louisa Fitzroy, Lucy Clive, t-tuigusts Powlett, Peel, Mary Thompson, Fitzwilliam, arlotte St. Maur, (2) Butler, Macdonald, Eli za b et h ram!, Kennedy Erskine. Bard, Lehzen. I.IIIGITT HONOURABLES—T. Spring Rice, Poulett Thomson. _ II°N OURABLEs—Mrs. Maule, Mrs. Abercrombie, Miss tauptton, Mr. Vernon, Mrs. Copley, Captain Cowper, Archi ti." Macdonald, (2) Misses Eden, Mr. Fitzroy, General , 1 0 1 Captain Forrester, Mrs. Heathcote, Mr. Maule. dicer, Curtis, William Chatterton, Robert Gar 4er, Edward Cust, George Anson, Willoughby Gordon, tn und Antrobus, Gore Ouseley, John Conroy, Edward p„ndrington, Frederick Weatherall, James Kempt, Henry rriell, R. Vyvyan, Richard Bulkeley, John Hobhouse, R. " .1, John Cathcart, George Clerk, John Macdonald. DEAN e •AN 01 ~nester. wiEs snsuris—Molyneux Montgomery, Assheton, Dundas, o,ers, Backhouse, Lascelles, Massey Stanley, Ord, Hope, John T a lb o t, H enr y B ar i ng , C op l e y, Th omson, `Williams, Ca Pa n get, Hcathcote, Conroy, Henry C onroy , P eers kir ning RNERAL Upton . . CoLo NELs—Drummoncl, Caradoc, Lyster, Fox, Hill. A n. o Ms I STRESSES—W a y mout h, H ow l ey, A ssheton Smith, Colonel Ord, John Talbot, Anson. ~,I s sEs—Harcou rt , A nson, Gordon, Howley, Strachan, 4-O Y, Fi Dr ummond, D'Este, (2) Ri ce , (2) M ac d ona ld , (2 ) Con sher. Club Duke of Cambridge honoured the Noblemen's Catch with his company at dinner last evening at the Thatched /louse. The Landgravine of Hesse Homburg dined with the Prin cess Augu s t a on Monda t ended by Mademoiselley Sty ev neef ning Her Royal Highness at , citerwards h doni an b all at Willis's Rooms with her presenceonoured the Cale li . The D uchess of Gloucester visited the Duchess of Cam ke yesterd a y. th The Duch ess o f K ent and the Princess Victoria drove in e Parks at an early hour yesterday morning. /14Y,.1s count Morp e th an d S i r John Hobhouse v i s i te d Vi scount Tbourne yesterday. Iratsact Ord Cowley a n d t h e Charge d'Affaires of the United States 141: ed business yesterday at the Foreign Office.. he Lords of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council e o ccupied Yesterday on the appeal " Pooncakhoty v. the ~,114, from the late Court of the Recorder of Bombay. n l i'he Lords present were the Vice-Chancellor, Lord Corn- Thssioner Bosanquet, the Right Hon. Sir J. Vaughan, and enl as Erskine. the R " -ev. W. C. Fenton has been preferred, by the u'ishop of York, t o th e li v i ng o f M a tt erse y, near Doncast er . 11.111 - ERA.NCE SOCIETY.—A meeting of the Bri- Ez et 4 ,," Foreign T em p erance S oc i e ty was h e ld y es t er d ay at sho pd Hall, the Bishop of London in the chair. The Bi keevti:f London, on t a ki ng th e chair, shortly addressed the of th g, and a ft er express i ng his satisfaction at the progress %ri n e P r inciples of the Society, particularly in ~g districts, proceeded to defend the Reportmade by the then Inittee upon Drunkenness, last session. The Secretary of th 'ead the annual report, which gave a satisfactory account increase of temperance in England and Ireland, parti %%lel In the p rovice of Ulster, and also in Scotland, and in Il itrab'reign countries. It appeared from the report, that the of Temp erance S oc i eties i n E ng l an d an d Wales is 557. atid 4 Pelix B oo th w ill enterta i n t h e L or d M ayor ezt - " ad Y Mayoress, and a large party to dinner, on Saturday T h a t his residence, in Portl a nd-pl ace . 4 trrl e Joyful news o f L or d M or p e th' s vas t ma j or i ty l'h e v e b ci at M ore t on h ampste d , D evon, l ast F r id ay evening. parad e l is immediately rang a merry pea l, an d a b an d o f music 10 1 , 11 ed th e streets till nearly midnight. In this independent f ay there was a decided majority of electors who voted in °f Lo r d J o h n R usse ll . tk ry 1 . 1 113 L IC REVENUE.—It appears, by a Parliamen to4n, apex, that the total amount of monies received on ac tioch: of th e E xc h equer for the half-year ended sth April last, 4 0,6T,the sev era l an d respect i ve h ea d s o f pu bli c revenue, was tatiC e :3 °9l. 19s. 10d. ; and that the issues made from the Ord:' England, du r i ng th e same p er i o d, pursuan t t o R o3 a l and Treasury Warrants, amounted to the sum of 1 1 1' , 5901. 13s. ; leaving a balance of 966,7191. 6s. 10d. Neer ASSOCIATION.—SeveraI preliminary 4444 '0 have b een h e ld b y some leading Reformers in West to e at, and e l sew h ere, on the subject of forming Associations ketr(nlateract the Tory Clubs about being established in . the to Ir l i; and in various parts of the country, whose object atr uct . 4 rrn and deceive the constituency, and increase the d . e- b lv e Power of the Tories. For this purpose a meeting h ° held e held in the course of this week at the British Coffee kto "' as suggested by some distinguished individual, to enter tvq„esolutions to carry this desirable object into full effect in tlsh4 Part of the United Kingdom. The Tories in the pa- Nltl ea ' o f IVlary-le-bone and St. Pancras have lately united to Ar r ii,,"nr to establish Tory Clubs for election purposes, 1 '41 1 ,0 to the rules and regulations of which each subscribing Peo s „ e r is to su b scr ib e fi ve shillings annua ll y to d e f ray ex keetl,B'4.such as paying Secretaries and for the places of b MA OT I " INIITFORDS' NEW WORK, " BELFORD Ivith. I ' -- -Belford R eg i s i s a genu i ne E ng li s h mar k e t t own , ts tr adespeople, its gossip, its annual balls, its belles, , ti tter it i at ,kns, jealousies, a nd ca b a l s . All it s p ecu li ar iti es are 4 0, fed e u with a bold an d h a ppy p enc il. Th e h ouses are un ll i„, a s if we s wam t h e a i r w i t h our f am ili ar , an d peepe d at 4 04 14 ;" the domestic doings of the place; the busy little pa passes before us with all the activity of life. The Poior.e-gate, and the old picturesque public-house with #. tlr 4 he e l roofs and benches at the door, and round the large " .1 vIl.), Ire it; and the churches, and the long streets, and the t i:ad, and the mansionfriend 11fr. Beauchamp ;" 41 1 e —, high solitary bay window in the old house in Mill "II if t 0 admire with grapes, and hanging over the water ...i b - ri 4 d dinir e its own beauty in that clear mirror;" and the ilkpp ed ge on a " sun-shiny day," are objects as clearly e4dily o ut before us i n t h ese pages asif we were carried 4.4„ 11 : 1 t o the i n l an d b ustle of that pretty place. " Belford 4 th „,, 1 _? a work of very considerable merit, and will be read ver y numerously attended public meeting was Cheltenham on Monday,--Colonel 011ney in the ~'",rr the pur iose of framing an address to be presented Ntlr e ' John Russell on the following day at o Stroud. Stroud. An tl." -r o s r ,% o ti c ongratulation to his Lordship, on his appointment . '''• S.(vr.tarr, and thai:l7l , l2. birn for his patriotism in ..tn tg rli , , •, ( l'aes c l tr. a ' w as carri e d unanimously, and presented this day y) at St rou d , by a deputation of thirty gentlemen. STROUD ELECTION. STROUD, TUESDAY EVENING. At an early hour this morning the inhabitants were on the alert, in expectation that Lord John Russell would arrive by the mail, but his Lordship came in a carriage and pair, pre ceded by a band of music, about 10 o'clock. We should con sider there were about 6,000 persons present. Lord John was accompanied to the hustings by Donald Maclean, Esq., W. H. Stanton, Esq., and several of the most influential manufacturers of the neighbourhood, and was re ceived with loud cheers. THOMAS CROOMR, Esq., the Deputy-Sheriff, having read the writ, and the proclamation against bribery and cor ruption, Mr. W. STANTON proposed Lord John Russell as a fit per son to represent the borough of Stroud in Parliament; and Mr. W. Barnard seconded the proposition. Mr. CROOME then asked if any other person had a candidate to propose, but no one coming forward he declared Lord John Russell duly elected for the borough of Stroud. Lord J OHN R USSELL th en came f orwar d, and was received with the loudest cheers. He proceeded to address the meet. ing in the following terms :—I now address you, gentlemen, for the purpose of returning you my most grateful thanks for the honour you have just now done me, of returning me as your representative to Parliament. The gentleman who seconded my nomination has told you that ho would not say anything of corporation reform. I will take the liberty of saying a few words to you on that subject. Gen tlemen, it appears by the report of the commissioners who were sent to inquire into those corporations, that various abuses which have prevailed have been intertwin e d and connected with the Parliamentary representation, so that if there were boroughs in the kingdom in which it could be said those abuses did not exist, or prevail to a limited extent, it was the corporations which had not the right of returning Representatives to Parliament ; but in th ose w hi c h h a d , t h ere - did prevail the greatest mismanagement of their funds, that most corrupt system of self-election, and all connected with a purpose, and evidently with the end, of returning Represen tatives to Parliament who might support the Minister of the day, and by that support might favour with his patronage the Members of these Corporations. Now I say, that although the late Ministry, who had all along opposed the reform, might proclaim their intention of following up its principles, yet I say that men who wish to carry the Reform Act to its legitimate consequences were bound to look at this as one of the effects proceeding from this parent of abuse, of a corrupt representation, and having destroyed that parent abuse were bound to suspect those who had been the means of conse. quences most injurious to the country. I say, gentlemen, therefore, that I shall go to Parliament as your Representa tive with the intention of proposing, as Member of this bo rough, and as a Minister of the Crown, what I conceive will be a wholesome measure of the Corporation Reform. Well, then, gentlemen, it is said, " Why interrupt the system which the late Government were pursuing, when they were dis posed to follow up wholesome and safe reform?" My answer to that is the answer given by the gentleman who spoke before, who says, and says truly, that the measures of reform which we were disposed to propose they were not prepared to propose ; had they been so, we might have disputed as to the honesty of their intentions—might have wondered at the suddenness of their conversion ; but as to the measures themselves, we must have given them our support. But the fact is, that however some of the leading men among them might be conscious of these abuses existing, that how ever convinced they might be as to the necessity of those great evils, when you look to them as a party, they are so re lated to all those abuses that we wish to amend, that it is ut terly out of their power to propose efficient measures of re form. They had all of them, and for a long time, such con nexion—such friendly feelings—such near relationship in blood with the worst of those abuses, that it was not from them that you could expect either censure or amend ment. I must say that they put me in mind of a story which is related to have happened to Lord North, whose relations had not the advantage of being handsome. He was at the Opera-house, and a gentleman asked him who that ugly woman was in such a box. Lord North replied, " That is my sister." The gentleman endeavoured to correct himself by saying, " I do not mean that lady, but the one opposite." Lord North to that answered, " She is my wife."— (Laughter.) So it happens with the Tory party; when we begin to find fault with these corporations, and say what ugly defects are in these self-elected corporations, they say we must not touch them, they are our sister ; when we say " Surely you cannot think of sparing such an abuse as that of a clergyman who derives 1,0001. a-year from some benefice in Ireland, where there is neither church nor congregation, and where he has derived the income which he has spent in Chel tenham ?" " No (say they) we cannot alter that, that is our wife —(Cheers)—that is so near a relation you must not find fault with what you think so ugly, but which is so near and dear to us." I say then, gentlemen, that if you are t o h ave e ff ect i ve reform, it will at least be proper that the measures should be proposed by those who have not been connected with those abuses, and who have been always the strong opponents of all reform. Now, Ido not say that it will happen that the mea sures we propose will meet with the entire approbation of the country, that we may not in some respect fall short, or in other respects get beyond the deliberate judgment of the country. All I say is, let us who produced the Reform Act be allowed to propose those measures ; let us propose them for the appro bation of the House of Commons, and when I say that, I am glad to see there is a disposition among our adversaries to say, that by the judgment of the House of Commons, freely elected, the great questions which must be proposed for discussion are to be decided. Of this lam fully persuaded, that that which shall be decided, after full debate, after free and deliberate discussion by the House of Commons, fairly representing the people, I am sure that that measure, if not instantly, sooner or later, must be adopted as the law and custom of the land. I am sure that those who have resisted, and resisted ineffectu ally those measures referred to, those measures of the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, and the measure of Ca tholic emancipation, the measure of the Reform Act—that these men will in the same respect be induced to yield to other measures when it shall appear that the country calls for them and that the House of Commons has adopted them; but, gentlemen, while I have been pointing out to you what I think the reasons why we should be allowed to propose re form sooner than our adversaries, because we have been con sistent Reformers, I must add a word or two to say why I think these reforms will be safer in our hands than in those who have given to themselves the title of Conservatives ; I say so, be cause our principle has been to propose what we thought right, and to resist that which we thought wrong ; whereas their principle seems to have been to propose indeed what they thought right, but to yield to that which they thought wrong, and I ask, gentlemen, when men adopt a system of this kind, where is it to stop ? If they thought it wrong to admit the Ca tholics to power—if they thought it wrong to do away with the restrictions on the Dissenters, and afterwards yield to them, — if they did so, I say, at what point is it they can stop ? What opposition can they resist to which they will not have the same reasons to object which they had against measures to which they afterwards yielded? I say they can stand on no ground of principle; that there is no opposition they can make which they afterwards yielded ? I say they can stand on no ground of principle : that there is no opposition they can make which they did not make against those measures of Catholic eman cipation and reform—(Cheers)—and I say, therefore, which to speak is Conservative, that I think it is far better that these measures should be proposed by those who think them right than yielded to those who think them wrong. Now, as an in stance, I saw a bill with the old war cry of " No Popery." Now let us reflect a little. It is but 30 years ago since that cry was set up against Lord Grey, who proposed that Roman Catholics should be admitted as generals in the army ; but, ten years afterwards, those who had raised the cry passed an Act quietly through Parliament to that effect. They still continued their cry for ten years more, and at the end of ten years they introduced a measure granting everything to the Roman Catholics, which, as Roman Catholics, they had been asked. I say, after this, what will be expected from those that still cry " No Popery ?" I have, indeed, a paper in my hand, written by a gentleman of great respectability, who de clares himself obliged to oppose me, because he thinks I have some measure in preparation destructive to the Church. I thought that this gentleman had become what he was not when he was sitting in Parliament--an enemy of all reform, till I found out he was one of those who is for excluding the bishops from the House of Lords.--(Cheers.) Now, I may be con sidered by many of the clergy, but very erroneously, as an enemy to the Church, but I really do no know whether, if they had to choose, they would rather have a person desirous of reforming the Church of Ireland, or have one who was for excluding the bishops from the House of Lords.— ( Cheers.) I think it is an instance, among many, that those who seem to be more Conservative, and are afraid of my destructive inclinations, that they really will find in many respects those gentlemen are much more formidable than I am.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I am, as I have told you, and always have been, a Reformer; but, at the same time, as I have told you, and those whom I formerly represented, I am for preserving the institutions of the country. I think those insti tutions excellent in themselves ; I believe that they are well fitted to produce the happiness of the people of this country. I believe, moreover, that there is no wish in the people of this country to do what alarmists attributed to them—to destroy or weaken the monarchy of this country. I for my part believe that those with whom I have the honour of agreeing, and agreeing, I believe, with the great majority of the people of this country—agreeing, I am sure, with the great majority of the people who have had lately to return representatives to Parliament. Our wish is to preserve the monarchy in all its splendour, to preserve every thing necessary for the due working of the institutions of the country, but we will not allow per sons to call themselves the props of the monarchy who are its worst enemies ; we will not allow abuses which are inju rious to the church to be associated with the church itself. We wish to preserve our institutions, we wish to do that which has long been required, and which nothing but prejudice or in terest has hitherto been able to prevent. In doing so, far be it from me to say that we can give to this country an imme diate burst of happiness and content, but what we can do is this—to put things in such a train that the people of this country will have a due control over the representation 4nd over the Administration of the country, and that they can take care no unnecessary expense is in curred, no unmerited pensions shall be granted, and that while we pay due regard, as due regard we are hound to pay, to all the sacred institutions of the country, we may deal perpetual war with abuse, and have such a vigilant control over it, that it never will be able to attain the height it has attained of late, but so soon as it endeavours to gain head again it may be cor rected. There was something said about the power of electing freely representatives without intimidation. At the beginning of secisiiiii parlialier it. I t s c rs y to propose a committee, in which every thing should be exa mined which had a tendency to interrupt free election, either THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 20, 1835 by bribery or intimidation, or any other cause. I trust that that committee will look'fairly into the subject. I hope they will bring every case before the House of Commons, by which it may be shown that free election has been interrupted. I hope they will likewise point out any defect in our laws ; but until their report is made I will pledge myself to no opinion ; but I will say, that when the returning officer read to you that the election was to be made freely and independently, that I wish those words not to remain on the parchment on which they are written, but to be carried into effect, and that the people of this country may have the power freely and independently of returning their representatives to Parliament. Gentlemen, after this, I know not that I have left any point in doubt, but it occurs to me that you might think that the Devon election had made a change in my opinion with respect to the ballot. I must say it is not so. I saw instances of intimidation at the Devon election, which certainly, if generally carried on, would make one adopt a remedy to put an end to such a state of things; but I have that confidence in other means that may be resorted to, in public opinion and increasing intelligence, that I do think we ought not to adopt secret voting while we have any hope that the ancient mode of open voting may obtain the result of a free election. That is a subject, how ever, which must come frequently under discussion.—(Three cheers, and one cheer more.) Mr. BALE agreed with those who considered the Bishops ought to be excluded from the House of Lords. The Noble Lord was then chaired throughout the town, and upon his returning to the George Hotel was waited upon by a deputation from Cheltenham, who presented him with an address expressive of their congratulations at his being again re-instated in the Administration. trivers of this " put-up" scheme have matured their plans, and a Common-hall will be held in a day or two, at which it is strongly surmised the whole property will be solemnly voted to be freehold, on payment of some one or two per cent. NEMO. POOR LAWS. ( From the Leading Article of the Bath Gazette. ) Amongst all the mysteries of iniquity which have been de veloped by the recent inquiries into the state of pauperism, there is one connected with medical men which has been brought to light in a pamphlet written by " John Leslie, a Vestryman, Governor, and Director of the Poor of the Parish of St. George, Hanover-square, London," and recently ex emplified in the neighbourhood of Bath. The following is a quotation from Mr. Leslie : " The medical officer, in a great majority of instances, contracts with the parish, to attend all the paupers belonging to the parish, during the year, for a fixed small amount of remuneration, reserv ing to himself the right (and parochial authorities consenting to transactions of such a character) to make whatever charge he pleases for every non-parishioner he may attend, by order of the Overseer ; and to such a frightful extent has this practice pro ceeded, that the charge in frequent instances for the medical at tendance on one non-parishioner patient has greatly exceeded the amount of the contract for the year's attendance on the whole of the pauper patients of the parish ; and by such means the parishes shift from themselves the burthen of medical attendance on their own poor by obtaining the contract for so much less, in considera tion of the probable profits the medical man may obtain from his attendance on non-parishioners. This exhorbitant charge for me dical attendance can only be obtained by the actual removal of the man to the parish to which he belongs. " The Overseer's turn in the affair comes next. He foresees a long journey with a family, and a long bill of costs. He applies for an order of removal for the family ; the magistrates sign the same ; but, on account of the illness of the man, and his wife, or his children, as the case may be, the removal is suspended. The medical attendant has, by this process, now obtained a legal do cument to enforce his demand, and he consequently pays the utmost attention to his own interest in this affair ; and, what with draughts every three hours, mixtures, and boluses, he contrives to make out a frightful demand on the parish to which the unfortunate man belongs. The man, in spste of the drugs he has swallowed, reco vers ; the doctor's charges are paid, the magistrates withdraw the suspension of the removal, and the Overseer commences his share of the plunder—proceeds with the family the two or three hundred miles, as the case may happen to be ; personally delivers the un fortunate family to the parish to which they belong, and receives the amount of his demand, including the exhorbitant charge for the medical man's attendance. On his return home he reimburses himself out of the poor-rates of his own parish for all the expenses of himself and the family during the journey. " There have been, and there still are, inflicted yearly innume rable instances of such harsh administrations of the Poor Laws as the one described ; all done under the specious pretext of benefit ting the poor man, and paid out of a fund raised for the relief of the pooF." . After reading the above exposure we may cease to wonder at the outcry that was raised against a reform in the Poor Laws. Magistrates, clerks, parish-solicitors, parish surgeons, paid overseers, and thousands who had a vested interest in the poor-rates, were loudly exclaiming against the cruel attempt to abridge the comforts of the poor. These, forsooth, are the friends of the poor 1 Judas of old made a similar pretence ; but he who knew what was in man has left on record respect ing him, that he did not in reality care for the poor, but that he was a thief and had the bag, and bare that which was put therein.' In like manner, the bare-faced pretenders to charity in our days show their pity to the poor by putting the money collected for them into our pockets. And yet they can descant with seeming eloquence, upon the virtue of humanity. If the rate-paying shopkeepers and labourers are sinking under their accumulated taxation, and ask for reduction of their bur thens, the vestry-clerk reminds them of the generosity of the English character, and hopes that no man of feeling will grudge the poor-rates, or wish to diminish their amount. And how does he prove his benevolence to the poor? By demand ing every year many hundred pounds out of the poor-rates for expenses in law 1 No wonder he admires the poor-rates How too does the parish-surgeon of the metropolis show his love for the poor strangers that require assistance ? In their feeble ness, they ask for nourishing focd—he gives them a daily box of pills ; they ask for wholesome drink—he gives them a mix ture; they ask for a change of diet—and he gives them pow ders, boluses, aperient mixtures, and draughts, of various hues ; and having thus once shown his pity to the poor, he next manifests his regard to the rate-payers by sending in a bill of 61. or 71., if the parish be poor; and if rich, a bill of 501. or 601., for medical attendance upon a single pauper. A case of this kind has recently occurred in the neighbour hood of Bath. A parishioner of Hinton Charterhouse was residing with his wife and daughter in a large parish near London ; the man having a temporary ailment, applied for assistance, and being found to belong to a distant parish, the system described by Mr. Leslie was set in action, and for six weeks, without the intermission of a single day, boxes of pills and mixtures were inflicted upon him ; and when the parish doctor had run up a bill of sufficient length for the small parish to which the man belonged, one would suppose the poor fellow would bare been permitted to pursue his usual avocation, and make up by his earnings for loss of time. But no! the bill of the humane surgeon was of far more consequence than the man's happiness or prosperity ; and in order to s e- . . . . cure this, a parish beadle is sent down with the man, his wife, and daughter, committed to his care precisely as if hey were criminals in the custody of a policeman, and they were in due form delivered to the overseer of Hinton, together with the doctor's bill and the parochial charges, assigning, as the only reason for this useless journey, that it was necessary, in order to enable the parish of overseer of Hinton. The poor man and his family, as soon as they were set at liberty, left Hinton again immediately, and returned to seek their own maintenance as before. To this kind of imposition every parish is liable ,_• no care, no wise management at home, can protect th em from it. The new Poor Law has unhappily provided no remedy ; on reference to the Commissioners, it appears that it is a case of daily oc currence, and beyond their power to prevent. When the Bill was passing through Parliament, certain persons, in their anxiety to take from the Commissioners the power of doing harm, were not sufficiently aware that by the very same means they deprived them likewise of the power of doing good. The following is a copy of the doctor's bill :- The Overseers of -, To - -. Feb. 1835 s. d. 'March s. d. 25. Aperient Mixture ... 1 6.12. Box of Pills Mixture • 2 6: Mixture Box of Pills 26. Box of Pills Mixture 27. Mixture Box of Pills 2d. Box of Pills Mixture March 'l6. Ditto 1. Mixture Aperient Mixture ... 2 0 18. Ditto Box of Pills 2. Box of Pills Mixture Ditto 3. Mixture Box of Pills 4. Box of Pills Mixture 5. Mixture Box of Pills 6. Box of Pills 1 0 28. Ditto Mixture 7. Mixture Box of Pills 8. Mixture Aperient Ditto 9. Mixture Box of Pills 10. Box of Pills _ _. Mixture 11. Mixture Box of Pills We pledge our veracity that the above is an exact statement of facts—that there is nothing fictitious mixed up in the nar rative ; but the indefinable Libel Law might render it dan gerous for us to specify the parish which made the claim upon that of Charterhouse Hinton. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MEETING. Newmarket, Monday afternoon. Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 soya. each, for three yrs old and upwards. D.M. 5 subs. Duke of Rutland's Bubastes, 4 yrs, Bst. 71b—Robinson 1 Sir S. Graham's Zulima, 4 yrs, Bst. 31b '2 Mr. Turner's Madame de Jeck, 3 yrs 3 Lord Lichfield's Gab, aged 10 to 6 agst Gab, 5 to 2 agst Bubastes, 5 to 2 agst Madame de Jeck, and Bto 1 agst Zulima (taken). Bubastes made the running at a bad pace, and won ensy by three lengths ; Zulima swerved just at the finish. Sweepstakes of 5 sot's. each, for two yrs old, Bst. 41b. each. T. Y. C. 3 subs. The winner to be sold for 25 cove. if demanded, &C. Mr. Munroe's f. by Bedlamite .........E. Edwards 0 1 Mr. Turner's ch. f. by Emilius—Bertha Mr. W. Edwards's f. by Granby Even on Zarifa, and 2 to 1 agst Berthr ; a dead heat, and the Zarifa filly walked over. £.50 for three yrs old; colts, Bst. 71b. ; fillies, Bst. 41b. R.M. Colonel Peel's Castaway Pavis 1 Duke of Rutland's b. c. by Catton—Darioletta Sir M. Wood's The Glama 3 Lord Berner's b. c. by Lamplighter—Spinning Jenny 4 The following also started, but were not placed : Lord Jersey's Brother to Musquito Lord Tavisteck's c. by Royal Oak—Lyrnessa Mr. R. Stephenson's f. by Camel—Agnes 8 to 2 on Castaway, 5 to 1 agst Darioletta colt, 5 to 1 agst Brother to Musquito 7 to 1 agst The Glama, and 8 to 1 agst Lord Berners'. Won by a length. The Reformers of Southwark have established a reform club, under the title of the " Southwark Reform As sociation." The rules and regulations are well organised. DREADFUL OCCURRENCE BETWEEN TWO GAME KEEPERS.—On Wednesday last an inquisition was taken on the body of Jos e ph D uns f or d, h ea d ga mekeeper to J. H. S. Pigott, Esq., of Brockley-hall, Somerset, who had been shot dead on the Monday previous by one of the under-keepers, named Plumley. It appeared that Plumley was to have met the deceased at a certain place and hour to assist in digging out a fox, but did not arrive until a considerable period after wards. Some irritating language was exchanged, and under the influence of the excitement, Plumley levelled his gun and shot the deceased through the breast, the whole contents of his gun entering in one solid mass ; death was instantaneous. The Jury came to the unanimous verdict of Manslaughter. The prisoner, a married man with one child, who had lived with Mr. Pigott from his infancy, was immediately sent off under an escort to Shepton Mallett to abide his trial at the ensuing Assizes. The deceased was about 37 years of age, and has left a wife and six children.—Bristol Journal. THE DINNER. About 400 persons sat down to a cold dinner at the Sub scription-room at four o'clock; DONALD MACLEAN, Esq., in the Chair, supp or t e d on hi s r i g ht by L or d John ussell and Lord Segrave, and on his left by Lord Ducie. Among the company we noticed the Hon. Henry Moreton, Robert Can ning, Henry Wyett, W. Stanton, N. Marling, P. H. Fisher, and T. Barnard, Esqrs. On the cloth being removed, the CHAIRMAN gave " The King"—three times three. " The Queen"—three times three. (This toast on this occasion was certainly drunk with every sentiment of respect, and has retrieved the character of the Stroud people, whose gallantry at a former dinner was called in question.) " The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Vic toria," " The Duke of Sussex." (Immense applause, which continued for a length of time.) The CHAIRMAN then gave, " The institutions of the country, and where abuses exist, may they be promptly and judiciously re m oved."—( Cheers. ) The CHAIRMAN then proposed, " The health of the Right Hon. Lord John Russell, the representative of the borough of Stroud.----(lmmense cheering, the whole company rising three distinct times.) Lord J. RUSSELL returned thanks, recapitulating the dif ferent opinions he had expressed in the morning, again advert ing to the principles he had professed at the hustings, and as suring the electors that it was his wish, and the wish of those connected with him, to reform and amend the abuses, but at the same time to preserve and uphold the ancient institutions, of the country. The Noble Lord's speech was received throughout with the most enthusiastic plaudits. The CHAIRMAN then gave " Lady Russell." Lord RUSSELL returned thanks, and proposed the health of the " Ladies of Stroud." Shortly after which the party broke up. SOUTH STAFFORDSHIRE ELEC- TION. (FROM A MORNING CONTEMPORARY. Lichfield, May 19. The placard which I transmitted to you in my last commu nication relative to the improper use made of the name of his Grace the Duke of Sutherland, has called forth the following answer from Colonel Anson, which was extensively circulated yesterday : 'TO THE ELECTORS OF THE SOUTHERN DIVISION OF THE COUNTY OF STAFFORD. " Shugborough, May 18, 1835. " Gentlemen—l have just seen a handbill, signed by the Chair. man and Deputy-Chairman of Sir F. L. 11. G oo d r i c k e ' s Com mittee, stating that they have authority to state, that in whatever instances the Duke of Sutherland's interest has been used to bias voters against Sir F. L. H. Goodricke's election, it has been done without his sanction, or that of any person, authorised to act for him. I beg to assure the Electors of this division of the county, that I do not wish to use the influence of any Peer to bias voters either for myself or against my opponent; but it will be a sufficient an swer to that hand-bill, and a satisfaction to the independent and liberal-minded Electors of this county to know, that I have the best wishes of the Duke of Sutherland for my success, and for the truth of this I pledge myself.—l have the honour to be, Gentlemen, " Your faithf u l an d obliged servant, " GEORGE ANSON." Colonel Anson completed his canvass on Saturday, and his friends appear to be rejoiced at the result. The following Address—or rather second Address—put forth by Colonel Anson, would appear to set the matter at rest altogether : " TO THE ELECTORS OF THE SOUTHERN DIVISION OF THE COUNTY OF STAFFORD. " Shugborough, May 18, 1835. " Gentlemen,—Although time has not sufficed to enable me to pay my respects to many individual voters, yet having now com pleted a circuit through this division of the county, I cannot refrain from offering you my heartfelt thanks, for the cordial and flattering reception I have every where experienced. I have observed the industry with which the supporters of my competitor have laboured to create an impression of the success that has attended their canvass. " I listened to these reports without concern, for, from the com mencement of my own canvass, I perceived that the popular feeling was with me, and I knew that it would triumph over all the advan tages of earlier and more complete organisation on the part of my opponents. Gentlemen,—l rejoice now to be enabled to announce to you that our cause will undoubtedly triumph—nothing should induce me to mislead you by an exaggerated statement ; but I owe to you the early declaration of my firm conviction, that I shall have the ho nour of being your Representative. " I earnestly entreat, however, the continuance of your stre nuous exertions, to make our victory as complete as possible. "I have the honour to be. Gentlemen, your faithful and o bli ge d servant, "GEORGE' ANSON." The candidates are still indefatigable in traversing the county. Sir F. L. H. Goodricke has not yet finished his canvass. Colonel Anson met a number of the freeholders yesterday at Brood, and addressed them in explanation of his principles. He was very well received. CORPORATION JOBBERY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sia—lt is not always practicable to watch a " put-up" af fair from the beginning. The knaves usually concert their " plant " so secretly as to lull suspicion until the strong box is rifled, and the property far away from the true owners. A lucky opportunity of seeing the process of one of these inge nious methods of " doing" John Bull, from its very commence ment, has been presented by that ancient and distinguished city which boasts of Col. Sibthorp as its representative ; and if this last illustration should be completed, it is presumed that no one will dispute the merits of that Corporation influ ence which chooses so appropriate a representative. It will be noticed by the readers of the summary published by the Comtilissioners for Inquiry into Corporations, that Lincoln stands celebrated as having leased away a public navigation for a term of 999 years, to the uncle of Sibthorp I The rent is 751. a year—the tolls 7,0001. a year ; and for such a nomi nal annual value, this great public water thoroughfare (formed in the time of the Romans) was, in fact, converted into private property; although Callis, in his " Treatise on Sewers," specially denotes this river as a most aotient public water-way. The Commissioners could not embody in their Report every one of such enormities,_ but it is surmised that they took a l ea di ng i nstance or two, characteristic of the cardi nal sin of each town. They could not have taken a more shrewd example for Lincoln than this iniquitous lease, and doubtless have included in their evidence the numerous similar cases of other property, to a vast amount, which in Lincoln has been systematically leased by the Corporation, to its own members, at a nominal rent, and a nominal renewal fine I This property is so extensive, that if put at a fair rent, would produce many thousands per annum! During late years a sense of shame has led some of the Corporation to propose a modest advance of some 10 per cent. on the renewal fine ; and at one Common Council the votes were equal for amending the manner of letting the leasehold property. Since this event, nearly all the subsequent admis sions into this self-elected Corporation, have been of such per sons only as have supported the leases. Consequently, every proposal to increase the rental—to aid the improvements of the town, or lessen the burthens of highways, police, &c., or even to pay the enormous debt of the Corporation—has been nega tived by a compact body of leaseholding corporators, who now reckon amongst them 14 or 16 individuals connected by family alliances! Every effort to correct the non-appropria tion of this property has been resisted. Proposals were made to pay a price to make certain plots freehold, but except in one instance—that of a piece of swampy waste made freehold to the Gas Company for about 150 L—these proposals were nega tived on the plea that the Corporation could not disseize their successors ; but the real motive, it is believed, was, that it would open the public eyes too much to the conduct of Wor shipful Aldermen, Sheriffs, Coroners, Common C ou ncilmen, &c., as holders of public property at a peppercorn rent. Thus has the subject continued to the time of the Commissioners of Inquiry, and the publication of their report,—when lo " a change came o'er the spirit of their dream !" Alarmed at the prospect of Corporation Reform, and that the Legislature might make sad havoc with the fiction of City leases, the p ar ty began to stir, and the following paragraph appeared in the county paper of May 1 : " A Plot ! a Plot !—Now that it is pretty certain the all-power ful force of public opinion will triumph over the corrupt Corpora tions which in so many instances have defeated the trusts that had been reposed in their care for the benefit of the community, and not for themselves, it is rumoured that a certain body who have granted leases on nominal rents of a mass of property of immense, amount, and have always refused to raise those rents to anything like a fair proportion, because every individual of the whole held some of this ppoperty,—a plan is said to be hatching which is to convert the whole into freehold by payment of a sum as nominal, probably ; as the rent has been !—And thus this large amount of public property, the rents of which ought to have been devoted to the rates, local charges, law establishments, and improvements of the town, may be swallowed up, by wholesale, and the public again further defrauded ! Quere,—ls it likely that such a scheme of wholesale plunder will escape future interference from Parliament, when the right shall overcome the might? Let those beware wno venture on any unjust dealings with their public trusts, for a day of reckoning may arrive sooner than is expected."—Stalliford Mer cury, May 1, 1835. Notwithstanding this early and emphatical warning, the co'n .. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Among the diversified schemes, all of which have proved abortive, for pushing the interest of Lord John Russell in Devonshire, some were resorted to by way of catching the Radical Dissenters, which, for falsehood, fraud, and irreve rend ribaldry, are, we hope, unequalled in the records of political outrage. We allude more particularly to certain publications iri the nature of handbills, and entitled " Chro nicles of Devon," where the forms and phraseology of Scripture are pressed into the service of open sedition, and made vehicles at once for grossly aspersing honest men, for rendering the Church of England odious to the people, and specifically for establishing the elections of Members of Parliament by ballot. All this is mixed up, instead of any point or vivacity, with the most pre posterous and nauseous puffing of my Lord John Rus sell, as if a personage of his small (intellectual) dimen sions could be the only saviour and the sole fit ruler of the realm. But the men of Devon comprehended such things better than those who undertook to teach them— they banished his Lordship from a county wherein he and his family have for many years been well known, and where, therefore, we may suspect, from the consequences of the election, that inordinate panegyric bestowed on them is so much ammunition wasted. Nor is the effect of such indecency upon the minds of the Devonshire Dissenters a thing to be passed by unnoticed. The Wesleyans above most others must have been shocked by the levity to which even the forms of things sacred were exposed, and there is reason to conjecture that their brethren at Stroud, as well as their more immediate neighbours at Totnes, will bear in memory the above proceedings on the day of election for the former borough ; and in the latter also, should Lord Palmerston attempt to bury his former mortification at their expense, it is just possible that the scoff-scripture cause may be severely handled even by those who are not, strictly speaking, Members of the Church Establishment. The truth is, that this matter must be looked at as a whole. The object of that party of which Lord John Russell is (among Minis ters) the acknowledged head, has never been to reform the Church, and by reforming, to reinforce its moral power over society. Looking at the means employed, and at the agents and allies resorted to, for the furtherance of the po licy professed by the Melbourne Cabinet, there is nothing more obvious than the intention to treat the Irish section of the Church as a nuisance, and abolish it altogether. We have often declared our full admission that the surplus ap propriation clause, taken by itself, was nothing more than a brutunz fulmen, an innocuous truism, which had little sub ject of offence within it but its want of practical and appli cable signification. A surplus, by the very force of the term, means that which is not required for a specific pur pose—and if no more had been meant by the resolution than that such sums as might be found on investigation superfluous to the wants of the Church taken collectively should be turned to any other beneficial uses at the discre tion of Parliament, we at least should not have been found among the impugners of such a proceeding. But it is well understood, and was studiously so contemplated, by the Whig-Radical supporters of that vote, that it should not stand, save in connexion with certain appendages and adjuncts of a nature more formidable than itself—with the establishment of certain principles by, and in conformity to, which the question of surplus or no surplus should be de termined, and with the further agency of a certain class of persons, with whom would rest the power of directing the application of those principles in a manner the most ruinous to the Church. Here is the real sting of the Russell and O'Connell politics. The isolated vote was of little conse quence, but the animus under which that resolution must be enforced was the animus of O'Connell and the revolutionary faction, whose notion of a " surplus" might be easily guessed at from their hourly denunciations against the existence of the Church itself as a superfluity, and whose rage for the overthrow of the Protestant Establishment is such, that to ensure it they have fbr the time abandoned the very first element and instinct of Popery, and have the impudence to hang out the " voluntary principle" for a bait to catch the Radical portion of the Protestant non-conformists, as if it were in the nature of things that any but the rankest and most licentious hypocrite could, confessing himself to be a Papist all the while, treat the voluntary principle otherwise than with downright abhor rence. No ; an honest Irish Papist must of necessity be desirous to see his own faith and form of worship raised above all religious rivals. With him Church property is of the essence of the Church herself. An Irish Papist may be aware of numberless difficulties, of numberless dangers to his own personal interests, arising out of any at tempt to reconfiscate private property which may have been purchased by individual Catholics, relying for their only title on the antecedent confiscation. But no such risk of confusion or self-injury attaches, in the eyes of a Papist, to a seizure of property still in the hands of the Protestant Church, having undergone no change of owner ship but in the single transfer from the Romish unreformed clergy to those who had adopted the reformation. What was once transferred, and only once, may be re-transferred by a single act of power. The Protestant minister is stripped of his revenue, the priest receives it—there are no intermediate occupants—there is no complex succession of proprietors—Protestant and Catholic alternating with each other—with interwoven titles. The property of the Church of Ireland, therefore, we feel to be in the very front of the battle ; and as for disclaimers, disavowals, and so forth, by lay papist agitators, of any design or any wish to convert the lands or tithes (under the old or new form) to the benefit of the popish clergy, we laugh them to utter scorn. " A breath can make them," and a breath unmake. It would require no more than one vote of the College green Parliament to rest the whole possessions of the church in whatever hands might be most convenient to Mr. Daniel O'Connell, whose respect for oaths or other " secu rities" we would rather not be desired to estimate. No ; the triumph of Lord John Russell or of Lord Palmerston, in whatever county or borough of th e emp i re , i s t h e tr i umph of O'Connell, of 'Popery, and repeal. There is no line be tween them—not a hair's breadth. The subjection of the Whig Ministry- to the repeal supremacy may not be spon taneous, we are sure it is not, but it is inevitable, and there fore real. It is the sovereignty of O'Connell over the people of England. Such is the appalling state of parties.— Times. Mr. Ewart's notices of motion relative to the Prisoners' Counsel Bill, and the Capital Punishment Abolition Bill, stand for this evening. The object of the former Bill, we need hardly say, is to remove from the administration of British justice the reproach of denying a prisoner accused of a capital offence, or of any-felony, the right of making his full defence by counsel. In short, it only asks the Legislature to recognise the principle of even-handed jus tice between the Crown and the prisoner. It is passing strange that, with all our boasted improvements, we should be rapidly advancing to the middle of the nine teenth century, and that the right of a man on trial for his life to make that full and unmutilated defence which jus tice and reason demand has still to be conceded by the English law. We were going to say by the British law ; but it is not so. The law beyond the Tweed is in this re spect just and equal. Mr. Ewart only requires that a practice which secures to the accused in Scotland the means of making a full defence shall not be limited to the northern part of the island, but that Englishmen may have as fair a trial as their Scottish fellow-subjects. Even in England the Le gislature has recognised the principle for which we contend in the case of the highest crime—high treason, and imme morial usage has established it in the lowest cases of crime or misdemeanor. It is in the intermediate classes of crime —the felonies, many of which are as penal as high treason, and some of which are in reality less culpable than some misdemeanors—that the right of a full defence is denied. Let this vicious anomaly be removed from our Courts of penal law, and one accused of felony may then ex pect as fair a trial as one accused of high treason. Nor will the removal of the anomaly from our system pro duce any more practical inconvenience in this country than it does in Scotland. Indeed the proposed reform has not only reason and justice on its side, but the ex perienced talent of some of the ablest lawyers of the present day. As to the other Bill, of which Mr. Ewart has given notice of motion, we do not know to what extent it goes, but we think that it might be pretty comprehensive without asking too much. The spirit of inquiry which has been awakened of late years, not only in this country, but in several others, touching the effects of capital punishments, has been the means of throwing a great deal of light upon criminal jurisprudence, and has shown that sacrifices of human life are not only not necessary to deter men from crime, but that they are less effective for that purpose than punishments which do not revolt the natural feelings of mankind. We have pub lished from time to time, several calculations founded upon Parliamentary returns, among others, the convincing tables so ably computed by Mr. Wrightson. We have published returns from Belgium, pointing to a similar result ; more recently the accurate and intelligent AI. Duepetiaux, the Inspector-General of Prisons in the latter country, has strikingly shown the inefficiency of capital punishments in his Statistique de la Peine de Mort ; or rather he has shown that, with the decrease of executions, the most dangerous and malignant crimes diminish. Omitting the curious de tails of his calculations, for which we have not room at pre sent, we will merely state the great results. He takes the seven provinces of Belgium, and shows that during a space of 19 years, ending in 1814, in which there were 533 exe cutions, the number of murders, including poisoning, was 399, or 21 murders per annum. That during a space of 15 years, ending with 1829, in which the executions were only 71, the murders had diminished to 114, or not quite 8 per annum—that during four years, ending with 1833, in which there had been no executions, the murders had decreased to 13, be'ng only a fraction more than three per annum. Thus the mitigation of the sanguinary seve rity of the law, and, in the last period, its practical aboli tion, was so far from emboldening men to commit crime that it appears to have produced the opposite effect, as if the greater mildness of the law infused itself into human morals and restored to human life that protection from vio lence which laws that familiarised the popular mind with the shedding of blood on the scaffold had only broken down. The effect ascribed by the Roman poet to the cul tivation of the liberal arts may be as truly attributed to en lightened penal legislation— " " Emollit mores nee sinit esse feros," whereas cruel and barbarous laws taint the human mind with their fierceness, and cause it to reflect their own vin dictive image.—Morning Herald. In bringing the case of Dr. Webber before Parliament, Lord Stanley seems to have made certain that the High Church party would join with him in condemning the con duct of the Vicar, and calling for a measure of reform to prevent such grasping practices. Great must have been his surprise when the Member for the University of Oxford, to whom he had specially appealed, warmly defended every point he had attacked, and rebuked him as no better than the ungodly, and a spoliator. If Lord Stanley has been simple enough to believe that the correction of abuses en tered into the views of the High Churchmen, Sir Robert Inglis's speech must have dissipated so idle a notion. He observed with respect to the petition presented and sup ported by Lord Stanley, " It behoved the House to be most careful how they allowed themselves to be persuaded into the belief of any statements made in such petitions as these ; for they might be assured, that if they permitted the rights of the Church to be once suc cessfully invaded, the pseudo-popular party, gaining fresh cou rage from so unhallowed a victory, would proceed to the de struction of property of all other kinds. The Noble, Lord was one of the last men from whom he should have anticipated an attack on Church property. The Noble Lord was looked upon by the Established Church as one of her champions ; and it was a most unexpected thing to hear him bringing forward, he would not say as a matter of charge, but of invidiousness, that a vicar happened to receive 1,0001. a-year, or a college 3,5001. When the pl us or m i nus of Church property was brought in question, the security of that Church was in danger." If Lord Stanley wishes to retain his place among the Inglisses, Winchilseas, Newcastles, &c., he must lay the lesson to heart, that when the plus or minus of Church pro perty is brought in question, the security of the Church is in danger. The plus in its revenues (its sign of the Cross), and the minus in its congregations, he must accus tom himself to regard as equally just and proper. Where the revenues are concerned, ecclesiastical arithmetic consists of two rules only, addition and multiplication. Last year, in the debate on the Irish Tithe Bill, Lord Stanley more distinctly stated the principle, which Sir Robert Inglis now argues against him, that the Church must not be made a thing of proportions ; and flocks without pastors in England are surely as consistent with the rule of unfitness as pastors without flocks in Ireland. Poor Lord Stanley seems doomed to false positions. With respect to the High Church party on the one hand, and the true Reformers on the other, he appears to be taking the same sort of ground, offensive to both sides, that he occupies with relation to parties. He is the Little Isaac of the political stage, ever standing " like the blank leaf between the Old and New Testament." How must those words of Sir Robert Inglis have struck his ear, that " it was a most unexpected thing to hear him bringing forward, as a matter of invi diousness, that a vicar happened to have 1,0001. a year, or a college 3,500/. !" These are accidents of fortune which Lord Stanley must take care not to advert to, if he would retain his place among the Saints of the High Church. The Vicar who happened to have 1,0001. a year (how nice is the phrasing!) is also a Prebendary of Westminster, and Dean of Ripon ; but of course there are circumstances of the plus kind, from the mention of which Sir Robert Inglis carefully abstains, as dangerous (i. e., the mention, not the fact) to the security of the Church. The 1,0001. a year from Kirkham is only, it appears, a part of what Dr. Webber has happened to possess himself of. The fol lowing passage in Sir Robert Inglis's answer to Lord Stanley is admirably characteristic : " The Noble Lord stated that the Vicar had absented him self from the parish from 1829 till 1833, and only returned un der peculiar and un conc ili a t or y c i rcums t ances . r The fact was that the object of the Reverend Gentleman in visiting the pa. rish had nothing in it of a selfish or personal nature ; he visit ed it in pursuance of Lord Tenterden's Act, for the purpose of taking care that his successor's interests should not be compro mised by the agreement he had entered into ; and he had dis tinctly stated that whatever might be the increase of vicarial tithe, it should not be paid during his incumbency, but only on the accession of the next Vicar." Thus we see that the Vicar visited his parish after an absence of three or four years, not in pursuance of any duty imposed upon him as a minister of Christ, but in pursuance of Lord Tenterden's Act—it was not the Gospel, but a statute that moved him to his flock ; and he came not. for the cure of souls, but for the cure of tithes—for the pur pose of taking care of his successor's pecuniary interests, and not for the purpose of taking care of his existing flock's spiritual concerns. Good man ! he visited his parish purely with a regard to the small tithes of him who might come after him—anxiety for his flock's heavenly inheritance had nothing to do with the matter, according to the showing of Sir Robert Inglis. It would seem almost to be a maxim, take care of the pounds and the shillings, and the souls will take care of themselves. But there was a Curate for that secondary concern, and let us consider the exquisite con sistencies in the circumstances of his appointment, as stated by Lord Stanley : " One of the parties employed by Dr. Webber, as Curate, was a gentleman of the name of Matthews, Master of the Grammar School there, one of the fundamental rules of which institution was, that the Master should be allowed to attend to no other business or occupation whatever, but should wholly employ himself in the duties of the school. Besides this, Mr. Matthews was engaged part of his time by Dr. Webber in the collection of tithe; his appointment to either of these employ ments had been protested against by four of the visitors of the school, but to no purpose." Another 111ciAer, whose estate adjoins the parish of Kirkham, and who is a visitor of the school, stated that it was in consideration to stop the payment of the school, master, the duties of the office so filled by a gentleman em ployed both in the cure of souls and tithes, being, of course, very imperfectly performed. This is rich enough indeed— education and religious instruction obstructed by the same sordid arrangement—nothing well done, in all probability, but the tithe-collecting. Sir Robert Inglis says that no thing is to be considered but the legal rights of the Church. When the questions of the First Fruits and Tenths, and Trusts of Ecclesiastical Property terminating upon the conformity of the dispossessed Papists or their heirs, come under Parliamentary discussion, the clergy will be bound to abide by the rigour of the law upon which they now make their stand.—Morning Chronicle. It is highly gratifying to observe that the advice, based upon experience, which but a few months back we ten dered so anxiously to, and enforced so earnestly upon, the Conservative party, namely, to form Societies for the pur pose of watching the registry and securing the enrolment of bona fide electors, has been at length followed with energy and spirit. What, indeed, availed it that the wealth, in telligence, and respectability of a county or borough were arrayed on the side of order and good Government ? When the struggle really ensued—when the decision was to be made by a majority of registered votes—how worse than ridiculous was the situation of the well-meaning but idle and careless individuals whose virtual disfranchisement had been effected through their own neglect. With the mid land counties these admirable associationss for the pur pose of purifying the register originated. The electors of Newark and Leicester, unwilling to be misrepresented, determined to associate for this most constitutional as well as legal purpose, and the elections which took place at the commencement of the year afforded an example of what might have been almost universally effected, had the friends of the Constitution in all other been equally zealous and watchful. Our humble but sincere exhortations have now been reinforced by a most powerful and influential in structor in the person of Sir Robert Peel, who insisted with great force on this interesting topic in his unrivalled speech, on a late important occasion ; and the daily announcements which we have the gratification of making yield a satis factory reply to the appeal of the Right Hon. Baronet. " Oh, but," say our opponents, "we will form counter associations ; nay, if need be, we will revive our Political Unions for the purpose of offering that assistance to the honest voter which consists of" death's-heads and well-sea soned bludgeons." Be it so, we fear them not. Let but the real substantial elector remain upon the registry, strike off all who have no right to vote, enforce the provisions of the Reform Act strictly, and without favour or affection, and we have no fears whatever for the result. That such a course will be adopted we have now no doubt. Meanwhile, and until an opportunity for fairly polling the constituent body shall be afforded, let the Conservatives of Great Britain continue to meet, and to unite in a common determination to act with energy and zeal in support of the good cause. Let the rich and the poor, the exalted and the humble, understand that their interests are one, and inseparable—then the plots of wicked and foolish men will be discovered and crushed, and the interests of this mighty empire be again placed upon a secure and immoveable foundation. The state of the registration, the county registration particularly, in various parts of the kingdom sufficiently attests the neces sity of associations, to stimulate some individuals to the effort, small as it is, which the Reform Bill requires, as a preliminary to the exercise of their elective rights ; and to regulate or counteract the excessive zeal with which others employ themselves in the creation of faggot voters. Our excellent Contemporary, the Standard, brings under the notice of its readers an instance which illustrates the combined effects of unjustifiable apathy on the one hand, and of equally unjustifiable zeal on, the other. That remarkable instance is supplied by the parish of St. George's, Bloomsbury, in which the whole number of registered voters is fourteen, of whom no less than seven, or one-half of the whole county constituency resident in Aing•