The Sun. — London, England, 1835-11-11 00:00:00

L Y ) on which of 4O@l Stevens on, 'a c plain ti, I, • r obtaining that the tionsbip 1(1 seven -❑ in tiv' AY.) this caus e )u r d'a}•s pinion tir , r Mr , MSC 01 ,_ re view lo 1E074 te tu t s o f t" rkshire, 1° under case s vn c i s ;fore Lerj is returno to be sub' the final sions of tPet .t t he 4 15 ., ' IS tore Plii. Ited in u. d that th e t° t was to cert ifica ; had e ver # is no. , I ,e J e d to t".. the C O , n !,; i t town s :3 red, wbf t ,ble ( I °%, the vo:, le Act %"; Dus t be f° ,TE ALL° a re, i ~tior fn he by v, sc (Ake v tor. krrived tll6, ueb cc ', osiliontrep )rt the Eli' rate.---A' qcor, !be, lea nd• (rota 6' o r uc.a , Lon i ( on' 5 , 'roll,Pcter' 114- •• St C ook, "'''' w rt oa.v.cdp sa vcci at to t flte, b° Y•) 0 dera t i e r ; rites . 0,0 Good ch my ° f 11;iaricw 4,OS ° _~ a 5. i , 31. „, all 5 1,5 Th e fiftl i Ol t alla d ( I `` l , ) , r if ogetl , '; 3 o. time lot, crrfla 9 t i e y 1, pa r. ribe .es• Lay be,k,,t. c llll tea' rO' BRISTOL. GRAND DINNER TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. Bristol, during the whole of yesterday (Tuesday), Pre seetcxl a most lively and animated appearance. The (1 4 0 1 r dem an d . for ticket s , a nd the instantaneous sale of the t _ issue, p revente d a great many supporters o f t h e pre rt Mini s t r y f rom attend i ng the dinner ; but each c l ass o f the inhabit an t s appeared to v i e w i th the other i n demon ttmg their attachment to those principles which Lord _ l ra Rus se ll h as so l ong a d vocate d , an d i n ev i nc i ng t h e i r ea rnest desi re to d o h onour to t h e i r di st i ngu i s h e d v i s i tor. The vessels in the harbour hoisted their different colours ; salutes were fired fr o m ti m e t o time during the day, end, as the hour of his Lordship's arrival drew near, llPs of p eop l e assem bl e d i n t h e diff erent streets t h roug h which his carriage was expected to pass. At about three e lock hi s Lordship entered the town, having proceeded r e,n o to the Marquis of Lansdowne's seat at Bowood in a carriage, accompanied, as we understood, by Lord The hour Mr. Thomas Moore, and the Earl of Kerry. five hour fixed for the commencement of the dinner was o'clo c k ; b ut l ong b efore that per i od the l arge room of g r e Ploucester H o t e l, at Clifton (which had been engagad Pro cured Purpo se , as th e l arges t a p ar t men t w hi c h cou ld be wre cured near Bristol) was crowded. Covers were laid for t lll/W ards of 400 p ersons , an d if a l arger num b er co uld h ave ee l laecommodated, the constant and unavailing demand f oi tickets leaves no doubt that a much more extensive t,... t°° . 41 ..w0u1d have been equally filled. The apartment was thally decorated with artificial flowers at one end. Over e chair was placed a handsome star, with the initial " R." t ae Centre ; and at the other a transparency representing Fie bearing a crown of laurel. The whole of the ar "Valetas were on the most extensive and liberal scale, IN i n every respect adapted to the occasion. His Lord an entering the room, was reeeived with the same en 171taatic and deafening cheering which had followed his p e els to Clifton. He looked extremely well, and ap table". highly gratified with his reception. At the principal of We observed Lord Ebrington, Lord Seagrove, the Earl e rrYs Lord Andover, Thomas Moore, Esq., &c. &c. G s ith , Esq., presided ; on his right sat Lord John e, and on his left Lord Seagrove. iti",P cloth having been removed, and Non nobis Domine k 4., the following toasts were given from the Chair The King."—(Loud cheers.) The Queen."—(Cheers.) The Heiress Presumptive to the Throne."—(Tremen -4: cheering and waving of handkerchiefs.) The Duke of Sussex."—(Three times three, and tre end ',ea& cheering.) he handsome silver epergne which had been purchased r at%scri • . ptrons of sixpence each, to be presented to Lord and Placed was then borne up the centre of the room, "" q placed on the principal table amidst loud cheers. The CHAIRMAN, in announcing Mr. Bligh and a deputa -4-47; Of the Pl a t e C omm itt e e, s aid that the time had now 0 ,;/ed. when it was deemed most convenient to carry into le :cation the primary object of their meeting, viz., the pre th.ttion by the Reformers of Bristol of a piece of plate to Nobl e Lord who sat upon his right hand.—(Great 713 The thousands in that city who professed Libe ttprmeiples, and had adhered to them through many dis- C r agements and disadvantages, felt how they had long Ztt Misunderstood and misrepresented.—(Cheers.) They a 7.7 desired t o b e h ear d f rom their own lips, and that those , i ;rtabled should have an opportunity of judging for them les of their real sentiments and desires.—(Loud cheers.) t i . e r• lih then read the following address, which was ,I l Leatl ß y interrupted by great cheering. : s r ,. I ' l Y Lord,—lt is with heartfelt satisfaction that we now Je'Y th h th a , e 9nour of presenting to your Lordship in person yo,.' testimonial of high admiration and grateful sense of of !m Public conduct and political consistency,' which many u e friends of reform in this city and its neighbourhood kye united to prepare, and which they have with full con feoll inscribed to you, as 'the enlightened, persevering, and a t ''ess advocate of civil and religious liberty,'—( Cheers) — or ' k nee, the 'Minister of the Crown and the representative he People.'—(Cheers.) We wish we could have executed g ee t ernmrssion in presence of the thousands who would, we h , confid ent , h a v e ar d en tly an ti c ip a t e d in the sentiments y ou lc h we express ; but, in behalf of all, we now place before ~.4 1 ; Lord s hi p t h e o ff er i ng o f t h e i r h ono ur and their gratitude f eir gratitude for your numerous and i m p o rtant services k ° e t ae welfare of our country, their honour for the zeal and t s .,,,lrastness, the candour and decision, the moderation and I,tis.,lglitness; which have marked your course—the prospective *tr i m which it has displayed—and the comprehensive views t tai te have guided it, as to the respective rights and the mu , „relations of all parts of our national community. s t4t ,Pertnit us n o w, my Lord, to express in some detail those to ,_ ll flents which crowd into our minds on this interesting, and 1 t i .45 unprecedented occasion, when the Reformers of Bristol, glnatized as they have been by unmerited obloquy, are h0,.4:eul ,. 4 : e ul by the presence of a distinguished Minister of the wo, wh o has so recently declare& that he stands ' pledged i o ,, t ite Constitution of the country in all its branches, by feel t, by opinion, and by duty.'—(Cheers.) We too, my Lord, 4 e earnestly attached to the great and essential principles of the Constitution. We may differ among ourselves as to the oils by which they are to be rendered most efficient for the 4 „ t . ll taon welfare but we are all desirous to avoid that public t ratio n which the Reform in our representative system, in t i e n r pexi on with the ordinary means of free discussion, is re.n -,i ing unnecessary ; and which would interrupt the prosperity Re all commercial, anti the comfort of our social relations : ;N all are solicitous to promote the spirit of co-operation in the tp os a ,t Practical purposes of national improvement: we all are at .' earnest to throw no obstacles in the way of an Adminis -60,1611 Which we confide in; firmly believing that Lord Mel sfisrne and his patriotic colleagues are honestly determined to p ii !t due se purposes as speedily as they are able, consistently cl, l e regard to general tranquillity and security, to the fair of th e of opposing opinions, and to the permanent efficiency th ei measures by which they seek to promote the welfare of J.?elintry.—(Cheers.) a ,us, my Lor, though in a humble sphere, 0 , 14 ' stru incides o ggled, even longer d than yourself, against opinions Ftqf administration which are no lodger popular ; f r , r rnost of us, while confident as to the final result, looked cl ardi without any hope, that she principles which we re li•stoi7l as of paramount importance to the general welfare, t y ti u, in our own day, be recognised by the Legislature, and . afi a .le :Ministers of the Crown, as those on which our public 11 14 ' 4 Were henceforwards to be conducted. Yet now we see tr )oi l recognized, the principle of reform in all that has be isotie injurious and obsolete, for the preservation and improve ocio t i O f all that deserves to be p ermanent—the principle of rerrrd to the rights and welfare of all parts of our own p ti en al ba eommunity—the principle of peace and equity in all t e ," jelati ons with the other nations of the world. With in l. of i n t erest we o b serve th e rapid progress, and even ge tl;kftileption, of these principles ; and it is with earnest uhiess that we review the persevering exertions by li k en, through difficulties, and under discouragements, that L e : others, we mav nut have fully appreciated, they have now tr eh t) . r ri,c established and paramount. With that wisdom, in and steadfastness of purpose which mark the t 054 of Lord Melbourne's Administration—(Cheers) —a fs. or ,le which both falls in with the judgment of the people, and lest to give a right direction to it—we have no fear the a second attempt, if made, should be more successful than of Palt has been, to regain ascendancy for a system ,Fciverninent that suits not the age in which we live, or to ~rcit t o ot h er hands the di rect i on o f measures w hi c h th ose far` w ho have planned and laboured to effect them, ought to o sol Y to thei r accomplishment, and which they only can ac- N, representatives, in th e i r t rue spirit and purpose.—( Cheers.) Through supported by the voice of the people, such '44 4tt emPt, it made, must again be defeated ; and among Ar t r- constituencies, my Lord, the Reformers of Bristol have f s , b een backward to prepare for such an emergency. Union qt,,,,nlmon objects, and the re li nqu ishment of all separating th,''tions, will form ou r mo tt o , an d w ill be the motto of all iiikr l ßhout the kingdom who seek reform in order to preserve , i to . ren o V a t e .—(Aiplaiise.) Of the has been, my Lord, one of the most cheering features N t 'e Present eventful period, that enlightened and disinte sk:tl statesmen, who, with little support, had laboured in the ts 4 of civil an d religious liberty, under obloquy, and with %i gt „l l cesi which were caused only by their high-minded con iU t ` o rl qY and sense of public duty, should at last have been called lat s make that cause triumphant, and to carry its requirements Ist" effectual operation.—(Applause.) We are not unmind rii,:ti others who deserve our gratitude and our honour ; yet tiswe congratulate your Lordship, that services so dis ltis47\tshed a n d i mportant h ave b een i ntrus t e d t o y ou .—( Hear, 4t," We cannot lose sight of the connexion which, in r,'..st witl i ' t t L n e name of Russell—(Tremendous applause)—has had 44 0 "e elevated purposes of true patriotism ; ar,i we per stNi w ith delight, that it is indelibly impressed e . ,1 the present ha l , B °f•our Constitution, and associated with the greatest ad ttt hat have ever been made in the application of its the 6 N :: 1 1 principles. Ye will not forget that it was by the great General of Ikt ß Zge that th e terr ibl e b arr i er was b ro k en d own , by whi c h a ri ght Proportion of our fellow-subjects were excluded from the of all : but we also call to mind, with high satisfaction, me atisd o „, preparation which had lren made for that act of 'lith o ; and equity, by the previous act of justice, which, when 4 's tod Political power, and in opposition to those who pos q n I t , Your Lordship successfully introduced into the House 4 -4141 " s—the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts.— sooats of t ,ry ab , applause.) To yourself, and - to Lord Holland, your t he to al e coadjutor in the House of Lords, one large class of e r tt e4L ' o emunit y must ever he grateful. On that, and on every 1 , 1 , te t t :',,h,ave your Lordship and your noble colleague mani ;'gtrt full comprehension of the great principle of religious 'tlt z ,._:tnat no one should be the worse, in his reputation, his vi etion %t, or his usefulness, for his conscientious religious con ;1"---( Cheering.) And for the character of the measure ky Lor t, , d fo r its effects, it must ever be regarded by yourself, tUbli o u, as well as by others, as a distinguished era in your re- 6 career. It was the commencement of that series of rrilwinit.nt cha nges , w hi c h, a id e d as t h e y h a v e been by the teti n ,si liberality and intelligence of the community, are ef rlita't} healthful vigour in our public relations,und strength e attach ment o f t h e peo pl e t o th e ir Country, and to its 6, rolls for th e genera l we lf are . Yoari: ° e l this, we proceed to the high service committed to s t ) hr eit , °r dihis by that venerated statesman whom our patriotic n 11 4 called to preside over his couacils ; -whose life THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1835. Such had been the Gnvernments which had preceded, ane such was the resistance which had been afforded even to the smallest species 'er etep of reform, that it became neces sary to introduce some large and complete measure in order to restore to the peOple that which, by the Constitution, they had a perfect right to claim, viz.-3n adequate and free representation.—(Cheers.) I shall always rejoice that Lord Grey should have done me the honour in the first place, when be wished a plan of reform to be drawn accord ing to his own enlightened views, that he should have fixed upon me as one of those by whom that plan was to be pre pared ; and that, in the second place, when the plan, having been matured, was to be proposed in Parliament, he should depute to me the task of bringing it before the House of COmmons.- . --(Cheers.) Upon a subject so well known, I will not detain you longer ; there were other questions which it was necessary for any Mi nister who looked to the permanent welfare of his coun try, to take into his comprehensive and deliberate considera tion. One of these was, that which affected the state of the West Indies and the condition of 800,000 human beings, who had been kept in a state of slavery, and whose condition had induced this country to cry aloud for the abolition of that degrading and frightful crime.. Lord Grey wishing, in conjunction with his colleagues, to carry those views into effect, decided that they could not introduce any measure for the purpose unless those who might lose by the change, and who had been taught to expect none would ever be made, were adequately remunerated ; and I must say that I think nothing ever redounded so much to the glory of the nation as the readiness with which the people made that remunera- tion.—(Cheers.) Other nations—ourselves among the number—have incurred debts, and thrown away millions for the sake of paying the price of sanguinary battles fought in various scenes of the world ; other nations have given large sums to raise sumptuous edifices and to adorn the depositories of their country with the magnificent and seducing works of art ; but it was reserved for this country, I believe alone, among the nations of the world, to devote the fruits of their industry, their soil, and their honesty and well acquired wealth, to obtain for 800,000 fellow-beings in another section of the globe, • an exemption from the 'frightful bonds of slavery.—(Loud cheers.) There was another question upon which there was no such excitement of popular opinion, but which, to the minds of statesmen afforded a lasting ground of anxiety. Among the many gross errors which had been committed during the war, alterations had been admitted both in the. legislation and in the administration with respect to the poor laws, leading to such abuses tfiat the property of the land -owner, the power ilf=the- fa:C nner to niploy useful _and fficient labourers, and the character of the labourers them- selves, were all exposed : the property to depression and destruction ; and, what was far more valuable than all, the character of the whole labouring ' population to a state . of degradation, idleness, and crime. —(Cheers.) There were other questions which Lord _Grey's Government. might have brought forward, which would have been far more dazzling in the eyes of the public in general ; but to men earnestly takinA into consideration the state of the country, and anxious to arrest an evil which was, in all parts of it, one of appalling and increasing magnitude, it became a first duty to devise such a remedy as might in time be sufficient to amend it ; and I have the happiness to say that I hear monthly, and even more frequently from those , who are placed at the head of the new Administration of the Poor Laws, that neither the discontent nor the ob stacles which were at first excited, were so great as was anticipated ; that the wholesome and ancient confidence is gradually springing up between the employer and the employed ; and that the labourer, in seeking his reward for giving up idleness and dissipation, has the comfortable reflection that he gains it by his own honest labour.— , (Loud cheers.) With regard to the foreign policy of Lord Grey's Government, at a time when the revolution in France had just taken place, the separation of two countries previously united by the strongest ties, the expedition of Don Pedro into Portugal, and the case of our allies in the East—all these subjects were so considered as to maintain the character of the country, and preserve the peace of the world.—(Cheers.) The question of the East India Charter, in which a monopoly was destroyed ; the Bank charter, involving the whole currency question ; and other most important subjects, were also taken into consi deration. It will always be a source of regret that any thing should have taken place to lead to the termination of Lord Grey's conduct of the Ministry, before the time at which he himself bad decided upon retiring—the end of the Session of 1834. I allude to the event which deprived his Majesty's Councils of Lord Grey's assistance, merely to notice a calumny as extraordinary as any that was ever promulgated, but which will leave to all public men, when they are calumniated too, the satisfaction of reflecting that no degree of virtue—no degree of freedom from blame, can save them from Calumny, when even Lord Grey was exposed to it—(Hear, hear, and cheers)-1 allude to the charge which was mad 4 against Lord Althorp of having acted with a degree of baseness towards Earl Grey, with the view of obtaining office for himself. Now, gentle men, no person who knows any thing of the character of Lord Althorp, however remotely, can fail to know that he was a man in no way capable of a base or underhanded ac- _ tion, and that he was even a man whose fault it was, ii public life, to be too averse to office, and too anxious to escape from its responsibilities.---(Cheers.) In the third place—if ever there were a man devoted to the fame and: reputation of Earl Grey, that man was Lord Althorp.—, (Loud cheers.) I know, however, how unnecessary it is, for Lord Althorp's sake, that I should say even this much ; I know how the simple grandeur of his character was above it.—(Hear, and cheering.) I now coma to the ob servations you have made relating to the acts of Lord Melbourne's Government, and I will at once mention the question to which you have specially alluded—that of Mu nipal Corporations. It was our opinion that if we were to have any freedom in our institutions, it was impossible to allow self-elected Corporations any longer .to exist.— (Cheers.) It seemed to us necessary that these bodies should be subjected to vigilant popular controul ; and I am satisfied, by the terms in which you have expressed yourselves, how wisely and temperately you are deter mined to exercise the powers placed in your hands by that Government. This is a great satisfaction to me. I have introduced measures of a popular kind, in the full confidence that the people might be trusted with the powers I proposed to vest in them ; and I have after wards had the satisfaction, in many instances, of seeing hoW fully my predictions have been verified.--(Cheers.) I therefore think it would not only be superfluous, but rather insulting in me, to attempt to give you any advice on this subject,, seeing that if I coin ' n ave wished to say anything, I should. have 1 - ecomritended that very course of conduct which 10 your address you state your deter mination to I,ursue.—(Loud cheers.) I come now, Gen tlemen, to another subject, a more delicate and painful one, one which requires to be considered with temper, forbearance, and calmness, but the very mention of which unfortunately seems sometimes to drive away temper, forbearance, and calmness altogether—l mean the ques tion of the state of Ireland.—(Cheers.) We have a mat duty to perform to Ireland ; it is a country which has been long under our rule ; with regard to which we have, in some respects, fulfilled our duties, but have in others, I midst say, almost criminally neglected them. —(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, you all know—it has been, unhapp;:,y, matter of frequent occurrence—that in Ireland !her . , prevail, among the peasantry, crimes which are not, as in this country, the crime of individuals impelled by revenge, love of gain, or other personal motives, but crimes of confe deracy and combination, not to mention any of those dread ful crimes which so frequently excite our horror—l will give you a simple instance of my meaning with respect to the state of the country, and which occurred, I, think, somewhere about a year and a half ago. A man who had taken some laud hired a labourer to.go out with hiM to till it ; on coming to the spot they found already there the pre vious tenant who had been ejected for the non-payment., of his rent. The man had a gun ready which he pointed at the new tenant ; it missed fire—he cocked it again; and aimed at the labourer, who knew nothing of the quarrel or of the cause, and shot him dead. You r4ll naturally say, " Here was a dreadful and unprovoked case of homicide, and every one must have been anxious to arrest the mur• derer." Quite the contrary, Gentlemen. The feeling of all the people around was, that the murderer ought to be protected ; the matter was not inquired into until some hours afterwards, and when the police arrived on the spot it was impossible to find any clue or evidence, the people all saying that the man was rightly killed for coming on the land under such circumstances. This is what I mean when I say that the crimes in Ireland were crimes of confechracy and combination. What remedy do • We propose? We pro= pose, no doubt, with regard to the physical evils of Ireland, such measures and such remedies as may amend them ; but with regard to this moral evil—this perverted sense of right and wrong—we do intend and propose to teach and diffuse the great principles of religion in that country.—(Loud cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, I contend that this is only acting upon the principles which I have seen taught by the Reverend Bishops of our Church—that it is the duty of the State to take care that religious and moral instruc tion be given to its peoPle. With regard to this great sub ject, until the accession of Lord Grey's Administration, nothing had been done. The Established Church addressed itself only to one-eighth or one-tenth of the people ; and with regard to education, it had been made so exclusive a system by the Roman Catholic Clergy, that they would not allow the Roman Catholics to send their children to a Pro testant place of worship. What was the first step we took to remedy the evil ? To introduce a new and general system of education --.a system in which all classes of reli gion might partake. A certain number of days being de voted to teaching the Protestants and Roman Catholics the great principles of morality and Christianity, whilst on others they might learn the particular articles of their own belief; according to the doctrines of each Church.-, . (Tremendous cheering.) Such was the system of educa tion proposed by Lord Stanley ; but in order to render its benefits extensive and large, it required that greater funds sziftql fol,prOtlide it. Whence were those funds to be derived Trllcid q that enlarged view of what was the intention of the establigittient, tttid what the, duty of the State, which I have just expressed, I considered that while a sulicient leMlNrP4'ioo wa s given to the .`- se had flocks ministers of the Protestant Church Where to teach, where they had no flocks and no congregation those funds might be fairly and properly applied to the seneral education of the people.—(Loud cheers). What objection can there be to this proposition? I think none, unlesS you adopt the principle of Lord Stanley—a prin ciple to which I never could assent—(Deafening cheers) — to which I never could assent, although I admired the Manliness and firmness with which lie stated it in the Howe of Commons--namely, that even where there was a single Protestant, or even where there was no Protestant at all, there ought to be a Protestant minister, and glebe-house, and a payment of tithes.—(Loud cries of " No.") Lord Stanley avowed this principle manfully ; he scorned to shrink from the avowal of the consequences which would necessarily result from it, and I will only say, that I think of- itself it is a proposition to which you cannot reason ably give any support or acquiescence.—(Great cheering.) Well then, Gentlemen, what are the objections to the proposition I have made ? lam sorry to say, that instead of reasoning upon this point—instead of considering the religious and moral improvement of Ireland, and the civil tranquillity prevailing among her people—the great ends of Government—the adversaries of our proposition have had recourse, in the first place, to personal attack, and, in the second, to religious dissension. With regard to the first, I think it would be as much waste of time to stop to notice the daily means taken of abuse, which every public man must encounter, as it would be for the traveller riding through a village to stop and chase every cur that r a n b a r k .' ing at his heels ; but there are persons—there is one in particular to whom I cannot forbear alluding, who is re ported to have made certain statements in a speech at Exe ter, which I own surprised me. He is a man of consider able talent, of great power of speaking, formed to rise and take a conspicuous part in the public affairs of this country —I mean the Learned Member for Exeter.—(Cheers.) .His charges in amount are, that we have made a compact ,or agreement to give up the,Protestant Church in Ireland to Mr. O'Connell without having thought. the question, befbre ;' that wehave, if his words are correctly reported, made.as - unprincipled a coalition as ever darkened or dis graced the history of this, country." • Now, it must .be ob terited—itN,iiorth 'observing,' for -if it bad' noe.been the case, and then we should never have heard of this charge —that it is made, not in Parliament, not before the assem bled Commons, where it might. have been answered, but that it is made ex inatuli cautela, before a body from whom there was no chance of meeting with any contradiction. Now, I must say, that these gentlemen who make charges, do a little vary and shift their ground without sufficiently considering their former assertions.—(Cheers and laughter.) In November last, when nothing could be more hostile than the language of Mr. O'Connell towards Lord Mel bourne's Administration, we were then told, by their ac credited organs, and literary reviews, that I had prepared a .plan for razing the Church and dismissing the ministers of the Protestant Establishment in Ireland—and that that plan had caused the dissolution of the Government about six months afterwards. That charge having been answered and contradicted, we find them propagating a fresh order, to the effect that I have no opinion at all with respect to any change in the Protestant Church, and solely adopt one at the suggestion of others. Now one of those charges at least must be false ; and it does unfortunately happen, they being very different and dissimilar, that they are both utterly false ; for, while in November, I had not pre pared the plan which I had proposed of the Cabinet agreed to ; so on the other hand, this opinion of mine with respect to the Protestant Church of "Ireland is no new opinion, adopted at the suggestion of any one ; but as I will shortly show you, adopted on my own reflection and con sideration, maintained at very great pain, and after no inconsiderable experience.—(Cheers.) It so happens, in the first 'place, that in"the "year 1824, I supported a mo tion of Mr. Hume's, the. purport of which was to de clare that the Protestant Church in Ireland ought to be maintained with a smaller number of persons, and at a less cost. That question slept for some time, until Lord Grey's Administration had been formed. During the dis cussions on the tithe question in 1832, those who had re ferred to the former debates, and observed my previous votes on the question, fairly enough asked me whether I still maintained that opinion? it being well known that Lord Stanley would be opposed to it. I then stated that I thought the Church of Ireland bad not fulfilled the great purposes . of religious and moral instruction, and that it was necessary it should be reduced, not only because it was not adequate for its own purposes, but likewise for the sake of its own stability. At that time nothing could be more 'hostile than Mr. O'Connell was to the Government. In 1833. came • tho- question of the temporalities of the Church of Ireland. I had already stated in the House of Commons that my first impression on hearing that plan *as, that as it did not contain what is now called an appropriation .clause, it would become me to retire from office -- a determination which I was only in duced to rescind by finding that on the main point Lord Althorp and others entertained as strong an opinion as myself ; but we all thought it would be in expedient at that time to dissolve Lord Grey's Go vernment. What I stated in the House of Commons in the course of the present year cannot have escaped the notice of the Learned Member for Exeter. In that same year, 1833, I stated—l think in the discussion on the 147th clause—that in my opinion the State had a full right to dispose of the revenues of the Church—(Loud cheering)—and that I should be prepared to assert that opinion when the proper time arrived.—(Cheers.) In the year 1834, I—prematurely, as many persons thought, but ,certainly impelled by a strong feeling upon the subject, When . the tithe question was under debate—stated that I still entertained the opinion I held in 1832; that the Irish Church ought to be reduced, and that some part of its revenues should be applied to the general instruction of the people. I added, that if I were obliged to maintain that opinion by separating from my dearest friends, with whom I was associated in office, I would not hesitate to make that sacrifice, and to do what I conceived was jus tice to Ireland.—(Enthusiastic cheering, prolonged for. several minutes, accompanied by waving of handker chiefs.) Gentlemen, that declaration of mine may have baen premature—it may have been injudicious ; but with that opinion on record, creating, as it (lid, a consider able sensation, both in the House of Commons and in the country, I do wonder that any Learned Gentle man of known talent and ability should rise before an audience in whose ignorance he must have had a most contemptuous confidence, and tell them that I had adopted this opinion in 1833, in order to conciliate and meet the views of Mr. O'Connell.—(Prolonged cheering.) At that time, and for some time afterwards, Mr. O'Connell, whom I did not blame for it s —far be it from me to blame any Irishman for distrusting any Ministry—expressed dis trust in Lord Melbourne's Administration. He expressed that distrust again in October, and it has been more than once stated by Sir 'Robert Peel in the House of Commons, and in his speech at Tamworth, to be the ground on which he rested his hopes of the continuance of his Administra tion.—(Loud cheers.) I know not, Gentlemen, where is the harm, or why we are to blame, if, in the assertion of these principles we meet with the support of Mr. O'Con nell: But putting the No Popery cry out of the question, lotus suppose that the same question arose in Scotland in the' Revolution of 1080, and that instead of the atrocities and horrors which were then committed, this plain and simple offer had been made, ‘.‘ We will his p en with your Episcopal Church, but let there be a certain number of sellooh; 'to which one sixth of the Church revenue shall be applied, and in which the English Church Catechism shall not be taught"—would not any man have supposed that that was a roast moderate and temperate proposition? And When I mention further, that in producing a similar proposition with respect to Ireland, I claim the support of those who cannot be considered and are not friendly to the Church Establishment.—(Cheers ) But if you will permit me on this occasion, as our conduct with respect to Mr. O'Connell has been very severely handled, I will just s it ta n t o e t t b o e y e o n u fo w r li t a b t e u a tS a t c h k e s c ‘‘ o i n li d e u .h ct of another Ministry with , regard to th a t individual. I should not have do n e this had h een made upon ; because I a gree w ith w h a t i s s t a t e d i n y ou r ad o . ‘2"'' and a l" disposed to give every honour to the great Military Calm.._ for carrying through-Parliament the great measure of Cas tholic Emancipation, It was proof of a great mind in the Noble Duke. to take the course he did with respect to the Measure ; but when we are told that we are ceding entirely to the views or threats of Mr. O'Connell, you mast allow me to read you a passage from the history of 1329. On the 28th of April in that year, the Duke of Wellington stated in the House of Lords that there was no person in that House whose sentiments and opinions, after long considera tion, were more decided than his were with respect to the .Roman Catholie claims, and he must say, that until he saw t astt C h pia: o j e cenn l en c oe s c l e n b n a change in that question, lie was determined to oppose it. Now, a debate took place some weeks afterwards upon quoted, or t .t h e o e d ~R c lo o m p nrna e en s iurmC s Catholic t i .h nc o o l r i lry c ei which Lord Gentleman ich that to the Catholics of Ireland that they had ob shletaeo:uncdfirled to unqualified" s,.ha tthaantd concessionunconditional ~as tcoonbcee attributed?ssio ;antl —whether to the tone of moderation which had been adopted, or to the threats which had been held out, and the strong language which had been used ? He was disposed to think the latter. If that were the case, to whom were those threat s , ' a nd t o w h om was th a t strong language held but? :Not -to a Whig Government7-rnot to Lord 2.141e1- itu... bourne or his colleagues—but to the Duke of Wellington, and the opponents of Catholic Emancipation. What was the course of the Government of this country with respect to Catholic Emancipation ? Pitt, Grattan, Plunkett, Fox, Canning, and other great men opposed the claims of the Catholics ; reason and argument failed alike in affording any conviction of the necessity of the measure. To what was it yielded at last ? To force. In the speeches of the Duke of Wellington, he expressly stated—and I readily '—'*. much to his honour—that he yielded, because he was r a civil war. Gentlemen, I rejoice at unwilling to enciaa;:_ but I cannot but concur in that question having been cern, • with that great the opinion expressed by Lord Grey, tn.- thrc-its benefit there :MA an unhappy lesson taught , that ' and strong language were the Mean to get other favour able concessions for Ireland. We. unfortunately inherited the . difficulties which the lesson of the Dake of Wellirge ton had created. Mr. O'Connell's party naturally com menced a new syste.o of agitation, denounced tithes, and advocated the Repeal of the Union. Lord Althorp stated in the House of Commons, that sooner than yield to the dismemberment of the empire, he would encounter any risk, even that of civil war. We introduced and endured with great pain a measure, I will fearlessly say, most re pugnant to the spirit of our Constitution ; but having done so, and having succeeded in that proposition, and having afterwards upon no ground of force, but-on grounds of pure justice, determined that we would take that part with re spect to tithes in Ireland which the complaints of the people required, 'I think I am entitled to say that the Duke of Wellington, and Sir Robert Peel at the head of the Go vernment, opposed reason, defied and resisted argument, and yielded- and succumbed to force ; while we, on the other hand, have opposed ourselves most successfully and decidedly to force, and yielded and succumbed to reason. —(Tremendous cheering.) With regard to' religious dis sensions, let them not be introduced into our political dis cussions ; questions of conscience are too holy and too sacred to be dragged into the arena of politics ; they do but pervert politics from their true meaning; they do but de grade religion from its true intent.—(Cheers.) There was a time when persecution, and bloodshed, and cruelty, were but too frequently mixed up with sacred and reli gious subjects ; but, gentlemen, those contests and battles are over, and the temper which ought to be introduced into them now, is one of stedfast but humble confidence in our own belief, and respect for the conscientious belief others.—(rheers.) After some furthyr observations on this point,,. the Noble Lord proceeded to say : I am satisfied the Established • Church in this country never will be so iecutia as When'. the claims of -the' frotestant Dissenters have been conceded.—(Cheers.) • It was my fortune-to be entrusted with a proposal to Parliament for the abolition of those disgraceful Statutes the Test and Corporation Acts.—(Loud cheers.) Happy shall I be if in the next Session of Parliament I may be the means of remedying any of the yet remaining grievances by which the Dissen ters of England may think themselves oppressed.—( Loud Cheers.) You have in your address quoted my declaration that I stand " pledged to the Conititution of the country in all its branches, by feeling, by opinion, and by duty." I made that declaration from the belief which I steadfastly enter tain, that the Constitution has within itself power sufficient for the ultimate remedy of any disorders with which it may be affected.. I will not now enter—there is no need of my now entering, into the grounds which have actua ted my conduct. It has, I know, been stated that it was a . matter of censure that • I would not allow discussion to go on—that I would not allow public opinion to form it self gradually and reverse my own opinion, until public dis cussion had been fully concluded. I will not discuss now the question of prudence or imprudence ; but this I must say, that if I 'tan be of any use to this country—if I can be of any use to the great and popular party among which I hold the station I certainly do not desire, it must be by the unequivocal expression of my opinion.—(Cheers.) It is' for the people to judge soberly and deliberately whether ' my opinions are valuable or worthless. If they honour me s'ith their approbation I can still be of use—l can still be of some service to my country. If those opinions should be discovered to be worthless, it will be a satis faction to me to reflect that- I shall not have passed through public life without being of some little utility, and that in the -measures of the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts; the Bill for the Reform of the Representation, and the Act for the Reform and Amendment of our Municipal Corporations, I shall have left some traces of having lived to serve, and of having been enabled to serve the cause of civil and religious liberty ; and I can say with some degree of exultation, " Not fate itself can on the past have power, But what is done is done, and I have had my hour." So much, gentlemen, with reference to myself. With re gard to you, I am persuaded that if you go on in the spirit in which this address is conceived, neither abandoning nor conceding any great principle of reform, but at the same time promoting and forwarding it temperately and cau tiously, you will have a right to say that while the great na tional and commercial prosperity of this country may hold on its way unbroken, the institutions of -the country may be carefully and wisely improved, carrying with them all that spirit of liberty stamped upon them by our forefathers, combined with all that the increased knowledge, civilization, improvement, and experience of their descendants could confer.—(Loud and prolonged cheering, amidst which the Noble Lord resumed his scat.) Several deputations were then admitted into the room, and presented addresses to his Lordship, congratulating him on the services he had rendered to the country, and particularly to the cause of civil and religious liberty. The CHAIRMAN, in giving " The People—the true source of legitimate power," said—l have now the honour to pledge you to a toast from which no intelligent and true hearted Englishman—e. no one who understands the principles of good government and of the British Constitution, will ever shrink—a sentiment which, if lam not much mis taken, is in this our own day better understood, more ge nerally recognized, and More faithfully acted on, than in any former period of British history. While it traces all legitimate authority to its ,true origin—the people—it at the same time reminds us, by plain and necessary implica tion, of the ditty of subjection to authority, so derived. The truth it expresses was firmly and successfully assented to by the patriotic Statesmen of 1688. It has been the watchword of their liberal and noble-minded successors, out. of office, and as the Ministers of the Crown they still, by actions which :speak louder than words, appeal to it as their motto. The toast was received with loud cheers. The next toast was, " The health of the Bishop of the diocese." " The Ministers of all religious denominations" followed, which was acknowledged by Dr. Carpenter. The CHAIRMAN then rose and said,—the toast which stands next on the list needs only to be announced to call forth a warmth of feeling more expressive and convincing , than can be conveyed in mere - words. We should be pre pared, however, not only to avow but to explain anti vindi cate our political preferences and attachments. if, then, we are asked why we rank ourselves among the supporters of the present Government, we answer, because the states men who compose it have always professed and advocated principles in harmony with the British Constitution, and friendly alike to the honour and stability of the Throne, and the liberty and happiness of the people—principles which, if universally acted on, would make civil government what it is intended to be—a grand instrument for promot ing the improvement, and securing the peace and happiness of mankind. These principles they bravely asserted when all that is hostile to them prevailed—when votes, and places, influence, rank, and power, were bought and sold—when the public weal was a secondary consideration, and was made subservient in a thousand instances and in every direction to unprincipled selfishness, or at best to a misdirected ambi- ' tion. For these reasons ire have heretofore chesea rather to share the fortunes of a depressed and discounte nanced, but, as we firmly believe, an enlightened and patriotic party, than to court the smiles and strengthen the hands of their adversaries. For the same rea sons we attach ourselves firmly and ardently to those men who now, as the Ministers of the Crown, and the guides of our Legislatare,. are honourably, steadily, and successfully carrying their professions into effect, and exhi biting to a delighted nation the fruits of their principles in a series of measures more pure, more just, more extensively beneficial, more calculated to annihilate what is wrong, to confirm and establish what is right, than any course of legis lation which any country in any period of' its history ever roduced. Time allows only a bare m e n tion of the more prominent of these acts cf wisdom and beneficence—Par liamentary Reform ; abolition of West. India slavery ; the • -cr of the East India and China trades, accompanied • .:on for the present mitigation and the speedy by a P ly - I,h , - x l l l cry in the East ; the entire remodel lin g of abolition 4 laws, upon prineipirs which will be found oar system of lculable benefit to the resources to combine an almost . • ' , web more important, the im of the country, with what is . p rove ment in their moral and ph - y‘' /Il • co * ndition of the poor Reform Act. Now themselves ; and, lastly, the Municipal . f or the coon these five great measures have been effect er..:aks, and try and for mankind in the midst of difficulties, r • " • 4.1,, hostility which nothing but the soundest discretion, most indomitable courage and perseverance, sustained and invigorated by conscious moral rectitude, could pozeibly have overcome. Anti these greater measures have been accom panied all along by a succession of enactments, less striking indeed, but. breathing the same spirit of wisdom and bene ficence, and by which the burdens of the country have been lightened, and its penal code improved—justice in our civil courts of law and of equity facilitated and cheapened, and encouragement afforded to general education. These, we say, arc the natural fruits of our own principles brought into , action by men carble of appreciating and supporting them. When we consider that the changes thus introduced • arc but in theirinfancy, that we have not, vet emerged from the conflict, that the struggle and the tumult, of contending- • ~,- : princip!es, of two systems of governmtatti4iL,ttetailisali site, yet continues, that other measures-of i sitniftecirai 26 o 3 % 't are still pending, with the certain prosivit.lbf-inVeteiilt 6 and 'c' determined resistance—in such circuiqs(inces,-I say, it is matter of some surprise, and of great sat' tiction and iltPtik- -- 4' fulness, to observe, ns we already do, the most unequiVoo l- ' proofs of the good results of a system so admirable in thcOry : but so new and experimental in practice. We see disconterit and agitation subsiding, confidence restored, trade and ma nufactures thurishing, labour abuidant. capital freely in- Nysted in magnificent schemes of improvement, and all the na tional energies,mental and physical, beginning to be dedicated to beneficial purposes. This is our condition at home. Abroad, every day augments the moral influence of England—we are :Lilly mo re and more under Providence the hope, the stay, and the dete,,:e :.‘f the rights and liberties of mankind. I speak soberly when r saj ti . e. unless we betrai ourselves, so ani matingoo glorious a prospect as that which opens to our view, never yet presented itself to a nation. it is res p lendent, not with the wreck of war, or the glitter or ill-gotten na tional wealth, but with the benignant rays of :rah, justice, and liberty. Such is the position to which w. , . have bren already advanced under the conduct of Lord Melbourne... and his excellent colleagues. Shall we be unmindful of their services? Shall we desert our leaders? No ! They • have made our interests theirs—theirs shall be onri7. We tender them our deliberate confidence, our fervent appro bation, our heartfelt gratitude. Only one word more. W.-. owe them a return for their noble services, their generous confidence. We must be true to them and to ourselves. Benefits conferred, trusts reposed, create corresponding, du ties and rssponsibilities. How shall we discharge them ? how, but by imitating the example set us—by cultivating the virtues we admire—by showing that we also in our narrower sphere are faithful to our professions, more mind ful as citizens of the public good than of oar private and selfish interests, superior -o petty resentments and intem perate triumphs, ' ust, upright, and benevo lent in ail our actions. So shall we silence column subdue animosity, and honour our good cau:e.—(Great, elverimr.) The health of Lord Melbourne and his Majesty's ' Minis ters was then given, and received amidst .diou::s of applause. [Want of room to-day oblig . es us to defer the Oosa of the proseedia; . z.s till t .-morrow.] had been marked by the consistency of a high sense of duty, by steadfast efforts for the welfare of our own country, by a religious consideration of the rights of other nations : who be gan his public career with endeavours to reform the represen tation of the people ; and who, after he had passed more than 40 years in exclusion from power, framed an Administration which not only accomplished this great object to an extent that exceeded our most sanguine expectations, but maintained the relations of peace with surrounding states ; supported what was favourable to enlightened liberty abroad ; abolished the system of slavery in our colonies ; gave a new scope and impulse to our commercial industry ; made great preparation for the improvement of our laws, and commenced a system which will, we trust, be found effectual for the rescue of our poor from the degradation and evils of pauperism. We can not but perceive that in all these varied services for the pub lic good, your Lordship took an efficient share ; and in rela tion to that measure of reform which so peculiarly devolved upon you, we gladly advert to one effect, which from its nature was more observed than expressed; in the crisis which pre ceded the restoration of Lord Melbourne to the helm of affairs, the calm of the people was mainly owing to the confidence in spired by the new power of the representative system, and the deep earnestness of the public mind, united with such tran quillity, was a high tribute to the value of the „Reform Act, as well as a grand moral feature in the present character of our country. " But of that power, the chief proof yet afforded has been, my Lord, the change, extensive and important, which it has enabled the Government to accomplish in our municipal insti tutions, and which, also, has been so peculiarly under your care. Of the course your Lordship pursued throughout, as well as of the honourable and united support of the represen tatives of the people; of the talent and comprehensivenesi of view employed in framing this great measure ; and of the firm ness, precision, and energy, with which Lord Melbourne supported it, among hostile bands ; we entertain the highest appreciation. Nor can we omit to express a like estimate of that sound policy which led your Lordship and the House of Commons to accept the Municipal Reform Bill, as it finally came from the House of Lords ; since, even in its impaired state, we perceive it to be a vast change for good upon our present system, and see that it presents the power of progres sive improvement. We have no desire, my Lord, to review the evils through which the necessity became obvious, that a great alteration must be made in our own municipal system, to render it duly efficient for the purposes of good govern ment, for identity of interests with the people at large, and for mutual and cordial co-operation among all for the welfare of the community ; but we rejoice in the good to which those evils have in their eff.,cts conducted. We trust that in our new Municipal Government we-shall witness a fair representa tion of all circleS among our fellow-burgesses ; and that both our councillors, and those who intrust them with their power, will commence this new era, with no struggle for party ; As-, verdancy, .pith no, narrowelfOrts for,,personal power, but ; with 'that true estimate of the purposes of municipal institutions; and that faithful aim to carry them into effect, which will render them productive of good order, of public virtue, and of the ge neral peace and welfare of the community.—(Cheers.) Your visit, my Lord, will strengthen our purposes, and may contri. bute to check all that aro hostile to thein. If your Lordship should observe such effects, it cannot but afford you satisfac tion; and faithfully to aim at them, we hold to be due to you for your unwearied exertions to give us the advantages we an- ticipate. " Long as we have occupied your Lordship's attention, we must express the hopefulness with which we rejoice to con template the sister county, towards which our city bears such close relations, and which, while it is now one main object of the Administration in general, comes so peculiarly within the scope of your Lordship's pwn department: In the enlightened system of education introduced by Lord Stanley, and the mea sures by which it is to le carried into full effect, in the rapidly extending perceptiou or the elements of nationol prosperity ; in the strengthening connexions of Ireland with Great Britain; in the frank and dignified firmness, and equitable impartiality, of his Majesty's noble-minded representative, conciliating the affections of the people, and wearing d own the opposition of the factious.—( Hear, hear.) We see the prospect of good for that country disclosing itself beyond all anticipation, and we have no better desire for its welfare, than that the wise and be nificent purposes of Lord Melbourne's administration may be fully and speedily realized. " Perceiving the extensive and complicated relations and agencies which are to be taken into account by those who now direct our public affairs, and the difficulties which necessarily attend their course, while opposed by . so many that are pos sessed of power to impede it ; perceiving also that impa tience and distrust on the part of the people would give that opposition its greatest efficacy ; and that, on the other hand, the Government possesses immense power for good, if sup ported with the confidence of the friends of reform ; we deem it to be our duty, my Lord, to cherish this confidence. We see abundant reason for it, in the talents, the principles, the steadfastness, and the unitedness of the eminent men who con stitute the present Administration. But, my Lord, they will not expect from us, what we cannot yield, a blind confidence ; and, it is one great advantage of our common principles, that though provisions to give them efficiency may require to be moulded by circumstances with which the public cannot always be made acquainted, they do themselves need no secresy, and that their bright and well defined features will be stamped on all the measures which originate in a faithful adherence to them. " You may observe, my Lord, one effect of your enlightened, upright, and beneficent conduct as a statesman, in the respect and thankfulness which such occasions as the present serve to develope, and which are strengthened by our perceiving, that, in the various changes of the Reform Ministry, your course has been steadily directed to those important ends which form the unanimous object of Lord Melbourne's Administration. It is our earnest desire that your Lordship, and your col leagues- in the Government, may long continue, with the well-merited confidence of our Sovereign, to carry on your measures for the general good towards their full accom plishment ; and that you may enjoy the reward of your public services, in the improvement and efficiency of all the sources of nationl prosperity, and in the conscious possession of the gratitude and attachment of your country.—(Loud and continued cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then said he need hardly say how cor dially the party assembled concurred in the sentiments ex pressed in the address just read. He would only add to it by proposing " the health of Lord John Russell, their noble and distinguished guest."—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) When the cheers had in some degree subsided, Lord JoHN RUSSELL, said, I know how impossible it is that any words of mine can adequately convey an impression of the feelings of gratitude which I feel for the honour which has just been done me ; and I own that with , re gard to the troubles and disquietudes of public life, I have always thought that there was nothing in them to baffle any man of firmness and resolution—( Hear, hear) —if in the first place he were satisfied in his own conscience that the conduct he pursued tended to the welfare of his country —(Cheers) ; and, in the second place, if he found that the enlightened and the honest among his countrymen, in any considerable proportion, bestowed their approbation upon his acts.—(Cheers.) With respect to the first, it was not in any human power to - define it, and I look only to my own breast for the support which the consciousness of rec titude must always give ; for the second, I have to point only to the testimony which you have just placed before me, and which I highly value.—(Cheers.) A testimony of ap probation of my conduct from a large body of my country- . men, with whom I am in no way connected—whom it has not been in my power to serve, otherwise than as they are members of the same community as myself, but who have done me the honour to regard my conduct in public as tending to the freedom and happiness of the country. — (Cheers.) I have likewise the satisfaction to think that I have not obtained this honour by my subserviency to tem porary opinions, or any wish or attempt to flatter the pre judices, either religious or political, of any class of the com munity—that I have proposed and supported those mea sures which I have deemed right—and that it is because I . have pursued that course of conduct that I am nee 7; .ho noured with this ample, this unsought, this itrexpected, and, I must say, this undeserved mark of a'Arobation.__ (Cries of " No, no," and great cheering.) I say that I cannot think it is deserved, because altheilili I may believe and trust that my opinions were the test that my judgment could form, and that my course v7 - as such as my heart, ap proved, yet I cannot but r::e rceire how inferior I am to many of those who aro placed in a similar situation with myself, and who IY.,ve been the more immediate instru ments of great 'measures of Reform and improvement.— (Hear, hear.) . But if I were to say in what respect I may be ir, some degree deserving of it, it is only in this— tliat never flinched from what I conceived to be r,od and proper—(Great cheering)—and that I have pur sued it amidst obloquy and reproach, and with the support only of what was at one time a trifling majority, with an undeviating steadfastness of purpose, and with a firm con viction that it did not become me either to recede or to withdraw opinions which I felt to be correct, and which, if carried into effect, I felt satisfied would tend to the wel fare, the prosperity, and the happiness of the country.— (Cheers.) After a very long interval, separated only by some few years of interruptiqn, which occurred from time to time, Earl Grey took the helm of the State, and became the Prime Minister of England—a station which he took, I must say, having no person that went before him in the Ministry, to whom he could bear any sort of resemblance, in principles and opinions, since the resignation of Lord Chatham.—(Cheers.) I say'that there was no man with whom lie could be compared ; because, although, as I have just observed, there had been intervals of time when Mr. Fox and others of his political principles had held, for -a short time, the reins of Government, yet they never held them with the means of carrying into effect their prin ciples ; and, indeed, as soon as they began to show what their principles led to, a change immediately took place, and those old chiefs to whom the Tories of the country were opposed, too powerful for the champions who advocated the cause a the country in Parliament, again became the holders of the reins of Government.-- (Hear, hear.) The crisis in which Lord Grey took power was in itself one of such magnitude and importance, that for a time great force was given to his endeavours to reform the State ; and when he was enabled to develops his plans, those plans received the support of the people.—(Cheers.) The first object to which Lord Grey's attention was di reetedwas the queStip of Reform in Parliament,—(Cheers.) -! lall.t-Lialo.l 1, _ -- VICTORIA THEATRE. A. new burletta, entitled How to take up a Bir. was pro duced last night at this theatre. The story is as follows (Hicks) is a wild scampish young fella•.r, totally dependent on his old uncle Pigeon (Jones), who consents to. pay his nephew's debts on condition that the latter should canfi:le himself for one year to a rus in urbe at Knights bridge, and pledge himself not once to visit London during that period. He is, however, allowed occasionally to re ceive and entertain a few of his old acquaintance, of whom Jack Banbury (Marshall), and Crayon, an artist (George), arc the most welcome guests. On one of these occasions, and whilst Pigeon is absent for the express purpose of pay ing his nephew's debts, the latter, whilst on the eve of doing the jolly and hospitable, is arrested for '251. ; but, at his own pressing solicitations, backed by the entreaties of his friends, is permitted by the bailiff (rather an unusual indulgence) to go at large and endeavour to raise the wind. The sum total of funds at the command of 211erryclijf and his party amount to about one shilling and sixpence. Under these circumstances, Banbury, who is somewhat stage-struck, hits upon a project for raising the' required sum by converting the quiet villa of Uncle Pigeon into a Knightsbridge Vauxbag, which he immediately carries into effect. The novelty of the thing attracts, and the requisite sum is almost raised when .Mr. Barnaby (Shields) and his niece CeciliA (Miss Ellis ton) arrive at the gardens. There exists an attachment between Cecilia and Merryclifr; who takes advantage of this accidental meeting to run away in rather a novel vehicle for such flights—an omnibus. When the Knights bridge gala is at its height, old Uncle Pigeon returns to witness the strange t r ansmogrification of his quiet villa. Some humourous mistakes occur between him and old Barnaby, but at length each recognizing either to be a " (rood Irian" in Skylock's sense of the word, they express themselves satisfied with the union entered into without their consent. The young couple then return, and at the same time the accommodating bailiff comes back with the writ. The uncles settle the business with one party, and Jack Banbury, with the proceeds of the Knightsbridge Vauxhall, arranges with the other. It will be seen by this outline that many of the positions are exceedingly humour ous, and yet the piece flagged on heavily enough. At the fall of the curtain there was some applause ; slight, indeed, but no disapprobation. THE STATES OF VIRGINIA. Mr. GEORGE ROBINS has announced the sale of 105,000 Acres of Land, On the 3d of December, situate upon the navigable river, the Elk, in the best part of the States of Virginia.. We are unable to find room for the whole of his statement which accompanies .the printed detail ; we cannot, however re frain from giving a moderated extract, and with a sugges tion to our monied friends to get a particular of the whole, as they will obtain a great deal of very useful information. In the meantime it may be well to state a most important Let., that a farmer or mechanic whose capital is limited to 300/. or 400/., may possess himself at that sale of farms front 500 to 1,000 acres each, and in a country where there are no taxes, mill:cumbered by any public debt, al lowed the unshackled freedom. of religious worship, and in the vicinity of a rail-road, which is to .quadruple at least the whole value of the Virginian soil. MR. GEORGE ROBINS'S ADDRESS • TO THE CAPITALIST AND ALL THOSE WHO FEEL DISPOSRD ,TO IMPROVE THEIR CONDITION IN ANOTHER COUNTRT. He takes kayo respectfully to make known that he has been so fortunate as to be preferred by the respectable pro prietor of a vast territory in the States of Virginia, which will be the subject of the following remarks,,to exercise his professional exertions in giving effect to the liberal inten tions which the proposed plan has in contemplation. It would, however, be presumptuous in him even to take the slightest credit for the cleverness and perspicacity which mark the following detail ; he does not claim the distinction of - such accurate research as will be found conspicuous thrnuzhout : his travels have been confined to Europe, it has not entered into his mind to cross the Atlantic, and there fore he cannot bring to his aid a practical knowledge of the vast advantages that are in view, requiring the " master hand" of one profoundly learned in these affairs ; yet Mr. Robins takes leave to observe, it will be found conspicuous in the detail which is to follow. SUMMARY STATEMENT.-SHORT EXTRACT ONLY. The natural and social advantages of the State of Virginia, the most central, and we may say the most civilized of all the American Union, are now so generally known and ac knowledged, that it is useless here to enlarge on the subject. The Lands are on the Elk River, near to Kanawha, and a stupendous undertaking of American Enterprize and In dustry has been lately projected for the improvement of the immediate neighbourhood of the Lands now offered for sale. The whole capital fin- an extensive Railroad has been subscribed for, one-half by the Legislatnie, and an Act of the State passed, and if is confidently expected that in four or five years' time the Railroad will be completed, uniting the Great ..\ - avigoble Rivers of the James, communicating with the Atlantic, to 1,:.c Great River _Kanawha, emptying its waters into the Mighty Ohio. It must not be overloo!ked that Timber, Which, at great distances from Roads and Navigable Rivers, is an injury or incumbrance to settlers nod improvers, is, on the con trary, in the neighbourhood of Towns, or on the borders (f such communications, where Sax-wills are cheaply con structed and moved by water power, a considerable element in the value of such Lands. The Land-, now offered for sale are on the Banks if Rivers, and near the flourishing Town of Charleston. STATISTICAL POSITION O VIRGINIA IN 1834. The State of Virginia abounds with game and deer, which are found in such plenty in the western forests as to form a chief article of food to the inluthitant.l and of winter provi sion—with fish, cattle, and pork, •and horses which may compete with the most excellent breeds of England. . The soil and climate being favourable, the pasturase and meadow land is very luxuriant, and remarkably rich. In the West particularly the sugar-maple is excee lingly abundant. The Western part of Virginia pOSECSSCS a great urny ' Mineral and Sulphur Springs. " The Iron, Lead, Salt, and C0:.3. Mines, &c. of Virginia' { ' ar e equally rich, pure, and abundant: The single artielii i of Salt alone renders the whole of North America in a' manner tributary to this State, which realizes a net yearly .. profit of some Millions of Dollats. The Estate now offered to sale is within 13 miles of one of the largest Salt-works ia the State. According to the law passed at Richmond, March - Alt,. 1833, the law of escheat is repealed ant abolished ; an alien, as well vs a citizen of Virginia, may now hold and inherit lands in the commonwealth. Lastly, the Legislature secured the execution of the con templated Railroad. This mighty work will unite the head waters of James river with those of the great Kanawha, -A will open an internal communication from Norfolk, on at. •0 h antic Ocean, and extending to the Ohio , tou chin g t Orleans and the Golf of Mexico , by at one , k,- 4. ' N ew - end . 4 :<=ttissippi river, and at the other end to A m eans of the , by the c „,,,:l Erie, -already made. New V" ' Neorl, 141TIIE UNSTAMPED P parti,?s ClVgag eut. 1 in this illegal traffic have adopted a ne:' mode of %p . m - H( it on to evade prosecution,. which is petr:Ctly Stliecefai ts:Pf itill4 of Shops arc taken by the publishers in different I :Atkegrio metropolis, and persons engaged to attend thon4l;7lloaohnot[ daily transferred, zo that legal i)locc6dinti (14%120 tutf:,(l. N Ilav 1211Lu131 tun ot•fx , :i4t , q fi I I i •1