The Sun. — London, England, 1848-08-17 00:00:00

btrb Xbition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. ELECTION COMMITTEES. (THIS DAY.) DUBLIN. his Committee was engaged the whole day in re ceiving evidence to show that the incnmbrance on Mr. Reynolds's property in Ireland reduced his annual in come below the amount of qualification required by the statute. CHELTENHAM. Further evidence of bribery and treating was adduced before the Committee this morning. One of the witnesses who, at the time of the last election. in 1847, was the proprietor of the Worcester Arms, proved that he sup plied a number of Mr. Borkeley's voters with refresh me❑t, to the extant of 41L, but Mr. Williams, the party whom he had always considered liable, bad re fused to pay the amount. The witness had since given up the Worcester Arms, and taken to driv ing a coach from Bewdley to Worcester. A few days ago he was visited by a person named Wheeler, who took an active part in the management of Mr. Berkeley's election, who offered him 101. down, and a prouaisc of a future 10/., it he would abstain from ap pearing on the Speaker's warrant, but ho refused to agree to the proposal. This closed the case for the pro secution. lIORSEIASI. This Committee was engaged the whole day in re ceiving evidence of treating. against the sitting Member, Mr. Fitzgerald. A person named Sandford, who kept the Richmond Arms at the time of the election in 1§47, was called to prove that Mr. Padwick gave the oiers for the refreshments distributed to Mr. Fitzgerald's supporters who met at the Richmond Arms, but it was contended on the part of the sitting Member that his evidence could not be received, inasmuch as suf ficient proof had not been put in to show that Mr. Pad wick was an agent of Mr. Fitzgerald. The Committee, however, decided it otherwise, and the evidence was pro ceeded with. One other witness was also called to prove treating, and the Committee adjourned. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The Lon]) CITANCHLLOR took his seat upon the Wool sack at Five o'clock. FREE CHURCH SITES BILL. Lord CAMPBELL presented petitions signed by 7,718 persons belonging to the Free Church of Scotland, in favour of the Free Church Sites Bill. Lord BROUGHAM thought the Bill was a violation of the rights of property. Lord CAMPBELL considered that as they interfered with the rights of property in favour of railroads, they had an equal right to interfere with those rights in the present instance. The Duke of ARGYLL hoped that the Scottish pro prietors would give sites, and thus spare their Lordships the pain of discussing this Bill. Lard BROUGHAM thought that Catholics, Quakers, and all other sects had an equal right to legislative in tcrferenee to procure for them sites for their places of worship. The Earl of MINTO hoped the complaint would have ceased before the Bill came on for discussion. Lord REDESDALE considered their was no analogy between this and other railway questions; railways were- for the advantage of the whole community. Free church sites were only fur the benefit of a dissenting portion of the community. Lord BEAUMONT said the question resolved itself into this, viz., whether or not the Free Church of Scot kind was such a great public good as that the laws of property might to be abrogated to favour it. After a few words from the Earl of RODEN and the Duke of ARGYLL, the petition was laid on the table. CASE OF MR. WILLIAMS. Lord BROUGHAA moved for the examinations t'ken before the magistrate on the the prosecution of Mr. Williams against his cook, for doing that which he hoped the cooks of every one of their Lordships did every day, for giving away broken s:ctuals to s beggar; for which, after undergoing three months imprisonment, she w:is discharged by Mr. Justice Coleridge. The motion was agreed to. _ Lord BEAUMONT . presented a petition from the guar dians of Boston against granting superannuation aallow ances to poor-law officers. POOR-LAW UNION CHARGES BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the second readimg of this Bill, and also the second reading of the Bill for the better education of the poor. These Bills had come up from the other House, where they had already been fully debated. The Noble Marquis then proceeded to de scribe the nature of Ale two Bills. (LEFT IirIAKIXG.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Twelve o'clock. PAISLEY, BARItHEAD, AND HURLET RAIL. WAY. On the motion that the Lords',amendments be agreed to, Mr. F. MAIME proposed an amendment with respect to some of the tolls, which, after some discussion, was agreed to, as also the Lords' amendments. THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third limo : EEnl of Sheffield's Estate. Marquis of Bute's Estate. Marquis of Londonderry's Estate (No. 1). Marquis of Londonderry's Estate (No. 2). Weld Blundell's Estate. SUPPLY. Mr. BERNAL brought up the report of the Com mittee of Supply last night. On the vote to the Foreign-office of 57,500/., Mr. URQUHART rose to Gal l the attention of the House to the uselessness of the expenditure for diplo matic agents abroad. Sir GEORGE GREY trusted the Hon. Gentleman would not persist in his motion, as the subject had bee❑ already fully discussed. Mr. URQUHART said he had already, on more than one occasion, postponed his motion to oblige the Go vernment. Sir G. GREY said, if the Hon. Gentleman stood on his right to proceed with the subject now he had not a word M say; he merely wished to save the time of the House. Mr. HUME urged the Hon. Gentleman not to pro ceed with his motion, as he would have ample opportu nities of doing so on another oecasion. Mr. URQUHART then postponed his motion. Tho report was agreed to. COMMONS ENCLOSURE (No. 2) BILL. This Bill passed through Committee; to be read a third time to-morrow. PETTY BAG, &c., OFFICES (COURT OF CHAN CERY) BILL. The further consideratiol'i of the report was proceeded with. Mr. HUME said one clause provided that the salaries of the officers under this Bill should be paid out of the suitors' tunti. He had no objection ; to this, provided the fund were placed under the management of the Treasury. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL considered that no good would arise from the adoption of the suggestion. The report was then agreed to; to be read a third time to-morrow. STOCK-IN-TRADE EXEMPTION BILL. On the third reading of this Bill, Sir R. IL INGLIS rose to oppose it. He admitted that the subject was surrounded w oth difficulties ; but they could meat them far better under the Property-tax Act than under an entirely new provision, since the Property-tax Commissioners had the best means that could be obtained of knowing the exact position of the parties who would be brought under the operation of this Bill. He was, however, not prepared to resist the pro gress of the Bill. Sir G. GREY said the Bill merely proposed to con tinue the practical exemption of stock in trade from rating, and it was absolutely necessary that some such measure should be introduced to amend the unequal working of the existing law. If it were not sufficient to meet the grievances to which the present law gave rise, he should have no no objection to introduce some general measure on the subject next session. Mr. GLAI)STONE considered if another annual Bill like the present was introduced again that sone tking might be introduced into it to give tithe-owners that measure of relief which they . were entitled to have. Mr. NAPIER thought the grievances complained of pressed more heavily upon:lrish landlords than upon tithe-owners in England. The most considerate course would bo that in the early part of next session a Select Committee should be appointed, and that the whole question of the peor-laws should be taken into conside ration, so as to effect au equitable distribution of the money to be raised over that part of the whole cem munity which was able to contribute. Mr. BANKES said that the case as it now stood was at variance with the law, and ho would tell the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home . Depa r t ment t h a t it was th e d u ty of th e Government to mu a mode by which those grievances could bo re dressed. Mr. MUNTZ complained of the unequal operation of the law. T he object of relief under the poor-law ap peared to be to keep the poor and miserable quiet. A person who had acquired a large fortune in a large manufacturing town in which a great number of po o r persons and miserable nsresided—the unfortunate conditi on in a of whom he had, sia certain e dtgree, aided in bringing ha about—retired f rom s, went t o ano th er part of t h e country, and pla ce d his entire property i n t h e F un d s , an d thus escaped being upon e to con t r ib ute a sing l e farthing to the lie suppo r t of poor. Ile th oug ht t h at no thing short of a nati ona l tax for the support of the poor, would lead to a fair and equal distribution of the burden upon all classes. that in its ratin g a w Mr. itEnEY took a view o f t h e itathe its or re y rk sola g - in, details, and concurred in the opinion Lion to the ditliculties which occurred was a general tax on all property. After a few words from Mr. C. LEWIS, system destro of y tha - - M r . NEWDEGAT e E considered that th ere was , pr , sort of inequality a bout the p resent rating, l but deprecated any m easure which would application and administration of the poor-law. After a lbw observations from Mr. BROTIIERTON and Sir 11. INGLIS, The Bill was read a third time and passed. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS BILL. The liouso went into Committee upon this Bill, Mr. BERNAL in the chair. After a short discusaion the clauses were agreed to, an.l the report was ordered to be brought op to-morrow. The noise then resumad. METROPOLITAN COMMISSION OF SEWERS. The report upon this Bill was brought up and agreed to, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to• morrow. RENEWABLE LEASEHOLD CONVERSION I (IRELAND) BILL. The House then went into Committee on this Bill. Clause 4 was agreed to with a few verbal amendments. On clause 5 being put, Mr. LAW objected to the irresponsible power given by the clause to the Chief Remembrancer of Ireland. Mr. NAPIER supported the clause. Mr. LAW said, unless the clause was altered or with drawn, he should move that the Chairman report pro gress. Sir W. SOMERVILLE would consider the objection of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, although he thought the course pursued was most objectionable. Mr. LAW thought that the Bill was most objection able. In his opinion it was the middle man's Bill, and not calculated for the benefit of either landlord or tenant. He must have an undertaking that the Remembrancer should act under the orders of the Court, or he must press the motion to a division that the Chairman should report progress. Sir W. SOMERVILLE would consider the proposi. tion of the Hon. and Learned Member between the pre sent time and the bringing up of the report. Mr. LABOUCHERE could assure the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that his Right Hon. Friend was sincere in what he had stated, and trusted that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would not throw any obstacle in the way of passing the Bill. Sir W. SOMERVILLE thought the Honourable and Learned Gentleman's proposition was worthy of con sideration, and he v. ould give his best attention to it. Mr. LAW said upon that understanding he would withdraw his amendment. Clause 5 was then agreed to, an ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 6 was agreed to, with a few verbal amendments. Clause 7 was agreed to after a short discussion. Clause 8 was also agreed to, with a few verbal amend ments. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and ob tained leave to sit again to-morrow at twelve o'clock. FEVER (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday next. TAXING MASTERS COURT OF CHANCERY (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was ordered to be read a second time at twelve o'clock to morrow. ECCLESIASTICAL PATRONAGE SUITS COM PROMISE (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was ordered to be committed after the other orders of the day were disposed of. TRANSFER OF LANDED PROPERTY (IRE- LAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed to-morrow, at twelve o'clock. DUBLIN POLICE BILL. This Bill was ordered to be committed after the other orders of the day were disposed of. UNLAWFUL OATHS (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow at twelve o'clock. LABOURING POOR (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was ordered to be committed after the other orders of the day were disposed of. POOR REMOVAL (No. 2) BILL. This Bill was ordered to be read a third time after the other orders of the day were disposed ot. COMMONS INCLOSUItE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This Bill was ordered to be committed after the other orders of the day were disposed of. The House then adjourned till Five o'clock. The House resumed at Five o'clock. PETITIONS. Mr. NVYLD presented two petitions from Cornwall against the Copper Ore Bill. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from the Odd Fellows of Roc'ndale against the Odd Fellows Society Bill. Mr. COBDEN presented a similar pptition from a place in Yorkshire. NOTICE OF MOTION. Sir J. WALSH gave notice that he would to-morrow ask for an explanation of the reason why the British fleet was stationed off Naples. IRELAND. Mr. N. V. MAHER wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home Department whether he bad received any communication relative to the con duct of General M'Donald and the military under his command, or in reference to outrages which it was alleged had been perpetrated on the inhabitants of Tip perary under his direction? Sir G. GREY said, in answer to the question of the Hon. Gentleman, he could assure him and the House that her Majesty's Government had received no infor mation of aay outrage committed by General M'Donald or any of the troops or officers under his com mand.—(Hear, hear.) He held in his hand a letter,'which had been received from General M•Donald, on the subject of the arrest of Mr. Smith O'Brien, and in that letter it was stated that the only foundation which could exist for the statement that any of the officers under his command had been guilty of an out rage on the inhabitants of Tipperary, was to be found in the fact that Captain Mackenzie, after the arrest of Mr. Smith O'Brien, called upon the driver of a locomotive at the Thurles railway station to hold himself in readiness to convey a train to Dublin, and to see that no train departed in the mean time. The engine -driver, however, refused to obey any other orders but hose of the superintendent, who not being in the way, Captain Mackenzie felt it to be his duty to present a pistol at him to compel obe dience to his instructions. General M'Donald added, that he perfectly approved of this proceeding, for had not Mr. Smith O'Brien been got off to Dublin by the train there might have been a good deal of bloodshed, and he bad therefore no hesitation in adopting the responsibility which attached to the conduct of Captain Mackensie.—(Cheers.) Such was the pur port of the letter which had been received from General M'Donald, and he was happy to say that the eonduct of both the General and the officers and troops under his command.had met with the entire approbation of the Commander-in-Chief.—(Cheers.) Mr. MAHER expressed himself dissatisfied with the explanation of the Right Hon. Baronet, and intimated that he should institute an inquiry into the matter when ho returned home. Mr. FOX MAULE said, as his name had been men tioned, he felt it necessary to say a few words, the more especially as some correspondence had passed between him and the Honourable Gentleman. The Honour able Gentleman wrote him a letter from Brussels, dated the sth of August, complaining of the conduct of Colonel Taylor, commanding the sth regiment, for erecting a camp within 30 (yards of his House, within a mile of Thurles, which he stated was " one of the most peaceable places in the county of Tipperary."—(Laughter.) The letter of the Hon. Gentleman was referred to General Macdonald, who requested an explanation from Colonel Taylor. His explanation stated that the estate of Mr. Maher was pointed out to him by the police-inspector as an eligible place for an encampment, as being within a mile of Thurles, and as affording an excellent sortie for the troops. They encamped in a field separated from the lawn, to which the agent made no objection; in fact, instead of doing so, he offered the Colonel accommodation in the House, it raining heavily at the time. The troops entered the field through a space opened in a wall, not wishing to go through the park gate, which could be rebuilt in an hour. He (Mr. Fox Mamba) did not believe General M‘Donald would stoop to carry a pistol about him for his personal protection and if he did carry one, he did not believe that he would have used it in the way mentioned. Mr. MAHER said, with respect to the statement that tqe encampment was not upon his lawn he begged to say that it was totally false. The fact was that Colonel Taylor came to his house, in the absence of his agent, snd formed an encampment which was distant only twenty or thirty yard from the house, and in view of his dinin-room and drawing-reom window. On the arrival of his agent, he asked Colonel Taylor whether he had his (Mr. Maher's) leave, and he replied that he had not. He thought he had good reason to complain of an encampment being formed at his very hall door, it being known that it was sure to be accompanied by scenes of obscenity. They took possession of his stables, and when ho wrote over to have them cleared, the officers said they should not do so, except at the point of the bayonet. He had no right to have military billited upon him, and he there fore considered ho was perfectly justified in oompiaining of the grievance to which he had been subjected. SUGAR DUTIES. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Sugar Duties Bill was fixed for a third reading on Monday. He found that it would be impossible to take the third reading on that day, and if it met with the approbation of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck), he. would take the third reading on Tuesday, at twelve o'clock. Lord GEORGE BENTINCK, after acceding to the Noble Lord's request, wished to ask him whether it was the intention of the Government to fill up the vacancy that had oceurred in the office of President of the Mixed Court of Commission with respect to the slave trade in the island of Sierra Leone. As he understood, the office was a complete sinecure, although its emoluments were 2,5001. a year. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was not aware of the vacancy alluded to by the Noble Lord, but he would answer the question of the Noble Lord on Monday. POST-OFFICE. Mr. GOULBURN complained of the inaccuracy of certain returns with respect to the Post-office, and called upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer to explain them. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was entirely the result of accident, and that ac curate returns would be furnished to the House. NEW WRIT. Lord JOHN RUSSELL trusted the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Warwickshire would not press his motion for issuing a new writ for Derby, seeing that Government would hare no objection to its issuing after the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill had passed, which was likely to take place in a few days. Mr. NEWDEG ..ITE was sorry that the Noble Lord still felt it necessary to oppose the issuing of this writ, but he really could not consent to delay the matter any longer, and with the permission of the House he would proeeed to move that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant to the Clerk of the Cr own , t o snake out a new writ for the electing of two burgesses to serve in this present Parliament for the ßoo borough of Derby, in the room of the Right Goli:er,w Edward Strutt and the Hon. E. Frederick Leveson hosbeeeenlecitsi issued hasd for been determinedAylesbury, to be writs Carlisle,having sham, HarwichMembers which , Leicester, and Cheltenham, the had been unseated for treat ing, he could notsee any just reason why Derby should b e excluded No slid reasons had beee from having a representative. a urged why that town should be excluded from the category; and he, therefore, urged the Government to consent to the issuing of the writ. Lord J. RUSSELL thought the best course would be to move the adjournment of the debate to Thursday next, and the adoption of that course wouid enable the House to dispose of the Corrupt Prac tices Election Bill. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the adjournment of the debate to Thurs day next. Mr. HUME seconded the motion. Mr. NEWDEGATE was surprised at the course the Noble Lord at the head of the Government bad pursued, and was in the hands of the House, whether he should divide upon the question or not. Mr. BANKES did not think there was any justice in withholding the writ from Derby. He could see no principle in the proposition of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government for adjourning the debate on the question. There was no certainty of the Bill to which he had alluded passing in the present session. If it went through the House it was more than probable that it would no through the Lords, unless there was an adjournment instead of a prorogation of Parliament. If his Hon. Friend the Member for Warwickshire divided the House on this subject he should certainly divide with him. Mr. BRIGHT thought the proposition of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government ought to be adopted, and was (LEFT SPEAKING.) TATTERSALL'S—THIS EVENING. Six o'CLocx. EBOR HANDICAP. 6 to 1 agst Ellerdalo 5 to 1 agst Meaux 5 to 1 agst Dough 6 to 1 agst Maid of my Soul 9 to 1 agst Remembrance ST. LEGER. 5 to 2 agst Springy Jack 7 to 2 agst Flatcatchor 4 to 1 agst Justice to Ireland 6 to 1 agst Surplice YORKSHIRE HANDICAP. 8 to 1 agst Caurouch NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Rear-Admiral Sir C. Napier, K.C.8., is expected to return to Cork immediately, and, collecting the squadron placed under his command for particular service, to proceed on a cruise in pursuance of original orders. The Frolic, 16, Commander Vansittart, had arrived at Cork, from Waterford, and had been ordered to take on board three months' provisions. The Recruit, 8, Com mander Cracroft, screw-schooner, had arrived at Kings town, from Cork. Colonel Irvine, C. 8., chief director of engineering and architectural works, has proceeded on an official visit to Devonpart. Mr. R,. Martin, master sailmaker in the Russian ser vice, is at Portsmouth Dockyard, on a visit to the estab lishment by permission of the Admiralty, to make him self acquainted with the improvements which of late years have been made in sailmaking in the British service. APPOINTMENTS. Midshipmen.—Arthur Day, to the Wellesley, 72, flag. ship, in the 'West Indies; Edward Hardinge, to the Caledonia, 120, in Plymouth Sound. Naval Cadets.—Ormond Brock, to the Tweed, 18, at Waterford, for the Brazils; Sod mour Curtis, to the Southampton, 50, flag-ship, for the Cape, fitting at Chatham. DEVONPORT DOCKYARD BRIGADE.—We have heard, from good authority, that some of the statements attri buting insubordination to the Royal Dockyard Brigade, Devonport, on being requested to salute officers of the navy and army, have been much exaggerated, both as to the number of the insubordinates and the character of the insubordination. _ _ The Spy, brigantine, Lieutenant Commander Wes tern, is fully manned at Chatham, and is ordered, when ready, to proceed to Devonport to receive her advanced wages. The Southampton, 50, is progressing very fast at Chatham. She is ordered to leave the port by the Ist of September. Captain Corry joined on Tuesday, as did also the chaplain. The following workmen have been superannuated from Chatham yard:—Joseph Munns, leading man of ship wrights, 341. per annum; Robert Harland, Wm. Nichol son, Wm. Webster, and Samuel Dunstall, shipwrights, 241. each; Thomas Juffs, painter, 241.; and Win. Woods, bricklayer's labourer, 151. The Diligence transport, Tozer master, left Devonport on Monday morning, with stores for Pembroke. The Hamoaze ligher, Jago master, sailed from Devonport on Tuesday, with stores for Holyhead and Liverpool. The Ajax, 56, screw guard-ship, would be taken out of dock into the basin either late yesterday evening or this morning, when she will go under sheers to receive her screw, which is made of mixed metal, and weighs nearly eight tons. Her engines will be tried in the basin, and she will be fitted with all possible dis patch for service, as the hole for her screw has been cut is the dead wood and run of the slip; the screw will work behind a broad square tuck, so that when the ship has any way through the water, the princi pal part of it will work in dead water, the extremities of the fan will only be the moving power. She is not expected to make a greater speed under steam than four or five knots. She has a most beautifully-fitted and compact engine, telescope funnels, and a mechanical ap paratus for hoisting the screw entirely out of the water when under the canvass. The Cyclops discharged her temporary drew yester day, at Portsmouth. The coast-guard men, 150 in number, are to proceed in the Vulcan, revenue steamer (now alongside the coal depit), to their respective sta tions along the coast to the eastward. The Phcenix, at Portsmouth, is shipping her old screw, she having attained more speed with it than with one she has recently tried. She will come out of dock to-day, and be tried some day this week with the Sharp shooter, now nearly ready. The latter vessel has been taken out of the basin and anchored in the stream. _ Captain Crispin and several of the officers of the Royal yachts went to London from Portsmouth on Tuesday evening, to attend the opera. They returned to-day in time to receive her Majesty, Prince Albert, and Court, on their arrival at Gosport. THE ARMY. Lieut.-General Lord Hardinge, G.C.8., accompanied by his Aide-de-Camp, Lieut.-Colonel R. Wood, 80th Regiment, has arrived in Waterford from Kilkenny, to inspect the camp at Piltown, consisting of a battery of Royal Artillery, one troop of the Ist Light Dragoons, four companies of the depot 7th Regiment Fusileers, and six companies and head-quarters of the 3d Buffs. ORDNANCE.—James Kearney, Esq., barrack.master of Armagh and Monaghan, has received a month's leave of absence. Six houses in Great Ship-street, Dublin, lately occu - pied as barracks, have been pulled down, and large bar racks will be built there, so as to accommodate a full re giment of infantry. The hospital at Arbour Hill, Royal Barracks, occu pied by two troops of cavalry, is ordered to be vacated and given up to the medical staff, for the use of the sick soldiers. An additional 12-pounder gun has been mounted on the north-east angle of the Magazine Fort, Phoenix Park, Major Burnaby, of the Royal Artillery, 6th battalion, commanding, with 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 1 bombardier, and 20 gunners. 74th Highlanders.-JHead-quarters and five companies (a wing), with the band and staff, Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce commanding, marched from Thurles to Ballin garry 9th August, detaching three companies, under Major the lion. J. O'Grady, to Callan, to complete the two companies to a wing. A detachment, under Brevet Major Tinling, proceeded by the Great Southern and Western Railway, at twelve o'clock A It., August 13, to Thurles, by special train, to join the head -quarters. 75th Regiment.—Lieutenant-Colonel Hallifax com manding, a detachment proceeded from Dublin to Thurles by railway, by special train, on Sunday, August 13, to join the head-quarters. 83d Regiment, Kilkenny.—A strong company marched from head-quarters to Graignenamanagh, August 11 and arrived same day, there to occupy billets. Strong detachments are stationed at Carrick-ou-Suir and Wex ford, Castle Corner. Lieutenant-Colonel B. Trydell is in command, Lieutenant Spring is recruiting at Clonmel, Ensigns Cochrane and Hall are on leave of absence. 85th King's Light Infantry, Camp at Thurles.--A company, under Captain Knox, proceeded from Dublin by the Great Southern and Western Railway, on Sun day, August 13, at twelve to Thurles, to join head quarters. Captain Day is on leave of absence, in Eng land, and Ensign Bayley till his removal to another corps ; Lieutenant-Colonel Brook Taylor commanding ; Lieut. Keyt is superintending officer of the recruiting department at York. Paymaster Captain G. A. Thomp son is the only Peninsular officer in the regiment. Royal Marines.—A detachment of two officers and 104 men, with non-commissioned officers and drummer, embarked at Waterford on the 9th August, on board of a small steam-vessel for the Cove of Cork. A detach ment of 17 officers and 564 men, with non-commissioned officers and drummers, embarked at Waterford, on the 10th August, on board of her Majesty's steam-frigates Birkenhead and Rhadamanthus. Royal Marine A.;tillery.LZ;ptain Henry and First Lieutenant NNT. K. Ireland, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, 1 bombardier, and 57 privates, embarked same day at Waterford, on board of her Majesty's steam-frigate Rhadamanthus. DEATH WHILST BATHING AT SEA.—The port of Whitehaven has just witnessed a sad catastrophe in the death of a professional gentleman, named Dick, who is supposed to be related t o th e S cotc h f am il y o f Di c k il i a r is papersed t o the on th e literary seo t public e h rivers, by ofa name interestingfam L t h a e u d s e e r r s t e — s inserted in Tait's Magazine—and it is to the circum stance of his being a stranger in the town, added to the impossibility which exists of communicatinghis melancholy fate to his family con • nexions by any other means than that of a newspaper paragraph, that his case has excited a more than ordinary share of interest and sympathy. The deceased gentleman, who was about 35 years of age, had been practising as a surgeon dentist, and from his professional skill had recommended himself to the favourable notice of many highly respectable families in the neighbourhood. He is supposed to have lived at Cheltenham previous to his visiting Whitehaven, where, on Tuesday morning, he was bathing in a dan gerous part of the sea, near to the west pior, and was drowned within sight of many persons who were unable to render him any assistance. One gentleman, who had warned the deceased on the da y before as to the hazard ous nature of the sea at that particular spot, bravely attempted to save the life of Mr. Dic k, wh os e body was rescued from the water aft er a search of half an hour. A coroner's jury re turned a verdict of " Accidental death." The rev. incumbent of St. James's kindly undertook that the remains of the unfortunate gentleman should meet decent interment. AQUATICS. RICHMOND AMATEUR REGATTA. The Richmond Amateur Regatta, to the funds of which his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, Lord G. Chichester, and others of the nobility and gentry sub scribed, took place on Wednesday. As regards sport, it was altogether a very tame affair, and we cannot say much in favour of the manner in which it was con ducted. Gentlemen Amateurs' Scullers Match, for a Silver Pre- sentation Vase. First Heat. Mr. W. Berry, Cloanthus Club (Red and white) 1 Mr. J. S. Salford, Fulham . (Pink) 2 The distance was from Sion House up to hichmond Bridge. For a short time they were scull and scull, and then the winner went away and won easily. Both were impeded by craft passing, Walford particularly so, just as be was overtopping his opponent in the early part of the race. Second Heat. Mr. Stewart, St. George's Club (White and Red Cross) 1 Mr. J. G. Chillingworth (Light blue and red) 2 Distance as before. Mr. Stewart came to the win ning-post twenty lengths ahead or nearly so. Mr. Chil lingworth claimed, in consequence of a foul, as he al leged, from his adversary, at the early part of the race, and declared that he had not, in consequence, exerted himself towards the end of the race. The umpire, how ever, decided in favour of Mr. Stewart, Third Heat. Mr. G. C. Harpour, Richmond Mr. C. Clifford ... ... ... (Crimson) 1 ... (Light Blue) 0 A very hollow race. Won with the most perfect ease. Grand Heat. Mr. G. C. Harpour, Richmond 1 gr. Stewart, St. George's Club ... Mr. Berry, of the Cloanthus, was entitled to row in this heat, but it was started without him. He stated that it being nearly high water he applied to some of the committee, who told him that the race would be started up; and he, accordingly, went down to the station, where, after remaining for some time in the pouring rai❑ and finding the tide turned, he of conrse considered the race would be started downwards, and as his opponents were not with him he determined on going to the other end. The Herne Club very kindly conveyed him, but the other two had started before he arrived there. Mr. Harpour won easily at the latter part of the race. Gentleman Amateurs' Pair oared Race for a Silver Cup. Messrs. T. Sydney and A. Baldry, Thames Club, (Light Blue) 1 Messrs. Kilpatrick and Ewen, London ...(Black) 0 It was a race to the point, after which the winners went boats ahead. Gentlemen Amateurs' Four-oared Match for Four Silver Presentation Cups. Isleworth Sybil Club 1 Messrs. F. G. H. Smith, M. Stanbrough, W. F. Watson, W. Johnson, - steerer. Westminster Aquatic Club 0 Illcsrs. J. Blackburn, J. Dalton, W. Dalton, B. H. Andrews, G. Scott, steerer. The Cloanthus Club, London Messrs. J. T. Cosser, J. Browning, Routlodge, W. Berry, stroke, C. Watson, stcerer. The Westminster got a slight lead ; the Syon then gallantly went in advance, retained it, and won by some lengths. The two others formed a dashing race through out, the Cloanthus picking up their boat beautifully at the last, and losing the second place by scarcely hall a length. A" scratch" match with fours wound up the sport. THE POST A return moved for by Viscount Seymour, M.P., shows that the net revenue of the foreign and colonial postage, as near as can be esti mated, for the year ending January, 1848, amounted to 616,564/. In the opinion of the Secretary to the Post office, however, the mode adopted in estimating this re turu is faulty and the result erroneous. FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE OF TUESDAY. DIVIDEND. In the Country. G. D. Carey, Basford, Nottinghamshire, hat manufac turer, Sept. 8, at eleven, at the Court, Birmingham. PAYMENT OF DIVIDENDS. N. Batho, Manchester, machine maker and iron and brass founder, 45., on Tuesday, Aug. 15 and Oct. 15, and every following Tuesday. between the hours of ten and one, at the office of Mr. Hobson, Manchester. C. I. Roberts and H. P. Freeman, Manchester, and New York, merchants, ld. and 31-64ths of a penny, on Tuesday, Aug. 15 and Oct. 10, and every following Tuesday, between the hours of ten and one, at the office of Mr. Hobson, Manchester. W. Edmond, T. Edmond, and R. M'Kay, Liverpool and Bombay, merchants, ls. 3d., on Tuesday, Aug. 15 and Oct. 10, and every following Tuesday, between the hours of ten and one, at the office of Mr. Hobson. Manchester. S. Stocks and M. L. Tait, Manchester, and Heaton Mersey, Lancashire, bleachers and finishers, and mer chants, 2s. 5d., on Tuesday, Aug. 15 and Oct. 10, and every following Tuesday, between the hours of ten and one, at the office of Mr. Hobson, Manchester. R. Smith, Baxenden, and M. Smith, Manchester, Lan cashire, calico printers and bleachers, 4s. 6d., on Tues day, Ang. 15 and Oct. 10, and every following Tuesday, between the hours of ten and one, at the office of Mr. Hobson, Manchester. F. H. Agar, New Windsor, Berkshire, grocer, 3s. 6d., on Wednesday, Aug. 16. or any Wednesday after Oct. 7, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman-street. J. Adams, Finsbury-square, surgeon and apothecary, Is. 4d., on Wednesday, Aug. 16, or any Wednesday attn. Oct. 7, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman-street. _ G. Morgan, Warminster, Wiltshire, maltster and hair manufacturer, 2s. 9d., on Saturday, Aug. 12, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Green, Aldermanbury. W. Hughes, jun.. Chatham and Stoke, Kent, grocer and cheesemonger, 2s. 10d., on Saturday, Aug. 12, be tween the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Green, Aldermanbury. R. Colo, Cole, between 'cheesemonger, ls., on Saturd a y, Aug.hours of elev en an d t wo , at t h e Orford-street, office of Mr. Green , Aldermanbury. E. D. Holditch , Ba nk side, Southwark, cider merchant, 205., on Saturday , Aug. 12 , between the hours of 12,eern d eleven, and two, at the office of Mr. Green, Alder manbury. G. Holditch, Bankside, Southwark, cider merchant, Is. Bd., on Saturday, Aug. 12, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Green, Alder manbury. J. F. liolditch, Bankside, Southwark, cider merchant, 165., any Saturday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Green, Aldermanbury. Paterson, Walker, Boydell, and Roper, Kingswinford, Staffordshire, ironfounders, 165., any day after this date until the 14th inst., at the office of Mr. Richard Valpy, Birmingham. G. Hobs, N e wport, Isle of Wight, draper and tailor, 25., on Wednesday, Aug. 16, and the three last Wednes days in October, between the hours of ten and two on each day, at the office of Mr. Turquand, Guildhall chambers. A. Baldwin, Bulstrode-street, St. Marylebone, licensed victualler, 45., on Wednesday, Aug. 16, and three last Wednesdays in October, between the hours of ten and two on each day, at the office of Mr. Turquand, Guild hall-chambers. H . M. Low, W. M. Westermann, and C. A. Canter, Calcutta, merchants and agents, 17 per cent., on Wed nesday, Aug. 16, and the three last Wednesdays in Oc tober, between the hours of ten and two on each day, at the office of Mr. Turquand, Guildhall-chambers. T. Woods, Cambridge, Barnwoll, and Mildenhall, Suf folk, draper, 2s. 2d., on Wednesday, Aug. 16, and the three last Wednesdays in October, between the hours of ten and two, at the office of Mr. Turquand, Guildhall chambers. NOTICES OF CERTIFICATES. At the Court, Basinghall-street. F. Coker, shipdbam, Norfolk, timber dealer, Sept 5, at one—S. Gaward, Holland -street, Christ Church, victualler, Sept. 8, at half-past eleven—J. Robertson, iSomerset-place, Kennington-common, baker, Sept. 8, at twelve. In the Country. J. Lovesy, Cheltenham, librarian, Sept. 7, at eleven, at the Court, Bristol—T. Boddington, Salford, baker, Sept. 6, at twelve, at the Court, Manchester—J. Broad bent and J. Hughes, Walmersley-cum-Shuttleworth, Lancashire, paper makers, Sept. 6, at twelve, at the Court, Manchester —IL Jones, Tottington Higherend, Lancashire, cotton spinner, Sept. 7, at eleven, at the Court. Manchester----W. 11. Spurr, Liverpool, builder, Sept. IE, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—R. Hard ing, Bridgwater, draper, Sept. 7, at one, at the Court, Exeter—F. O'Hanlon, St. Thomas the Apostle, Devon shire, linen draper, Sept. 7. at one , at the Court, Exeter —C. Morgan, Leeds, tea dealer, Sept. 8, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds—W. Cole, jun., Calverley, Yorkshire, consulting engineer, Sept. 8, at ton, at the Court, Leeds—J. Carden, Birkenhead, auctioneer, Sept. 5, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—R. Hughes, Liverpool, laceman, Sept. 5, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—J. R. Duncan, Liverpool, woollen draper, Sept. 5, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—T. Kemp, Birmingham, builder, Sept. 12, at half -past ten, at the Court, Birming ham—J. Baker, Staunton-tapou-Wye, Herefordshire, victualler, Sept. 12, at half-past ten, at the Court, Bir mingham. At the Court of Review, Sept. 1. R. Knight, Lewes, Sussex, butcher—J. W. Braddick, Silverton, Devonshire, brick and tile maker—T. Southall, Tipton, Staffordshire, iron master—Catherine Barclay, Birkenhead, confectioner—T. J. Fenton, Falcon-square, City, wine merchant—G. D. Doveroux, Leominster, He reford, innkeeper—C. J. Edwards, Great Sutton-street, Clerkenwell, currier—J. Waters, Great Wild-street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, baker—N. T. Hawke, Penzance, Cornwall, grocer—A. Ball, Wells, Somersetshire, inn keeper—A. Harrison, Bootle-cum-Linacre, Lancashire, joiner and builder—W. Prythercb, Llantrisant, Angle sey, cattle dealer—Elizabeth Green, Almon I 3 Yorkshire, common brewer —George Oddy. jun., Brad ford, Yorkshire, innkeeper—E. Phillips, Shrewsbury, confectioner—C. C. Coils, High-street, Poplar, draper— R. Abram, Liverpool. wine merchant. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. Driver and W. C. Watts, Liverpool, wine merchants —W. Starkey and J. Hey, Batley, Yorkshire, rag mer chants—J. Rostron, junr., and W. Houghton, blanches- ter, makers up and packers—S. Cooper and F. Bennett, Holland-street, Brixton-road, soda water manufacturers —Betty Barnes, H. Barnes, E. Barnes, and W. Barnes. Whitebirk, Lancashire, bleachers (so far as regards H. Barnes)--W. Lindsay and A Thompson, Liverpool, merchants —F. White and J. Hammond, Princess-street, Groat Garden-street, Whitechapel, blacking manufac turers—Arabella Klugh, Ellen Klugh, and Mary Ann Klugh, M an chester-street, Manchester-square, milliners and dress makers—C. Barnes and J. Sims, Curtain-road, Sh ore ditch, timber merchants—J. 'Watson, J. Turnbull, and J. Proud, Ouseburn, Nevveastle-upon- Tyne,block and mastmakers (so far as regards J. Watson) —J. Clerk, I. Powell, Elizabeth Pickard, and Mercy Rhodes, Manningham, Yorkshire, stone merchants—C. Earith, 11. Earith and A. Earith, Gos well-street, St. Luke's, dyers and fringers (so far as regards A. Earith)—T. Lang and J. Foster, Ilminster and Bridgewater, Sonser eetshire, corn factors—J. Longdin and S. Haslam, Sad dleworth, Yorkshire, railway contractors—T. Eyre, E. Pinkess, G. Jordan, and R. J. Linnington, paint, colour, and varnish manufacturers (so far as regards 'l'. Eyre) —C. Bailey, S. Pegg, and W. Bailey, Bankside, South wark, iron merchants (so far as regards C.-Bailey.) INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. George Oakley, Birmingham, builder. William Garnbam, Ipswich. Samuel Gartside, Manchester, warehouseman. George Calver, Stanton, Suffolk, blacksmith. Thomas Francis, Neath, Glamorganshire, butcher. Mary Anne Powle, Maidenhead, Berkshire, school- mistress. Matthew Marshall, Sheffield, table-knife grinder. Robert Marshall, Sheffield, table-knife grinder. Sylvester Parkin. Sheffield, steel roller maker. John Norman, Nottingham, assistant-surgeon. Frederick Walter Green, Sheffield, engineer's draughts man. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. A. Aitken, Edinburgh, baker, to meet within Dowell's Rooms, Edinburgh, Aug. 21 and Scpt. 11, at one. A. Young. Glasgow, writer, to meet within the Black Bull Inn, Glasgow, Aug. 23 and Sept. 13, at two. J. Couper, Dundee, baker, to meet within the Royal Hotel, Dundee, Aug. 24 and Sept. 11, at one. T. Craig, Glasgow, coach proprietor, to meet within the Globe Hotel, Glasgow, Aug. 22 and Sept. 12, at one. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 16. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.-ITALIAN POLICY. On the vote of 57,0001., to complete the sum necessary to defray the salaries and expenses at the office of her. Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs being proposed, Mr. DISRAELI rose and spoke as follows:—Mr. Ber nal : Sir, whatever may be the justice of some of the complaints which we have heard from her Majesty's Mi nisters, as to the time of this House being occupied with too much discussion—complaints which I, for one, can not admit to be founded in fact—there certainly is one member of her Majesty's Government who, I think, has no right whatever to join in these complaints. I think the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Af fairs, so far as his department is concerned, cannot for one moment pretend that any criticism upon the policy which he has recommended, or any remarks upon the transactions which have occurred with regard to foreign subjects have given rise during this momentous session to any very frequent or very lengthened discussions. Sir, although this year has witnessed throughout Europe events more important than probably have occured in the recollection of the vast majority of the House, cannot at this moment remember more than two occa sions on which the attention of the House of Commons has been called to anything connected with our external relations. For one of those occasions I confess I am my self responsible, but I think that in that instance I was warranted in calling the attention of the House of Com mons to this circumstance—that an ancient ally had claimed the fulfilment of a guarantee from England— (Hear, hear)—and the sympathy expressed by the House, when I ventured to make the observations I did upon the position cif England and Denmark, at least showed that however imperfect my rilvocacy of that subject was, it was not considered by the House of Commons as being intrusive.—(Hear, hear.) There was one other in stance of our attention being called to a foreign subject, but I shall be surprised if any Member of her Majesty's Government can for a moment pretend that the discus sion which originated in that instance was an unneces sary one. It is in the recollection of every Gentleman that a very remarkable incident occurred at the capital of one of her Majesty's allies. A Minister, who might be styled virtually the representative of the Queen of England, was expelled the capital of one of her Majesty's allies.—(Hear, hear.) Surely, Sir, neither the House, nor our constituents, nor her Majesty's Ministers, can for a moment maintain that some observations upon an event so remarkable—an event which I may almost characterise as unequalled—partook of the nature of surplusage discussion.—(Hear.) And, Sir, in both these cases the discussions, as far as the Government was concerned, were conducted in any other spirit than that of party acerbity.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding the important events which have occurred—notwithstanding the favourable opportunities which have been offered to the Opposition—opportunities which at another time, and in another age, would have been very readily seized —there have only been those two occasions on which subjects connected with our external relations have been brought under the consideration of the House; and cer tainly, in both these instances, her Majesty's Govern ment have no rig'it whatever to complain either of the spirit in which the observations were made, or the ob jects which the discussions were intended to attain.— (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I feel it to be my duty to call the attention of the Committee to a branch of our foreign relations—in itself of the utmost importance— and also because I think I shall be able to show the Committee that it is incumbent upon them, as the re presentatives of their constituents, to make themselves acquainted with the exact state of affairs which, in this • respect, at the present moment exists. The subject to r which I wish to call the attention of the Committee is the state of' Italian politics, and our relations at this ' moment with the Italian states. It had, Sir, been my intention, on looking over the various items brought before us on the votes for the miscellaneous estimates, to have called the attention of the Com mittee to the subject upon the vote to one of the Minis ters of the Crown, namely, the vote to the Lord Privy Seal.—(Hear, hear.) I thought it was an appropriate occasion on which to introduce this very interesting sub ject, because the Lord. Privy Seal is the individual who has recently figured in a very conspicuous manner in the transactions to which I am about to allude, and be cause it would be impossible to place the subject fairly before the consideration of the Committee without ads verting to the recent exploits of the noble personage in question.—(Hear, hear.) But on more mature con sideration, Sir, it appeared to me that the adoption of such a course would tend to give to the observations, which I wish fairly to put before the country, too per. sonal and invidious a character. The Government are responsible for all that the Lord Privy Seal did, and it seemed to me that it would not be an unfair occasion— on the vote for the maintenance of the Foreign-cffice— to bring the matter under the consideration of the House. At the same time, it is totally impossible, how ever brief and condensed my observations on the subject may be—it is totally impossible to forget the operations of the Lord Privy Seal in Italy.—(Hear, hear.) They commenced before these important events in which their interest has been in a great degree absorbed. But all the transactions in which the Lord Privy Seal was con• cerned are intimately connected and even involved in anything which has since happened.—(Hear, hear.) The Lord Privy Seal—it is in the recollection of the Com mittee—went last autumn upon a very peculiar and a somewhat roving mission; ho went, Sir, I believe, to teach politics to the country in which Machiavelli was born.—(A laugh.) It seemed that the princes of Italy were so ignorant of their own interests that they required counsel ; and, in fact, that it was necessary to take a position with respect to those sovereigns which was not adopted in our communications with other po tentates. We had several Ministers Plenipotentiary in Italy, and some other diplomatic agents of inferior note, but it was thought necessary to communicate with the sovereigns of Italy by no less a personage than a member of the British Cabinet—one who would not wait for in structions in order to guide him on an occasion of emer gency; but who, himself, should to a certain degree, be a portion of that original inspiration which is to guide the conduct of our foreign diplomacy—one perfectly fa miliar with the whole scope and scheme of her Majesty's Ministers on these subjects, and who, therefore, with a large—l might say illimitable discretion—might prevent the recurrence of many untoward circumstances in that country, and lay the foundation of a future state of acknowledged prosperity in the Italian Peninsula.— (Hear, hear.) Sir, it is really a curious thing to put be- ' fore the House, in the very roundabout way, th e princi pal objects of this important and peculiar mission—it is a curious thing to put before the House its objects, and to compare with those objects its results.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Minto had a very important object to achieve in the north of Italy; there was great uneasiness in Italy, there was great apprehension on the part of her Majesty's Ministers that Austria, for example, actuated by unnecessary fear, should invade Sardinia; and the first object of Lord Minto was to induce the Austrians not to invade Sardinia. Well, Sir, so far as that object went the Noble Lord was perfectly successful, the only unpleasant thing which happened having been, that instead of the Austrians invading Sardinia, the Sardinians invaded Austria.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Well, Sir, cross ing the Appenines—having achieved complete success in the north of Italy—Lord Minto found himself in the centre of Italy, engaged in a delicate and peculiar nego tiation with a potentate whose name, in deference to my Hon. Friend near me (Mr. Spooner) I will not mention. —(A laugh.) It was certainly a considerable object to solve a difficulty which had perplexed the Cabinets of England from the days of Elizabeth to the days of Vic toria. How to establish a diplomatic communication with his Holiness was an object worthy of the mission even of a Cabinet Minister, and involved a question, the solution of which would necessarily offer very great claims to the applause and the confidence of his colleagues. Sir, in this instance, also, Lord Minto appearsto have suc ceeded. At the commencement of the session, no less a personage than the Lord President of the Council, with breathless haste, informed the House of Lords that he must immediately introduce a Bill to establish diploma tic relations between the Court of St. James's and his Holiness the Pope. I believe that the usual forms of the House of Lords were not observed on that occa sion. I believe that the Bill was absolutely brought in without notice, and that the usual lapse of time which is permitted to occur between the first and second read ings was waived, on account of the urgency and the exigency of the case.—(Hear, hear.) What was the result ? The Bill did not pursue its course with the rapidity with which it was at first intimated was abso lutely necessary, and for this reason—that at the very moment when, under the successful management of the Lord Privy Seal, England had resolved to revive its diplomatic communications with the Pope, it seemed that the Pope, as a temporal prince, ceased to exist.— (Hear, hear.) I suppose, however, that by some of the last bulletins there is a chance of his Holiness yet • exercising some doubtful authority, since at the end of the session, this Bill, which was brought into the House of Lords with breathless haste in the month of Fe- . bruary, has, now that August is waning, stolen into a little legislative life, and will, we are informed, have a chance of being yet introduced to our notice.—(Hear, hear.) Observe, Sir, how eminently Lord Minto sus ceeded in the north of Italy in preventing the invasion of Sardinia by Austria; and observe, too, how successful ho was in the centre of Italy in establishing diplomatic relations with a potentate who has no longer any diplo macy at his command.—(Hear, hear.) There remains, thee, but a third portion of Italy, the extreme south, in which the labours, the unparalleled labours, of this eminent diplomatist could also be employed, and that is the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. It has been said, Sir, in a high place—a place of authority—that Lord Minto was invited by the King of the Two Sicilies to favour him with his counsel, and to interfere in the management of his Majesty's dominions. Sir, it is very possible. The Noble Lord, like other celebrated performers, was ",starring it" throughout the Italian States—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—and having been so successful at Milan, and so distinguished at Rome, there came an invitation that he should exhibit at Naples.--(Renewed laughter.) Now the result of his Lordship's performance in the south of Italy was not less successful than in the north and in the centre. Called in by the King of the Two Sicilies to remove some misconceptions which existed between his two kingdoms, the Noble Lord laboured hard to support the legislative - union between Naples and Sicily; and his labours resulted not only in the severance of their legislative unio:n, but in the repeal of their political connexion. —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I feel that it would be wrong for me to offer any thing but the most friendly criticism on the defunct career of this most eminent diplomatist. I only wish to have it understood that the present Go vernment are not new hands at conducting diplomatic interference, and that they .cannot now tell us that in consequence of important events which had oc curred, they were obliged on a sud den, and without that consideration and experience which are generally de manded in those cases—that they .were obliged on a sud den to undertake the diplomatic interference in Italy. They had been trying their hands for a considerable time before the great revolution occiirred; and the results have been not mere interesting than successful.—(Hear, hear.) But now, Sir, I understand that the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary—not profiting by what has already occurred—is about again to open a new cam paign in Italy, that he is about to mediate in Italy in (=junction with another country., and I think it is a very legitimate subject of inquiry, and that I am per farming my duty to my constituents and to this House, if I take this opportunity of invising the Government to give us some information as to the objects and as to the motives of their. policy. The Noble Lord informed us the other night, and it has since been announced in every oqtan of public opinion, that England and France are going to mediate in the affairs of Northern Italy. Now I think lam but making legitimate inquiries of the Noble .Lord when I ask him to inform the Committee—first, what is to be the princi ple of this mediation; secondly, what is to be the nature of this mediation ; and, thirdly, what is the end pro posed to be attained by this mediation?—(Hear.) These appear to me to be three inquiries •which it is our duty to invite her Majesty's Ministers to. respond to.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, first with regard to the principle of mediation. The principle of mediation may be of a political character; there may be a, desire to prevent the effusion of blood which has been occasioned by a very prolonged and hopeless contest ; or there may be a de sire to put au end to a state of things which has incon venienced the merchants of this country. The interests of commerce, and those interests of humanity which enter into all the relations between nations, may prompt the Noble Lord to interfere in a particular case, and be may wish on a political principle to mediate. But as re gards the north of Italy,there is no effusion of blood to stop, there are no commercial interests of ours there which require defence, or which are suffering from any circum stances which are occurring there ; so that if the Noble Lord has to mediate in that country between the Em peror of Austria and the King of Sardinia, or between the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Austria's subjects, why then, Sir, the Noble Lord—mediating on a political principle—will have a very easy task. The means are as obvious as the result is clear. The Noble Lord, mediating on a political principle, will be guided by the doctrines of the law of nations, and by the stipue lations of existing treaties. He will take down Vattel, he will look at the treaties of Paris and Vienna, and when he finds that the Emperor of Austria is in posses sion, in peaceable possession, of the dominions which these treaties secured to him, and when he finds that the King of Sardinia is also in possession of the do minions which those treaties secured to him ; why, Sir, when he finds that such is the case—when he finds that, as regards these Powers, there, is no question of public law which is at all in controversy, why, then, the Noble Lord may shut his book—his mediation is annihilated.—(Hear, hear.) He will find that he has nothing to do, and the House will be in formed that the mere offer of his interference has af forded a conclusion, satisfactory, no doubt, to Europe, but which would probably have occurred if the Noble Lord had never opened his mouth.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, we can hardly conceive that a statesman so able and experienced as the Noble Lord should announce to the Parliament of his country that he is going to mediate in the affairs of Northern Italy, merely that he may af terwards announce to us that he has done nothing ; and ' therefore, I apprehend that the Noble Lord, instead of • mediating on a political priciple, is perhaps going to mediate on that dangerous principle with which he has • sometimes played, and which I have ere this had the honour of calling "the sentimental principle." The senti ; mental principle in the management of the affairs of fo reign nations at the present day recognizes the principle of nationality. The Noble Lord is going perhaps to mediate in the affairs of Italy on the sentimental principle of ' nationality.—(A laugh.) Now, I beg the Committee to remark into what an inextricable difficulty and danger the encouragement of such a course on the part of the Noble Lord may lead this country; and that is the rea son—that is, one principal reason, why I now bring the state of Italian affairs before the notice of the Com mittee. If it be necessary, on the sentimental principle, that Lombardy should only be in the possession of the Lombards, and that the person of an Austrian should not be tolerated there, on what ground can you justify the arrangement by which the Austrians are to retain the whole of Venicia? If the Noble Lord is a disciple of the principle of nationality—if, on that principle, he is going to advise the Emperor of Austria to relinquish his dominions in Lombardy, on what grounds can he refuse to completely develop the idea by recommending his Imperial Majesty to relinqui s h hi s h o ld on th e Venetian territory? I want to know how can the Noble Lord be a preacher of nationality in Lombardy, when, in the north of Europe he is, as he is bound to do, defending the interests of Holland and Denmark against the invasion founded on this very same principle ? I want to know how the Noble Lord intends to act as far as the sentimental principle is concerned in case an ap plication should be made from a meet powerful and in teresting kingdom, which, four months ago, it was pub licly announced, did probably intend to call on England to mediate—l mean Hungary. In the kingdom of Hun gary there are four races, the Magyars, the Sclavonians, the Germans, and the Wahles. Now, I want to know whether three of these races should quit Hungary, and leave it to the predominant power of the fourth ? If the Committee do not take the earliest opportunity—if the House of Commons do not take the earliest opportunity of discouraging the sentimental prin ciple in settling the affairs of nations, I am convinced that this country will be involved in a dif. ficulty which it is impossible to contemplate w ith out dismay, and that you will be supporting a policy which, should it be fully developed, will resolve Europe into its original elements, and not leave any social or political system in existence in the forms which it now assumes. And now for the principle of that mediation of which we hare heard so much, and which has been so ostentatiously announced—the mediation of England and France in the affairs of the north of Italy. I wish to know from her Majesty's Government whether the principle of the me diation—whether that political principle is founded on the law of nations and the stability of treaties, or whe ther it is a modern new-fangled principle of nationality, which will lead to inextricable confusion, and difficulty, and danger. I want to know what are the means by which you intend to mediate. Is it to be an armed me diation? Because if it is to be an armed mediation, the Emperor of Austria, being in possession of his estates, and the King of Sardinia being in possession of his estates, war at this moment, as I am informed, not being waged between those sovereigns, that armed mediation of England and France is an invasion, and, therefore, you would seem to say that the best way to secure peace is by commencing war. If it is not an armed mediation, is it a mediation only of good offices? If that be so, I leave it to the Committee to decide what prospect we have of success with our good offices, when we go to the Emperor of Austria as friends merely, rand as friends recommend him to relinquish those (dominions which he has gained by great sacrifices, by the display of great valour in his troops, and which have been held for three centuries, and perhaps never with a firmer grasp than at the present moment. In the first place, then, as regards the means of mediation, an armed interference is an in vasion—is war, and an interference of good offices is a nullity. So much as to the principle of mediation—so much as to the means by which !the mediation is to be carried into effect. Now, then, I ask her Majesty's Ministers what do they intend to do with Lom bardy should their ancient ally, in deference to their kind offices, relinquish his dominions? Do they mean to swell the territories of the King of Sardinia with the possessions of that duchy? Is the return for that noc turnal attack which he made upon his neighbours to be an increase of authority and power? Why, Sir, if the King of Sardinia had not made war without even the declaration of war, you would hesitate as to that course. But when you remember the circumstances of the case —when you remember that the King of Sardinia made war without declaring war against Austria, and was at the very time in friendly confidence and communication with the Austrian Cabinet—when we know that in con sequence of that conduct he is receiving most signal pu nishment and discomfiture at this moment, and that he is only, in deference to the feelings of Europe on the part of Austria for existing treaties, allowed to remain in possession of his own capital, I can't imagine that any Minister not even a Minister at Frankfort would recommend Austria to relinquish Sar dinia. It is a proposition I can't for a mo ment imagine that any Minister in any country will now contemplate. What will be done with Milan? Will you establish by this mediation that you have an nounced, an independent Government? and make the states in the north of Italy a source of public dis quietude contiguous to two powerful military neigh bours, perpetually quarrelling and perpetually calling for foreign interference. What form do you mean to establish in the announced mediation for these free and independent, states? Of course i t must b e republican. You cannot have a King of Lombardy. It is for the in terests of England and of Europe that you should diplo matically establish a republic. If a republic, then what sort would her Majesty's Government recommend?— I (Laughter.) Is it to be a revolutionary republic or a Conservative republic —a red republic or a white re public—a republic with a red cap, or a republic with a white feather?—(G rent laughter.) That is a question upon which, of course, the country will receive some intimation. These are three points upon which the Committee ought to require information from the Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Government, let me remind the Committee, have announced a media tion—a joint mediation of England and France in the affairs of Northern Italy. I think the Government are bound to tell us the principles upon which that me diation is founded, the means by which that mediation is to be carried into effect, and the end which it is pro posed to attain by that mediation. Now, Sir, there is an object for this mediation, as I am informed, which her Majesty's Government will not announce. It is the secret object of many transactions which is so perplex ing to the public eye. The object of the joint mediation in the affairs of Northern Italy—where there is nobody to mediate between, and where there is nothing to settle —the object of the joint mediation is to prevent the in vasion of Italy by France. I have no hesitation in say ing that the invasion of Northern Italy by France would be much to bo deprecated ; and if her Ma jesty's Government, with all the advantages of the recent experience of the Lord Privy Seal, can de vise a means by which such result can be prevented, they, no doubt, will have cause to plume themselves as statesmen.—(Hear.) But the Committee will recol lect that France has no right whatever to interfere in Italy. It would be a violation of every principle of' pub lic law, and of every treaty which exists with reference to the lialian States. I am of opinion, myself, that France will not invade Italy. Ido not think it would be for the interest or for the honour of France to do so. I very much deprecate even an inference as to the contin gency so highly disastrous to the world, and most un justifiable on the part of France. As regards Italy, as regards Europe, France has not the colour of a case in this respect. I wish I could say, with regard to Eng land, France was in the same position. I admit I can not. I admit that the conduct of our Government in Italy affords a precedent for France. It does not justify France in violating the law of nations—it does uut justify France in violating treaties—it does not justify France to Italy and Europe, but it does, un fortunately, justify France to England. Should the Noble Lord, for example, put himself in commu nication with the representative of that country at this Court, if he were to make an appeal to the French Minister on the subject, he might refer to a circumstance which gives a colour of pretext of precedent to France. That is our conduct at Naples. Let me remind the House of the ultimate result of the cordial co-operation between the Lord Privy Seal and the King of the Two Sicilies. As far as I can obtain information, it is the following, namely—the King of the Two Sicilies having prepared a powerful army to chastise his rebellious sub jects, ex.:etly as Austria his done, he finds suddenly, in the Bay of Naples, an English fleet, and it is announced to him that his rights as Sovereign of Sicily have ceased to be acknowledged by the English Govern ment. The English Government, it appears, animated by that principle which governed the motions of the Earl of Minto—animated by an extreme desire to consolidate the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, put an end to all misconception between the subjects of his Majesty, and were so kind as to approve of the nomination of an independent sovereign, who was to go vern Sicily in violation of the rights of Naples. The Government—the servants of her Majesty the Queen of England—commenced with communicating with the re bellious subjects of the King of Naples, and finally they serif, a fleet to prevent the King of the Two Sicilies from asserting his sovereign rights. France, in possession of these facts, would have a very good cause to invade Italy. Lord PALMERSTON—They are not facts. Mr. DISRAELI—These are not facts, says the Noble Lord; but I ask, why are they allowed to be supposed to be true? It is at all events true, that when asked for information upon the subject—when asked whether instructions had been given to our fleet in the Mediterranean to prevent the Neapolitans invading Sicily, the Noble Lord refused to give an answer to the question. The Lord President of the Council, in another place, refused to give an answer to a similar question; and these facts were admitted by the chief Minister in another place, that we did interfere in the affairs of Sicily as far as thus, indicating to that people the terms on which Sicily should be independent, the form of go vernment they should choose, the manner in which the choice should be made, and the individual of whom England would approve as sovereign. The Noble Lord will not say that those are not facts. The interference was complete on our part, and what answer should we have to give to France, if a French invasion of Northern Italy should take place? lam quite prepared to make this admission to her Majesty's Government I do not believe that, injurious as the precedent is, our conduct with respect to Naples will bo made a precedent for the invasion of Northern Italy by France. and for this reason—simple and satisfactory —that I do not believe there is the slightest wish at this moment on the part of France to make such an invasion. But still, Sir, I think it necessary to enter my protest against any such precedent being made. All the French Government desire is, to avail themselves of this forced occasion of giving to Europe and the world an idea that there is cordial co-operation be tween the Cabinet of Paris and the Cabinet of ' St. James's. Now, it may be asked, what is the harm done by the French Government availing themselves of this forced occasion? The harm is, that these forced occasions, these made opportunities, have never, on any occasion, been used by the Governments of the two countries but at the expense of the rights of some third independent Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.) Upon this oe. casion, Sir, I do not wish that my opinion should b e misapprehended —of an alliance with France, a cordial understanding with France, or whatever phrase may be used—that the great events which periodically and gra dually occur in the world should be managed by two of the leading nations, by a wise spirit of concession and compromise, followed by a cordial co-operation between the two countries—if you mean by that an alliance with France, or a cordial understanding with France, of that principle and that system I shall ever be a feeble but a warm supporter. It is not a new principle in the history of this country, although of late years it has been announced in this House as if it were some novel discovery in politics. If you take a general view of modern history, of our country, and of Europe—l mean that modern history of those times during which the great events have occurred- - you will find that hostilities with France have been the exception, and not the rule. For the last two centuries and a half more than two 'thirds of the time was spent in a warm and close intimacy between the Government of this country and that of France. That was the pen' ciple which was acted upon by the Cabinet of Elizabeth' who managed the affairs of the world in co-operation with one of the Most eminent of the Bourbon princes- It was brought forward as a charge against the polio,' of the Protector that he was of the same opinion 0 Elizabeth on the subject—l think most unjustly. But, at any rate, approved of by the sagacity of those meet and by the wisdom and prudence of Cromwell, surely it is a policy that cannot be wholly erroneous. I need scarcely remind the House of the policy of England on a subsequent occasion, conducted as it was by two of the most eminent statesmen of the last century- It is well known that two most eminent men—who never agreed on any other subject, who were constantrivals in all things—l mean Lord Bolingbroke and Sir Robert Walpole —were both supporters of a warm and cordial alliance with France as the basis of our policy. Lord Bolingbroke became the victim of the negotiation at Utrecht; and no sooner was the great Whig party in power, than Sir R. Walpole commenced the principle; and for twenty years secured the peace of the world and the prosperity of England by his cordial understanding with France and with Cardinal Fleury. The Noble Lord only the other night told us that the peace of the world was to be maintained by a co-operation of the powerful' Governments of Russia, of England, and of France. Now, I b e li eve that the present Government of France is a powcrvul Government; but let me remind the Noble Lord that he has not yet informed Parlia' ment that he has recognised its existence. But it is a strong Government, for this simple reason, that they have transferred the government of Algeria to the streets of Paris. That Government may be performing its duty. The great Lord Protector of equality has lately executed a monster razzia against the fraternal multitude of Paris. General Cavaignac or his successors may bale to repeat, probably will have to repeat, those exploits; but if the Noble Lord enters the plea of a cordial under standing with the Government of France, and under that plea is going to repeat the steps which, unforta' nately, preceding Governments under similar circuity' stances have adopted, and whi c h h ave always ended .1 disappointment and discomfiture, then I trust this Souse will interfere. A natural alliance and a cordial genera; understanding on the basis o f mutual co-operation an a conduct is no doubt a great good; but an understanding only founded on forced occasions and forced o pports: nities—occasions unfounded, and opportunities devised in order to show the world that there is co-operation tween the two Governments —will produce great ow e ' and cause the greatest disasters. The Noble L° l l tried this system i n 18 30 and 1832, and then be ba d circumstances much more favourable to deal with than at present. Then we wero in alliance and co-operatio n with a Sover e i gn w h o, whatever may have been faults, had, for a period of 17 years, succeeded in bridling the Jacobi n ti ger; yet what did the system endillof It planted th e tr i- co l oured flag upon the wal l s Ancona and of Antwerp —it led to interference in Spain ' in Portugal, and i n G reece —i t troubled our commerce in the Atl ant i c an d i n the Pacific, and was the l';;; i ; cause of the di s t ur b ances w hi c h have taken place inborn; waters of La Plate. Sir, I protest against this tsy I protest against any mediation in Northern I tal y' where nothing exists to mediate, but merely to • d that a cordial understanding exists between Franc e sty England. lam convinced that if the House of td_r at moue sanctions that policy, you will found distr_s e b esd every quarter and discord in every state—that n" security of peace, that alliance, that understand . in t l 3 4 , 4 l ,. of the alliance between France and England beilgizse it as you will, that future concert, will lead in.v_n i f e in the end to war.—(Hear, hear.) And, Sir, w hat you doing this for? You are doing it beca n have created a bugbear of your own, Fra nce, the impending invasion of Italy by France. -yr" I Franc e ' repeat invading I say hasit , In f nab- by Italy. Hon. Gentlemen talk of the invasion o on nhoasinnteoresrtigh a t t t t h o is in m va o d m e en l t taly. happen France as if it wore an incident which mig h t telegr a P - ' any summer day upon an order sent by t he to giv e What is an invasion of Italy by France? Even °f France a chance of success in the present p osition s hundred Italy she must crops the Alps with at least that. The thousand men. She must do much more than n er n iu ' indre d very day that she crossed the Alps with h less nume thousand men she must advance an army notthere the rous to the banks of the Rhine to meet .n a moment, all indig nantspirit of Germany, forgetting then, . 1 _ . `" fe u rrearl all its nebulous mysticism of nationality THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 17, 1848