The Sun. — London, England, 1852-02-28 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT• HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 27. Lord REDESDALI: took his seat on the Woolsack, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, at Five o'clock. On tho Treasury bench were Earl Derby, the Earls of Malnaesbury, Eglinton, Salisbury, and Lansdale. The Mirquis of Lansdowne, Earl Grey, Lord Minto, and other members of the late Ministry were on the Opposi tion bench. The galleries of the Peeresses were crowded, as were also the epee° allotted for Members of Parlia ment and strangers. At a few minutes past five, MINISTERIAL E-XPLANATIONS. The Earl of DERBY rose, and spoke to the follow ing effect:—My Lords, the place from which I have now the honour to address your Lordships is at once not only a justification for my rising upon this occasion, but also imposes on me, as I conceive, the absolute duty of endeavouring, as shortly and succinctly as I can, and with as much frankness as is due to the audience which I am addressing, and with no more reserve than is im posed upon me by the position which I hold, to state not only the motives which have induced me to accept the arduous task which I felt myself bound not to decline, but also, as far as I can, to lay before your Lordships an outline of the course which, having undertaken the re sponsibility of the Government, I feel it incumbent on me to adopt. But before I proceed further I feel desi mai, indeed, I cannot deny myself the gratification—in the presence of the Noble Marquis opposite (Lana downe)—of expressing to him that whicn from my ab sence from the [louse at the last meeting of your Lord ships I could not express, my grateful thanks for the kind and friendly manner in which he alluded to my present acceptance of office.—(Hcar, hear.) My Lords, to any man accepting the high office which I have now the honour to fill such terms of commendation can not fail to be welcome, from whatever quarter they may come; but they are to me doubly gratifying, both in my public and private capacity, as coming from one to whom from my earliest boyhood I have been accus tomed to look up with hereditary respect and admira tion—from whom, as my advancing years rolled on, those feelings were ripened into sincere personal respect and friendship—and of whom I am happy to say that, neither on his part nor on mine, have the circumstances which separated our political connexion deadened or im paired in the slightest degree our private friendship.— (Hoar, hear.) My Lords, I hope that this is only a single example of many that might be cited to prove that, amidst all the conflicts of parties in this free country, men entertaining opinions tar more widely different than those which have separated the Noble Marquis and my self may continue to entertain for one another feelings of personal regard unembittered by the contentions of party, and that, however different may be the views which a sense of public duty may compel us to maintain, there is nothing in this diversity of opinion which may dis sever the personal friendship of English gentlemen. — (Cheers.) But I understand —and I hope that I may mis understand—that tho Noble Marquis intimated on the last occasion of your meeting his intention of shortly retiring from the active pursuits of political life, and from those political duties which he has for so long a time discharged with such signal ability and success.— (Hear, hear.) If the difference of opinion between man and man could diminish the feeling of personal friend ship for each other, it is absolutely impossible that such can be the case between myself and the Noble Marquis — o f whom lam sure that I am only expressing the feeling of every individual in the House when I say that he has won the esteem and confidence, and I may almost say the affection, of every one of your Lordships who has witnessed the firm, and uncompromising, and dig nified, yet the perfectly friendly and courteous manner, with which he has discharged for so long a period his duties in this House; and it may be, if in truth ho in tends to retire from public life, an encouragement to future statesmen that they should be able hereafter to point to his' example, and show how, after a period of nearly fifty years spent in the public ser vice, a statesman can retire with the friendship, the warm and cordial friendship, of his political associates, and with the sincere respect and esteem of his political opponents, and with a character unblem ished by a single stain on his political virtue or private honour.—(Hear, hear.) Having thus relieved my mind of the debt of gratitude which .1 feel to be due to the Noble Marquis, I now proceed to the far more arduous portion of the task which is now imposed upon me. My Lords, it is unnecessary for me to trouble your Lord ships with any speculations or statements of mine as to the causes which may have led to the downfall of the late Administration. Undoubtedly, my Lords, although there was a general expectation that the resignation of her Majesty's late Ministers was not far distant, I, for one, so little expected that such an event would occur on a Tate occasion, that, as most of your Lordships are per haps aware, I had at the time actually gone down into the country for the purpose of spending three or four days. I shall not attempt to speculate whether the par ticular vote to which the other House came on last Friday night, or whether other subjects led Ministers to a deter mination to resign their offices. which was only con firmed by that vote. It was on Saturday that I received the to me surprising intelligence of the result of tho division in the House of Commons, and of the consequent resignation of her Majesty's Ministers; and it was on the evening of that day that I had the honour of receiving her Majesty's commands that I should wait on her at the Palace at half-past two o'clock on the following day. I had then, my Lords, to consider, not what course it was my interest, but what course my public duty required me to pursue. I had to weigh deliberately and candidly en the one side all the overwhelming difficulties of the situation in which I watt placed, all the awful responsibility of the task which I felt I must be called upon to perform; and I had to weigh on the other side, us it appeared to me, a still mo r e aw ful responsihility, if it could be imputed to ins that irons personal feeling and an unwillingness to take on myself either labour or responsibility I had left by my act the Queen and the country in the present times without an Administration, however unworthy it might be. The Noble Lord will excuse me for say ing that I saw little prospect of any other Admi nistration being speedily formed--and, further, that I saw little prospect of advantage from the resignation of a Ministry to be speedily followed up by a resumption of their former public duties. I felt, there fore, that however unequal I might myself be to the task, and however great the difficulties which stood in my way—difficulties arising from my own position, and difficulties arising also from the position of those who, agreeing with me in opinion, aro still unable to command a majority in the other House of Parlia ment, still,—l say, great as those difficulties are, deli berately weighing and not overlooking any of them, I felt it to be my first duty to my Sovereign and my country to provide that at this time the country should not be left without an Administration; and it was not, my Lords, without a deep consciousness of the responsi bility which I was incurring, nor without a thorough conviction of my own inability to perform adequately the duties which I was about to undertake, that I at once, and without hesitation, intimated to her Majesty, on receiving her command to that effect, my readiness to attempt the task of forming a Government, By the concurrence of all those friends to whom I felt it to be my duty to apply, I was able on the following day to lay before her Majesty an outline of the Administration, and in the course of the four days since elapsed I have been able to submit and obtain the approval of her Majesty to the list of those friends whom I have selected to discharge the various sub ordinate deities of the Government. At the same time, the Government being thus constituted, I feel it to he necessary that I should state to you, my Lords, frankly, freely, and without reserve, the course of policy which I shall deem it my imperative duty to follow. —(ilear, bear.) My Lords, with regard to the foreign retations of this country, I am sure there is scarcely , one man amongst your Lordships, and few indeed in the country, who does n et earnestly desire to see main tained the blessings of universal Hear.) There is not one of my Noble Frierls ca w e h —( o does not think chat e a t every effort on the part of the Government should be made w ith the view to averting the zueur remotest my humblechance oisiajaa th e desire of o f incurring the miseries opfrwesaerr.v—in,. • ) h peace is not b es t supported by displays of largo m ilitary an d naval opera tions, by the assum ption of an attit u d e of hostility, and by the making offensive preparations ; w hilst, on the other hand, it receives no advan c ta h ge from the adoption of the Utopian theories in which some gentlemen in atlini;nco'unotrryt'f innotaotposition in dulge of universal dissarmament , universal disarmament, of placing best_ powerful maintains dby which it is incapable o f defence.—([leer, hear.) My Lords, I b e li eve that peace wi ll be observing to all fo)reign powers, w hether weak, a calm, temperate, deliberate, and conciliatory course of conduct—(Hear, hear).. not in acts alone, but in words and expres sions also, by adhering with strict fidelity to the letter of the obligations imposed on us by treaties, and by respecting the independence of all na tions, whether great or small, as we ll as by admitting their full right to regulate to their own will the internal a ffairs of their own admi n i s t rat i on . My Lords, lieve the constitution under which we have the happi ness to live is, of all imaginable constitutions, the best adapted to secure the greatest happiness of the greatest number—(Hear, hear)—and I should be glad to see our example diffusing itseif through other nations and coun tries. I hold, my Lords, that we have no right as a na tion to entertain particular prejudices ur particular sym pathies for this or that course of government which other countries may thick fit to adopt, be those courses or forms of government absolute despolim , limited mo narchy, or constitutional republic. Be it an absolute Red Itepublic, that which is t he choic e of any nation as regards its internal government—that, I say, is the choice which a British statesman is bound to recogni se . —t Tear, hear.) My Lords, I concur entirely in the ob serrations which were made with great truth and dignity a few days ago by the Noble Earl wilt) recently was bead of the Fereign Department of the late Govern ment—namely, that in our conduct of affairs with fo reign nations tilt ro is more dignity, if any of the sub jects of these realms conceive themselves to be injured by a foreign power, in acting with forbearance than With violence. The dignified course in public as in private life is, in case of necessity, to require as well as to offer such reparation as in our con science we deem advisable. Such is my epi,:ion ni re gards our own fellow -countrymen. Oti the usher hand, I am convinced that if we have reason to complain of the course pursued towards us by a foreign country, the best course to adopt is to state the ground of complaint simply, frankly, temperat e ly , and calmly, without in dulging in vituperative or intemperate language ; to submit our cause to the honou r and justice of the tri bunal to which we make our complaints, and to require from that tribunal thanmeed of justice which hear.) I which we would be prepared to bestow ourselves *--"( Cannot but think, my Lords, gh at Acting steadily on THE S UN that principle, alike in reference to powerful as to weak nations, we shall be able not merely to maintain the blessings of peace, but also to place this country in an attitude of sincere friendship with most of t he otne y nations of the world.—(Hear, hoar.) I entertain this hope the more because it is highly probable that the preservation of peace and good understanding between nations will long continue ; and yet, w ith that convic tion, I say that it is a duty incumben t on us, as her Majesty's Government, not to neglect the pre cautions which our predecessors adopted for placing this country, by the organization and discipline of its domestic forces, in such a position as will render us entirely free from all chance of hostile aggression. My Lords, I believe that our naval forces never were in a better or more effective condition than they are at this moment. I believe that for all purposes which regard either the security of our own shores, the defence of the numerous and distant colonies which form our empire, and the protection of that extensive com merce which crosses every sea and fills every port in the wide world—l believe that for all such purposes our navy was never in a more effective state than it is now. —(Hear, hear.) Our regular army is also, lam happy to inform your Lordships, in a state of perfect efficiency, so far as its numbers are concerned. I repeat the words - So far as its numbers are concerned," for, as to the duties which it has to perform, there is no army in the world on which so heavy a load of military duties fall. But, my Lords, efficient as cur army ia, well qualified as those are who constitute it, for the performance of the effective duties of their profession, that army numeris cally—and I am rejoiced at the fact—cannot excite legiti mately the apprehension or jealousy of any foreign power. My Lords, the genius end disposition of the people of this country aro hostile to a Liege standing army. England has no desire of aggression, has no wish for extended domi nion, much less has she any longing to engage in unneces sary quarrels with other countries, requiring a large in crease of her military force. She therefore feels that to her a large standing army is unnecessary. I know and feel, my Lords, what is duo to the honour and character of this country, and I know and feel that, if it were threat ened with hostile aggression, England, Scotland, and Ireland would rise as one man to defend it, and to repel the invader.—(Hear, hear.) I feel, my Lords, that thousands of loyal and gallant hearts would instantly rush to the rescue.—(Renewed cheers.) We may rely with the utmost confidence upon the loyal hearts of the British people—who, I am sure, will rush at once, in case of necessity, to the service of the country; but, at the same time, it is impossible to deny that, if they are not a disciplined and organized force, they will meet any attempt of foreign aggression under fearful disadvan tages.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, various occasions have arisen before, when propositions were made not for creating, but for re-organizing an old constitutional force, which has been always relied on for the internal mili tary protection of the country; but I think it is unfor tunate that those propositions have been always made under the pressure of some immediate anxiety or ap prehension of danger, and that when the anxiety and apprehension passed away all ideas as to the necessity of the precaution passed away, too, and vanished like a dream. In such a course there is a double disadvantage. If the measures for the organization of a new military force, which cannot be aggressive, but is of necessity defensive, be taken in haste,—if the preparations which its organization requires be adopted under the pressure of immediate necessity, then the preparations are at tended with a very large expense; and, from their being hastily made, are too late, if not inadequate to meet the anticipated danger. Besides, there is this further disadvantage in such a course. The very fact of your taking extraordinary precautions at once increases the panic and alarm which lead the Government to take them, and tend in turn to excite the jealousy of those foreign powrs against whose supposed or intended ag gression it is placing itself on its guard. The more con fidence I feel that the peace of Europe will not be dis turbedi the more I feel the imperative necessity of taking now, in this time of peace, when we are not pressed by ap prehensions, the necessary measures for the organization of such a force with a view to our object being accomplished with due deliberation, and yet with that necessary promptitude which will enable our population to meet their adversaries, if danger should occur, in some sort of military array and discipline. My Lords, I re joice to think that for the maintenance of the tranquil lity of England no military force, regular or irregular, is likely to be called for. On many memorable occasions, and more particularly on one occasion within the last three or four years, the people of this country have shown, in a manner exciting the admiration and wonder of foreign nations, that the peace and tranquillity of England may be safely intrusted to the loyalty of the people themselves. I believe that this is not owing to the ability of its rulers. I am sure that it is not the num ber of our forces which keeps this country in tranquil lity and contentment, but it is a due and frank appre ciation on the part of her Majesty's subjects in every class of the community of the inestimable value of those institutions under which they have the happiucs to live, and a deep-seated conviction that under those institutions not only the just prerogatives of the Crown, but also the dearest liberties of the people, are preserved secure and inviolate.—(Hear, hear.) Under these insti tutions we are not only free and tranquil at home, but are, as we have always been—and God forbid that we should ever cease to be—an ark of refuge for those whose misfortunes have driven them as exiles from their own homes to seek protection here. My Lords, with the dis turbances and distractions of foreign countries we have nothing whatever to do; but when from those disturb ances and distractions exiles and fugitives reach our shores they have always a right to claim, and I hope they will long continue to claim from us, the frank hos pitality of England. But I say also, on the other hand, that it is the bounden duty of all who, flying from the misfortunes of foreign countries, find here a safe and tranquil asylum, not to abuse the rights of hospitality, and, above all, not to compromise the interests of this nation, which receives them into its hospitable arms, by organizing here against their own country measures which they must kow they can only carry on in safety under the shelter and prot ec ti on of English law. I say, further, that it is not only the right but the duty of Government, without descending to a system—l must use a French word for it, for, thank God, we have not au English one w hi c h expresses it— o f esp i onage, or surveillance, which is averse to all the feel ings of the country—it is, I say, our duty as a Govern ment to keep guard over the conduct of such persons as are disposed to abuse our hospitality; and, it the know ledge of any plan hostile to the Government of their na tive land comes to the knowledge of her Majesty's Go vernment, it is our duty to put the foreign Government so menaced in possession of the facts, and thus place it on its guard against such machinations.—(Hear.) Further than that I do not think it is right nor in the power of the Government of this country to go. If these persons under any cir cumstances, and from whatever coun t r y, attempt to l evy war against their own coantry, that is, by the law of this country a punishable offence; and it is the duty of the Government to visit such an offence with exemplary and condign punishment. But, short of that, which is in the eye of the law an offence, I say that, while on the one hand we perform the duty of friendship and all that is r equ i red b y the comity of nations to b e d one to foreign powers, we cannot, on the other—l will not say to avert the hostility, but to secure the friendship of those powers with w h om we h ave con t rac t e d the closest intimucies— we cannot, I say, even for that purpose, strain the law and constitution of this country beyond the limits warranted by the law itself.—(Hear.) I have now stated, my Lords, the principles on which I think that our foreign policy ought to be conducted, and I will not shrink from now speaking frankly and without reserve on our financial and commercial policy. I need not remind your Lordships that in the year 1842 I was a warm and cordial supporter of the financial measures then introduced by the late Sir It. Peel. I not only en tirely approved of the revision of our Customs duties which at that time he proposed, but I also approved of the principle which, as I understood, he then announced of imposing duties on all the principal articles of impor tation fur the purpose of raising revenue; and not only for the purpose of raising revenue, but also for the pur pose of levying duties in a given proportion to the extent to which the articles the subjects of duties admitted or did not admit the expenditure of future British labour. I understood that principle to be laid down, and I freely acquiesced in it, that there was to be the freeest possible admission of all the raw materials which form the basis of domestic industry. A different system to a certain extent has since been adopted; and I cannot but think, my Lords, that if we look closely to the whole of our financial system, there is ground for believing that it is open, both in principle and in practice, for very consider able and useful revisions. Let us contrast, my Lords, with the system of Customs' duties now prevalent in this country that which 1 have heard lauded as the high free-trade tariff of the United States. The tariff of the United States levies on almost all articles of importa ttucfdeodreeioniliperrinecaispeleo, faupdricies ' tion duties more or less extensive—duties which in some cases reach to an extensive and almost an oppres- Elie7eadmount, but which in almost every instance are while avowedly on those articles which come into compe turiticonhawith the produce of their own soil and industry. with ewexteegcnt a i i e . recently . on quite a different principle, for, arti cles which enter with entire freedom such articles as tom© into competition with ton with our own produce, we load ea v t o o taxation a certain small number of arti be ;0(171 consumption immediate extent into the neces sary when the whole s the masses of our community. I a foreign countryulThlYe Ts not to lose sight of this fact, that of any article is furnished from article of import talla of a portionvieen 0 whole duty imposed upon that price; bu t t i , theh consumer in the shape of you impose a duty on an articleun inereoafs whiche w hi c h another portion is r aupplied at home, and of abroad, there the measure of the amount m n f increase E t e p or o fi f e l : is not a measure l ha u se d e ed by the imposition t ; h f e e r the foreign produce which the araer.i it of any duty—for a —imus s fa. toyhtihlalbeyteidateolexhircetiniebessupply, to that extent enhances the price. Between thou, two systems it also my Lords, that fee ded the system appears to me, the least burdensome to the country in practice. At the u that from repeating most shish I have expressed often on former occasions , nor i s s an t i h e e fdausinlyot toll k de fr:i . ii expressin g a e„i_ i n office what I have often stated out of office—hat in my individual opinion 1 can see no grounda why, from the general system of imposing du ties on fo re i gn o's iteD "t" the single article of corn should be • ' a sclitary exception.—(lleac, h e a r.) I state this, m y Lord s , as my opinion • a and clearly which can only he satisfactorily' 1 d by reference to the well-understood d opinion • but I think this to be a question the intelligont portion of the cemmunity.—(Llear, hear.) Any possibility, a n with Cl system so idea of dealing vast and extensive as • of this country, the financial policy expresso involving in its wide range not only the whole of the Customs duties, but also all the incidents and pressure of domestic and kcal taxation —any scheme , I say, so large and extensive, requi res to be dealt with b y a Go vernment strong not only i n the confidence of the coun try, but also in the confidence of Parliament, and capable of carrying its measures with ti degre e o f care , an d fore- LONDON, sight, and deliberation, which no one can afford suddenly at the commencement of a Parliamentary session. I know, my Lords, the position in which I stand. I know, my Lords, that in the other House of Pazliament my colleagues and I are in an undoubted minority. I do not know whether we cen command a majority even here, in this House, which I now have the honour of sacrificeaddressing; all otherbut the o considerations tmotivesoto avoid a h i i h n e d r u e c s e p d o n me sib t i o . lity of leaving the Sovoreig n and the countr y at this time without an Administrat i o n, induce me to think that the public interest would not be consulted b y an y inter ruption for a considerable pe riod of the sittin g of the other House of Parliament at this period of the year and in the present circumstances of the world. While, my Lords, I am aware that, with the view of carrying out i n t e rests of the country, I should state frank l y and with the policy which I consider to be advanta g eous to the out reserve my own opinions—while I make this confes sion, I must also confess that, situated as we are, we have a much humbler, but at the same time a more use ful part to perform. I avow, my Lords, again, that we cannot depend on a majority in the other Home of Par liament; and I avow that in the face of this conviction I have not declined the responsibility which has been thrown upon me. I know that iu conducting the affairs of the country we shall have to appeal to the forbearance of our opponents, and likewise to the in dulgence of our friends. But, my Lords, I have that confidence in the good sense, judgment, and pa triotism of the other House, which induces me to believe that it will not unnecessarily introduce sub jects of a controversial and party character fur the mere purpose of interrupting the course of sound and useful legislation, and of driving the Government out of that moderate and temperate course which it has prescribed to itself.—(Hear, hear.) I think, my Lords, that, with out dealing with such subjects, we have subjects enough of an useful social character fully to occupy our time, and oven that of the other House of Parliament. If, avoiding all unnecessary party measures, we apply our selves to those great measures which the country has so lung been expecting—measures of legal reform for im proving and simplifying the administration of law and justice, and measures of social reform for improving the condition and comforts of the people—l believe that even with a minority in tho House of Commons we shall not be uselessly or dishonourably conducting the affairs of the country; and I am confident that if we are interrupted by a merely factious opposition, that fac tiousness will at no distant period recoil on the authors and promoters of it.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, among the measures of social improvement to which I have just adverted I do not include one to which the late Go vernment called the attention of Parliament. It was an nounced by her Majesty's late Government that they in tended to introduce—and I believe that they actually did introduce into the other House—three measures con nected with this subject. The first had reference to the disfranchisement of a borough in which gross and noto rious corruption is proved to have prevailed. The se cond was to facilitate the means of examining into and correcting and controlling such corrupt practices in other boroughs. The third comprised a miscellaneous collection of other topics, but comprised among its lead ing features a large and extensive alteration in our elec toral system. Now, my lords, with regard to the first measure, I say that no one is prepared to go further than I am—and I am sure that I speak the sense of my colleagues too upon that subject—in checking the gross, disgraceful, and disgusting system of bribery which I am afraid has increased very considerably within the last 20 years, and which in the intensity of evils it has produced has thrown into the shade the evils which previou sl y ex isted in the local influences by which constituencies were controlled. No man will go further than myself in checking that system of corruption, and of visiting it with condign punishment, wherever full investiga tion has proved the extent of the offence. My Lords, I do not pretend even for a moment to affirm that the system of representation introduced in 1831 was a perfect system and incapable of improvement. I think that there may have arisen—and that there have naturally arisen—in the course of time abuses requiring control, and oven demanding a remedy. But, my Lords, before you seek to apply a remedy, and at all events before you pledge yourselves to an indefinite plan for unsettling all that is settled, and of settling nothing— (llear)—be quite sure that you know the consequences of the course which you are about to pursue. Be satisfied of the existense of the evils which you are called upon to meet. Be satisfied that the remedies which you pro pose to apply will meet and not aggravate those evils._ (Hear, hear.) Even if I were speaking not before you, my Lords, but before the Members of the other House of Parliament, I should entreat them, and through them I should entreat the country, seriously to consider the in calculable dangers which such a measure would cause, not only to the monarchy but also to the true liberty of England, by unsettling time after time everything which had been settled, and by settling nothing,—by dis satisfying the country with that which iv without re medy that dissatisfaction by that which was to follow as its substitute. My Lords, I need scarcely state, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that we do not propose to proceed with the measure of Par liamentary reform introduced recently by our predeces sors in office.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, if you will show to us or prove to us, the existence of any substantial grievance, no men will be more ready than my colleagues and myself - to endeavour to meet those grievances, if we can see that a remedy can be ef fectually applied to them without involving future danger to the safety of the constitution and the internal peace of the country. My Lords, Ido not know whe ther it has been correctly stated—but still I have heard it stated, that my Noble Friend who preceded me in office—l hope I may still call him my Noble Friend, although we are separated on public grounds—intended, for some reason or some cause which I cannot divine, to I combine together his plan for an exteesive referee in our representation with an extensive plan for the im provement of the education of the people. For my part, I believe that for the purpose of improving education no extension of the suffrage is necessary,—and, further, that no alteration in the constitution of Parlia ment would or could have the smallest influence or effect. I believe, and I rejoice to believe, that the feelings of all classes of the community; high and low, rich and poor, have been led to this conclusion, that the greater amount of education which we are able to give, and the more widely it is spread among all conditions of men, the greater chance there is for the preservation of the tranquillity, the happiness, and the well-being of the community.—(Elear, hear.) But, my Lords, when I use the term " education," let me be not misunderstood. By " education" I do not mean the mere development of the intellectual faculties, the mere acquisition of tem poral knowledge —the mere instruction which enables a man to improve his social condition in life, and which gives him fresh habits, and with the change of habits fresh means to accommodate himself to their enjoyment. Valuable as such instruction may be, when I speak of education, I speak of that education which includes the culture of the mind and of the soul, laying the founda tion of all knowledge on the basis of Scripture and evangelical truth.—(llear, hear.) My Lords, I desire to look on all those who aro engaged in the work of spreading knowledge, oven though they may be of a different communion from that to which I am most sincerely attached, as follow-labourers, rather than as rivals, in the war which wo conjointly wage with vice and ignorance.—(Hear.) I say further, that for the paomotion of religious knowledge among the people I rely with confidence on the enlightened and disinterested exertions of the parochial clergy of the United Church of England and Ireland. To uphold that church as the depository of religious truth, and as an instrument of incalculable value in diffusing good both here and here after—to uphold its influence and maintain its power, is not only the interest but also the moral duty of Govern ment ; to uphold and maintain it in its integrity—(Hear, hour)—not by penal enactments directed against those who may differ irons her communion—not by virulent invective or by abusive language against the religious faith of those whose errors we may deplore, but to whose conscience we have no right to dictate—(Hear, bear)—but by stedfastly resisting all attempts at ag gression upon the rights, the privileges, the possessio©s of that church, come from what quarter and backed by what weight of authority they may—(Hear)—and by lending every power of the Government to support and m itu p s i i r n e g —fur throughout t n h o e t I of e n this and n breadth n o o f extend the influence of th a t c h urc h, i n i ts hi g h an d h o l y c th a e lli u n i g iit o e f d d e i —that knowledge which is only derived from the dif fusion of the holy Scriptures.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") My Lords, I believe I have presented—perhaps at more length than I ought to have done—(No, no) — yet I hope not with undue or unnecessary particularity — (Hear, hear)—a full statement of the principles upon which we propose to act, and with only such reserve of the necessary details as was inseparable from the posi tion in which I stand—(Hear, hear)—l hope I have stated to your Lordships fully the principles upon which we propose to conduct the administration of the Govern ment with which we have been intrusted.—(hear, hear.) For my owu part, when I look to the difficulties which surround us—when I look to the various circumstances which must combine to give us a chance of successfully encountering the obstacles which beset our path—l con fess I am myself appalled by the magnitude of the diffi culties which we have to meet. But I believe, and I know, that the destinies of nations aro in the hands of an overruling Providence—(Hear, hoar)—l know that it often is the pleasure of that great Being to work His own objects by weak and unworthy means. In his pre sence 1 can solemnly aver that no motive of personal ambition has led me to aspire to the dangerous eminence on which the favour of my Sovereign has placed me. In the course of the discharge of its duties, no conside ration shall sway me except that which led me to accept it—the paramount consideration of public duty.—(Hear, hear.) With that feeling on my mind, with the deep conviction of the sincerity of my own motives, and trusting to the guidance and the blessing of a higher power than my own, I venture to undertake a task from which I might well have shrunk appalled by its magni tude; and, be the period of my administration longer or shorter, nut only shall I have attained the highest object of personal ambition, but I shall have fulfilled one of tho highest ends of human being if in the course of it I can hove in the slightest degree advanced the great objects of " peace on earth, good will among men"—(Hear)— e the so c i a l, t h e mora l, t h e re ligious improvement of my country—Meer, hear)—and if I can contribute to " the site pon n ti theo n safety, the honour, a nd the welfare of our Sovereign and her domi n i ons. " (The No bl e E ar l th e n r esume d hi s seatl, earl GREY amidst much cheering.) topic s to of wtlolo House, c,nhbo but th t et h hi Nobleenrl c e ow galas attempting i(l c denter the ti earl Ia one point upon which ho wish e d a pro test against a to s a a e ri few words in the way of down in his pnciple which the Noble Earl had laid the House, with the f statement, The Noble Earl had given to frankness which was to be expected from him, his vi ew of on ur Commercial and financial po licy, explaining it by a Comparison of the tariffs of this country And the United States. It was true, as he had SATURDAY EVENING, stated, that in this country the principle of Customs' duties adopted for the last few years had been eo to im pose duties as to make them fall as much as possible upon goods imported from abroad, not competing with similar goods produced in this country. On the other hand, he had Veld the House that in the United States tho principle was the reverse, and they did not tax some of the great articles of consumption produced only abroad, but they taxed articles produced partly at home and partly abroad, with the avowed object of giving what was called " protection" to the home producer; and the Noble Earl said that the effect of this system of taxa tion was only partially to raise the price of the imported commodity, and cot to levy so large an amount of taxa tion upon the people. Now he (Earl Grey) looked at the matter in the opposite light. In his opinion, when you imposed a duty upon a commodity partly produced at home and partly imported, you raised the price to the consumer, not only of the imported article, but of the home hear)—aud a large amount had to be produce—(Hear,padbythe consumer, not sixpence of which went into the public Exchequer. The proof of this might be found in the very case of corn, to which the Noble Lord had adverted. There were formerly duties upon corn imported from abroad. The Noble Earl wished to raise a duty of this kind for revenue. If he did so, ho would raise the price to the consumer, not only of the 4,000,000 or 5,000,000 quarters which perhaps he might expect under such a duty as he would propose, but perhaps of eight or ten times the quantity imported, and the amount go into the Exchequer. Suppose a ss. duty u ' p t on 4,000,000 quarters imported, it would bring te wouldeviefo revenue of 1,000,000/. into the Exchequer; taking five times that quantity of corn as the quantity produced at home, it would raise the price of that 25,000,000 quarters to the con sumer by the amount put on as duty, and so, for the purpose of getting 1,000,000/. into tho Ex chequer, the consumers of bread in this kingdom would have to pay 6,000,0001.—(i1ear.) But by acting upon the opposite principle, repealing the duties which were a virtual tax upon the community, though they brought nothing into the Exchequer—(llear, hear) —reducing the duties levied upon the system the Noble Earl proposed to eetahlish—(dear, hear)—the effect had been, as he (Earl Grey) stated on the first night of the session, that within tho last few years duties had been repealed to a very large amount--12,000,0001. or 13,000,0001. a year —while the revenue, instead of diminishing, had been kept at its former amount.—(Hear, hear.) Both theory and practice proved tho correctness of this principle. — (Hear.) He would only add that he had heard with a regret, he would say with a consternation, which he was altogether at a loss to describe, that the Noble Earl pro posed to apply that most unsound principle of commerce and finance to the food of the people.—(Clear, hear.) It was with consternation that ha had heard the House told that by the authority of the Government a measure was to be proposed for again imposing a tax of this kind.— (Some cries of " No " from the Ministerial benches.) The Earl of DERBY rose and said,—l must beg to correct that statement. What I said was, that I saw no reason, in my own opinion, why corn should form an exception from the general principle of imposing duties upon foreign produce, but that that was a question which ought to be settled, and which could only be settled, by the deliberate judgment of the large and intelligent community of the country. I stated that neither with regard to that, nor with regard to dealing with the great and complicated question of our financial policy, had I any intention of making any proposition on the part of her Majesty's Government until that public opi nion should be decidedly and emphatically expressed. Earl GREY was greatly relieved by hearing that ex planation.—(A laugh.) To a certain degree he had understood the Noble Earl, but not quite in the sense which he now stated. What be (Earl Grey) had understood the Noble Earl to say was, that he laid down what he considered the sound and proper principle of commercial legislation, that the application of that principle required great care and deliberation, and a measure founded upon it could not bo produced in a hurry. He therefore expected, and thought it perfectly reasonable, that the Noble Earl should propose no such measure on an early day. But undoubtedly he did understand that the Noble Earl looked to revising the commercial policy of the country upon the principle which ho stated, as the means of revenue, and that in that general revision of our com mercial policy corn was not to be an excluded article. If he was wrong in so understanding the Noble Earl, ho begged his pardon; but he still thought, to the best of his recollection and understanding, that the words de livered by the Noble Earl could not he otherwise under stood. Now, upon that he wished to make this addi- tional observation : The Earl of DERBY again rose and observed that he had already, correcting a misapprehension on the part of the Noble Earl, stated what ho thought he did say, and what he knew he meant to say, and the Noble Earl had remarked that ho was much relieved by the explanation; and yet the Noble Earl was proceeding to repeat what he had understood him (the Earl of Derby) to say, but which he hoped he had satisfied the House that he was misunderstood to say—and then upon that misunderstanding, so corrected, was proceeding still to argue.—(Hear, hear.) Earl GREY had explained in what sense ho had un derstood the Noble Earl's words, and had said he was glad to find that the Noble Earl put a somewhat different construction upon them, but to his (Earl Grey's) mind, even now, the construction was not very clear, and at first hearing them it was not in his power to put any ocher construction upon them than that which he did put. Even at this moment he was not quite convinced that he accurately apprehended the Noble Earl—(Some lauehter)—because he did not know, from what the Noble Earl had stated, whether this revision upon what he deemed the sound principle of legislation was contem plated by her majesty's Government or not. Now, with regard to that, without pressing for an immediate deci sion or answer, yet, as one deeply interested in that question, as a member of the community, every class of which was deeply interested in that question, ho would implore the Noble Earl to let no long time go by before ho explained distinctly and clearly the views of her Majesty's Government upon that most exciting and agitating question.—(Hear, Lear.) After the events of the question of a tax upon the food of h t one to b e k e pt lo n g in suspense or to Lt b h e ee l i lP g a l s i °t t P / t Y I7 w a i P Y4 P es :n ri L u' he d (11 ear, hear. ) The country was entitled to know—he did not say on that night—he did not say within a fortnight —but he did say at a very early period—the clear and decided intentions of the G o vernment. — (Hear, hear.) Ho would implore the Noble Earl, in justice to the great interests affected by l eav i n g this question in doubt, that he would not allow that doubt to coutinne longer than was absolutely in evitabee—(Hear, scar.) Let the House only consider the effect of that doubt. There was not a transaction between landlord and tenant—(Hear' hear)—thero was not a trade or manufacture—(hear,, hear)—which was by thef public being in ignorance of what was to not tbe affectedthe policy the country upon this all-important que stion•—( ll ear, hear.) In j u stic e to the great inte rests that were affected, h o t rus t e d the country would not be lung before it had some clear and distinct intima tion of the views of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) We we re not to be told that this was a question to be cast n loose and decided by public opinion; that was not the way for a Government to deal with a question of this sort. It was their duty to have a policy upon such subj ec ts, and, having th a t policy, distinctly to avow it , and to take the responsibility y of submitting it to Parlia ment.—(Bear, hear.) Earl F 1 rzwILLIAm had hoped that, after the speech of his Noble Friend, who had explained the posi tion in which he 8- t end, no further debate would have taken places--(hear, hear.) After his ample, frank, and honourable explanation of his position, the circumstances by which he hod been induced to undertake his great tusk, and the difficulties of the situation in which he was placed, he was in hope s that that Noble Earl would have been the sole speaker on this occasion. The Noble Earl (Earl Grey) had dashed those hopes from his mind. Greatly, too, did ho lament that that Noble Earl, instead of taking a comprehensive view of the speech which had been addressed to the House, had chosen to select one particular topic, and that the most exciting one—(Hear, hear) —for discussion and commentary. This was a question in which he (Earl Fitzwilliarn) felt no little in terest. He believed he might say that he was in Parlia ment the very first person who made an Bawd( upon what he might call the ruedivevel system of the corn laws—(A laugh) -8, that ho might consider himself, to a certain degree (though perhaps it would be thought presumption to say it), the parent of the system recently established. lie did not think the speech of the Noble Earl, and the mode in which he expressed himself upon the subject, called for animadversion in the manner which it had been thought proper to adopt.—(Hear.) He (Earl Fitz witliam) did not consider that the wisest and best course was taken. Whether it would be wise in the Noble Earl, even after he should have (what he called) collected the sentiments of the intelligent people of this country upon the subject, to endeavour to revise the law, was another question. There were many wise laws which wise men could not undertake to propose at all times. He would venture to suggest a doubt whether, although there was an error and a great fallacy in the view which his Noble Friend took of the effect of any duty upon the price of corn, the people of this country, after for some time enjoying the benefit of tho abrogation of the duty on foreign corn, and tasting the sweets of cheap bread, could be induced to submit to the smallest impo sition of duty, even for purposes of revenue: the nominal ls. duty could hardly be considered any duty at all. But ho entirely dissented from his Noble Friend's notion respecting a duty upon foreign corn, raising the price not only of every quarter of corn imported, but every quarter of corn grown in this country. That fallacy had been put forth in the Free Trade-hall at Manchester, be cause it suited the purpose to proclaim that a duty would raise the price to the amount of that duty; and the same f alla4 was propagated, for their purpose, by gentlemen who were bidding for the support of the farmers. But it was a fallacy. With respect to the other part of the speech of the Noble Earl, it would be difficult for the most critical auditor to find much fault with it. ile stated with great clearness and felicity of expression the duties of this country towards foreign nations—( ll ea r, bear)--let it he hoped that in his Administration of the Governmenn h e would adhere to the principles and act , upon the m ax i ms h e h a d ea r') enunc i a t e d.—(lienr.b lz , Upon an o th er po i nt t h e speec h gave him (Earl .t e would Ham) great sa t is f act i on . He quite agreed that oyery not do tor the G overnmen t o f this country t . o s. li e few years tamp er i ng w ith constitutional " hralt6b is Noble heard, therefore, w ith grea t satisfaction t _ ' la a certain n<14.,,,,t, Friciel did not intend to proceed wi t bt r House tor the which had been introduced in the lor3in in Parliament. purpose of what wascalled a further re were most dan- These " further reforms in Parliament " these questions were genus. The result would be, if that there would be agitated every ten or twenty years , of the community, Be n s in the minds of a large portiona great indifference to the sible and thinking 1e believed a very 1 fare fraction of Popular franchise. Ile d b e of opinion that it Would b - the community would better to live under a mild and tranquil despotism— (A laugh)—that to be constantly changing the cousti tutional rights of the people. He hoped that the Noble Earl who had been called upon to form an Adminis tration would, within a short period, state to the House the principles on which he proposed to conduct the Government of the country, and the nature of the measures he intended to submit to Parliament. The Marquis of CLANRICARI)E could not help en tering his protest against the censure pronounced by the Noble Earl who last spoke upon his Noble Friend the late Secretary for the Colonies (Earl Grey) for the very judicious, and, as he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) conceived, the not only justifiable but necessary remarks ho had made upon a portion of the statement of the Noble Earl opposite. He thought that upon such an oc casion as the present it was advisable to avoid any wide and extended discussion; but when he considered the particular question to which the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) had alluded, and the language be had held, ho thought his Noble Friend was perfectly right in expressing those sentiments, in which he (the Marquis of Clauricarde) cordially concurred. Ile must remind their Lordships that this question was not first forced upon their attention during the present session by his Noble Friend (Earl Grey) or by the late Govern nt, but that the Noble E irl opposite (the Earl of Derby), on the very first day of the session, thought it so necessary that the Government should express an opinion upon the subject that he blamed there tor emit ting such a matter in the speech from the Throne. The question was not alluded to in the Speech or in the Ad dress, but the Noble Earl thought it necessary to declare his opinion that, at the price of corn which now ruled, the cultivation of wheat in this country must cease to an alarming and dangerous degree. If, then, that was the opinion expressed by the Noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) on the first night of the session, he thought the ambiguous language in which ho had now referred to the subject was fairly remarked upon by his ' Noble Friend (Earl Grey). He (the Marquis of Clan ricarde) understood the Noble Earl opposite to say that his opinions were unchanged, and that as soon us he could get a majority he would act upon them, though, until he had a majority he would not endeavour to carry them out.—(hear, and some expressions of dissent.) The Noble Earl, as ho understood, said that as soon as he had a majority the corn-laws would be changed, but that as long as the majority of the country was iu favour of the existing laws he would retain them. He thought such a statement was fairly open to objection on the pert of his Noble Friend, for it left every transaction in this country depending upon those laws in a state of doubt and uncertainty. Although he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) agreed in the main part of the doctrines laid down by the Noble Earl opposite as to the conduct of this country with regard to its foreign relations, some remarks fell from the Noble Lord which, at this particular moment, he had not heard with satisfaction; neither was he en• . _ tirely satisfied with the mode in which the Noble Lord had touched upon another subject, with reference to which he thought the Government ought to be more frank and explicit—what the Noble Earl termed, on the first night of the session, the Protestant securities of this country. The Noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) had, on the first day of the session, gone out of his way upon that subject, and declared that either the laws as at pre sent constituted were defective, or that the late Govern ment was deficient in energy in the carrying out of those laws. Tho natural inference must be, either that the Noble Earl intended to alter the law, or to administer it in a different spirit from what had hitherto been the case. He thought it was very desirable that the Noble Earl should lay before their Lordships fairly and fully a statement of the views and opinions of the Govern ment, as soon as they had had an opportunity of duly considering the important questions now in abeyance. The Earl of ABERDEhN (who spoke from the Op position side of the House) said—lf I may venture to detain the House for a few moments, I wish to state very shortly the impression which the speech of my NOle Friend opposite (the Earl of Derby), or some portions of it, has made upon my mind. Although the Noble Earl below me (Earl Grey) has expressed very much the sen timents I entertain upon one subject, nevertheless there are one or two points to which I am desirous of re ferring. My Lords, long and intimately connected as I have been with the eminent man whose untimely fate we all deplore, and whose loss—in proportion as the difficulties of the country increase—we shall have more and more cause to lament, I think this is not an unfit ting occasion, the very first which presents itself, for me to declare a determined adherence to his policy—(Hear, hear)—and a determination to maintain, as far as in my humble power lies, the permanence of that great system of commereial policy which ho established.— (Hear, hear.) I have no right or authority to speak for others; but 1 shall be much surprised and disappointed if all those who co-operated with him in establishing that policy should not be found to entertain the same senti ments-which I now express.—(Hear, and cheers.) My Noble Friend opposite has described the principles upon which he considers the policy of this country connected with commercial matters should rest; and he has on other occasions, as well as to-night, adverted to the possibility of the imposition of duties on the provisiOns of the people, if not for protection, at least for revenue. Now, my Lords, this distinction, I confess, is not very intelligible to me.—(Hear, hear.) It appears to me to be shadowy and unreal, but at all events to me it has no application, for I am equally prepaeed to oppose a duty upon corn, whether it be for revenue or protection.—(Hear, hear.) I think the time is past when any such tax could ever again be levied.—(Hear, hear.) I consider the system established by my late Honourable Friend to have been already eminently successful.—(Hear, hear.) I am convinced that, by a perseverance in that system, its wisdom will become more and more apparent; and I therefore take this opportunity of declaring my firm ad herence to that legacy which he has left to his succes sors.—(Hear, hear.) Ido not wish to enter further into the topics of the speech of my Noble Friend. I have already adverted to a point on which I am totally at variance with him, and, us far as I know, there are no other subjects upon which I may not hope to have the pleasure of giving him my humble support. In all that portion of his speech in which he laid down the course of po licy he meant to pursue towards foreign powers I entirely acquiesce. He and I have acted together for the last ten or twelve years, in office and out of office, in full concert and communication on these subjects and, as far as I am aware , there is not the shade of a' difference between us. In all that he has said to-night I fully con cur. Upon the other portions of his speech I have no observation to make, nor is any called for at this mo ment. I tun quite aware—fully aware—of the great difficulties with which my Noble Friend is encompassed, and I can assure him that he may rely upon receiving f ro m me, whenever it is in my power, a cordial and a most sincere support.—(Bear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM begged to suggest to the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) that the House ought not to adjourn for a longer period than was necessary, but that an opportunity should be afforded of proceed ing next week with judicial business. That business had been almost inevitably interrupted, but he thought that, if possible, they ought to proceed with it nextweek. It was perfectly clear from the bulk of the statement made by the Noble Earl (Derby) that almost all ques tions were to be for a certain time in abeyance, with one exception—matters relating to social improvement. He hoped the Noble Earl meant to include under that head the great and important question of the amendment of the law.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the conversa tion that had taken place on the subject of the corn laws, he (Lord Brougham) wished to avoid entering into that question. He entirely concurred in the opi nions of his Noble Friend (Earl Grey), though he did not participate for a moment in his alarm. His (Lord Brougham's) apprehensions were at once quieted when the Noble Earl (Derby) stated that he expressed his individual opinions, but that whether the Government was prepared to found measures upon those opinions, and to propound them to Parliament, must depend upon the sense of the country —the general disposition of the country. To that pro position he (Lard Brougham) entirely assented, though how this opinion was to be taken, and at what time, he was not aware.—(A. laugh.) He understood his Noble Friend opposite to say that a dissolution in the present state of affairs was out of the question, and he (Lord Brougham) heartily rejoiced that that was his opinion. The Noble Earl had intimated that measures not requir ing an immediate appeal to the country would be forth with proceeded with, and he hoped the great question of the amendment of the law would stand, if not in the front rank, at least near that position. The Earl of DERBY observed, that what hehad stated was that, excluding those great party questions:as to which it was notorious that the Government were at present in a minority in the House of Commons, and which could there fore only be brought forward with the certainty of defeat, he thought they might usefully confine themselves to dealing with those great measures, which were generally called for by the country, of legal reform and social improvement.— [Lord BROUGHAM—That escaped me.] His Noble and Learned Friend the Lord Chancellor , when he took his seat in the House, would lose no time in applying his powerful mind to the c onsideratio c n m of the subject, and the promotion of those reform s reo Lord mended by the Commission.—(Hear, hear, Brougham.) He would now propose that bytheir that daY Lord ships should adjourn to Monday next, and bo possible to it would be ascertained whether it would bo frm Lord however, proceed with the judicial business. be understood that the House woultdeistbitit lion of judicial business or of sfiltshseontrlayn, saane:l that no matter of public businperssivosUdidioterilberzugash t theyfor ward while the House of Comm ons o, must necessarily do, for the elhectiere on wof uld, Ministers be of course . L or d BROUGHAM said ton j u dicial business should the part of the House, a general understanding, and that nothing but private be transacted. Their Lordships then adjourned to Monday, 110 USE OF COMMONS, F e b, 27. The SrEAKER took the Chair at a few minutes to Four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Sri B. BRIDGES took th© oaths and his seat for Eas Kent. APPEARANCE OF THE HOUSE. At four o'clock both sides of the House were nearly filled with l4lerrib3rs. The Opposition benches wore most crowded. They were occupied by the friends and supporters of the late Government, while the Ministerial side was taken possession of by the friends and fol lowers of the now Administration. Mr. liar er a nd Lord Marcus Hill were the only Members of the de funct Ministry whom we observed on the leading OPP° - sition bench. Mr. llume came in some twenty minutes after four o'clock, and he was on the point of taking his usual seat, but seeing Mr. Cobden and some of his other friends on the other side, ho hurriedly retreated, and room was made for him on the corresponding bench on t he Q - position side of the House. Lord Palmerston took his ortner seat on the Ministerial side below the gangway. NEW WRITS. Mr. F. MACKENZIE moved that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant to the Clerk of the Crown to make out a n©w writ for the election of a knight of the shire for the county of BuckiHgham, in the room of the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, who since his election had ac cepted the office of Chancellor and Under Treasurer of her Majesty' s E xc h equer. —(Ch eers. ) -- The motion was agreed to withous comment. On the motion of the same HoN. MEMBER, new writs were also ordered for the election of a burgess for the borough of Midhurst, in the room of the Right lion. Spencer Horatio Walpole, who since his election had ac cepted the office of one of her Majesty's principal Secre taries of State. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Droitwich, in the room of the Right Hon. Sir John Somerset Pakingtnc, who since his election had ac cepted the office of one of her Majesty's principal Se cretaries of State.—(A laugh from the Whig Opposition; cheers from the Ministerial benches.) For the election of a burgess for the borough of Stam ford, in the room of the Right Hon. John Cha , les [lorries, who since his election hnd accepted the office o f President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India. For thn election of a knight of the shire for the county of Oxford, in the room of the Right Hon. Joseph Werner Henley, who since his election had accepted the office of President of the Board of Trade and Plan tations. For the election of a knight of the shire for the northern division of the county of Essex, in the room of Mr. Wil liam Berestord, who since his election had accepted the office of her Majesty's Secretary at War. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Abingdon, in the room of Sir Frederick Thesiger, who since his election had accepted the office of her Majesty's Attorney-General. _ _ _ For the election of a burgess for the borough of Col chester, in the room of the Right Hon. Lord John Man ners, who since his election had accepted the office of First Commissioner of Works and Public Buildings. For the election of a burgess for the borough of For tarlington, in the room of Colonel Francis Plunkett Dunne—(Laughter from the Opposition)—who since his election had accepted the office of Clerk of the Ordnance.—(" Oh, oh," and laughter from the Oppo sition.) For the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Kildare, in the room of the Right Hon. Lord Naas, who since his election had accepted the office of her Ma jesty's Chief Secretary in Ireland.—(" Oh, oh," from the Opposition; cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) For the election of a Member for the University of Dublin, in the room of Mr. Joseph Napier, who since his election had accepted the office of her Majesty's At torney-General in Ireland. For the election of a burgess for the borough of En niskillen, in tho room of Mr. James Whiteside, who since his election had accepted the office of her Ma jesty's Solicitor-General in Ireland. _ _ _ For the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Londonderry, in the room of Mr. Thomas Batesen, who since his election had accepted the office of Lord Commissioner of her Majesty's Treasury. For the election of a burgess for the borough of Buck ingham, in the room of the Marquis of Chandos, who since his election bad accepted the office of Lord Com missioner of her Majesty's Treasury. For the election of a burgess for the city of Chiches ter, in the room of Lord Henry Charles George Gordon Lennox, who since his election had,accepted the office of Lord Commissioner of her Majesty's Treasury. For the election of a knight of the shire for the sou thern division of the county of Lincoln, in the room of Sir John Trollope, who since his election had accepted the office of Chief Commissioner of the Poor-law Board. For the election of a knight of the shire for the nor thern division of the county of Lincoln, in the room of the Right Hon. Robert Adam Christopher, who since his election had accepted the office of Steward of the Chil tern Hundreds.—(Laughter.) For tho election of a knight of the shire for the county of Dorset, in the room of the Right Hon. George Bankes, who since his election had accepted the office of Judge Advocate-General. For the election of a knight of the shire for the east riding of Yoik, in the room of the Hon. Arthur Dun combo, who since his election had accepted the office of Lord of the Admiralty. For the election of a knight of the shire for the county of Tyrone, in the room of Lord Claud Hamilton, Who since his election had accepted the office of Trea surer of her Majesty's Household. For del election of a burgess for the borough of Wen lock, in the room of the Hon. George Cecil Forester, who since his election bad accepted the office of Comp troller of her Majesty's Household. Mr. IIAYTEIt, moved for a new writ for the county of Cork,;in the room of Dr. Maurice Power, who had ac cepted the office of Governor of St. Lucia.—(Laughter.) HARWICH ELECTION. Mr. BIIAMSTON moved for a writ for Harwich, which had become vacated in consequence of a decision of a Committee of the House. Sir DE LACY EVANS, who appeared on the Op position benches, Opposed the motion, because he be lieved the opinion of tho House was against any new election taking place' for that borough since the corrupt practices which prevailed there had come to light. There were peculiarities connected with Harwich which made it distinct from any other corrupt borough. While the town was falling off in population and wealth, by an ex traordinary concurrence of circumstances the number of voters was increasing; and the greatest misfortune was that tho state of things which prevailed there was not tempo rary but permanent, and the only way of remedying the evil was by actual disfranchisement.—(Hear.) He con cluded by moving that the writ be suspended for six months. Mr. B. OSBOItNE was in favour of the amendment. It was perfectly notorious that the present Solicitor- General intended to present himself for Harwich. — (Laughter and hoar from the Opposition benches,) He held in his hand an address from the electors, calling upon that gentleman to come down to this estimable place.—(Hear.) He confessed he felt considerable sur prise on hearing the Hon. Member for Essex (Mr. Bramaton) move for a new writ for the borough, because he was a member of the Committee which, in 1842, inquired into the return for Harwich, and reported that Mr. Attwood and Mr. Beresford's election cost 6,300/,, that thirty-three electors received from 50/. to 100/. each, and that the greater part of the constituency had been bribed.—(llear.) Ho lamented that Mr. Cop pock had not been called to the bar. Tho late Mr. Attwood was a member of the Carlton Club, and had figured more in corrupting boroughs than any other man in this country. Then it was a mockery, a delusion, and a snare to talk of calling forth Mr. Coppock, and he hoped they should hear no more of such stuff. He would cheerfully second the amendment, and he did so in the hope that the borough of Harwich would be ultimately swept from the list of boroughs that sent Members to the House. ________ Mr. FERGUS said, as a member of the Committee, that the decision come to turned upon a technical point, but nevertheless no member of that Committee could now be otherwise than satisfied that the grossest and most fraudulent practices were carried on at elec tions for the borough of Harwieb.—(Hear, hear.) A Commission ought to be appointed to investigate the whole subject, and he was convinced they would come to the same decision that was arrived at in the case of St. Albano. Mr. C. BERKELEY was also a member of esker bad Com mittee, and he could confirm all that the last sp said. Sir R. 11. INGLIS contended that it not disfranchise the borough when such a course.tvisualsi was recommended by the Committee. This opposi intended to harass the present Government.ion. I Baronet Mr. HUME was surprised to hear l ‘ h II denied that the was unjust to defending bribery and corruption. opposition to this writ was of had long since been contemplate d ' lions practised in the that an end was put to the _eoFsrtuep Member ito in orii r 4in i t li i t m he oti H on on w se oul n d o b w e , i a paarntaiiet,hwaraaschteigr,hfotiemiet bando borough. u h g o h . withdrawn for the present. rea T ll h y e did re w a h s o hope the M of fonocuxrfroarddt withthat thepit w il a o s n ii dfoerMlaytrh.ethAeUGinEsiiiivu°cerNsoißttYtYhe writ, since the Committee did not recommend that course. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY, another member of the C o mmittee, said there wa s n o evidence of systematic corru p t ion laid before the Committee. Its attention was exclusively confined to a technical poi n t Connected with the proceedings mr. A l sT Ey o f S th u e pp e o le rt c ed tion. the amendment, though he thought it an unconstitutional course to go on suspending disfranchisedw rits. had been made to deal disposed of St. Albans. Mr. K. SEYMERtahotil,ht. ought rather to be withri( n l e l a was rw ic h glad as tthhaet House () p u r s e: proposal carried those who_ proposed anotherbweigthgedtogit ongifhttbtoe he e p for a Commission; but if they did that, f o a l m l 0 o w n d t h m e e . amendment 0 t w i o a n s give notice that he should take the same course with regard to Leicester which a Committee had all but recommended should be disfranchised. Sir GEORGE GREY suggested that the debate should be adjourned for a few days. Sir DE LACY EVANS said it was his intention to move for a Commission if this amendment was carried. Mr. BIiAMSTON was as willing as anybody that where bribery and c orruption was proved against a borough it should be prosecuted as it deserved ; b ut no corruption was proved in this last case from Harwich. Ho did not intend to persevere with the original motion. Mr. JOHN ELLIS denied that there was any bribery or c orruption practised at the last election for Leicester. The motion and the amendment were then withdrawn. PRIVATE BILLS • ' The following Bills were real a et eond time and ordered to be committed. British Electric Telegraph Company . City of Loudon Gas Light and Coke Company and Great Central Gas Consumers'ny Cl au ssen's Patent fl ax C ompa . Company tion, and Amendment of AO . Amalgam.- om Deptford Gas, Eastern Countiss an d N ewmarket and Chestetford Rail way Great WesternCpa Railway (No. 2) Companies, Humber Co nservancy. Kettering and Northampton Ro a d. 4in g Bt°Kin g s tonUPQn Hull Docks. Lancashire and Yorkshire and York and North Midland Railways. Leeds Waterworks (No. 2). Londonderry Bridge. Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midlands Junction Railway. Newmarket Railway. North British Fix Company (Claussea's Patent). , Eastern Counties Railway (Branch to the river Nene,nd &e ., t and Eastern Counties Railway (Juncti on with the Eas West India Docks, &c.) Eastern Counties Railway (Power to use the Ea st ' lien Railways, &c.) Great Western, Shrewsbury and Birrninghere, rno ' 011 Shrewsbury and Chester Railway Companies A gamation. Stockton and Hartlepool and Clarence Railway, a nd Hartlepool West Harbour a nd Dock Conip. Wirksworth Mining Customs and Mineral Courts. York and North Midland Railway. LEICESTER-SQUARE IMPROVEMENT BILL., 13 Mr. WAKLEY moved that th e second reading of 111 Bill he postpsned. Mr. W. PATTEN opposed the metion, unless s ome sufficient grounds were stated for th e postponement. t Mr. WAKLEY said the object ot the posVnertiel.l" was to allow the promoter and the opponents of the lin! . • to come to an amicable arrangement of the differeace° between them. After some discussion, in which Mr. Anstey, Sir B. Hall, and Mr. C. Lushington took part, arilieffeoterbelitil! Mr. WYLD said that he was the promoter of the Bil l ' and that its object was not the advancement of an P 0: cuniary interest of his, but simply of scientific purposel for the instruction of his fellow -subject s. fieed The second reading of t h e Bill was ult i m ately for Monday, March 15. til The Lincolnshire Estuary Bill was postponed en• Monday, March 15, on the r motion of Colonel 6ibthorp. LONDON NECROPOLIS 13ILL. On the motion that the London Necropolis Bill b e read a second time, v bad Mr. 11. DRUMMOND said that the come_ ba d made a misstatement as regarded the law i tesheYriei only obtained the freehold, not the copyhold. the d " f o r culed the idea of the soil being peculiarly adao e , 0 funeral purposes, and for the growth of eege A ts B ll t 7 o t a lie s un detailed du lati n i g n the sur prospectus fane o t. the of country,the c o rn i t p alt:aY; ridicultbes The fraud, was, they had bought 2,600 acres, only designed to appropaiate 400 acres to the r 0 1 : 8 1. yard, intending to build on the remaining 9 ° bo le though they stated that the footsteps of commerce ) not come near the spot. no Weil Sir J. DUKE considered the scheme 0 2,. 8 ge had d rthy the favourable consideration of the eloa'tor of no interest in it whatever, except as a ° 35 `,4 the humanity. He was satisfied that no portion e ground would be devoted to buildingetilat i°° ' ed Mr. H. DRUMMOND saidit asPedistinctly state_ should to in the 11th clause of the Bill that wbuisldiug whereas _irY place on the ground. f th e Mr. J. BELL supported the second reading ° Bill. h ord EBRINGTON objected to Inakthg et Ib is country a commercial speculation. Be was, 13 ° 11 ,,, c i it dissatisfied with several clauses in the Bill. T ° r "ont Goland by a second time would be to commit the new to a reversal of the principle deliberately lit"te e t Parliament. seiti OP" Mr. MO WATT was of opinion that the P e e:. eta not be disposed of in an off-hand planner. 1 -'. l° s ea of their _ Government had confessed the failure &set P Fii i lt v ih a eo te n principle measure, and it was necessary, therefor e, to se s ole 0 other. Burial of the dead had been from alt burials eler, matter. whole body of th il e ew without mh speculation—eveninhabitantsoru. t tihoew committing a C ot Church )uwrwcohokui lo b hdg a i .1: him os details. is of 111 Mr. MANGLES opposed the Bill on behe iv e he - i , die objectomtnatoktetu,ne.;h butp lot,. the en portions moderate were en p s oenrdot not to nn take of the every 0 0 1 : 11 ,? .. ti f ? e l s - 8 On in the whole pariah, giving powers of s t a b l t.il e_ s s e e tiviieo t a e i tl , great ' c,ol r o j ( n ) h e i and cu h A e . company. As they tncreore, have 2,200 acres for sale. The 'l i e coli' i a,: accordingly only rridT. (). Nl wanted , a 4nOtdOe d it f b o e r acres,d read t the u e . Y ii, 5::: do e pd time that day six mo„th ing y move aceP L e reading, defended the Bill. Twhellocon3mopvaeny wteattsbe adjacentby the m wereos liberalfav ourable sentiments. gl . • , Members were not opposed to it; and be shenkl t fore press it on the House. ch ~,f o f se, Mr. BETHELL should be sorry if a l''''f - i dif e public importance was baffled by the efforts °,` : t , cel duals who failed to make a party against it witu,, ° " c otild the Bill; Sev e r a t i h 0 e f ns tP e ° tr r eP ° ll l i3 l ,e ,l3 the ground of the public good. The coenP ne e'ea th ° enter into no contract with any other person teesspr lord of the manor, subject to the rights of th e 1 00 holders. The Bill only contained the ordin ,aid cothf,, to sell that were always in every railway nl' n otitis Bill of that nature. He considered the objecti°"" to Bill unfounded on principle. hi 1 ' 00 Sir DE LACY EVANS hoped the House een tl i 'L, the prevent the Bill from going into Committee, scfnsele necessity there existed for relieving, the metropolis the interment of the dead within its' precincts' e lO Lord R. GROSVENOR would be sorry if any that promist d a remedy for the existing evil was taro of out; but it was Si) important to know the sentimen .0 the Government on the subject, that he hoped titst_`,4 Hon. Gentleman who had charge of the measure n, not, under existing circumstances, object to ite r oc ponement for a f h . ort ight. Ile m of the debate. agree to a Mr. HUME hopedthe House would not , n , d a great pr, postponement, as the question involve eiple. of the Mr. SCOTT would support the adjournment debate. oved the adjournoie journed under the circumstances. 0 04 Mr. MO WATT could not consent to an adjou o r Sir W. JOLLIFFE thought the debate should be $ (l.. as the principle was admitted by Parliament on a Nl ocessiou. cem M e r t . e l r t y . e le o :U pa M ny e . lOND said it was railway companies to take 2,000 acres more I a o ' os ti wanted. The company was a building comPanY' for the . g Mr. E WART declared his intention of veto second reading of the Bill. „a„... The House then divided, when there apeoareee The Bill For the amendment ....................... ...,; not custohmanrY,l3fel Against ................ . ..................... well 1 A ir. WORCESTER AND HEREFORD RA J ' • e nd tam ' On was a jo r r e iLy aagsaeeinnsntdthtienfenciment-- Mr. SPOONER said he should the motion that this Bill be read a seco _,, DOI such a case as would convince the House th_a il., :u ay of ought to be rejected. He admitted that a an d if t he 10 be able to 133 e h '," pia h wanted between Worcester and Hereford,har , should _ Bi ll had been brought in in a proper rat iel e l e - t this Was sa gePl supported it. It had been intiniated t e na rrow g question, but he knew nothing which had reference to the broad and a o looked t/$ s looked at the Bill on its broad princiPlo• e ortion 0,1 the Bill as one that intended to shut uP e• P the pulk e water communication in the district whie" t e p ee' , had now the advantage of; and, ,tontherefore _ „pee that such a proceeding was prejudicial he „pe e t tis interest, he must oppose the Bill. The object t' .. ,' t ba Bill was to turn the Severn water traffic fr°"_ o ble canal into the proposed railway. The lionoTcoot Member then proceeded to show that timber an 01, Pd' came at present by the river Severn to the gretr, do that Patter; be vantage of the inhabitants of the district; but P o o abou t coal and timber were to be taken in a roundabout op by railway a good deal of inconvenience and ti P ti o ,oo mischief would ensue. Ho hoped the Pod would throw out the Bill on the ground that ,°, for or water company ought not to be permitted to so' ne rs its o wn private interests, to a railway *Y I) ' comps * o f a tlon of the canal, and thus to deprive the uho ri ° e d' direct communication between place d ola P .e. . 1 -'% l : it witted the railway was an imps) an e • a nd tn - qi r . tant railway , t we was an evil not to have the district which it was in s' as li to serve supplied with • railway communication ; ou r the evil he had pointed out could be remedied be d oe gestion his o • begged to opposition would at one© be at an• Bs e ate''' Mr. C. move that the Bill be read that day sis °I - le LEWIS hoped the House would not liStooh _ the appeal of the Hon. Member. l.l v•Member r: The 0 • that e° admitted the Bill was an " . and , bo ys important fill , • l bose railway was to go through an important district. ,ed, were With strong reasons why the Bill should be adorios, Member, that to the principle relied upon ,bY, h ti e le e tie b that the Bill would interfere witn ' el pit" he . begged to say that onlythe nprotitau 0 11 u he 13/ lion ot the canal would be affected by t „„,1 WW I and that the trustees and proprietors of the Came i d V , anxious that the sale should take place. Is vi e l : '„ ii 'ieill , an unusual course if the House threw out t" . 00 ill which was so strongly advocated and supported general merits. it W t he G e neral LYGON hoped the Hou se would 5. -0 I second reading. ali a ` Mr. H. HOPE objected to the Bill —for if the much communication with Gloucester was interruettd evil would ensue to the Gloucester timber tred e ' i n spe l 7s Sir R. PRICE said the railway was to eor, e se tl there purposes—to join Worcester to elereforo; - ors 10 were no other reasons he must give his su P P the Bill. A Wh et` some further discussion the 1101180 diVide.q there appeared— 15 6 For the second reading ••• ••• 56 Against it .., ... ... ... ... ••• 00 Majority for the secon d reeding ----- ZION MANCHESTER AND SALFOR D EDUCNee BILL. esiclV On the suggestion of Mr . M. GIBSON, the C i ° ,h of ration of this Bill was fi xed for Wednesday', 1115 .1 March, ise seeo o ' ADJOUR NMENT OF THE HOUSE---ee— MENT OF MAYNOOTH. at it° Mr. F. MACKENZIE moved that they ouse rising do adjourn till Friday, the 12th of areb•eitalj Mr. HUME believed that the adjournme o', o bed to allow time for the re-election of Members w h 'i ho ve accepted office. He thought Monday week Wig' he te° been fixed for the House meeting. At any rate , _ A to be allotge, agreeing to adjourn, Members ought to present the petitiops in their possession. lion t er Mr. SPOONER did not rise; to oppose the In° ot iose adjournment, but wished to make a few (shor t p er with reference to a matter which was sotnewnieese sonal. It might be in the recollection of i11:4,cl off that be had given notice ef a motion on the 5 0 ,? i0n o Maynooth, and that he bee intimated his ier" t e s ti post porting it till an early day atter Easter. !- ecee i ro' mation had been received with no very eclul ide, I' l l merits by some Hon. Gentlemen on the other 1 aoe seemed to suppose that he had altered his P's die was about to give up the motion alteget;_otioble Leen) wished, therefore to put those „r r ha d e el Members st out of misery on that point.• •!'"''' f o rwar il, question 0 W e ' altered his determination to bring the IVP and be linow of Izto rett3Qllwby be alwuld Po _FEBRUARY ‘2B, 1852.