The Sun. — London, England, 1865-01-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING-, JANUARY 31, 1865. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. AMERICA. (REUTER' S EXPRESS.) Per the Asia. NEW YORK, Jan. 17 (Evening). The most important feature of the military situa tion is the capture, by the Federal forces, of Fort Fisher at the mouth of the Cape Fear River. The event is officially announced by the following de spatches, which are transmitted by the Assistant Secretary of War : Headquarters United States Forces, on Federal Point, N.C., Jan. 15—via Fortress Monroe, Jan. 17. Brigadier-General J. A. Rawlins. General,—l have the honour to report that Fort Fisher was carried by assault this afternoon and evening by Gen. Ames's division and the second brigade of the first division of the twenty-fourth army corps, gallantly aided by a battalion of ma rines and seamen from the navy. The assault was preceded by a heavy bombard ment from the Federal fleet, and was made at 3.30 p.m., when the first brigade— Curtis's, of Ames's division--effected a lodgment on the parapet, but full possession of the work was not obtained until 10 p.m. The behaviour of both officers and men was most admirable. All the works south of the Fort Fisher are now occupied by our troops. We have not less than 1,200 prisoners, including Gen. Whiting and Col. Lamb, the commandant of the fort. I regret to say that our loss is severe, especially in officers. lam not yet able to form any estimate of the number of casualties. (Signed) ALFRED H. TERRY. Brev. Major-Gen. Commanding Expedition. Fort Fisher, Jan. 16, 2 a.m. After a careful reconnissanee on the 14th, it was decided to risk an assault on Fort Fisher. Paine's division, with Col. Abbott's brigade to hold our line, already strong, across the pen i nsu l a , and facing Wilmington against Hoke, while Ames' divi sion should assemble on the west-end. After three hours of heavy navy firing, the assault was made at 3 p.m. on the 15th. Curtis's brigade led, and, as soon as it was on the west end of the land front, it was followed by Pennebacker's, and the latter by Bell's. After desperate fighting, gaining foot by foot, and severe loss, at five p.m., we had possession of about half the land front. Abbott's brigade was then taken from our line facing Wilmington, and put into Fort Fisher, and on pushing it forward, at took the rest of the work with little resistance. The garrison falling back to the extreme of the peninsula, where they were followed and captured ; among others, Gen. Whiting and Col. Lamb. I think we have quite 1,000 prisoners. I hope our own loss may not exceed 500, but it is impossible to judge in the night. Among the wounded are the commanders of the three leading brigades ; Gen. Curtiss being wounded, not se verely, but Cols. Pennebacker and Bell dangerously. The land force was a formidable one, the parapet in places 14 or 15 feet high, but the men went at it nobly, under a severe musketry fire. The marines and sailors went up gallantly, but the musketry fire from the east end of the land front was so severe that they did not succeed in entering the works. The navy fire on the work, judging from the holes, must have been terrific. Many of the guns were injured. How many there were on the point I cannot say, perhaps 30 or 40. (Signed) C. B. Com STOC lc, Lieut.-Col., A.D.C. and Chief Engineer. Another despatch estimated the number of priso ners captured at 2,500, and the number of guns at 72. General Grant telegraphs to this department that in honour of this great triumph achieved by the united valour of the army and navy he has ordered a salute to be fired by each of the armies operating against Richmond. C. A. DANA, Assistant Secretary of War. FORTRESS MONROE, Jan. 17. lion. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy,— The Altantic is just in from Wilmington. Fort Fisher and the works on Federal Point are in our possession. The assault was made by the army and sailors on Sunday afternoon, and by 11 p.m. the works were our. The losses are heavy. Lieut. S. W. Preston and B. H. Porter, of the navy, are killed. Our captures were 72 guns and about 2,500 prisoners. Generals Whiting and Lamb (rebels) are priso ners and wounded. The Vanderbilt is on her way North with despatches. Two 15-inch guns burst on the monitors. (Signed) E. T. NicnoLs, Commander. There are rumours that General. Grant is extend ing his left wing with a view of making an impor tant- offensive movement. Confederate accounts represent that the railroad from City Point to his left and centre has lately been running both night and day. General Ord continues in temporary command of the troops north of the James river, and General Heckman, during the absence of Ge neral Weitzel, is in command of the 25th .Corps (coloured). Deserters report still that Lee has recently sent troops to South Carolina to oppose Sherman. Richmond papers state that Grant has recently been reinforced by a large number of well drilled negro troops. The same journals admit that the recent heavy rains have injured to a con siderable extent the defences of Petersburg. Further details of the late Confederate capture of Beverley, West Virginia, show that the attack was made at daylight by Wickham's brigade of Rosser's cavalry. The Federals, after a short but desperate resistance, surrendered the town. About 400 of them were made prisoners. General Hood's army is said to be still at Corinth, Mississippi, and Thomas's army is at Clifton, Ten nessee, on the Tennessee river, near Florence. The troops were well supplied, but no military active operations were expected for a few days, as the roads were in very bad condition. There is no further news from Sherman's army. The main body of his troops are supposed to be still at Savannah and Beaufort. It is announced that the Confederates have an other ram nearly ready for service in the Roanoke river. p Arkansas advices confirm previous reports of th e evacuation of several points by the Federal forces, among them Fort Smith and Van Buren. Twelve strong block hoilses were being built along the line of the Pacific railroad to prevent Confederate raids from Arkansas into Missouri. It seems impossible to ascertain positively the truth or falsehood of the recent reports of the death of General Price. One account states he is positively dead an d that Gene ral v desp a t gi c h il es has been appointed his successor. Other represent him to be still alive and ' in command_, a large f orce near Pocahontas. In Missouri pursuing the home Guards are vigorou sl y numerou a War of extermination against the the State.s band s of guerillas scattered throughout General Canby has ordered a d ra f t f or one man in seven to be ma d e in his Arkansas, L ou i s i ana, and department, comprising of February, unless the qunt, l 4 B , Bls6PPi ' a shall have been pre on the 15th viously filled by volunteers. Canby has also issued a very stringent ordpergeeransgeoat the insurrectionary districts. t trade with are to bebfuutrnt ee fin the Federal lines to sell product s 118 Com ing into with protection and requisite passes ; found violating the laws against contraband trad e they are to be severely punished, and their prop er t y confiscated. Communication is to be established between San Francisco and Salt Lake City by means of a road the Colorado river, and thence by steamers to Lake. The opening of this new route is ex pected to aid greatly in developing the resources of Utah. The New York Times of to-day, in a special despatch from Washington, dated 16th January, says : " Francis P. Blair, sen., returned from Richmond via City Point to-day, and has been during the evening in -close consultation with the President and Secretary Seward, touching a proposition of Jeff. Davis in regard to commissioners for peace. " Spies from head-quarters of the Airily of the Potomac, who returned from Richmond yesterday morning, report the significant fact that General Lee has sent his family away from Richmond. They also state that at the rebel capital there is but one subject thought or talked of, and that is peace." The Associated Press publishes the following despatches respecting Mr. Blair : " Washington, Jan. 16.. " The Republican in an extra says : " ' A private despatch from City Point announces that the Hon. Frank P. Blair sen., returned from that place from Richmond yesterday morning, and immedirtely left in a steamer for this city. " Mr. Blair is expected to arrive here some time this afternoon.' " Another despatch : " Francis P. Blair arrived at the Navy Yard this afternoon in the steamer Don, the flagship of the Potomac flotilla. Much speculation is indulged as to the result of his visit to Richmond, but nothing definite can be ascertained concerning it." The Richmond Examiner of the 14th inst. says : " The version of Mr. Blafr's interview with Presi dent Davis is that he (Blair) wrote Davis a letter inquiring whether he would receive a social visit from an old friend ; that Davis responded, and that the interview took place, at the end of which Davis delivered Mr. Blair a letter to President Lincoln, in which he declared his willingness either to receive commissioners from the United States to treat of peace, or to send them duly credited if they would be received at Washington." . . . The Richmond Enquirer of the same date says : " Francis P. Blair, of Lincolndom, is still in this city, stopping at the Spottswood Hotel. Nothing reliable has yet transpired in regard to his mission. Several members of the Confederate Congress and of the Legislature waited on him at his rooms yes terday, and at once resolved themselves into a com mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union." The Richmond Whig of the same date says : " There were no developments to-day relative to the mission of Mr. Frank P. Blair, sen. His move ments even are not revealed to the public." The New York World, in a despatch from its Washington correspondent, dated 16th • January, says:— "During his•stay in Richmond, from Wednesday to Saturday, he (Mr. Blair) had an interview with Jeff. Davis, Secretary Benjamin, and Mr. Seddon, Secretary of War, besides several Congress men. • • • . On his return here he remained for some time at General Grant's head-quarters. . . . . This evening Mr. Blair, sen., and his son Mont gomery, late Postmaster-General, called on Presi dent Lincoln and spent some time.. What passed at this interview is as yet unknown to outsiders, but to the latter Mr. Blair has intimated very decidedly that he went on no official mission, and that he did not receive any official or semi-official communica tion while in e ßichmond. So far as is known of what he actually heard in Richmond relative to peace, it is believed that the tenour and details were consonant with the articles in the Richmond papers on the same subject, so frequently repro duced in your columns." The New York Herald's Washington correspon dent states that Mr. Blair's mission was one of a purely private. character, and says that the pas s accorded him to enter the rebel lines not only recited that he was understood to come upon pri vate business, but restricted him to the transaction of such business exclusively. " Mr. Blair's chief object in going to Richmond was to. recover, if pos sible, some valuable title deeds abstracted from his house by the rebels, during the rebel raid against Washington. Some of these were recovered." The Herald also states that Mr. Blair was not autho rised to make any peace propositions, but hoped to be able to lay before his quondam friends, who now leaders of the rebellion, such suggestions might tend to bring about a conclusion of the war, "He was everywhere kindly received, and had frank and free conversations with Mr. Davis and numbers of others of the leading men of the South, but these resulted in nothing definite." The - Herald's correspondent concludes by saying :—"No propositions, either written or verbal, were made by Mr. Davis to Mr. Blair, nor was he made the bearer of any to his Government. - As far as political affairs are concerned, his mission was without result." 1 The .New York Tribune's Washington correspon dent says :—" It is needless to say that Jeff. Davis has sent no letter to Mr. Lincoln, and made no sign of lowering the Confederate flag—none whatever. Ex-Governor Jacobs, of Secesh and Kentucky, came up from Richmond with Mr. Blair. He represents the feeling for peace to pervade all classes in that city, and to extend to officers of high grade in the army. Among the working classes, he says, it amounts to an actual demand. He predicts that there will be a cessation of hostilities within two months, and a proposal of peace upon some terms of reunion from the Confederate Government to ours. "This is quite a contradiction of the indications of a fact reported by an officer arrived to-day from the interior of North Carolina, that the rebels have already in the field, armed and equipped, thirty re giments of freed slaves." The New York Times of to-day publishes the following leading article upon the " Rumours of Peace" "We reiterate the conviction we have already expressed that the reports of attempted or intended negotiations for peace which are so diligently pressed upon public notice are utterly without foundation. We see nothing here or at Washington to give them the slightest claim to the slightest credit. Unless the most explicit assurances in the highest quarters are utterly unreliable, neither Mr. Blair, nor Mr. Singleton, nor anybody else has gone to Richmond, either to open negotiations with the rebel Govern- ment, or to sound the rebel officers as to their wishes and expectations in regard to peace. That Mr. Blair, being at Richmond, will talk about peace is very likely, and it is possible, though not at all pro bable, that he will learn from Mr. Davis and Com panys som e thi ng on thi s su bject w hich we do not know already. Mr. Blair sought permission to go to Richm on d exc l us i ve l y on t h e p l ea of private y business, and he has no s h a d ow o f authority, direct or indirect, t o say one word on behalf of the Go vernment concerning th e te rms of peace. " The Go vernment seeks a peace earnestly, and n with ot saedeketeintntiEnreodupguhrposeto negotiationssecur secure o if t . any sort with But it does the rebel Government--still less on the ba s i s o f what the leaders of that Government may in conversation with i n di v id ua l s as terms on o which i I indicate it will be conceded. President Lincoln and those associated with him, the Union men in Congre ss and elsewhere, regard the war waged against the Government as a rebellion ; they determined at the very outset to treat as such, and to suppress it by force of arms ; and from that time to this, in spit e of discouragement and defeats, in spite of open hos tility from those whose political sympathies arc with the rebels, and of the more dangerous counsels of timid and mistaken friends, it has persevered in that determination. All the last election the issue was fairly made throughout the loyal aji torSty, decided in ates,andthe people, by an overwhelming favour of that method of restoring peace instead of the opposite plan proposed at Chicago ofsed restoring sceept it by negotiation. Th e Government has that decision as an imperative endorsement of its policy, and it is pursuing that policy energy and augmented vigour. It seeks p eace and freedom through , ith fresh war, more re solutely and more exclusively than ever before. And there has never authorities o m ri e ti es sincein any the inclinecrthan now to seek peace from the Confede brae: private "Those, therefore, through officials of the rebel government, of imm • ethate or owthaerrb w eg ay an . when it was less diplomacy, or, as a consequence, immediate who are looking for peace rem o p t ment, resting their ho g little reflection, that all such attempts, with the principles on which personal interviews with overnment, are, in our judg it seems on a false basis. Avery e v eonu ifs will convince any one thethey were compatible war has been con ducted, might prove: abortive. They assume that we are first to ascertain what the rebels want, and that this is to be our guide in negotiating with them. Does anybody suppose for a moment, that they . will accept voluntarily, or as the result of negotiation, less than they had when they began the war ? And does anybody suppose that we will give them more ? Can we give them a peace that shall make their rebellion an advantage to them—a positive and substantial success ? Even if they waive their claim to independence, can we concede their construction of the Constitution ? Can we give them State sovereignty in their acceptation of the term ? Can we concede to them anything on any point which they did not have when they began the war ? Yet without some chance of such concession, there is not the slightest chance of their entering upon negotia tions of any sort. " But although we look for it in another direction, the prospect of peace seems to us by no means remote. Lee's army is all that remains of the re bellion, and so long as that does remain we have no right to expect such a peace as we can accept. When that is destroyed the rebellion is crushed, and we shall have such a peace as must follow the restored authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States. But that great battle remains to be fought. It can no more be averted or evaded than could Waterloo, and its result on one side; at least, must be equally decisive. It is to this final issue that the Government is now advancing. It is bringing all its available military force to bear upon :that. Its first effort, of course, will be to compel General Lee to meet it ; if successful in that, its next endeavour will be to defeat and overwhelm him: If it fails in either, the war may be prolonged; if it succeeds in both, we must, in the natural course of events, have a prompt and lasting peace. And in no other way, and at no earlier moment, in our judgment, can we have peace at all." The following resolutions were adopted in the Confederate House of Representatives : Resolved—That under the Constitution Congress alone has the right to declare war, and the Presi dent, by and with the advice and• consent of the Senate, to make a treaty of peace. Resolved—That all attempts to make peace with the United States by the action or intervention of the separate States composing the Confederacy are unauthorised by the Constitution, in contravention of the supreme law of the land, and.are, therefore, revolutionary. • . The last resolution in the series is as follows : Resolved—That we, the representatives of the Confederaie Sta;tes, are firmly determined to Con tinue the struggle in which we are involved until the United States shall acknowledge our indepen dence, and to. this determination, with a sincere conviction of the justice of our cause, and an humble reliance upon the Supreme Ruler of Nations, we do solemnly and faithfully pledge ourselves. • The Richmond Dispatch of Jan. 12. deprecates the course of some other Colfederate journals in blaming Jefferson Davis for the disasters suffered by the Southern armies, and says that there is no More reason in attributing to him all the disasters in the West, than all the glories in the East. The State Convention of Tennessee has unani mously adopted a series of resolutions for ever abo lishing slavery in that State, and abrogating the ordnance of secession adopted in 1861, together with all laws passed in pursuance thereof. These resolutions, which form an amendment to the State Constitution, are to be voted upon by the people of Tennessee on the 22d February, and, it is generally believed that they will be sustained by the public voice. The Convention also nominated as Governor, to succeed Andrew Johnson, vice President elect, Parson W. G. Browillow, who, in a speech accepting the nomination, announced his determination, if elected, to vigorously conduct the duties of the office, and, particularly, if sustained by the Legis lature, to put an end to guerilla warfare in Tennes see, even if every man concerned in it had to be shot. The Richmond Examiner advises, in consideration of the large quantity of cotton captured by General herman, at Savannah, and the exposure of all p ints where cotton is stored in the neighbourhood Federal armies, that all cotton or tobacco should e destroyed whenever there is the least probability f their falling into the hands of the Federals, who, 7.1 t e Examiner affirms, frequently are attracted by t ose staples, and make raids into regions which vould otherwise escape molestation. • General Butler has arrived in Washington, in obedience to summons from the Committee on the Conduct of the War, before which he is summoned to give testimony in relation to his Wilmington failure. The New York Herald now advises Butler's dis missal from service for being " utterly incompetent and insubordinate." The Richmond Enquirer of January 12 advocates the arming of the slaves as follows : " General Lee is regarded as a man reasonably devoted to our cause ; he is looked upon as not easily disheartened ; he has exhibited a practical patriotism ; he is admitted to kiwi( something of the wants and necessities of the army ; he .is a large .slaveholder, and yet he urges his country's autho rities td conscript the negroes, and to liberate them and the wives of those who are made soldiers. If one was disposed to rest the 'question on, authority, we might stop here and ask what man will put him self in the scales against General Lee? If this war was being waged for rights' in the .territories, this proposition to arm the negroes and liberate the negro soldier would be suicidal. 13ut as it is the white man's liberty, and not, the neyro's slavery, for which this' people are really fighting,:the proposition of General Lee is one by which every man's devo -1 tion to the cause may be weighed; measured, and estimated.. We proposed the plan of 'abolition ; we suggested nothing as to who should abolish the institution ; we merely said that for independence —not recognition, not intervention—but for inde pendence and peace, actually acquired through the instrumentality of England and France, we should be prepared to urge upon the people of thei e States the abolition of slavery." The Enquirer continues " Mr. Seward'§ extreme haste to misrepresent this proposition as a sign of our exhaustion shows his dread of our approaching Europe armed with such a proposition. He understands that all his slanders and falsehoods would be instantly . exploded, and his Government pre sented to the world in all its naked deformity of practically denying the great charter of. its own liberties, and seeking, against its Declaration of In dependence, to impose upon these States a Govern ment against the consent of their people. Our cause, stripped of the prejudices which .slavery has thrown around it, would be the cause of a people struggling for nationality and independence, and the United States would stand before the world as the oppressor,, denying the principles by which its own struggle for liberty was justified. Then we should reap the benefit •of that disgust which the conduct of the enemy has excited throughout the woad, as well as the va l ue o f th a t s y m pathy w hi c h our firmness and resolution have won, despite the disadvantages of sla v e r y. Th e • p ro positio n can d o no harm—it may do much good—shall it not be made." The arrest of the Hon. Henry S. Foote, while on his way to the North, as previously announced, has given rise to many speculations by the Northern press as to the cause of his flight and arrest. Some journals think that Mr. Foote was intending to make important disclosures to the Washington au thorities, and among them a statement of the mea sures adopted in the Confederate Congress during its recent secret session. President Davis makes the following announcement to the Confederate House of Representatives : I have just received a report from the Secretary of War, stating that Henry S. Foote has been ar rested by a military officer in Northern Virginia while endeavouring to pass our lines on his way to the enemy's country. I submit the matter to you in order that such disposal of the case may be made as to you shall seem proper." Mr. Foote is reported to have avowed to Col. Daggett, who caused his arrest, that he was on his way to Washington to negotiate a peace. He is reported to be now at Frederickfiburg, under parol, awaiting the action of a special committee of Con gress appointed to investigate his case. The semi-official Richmond Sentinel of the 12th inst. publishes the following article in reply to the public demand for the enlargement of General Lee's present military authority : , " Some of our contemporaries have been recently discussing the nature of the official relation between the two eminent public servants whose names head this article (President Davis and General Lee) ; and from the eagerness of some to give fresh confi dence to the people, though from less creditable motives in others, have suggested that the appoint ment of General Lee to a higher grade—that of generalissimo or field marshal, with power to com mand all our armies, or to assume the general con duct and direction of our military operations— would have a tendency to dispel the temporary de spondency caused by recent reverses. We need hardly say to our readers how earnestly we have deprecated the exaggeration to which this despon dency has been carried. It has been far in excess of what was justified by the circumstances, and has been intensified by the croaking at the street corners and in the bar-rooms, which has been the cause of so much evil during the war. It is even to be feared that some of this croaking has found its way into quarters where courage and serenity are naturally to be expected, and where, in consequence, it is especially hurtful. This, however, is a diversion from our purpose. " Believing, as we do, that it is of the utmost im portance to allow no misunderstanding to exist of the real state of the case, we have taken pains to ascertain the facts, and can now give them with the certainty that we are not mistaken. " General Lee is the officer now highest in com mand in the line of the army. General Cooper, who alone stands above him in the army list, is on the staff, not on line duty. Whenever General Lee is in the field, therefore, he commands not only all troops that are within the department assigned to him, but all who may happen to serve in connec tion with his command. The limits of his depart ment are bounded solely by his own opinion of his ability to extend the necessary supervision over the operations. Thus, when the President desired, some time ago, to place General Lee in command of the entire Atlantic coast, as being connected with the operations of the army now opposed to Grant, General Lee felt himself constrained to object to, taking military control of any part of the coast beyond the mouth of Cape Fear, and to request of the President to continue the separation between his department and that which, under an independ ent commander, extends southward from the Cape Fear. " The first point, then, which we wish clearly to fix in the minds of our readers, is that General Lee's command in the field is as large, and extends over as great a department, as he is willing to con trol. We must not be understood as concurring with our great General in the modest estimate he mukes of his own merits or capacity. On the con trary, we are confident he does himself less than justice in believing that he would not add to the strength and efficiency of his defence of our country. We confine ourselves simply to the fact that it is his choice, not the President's wish, that restricts his control to the limits of his present department. " But it is said—' We do not want General Lee to command in the field any greater district of country than he thinks best. What we want is that he should have the general direction of the other armies, the general conduct of their operation—a control over their plans of campaign.' _ _ " To this we answer that this Is eminently de sirable ; that it is proven by the past history of the war to be exactly what the President wished and attempted, but thatl experience has shown, unfor tunately, that the two duties cannot be performed at the same time by the same man, and that we are driven to choosing between General Lee in the field and General Lee in an office at Richmond, exercis ing a general supervision over all our military ope rations. In a word, the President has made the very experiment now urged, and General Lee found it impossible to do both duties. The President re luctantly, and at General Lee's own request, was compelled to choose between relieving him from the command of the army defending Richmond, or I from the general command over a ll our \ rmies, which it is now urged should vest in him. " How quickly we forget history is illusLratcd almost daily, but the present is a very striking in stance. On the 25th March, 1862, Congress passed a law indicating a wish that General Lee should have the same control of military operations which it is now desired to confer upon him, and the President at once placed him in the position created by the law. His counsels and aid were found in valuable by the Executive, until, on the fall of General Johnston severely wounded at the battle of Seven Pines, the President deemed it essential to the safety of the capital to put General Lee in com man of the army of Northern Virginia. But Gene ral Lee, when thus placed in command in the field, was retained in the general command of all the armies at the same time. What was the result ? To the great regret of the President, General Lee was forced, by a stress of duty too great for one man, to request that a choice should be made. Willing as he ever has been to do his country every service in his power, he left it to the President to say whether he could best aid in its defence by re maining in the field' or returning to his office in Richmond. The wisdom of the choice which left him in command of the army that .has now for nearly three years baffled every effort of the enemy to get possession of our capital, will scarcely be questioned by any ; least of all by Virginians. " This exposition would be incomplete were we to omit the fact that the President, while availing himself of the Services of General Lee in the field, loses no opportunity of obtaining the benefit of his advice and opinion on all important questions, and on all extended operations. These two distinguished citizens, too devoted to their country, too conscious of their own nobility of character, too superior to base or envious passions to entertain for each other any but the most cordial sentiments of mutual esteem and friendship, are constantly engaged in the interchange of visits for conference Am all mili tary affairs, as well as on the general condition of our country. From this the happiest consequences have resulted. Would that so eminent an example were followed by all ; and we should soon see a spirit of confidence animating the people, that would put to shame the croaking, the despondency, the fault-finding, and the faint-heartedness that now disgrace so many of our public men, and pro duce effects so injurious to our cause." The New York Herald of the 15th January, con tains the following article, which is headed " The Present Policy of Russia : " " We have had several visits from the Russians to this country from time to time. The Government of the Czar has sent war ships here, has established diplomatic and consular agents, and keeps an ambassador at Washington ; yet it is evident that the Russians, after all, do not understand either our position or what should be their own policy. If properly advised by their agents, they.would know that now is the favourable time to carry out the traditionary policy of their race to extend the empire to the Bosphorus, and seize upon Constantinople. The effort made in 1855 t o accomplish this by the Crimean war failed because the military combina tion of France and England was too strong for Russia singlehanded ; but now, while we are pushing our continental policy to a point that will be likely to employ the only two Powers in Europe that could oppose the measures of Russia, the time has arrived for the designs upon Constantinople to be inaugu rated. If the Czar does not do this, he must be as befogged about the state of affairs in this country as his diplomatic representatives appear to be." LOSS OF THE SAN JACINTO. Advices received here by the Federal transport Continental, from Key West, on the 10th inst„ announce that the Federal steam sloop-of-war San Jacinto, Captain R. W. Mead e , was lost on the morning of the Ist inst., on a reef off No-Namekey, on the Bohawa Banks. The day previous to the disaster she had been' chasing a blockade runner, which esqaped by reaching neutral waters. Dark ness coming on the San Jacinto stood in shore, hoping that during the night the blockade runner would stand out for the Hole-in-the-Wall. The night being dark and the currents uncertain the vessel overrun her reckoning, and instead of being twenty miles from shore, as was supposed by the commanding officer, she was close on the reef which she struck at 12.40 a.m. All efforts and attempts to get her off were frustrated by a heavy gale setting in from the eastward, and at 10 o'clock the next day she " belged," her sides being crushed in. There being no possibility of saving the vessel, the captain directed his attention towards saving the crew and the public property. With his boats and the assistance of the wreckers who had con gregated around the vessel, the crew were landed without loss of life. The guns and most of the stores were likewise saved. The English naval-authorities being informed of the circumstances, sent a steam sloop-of-war to the assistance of the San Jacinto. The San Jacinto, it will be recollected, over hauled the British mail steamer Trent, from which it took the Confederate Commissioners, Slidell and Mason. The Wreck of the African Mail Steamer Armenian. The Wexford Constitution gives the following account of the loss of the African mail steamer Armenian, on Arklow Bank. The steamer left Liverpool on Tuesday last, having on board 42 passengers and a crew of 49, all told : " At five minutes to twelve o'clock, on Tuesday night, the captain reports that he saw Arklow light, and put the helm to starboard. In a few minutes afterwards the Armenian struck aft. She had on full steam, and was going at the rate of eleven miles an hour. At this time the passengers, eight of whom were ladies and five children, were all in bed, as was also a portion of the crew. The shock was so great as to awaken every one on board, some of the passengers being thrown out of their berths. The passengers proceeded to dress them selves, but some of the women and children had not time to do so. Every effort was made to get the steamer off, but without success ; and, half an hour after striking, it was discovered that there was ten feet of water in the ship. By 1 o'clock on Wednesday morning the water had gained so much upon her that the engine fires went out, thus pre venting any continued attempt to pump her, although even during the time they were worked the pumps proved of little service, owing to the water gaining so rapidly. As all hope of getting her off was now abandoned, and as she was sinking fast, preparations were made for securing the safety of the lives of those on board. The ladies and children were first got out, not without great difficulty, and placed in the starboard lifeboat, the port lifeboat having been stove in. Some of the ladies sustained severe injuries in the course of their transfer to the lifeboat from the sinking ship, as did also some of those who were assisting them, Dr. Gilmour, R.N. (a passenger, who was going out to join the Rattlesnake at Sierra Leone), having his arm put out of joint. A crew of 10 or 12, under the com mand of Mr. Johnson, third officer, were placed in the lifeboat, and the latter at once proceeded to wards the Arklow lightship, which was about six miles to the north of the scene of the wreck. At this time the sea was breaking over the vessel. The remaining boats were got out, and as many of the passengers and crew as they could contain were put on board. Still, there remained upwards of ' thirty on the wreck, which was every moment sink ing deeper and deeper. The sea was now break ing over her so heavily that it was deemed ne cessary to cut away the foremost so as to ease her. We may here mention that some of the ladies when put into the • boat had scarcely any clothing on, and were only protected from the weather by rugs and other coverings thrown from the steamer. About five o'clock the Armenian began to settle down, there being 3i fathoms of water at the place. All were now obliged to take to the rigging. One of the two passengers lost had not strength enough to climb to the rigging, and was washed overboard. How or at what time exactly the oilier passenger and the wo sailors were lost is not known. The name of ne of the lost passen gers is Horne , that of the o er is not known. He was a warrant officer going out to join his ship. The two of the crew who were lost were Smith, the first steward, and Watts, the third steward. The water continued to rise gradually after the ship settled down (it being flood tide), until it reached within five or six feet of the top of her funnel. All on the wreck continued to cling to the rigging till about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, many of the passengers suffering greatly. Meanwhile the starboard lifeboat, containing the women and chil dren, had made for the lightship, which it reached early in the forenoon, all getting safe on board. The crew that had brought her thither, however, were so exhausted that they felt they would be un able to take the lifeboat back to the wreck with a view to render assistance to those who were still clinging to it, and four of the crew of the lightship volunteered to man the boat back to the scene of the disaster. Coming towards noon, the steamer Montagu, having observed The signal which had been erected on board the lightship, bore down on the latter. Those on board belonging to the Armenian were taken out and put on board the Montagu. Capt. Clarke was then informed of the critical state of those left on the wreck, and at once proceeded to wards the bank. The steamer noticed the two boats which had last put off from the wreck, and having taken on board all that were in the two boats took these in tow and again proceeded for the wreck. By the time she came near to her it was about 12 o'clock, and the poor fellows were becoming greatly exhausted. Meanwhile the ship's lifeboat, manned by the volunteers from the lightship, had also reached the scene of the disaster. They were near ing the wreck, when the boat was caught by a heavy breaker and at once capsized, the four men who were in her being thrown into the water. Two of the men were seen to rise and cling to the cap sized boat, but they were immediately washed off again, and neither they nor their two companions were ever seen again. The boats belonging to the Arme nian, and which were still in tow of the Montagu, were then detached, and, manned by meh belonging to the wrecked vessel, with the assistance of some of the crew of the Montagu, proceeded to endeavour to get off those who were in the rigging. This was a task of no ordinary difficulty, and only a few were taken off in this way. They were enabled to reach the boat by sliding down the running gear, while others of them had to be hauled in through the water, a rope being thrown from the Montagu to the wreck and fastened to the latter, and a life buoy attached. The process of conveying each man from the rigging to the Montagu occupied from 10 to 15 minutes. Those who were on the windward portion of the rigging had to swing themselves to leeward before lowering themselves into the boats. All, however, were safely got off, Captain Leamon being amongst the last to leave the wreck. [ADVERTISEMENTI—HoIIoway's Ointment an d Pills.— Complication of istempers. Ulcerations, abscesses, swollen glands, and other disorders arising from unseen and unsuspected causes may be cured by the use of this ex cellent ointment, aided by Holloway's purifying pills. The printed instructions, in which the remedies are folded, are sufficiently explicit for the guidance of any invalid with moderate intelligence. Holloway's medicaments can al ways be used with advantage and without danger. For more than the third of a century they have proved them selves to be a treasure to the poor afflicted with disease. Both the ointment and pills are especially adapted for mili tary and naval men, colonists, and travellers, who cannot everywhere obtain medical assistance, but may always successfully doctor themselves with Holloway's remedies. BREAKFAST BEVERAGE.—Homcoopathic practitioners, and the medical profession generally, recommend cocoa as being the most healthful of all beverages. When the doc trine of homoeopathy was first introduced into this country, there were to be obt fined no preparations of cocoa either at tractive to the taste or acceptable to the stomach ; the nut was either supplied is the crude state, or so unskilfully manufactured as to obtain little notice. J. Epps, of London, Homceopathic Chemist, was induced in the year 1839 to turn his attention to this subject, and at length succeeded, with the assistance of elaborate machinery, in being the first to produce an article pure in its composition, and so refined by the perfect ti ituration it receives in the process it passes through, as to be moat acceptable to the delicate stomach. For general use Eppa's Cocoa is distinguished as an invigo rating, grateful breakfast beverage, possessing a most deli cious aroma. Dr. Hassall, in his work, "Food and its Adulterations," says —"Cocoa contains a great variety of im portant nutritive principles—every ingredient necessary to the growth and sustenance of the body." Again: "As a nutritive, cocoa stands very much higher than either coffee or tea." Directions—Two teaspoonfuls of the powder in a breakfast cup, filled up with boiling water or milk. Secured in tin-lined alb., alb., and 11b. labelled packets, and sold by all grocers, t oniectionere, and oliendate.—[A.Drr.] TlMES.—Events are unpropitious to the fame of General Butler. In the success of the second expe dition against Wilmington and the capture of Fort Fisher that zealous but unfortunate commander has received a condemnation more painful than any which a court-martial can pronounce. It has been shown again, as in countless instances before, that in war boldness is the best policy, and calculation often the dangerous forerunner of inactivity. We had hardly received the report in which General Butler gave excellent reasons why Fort Fisher should not be taken when the telegraph announces that the work is done. The expedition under Admiral Porter and General Terry arrived off the fort for the second time on the 14th inst. ; at noon the next day the fleet opened a heavy fire, which lasted fifty four hours. The assault was then made. The fighting was desperate, the Confederate garrison of 1,200 men using the advantages of its position to inflict heavy loss on the enemy. But after seven hours' fighting the Federals prevailed. The South ern soldiers were driven from their works, and re treated to the end of the long spit of land on which the fort is situate. Here they were forced to sur render, and the Federals have thus made the first step towards mastering the town and harbour of Wilmington. The energy with which this enterprise has been prosecuted is creditable to the military administration at Washington. Seldom has there been a more discouraging failure than that of the expedition in which General Butler bore a part. A fleet of unprecedented strength, fitted out at an enormous expense, and provided with a new and, as it was thought, most deadly instrument of de struction, and a powerful land force chosen from among the best troops of the Federal States, were despatched against the Southern port, and nothing but ill success attended them. The storms of winter shattered them ; the fireship, filled with twice as much powder as the Erith magazine, came to nothing —the tremendous fire failed to produce any effect on General Beauregard's well-constructed works ; and, finally, the commander of the land forces held back, and gave his opinion that success was im possible. In General Butler's report it is told how General Weitzel and the experienced officers under his command thought it useless to assault the place ; that no such strong work as Fort Fisher had been taken during the war ; that at Port Hudson, where thousands perished in a re pulsed assault, the defensive works were less strong ; that a double assault at Fort Wagner was undertaken against feebler preparations, and the General declares that " much as I regretted the necessity of aban doning the attempt, yet the duty was plain." For once, however, the civilian power in the Government has advantageously controlled military operations. To give the South no term of respite, no opportunity for fresh preparations, no breathing time which should refresh it for new exertions, is the policy of the Cabinet ; and it has been carried out even at the expense of so devoted a servant as General Butler. The order to this officer to return to his place of residence in peaceful Connecticut was a rebuke under which a soldier must keenly suffer ; but this almost Carthaginian severity has probably infused a new spirit into his successor. There is a great deal to be said for the policy which in the last century shot a British admiral to encourage the others. The Washington Government did not go so far with General Butler ; but they made it sufficiently plain to his successor that they required him to take Fort Fisher instead of giving reasons for not having taken it. Accordingly, we see signs that in the second attempt a more determined spirit pre vailed. The monster fireship was not there to frighten those wile had constructed it. In the former expedition the Fedral fleet was so apprehensive of being blown to pieces along with the enemy that it stood off some 12 miles from the shore, and left the Confederates to make more thorough prepara tion against an attack. This time the assailants seem to have been aware that hard fighting alone could accomplish their purpose, and it must be admitted that they have shown excellent military qualities. The powerful fleet of Admiral Porter used all its strength, and we cannot but admire the courage of the Confederate garrison, which endured such a storm of fire for more than two days and nights. In the fight they must have shown equal prowess, for the loss of the assailants is estimated at nearly their own number. But at last they were driven out, and. all eventually surrendered. Among the Federal successes this exploit will be distinguished, if not for the importance of the vic tory, at any rate for the circumstances under which it has been gained. Usualry the winter has been a time of involuntary armistice, either the exhaustion of the armies or the difficulty of carrying on cam paigns by land or sea having led to the suspension of actual warfare. But in the depth of winter and amid the dangers of sudden tempests and a fatal coast the Federals have won their last victory, and may suc ceed in totally closing or destroying the last con siderable port of the Confederates. As to the effect which the capture of Fort Fisher and the future ope rations of Terry and Porter may have on the foreign trade of the Confederacy, the assertions of the South are confident, but are hardly to be trusted. They deny that the loss of Fort Fisher will close the river, and this•may be true ; but it is difficult to believe that the capture of this fort will not lead to other suc cesses which will either place Wilmington in the hands of the Federals or render it useless as a port for blockade-runners. Wilmington itself is situated at the head of a long inlet of the sea, which is guarded at the entrance by an island forming two channels, and Fort Fisher, now in the hands of the Federals, commands one of these. The other is still open, and ships may enter by it ; but after this first success it can hardly be doubted that the Federals will either force the passage of the river up to Wil mington itself, or by holding Fort Fisher and the promontory which commands the Western Channel, endeavour to make the place useless to the enemy.. Thus, after long and laborious exertions and an ex pense equal to that incurred in many European wars, the Federals may be said to have almost suc ceeded in shutting in their enemies from communi cation with the European world. The South has gradually lost port after port, and though cargoes will continue to be landed in obscure places along those hundreds of miles of coast, yet the blockade will be as effective as it is in the nature of such an operation to be. It will be seen then how far the South is capable of doing without that with which England has hitherto furnished it. There are persons among the Confederates who pretend that it would be no loss to the South if every harbour of its coast were in possession of the enemy and a foreign craft never unloaded a cargo for their use. The legislation of the Richmond Congress 'and the orders of the President have certainly gone so far as to discourage and partially prohibit the introduc tion of luxuries, confining the foreign trade of the Confederacy solely to the purchase of arms and other materials of war, or objects of necessity, such as medicines. But we cannot believe that the South is indifferent to those large supplies of arms which have been hitherto furnished by Europe, and we doubt not that if Wilmington be taken, and the spirit of Confederates remain unbroken, the Govern ment of Mr. Davis will use every effort to open new channels for the trade. The Federal Government has, no doubt, means of judging the value of the assistance with the South_ receives from foreign material, and the vast efforts which have been made to shut up the Southern ports, the costly expeditions which have been fitted out, and the perseverance with which the design has been pursued prove that in the opinion of those best informed the isolation of the Confederate States is necessary for thb suc cessful termination of the war. POST.—Conservatism—in the prospect of a gene ral election—is exerting itself with much diligence and not a little acrimony to disturb Mr. Gladstone's seat for the University of Oxford. The agitation is at present chiefly confined to clerical and Univer sity papers, and notably to the correspondence of our contemporary, the Guardian. But it is in pre paration on a much larger scale, and no stone will be left unturned in Oxford to secure a triumphant opposition. But it is uphill work. It would have been easier some years ago than now. When Mr. Gladstone was last opposed his hold was not greater on the University than it is at present, while his general popularity was undoubtedly less. His policy as a financier was to some extent tentative, and the omnipotent merit of success had not yet been achieved. He had not then become, as he has now, the central figure of a group of men whose services the country cannot dispense with, and whose talents it will not suffer to lie idle. His opponents feel that they have no case as against his administrative triumphs. They know that it would be useless to ask any other constituency in the kingdom to turn out so brilliant, so versatile, and so successful a represen tative. But a university is the seat of other influ ences than those which reign in county or borough constituencies. It would never do in any place out of Oxford to make it a ground of opposition that its member was not a sufficiently High Churchman. It is in Oxford alone that the question of Mr. Gladstone's Church principles could ever be raised. Yet this is the cry on which an attempt is to be made to oust him. Like many another man of great mind, he takes the liberty of thinking for him self ; he claims the right of modifying his views if experience so teach him ; and if on any subject he retains his old opinions, he claims the privilege of judging for himself how far they shall govern his conduct as a public man, and. in relation to ques tions of public policy. The University is to be asked to disapprove these high principles of public con duct, and to send a man to Parliament who will act more in accordance with Conservative tradi tion • who will run in a groove, and not take u p on himself to act or vote otherwise than with his party. To bring about the rej ec ti on of Mr. Glad ston e the Conservatives have attacked his Parliamentary conduct in relation to Church matters. B e d o made speeches and given votes of which theY, a not approve ; and he has introduced nothing 0.L., Church character of which they do approve. Pi!, cause they do not admire some of the earlier ecexi,, siastical aointments of the p res ent Governineing they lay the blame at Mr. Gladstone's door. not an approving, was virtually a consenting P ar to to those appointments, whereas he ought rather 0 have resigned office than have suff ere d them t ° cr g ht unchallenged. His presence in the Ministry 01 , 1 =? A to have secured • a bett er c h o i ce o f men to fill ' l ' s . offices in the church. I n s h or t, •it would be inVii ie l Bible to sum up here, still less to discuss, al grounds on which, in different ways and by di fferent her persons, the University is to be urged to rejec t the brilliant representative. It is enough to say tha i t no t fiat "to get Gladstone out" has gone forth, anst a few willing feet are hasteningto give it effect. for few who know Oxford, or the Tory asPira n 7 n ee office, if they have any regard for the indepenu e l l r . of a public man, will withdraw their votes fro g ' Gladstone on the grounds alleged. Rather tia' e Ja will feel that his public acts must be constL e c h with due regard to the circumstances by lsZ e. he is surrounded and the special duties of his,e,' to If Mr. Gladstone were Premier it would be la ni ' ao challenge his Church appointments. He ' s- • would be responsible for them. But it is an e t derstood thing among Ministers that they ar e it to interfere with each other's patronage, 31 , 1 ., to would be as foreign to Mr. Gladstone's nat u ' i -', r cl step beyond his province as it would be to 'l n t, Palmerston's to suffer it. For the Church aPP e ll i e ments Lord Palmerston alone is answerable, a n t iff is perfectly able, if occasion requires, to i lls t he what he has done. It is highly creditable to in Chancellor of the Exchequer that his opponen ts c i;s find nothing worse to say of hi m th a n that h e le, not done what it was no part of his office t o while they cannot deny that he h a s filled his P ° : e r tion with a brilliancy and succe ss w hich have ne 'is been surpassed. The real secret of opposi ti°ll 4 t his connection with the Palmerston GOVernt, and his undisguised adherence to the Liberal it is not for Oxford, even as a ConservaL a l institution, to throw her illustrious scholar ° I T; board on that ground. He cannot be blanleu, he r choosing to work with Lord Palmerston r a ," - „ E .4 than, to occupy a useless position on the ei t - to benches for an indefinite number of years. I sTh ' ll icl have joined the present Ministry when asked w .. e- ao have been downright folly. Mr. Gladstone of active man, a man of genius, of ambition, a n „"if e r . devotion to public life. As su c h h e sa w in of of office under Lord Palme rs t on an o pportmli"; n cr• serving his country. Was he, f rom an illferl Or ;„a tive, to hold back from that opportunity, and s irb s cl the best years of his life in inactivity? lie he studied finance • he represented a given systel',.; t be maintained certain' principles : was he to foregu n i t o only chance that might offer of throwing his r + , - 9 .1? into the very work for which he was best . 7,delf Granted that in Church principles he was. .21;o -separated from many of his colleagues, yet no. for ing to act with them would have done notni, the the Church, while it would have deprived hint the opportunity of rendering priceless service `), A st State. But of all people the Tories have the; to right to complain of any one' s un p ro fitablene'Poo the Church. They have not be en a bl e to keep °at long, but we look in vain f or an y s i n gle ine7o- for the good of the Church during their bit' . r by cendancy. The two Administ r ati ons o f Lord no did absolutely nothing for the Ch urc h, and la aui sort of foundation on Church principles for a ai ry to the confidence of the University of Oxford i ce' body of Churchmen. W e ac k now l e d ge the se r ch of the Conservative party in the defence of e i T co ll rates ; but with that s i ng l e except i on the C h ; v ecl owes them nothing. The Church has n ot ren i as much from the State of l a t e y ears , b u t what it . . t . received it has received through th e Liberal Pa.,' e l i f It was under a Liberal Ministry that the o ert j bishopric of Ripon was founded ; under a 1- ',, i13 0S Ministry that the additio na l see o f M an chester created ; under a Liberal Ministry that Convou - to rl was suffered to proceed to b us i ness a fter a e elli t ibe; and a half of compulsory i nac ti v it y . It was a ; s - sof ral Ministry that disappro v ed th e o b s t r uctiven„ e b. Archbishop Musgrave, and gave to York an a re bishop favourable to the restoration of the IN E °' - ‘ , re ts: Synod. It has been under Liberal Colonial j' o nial, ries that the Church has so multiplied her e ?" - n 9 bishops and been countenanced in the transacti e- v eS her colonial synods. While, if our m enial s e ' re , us z the synodical action of the Church nev el i,ord ceived such bitter oppositio n as it did from of Derby when Lord Stanley, and from Mr. and Mr. Walpole. Our belief is that the U l %O sity of Oxford will have the good sense to see.„l. o ,' the time has come w he n " goo d Ch ur chtnans“,l as it is called, is not necessarily associated Nvithdut party. Many of the Lib era l p ar t y are exe e ", e t icl Churchmen—Mr. Gladstone amongs t the ree;',,reat many of the Conser va ti ves are very • Churchmen. It is by no means cer t a i n that AO . ' o r Lygon, who is now so busy in thus unsettlingg' to Sir Stafford Northcote, whom some are a nxiou s d 9 put forward, would in any sense prove better frl e cer . to the Church than Mr. Gladstone ; while it is ear tain that they could not be classed anYwh e er n e x for° him as Ministers. Let the University 0! tet wh o a take true and honest measure of the Misled a BO ably represents her, and not be in sting gr. clique who, even if they succeededin unse a `L — e ithef Gladstone, wouldbe utterly powerless to serv e the University or the country as he has done' COUNTRY MARKETS • GLOUCESTER—JAN. 28. hils 'see, The market to-day was thinly attended, all ti t :; - 58 3 V consequently limited. En g li s h w hit e w heat, r age and red, 3s 8d t o 4 s 10d per 621 b. L ast o ffi c ial ave wheat, £1 19s 2d per imperial qr. NORTHAMPTON.—JAN. 28. At this corn market to-day the show of wheat Wi t- The able, there being a sprinking of white and red sor ts ,ioo; samples were generally i n goo d con di t i on . The to-day was healthy, and a moderate share of busine ss done at the full rates of the week preceding. y i New white wheat, 39s to 426; new red, 37s to 3 1 3 : 0 .14 white, 43s to 44s ; old red, 38 s t o 39s per 36 stone. r for malting, 31s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 26s to 290 Poi stone. Oats, old, 27s to 34s ; new, 18s to 28s per 24 roi Beans, old, 36s to 40s ; new, 35s to 38s per 38 stone. 34s to 40s per 36 stone. CHELMSFO In consequence of the very i the attendance here to-day I nominal, at barely last week' sorts about the same , with Wheat, old white.... 403 458 new .408 4481 dID—JAN. 28. (10. inclement state of the weft - „14 was scanty, and business r:11 1 's prices. Spring corn ° Ale doing 5 ,54 Peas, B r o a i r i t i r n i g dg . e . ........... 3 38 6 : 36 3 4 : White .. 3. 4 0 .:31s ~.; Dun —• dal() new— • --0 ' l4 Beans, Tick, '01d......... 31 : f -5 0 new. • ... As , Harrow 1'ick6.....0vs <0 new. • • •,..2. 3 ' Mazagan . ..... 0.- old red 39s 40s new. 37s 408 8ar1ey..... 25s 32s Chevalier 26s Ms Grinding '.os '4Bs Malt 6lB 67s Chevalier 6ls 58s Oats ... 2os 26s COLCHESTER—JAN. 28. a 13 1 ' 14 ?; A moderate supply of wheat, prices unaltere—•,.„ o lo' in fair demand at late rates. Beans and peas t, s l° " 3 'd last week's prices. ..330 40# Wheat, white 40s 4es Beans, Mazagan•• l l _3 58 St red 31s 42s Middle and sma-- .35° F" Batley ',fill 35s Peas, white. ........ .36s Oats 20s 25s grey ......... • • 1 „ 3 ABERDEEN—JAN. 27. 0 Business still conti nues somewhat stiff ; f a rmers C l “ - an advance in p r i ce, w hi ch dealers refuse to give' 1, White wheat 33 s Od to 37s Od busy` om Vibe ol' Red wheat 31s Od to 338 Od ) I , li e Pota to, oats 16s Od to 16s 6d t 40 1 VW Common oats 15 s Od to 15s 6d jb bush Ber e 20s Od to 20s 6dt 531 b V o , Barley 20 s Od to 20s 6d j Oatmeal 13 8 Od to 14s Od IR bo ll of f 2 / 3 4 01 ), ' Flour, fine 32s Od to 88s Od ? sack ° KIRKCALDY---JAN. 28. t 4 Good supplies of all kinds of grain. Sales 8106 prices. Wheat. Batley. Oats First...." 30s Od 2ls 6d 160 Od 8e0md.... 33s Od 23s Od 170 od Third..... 35s Oct 2ss Od f 18s Od Births. 9 111 ' g aar n DRUMMOND.—On the 28th i ns t., a t 1, Montagu - Il --.• Hon. Mrs. Edgar Drummond, of a son. „.h'f O tillt HANBUR.Y.—On the 28th inst. , at the Grange, iljb - itrP the wife of Edgar Hanbury, Esq., of a son. ~ NORTH.—On the 29th inst., at Cl aug h ton, DerbVll'. Henry North, of a daughter. M arri ages, COCKBURN—SMITH.—On the 28th inst., at Actolli ityw o r Henry Cockburn, Es q ., o f 115, Fleet-street, Ladbroke Villa, Act on , to Hannah Smith, of 26, bury-crescent, Notting -hill. (1001 r HAWKING---ALLSOP.—O n the 28th inst., at St. 'A - 0 0 0 yd the East, Edmund Woods Hawkins, of Linl,',„" Pt' Elizabeth Fanny, the eldest daughter of the 13 Allsop, Esq., of St. George in the East. Deaths. swo --- Ir 4 BELFOUR.—On the 30th i nst., at 37, Lincoln's- in Edmund Belfour, E sq ., age d 76 . ... . 0 vt Y O m BI.UNDELL.—On the 28th i ns t .,. at Brunswick 11°11—' •011, Henry Blundell, Esq., J.P., aged of 31 , 1 :1 1 .4 ° FINLAY.—On the 27th inst., at Mentoni, Franc - ', i f v" wife of Alexander S. Finlay, Esq., M.P. - r to tie , l'a Toward, Argyllshire. FAIRCLOW.—On the 30th inst., at 42,Gloueoster - r — ,is man-square, Mrs. Anne Fairclow. Der ,, e r MILEs.—On the 25th inst., suddenly, at his el le ill Raymond's-buildings, Henry Kilo s ; Esq., 0 ' ' di° Temple. Ve 3 NEALE.—On the 28th inst., at Blenheimll oll9e ' ,ott rv - John Neale, Esq., aged $t ~,,,r ias a-° WARN - mt.—On the 30th inst., at 13 Northunin - Strand, Mr. James Warner solicitor, aged 6 ''• ......„ ......................._.......L.......7 ll ' .... A rlDfi n 1 1 • i London : Printed and Published by WIL LTA).- —,.,„ 1 , - * , O• of No. 112, Strand, Ptinter, at TJaE SUN Ovit' e 6oo" Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in ti le Middlesex.—Tuesday, January n o ISuf„ 1, 0 1 b r4 ': r ttt , I Q l l , te l Cp.:l J 1 0 I{; ca 11In t 411P1 t e `Ste