The Sun. — London, England, 1835-01-15 00:00:00

GENERAL ELECTIONS IN THE COUNTRY. HERTFORD (COUNTY). The nomination of three representatives for this borough took place at Hertford yesterday, when Lord Grimstone, Abel Smith, Esq., and Rowland Alston, Esq., were duly el ecte'a. AA an early hour the town was thronged with the friends elf the respective candidates, who paraded the streets, colours flying, and attended by bands of music. Shortly lfter eleven o'clock the carriages of the friends of the dis ent candidates began to draw up in order in the field here the nomination was appointed to take place. Among others we noticed those of the Marchioness of Salisbury and Lady Verulam, whose noble occupants appeared to take great interest in the proceedings. There were alto gether upwards of thirty carriages, principally filled with ladies. Shortly before twelve the candidates respectively -filed into the field, attended by large parties of gentlemen on horseback, standards, and bands of music. The banners were all of them of very costly materials, emblazoned with various mottoes in gold : " Grimstone and Independence," " Alston and the Constitution." " Speed the Plough," and SO OS. Lord Grimstone's party had also exhibited a golden plough and a fleece, which latter emblem elicited some in sidious remarks. The usual preliminaries having been gone through, DELME RATCLIFFE, Esq., came forward to propose Lord Grimstone.—(Cheers and hisses.) The election of that noble lord would, in an eminent degree, tend to promote the best interests, not only of the county, but of the coun try at large. In presenting himself as the proposer of that noble lord, he utterly disclaimed all factious or personal motives.—(oh, oh.) The sole feeling which actuated him was his full conviction that the noble lord was of all men qualified to represent the county.—(Cheers and hisses.) The public conduct of Lord Grimstone was before them. He had been tried, and found not wanting.—(oh, oh.) During the late long and laborious session the noble lord had ever been found at his post, suffering none of the comforts of private life to allude him from a strict devotion to his public duties. The principles which Lord Grim stone entertained were those of that judicious Conservatism which could alone save the country in the present crisis.— (Groans and cheers.) The struggle was now between those who had credit and fortune at stake, and those who had neither the one nor the other to lose—(Groans)—between the maintenance of social order, and the institutions of the country both in Church and State, and the introduction of infidelity and republicanism.—(Groans and Cheers.) It was for the electors to say whether they wished this country to resemble in its institutions the so much vaunted repub lic of America, a nation composed of the refuse and out casts of society.—(Groans.) That the demon of destruc tion was abroad was clearly proved by the two attempts which had been recently made to do away with the corn laws, the only protection of the farmer,—(Oh, oh !)—and to remove from the House of Lords the bench of bishops, men not less conspicuous for their moderation than for their piety.—(Shouts of laughter, and some cheers.) The county electors of England would, however, by their choice of representatives prevent the effectuation of such evils as these, and preserve in all its purity their glorious constitu tion, and the same form of Government under which Eng land had attained such a height of glory.—(" And its na tional debt.") The boroughs had nearly all disgraced them selves.—(Cheers from all parties.) The metropolitan boroughs in particular had stultified themselves by electing men whose public principles tended to ruin the country, and whose private characters rendered them fitter associates for the inmates of the building behind him—(viz., the gaol, groans and laughter.)--than for any other society. It re mained for the county electors to evince a more patriotic spirit. He had only one more observation to make : the Church was in danger. He was himself, though pretend ing to no peculiar morality,—(A laugh.)—a devoted friend to that sacred establishment ; and he trusted that the elec tors would exercise the utmost caution in not electing men who were not prepared to defend the rights of that Church to the utmost. He would conclude with expressing his full confidence that the electors of Hertfordshire would not reject a man like Lord Grimstone, whose energy and ta lents—(Oh, oh !)—rendered him most competent to pro mote their interests, and whose honourable feelings made him incapable of betraying their trust.—(Groans and cheers.) W. P. BARER, Esq., seconded the nomination. Lord GRIMSTONE then ca me f orwar d , and was rece i ve d with mingled cheers and hisses. Tills was the second time he had appeared before them, and he could say that in none of the principles which ne had before declared to them was he altered now.—(Groans and cheers.) He returned pre cisely with tie same deep feeling of interest in the condi tion of the agriculturists which he had before expressed— (Cheers)—and he might say paramount interest, for he was convinced that on the prosperity of that class depended the prosperity of all other classes.—(Cheers.) It had been asserted that he was present at only sixteen divisions of the House during the last session ; but he could prove, if it were necessary, that he had been most assiduous in atten tion to his duties, and had been.present at most of the divi sions which took place.—(Cheers.) It was also charged against him that he had voted against the admission of Dis senters to the Universities : he would at once admit that he had so voted—and he had given his vote most con scientiously. It was said, too, that he had voted in favour of the malt-tax : this he denied ; that tax having been re pealed by a vote of the House, he was not among those who voted for its restoration.—(Cheers.) His principles, he would repeat, were already before the electors. He would now add that, in the present crisis it was the duty of every constituency to lay aside all petty differences of opinion, and unite in opposition to men who, under pretence of necessary innovation, aimed at nothing less than the destruction of all our ancient and glorious institutions.—(Oh, oh, and cheers.) He would only add, that if he were returned, he would give one pledge, and only one ; which was, that he would most assiduously attend to his duty in Parliament, and promote to his utmost the interests of his constituents and of the country at large.—(Cheers and hisses.) H. G. WARD, Esq., the Member for St. Alban's, then came forward and was received with loud cheers. When he stood in that same place, two years ago, it was for the honour of proposing to them their late tried and valuable friend Mr. Calvert, as a proper person to repre sent them in the Reformed Parliament. That gentleman had now closed his political career ; and he (Mr. Ward) hoped that he might say, without distinction of party or colours, had retired with the esteem and respect and grateful feelings of that enlightened body whom he had so long and so faithfully served.—(Cheers.)Had Mr. Calvert not considered that in the address to the electors, which he published a week ago, he had finally closed his political life, he would have been on the hustings that day, to per form an office as grateful to himself as it was calculated to be beneficial to the constituency—that of proposing them a man whom he believed the best calculated to promote the interests of the county and the people at large, Mr. Alston.—(Cheers.) In the absence of Mr. Calvert, he (Mr. W.) had undertaken that office, with the utmost satisfaction, because, from a long and intimate knowledge of that gentlemen, he was well assured that he would be a most efficient and valuable representative.—(Cheers.) If he had any scruple in coming forward as that gentleman's nominator, it was because he was somewhat afraid that his doing so might enable Mr. Alston's opponents to connect him—as indeed had been attempted —to connect him with every article of the political faith held by himself (" He could not do better.") He was not now going to enter into any defence or explanation of that faith : he had fought his battle elsewhere, and had won it.—(lmmense cheering, and some hisses.) He had fought his battle under no false colours, and, thanks to the public spirit which had resisted all the influence of family, of faction, and of money, he had conquered.—(Renewed cheering.) He should not do his duty by Mr. Alston if he were not explicitly to state, that upon some points relating to ulterior changes in the Church, that gentleman differed from himself, as honest and consci entious Reformers must differ among themselves.—( Cheers.) But having said so much, he would assure them that he should not be there to propose Mr. Alston, if he was not convinced, that wherever particular grievances were to be removed, that Honourable Candidate was as fully deter mined to contribute his utmost exertions to aid their re moval as he himself was.—(Cheers.) He should not be there to support him, if he thought that he had to go to Sir Robert Peel's school, in order to ascertain what those grievances might be, which had been denounced for years and years past, by the universal voice of the nation—(Cheers.) He should not be there to support Mr. Alston, if he did not know that he was fully prepared to throw open the gates of the Universities to his Dissenting brethren ; if he . did net know him to be ready to concede to every class of his fellow-subjects equal civil rights, without distinction of zect, or creed, or of those religious differences of opinion, of which God alone could be the impartial and unerring judge. (Cheers.) He should not be there to support Mr. Alton, if he d:d not know that, instead of promising to give his "most serious consideration" to the question of municipal reform, that gentleman had made up his mind to intro duce into Corporations that system of real representa tion, publicity, and responsibility, which could alone en sure the proper administration of municipal affairs.— (Cheers.) He should not propose him did he not know that on another question, in which he himielf took a deep and peculiar interest—that of the Irish Church—Mr. Alston was prepared, not to go the whole length of his first resolutions, the principle of which resolutions he maintained as strong as ever—(cheers)—but Mr. Alston was prepared to go to the length which Lords Melbourne and Spencer assented to, and which would be adopted the moment ,those Neble Lords returned to the posts from which they had been removed by an insidious and factious plot, bid -fo Which they would ere leng be restored.- - _ . -; THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 15, 1835. (Cheers and hisses.) He had been told by Mr. Delia Rad cliffe that Conservatism was that sheet-anchor of the State which alone saved the country from ruin—(laughter)--that all who were not wilfully blind might see that the present was a struggle between those who had something and those who had nothing to lose—(Renewed laughter)—be tween men who had no character to lose, and men like the Hon. Gentleman, who, though " not affecting any pe culiar morality," as he had told them two or three times— (Laughter)—were endowed not only with supreme legis- , lative wisdom, but with every quality which could adorn mortals.—(Laughter.) Now there was not the slightest foundation for this absurd assertion. The struggle was in no respect that which was here described. Who, he would ask, were more interested in the preservation of the peace of the country than the middle orders ? Who would be involved in more utter and irretrievable ruin by any con vulsion ? Those who had landed property might manage, but those who lived by their industry had everything to lose ; yet this was the Order by which the struggle was being carried on.—(Cheers.) None but the Conservatives, it was said, have anything to lose. Was the Duke of Devonshire a Conservative ?—(Cheers.) Was the Duke of Bedford a Conservative ? He alluded particularly to the former Nobleman because he was one of those despe rate, reckless, no-character-or-property men described by Mr. Radcliffe—(Laughter)—who was using all his influ ence in behalf of the cause of the people, by promoting the return, for Derbyshire, of that tried and valuable man, Mr. Gisborne.—(Cheers.) The metropolitan bo roughs, it was said, had disgraced themselves in particu lar ; had returned men who, by right, ought rather to be sent to gaol. Such men, no doubt, were Mr. Grote and Mr. Pattion, for instance ; such a man was Mr. Gurney, who proposed Mr. Grote ; and such a man, no doubt, was his seconder. These poor men had nothing to lose. It was only a pity that his constituents did not know so much of him as Mr. Radcliffe ; for they, in their ignorance, pro bably considered Mr. Grote worthy fifty such men as those who stigmatized him.—(Cheers.) With reference to the Church there were many different opinions ; there were some who, like Mr. Delme Radcliffe, wished to be lieve it all perfection—there were others who were not, perhaps, competent to understand its defects—there were others who, with an equal perception of, and veneration for its sacred objects and many excellencies, were for that very reason anxious to consolidate it, and fix it on its firmest basis, the attachment of the people, by removing from it those grievous defects which had crept into it : such, among others, were non-residence and the misap propriation of its vast revenues.—(Cheers.) He, for one, should have a larger stake in this description of property than nine out of ten of those who stigmatized him as de sirous of destroying the Establishment ; and he was con vinced that only by correcting its vices could he render its virtues efficacious. Mr. Delme Radcliffe had ap peared to think that he had an exclusive right to the support of the farmer ; and all those pretty emblems—( A laugh) —seemed to have been brought by way of proving to the farmer, if they could, that if they wanted to save themselves from ruin, they must support Lord Grim stone and Mr. Abel Smith.--(Laughter.) He would put a proposition to that party, and leave it to Mr. Delme Radcliffe to explain. Lord Grimstone went into Parlia ment as the devoted adherent of Sir Robert Peel. Now, what was the reason why Lord Chandos had refused to join that Administration ? Distinctly because Sir R. Peel said he could not afford to the farmers that relief which his Lordship considered them entitled to ; and in this Lord Chandos acted, as he always did, as a consistent friend of the agriculturists. Would Lord Grimstone give the same pledge which Mr. Alston had given—namely, to vote for the repeal of the malt-tax ?—(Lord Grimstone exclaimed, "No pledge !" hisses and groans.) Mr. Delme Radcliffe had talked in a very impressive style of the con stitution ; but he omitted to explain what his definition of the word was. His (Mr. Ward's) idea of a constitution was, the adapting the laws to the wants and wishes of the age.—(Cheers and hisses.) The Catholic emancipation, for instance—a measure so well advocated by. Sire R. Peel— was no doubt considered by Mr. Delme Radcliffe as a grievous breach in the constitution—and so it might be— but it was a most necessary and valuable one, and it was precisely such measures as these which adapted constitu tions to the spirit and necessities of the time.—(Cheers.) Ministers, it was said, looked forward very anxiously to the result of the elections. No doubt they did, very naturally ; for the elections which had hitherto taken place left them in a miserable minority.—(Cheers.) It was said that the bo roughs had disgraced themselves ; if so, he stood an emblem of that disgrace.—(Cheers.) But he would ask whether Hertford, for instance, had disgraced itself, by throwing off the chains which had so long bound it in slavery. On the contrary, it appeared to him that the chairing of their Re former representative, William Cowper, the other day, was the most impressive scene he had ever witnessed. The struggle, he would repeat, was not between those who had something and those who had nothing ; those engaged in it had all a stake. It was not between infidelity and Christianity. The only question was, whether the coun try chose to be governed by one set of principles or by another. For himself, he had not the slightest doubt of the result. His fixed conviction was, that there would be a majority of at least one hundred and fifty opposed to the present Ministers in the new Parliament,—( Cheers and hisses.) If among that majority they returned Mr. Alston, he was well assured that they could have found no man more fit and proper to represent them. AUGUSTUS SMITH, Esq., briefly seconded the nomination. Mr. ALSTON was received with mingled applause and hisses. He had not the advantage enjoyed by the Noble Lord who had addressed them, of being able to refer to past as a pledge for future conduct.—(Laughter.) All he could refer them to was the assurances which at this and the last election he had given the electors. He was a sincere Reformer : but at the same time no man was more determined than he to preserve the constitution in all its principles. If returned, he should consider himself no friend of the agricultural or any other interest, if he afforded the slightest support to Sir Robert Peel ; for he was convinced that that statesman was the primary cause of all the difficnities under which the agriculturists now laboured, by altering the currency of the country. He would support no Administration which did not show a determination to make the agricultural interest one of its first objects of serious attention ; for he was quite sure that interest was not in a condition to bear any further delay.—(Cheers.) He would support no Administration which did not act up to the principles of the great Reform Bill. It was absurd to suppose that Sir R. Peel would so utterly forget all his former declarations as to sup port a principle which he had always so determinately opposed. The claims of the Dissenters should meet with his fullest support ; and he would not allow the Irish Church to remain on its present footing. In short, he would give his most unwearied attention to the interests of the people ; and what he wanted in ability should be made up for by the strictest industry.—(Cheers and hisses.) The Hon. G. D. RYDER. then proposed Abel Smith, Esq. and in doing so took occasion to observe that the Whigs were utterly unworthy of the nation's confidence. They had allowed Russia to swallow up Turkey, while they were engaged in assisting infidel France to make a province of Belgium, and in driving one' tyrant from the throne of Por tugal to make room for another ; and they had left Ireland a prey to sanguinary agitators. 0 , What relation are you to the Rathcormac murderer ? He's the sanguinary agi tator," hear, hear, and hisses.) After some further obser vations the Hon. Gentleman concluded. G. J. BOSANQUET seconded the nomination. Mr. SMITH briefly addressed the electors. He was no party man ; and if sent into Parliament, should go there in the same independence he had ever maintained. His de sire was to preserve the constitution in all its purity, but at the same time admitting the defects which had crept in it in the course of time and obscured its lustre ; he was most ready and anxious to remove these defects. His sole mo tive was that of promoting the best interests of the coun try.—(Cheers.) No other candidate being proposed, Lord Grimstone, Abel Smith, Esq., and Rowland Alston were in due form elected, and chaired. A vote of thanks was then unanimously given to the retir ing Members, Sir J. Sebright and Mr. Calvert ; and thanks having been voted to the Sheriff, the ceremony concluded. KENT (EAST.)-NOMINATION. CANTERBURY, JAN. 14.—The nomination of the candi dates for the representation of the eastern division of the county of Kent took place this morning, at Barham-downs. The friends of the respective parties assembled at an early hour at Canterbury, and at ten o'clock proceeded, with band and banners, to the place of nomination. The day was extremely fine, and the scene very gay. Considering that no opposition was anticipated to the return of the two late Members (Sir Edward Knatchbull and Mr. Plumptre), the number of persons assembled on the Downs was much greater than might have been expected. It seemed, in deed, to be the wish of each party to make as great a de monstration of strength as possible. The candidates, on their arrival, were greeted with hearty cheers. Three cheers were also given to the 658 electors of Canterbury who voted for Mr. Lushington. The usual preliminaries having been gone through, and a short address having been made by the High Sheriff (G. Stone, Esq.)-- Mr. RICE came forward to propose John P. Plumptre, Esq., as a fit and proper person to represent this division of the county in Parliament. In ordinary times he said it would be sufficient that his Hon. Friend should stand be fore the electors simply upon their own knowledge of him as an upright, honest, independent country gentleman—as one connected with, and sincerely attached to, the agricul tural interests, and who, as their representative, had ever been constant and assiduous in the discharge of his Parlia mentary duties ; ix ordinary times, he asserted, such re commendations would be sufficient ; but at the present mo ment, when great political questions were at issue, it was further necessary that their representative should be pre pared, as he knew his Hon. Friend (Mr. Plumptre) would be, to take a decided course in that struggle of conflicting opinions, which must sooner or later, take place in the House of Commons. It was no part of his (Mr. Rice's) duty on that occasion to enter into the discussion of any political questions. He knew that those whom he addressed were anxious to hear not what his opinions were, but what were the opinions of his Hon. Friend. Highly as he valued his Hon. Friend himself, he should be unwilling to stand forward and recommend him to the choice of the electors, if he had not good reasons for believing that he would give his firm and steady support to those reforms in the institu tions of the country which he (Mr. Rice) conceived to be absolutely essential to the well-being and good government of the empire.—(Cheers.) Mr. GEORGE OXENDEN, in seconding the nomination, ridiculed the assertions that had been put forth, of there existing a re-action in the minds of the people upon the sub ject of reform. He was satisfied that the present state of things could not last—(Cheers and hisses.) The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel mast either turn Reformers in earnest, or abandon the reins of Government—(Cheers and groans.) They could not govern the country on Tory principles. They must either grant those large practical improvements which the past abuses of Government and the present condition of the country rendered imperatively necessary, or they might rest assured that their career as Ministers would be shorter than that of Lord Melbourne. Sir JOHN BRYDGES then presented himself in front of the waggon occupied by Sir Edward Knatchbull and his friends, and said, that after the speech which had just been made, and before they proceeded to the nomination of ano ther candidate, it would be necessary that the meeting should give three cheers for the King. The cheers were given accordingly. Sir EDWARD DERING then came forward to nominate Sir Edward Knatchbull. If he were about to propose to the electors a man whose name, whose talents, and whose character were unknown, he should approach the subject with diffidence and anxiety.—(Hear.) But when he had to propose to them a man whose name was not only known from one end of that county to the other, but whose name and character and intrinsic worth were known and appre ciated in every part of the empire, he approached the sub ject with a confident expectation that all whom he ad dressed would concur with him, when he said that the kingdom could not afford a more fit or proper person to re present this division of the county of Kent in parliament— (Cheers.) As that Right Honourable Baronet now ap peared before his constituency for the first time in an official capacity, it was necessary that he (Sir Edward Dering) should briefly allude to the circumstances which had led to the late change in the King's Administration. When it ceased to be a matter of doubt that the late go vernment, by the secession of many of the most intelli gent and influential members of the former Whig Cabinet, could no longer sustain the pressure from without--(Cries of " Oh, oh !" and loud cheers from the Knatchbull party)—weakened as they were by extreme differences of opinion amongt themselves ; and when it also become cer tain that they had lost the confidence—( No, no, and cheers) of a large portion of the intelligence and property of the country, no alternative was left to the King than, in the exercise of his prerogative, to relieve them from the weight of that responsibility which they could no longer sustain, either with credit to themselves, or advantage to the country.—(Cheers and groans.) At that period the Duke of Wellington, with that devoted loyalty and at tachment for his Sovereign for which that noble Duke had ever been distinguished, came to the assistance of the King, and, in spite of the obloquies, the attacks, the per secutions, he might say the abuses, lavished upon him, by the wise and judicious line of policy which he pursued, preserved the empire in peace and tranquillity during the eventual period which preceded the return of Sir Robert Peel to this country. When the members of the new Administration became known, predictions of the most gloomy character were industriously circulated. It was said that the Reform Bill would be repealed—that every abuse would be perpetuated—and that there would be a check to the progress of improvement in every part of the country. Those who had had the good fortune to see Sir Robert Peel's masterly address to, the country, would at once perceive the fallacy of those absurd and groundless predictions.—(Great cheers.) In -.that address the Right Honourable Baronet declared that he look ed upon the Reform Bill as the final settlement of a great constitutional question, which no friend to the peace and welfare of the country would endeavour, either by direct or indirect means, to subvert.—(Cheers.) If ever there was a time when it became the duty of Eng lishmen to sink all minor differences, and to rally round the King and the institutions of the country, that time was now arrived. It was, therefore, with great satisfaction that he came forward to propose to the electors of Kent such a man as Sir Edward Knatchbull.—( Cheers.) Mr. WM. DEEDS seconded the nomination. Sir Ed ward Knatchbull was one of those who, whilst on the one hand they would firmly sustain the dignity of the Crown, and preserve the integrity of the institutions of the coun try ; on the ether hand, would not hesitate to remedy what was faulty, and strike out what was necessary, from lapse of years or change of circumstances.—(Cheers.) No other candidate coming forward, Mr. PLUMFTRE presented himself amidst the cheers of his friends. He stated that the principles which he pro fessed, when he first presented himself to the electors of that division of the county, he professed still, and hoped he should continue to profess to the end of his po litical career.—(Cheers.) The character that he wished to maintain in the political world was comprehended in a very few words. He had always wished, and still wished, to be a Reformer, but not a revolutionist.—(Cheers.) He had always wished and still wished, to raise his voice and set his hand against all public abuses and mal-practices wherever they were to be found ; and so far he trusted he should always be considered an honest, steady, straight forward Reformer—(Cheers.) But, on the other hand, when revolutionary principles were proposed to be esta blished,he believed he should be found a true Conservative. —(Cheers.) He had always desired, and still desired, to uphold the ancient and venerable institutions of the coun try ; and whilst on the one hand he would not shrink from the work of Reform, because the long continuance of abuse might have encompassed the subject with difficulties ; so, on the other, he would not rush to the work of Reform de termined, for the sake of its accomplishment, to break through all those obligations which good faith and common honesty required that he should maintain.—(Great cheer ing.) Such, in few words, were his political principles, and he could not but hope and believe that such were the prin ciples that would ever be countenanced and upheld by the electors of East Kent.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman then rapidly ran over the line of conduct he had pursued whilst in Parliament. He had ever been strongly attached to the Established Church of the country, and that attachment had led him to give some votes which he feared might have been dissatisfactory to his Dissenting friends and sup porters. He certainly never could bring himself to sup port any measure for the separation of Church and State. Such a separation, he believed, would be fatal to the Esta blishment ; and believing that he could in no way better support the prosperity of the country than by doing all in his power to promote its religion, it would be impossible for him ever to give his vote for a measure which, in his heart he believed, would lead to the destruction of the Church. He was well aware that his Dissenting fellow-countrymen had grievances of which they had reason to complain, and most heartily and most readily would he do all in his power for the removal of-those grievances.--(Cheers.) With re gard to church-rates, he took the same view of that subject as Lord Althorp. He conceived it, to a certain extent, to be a national tax for a national object. He had voted against the admission of Dissenters to the Universities ; but he thought that the difficulties of the Dissenters upon that head might be removed, by the establishment of Universities of their own, in which the degrees they desired might be granted to them. He begged it to be understood, that he was not a supporter of the abuses of the Church. Abuses existed in that Establishment, which he thought required and ought to be reformed. He had no hesitation in declaring that the system of pluralities, sinecures, and non-residence, were abuses in the Church which, in his opinion, were:indefensible. He thought, too, that the hard-working clergy should be better paid, and that the present system of collecting tithes should be entirely altered. The watch-words under which the late Administration came into office were—reform, retrench ment, and non-interference with foreign States. It was in the spirit of those three great principles that he had sup ported them. What the conduct of the present Govern ment would be, it was yet impossible to tell ; but looking at their past policy, he certainly should feel it to be his duty to take his seat on the opposite benches, where he would he would narrowly and closely, but he hoped fairly and ini tially, view the measures that might be submitted to the notice of the country.—(Cheers.) He thought his consti tuents would not wish him (he certainly should be ashamed of such conduct himself) to go into the House of Commons predetermined to give to any Ministry, or to any set of men, a factious opposition.—(Cheers.) Such was not his intention ; but honestly, sincerely, and steadily to keep in view the reform of all abuses, to bring into full play the spirit of the Reform Act, and to see as far as possible what might be done for the general welfare and prosperity of the country.—(Loud cheers.) Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL then came forward, and was received with loud and continued cheering. He observed that after all that had been said by his Honourable Col league, and by the gentlemen who had preceded him, there appeared to be so very little difference of opinion amongst them as to render it only necessary for him to address a very few words to those assembled, In the first place, he begged to allude to what had fallen from his Honourable Friend (Sir Edward Dering), in reference to the novel si tuation in which, as a Minister of the Crown, he had then the honour of standing before his constituency. It would be recollected that little more than two years ago, after the passing of the Reform Bill, when the Eastern Division of Kent was just called upon to return two members to Par liament, a large and most respectable body of the electors thought proper to call him from the retirement in which he was, for the purpose of making him their represen tative in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) He obeyed the call—he was sent to Parliament, and he trusted that he had discharged his duty in such a manner as to com mand the approval of his friends and supporters.—(Cheers.) On a late occasion his Sovereign had called him to his councils ; and as two years since, from considerations of a public nature, he had obeyed the call of the electors of that part of the county, so on the late occasion, from considerations of precisely the same description, he had obeyed the summons forwarded to him from the Crown.— (Cheers.) He was sure that those who heard him would say, that to serve his King and his country was equally his duty, and that the servics of the one was not incompatible with the service of the other, but that, in fact, the serving of one and the other was the same.—( Cheers.) He had declared from the commencement of his political career (it was the only pledge he had ever given, or ever would give), that he would act in a spirit of perfect independence as a member of the senate. He had repeated the same pledge no w, and declared that the spirit of independence upon which he had always hitherto acted, he should carry with him into the Cabinet.—(Cheers.) When the Hon. Gentleman who seconded the nomination of his colleague, stated that unless the present Government were prepared to carry out extensive reforms, they could not stand, that Hon. Gentle man only anticipated what he (Sir E. Knatchbull) was about to say. The present Government was prepared fully and substantially to reform, but not to pull down or destroy.—(Cheers.) They threw themselves upon the opi nions of the people, and demanded only to be judged of by their acts.—(Cheers.) Allusion had been made to the various topics which were likely to come under the consi deration of the Legislature in the ensuing Parliament. He could express his opinion in detail upon the whole of those topics ; but it would at once be perceived that, con nected as he was with the Government, any opinion that he might utter might be taken as the opinion of the Cabinet, whose views and measures could not, of course, as yet have been finally determined. He should, therefore, abstain from following the several speakers into these topics, merely asserting, that as far as his honest and inde fatigable exertions could go to promote the welfare and prosperity of the county and of the empire at large, they should never be wanting. Though he had made no pro mises on that occasion, the time, probably, was not far dis tant when the opportunity would be afforded for more ex plicit declarations on the part of his colleagues, as well as of himself. In the meanwhile, he entreated the electors to wait patiently, and eventually to judge of them fairly by the measures that they should submit to Parliament ; and if' they should succeed, as he trusted they would do, in doing all that the present exigency of the times required, he thought they would be entitled to the gratitude of the country.—(Cheers.) After a short address from Sir JOHN TYLDEN, who ex pressed his doubts of the sincerity of the professions of reform put forth by the present Government, _ _ The HIGH SHERIFF declared Sir Edward Knatchbull and J. P. Plumptre, in the absence of any other candidate, duly elected as knights of the shire, to serve in the ensuing Parliament for the eastern division of the county of Kent. The announcement was received with hearty cheers. Thanks having been returned to the Sheriff for his im partial conduct on the occasion, the newly-elected members left the Downs, accompanied by a large body of their friends, and at once underwent the ceremony of chairing. The greatest order prevailed throughout the whole of the day. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Six o'clock. MIDDLESEX ELECTION, (THIS EVENING.) KING'S CROSS COMMITTEE-ROOM. At four o'clock this afternoon, in front of his Committee room, Mr. Hume addressed an immense crowd of electors. He said—l am sorry, Gentlemen, that the accommodation is not better than we have it, but with such as it is we must be content. You are aware, gentlemen, of the great struggle they have been making to-day, and that they have been doing their best. I believe, gentlemen, that at this moment I am at the head of the poll—l think so.—(Loud cheer ing.) I am sorry the other candidate is not here, because there is nothing like appearing before those persons whom we are so very anxious to represent, in order to know perfectly what the pretensions of either may be. But, gentlemen, some of my friends have been out of spirits this morning—why really, they are not aware of what has been doing, and what has been the number of gentlemen's carriages that have been here. Why, it is all the Aristocratic feeling. Parsons and Magistrates who have united—bring ing up, as I can tell you, men who would have voted for me, if they durst, but who have been compelled to join and swell the apparent majority in favour of Mr. Wood. —( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, a paper has been put into my hand, and if it be correct, I am mistaken in what I hare stated, because I am put down here as having 1,581 votes on the poll, Mr. Byng, 1,894, and Mr. Wood, 1,634, being a very small majority of Wood's. I do not know whether this is correct or not ; sufficient, however, it is for me to be able to state to you, that at every place where we have been polling, I have been rising every half hour—( Cries of " Bravo !")—and if anything like fair play had been used I should have been at this moment at the head of the poll. But, gentlemen, there are means of impeding the voting ; and one of those means is that of compelling every man to take an oath before he votes. Now, when I met the other candidates, the Sheriffs, and the agents, I was asked whether I would contribute towards the expense of Bibles and Prayer books. I asked for what purpose ? They answered, Why to be sure, to swear the voters upon. I said, If you have any doubt of the identity of the voters, perhaps there can be no objection to that ; but as to anything else I object to it altogether, and no man who comes up to vote for me shall ever be called upon by me to profane sacred oaths in the manner in which it is so generally done.—(Loud cheers.) But, gentlemen, my opponent has called upon every voter of mine to be sworn, and in this way the polling has been de layed, otherwise I should have stood very high, and have had the majority upon the poll. I have not had fair play, therefore. I have not had fair play, because I have had all the Tory votes against me, and they have been throwing their votes in upon Mr. Byng—that is the reason he beats me—namely, the reason of the Tories splitting between Wood and him.—( Hear.) Now I can assure you, gentlemen, that to-morrow morning we shall have things entirely reversed, wheti men come up, not in carriages and four, with liveries before and behind, but when the real steady industrious housekeepers come to the poll, men who know the value of good Government, who are acquainted with the individuals who have laid on all the taxes under which the industrious tradesman groans—those are the men on whom I depend. A very small portion of those who profit by misgovernment are very likely to give me their support ; some undoubtedly do. There are good and bad in all classes, and I should be sorry to make a general observation to include all ; but this I beg you to un derstand, that if you had been in the neighbourhood of the Courts of Law this day, as I have been, you would have found that the lawyers and those who depend upon them, and who cannot help themselves, must compose, I believe, a third of Wood's number on the poll. Is it to be wondered at that this should be so? Why, I can look around me and see the Chief Baron, Sir James Scarlett, who 25 years ago was one of our first Liberals, turning round, becoming a high Tory, and obtaining the Chief Baronship. Look at Mr. Sergeant Spankie—we are told to-day, and I give credence to it, that he is to be made a judge to succeed Mr. Justice Taunton, and I leave you to judge for what that has been.—( Hear, hear, hear.) If, therefore, such interest is used—and the whole power of the Tory Government has been used against me—what are we to expect ? I can only say there is no love lost, for I do all I can against them.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now do you think the parsons have been very favourable to me ? They have been awake since day-break, and busily employed in escorting the vo ters to the poll, lest their unfortunate victims should give a vote f or me. The magistrates, too, have been all up since day-light, leading their victims on to the poll.— ( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame, shame ") But,gentle men, be of good cheer ; all their strength is now gone. We have, depend upon it, the strength coming up to-morrow ; and we will show the. Tories there is no re-action in this great county.—(Loud cheers.) I cannot for one moment believe that those men, who struggled so nobly to carry the Reform Bill, will now be recreants to their noble principles, and support Mr. Wood, who comes forward as the puppet of the Tory Administration. __(Bravo, bravo 1) Why, gentlemen, whom have you in oppo sition to me ? Only consider what is the choice left for you. The choice is, will you have two Reformers, or will you have one Reformer and one Tory ?—( Cries of " Two Re formers.") I trust you will. And who is my opponent ? Why, Thomas Wood, junior, Esq., of Littleton. This is an instance, gentlemen, of public opinion. You and I can recollect when any man had a red coat, he was anxious to show it, so that he could ride over us at his pleasure : but here is Lieutenant Thomas Wood, in his Majesty's Regiment of Guards, at the head of which is the Duke of Wellington, who is ashamed to acknowledge himself as a Lieutenant in the Guards ; but desires to be called Thomas Wood, Littleton, in order that you may not know who he is—what his preten sions are, or what his connection with the Tory Government. I therefore say, this is a struggle of the utmost importance. It is not my cause—it is your cause—it is the cause of Reform— it is whether you shall send a majority of Tories into the House of Commons to rivet you in chains for seven years, or whether you will send in a liberal set of men. The House of Conn. moos is the only theatre—the only place where your grie vances can be redressed, and where, through your representa tives, you can alone demand justice—( Hear, hear.) If you send to the House of Commons Reformers like myself, why you will then have some chance of having a reduction of your expenditure—some chance of having the abuses in the Church reformed—some chance of having the Law Courts put to rights—some chance, and a tolerable good chance too, of having the pensions and salaries now paid out of your pockets curtailed, if not entirely re moved,—some chance of having the enormous standing army, costing now upwards of nine millions a year in time of peace, having that reduced,—what chance have you of having any of these things if the Tories continue in power? None on earth.—( Great cheers.) Every man in the Administration profits by the present mis rule, and it is utterly hopeless for you to think, if those men do continue in power that you can have any aedress.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Why did you bestir yourselves and vote in 1832 to keep out the Duke of Wellington, and to carry in Earl Grey? It was because you were anxious that the benefits you were promised by the Reform Bill should be attained—( Hear, hear. )—and that all' those re ductions of expenditure, and all those ameliorations in Reform should be carried through. Gentlemen, the late Ad ministration has been going on—they have not been going so fast as I should have wished, but they have been turned out because they intended to have mended their pace.—( Cries of " Hear.") The party behind the throne has turned them out.—( Cheers. ) They have poisoned the ear of his Ma jesty, and I am quite certain, deceived him as to the feelings of the country.—( Cheers.) They have said to him as to the Reform Bill, although we opposed it, declared it to be a revolutionary measure—a measure that would overturn yditr Majesty's throne and ruin the .country, only let us hold place—let us enjoy the loaves and fishes, and all that falls into the net—we will swallow that—we will not attempt to repeal it—( Hear, hear,)—though we conscientiously believe it is a revolutionary measure, but if your Majesty will only let us be in office, we will carry into effect reformation in all abuses that we think exist."— ( Laughter.) Why, do we not know that which is rankest in every man's nose of common sense, as an abuse that ought not to exist, was considered by those very men the fittest thing to support the Crown,—the fittest thing to uphold the Church and State ; and that till the Reform passed, we never had an admission that a single abuse existed.—(Loud I cheers.) Are you, then, to be so ignorant of your own interests,—are you to be so ignorant of what the acts of those men now in office have been as to place the least confidence in what they will do ?—( No, no.) Gentle men, I do not believe one single word of what they tell me—( Hear, hear)—nor can I in justice to their characters as men of honour, if they are 'men of honour, think that fOr fifty years they should have gone on in one undeviat ing course to oppose everything liberal, and calculated to improve the people's rights—l cannot believe that in their fifty-first year they can turn round about arid do anything for you in the way of Reform.—( Hear, hear.) The question for those who have votes, and for those who have not votes, because their interest is much more im portant than the high and the wealthy who have affluence about them. They can defend themselves against the Government. If a rich man is attacked, he has the means to defend himself, but if a poor man is attaeked by Government, where are his means of resistance ? He is crushed by the overwhelming power of the rristocracy of the coun try, and it is under that that we and the industrious class of society have suffered and have groaned for the last sixty years.—( Great applause.) I am for no longer suffering.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) My word, the first and the last, has been, Away with the Tories I Down with the Tories, and up with the Liberal Government !—( Great cheering.) Then, Gentlemen, you see there is no love lost between the Tories and me ; they are stirring heaven and earth to turn me out—l will stir heaven and earth if you put me into Par liament to turn them out—( Laughter)—and that I shall not be returned to Parliament would be an insult to the people of this country to suspect—( Great cheering.) Gentlemen, what took place last time? Why, theree-fourths of the Whigs at the last election would not vote for me. I am sorry to say they are not now voting for me. Some of them have been plumping for Mr. Byng this very day—men whose very names stand on my Committee at Mile-end—( Shame 1) Never mind, gentlemen, we have honest men with us, and we shan't them. All I ask is this, let every man who has a vote, and every man who has not a vote—let him endeavour to bring up the man who has in order to settle the question which has to-day been proposed.—( Loud Cheers.) We have now recovered from the overwhelming power which was brought in upon us at the commencement of the day, so that we have reduced them to about forty or fifty of a majority. Why, gentlemen, that is nothing at all.. One hour's polling in the Tower Hamlets alone in the morning, I am sure, will bring me abnve Mr. Thomas Wood—( Great cheering)—and I trust that those who have hitherto been backward will not wait to be brought up, but that they will come forward boldly to record their votes against the Tories, and in favour of me.--( Immense applause.) Who ever has a vote, let him inquire for a neighbour who has one also—let them come up together—let them come up in pairs and in threes, and I think you will very soon give a very flattering account. But looking, gentlemen, at the last election, and seeing that I was placed :at the top of the pollby 3,238 votes, I shall not think you do your duty by plac ing me at the head of the poll by a bare majority. I want you to testify to the Crown that no reaction has taken place here, and that of the three thousand and upwards of men who polled for me on the last occasion, will come forward to record their votes to place me still higher on the poll in utter defi ance of the Tory Government, with all the power that par sons, magistrates, and lawyers can exercise. —( Loud applause. ) Gentlemen. I am scary to think I have a power against me new, which I had not the last time. I have all the power of the Tory Government exercised against me in every way they possibly can—l had not that the last time.— ( Hear, hear.) If, therefore, one stronger inducement than another could be brought forward for independent men to assist me, it is that I have now a greater opposition than I had before, and that I now want more to . place me in the situation in which I was, than I did on the former occasion.—( Great applause.) Gentlemen, one element against me this time I ought to notice. Colonel Wood, the father of the candidate, is a Colonel in the Militia, as far as has been reported to me, at Hampstead and other places the militia officers ;and staff have all beer canvassing ( I presume by orders from their commanding officer) against me, and in favour of Mr. Wood.—( Cries of " Shame.") Now, I call that a most unconstitutional proceeding.—( Hear, hear.) Military men aro servants of the public. It is not for them to join in civil strife, or at all to enter into contests such as these ; arid I do think that :that is an additional reason why every independent man ought to come forward to support me in this struggle.—(Loud applause.) In a few words, what is it 'you have to do ? You are now to decide whether you shall have cheap and good government carried into effect by a liberal Administration, or have all your burdens continued by the 'continuance of a Tory Government. Those who vote for Mr. Wood are by every vote they give opposing themselves to those reductions of taxa tion, and to the correction of those abuses in Church and State, which hold to be essentisl for the best interests of the country. Every man, therefore, who gives his vote as a personal favour is guilty of the grossest abuse of the trust reposed in . him.—( Hear, hear.) No man is at liberty to give a vote for favour or affection ; his vote is given to him not for his own interest, but for the inter ests of the community.—( Hear, hear.) If, therefore, solicita tion and powerful influence upon him induces him to vote against his. conviction, he is no longer worthy to be a free man,—he is only fit to be enlisted under the banner of slavery,—and by that very act he makes himself a slave—not only himself, but the whole of , his unrepre sented brethren.—( Hear, hear.) Every man, therefore, who gives a vote under the influence of power sacrifices the dearest interests of man, and sacrifices the rights of a freeman. It is a question, therefore, of good or bad government. I ask not a vote for myself. I care not a pin for myself—l may be in the churchyard by to-morrow ; but your interests and rights must be protected. Vote not, therefore, for me because I have been a Reformer, but only vote for me because I will carry the Reform Bill into effect, as far as an humble individual can, and take care of your interests and rights. I am told there are some men who, because I have not asked them to give me their vote, have yielded and given a promise to the first man who came. Now, Gentle men, I tell you candidly, I prize the feeling of independence too much ever to ask a vote from an body.—( Loud cheers. ) And I think I do no more than justice by saying that the bulk of the electors of this county are men who are desirous to do their duty, and are determined to do their duty in sending a fit and proper man to Parliament to represent them, and that it is their duty to appoint that man, according to the dictates of their consciences. Formerly a man did everything in his power to get into Parliament, and cared not how much he spent, be cause he took very good care, if he bought the electors, to sell them again, and get a profit of 100 per cent. on the' bargain But now the Reform Bill is passed, and the people of' England have the power of choosing whom they like.—( Hear, hear.) Before the Reform Bill passed the Tories and all who pro fitted by misrule had the power of putting their hands into your pockets whenever they liked, by votes from a House of Commons composed of nominees and Borough mongers.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame I") That, thank God ! is now put an end to, and it must be dishonesty and the most base profligacy on the part of the community, if they now allow a Tory majority to get possession of the House of Commons. I therefore call upon every man who values his right as a citizen, every man who has property to protect, to do his utmost to return to the House of Commons a majority of Reformers.—( Cheers.) One of the principal objections to me is that I am Destructive. Now, in one sense of the word, I have been a Destructive for five-and-twenty years. I have been destroying all the abuses that existed. I have been able to get a good many of them under, and if I sit ten years longer in the House of Commons, I shall be able to get a great many more of them under. Gentlemen, I have no hesitation in saying, the effects of a Reformed Parliament for the next five years ought to do more than all the independent men in Par liament have been able to do for the last 30 years.--( Hear.) If I am correct in that, what an important duty falls on the electors at the present moment, because in their hands are the destinies of the empire ? All these men who call me a Destructive, believe me, are men who are afraid that I am about to destroy their pensions and sinecures, and all the good things that they now mast improperly enjoy. In that sense of the word I pride myself as a Destructive. There was a time, gentlemen, when I prided myself on being a Reformer, but I am sorry to say I have lost that honour now, because all the Tories have be come Reformers.—( Hear, and laughter.) I stand before you as an nnchanged man, and I trust that no ,single act of mine since I have been returned to Parliament will prove the contrary, although I candidly admit I have 1 2 4 304 obliged to bear with patience many of the ten der proceedings of the late Administration, who,_ have always said, ought to have gone further te e f they did • but they buckled to a petty fa ction ' for after all it is but a petty faction—they truckled to that l'ae' tion until they risked their own popularity with the county:: Gentlemen, some men are crying out-." What have the liberal'. Government done for you ? Let but the Duke of Wellington be in place one year, and he will do more for the county than they have done in four years." But, gentlemen, reco llect the four years' administration has done a great deal ; it has taken off five millions and a half of your taxes.—( Hear, hear.). It has taken off three millions and a half of fuseless offices and expenditure, and left every institution better able to perform its functions than it was before.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Is that nothing ? And can any man for one moment beilevie that the Duke of Wellington and his party would do a sine act that they were not forced to do, and how would it be done ?—( Hear, hear.) Sir Robert Peel says the people dc' not like a system of continued agitation. Why does agitation' exist in this county as well as in other counties? Be" cause men, sensible of an unjust Government, sensible that they are taxed more and treated worse than theYr ought to be, become restless and want relief. If Lou g o oil gradually day by day, and then stop short, you will get nothinF• I therefore call upon you to draw your line now between Tories and bad Government, and between, I will not call them Whig s ; but I will call them libeial men who are disposed to rrle" your wishes, who value your rights, and are disposed to pro tect them and send such men to Parliament. You can expect; nothing from the party. Then try to obtain a reduction of your taxation, relief to that unfortunate part of our fellow men in Ireland. Return such men who will put an end to the scandalous scenes of bloodshed which continue to disturb that country. If, there are any amongst you who arc lovers of religious liberty, if there are any of you who smart under the disabilities which arise from your worshipping God according to your own conscience -- if there are any of you suffering under those disabilities -- decrived of your civil rights. I would ask you, what can yen expect from an Administration which stopped short, and denied you being admitted to take those degrees of honour which every man who attends a college is anxious to obtain an d aspire to.—( Cheers.) I say the Tories in the House ° f Lords, with the Duke of Wellington at their head' threw out that Bill, which the last Parliament, the House of Commons, carried through. What can you ex' pect from them ? I therefore call on every man--dissenter s in this connty,whatevertheir creed, to join in ousting the Tories• if there was one that did not come forward, I would say, let all the disabilities continue to remain upon his shoulders, ar- 1 .,, -c7 it would be very hard that those who do struggle shou 3c.• suffer alike.—( Hear, hear.) Only one point more, ( fentlerneo- I consider the state of Ireland requires consideration. A mil" lion and a half is taken out of your pockets solely to maintain a sinecure Church—a church belonging to one fourteenth part of the whole population,rich as it is, full of pluralities and weal' ty livings. I ask you, then, whether you ought not, as friendg of religious freedom, to send such men to the House of Commoce who will in their proper places put an end to those scenes , bloodshed and outrage which desolate that fine country, and make all classes of citizens alike independent—( Hear' hear,)--and alike capable of enjoying his civil r ights , whatever his religious opinions may be.—( Cheers.) 'Then' gentlemen, I stand before the county of Middlesex, before my country, I hope and trust, able to answer every thing roy opponents have brought against me, but I am also before you to call upon you, the people of Middlesex, if you have nO t changed your opinions, if you are still Reformers, and if yo don't wish to see the Reform Bill trampled under, to rally to the standard to-morrow ; let the watchword be union , let every man who wishes to see Reform triumphnn come forward and give me his vote, and place M e at the haad olthe poll, as I have been able and willing, I a°l still, and, I hope, I ever shall be able and willing to serve the cause of the people, which alone I am anxious to serve.--* (Cheers.) Wishing, therefore, that during the night yol i may be refreshed, and able to renew your efforts to-moram f morning, let me find that the state of the poll everf hour demonstrate your ardour, if you have not changed your opinions for the cause of Reform, and I am qu't ° certain if men do not make too sure of the cause, that we shall show twice the number of votes we have shown. (Cheers, and a cry of .‘ What is the state of the poll ?") The entire state of the poll has not yet come, but I have read from the statement I have that Mr: Wood is 70 a head of me' Gentlemen, it is now getting late, I therefore take my far e " well of you, hoping I shall be able to-morrow to prove tha C there is no change of opinion in Middlesex.—( H e ar, hear• that yoc were Reformers, are Reformers, and are determine to continue Reformers. If so, lam willing to serve show by your votes you entertain these opinions still. Wh e3 ,, your reyresentative in Parliament I did my duty t" you, to the best of my ability and power ' now Oa! I am out of Parliament, do your duty, send me back, and I hope and trust I shall not be found unworthy of that c onfidenc e which you have given me. The Hon. Gentleman then retired amidst the most enthu siastic cheers. CLOSE OF THIS DAY'S POLL. BYNG. HUME. WOOD' King's Cross Mile End 571 484 281 Hammersmith Bedfont 134 109 154 Brentford Total 2,055 1,674 1.651 FROM WOOD'S COMMITTEE—FOUR O'CLOCK FOUR O'CLOCK. Thomas Wood, Esq, George Byng, Esq. Joseph Hume, Esq.. 2,221 2,346 1,934 REFORMERS OF MIDDLESEX, Hasten to the Poll to-morrow. Let not the Mc" tropolitan County be dishonoured by the return o f one who is only known as a Tory and a Soldier—a re" lation of Castlereagh—a subordinate of Wellington' - VOTE EARLY FOR HUME, and complete the Reform Representation of the entir e Metropolitan District. Unless HUME is Re-elected , all your triumphs are sullied. The honour of yoll Cause, the Cause of real Reform, of good and cheap Government, demands this final exertion, to crow° your victory and CRUSH Toryism and Corruption. EAST SURREY ELECTION. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. eannot but return you my thanks for the extraer" dinary expedition and correctness with which you have re' ported the proceedings at the East Surrey Nomination to-del in your Evening Paper. I had no t th oug h t i t poss ible I could have been out in the Evening Papers. I remain, your obedient servant, A. W. BEAUCLERIC 12, Chester-street, Grosvenor-place, Jan. 14. DURHAM (NORTH). JAN. 12.—The election of the members for the Norther' Division-of this, county took place this day. Mr. Bowes (of Streatham Castle) late M.P., and Pr e ' sent candidate for the Southern Di v i s i on , propoged „ Hedworth Lambton, brother o f L or d D ur h am ; seconded by Mr. Cookson (of Whitehall-hall). t Mr. LAMBTON then addressed the electors in a m° s eloquent and animated speech, in which he severely ee rl i sured the exercise of the King's prerogative that had ley to the dismisssl of the late Mi n i s t ry . H e d ec l are d hiros' i , e the advocate of Church and C orpora ti on re f orm —sP" ,b feelingly on the subject of Ir e l an d— an d at great lengt h exposed exposed the hollowness and sophi s t r y o f Si r R o b er t Pee, manifesto. He avowed an uncomp r o m i s i ng o pp os ition 0 the Tory Ministry, and expressed a hope, th a t if a c ollisi t ° 4 should arise with the House of Lords, the new House Commons would do its duty to the people. Sir Hedworth Williamson, Mr. Lambton's colleague the last Parliament, was proposed by George Baker, E. the oldest Reformer in the North ; and seconded by W. 0 Salvin, Esq., of Crosdale. No o pp os iti on h av i ng 1 1 5 offered, they were declared duly e l ec t e d, an d a f ter wer paraded the town in their open carriages—the slavish a' ) brutalizing practice of chairing having been exploded here', The election for the South ern Di v i s i on ta k es place t°, morrow, and no oppositi on t o th e return o f t h e l ate Liber l„, members, Mr. Pease and Mr. Bowes, is anticipated. We have just now had the satisfaction of hear illg os° that Earl De Grey has commence d hi s career b y one o f t- b . O measures of fairness which, if followed up, will win for Lordship universal p ra i se , i n having most graciously liste n t e , to the claims of an old officer who kad nothing but his twe° 4 six years' service a s a Li eutenant, toget h er w i t h hi s W l ' a ri been, whilst First Lieutenant of a stoop of war, wounded in action with a ship o f very super i or f orce , to recommend its to the favour of th e Fi rs t L or d o f t h e Ad m i ra l ty ; and n13°.;.0, being shown to his Lordship that this old officer had been F l o raised for many years th e comman d o f a pac k et , and °Gra Lord Auckland intended to have given him, Lord De r immediately, without any p r i va t e i n fl uence or i n t ere st vvliatevtieij at once assured the officer in question that his solicitation sb° be remembered by him. —Naval and Military Gazettt..../. MARRIED. $O l, , ° On the 14th Thomas Ca inst Es ~ ~ of S at ilo-o—m. s Omer's, to ;;Tah-urchMaria, Harr A y P nn e Eliza ter , be th et preol, eldest daughter of James t Hansard, Esq., of Southampto n -se Bloomsbury. DIED. d 63 ' On the 10th inst., at Hastings, George Dorrien, Esq. , ag e d f for many years a Director of the lank of England. On the 13th inst., at Lewes, George Courthopet sci. ' Whiligh, Sussex, in his 68th year. 11 01)9ri On the 14th inst., in Dover-street, the, infant son a Gosling, Esq. tiogc loo , On the 11th inst., in Sloane-street, Edward Ban youngest son of Edward M'llahon, Esq. ___------- London : Printed and. Published by MURDO Yo' ' at The Sam Office, No. 112, *rand. TO THE WORT] berated distinction i'tbEoa eNPeyupT::: liOu b oEli I ; saal II a tEn IviTeoN f eP a yn it I shall be subervi ~ownstituents and th In ,"s—l shall be I t o event , 11 , i!ten I feel that %faction to • filed t .Yon, I o me into alb same sense of justice pose to our conduct d uty, and under its a n . t s f u czt l session s a io s n i '2. 11 0 ln . any of those g L _ l , ll o , s and the spoed Rho is declar It is idle to indul constituency, enter therefore pursue th( 11,,inanY different q 4, ugroont, and as tl I continue to hope r °l e )e , ril OL, or my name o 'flown friends of 'li Cam e measur e of tc, Proudest I can rece to th o those riend • e cause f the s vices, I tender )4 ,justify their zeal Publi c duty, and cre st , Wi t h a ever honour to be, ______Larrt,eth, Jan Ntir LOR DS A!, R. DIXI rile to ofithe office llfeat er alself es I maw curnstan have Influence you in rn, Alio dg us :n r t a it ri t h p h n e t a tj o i: ru eb :l 7l : B i tr i e : 6-re i a rig r bt:: : °to t 4la uourt ' to Tw e l; t 7:), bet AFR , str E RROL] Tt z ford-stre eOre a 71 and VVFreehold P tdr ' n, and mar _ ae and ar anttnent of 13 01. a rsaezpired term chrarinted partici] eole raberv ' in Se so,.es. solicitors ( R " ?tor, N e , a TO E A T A\lT 11 Pocket, a 13(444 Pocket, ts, t it 1111 1 1:311-7e . 1111 : I I .1 1 1 11W414 .r e 'd°° i l 11:11° X e di t e 3: ; ta c ti E°l b it a rß i C r E : l 2 (l Ch tr oll P r ofessional t h genP°erils' re'Pectfi 81 ,4 hat they „;,: e 'r.ecomnome n d, tr ie ',7T l of FHB Te R tr in pain, , n a IN c u LE or PA O I_l,l RRODIBO or other L •,,rt iculating and r i The Faculty a tit of th e Ali n 1.' 4 . 1 3. One of t O erpool ; and ‘`': Jn he f i he act die Pared im e mi e° : ph p annc l u tdi t ta h r i i beyond p g ne ae o e t nd il i n s d e , eothapoerriseui eprhieatrialdoi LING'S S 1 prTiieoved rui th clear ppression tiktaexcellent rest, table, 3 . 1 the e ste m 6 ., • ti ot irn. th en ,' r ernalea t i i t o_ l „,.rit , ,,,:pk a tt a rropevir t si h . neoe y egnsl, " k in a ele 'igh, d „ take the °nl in t T hey should be or ' L li t il nesg, for oft, P 5, Vagina: proYe fatal .....nlAl,_,•ehapel, in th e for Sti AMILI Ripp o p',,"„NnoNG T sni,ltb-STREI p o li o InZ List VI sent home to a • SGlid Br n pai ri r ........ Chamber (4% .. ............. ;`_l(j'rae B ra eat v . bitronFendl Fi th i ae l° k C;f e . . °....... t ....... Stro°, . rire ditt o 'hioCk_ Med st ro9 eneb d i trZ, .... t.. , 11 th e r 'nge Ja"'Theta ~ Set .. . kr: L ilt ed ... Bottl f ditto ditto lli tt ° Curtai n Is p(1 Cornice bit t° ", Per fo o klitto Rod'C, t !a eh l°lter 1-1. ; i i?Cll,llPer NV""": .. armin S ~o ar i trtt n ,t od epp;r Meti J)ltt;' . 0, Tea s " , en P° J tQ lZi .... ... tto s o ,e Spo . Pa nne. l) Lad' Ri c k ". Chit] Su the 41 Per pi ° 4 l l-rjrZ e of t, (1 , 1 Po r k. d : tL c l"' Tabli sort ve Forki F or K°i ce , t' lic,' A ri pl e ` C o p'err7 do Han dhlec A PP is inst n, he hall 4l Aot „ i o kt tn . e y fr pi k , sur: orri "ite %ha body s t ;unt rnor z , h .uenti y co relm vfh_ naa re us '°r ll 6°4 tit " • 1'"1 Utio na Z Y i n ira P r( 1 7 e Pled e ri 4 11 ° , 1 eo n , 14_ ' ,il 0 Onteri: at term 'l'4l to retnitlance f can b N o d and earefulf Just t ar „ ii ,Publ aar e 4 :( V : r eatise t il te rnost er ~ell ee t /31 B IR THS. On the 14th inst., in South Audley-street, the lady of 10 '214 Torrington, of a daughter. o f On the 14th inst., in Grosvenor-stroet, Mrs. Brogden, 13' daughter.