The Sun. — London, England, 1866-03-28 00:00:00

Mr. Bright at Manchester. MANCHESTER, Tuesday Evening. This afternoon a conference of Reformers from various districts in Lancashire was held in the drawing-room at the Free Trade-hall, to consider the best means to be adopted for assisting to carry the Government Reform Bill. The meeting was influentially attended. Mr. Bright was received with much enthusiasm. Mr. G. WILSON presided, and said there were two old constitutional ways of proceeding—the one be ing by public meetings, and the other by petitions. He suggested that before the 12th of April every borough and town in Lancashire should have its meeting,* and petition. Mr. TIIO3IASSON of Bolton, moved a resolution urging upon Reformers that steps should at once be taken for holding meetings and to petition in all the principal towns in Lancashire. Mr. G. lIADFIELD, M.P., seconded the motion, and said the bloodless victories won at Manchester were of world-wide importance ; the great guns (subscriptions) they used to fire for victory in the free-trade contest had a mighty influence, and he suggested that the cause should not starve for want of funds. (Cheers.) It was a pity men were not sometimes made of good Sheffield steel, and he re gretted that Mr. Bright was of a constitution that precluded the possibility of his taking a more active part in the present movement. As it was, they ought to save him as much as possible, because he was wanted for a more important service where it would be best rendered. Mr. WHITWORTH, M.P., urged Reformers to rally round the Government and their old friend Mr. Bright, who never before possessed the influence he did now. (Cheers.) A number of gentlemen from various towns sup ported the motion, and it was carried unanimously. At the conclusion of the business, Mr. BRIGHT, who rose amidst loud and repeated cheering, addressed the meeting as follows :—Your chairman has said very truly that I am here acci dentally, for I did not know till, by pure accident, last evening that any meeting was to be held here to-day. I walked in with Mr. Wilson with a view of seeing whether there was any disposition to move a little faster on the Reform question in this county, and as we are, as I have seen, I don't feel in the slightest degree disappointed. The question of Re form at this moment is in a very different posi tion from any that we have seen it in during the last 20 years, when we have been discussing it, and hoping in some degree to advance it. We have had Reform Bills proposed before this, but we have not had one proposed since the great Reform of 1832 under the same circumstances of distinctness in the measure itself and of earnestness on the part of the Government by which it has been proposed. With regard to the distinctness of the bill, I think there has been a universal admission throughout the country that, notwithstanding the disappointments of many constituencies—and I confess the disap pointment of mine—that the franchise, both in the counties and boroughs, was not proposed to be fixed at a lower figure, still what it is proposed to fix it at is something that we clearly understand, and the advantages of which we can, in our different localities, pretty clearly measure. In speaking on the bill in the House of Commons I said that it did not pro pose to give something with one hand and take it with the other, that it clears away great obstruc tions to the free working of the Reform Act, and does not allow these obstructions to appear with re gard to the new franchise, and that both in counties and boroughs it makes a sensible advance towards what we may call a fair representation of the people, and the Government now come forward and declare that this is the measure of their administration ; that if it passes into law, they will, of course, be glad for many reasons ; and that if it should fail the Government will fall. I have a great desire always to see a Government in that position when it has a great measure in hand, because it can exercise much more influence both upon public opinion and upon Parliament ; and Parliament is much more disposed to regard with a fixed and earnest attention any bill which may have consequences of great moment to the Administration, and even upon the duration of Parliament itself. (Hear, bear.) At this moment I think we are really engaged in a con flict for something more than this bill, because, as the question has been discussed in the House of Commons, it is clearly thiswhich is put to the people —whether there shall be a Parliamentary Reform or there shall not, and whether in future the govern ment of this country shall be a government upon the principle of popular representation. You have read, I dare say, some of you with curiosity, some of you with amazement, and some of you with disgust, speeches that have been made from the benches on the Liberal side of the house against this bill. If you examine these speeches —one of them and the most important of them in particular--you will find that almost every argument which has been directed. , against this proposition of the Government is an argument that would have been as good against the Reform of 1832, or would have been as good against any other proposition that at any former period of our history created or extended the representation of the people. In point of fact, the speech to which I refer is a speech that should have been made really in a country where popular representation formed no part of the constitution (cheers), because it went upon the principle that the great majority of the people are wholly unfit, by their character and their ignorance and their vices, to partake in any degree whatever in that power which is conferred by a sys tem of representative government. Don't understand me in referring to this particular, or to the oppo nents of this bill in this language, to apply it in any degree to the member of a city not far from here—the city of Chester—who has proposed an amendment on the second reading of the bill. Lord Grosvenor has made no speech against the Bill; he made a proposition which, if it be carried, in all probability will be fatal to the bill for this Session, and, unless we have a dissolution of Parliament im mediately, it will also be fatal to the Government ; but he has not ventured upon any language which is contemptuous of the people, and we are to a large degree in ignorance of the precise grounds upon which he is acting. He is a member of one of the most powerful aristocratic families of this country ; he is heir to a property perhaps as great as the pro perty that is in the hands of any one family in this country ; but he is not a member of a family which has been hostile in past times to popular freedom. (Hear, hear.) I recollect very well the pleasure with which our chairman some 22 or 23 years ago produced in Newhall's-buildings one evening a check signed by Lord Grosvenor's grandfather for £5OO tor the funds of the Anti-Corn Law League. (Cheers.) Therefore lam not willing to enter and s ne ''la not join in any denunciation or expressions of strong feeling against Lord Grosvenor on this matter I had heard what he had to say upon it. u nderstandl that a man standing on his social elevation, and Ita r il saessed of vast property, and, per- Imps, not acquainted ua . inted with the character of the people from wh omeis so far separated, may feel for a time some apprehension c nension of the advancing power of the people in like this ; but I can J ou.o4 ur . u n nee, that there . is assure him, if lie needs ' a , a _ n a t 3 7 association no man whose name is enr durin g , the Iyour or who will struggle next three months on behalf of this bill, who would INAstly touch one territories—(cheers) —or acre of his :terri -who acts would nee o r acts by of i v-o-e diminish in any degree of terrorism that social elevation to which he was born. I am not very confident that Lord Gros, enor feels perfectly satisfied with the position he h as taken up. I thought I gathered from the few words hich he spokelastFriday night, I thin • k, in the house that he was not very strong against the bill, or very confident in the w i s d om o f the notice which he has given, and though I have no authority whatever to say more than the impression upon my own mind from what I observed on that evening, for I am in no communication with him, direct or indirect, with him or with any of his friends, still I will not, until I see it actually enacted, quite be lieve that he will lend himself to men, I think, very much inferior to him in moral sense who are anxious to destroy this bill, to overturn the Government, it may be to throw this great country into the chaos of an agitation, out of which at any rate persons in the position of Lord Grosvenor can have nothing to gain. (Cheers.) Turning back to the speech or speeches to which I have referred, you know the sort of language which was used in speaking of the people which this bill does not purpose to bring on to the electoral roll, even by what I should call the highly-coloured estimate of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, more than 200,000 working men throughout England and Wales. I believe that number far exceeds the numbers which will be placed upon the register during the first two years, because he estimated that all those who will come in living in £lO houses when the ratepaying clauses are done away with will be working men. We all know that whatever the exclusion by those clauses —if those excluded live in £lO houses—it would be a very high estimate to suppose that one-half of of them would be working men ; and, further, he calculates that those who will be included between the £7 and ilO limit will all be working men, al- though we all know that in this town, and in fact it is the case in every town in the kingdom, there are _ . many persons living in houses, £7 and £lO, who cannot upon any ordinary rule of calculation be reckoned in the list of working men. (Hear, hear.) I believe, therefore, that statement of the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, made doubtless in all honesty by himself, is not correct, and that the number of working men admitted will fall short of that which he estimates, but I have no doubt that in process of time that number will year after year increase ; that there will be an anxiety on the part of the well paid and instructed working men to place themselves upon the list of electors ; that there will be a tendency to build better houses, and for that class of the working men to wish to live in better houses, and that gradually by a self-acting process, there will be, it may be, a slow but a sensi ble extension of the suffrage. But now if the speeches which I refer to could be made with any degree of fairness of the hundred thousands or the two hun dred thousands who are to be admitted by this bill, what is the opinion which these speakers must hold of the great majority of the people who will still be excluded by this bill ? Why, that they are men who really are in that state of brutish ignorance and degradation that it is not possible to commit to them —not the making of laws—but even the giving a vote for any man of good character or of education and social position in the district that he may go to Parliament for the purpose of enacting laws ; but that, in point of fact, this vast population, these millions, the great majority still of the whole nation, are destined to be henceforth but hewers of wood and drawers of water for these men in high posi tion, of high titles, and great wealth, who seem to think that the world was made for them, and that the constitution of England is for:them alone, and not for the great people of the kingdom. (Loud cheers.) I regard this bill in the present position of this question and of public opinion as so just and 60 moderate that all men who refuse to accept it must be placed in the list of those who are opposed to representative institutions, and who, if they had lived when such institutions did not exist in this country, would in all probability have offered to them the same resistance that they are now offering to this measure. But we know perfectly well that if there be anything of freedom in this country, it comes from our representative institutions, and if there be any solidity in that freedom, or any security for its future, it must come—it can come—only from that portion and that department of our frame of government which is elected periodically by the people of the country. Then, if there be this great issue at stake, if our children, grand children, and so on, in the generations to come, are to live under this Government ; if they are to be affected in all their interests by its legislation, how much does it become us now to make a great and irresistible effort to carry this measure ? (Cheers.) When the Reform Bill of 1832 passed it was a distinct and undeniable revolution, a revolution of the hap piest kind, carried without bloodshed, carried by the almost unanimous expression of the opinion of the nation, but not less a revolution, for it established this principle beyond all possibility of recall, that the House of Commons should some time, if not then, and that it should then more than it had here tofore be the true and faithful representative of the intelligence, industry, and virtue of the population of the United Kingdom. (Cheers.) From that time till now this question has been discussed ; it has made progress, and we come now to another point of time when, in all human probability, another step will have to be made. But these gentlemen who oppose the bill tell us in the House of Commons, and some of their newspapers tell us outside, that really nobody wants this bill (laughter) and that a few men who have objects of their own to serve are constantly talking about it, but the great bedy of the people have really no interest in it whatever. They said exactly the same of the bill of 1831. I stated in the House of Commons the other night that in the years from 1821 to 1831 there were scarcely any petitions presented to Parliament in favour of Parliamentary reform—( A. Voice—" They durst not")—and yet in the year 1831 the whole thing was an explosion. The House of Commons was terror-stricken, and men of great families were almost hiding themselves from popular indignation. What do these gentlemen want now? Are they content to be taught by great and peaceable meet ings, and by the presentation of great petitions, or do they want something more ? Do they believe the people of England never feel anything until they break windows, and overturn gentlemen's carriages, and attack their houses, and get into excesses which are the first steps of terrorism and insurrection? Or are they willing to imagine that we can want this bill and yet are ready to proceed by a steady and regular course of peaceful political movement, and by those steps which the constitution of a free coun try points out to free people? Judging from what is seen in the papers within the last few days, through out the country, meetings are being held, con stituencies are giving reminders to their members, those who are weak in the knees—.(laughter)—are being strengthened, doubts are being removed— (laughter) —and gradually by the time we come to the second reading of the bill, in all probability the Liberal party in the house, which some must have thought of late rather dislocated, will be drawn together in a close and powerful phalanx, which I trust will bear down all the opposition that may be tendered against this bill. But let us have these meetings everywhere. (Cheers.) You devote one night to a great meeting, but that work of one night is to set something going which may be felt for generations by your countrymen, and the sacrifice of this one night's labour is a sacrifice that may only have to be made for once, and the result be sufficient to attain your object. But supposing that this bill should not pass readily through the House of Commons, suppose that Lord Russell, who it is to his honour that it may be said is not popular with the opponents of Reform now—(cheers)—any more than he was popular with the party in . 1832 —suppose that Lord Russell should find his Ad ministration thwartel, and that, by a combination of Lords and Commons, there should be a disposition to maltreat this bill, or to destroy it; suppose, then, that he should exert the power which, no doubt, will be intrusted to him, of bringing about an appeal to the existing constituencies of the country that may take place before the longest day, and many other things in connection with it may take place—should there not be in all the towns of Lancashire a large meeting of working men ?—men to some of whom this bill will hold out the right hand of fellowship, inviting them to take their share in the political Government of the country, should not these various meetings of the worki ng men throughout t'fhoer South h hern division of this county select a small number of m en t o f orm a j o i n t comm itt e e Lancashi re, nearer to thatperiodthat when we get a little they might callto of the year when fine weather is the geetirlather than the exception, in this division a vast meetein some proper place in that should tell t o th ese slanderer, tle working classes, rers of their order s, they are n o t the men th a t th ey are described to be in the llouse of, Commons and that living in a free country, with a r epr esentative con stitution, they determine to partake in some sort of that representation and to be themselves free? I believe that as this question goes on for dis cuss i on during the next three months, there will arise a greater expression of opinion tlion some men who are opposed to this bill look for,. I will advise them THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING-, MARCH 28, 1866. give it to Gough. Ballard $OOll after took the coin out of her pocket, gave it up, and ran away. Bal lard asked Mr. Gray to forgive her, and she would never do so again. When she saw Ballard put her hand into Gough's pocket they were not standing up to sing, but sitting on a bench. Mrs. Worthington, the schoolmistress at the Ink berrow National School, was called to speak to the character of Ballard. She said her general impres sion was that she was untruthful, but she could not recollect any distißct instance of untruthfulness. Mr. Worthington, the schoolmaster, proved that Ballard had been at the school for three or four years. He had punished her for indecent language and for lying on her tacit admission. He had never discovered her in any dishonest act. Policeman Hall took the prisoner into custody on the 12th and conveyed her to Redditch—seven miles. They walked the whole distance; she cried, and asked Mr. Gray to forgive her. Mr. Gray ordered him to apprehend her, and to take her to Redditch. No information was laid, and no warrant was issued. He did not instruct the sergeant of police to keep her in his house. Sergeant Brown received the girl on the 12th ; he locked her up for about a quarter of an hour, but she scramed so that her cries went through the whole building, and he did not like to leave her in the lock-up. He therefore took her into his own house, and she had her meals and her bed there. (Ap plause in court.) He took her before Mr. Millward, who remanded her. The Rev. G. R. Gray, vicar of Inkberrow, de posed that he had representations made to him of the bad conduct of Ballard. After church on the 11th inst. representations were made to him about this stealing of a penny. He afterwards told the policeman to keep her at his house until he should think what to do about it. He afterwards went to him and said it was a serious case, and that she had better be sent to Redditch. If this had been the first offence he should only have reprimanded her. He was sorry he could not say much for the way the prisoner was cared for at home. He had but one object in what he had done—the proper correc tion of the child. He simply attended last week as a witness, but as the case was not gone on with, and as no evidence was taken, he did not think it was necessary to descend from the Bench. He had known the family for 20 years ; in fact, he had bap tized most of them. The charge was then read over to the prisoner, who was called upon to plead, and she pleaded not guilty. The magistrates then retired, and on their return into court, The Chairman said the magistrates had given the case their most serious consideration, and they were unanimous in saying that they believed there was no felonious intent. The prisoner would therefore be discharged. The decision was received with loud asplausc. YACIIPS AND BOATS. Iron ship building is now as common almost as wood, many of our most renowned yachts being of iron. In constructing iron ships the ribs or frames are made of single angleiron, which by being heated in furnaces have been bent to the required form, and are placed at about 18 inches or two feet apart, they are then riveted to the keel, which is also of iron, and the plates are then placed outside these ribs or frames, and riveted with white-hot bolts to them, the contraction of the bolts when cooling drawing everything together with immense force — the plates in large ships when thick are placed end to end with a strip on the inside which is riveted to the plates ; this is called butt-jointed, but if the plates are thin they are lap-jointed, or placed edge over edge, like clincher building in wood, and riveted along the edge ; when the riveting is com pleted the finish is given to the work by what is called caulking, which is by driving a hard steel punch against the edges of the plates, so as to make them swell up tight, and then the workman hammers the lap-edge of the plate against a holder up inside, so that when the iron is painted or tarred, the seam is quite tight, and any damp that may penetrate, by causing rust, only tends to make the work tighter. The first iron racing yacht I re member was the Bluebell, a cutter of 30 tons, the property of Capt. Disney Roebuck ; she was one of the fastest vessels of her time, and I believe won many cups and prizes ; since then there have been many celebrated iron yachts, the Mystery, Thought, Titania, &c., and from day to day we see iron yachts being launched, and after a victory or two are eclipsed by the design of some new builder who obtains a fleeting celebrity. We have a curious insight into the method of shipbuilding at the time of our Saviour, for Trajan's ship, which had sunk in the Lake of Riccia, about A.D. 80, was raised about the year 1475 (1,300 years after she had sunk), at the time Leo Baptiste Albert was writing his book on architecture ; she had lain sunk all this time, and was moderately sound ; her mode of con struction was by double planking, caulked with linen rags, a n d d au b e d w ith pit c h, an d over all was g aystGt the r,l s rmeee h e laleeyt yachts purposes t t m h bßh e n rlt an f o i i plankslead s , h p e ut w o a n s l b v u l o v f ith w s e m re a c ll u o t o f p r p om er nails h pine and Cyp rus t rees .] Th e enormous fl ee t o f belonging are pleasure, Novnotview, not all ourfa comfort, m 0 althoughp builterrti ,o n s ci s p lomN e l ttahhl y alap a rtar c e re h e a precisely ksuc wealthye e l u pyt b t clubs noithenr man's whole family and suite of ser van t s can li ve on board in the greatest comfort and elegance, the crew being in some cases good musicians, and form ing a very fine band, as on board the Tyne, Mr. George Stephenson's splendid schooner yacht, or in the Marquis Couyngham's; and others are built ex- eii objects a n o i g ex pressly for racing purposes, and in the midship sec tion look exceedingly like a pegtop, everything being sacrified for speed and false stability, hardly room being provided for berthing the crew, which is in most cases compulsorily very large, from the num ber of hands required to manage, shorten, or set the sails quickly enough; in many cases a race de pending on the quickness with which one sail can be taken in or set in place of another. Some very wealthy men keep two yachts, one for racing, and the other for comfort—Mr. T. Turner having the Wildfire for racing, and the Constance, topsail schooner, of very large size for his family to be on board. Nothing could have been finer than the sight when the French fleet came into Spithead last year, as an immense number of yachta from all parts of the country had assembled at the Isle of Wight, and went out to meet them; and every day whilst the fleet remained these yachts cruised about, and the owners visited the various ships. On board the vari ous French vessels which I visited the officers and men were far more struck with our fleet of yachts, and the way in which they were handled, than by our fleet, or even Portsmouth ; and they expressed their wonder at the way in which both ladies and gentle men seemed to understand the art of sailing and managing their vessels; the way in which the yachts sailed up and down, and round the vessels of the fleet without any accident, was the universal won derment of the Frenchmen, and combined with the great smartness of the crews of the yachts made them declare that no other country could show so splendid a sight. I only wish that as the Prince of Wales has now become a yacht owner, lie would call together a meeting of all the various yacht clubs, at the Isle of Wight (the most natural bead-quarters of a yachting fleet), and then pass them in review be fore him. If he did so, and the response to his call was only such as it should be, there would be such a gathering as would make old Neptune spear some of his finest fish for the Prince's table whilst in com mand of his pleasure fleet. I believe, if this was done in time, that by the end of August there would be a splendid gathering of yachts, and most yacht owners wo,uld at the same time confer a great com pliment On the Prince, and a benefit on their coun try if ti t i.ey would ship no men in their vessels who were not men of the Royal Naval Reserve, thus adding an immense number of the finest and smartest sailors in the world to our fleet in case of emergency, and if no necessity should arise for them, then a be nefit is conferred on the men and their families by the present pay they would get, and the eventual pension they would be entitled to. I hope yet to see a rule established in all yacht clubs which will enforce all members to employ only men of the Royal Naval Reserve, which rule on being known would to take the wise and the generous course, to believe that among the great mass of the people of Eng land there is great intelligence, and there are great virtues ; and to believe further, that if three or four or five hundred thousand more of the people of England and Wales are included upon the roll of electors, it will give great and permanent security to the Crown, and, at the same time, will do more than any other measure which Parliament can pass to elevate and to strengthen all that is good in the character of the English people. (Loud cheers.) The meeting then terminated. D'Arcy M' Gee on the Irish. The Times quotes a letter addressed by Thomas D'Arcy M'Gee, Esq., to an American paper, in which the character of the Irish race race in America is discussed at considerable length. If any one in this country wonders why American citizens of Irish extraction should be thinking of a raid upon Canada instead of minding their own affairs, Mr. M'Gee will furnish a solution of the enigma. These Irish in America are Americans only in name. They are naturalised citizens, it is true, and they owe allegiance to the American Go vernment, but they have taken no real root in the country, nor amalgamated with the rest of its people. Between them and Americans there is no kind of affinity. The Irish are unpopular in Ame rica; in fact, scarcely more popular than the Eng lish. They form a separate, almost an alien, class, and have fallen either by accident or propensity into pursuits little calculated to improve their condition. Full 75 per cent., says Mr. M'Gee, of Irish immi grants remain to swell the population of great towns and seaports, instead of settling to agricultural in dustry in the rural districts. " Never, in the world's history, were a purely agricultural popula tion so suddenly and unpreparedly converted into mere town labourers. They did not, indeed, ex change agriculture for artificers' pursuits, for you cannot well call mere loading and unloading ships, or porterage, or digging drains, or domestic ser vice, works of art. But the hundreds of thou sands of this class who were peasants in Ireland in spring, and town labourers in America , the same summer, threw up to the surface by the' natural law of their numbers a small fry of dema gogues and overseers (or bosses') whose interest it never was that they should look to dock and suburb labour only as a temporary condition, but to the ac quisition and ownership of land as their ultimate object. Hence this strangely contradictory result, that a people who hunkered and thirsted for land in Ireland, who struggled for conacre and cabin even to the shedding of blood—that this same people, when they reached a new world, where a day's wages saved would purchase an acre of wild land in fee, wilfully concurred, under the lead of bad advisers, to sink into the condition of a miserable town tenantry to whose moral squalor even European seaports can hardly present a parallel." Such is the picture given of that class of American citizens from which Feniansm obtains its recruits, and the conclusion is obvious that these emigrants become Fenians pre cisely because they have not become Americans. They have forsaken one country without adopting another. They have landed in America without as similating themselves to the people of the United States, and as they have acquired no new nationality, they cherish vague and distempered dreams of the old one. " This very Fenian organisation in the United States, what," asks Mr. M'Gee, " does it really prove but that the Irish are still an alien population, camped, but not settled, in Ame rica, with foreign hopes and aspirations, neither shared in nor respected by the people among whom they live ? If their new country was their true country, would they find time and money to spare in the construction of imaginary Republics beyond seas? If their leaders were rulers at Washington, would they be playing at Governments, think you, in Moffatt's pill-box ?" No doubt these questions could be promptly answered by those to whom they are addressed, but they give us an easy clue to the origin of the phenomenon in prospect. In America, the Irish of recent immigrations are a distinct and almost a foreign class, imbued with revolutionary tendencies, under no retraint from new connections or obligations, and subjected to influences which, with the natural impulsiveness of their race, they are quick to obey. The rank and file of Fenianism, with all its follies, can be thus pretty well accounted for. The Charge of Felony Against a Child. REDDITCH, March 24. After the ordinary business of the weekly petty sessions here on Monday afternoon, the magistrates, Messrs. H. Millman (chairman), E. Holyoake, W. Tabberer, W. Smith, J. Smith, and J. Brown, pro ceeded to hear the case of Emily Ballard, aged 10 years, charged by the Rev. G. It. Gray, vicar of Inkberrow, Worcestershire, with stealing a penny from a schoolfellow, named Sarah Jane Gough. The case excited a great deal of feeling, and the court was crowded to excess by people who gave vent to their feelings in such an open manner as to call for a threat by the chairman thatif persisted inhe would have the court cleared and the case heard in private. Mr. J. Smith, solicitor, attended on behalf of the prosecutor, the Rev. G. R. Gray ; and Mr. Sim mons for the prisoner. Mr. Gray was present, but did not sit on the Bench, as at the former examination. Mr. Simmons applied for an adjournment in con sequence of the absence of Mr. Motteram, of the Oxford Circuit, who was to conduct the defence; but the magistrates refused the application. Mr. Smith then stated the charge. The prisoner was a scholar at the Inkberrow parish school, and about three weeks ago she stole a knife. The magistrates, after some discussion, requested Mr. Smith to confine himself to the charge before them—viz., that of stealing a penny. Mr. Smith proceeded to say that the Rev. Mr. Gray had established a money club in his parish, to which the children were to subscribe id. per week. On Sunday, March 11, while at church the prisoner took a penny from the pocket of Sarah Jane Gough, who missed it when she was about to pay her club-money. The prisoner was charged by the schoolmistress with the theft, which she at first denied, but afterwards gave up the money. Mr. Smith went on to charge the girl with using obscene language and with disgusting conduct, and said that Mr. Gray, as an act of justice to the other school children, and out of Christian charity to the girl herself, had decided upon having Ballard charged before the magistrates. He complained of Mr. Gray having been " badgered" in the newspapers, and said a great deal of factitious importance had been imported into the case. He then called John Gough, father of Sarah Jane Gough, who deposed that he is a labourer at Inkberrow, and that on Sunday, the 11th inst., he gave his daughter 3d. to pay her club-money with. After church she complained that Emily Ballard had taken money out of her pocket in church. On cross-examination the witness admitted that he had had 14 days' im prisonment for something ; it was not poaching. Sarah Jane Gough, aged 10 years, deposed that when at church she took her money out of her pocket to see if it was all right. Did not know whether Ballard saw her. Ballard was next to her on her right hand. When standing up to sing she felt a hand in her pocket, which was on Ballard's side, and afterwards she missed a penny and a halfpenny. She charged Ballard with taking it, but she denied it. Afterwards Ballard gave her a halfpenny back. She told the schoolmistress, Mrs. Davies, who, after church, said to Ballard that if she did not give up the money she would tell Mrs. Gray. Ballard then gave up the penny. _ _ A girl named Emily Winter, aged 12 years, a schoolfellow of Gough, was next called, but her re plies to questions put by the Bench as to the nature of an oath, &c., were not satisfactory, but she was not sworn. Mrs. Davies deposed that she was in charge of the children at Inkberrow Church, and that while at church on the 11th she saw Ballard put her hand into Gough's pocket and take out a penny, which she put in her mouth. Witness shook her head at her, on which she put the coin into her pocket. Subsequently she charged Gough with taking the money, which she denied, but produced a penny, which she said was for the club, and that she would soon induce the majority of the men to join so as to be in readiness when the yachts get afloat in the summer, and a call is made for men to man them, —Land and Water. HUNTING. THE MELTON lIUNT. We are finishing off the season with weather which would have suited us better about Christmas, and heavy days with but poor sport seem likely to be the wind-up of a first rate season. The run I hinted at last week as hav ing taken place with the " Duke's" was from Mr. Sher brook's covert (a new one) below long Clawson, and after coming up the hill near Holwell Mouth, and carrying on along the ridge as far as Clawson Thorns, they killed near there, after a little more than an hour's good hunting run. Thursday saw the Quern at Thorpe Satchville and the Belvoir at Croxton Park. The former drew Thorpe Trussells with the usual success, and a fox took them down. the old line across by Eye Kettleby, and on towards Mel ton, where they lost him. Cream Gorse held another of the right sort, and away he went, dashing through Ashby Pasture, and on by Thorpe Trussells, after which be turned to the left, and ran down nearly to where Frisby Windmill formerly stood, and then doubled back for his starting point, being killed in the covert after a capital gallop, making altogether a good day's sport ; and, as an illustration of the uncertainty of scent, may be contrasted with it the day with the Duke's, when, notwithstanding they found plenty of foxes, the hounds could not run them many yards, and the day was spent in fruitless attempts to get a run. I did not hear what the Quorn did at Winder pool on Monday, but it was a wild, stormy morning, as was also Wednesday, when the Duke's met at Goadby, faint sprinkling of snow covering the ground, and a suc cession of showers taking place all day. Melton Spinney was first drawn, and the fox broke away a good deal in advance of the hounds; crossing the Scalford brook he made for the Old Hills, after which he turned, and leaving Holwell village to the left, he ran up for Holwell Mouth and drew into the vale, where the hounds threw up their heads, and Cooper gave him up; this wild burst proving the only run of the day, as all further attempts to find a fox failed. The Northampton meeting has cleared us out this week. Some will doubtless return at the end of it, and a few more hunting days will bring to a close one of the most successful seasons for sport ever known.—NmutoD.— Leicester Journal. PEDESTRIANISM. HACKNEY-WICK. The famed grounds of the " Wick," to use a sporting phrase, on yesterday was again in great " form," for 1,000 persons assembled to witness a very exciting race between EDWARD GOLDER AND WILLIAM MILLS.—It was for the good stake of £5O, and they had to run four miles, both going from one mark. That the affair was a genuine one, and a good race was anticipated, was evidenced by the fact of the turf element being present in great numbers. It will be remembered that Mills—a brother of renowned Teddy (the Champion)—ran off the previous Monday a race of five miles with J. Cooper, by whom he was de feated, after one of the best races witnessed for some time. The competitors of yesterday both hail from Bethnal green, and both ran in Mr. Price's Handicap three weeks, since, each going from the same mark of 400 yards start when Golder won, W. Mills being second. As the present match had been made previously to the handicap, and Golder proved the winner in the latter, the betting yester day ruled considerably in favour of Golder, as much as 4 to 1 being offered upon him. Young Mills - is a trifle the taller man and a little heavier; Golder weighing Bst., standing 5 feet. 3 inches, and is 23 years of age. Barton waited upon the latter, and Edwards on Mills. They had to run 27 laps and 20 yards, so had to pass the referee, Mr. H. Woodstock, 28 times. Mills commenced the race by dashing off first (having the inside position), and for the first round led by four yards. In the next circuit Golder crept up, and followed in the wake of his rival a yard and a half behind. The first mile—no alteration in position —was accomplished in 5 min. 1 sec. Throughout the second mile (time 10 min. 25 secs.) Golder kept just a yard behind ; and on the commencement of the third mile Mills tried hard to break away, but failed, both being urged on in their endeavours by repeated cheers, for in the 18th lap they passed side by side, and the third mile was finished in 15 min. 55 sec., Mills a yard ahead. Again and again did Mills try to leave his opponent, but Golder hung on him most gamely, and in the 25th (the last round but three) Golder for the first time rushed in front ; the latter, however, did not long hold the advantage, for again did Mills come to the fore, and led going up the back stretch for the last round. A fine struggle ensued, and they passed and repassed each other twice before reaching the Pagoda ; they went on as if only running a sprint of 100 yards, and shouts of " It is not 2to 1" arose. Golder lasted the longest, and Mills fell defeated, so Golder ran in a winner of a fine and manly struggle. The latter accomplished the four miles in 21 , min. 15 secs. BROMPTON. W. JOBBINS, OF FULHAM, AND H. REDFERN, OF REGENT'S PARK.--In accordance with the articles they had to walk two miles for £5 a side. Redfern is 17 years of age, hss won two handicaps, stands sft sin high, and weighs 7st 121 b. Jobbins is 18, sft 4in in height, and weighs 7st 41b. The latter had for his attendant Target, whilst G. Topley did the polite for Redfern. Jobbing won the toss for choice of side. Up to the third lap Redfern was leading by one yard ; in the fourth lap Jobbins came to the front, but did not hold the lead for long. Time of the first mile 7 min. 11 sec. ; between the sixth and seventh laps Job bins trod his antagonist's shoes off, so that he had to pull up, Jobbins, of coarse, winning easily. Time of second mile, 14 min. 8 sec. G. ROBERTS AND G. PLUMB, BOTH OF BROMPTON.—This was a spin of 100 yards for £5 a side, Plumb to receive six yards' start. They had to go by report of pistol, and an even start was effected by Mr. Westhall. Plumb won a good race by two yards. Mr. E. Jones referee. THE ATHLETIC SOCIETY OF GREAT BRITAIN. This society will celebrate their fifth annual Olympic festival at Llandudno, on Monday and Tuesday,-June 25 and 26, under the management of Colonel Hugh M. Walm sley and Mr. John Hulley, Gymnasiarcb, of Liverr 001, Vice-president of the Athletic Society. The following pro gramme will be observed: -100 yards race, 200 yards race, two mile flat race, 220 yards hurdle race, half-mile race for youths under 17, one mile flat race, one mile steeplechase, quarter mile flat race, four mile walking b mat xerhc, isehalf-milebox- Indi clu ecs, flat race, broadsword, fencing, ing (heavy, middle, and light weights), sabre versus bayo net, vaulting, gymffastics, pole leaping, high running jump, wide jump, putting 321 b. shot, dumb bell exercise, and wrestling (heavy, middle, and light weights). On Wednesday, Ju no 27, the following swimming races will take place in Llandudno Bay: — One mile race, half mile race, quarter mile race, 100 yards race, diving, and fancy swimming. The champion's gold modal, presented by W. Bulkeley H ug hes, Esq., M.P., will be awarded to the competitor showing the greatest general proficiency in athletic exer cises. Prizes, consisting of gold, silver, and bronze medals, .will be awarded to the successful competitors, and all the necessary particulars may be obtained on application to the hon. sec., Gymnasium, Liverpool. Bedlamite has been put out of training. Mr. Gilkes purchased Fairplay at Aylsbury on Thurs day. Bessy (late Lady Emma) has recently changed hands, and gone into Jewitt's stable. Colonel Sir Thomas Biddulph, joint keeper of the Privy Purse with the Hon. General Grey, will have the charge of the Royal Stud at Hampton Court, in place of the late Sir Charles Phipps. The Prince of Denmark, a reputed " horseman," paid a visit last week to the French Imperial stables, with the irreproachable tenue of, which he expressed himself " astounded." The steeplechase horse Frank, who ran fifth for the Liverpool Grand National, and on the following day ran a severe race withßeporter, was foolishly shipped that night for Ireland. Catching cold on the voyage he died three days after his arrival at James Mhrphy's, of inflamation of the lungs, which no veterinary skill could stop. The Grimshaw case, says " Argus" of the Post, con tinues one of the topi cs o f th e d a y, an d p u bli c opinion una nimously endorses my views upon it; and, if the boy complains of the strong tone of my remarks, he should console himself with the idea that they procured for him a niche in the Pall Mall Gazette. It is said he is to be brought up before the stewards in the Craven Meeting at Newmarket to show cause why he should not be sus pended for three calendar months ; but I trust the loss of so good a situation will be deemed a sufficient punishment for him, as it is highly desirable he should not be made a martyr, and have undue sympathy created for him. How ever, as Mr. Chaplin gave him, it is said, a couple of hun dreds for riding Vespasian, which he did, by the by, very well, he will be able to get bread and cheese during the time of his suspension. It seems Mr. Saxon, who is his old master, gave him the best advice on the subject, in telling him to write to the Marquis of Hastings, and ask his pardon, and promise not to repeat the offence. But some young fool told him, I am assured, that it would be lowering his dignity to do so, and, throwing the chance away, he brought on the crisis w hi c h overtook him. Some persons may, perhaps, think I am tr y in g to prejudge the case against him ; therefore I will say the excuse he puts 1 forth is that he was not we ll—and two ulcers in his throat confirm the statement—and that he was afraid-of the horse, which at home is ridden at exercise by a boy just out of Andover Workhouse. If this were the case, and he did not feel up to the mark, his course was a very simple one, viz., to ask the marquis to let him off the mount, which, no doubt, he would have done in a moment but no employer, Imuch loss so liberal a one as the owner of Prodigal, likes to be made a laughing-stock on a public racecourse before a concourse of people without some reason being assigned for it. However, I have no doubt " The Prodigal's Re turn" will, as before, both point a moral and adorn a tabu. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOITRITALE. TDIES.—With the view of clearing the ground for the approaching debate, and of ano question to follow, Mr. Bright, in the form of a letter to his constituents, which we published yesterday, has presented to the world a description of the House of Commons and an estimate of public feeling. Mr. Bright's capacity for a sound opinion on these points will be variously appreciated, but we should ourselves certainly expect him to know pretty accu rately the state of feeling out of doors, though we are not so sure he would succeed in analyzing par ties and discriminating between motives. We are bound to say, however, and we feel sure a large portion of the public will agree with us, that while Mr. Bright's picture of the House of Commons is only a gross exaggeration on a very slight basis of truth, his estimate of public opinion out of doors is equally fallacious. We will take the latter first. The people of Birmingham Mr. Bright sup poses to be ready to march to London at a day's notice, and to fill the space from Charing cross to Westminster Abbey. With a rather gratuitous sneer at the Day of Humiliation, and forgetting, perhaps, how often such days have been observed lately at New York and Philadelphia, Mr. Bright suggests, as a convenient vent for indigna tion, a day to be observed in the whole district about Birmingham in a manner that no Parliament could possibly withstand. By a " firm assertion of their rights in great meetings, or in one vast gathering, they would beat down, as if by one blow, the power that threatens to bolt the door of Parliament against the people." For our part, we can only see in this a frantic attempt to raise the ghost of 1831, when the Chairman of the Birmingham Political Union undertook to raise two armies, as numerous and as brave as that which conquered at Waterloo, for the approaching contest with the boroughmon gers, and when a day was actually fixed for the purpose. It is unnecessary to discuss whether this boast was feasible or not ; it is enough that we only , look on this picture and on that to see that every thing is different. The entire kingdom was then in a state not merely of agitation, not merely of dis content, disaffection, and utter want of confidence in all our institutions, but of that actual and irreme diable distress which was the continual predisposing cause of any amount of mischief. Since Mr. Bright refers to the " Birmingham district," which he sup poses to be capable of rising, we will just transcribe from Mr. Molesworth's useful "History of the Re form Bill the substance of three petitions to the House of Commons in 1830 :—" The inhabitants of the liberties of Longton and Lane-end, in the Pot teries, ' call the attention of the House to the un precedented state of distress which oppresses the manufacturing, agricultural, commercial, and work ing classes of society ; they do not pretend to know the cause of this national calamity, but they feel it to be a duty incumbent upon them to state to the House that, unless immediate relief be afforded, the impending consequences to all classes of the commu nity will be dreadful.' The inhabitants of Birming ham refer to the ' want of employment for labourers, the general reduction of the wages of labour, the general deficiency of profit in every branch of productive industry throughout the country, and the positivq losses which attend the employment of capital and industry in the most important branches of trade, together with all the distresses which now afflict the country !' Gentry, clergy, yeomanry, and tradesmen of the borough of Warwick state that the general distress which prevails among all the agriculturists of this kingdom has brought many of the labouring poor into a state of deplor able suffering, from the total inability of the far mers to employ them.' Manufacturers, shopkeepers, tradespeople, and inhabitants of the city of Coven try 4 have for some time past beheld with feelings of the most painful interest the silent work of de struction which is proceeding with such amazing rapidity among all classes of the agricultural, manufacturing, trading, and labouring population of this once flourishing and happy kingdom."' That was England thirty-six years ago, on the eve of the Reform Bill ' • and everybody who can remember as far back will be able to add from his own recollec tion a crowd of images, facts, phrases, and figures, all contributing to the same dismal picture. There was reason to fear in those days. What fear is there now ? Who dreams of marches upon Lon don, monster meetings, new constitutions, and anarchy ? Nobody. One fear, and one only, oc curs to us as likely to haunt the minds of the classes which in the last generation joined the working men in their simultaneous cry of suffering and remonstrance. One fear, one alone, that we know of, possesses any class of employers likely to be found in the Birmingham district. It is the fear of all their working men suddenly presenting them selves to demand higher wages for less work, or con ditions still more likely to embarrass production and enterprise. We do not grudge the working man his higher vantage and his better chance ; but we do say that he has no occasion, and certainly he shows no in clination, to march upon the metropolis and occupy Palace-yard. And now for the portrait of Parliament, or, rather, of the House of Commons, by the pencil of Mr. Bright. He say it "is never hearty for re form, or for:any good measure. It hated the Reform Bill of 1831 and 1832. It hated the bill which re pealed the Corn Law in 1846. It does not like the Franchise Bill now upon its table. It is to a large extent the offspring of landlord power in the coun ties, and of tumult and corruption in the boroughs, and it would be strange if such a parliament were in favour of freedom, and of an honest representa tion of the people. But, notwithstanding such a Parliament, this bill will pass if Birmingham and other towns will do their duty." Mr. Bright then proceeds to describe the Tories ; of course, in no flattering terms, though he has never hesitated to act with them when it answered a purpose. The Tories, however, are not the whole of the danger, nor is it to shut them up, or out, as may be, that the Midland population is to march to Palace-yard. The special objects of this attack are " a small sec tion of men who do not accept the name of Tory, but zealously do its work." These combine to form what Mr. Bright calls several times over " a dirty conspiracy," and he does not think a " more dirty conspiracy" has been seen in the House of Com mons for many generations, against the bill and Lord Russell and the popular policy. Mr. Bright, as if twinged with a recollection or two, finds it neces sary to use the comparative. There have been con spiracies—aye, " dirty conspiracies," but this he will have to be more " dirty" than any he ever knew of. This, then, is the House of Commons. A dangerous moietyismade up of elements thoroughly and intrinsically bad, bad in name and in nature, and of some other element united, Mr. Bright says, "in a dirty conspiracy." But that does not save the rest, and it is hard to say whether Mr. Bright deals more hardly with the conspirators than with the non-conspirators. The collective house, he argues, hates the bill, and will not pass it, but for fear of the men from Birmingham and other large towns. It can be bullied and frightened into its duty, and in no other way. Selfish and corrupt, it will not give up an iota of its privilege and position, except as beasts of burden are made to do th e i r duty by the fear of the whip or the cudgel. The House, like all despots, is suspicious and cowardly. There is nothing heroic about it. It will not run needless risks, for it is not animated by a high sense of duty or devoted to any principle. It has a good worldly position and plenty of good things, and these it wishes to keep, but it won't die nor be beaten for their sake. Mr. Bright says in effect—Parliament has a deep detestation of the Reform Bill ; but you have only to shout loud enough and collect in suffi cient numbers, and it will pocket the affront, and pass the bill. Now, we submit that this is not a correct portrait of the House of Commons. It is plain, however, that Mr. Bright has let out the true secret of the course taken by him and his Ministerial coadjutors. The bill, he admits—he boasts—is not an appeal to the good sense, the intelligence, and the patriotism of the House of Commons, to their confidence in the people, or any such sentiment, for they possess no such sentiment. But they fear the people, and it is to this brutish fear Mr. Bright ad vises his constituents to appeal. Pass this bill, he says, virtually to the House of Commons ; pass it, however incomplete, however irrational, however preposterous in the order of proceeding ; pass it, even though it is a leap in the dark, and takes you instantly out of your depth ; pass it, even though it hand over the further necessary reforms to a new Parliament and a worthier constituency ; pass it, thoiigh you gain only a respite from your fears, and shall have no thanks for your pains, because, if you don't pass it, the masses will assemble, and it will be worse with you. We have taken the measure of your aristocratic quality, and it will flinch in the crisis. Pass the bill, because you must and will pass the bill, and we will make you. It is for this bill, for this policy, on this understanding and this esti mate of the powers to be overcome and the method certain to be victorious, that Mr. Bright has en tered into an alliance with Lord Russell. But this, of course, is not a " dirty conspiracy." It is a " dirty conspiracy," we are told on this high authority, to decline absolute confidence in people who refuse to show that confidence, who appeal to terror, and who do not conceal for an instant that fear must be your only counsellor. The Ministerial, - or rather the super-Ministerial, spokesman admits that the work itself is dirty, for what can be dirtier than an abso mte abandonment of reason and forethought at the blind suggestion of a merely personal danger ? He tells the house it has dirty work to do. It has to do what, by its own light, it believes to be wrong, and what, by the light of common sense, is, indeed, irrational. But it must do the work, for it is bid, and has no help. So, as there is dirt on both sides of the alternative, in Mr. Bright's estimate, and they who support a Franchise Bill Shutting their 3,,, ........ eyes to everything are dirty slaves, while they who demand a complete and final measure are only " dirty" conspirators, we will make our choice, and be abused for doing our duty, rather than for aban doning it under insolent threats and vile terrors. POST.—The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland has so completely paralysed the promoters of the Fenian movement in America that no other course was open to them but to proclaim their enter prise a failure or to seek elsewhere than in the United Kingdom to strike the blow by which the indepen dence of Ireland is to be vindicated. It will be in the recollection of our readers that a schism arose in the Fenian councils a few months since, the ma jority of the Senate charging G'Maheney and his Ministers with malversation of the funds which were raised for the liberation of Ireland. The re sult of this division in the camp was that the Senate elected a rival head centre of the name of Roberts, who, in his turn, appointed Ministers and issued appeals to the brotherhood to pay in their subscrip tions to the treasury of which he and his friends were the guardians. We now learn, on the very ques tionable authority of a New York journal, that ere a month elapses this section of the brotherhood will have some £3,000,000 at their command. But our contemporary goes further, for it tells us how the money is to be spent. President Roberts has secured the services of a former brigadier-general of volun teers, named Sweeney, as his Secretary of War, and this eminent strategist has not only resolved on the plan of operations to be adopted in invading Canada in the spring, but has also shown a becoming con tempt for his foes by publishing it in the columns of a newspaper. An army of 30,000 men will be ready m a month's time to cross the frontier, whilst simul taneously a navy composed of ships which will leave various ports on the Lakes of Erie and Michigan will co-operate with the land forces. With a division of 8,000 men the Grand Trunk Railway will be seized, whilst two other divisions will march respec tively on Kingston and Montreal. These places being taken, and the invading troops being placed in security behind their own intrenchments, the re mainder of the task will be comparatively easy. In spirited by the success of their militant brethren, the lukewarm will hasten to range themselves under a victorious standard, and the Fenian army and the Fenian treasury will alike be filled to overflowing. Canada being thus conquered, will receive the name of New Ireland, and be duly recognised as an inde pendent republic ; whilst the invaders, elated with their success, will, with the ships they will have captured at Montreal, and a few of the Canard steamers, proceed to Old Ireland, and having secured her deliverance from Saxon thraldom, obtain for her the same recognition of indepen dence which will have been accorded to Canada. Such is the Fenian programme, which, to be successfully carried out, needs, as Mr. Roberts truthfully obs€rves a liberal contribution of money. As a scheme for the subjugation of Canada we might well afford to laugh at it, but as the foreshadowing of an attempt to test the military resources of the colony it can only be regarded in a serious light. 'Whether such an attempt will ever be ma de must alm os t exc l us i ve ly d epen d on the American Government. In the United States men are divided in opinion whether the sympathy of the Government is with the Fenians or not ; whilst in this country, we are happy to say, no doubts exist as to the loyal intentions of the Cabinet at Wash ington. Still, when we find members of the Senate addressing public meetings in favour of the invasion of Canada by an army of filibusters, it must be ad mitted that the project is not so objectionable or chimerical in the eyes of members of the American Legislature as we might have had reason to expect. The Executive at Washington have hitherto done nothing to check the Fenian movement ; but then it must be borne in mind that up to the present no breach of the laws appear to have been committed. Until the law is broken the Government will be powerless to act, and we shall be without just grounds of complaint. With the evidence before our eyes of the mischief which has been done in Ireland, we cannot look without uneasiness towards Canada. There, Fenian emissaries will have but few opportunities for the display of their peculiar abilities, but the possibility of evil will, as we have reason to believe, be prevented by the prompt sus pension of the Habeas Corpns Act. Of the loyalty of the colonists the most abundant proof has been shown. The call for ten thousand volunteers was responded to on the following day by thirty thou sand anxious to bear arms in defence of their terri tory. The militia have been called out, and all the chief towns strongly garrisoned. These precautions may, and it is to be hoped will, prove unnecessary ; but the fact that they have been taken indicates how great is the sense of insecurity which these con spirators against the public peace, who have endea voured in vain to excite an insurrection in Ireland, have been enabled to create in Canada and the ad joining colonies. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDAY. The new wheat on offer is of such inferior quality as not to command even a bid. Old , t h ere f ore, continues t o be held most firmly, an d w h ere f actors were dispose d t o ac cept late rates for such, sales could be readily made. VerY little alteration in barley, beans, and other articles. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TumsDA.Y. The supply of wheat to-day was fair ; the trade, how ever, ruled slow, at about 6d per qr. less money. Barley came slowly to h an d, an d so ld at advancing prices. Oats intolerable request at late rates. B eans comm anded high prices. Peas at late rates. White wheat, 48s to 56s ; red, 45s to 50s per 36 stone' Barley for malting, 37 s t o 42s per qr ; feed, 28s to 32s per 30 stone. Oats 29s to 345. Beans, old, 48s to 51s; new, 43s to 46s per qr. LIVERPOOL--TUESDAY. At to-day's market there was but few buyers, and for wheat a limited demand at irre gu l ar p r i ces , an d i n cases of forced sales ex quay, at a slight re d uc ti on f rom th e rates 0 1 Tuesday last. Flour in somewhat more inquiry, at a de" cline of 6d on the week. Indian corn in good request, t'i ° advance obtained averaging 6d per qr higher than this dal week. Beans steady. Oats slow, but prices unchangeu• Oatmeal unchanged. MARKET HARBOROTJGH.—TUESDAY. Not much doing in wheat at barely late rates. Barley met with a firm demand at prices slightly in favour of the seller. Oats a small show and very dear. Old white wheat, 50s to 558 ; new red. 44s to 48s per 36 stone. Barley, fine, 40s ; other kinds, 32s to 36s per 30 Fi• Oats, new, 22s to 28s ; old, 27s to 33s per qr. Beans, ol u, 40s to 50s; new, 42s to 52s par qr. GAINSBOROUGH—TUESDAY. Rather more wheat on offer. Business was dull, at pri g tending downwards. New white descriptions sold at 04 ' to 535; red and mixed, 49s to 50s per 30 stone. Tit ° was a meagre show of barley, but superior qualities rat"': tained their value ; other sorts unaltered. Oats and bea, o ,: were not plentiful, and the demand being active, last Wee k prices were fully supported. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. Our market was well furnished with wheat, and with f i t quiet trade rather lower rates had t o b e t a k en . Not much barley on offer. Oats in goo d reques t, an d the suPPf, being limited, full prices were readily obtained. Bean s scanty supply, and prices against the buyer. Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels.... in 6d 19 ° White do do ....19s 6d to 21 8 ° , 3d New red do d o .... I6 s 6d in ~ . New white do d o ....18s 6d 2 0 8 (11 Beans do do .. . .178 6d 1, 8 o d . Peas, per qr. . 4" Grinding barley, per qr 33 8 Od - o d Malting barley, eo 3BB Od o d Oats, - do 2_7s od 30° F10ur....1s td to 24 Od per 141 b Pills." ADVERTISEMENT. J—Holloway's Ointment and PLO.-- rifrequent cause of gout and rheumatism is the l l amaragt o state of the blood, attended with bad digestion and g ener3 debility. A few doses of these Pills taken in time arebsillt effectual preventative against gout and rheumat ism ? I, g any one who has an attack of either should use Efollovrs9 Ointment also, of the powerful properties of which combined with the influence the pills must infallibly effect a cu f, These Pills act directly on the blood, which they Pill:J.4 and improve. They also regulate the secretions and tone to the stomach, and thus the whole system is in vig t he rated and put into a condition which enables it to stop approach of the disease or throw it off. Births. BALFOUR—On the 25th inst., at Bath,J. 1331f°111. ' Mrs. of a daughter. CASTLE—On the 26th inst., at Hawford House, Worcester: shire, the wife of Captain Castle, East Kent Militia, oi daughter. surrer , CUNNING—On the 27th inst., at 'Upper Tooting, the wife of C. D. Cumming, Esq., of a son. SIMPSON —On the 27th inst., at 56, Marquess-road, Canon bury-road, Mrs. John Simpson, of a son. Marriages. BlGBY—Scorr On the 23d inst. at at All Saints' Churcl!! Kensington, Wm. H. Rigby, to . Mary Catherine, ell); daughter of the late Mr. W. Scott, both of Halifax, N Scotia. VERB lIALKETT On the 23d inst., at St. John's EPI" e " ° Church, Edinburgh, Charles E. H. Vere, Es q” " 11 t° son of the late J. J. H. V e re, Esq., of Craigie 1 13 a J. Julia, youngest surviving daughter of Major-Geller' C. Halkett, 0.8., of Ravelrig. Deaths. BAKER—On the 25th inst., at Madingley Lodge, Fie more-gardens; Kensington, Win. Baker, Esq ., aged • BOASE—On the • 25th inst., at 174, Adelaide-road, gator stead, W. D. Boase, Esq., aged 47. EvErr—On the 26th inst., at 12 , Robert-street, froxtoe, Mrs. Evett, aged 75. MARSDEN —On the 25th inst., at Lou th, Lincolnshire, ill° Rev. W. D. Marsden, aged 54. G 10 1 1" RIDEOUT—On the 26th inst., at Wootton Cottage, tester, Charles Rideout, Esq., aged 70. WADE On the 25th inst., at Teddington, Jos. 11. Wa de ' aged 72. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDBEI of No. 112, Strand, PI inter, at Ms SUN OffiCO. Strand, in the Preeinet of the Savoy .in the C ou n ty - • Atiddleem7Wedneaday, Alarch 28,1868. ..'