The Sun. — London, England, 1866-08-28 00:00:00

rnE sci N it LON '.5 r~.s_~n, RElvOlttl DEIVIONSTRATION AT BIRMINGHAM. BIRMINGHAM, Monday Evening. The "demonstration," for which the Reform League of this town have been making preparations ever since the late Government resigned office, took place to-day, and if the presence of an immense host is to be taken as an earnest of enthusiasm, and of devotion to a cause, the gathering to-day was a decided success. The demonstration also partook of as much of the character of spontaneity as any thing in its way can do. The people themselves organised it and carried it out ; it was essentially a working men's movement ; the trade societies and the co-operative societies of every class all contri buted to swell the vast throng which began to col lect itself soon after 9 o'clock this morning. All the towns of the district contributed large quotas. Kid derminster, Coventry, Oldbury, Smethwick, West Bromwich, Dudley, Nuneaton, Bilston, Stourbridge, King's Norton, Stafford, Wolverhampton, and other places all sent deputations; and from the density of the population of those parts may be estimated the strength of the augmentation in point of numbers to the scores of thousands who turned out from the manufactories of the town. Nearly all business wasl put a stop to for the day ; in some instances the men remained in the workshops, but they were com paratively few, and the men preferred to sacrifice the whole day rather than work up to half-past 12, which was the time fixed for the procession to move. About half-past 11 o'clock the Mayor (Mr. Edwin Yates) arrived at the central rendezvous—the Town Hall. His worship was received with much ap plause, as were also Mr. Bright and Mr. Schole- field, who followed a little later. Mr. Edmond Beales, Mr. Mason Jones, and other leaders of the party had also a cordial reception. A preliminary conference between the joint committees of the Re form League and the Liberal Association was soon afterward held, but no business of importance was transacted. Meanwhile the streets were filling rapidly with an orderly crowd ; it had been ar ranged that the procession should move in six divi sions. The first to consist of the great body of men employed at the metropolitan and other carriage companies' works and the working jewellers ; the second to compromise the Mayor, the borough members, the aldermen and town councilors, the officers of the Birmingham Liberal Association and of the Reform League ; the third of the auxiliary branches of the Reform League; the fourth the Birmingham and District Trade Societies ; the fifth the Temperance Societies ; and, lastly, the friendly and other societies. It was arranged that they should move from six different points, and rendezvous at the Town-hall. To marshal such a huge mass as was assembling required some skill, and could not have been done effectively but for the spirit of order and discipline shown by the closely packed crowds who lined every thoroughfare. By a quarter to one Mr. Glossop, the chief of police, had got the first divi sion of the procession into marching array. There was a long line of carriages on one side of the Town-hall, where the principal guests were to enter them ; they did so without tie slightest de lay or inconvenience. Mr. Scholefield, Mr. Bright, the Mayor, and other friends sat in the first car- riage. A few minutes before one o'clock the procession started ; a mounted force of the police was in at tendance to preserve the line, but the people be haved admirably ; they preserved decorum and regularity themselves. The distance traversed to Brookfields was about two miles and a quarter. Throughout that entire space and every avenue leading to it was one dense mass of people ; every window and parapet and balcony was crowded ; from every window streamed forth gay colours, blue greatly preponderating ; then there were the scores of banners of the trade societies, numerous bands of music playing, and every accessory to produce a scene (on which the sun now and then shone brilliantly) which it would not be easy to describe. Now and then the crowd was so dense that the procession came to a halt for a mo ment or two. Mr. Bright, standing up in his car riage, with head uncovered, was greeted with many rounds of cheers. Brook fields, where this great gathering was to halt, belongs to Sir Thomas Gooch. It is situated just without the borough, i❑ the county of Stafford, and is a plot of undulating ground of some 50 acres, abutting on the Great Western Railway. The pro cession reached this at 2 o'clock in perfect order, a large portion of the ground having been previously occupied by those who had not chosen to join the Moving mass. Unfortunately the ground was barely reached when there came down a pelting storm of rain ; it lasted full 20 minutes, but the people en dured it with remarkable good humour. The con sequence of it was, however, to greatly mar the effect of the spectacle, which in bright sunshine must have been splendid, the numerous gay banners floating about contributing much to the picturesque. It was, however, a grand sight notwithstanding the draw back referred to ; for a space of fully a quarter of a mile as seen from the crest of the wavy ground was to be seen a dense mass of people, some of them vainly attempting to catch the voices of the orators who addressed them from half-a-dozen platforms. The speaking did. not last very long, and was be coming tedious, brief as it was. Mr. Beales, Mr. Councillor Baldwin, and Mr: T. S. Wright, and other gentlemen spoke, and from each platform the following resolutions were put and carried unani- mously "1. That the present House of Commons has, by its rejec tion of the very moderate measure of Parliamentary Reform proposed by the late Government, proved itself utteutterly w un worthy of our confidence and support, and that it in no sense represents the wishes of the Commons of Great Britain. We therefore hereby pledge ourselves to demand, agitate for, and u se a ll l aw f u l means t o o b ta i n reg i s t ere d residential manhood suffrage as the only just basis of representaiion, and the ballot to protect us from uuduo influence and inti midation in elections. "2. That this meeting tenders its warmest and most grateful thanks to the Right llon. W. E. Gladstone J. Bright, Esq., J. Stuart Mill, Esq., an d all other friends' of R e form, who throughout the late discussions in Parliament vindicated the character and protected the rights of the poople. "That this meeting presents its sincere thanks Beales, Esq., and the other members of the IWorrato Leanne, for their exertions in defence of tho right of public meet ing, and of tho true principle of Reform— res id ential an( registered manhood suffrage." Ix reference to the number of persons who took part in the proceedings of the day the estimate must be a rough one, and there is always a tendency to exaggerate in matters of this kind. Leaving out of calculation the fixed crowds—that is the persons who lined the streets—it has been suggested that if there were 200,000 present at the assembly known as " The Gathering of the Unions" in 1832 there must have been a much larger number in Brookfields to-day. Such is the conjecture of those who wit nessed both gatherings, but we greatly doubt the 2 00,000 to-day, and still more that of 1832. As the attendance on that day, the site was mea sured at the time, and the calculation was that so lar ge a number of people could not by any possi bility have stood upon the space which Newhall-hill afforded. Be that as it may, th ere can b e no d ou b t that the meeting certainly to-day was hi g hly cre di ta bl e to f the people, a finer displ a y o f or d er an d good temper could not by any po ss ibilit y b e expe rienc. Messrs. Bright and Scholefield left Brookfields soon after the procession arrived there. The pro ceedings were brought to a close soon after four o'clock, and the enormous crowd quietly dispersed. EVENING MEETING. In the evening a meeting was held in the Town hail for the purpose of presenting addresses to Mr Scholefield and Mr. Bright, the representatives of the . borough in Parliament. Mr. Edwin Yates, the mayor, presided. Both Mr. Bright and Mr. Scholefield werd en thusiastically received by their constituents, who filled every portion of the large hall for which this town is celebrated. The whole of the audiencerose as they entered, and cheered again and again for several minutes. The MAYOR, having briefly opened the proceed ings, congratulated the meeting on the success of the °p -air air demonstration in the afternoon, which, . L *Ped, 'would at last convince their opponents that the ieeple of England were in earned on this question of Reform. Mr. GEORGE DICKSON moved, and Mr. LAMPARD, a non-elector, seconded the addresses zo Mr Schole dela and Mr. Bright. Mr. BEALES, who supported the motion, was most warmly received. He cordially thanked them for the manner in which he had been received. It was a more than sufficient recompense for the in sults and calumnies with which he had been assailed by the upholders of class-legislation for maintaining the rights of the people, for the Legislature as at present constituted was a mockery of the rights of the unrepresented millions. For having thus warmly supported the rights of the people, and having taken part in an agitation of no ordinary character, he was no longer Revising Barrister for the county of Middlesex. (Cries of " Shame.") His object was to secure to the people the rights accorded to them by the Constitution of their country, which in sta tute after statute ordained that no laws should be passed, no taxation levied, without the assent of the whole commonwealth. He bore strong testimony to the qualities of Mr. Bright as a statesman and an orator who had devoted his great talents and his whole life to the service of his countrymen. If there was one man more than another who had done his best to maintain all that was valuable in the insti tutions of his country, that man was John Bright. (Cheers.) The addresses were carried by acclamation. Of that to Mr. Bright the following are the more im portant passages:— " After repeated pledges made only to be broken, we have witnessed the introduction into the House of Commons of a moderate but honest measure for the extension of the franchise. We have also witnessed the rejection of that measure by the combination of the Tory party with certain pretended Liberals; as the consequence of rejection we have witnessed the fall of a Liberal Government, and the acces sion of a Conservative minority to office ; but not to power ; therefore, in common with the Liberal party throughout the country, we have felt ourselves compelled to recom mence a labour which we lately hoped had approached its termination—the labour of obtaining from Rarliament a substantial measure of Reform in recognition of the just rights of the unenfranchised classes. The whole tenour of your public life inspires us with gratitude for what you have done, and with perfect confidence in your future course. Whoever else may prove false to the cause of the people, you will always remain true. From the moment you entered public life until now you have been the advocate of all liberal measures. So far as these have been accomplished we owe them greatly to your la bours. So far as they have yet to be achieved we look to you as their most prominentand determined advocate. In com mon with millions of your countrymen we feel towards you sentiments of gratitude and affection which can be but faintly expressed in words. With eloquence unsurpassed, with energy unrivalled, with devotion unyielding, at all times and under all circumstances, undismayed by opposi tion, uninfluenced by calumny, you have nobly and con sistently advocated the principles of right and justice towards all classes of your countrymen. Though unadorned with titles, though neither endowed with nor seeking the honours of office, you have reaped a reward higher and richer than them ; you have earnt the confidence of millions of your fellow-citizens; you stand the trusted and acknowledged representative of the people's cause, enshrined in the gratitude and affection of your countrymen, for your name will live as long as England shall endure, enrolled with those of Cobden, of Russell, of Gladstone, and of Peel." The address to Mr. Scholefield recognised the late services which he had rendered to the town of Bir mingham in connection with the Liberal cause, and the hereditary claim which he had upon the confi dence of the Liberals of Birmingham, as the son of Joshua Scholefield, the friend and associate of Thomas Atwood, in founding the great political union which virtually carried the old Reform Bill of 1832. During the 20 years in which he had re presented the borough he had abundantly justified the choice of his constituents by unvarying, earnest, and consistent support of all Liberal measures. The MAYOR having presented the addresses, Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD thanked them from the bottom of his heart for the unanimity with which they had voted the address just presented to him. Oh such occasions as these he deeply felt the want of words to do justice to his feelings. On many occasions he differed from many of them, not as regards prin ciples, but as regards the application of those prin ciples, and they had treated him not as a delegate, but as a representative worthy of their confidence— that confidence and that respect and esteem he was certain he sla'ould never lose. Two months ago every town was as quiet as it could be; now, however, every town and village was the centre of political agitation. The people had been told they were apathetic, but the magnificent demonstration of that day would convince those who had thoughtlessly uttered this statement how utterly baseless it was. What was the cause of this change? Two months ago they had a Government in power in which they had 'confidence, now they had a Government in office on which they placed no reliance ; two months ago they had the prospect of a Reform Bill, which, how ever moderate, and falling far short of their wishes, they were willing to accept as a substantial although moderate concession. In accepting this bill with all its shortcomings the people had been mainly in fluenced by the efforts of Mr. Bright. The conduct of the Tories had defeated these statesmanlike efforts, and he thanked God for it, for, as in 1830, that conduct had insured the passing of the Reform Bill in 1832, and as their conduct in 1846 made the Repeal of the Corn Laws inevitable, he trusted that they would now have a perfect Reform Bill. The revolutionary policy of the Tories admitted of no alternative, they must now have no tinkering, but a complete and comprehensive measure of Reform. without bluster, without undue vaunts : they must proceed steadily and firmly under the guidance of such men as Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright, and their success was as certain as the rising of to-mor row's sun, their cause was unassailable, for it was the cause of the Constittition, and may God defend the right. (Cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT, who was received with enthusiastic cheers, which lasted several miuutes, said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, —I accept the address which the Mayor has presented to me on your behalf with feelings I shall not attempt to express. I accept it as an ample compensation for whatsoever labours 1 have expended in your service, and I shall take it from this meeting and hold it as a constant stimulus to whatsoever labours may lie in my power in your service for the future. (Cheers.) There are times when I feel no little despondency at the small result of many years of public labour, but to look upon a meeting like that assembled in this hall, and to look upon that vast gathering which your town has exhibited to the country and to the world to-day, is enough to dispel every feeling of f ency, and to fill the h eart and nerve t e a h e r mind e s t p o onnedw and greater labours for the future. During the late Session of Parliament, in the debate ebate on the reading too of the Franchise B i ll , I and the of counsel opportunityCouhselto that a o t f offering a word of w arn i ng powerful party in the house which opposed that bill, and in those words of warning and of counsel I asked them to remember that, if they should succeed in the defeating of that bill, and in overthrowing the Government, that there would still remain the people of England to be met, and the claim of the long before that great question of Reform for consideration and set tlement. We have not had to wait which I foretold has come to pass. In London we have seen assemblies of people such as for a genera tion past have not been witnessed. In many other parts of the country there have been years, greater than there have been for 30 a notably to-day there has been a voice given forth from the very centre and heart of England which will reach at last to the circumference of the three kingdoms. There has been an attempt to measure the numbers that were present. At this moment there are probably in this hall 6,000 persons. I ask any of you who are present to reckon how many times this hall, with its 6,000 persons, could have been filled from that multitudinous congregation upon which our eyes rested, but upon the full ex tent of which our eyes will scarcely reach.say I it is highly pro b able that this hall might have been filled 40 ti mes from that multitude! (A Voice— Look outside.") At this moment, I am told, there is an audience far greater than that which I an now addressing, and, ththeewrehowleilolf b t e he n u ril n li i o te n of United Kingdom what is more, to-morrow an audience a n x i o u s t tm o llor k rno n ui o gn w hg what has been done and what has been said on this 27th day of August in the great city of Birmingham. But we are not here to-night to dis euss the question of Reform, because that is'aques= tion whichwe have already settled. (Cheers.) What we have to do is to discuss carefully our present po sition and our future work in reference to that great question. My hon. colleague has said that the Bill of the late Government was a Bill of singular moderation ;it was also a Bill—l speak now only of the Franchise Bill—it was a Bill of singular and most honest simplicty ; and that was the great reason that I felt it my duty and that you felt it your duty to give that Bill an honest support. Now, I will just tell you how much and how little that Franchise Bill proposed to give and what it would have given to the working classes of this country, and I think it necessary to state that because of the argu ment which I intend to raise upon it. The Go vernment produced to the House of Commons a Blue-book, most elaborately got together, and, so far as I know, with the exception of one point, accu rate. But they proposed to inform the House of the number of working men who are now upon the register, and the addition of working men which would be made if that Bill should pass. I differed entirely from their estimate. I believed it to have been to a great extent erroneous, and I think I pro duced facts to the House of Commons which sus tained my opinion ; but Mr. Gladstone told us that at present there were on the borough register in England and Wales working men to the number of 126,000. He showed further that even if there were no alteration in the £lO franchise, there would be an addition to the electors to the amount of 60,000, and he reckoned that these would all be working men, and then he said that if the franchise was reduced from £lO to £7, there would be a further addition of 144,000, all of whom he estimated as working men, and therefore he said there would be on the borough registers of England and Wales 330,000 working men, of whom 204,000 would be new voters added by th is Bill. Well, I believe that estimate was made with honesty by Mr. Gladstone, but that it was to a very large extent erroneous. I showed several boroughs—and I believe I might have gone through almost every borough in the king dom—l showed that the number of working men in the return was at least double, and in many cases more than double, the actual number on the regis ter. I estimated also that although the abolition of the ratepaying clauses might add 60,000 new voters, yet it would be very unfair to consider more than one-third, or 20,000 of them, being ten-pounders and upwards, would be of the class of working men : and I said, further, that of the class between ten-pounders and seven-pounders not more than thirds of them could be reckoned as of the working class. I do not think that more than one-half of them could be reckoned as of that class. Instead of 60,000 which would be enfranchised by the abolition of the rate-paying clauses, I believed that not more than 20,000 would obtain votes by that change, and that, instead of 144,000 working men being admitted by the reduction of the franchise from £lO to £7, it was a fair estimate to take two thirds of /that number, or 90,000 ; and, therefore, my opinion was this, that if the bill passed there would be on the borough register of England and Wales not 330,000 working men, but 179,000, and that there would not be admitted of working men by that bill 204,000, but only 116,000. And now, if you like, we will take either my estimate of 116,000, or Mr. Gladstone's estimate of 204,000, as the number cf working men who were to be added by the late bill to the present,register throughout all the boroughs of England and Wales, and I would ask what, after all, does it all come to ? 204,000, according to the Government estimate, 116,000, according to my estimate, and in addition about 200,000 added to the counties under a £l4 franchise for the counties, who must of necessity be almost altogether outside the class which we under stand when we are speaking of the working classes. (Hear, hear.) Now this was a bill which my hon. colleague has described as a bill of singular modera tion. Out of five or six millions of men in the United Kingdom who are not enfranchised, the whole num ber it admitted of working men in England and Wales in the boroughs was only 204,000. Now this bill, so moderate that I confess that at first I gave the hope that it would pass through Parliament without great difficulty, was resisted as if it had been charged with all the dangerous matter which the Tory party actually attributed to it ; it was in trigued against in a manner, I had almost said more base, but I will say more hateful, than I have seen during the 23 years that I have sat in the house of Commons—(shame)—and finally, under every kind of false pretence, it was rejected by a small majo rity, fell, and the Government which had proposed it fell with it. Now, the reason that I have given you these figures is that I want to show you the desperate resolution of the present Government and party 'which represents the Tory party in Parlia ment to deny to the working classes of this coun try any share in its government. (Hear.) lam not confined to the facts of the votes of the house and destruction of the bill, but I am able to show you by the arguments upon which the Tory party pro ceeded that such is their distinct, and, it may be, their unchangeable resolution. Several of the speakers to-night, at least more than one of them, have referred to the slanders and calumnies heaped on the great body of the people during the discus sions of the last session ; and although they named no one, no doubt the speakers had in their minds one member of the house who virtually has no con stituency—(laughter)—whose sole constituency, at any rate at that time, is now no longer here to par take of the strife and contests of politics—although I presume another constituency now reigns in his stead. If I quote anything that Mr. Lowe—(hisses) —said, understand me, that I wish to bring no charge against him whatsoever. (A Voice—" 'We do !") He has spent some years in Australia, and probably has voyaged round the world, and I do not deny to him the right to voyage round the world of politics. (Laughter.) I do not deny him the right to cast his anchor in any port that may be open to him. I merely intend to quote something that he said, because when it was said it was received with rapturous enthusiasm by a great party in the House, who are the supporters of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli. (Hisses and groans.) I must ask you to listen for a moment to this extract from the Times newspaper—(hisses)—a paper of which, as is well known, the speaker has been for many years an eminent writer, and of which, unless re port speaks untruly, he has no small degree of con trol. lie said on the 13th of March last, " You have had the opportunity of knowing some of the constituencies of this country, - and 1 ask if you want venality, ignorance, drunkenness, and the means of intimidation—if you want impulsive, unreflecting, and violent people, where will you go to look for ;hem—to the top or to the bottom ? It is ridiculous to blink the fact that since the Reform Act great corruption has prevailed among the voters of be tween £2O and rental, the £lO lodging and beerhouse keepers, but it is said, Only give the ranchise to the artisan and then seethe difference.", 11e goes on ; passing over a se n te n ce which was: a classical illustration, which amuse d the Ho use won dsmerafluill h y o , u b se u s t it is not n ec essar y h ere . M r . L owe " We k now w h at sort of persons live in those "—that is, of course, the voters between £ lO and £ 7 ; " we have all had expe r ie nc e of th em , ender the n ame of , f thing if they were disfranenchisaendd it alt l e v g o e u t l h d e b r. e a They d were dying out, but the Government proposed to bring them baCk again under another name. From what you all see, it were well that all these persons of this class who aro to be brought back under another name --that is, all the persons between £lO and £7—should be disfranchised altogethera.'lglita h t e , he asked, would be the consequence of passing bill ? lie said the first stage would be increase of corruption, intimidation, disorder, and all the evils which usually happen at elections, What will be the .>. second? It will be this. The working men of England, finding themselves in a full majority of the whole constituency, will awake to the full sense of their power. They will say, "We know what we can do for ourselves. Do not let us be any longer cajoledat elections ; let us set up shop for ourselves. We have our own objects to carry as well as others, and let usunite to early them. We have the machinery—we have our trade unions and we have our leaders." (At this there were loud Opposition cheers.) "We have the power of combination, as we have shown over and over again, and whenwe have the privilege to vote we will bring it to bear with tenfold niore )ON, TITESDA V EVENING, AUGUST 26, 18667 force than ever." These sentiments, uttered in my hearing, were received in the House of Commons with enthusiastic approbation by the great body of the Tory party—the supporters of the present Go vernment. (Hisses.) Now observe what this really is. It is that the voters already between £2O and £lO are so bad that if you go lower it will be something like ruin ; that there will be more venality, more ignorance, more drunkenness, more means of inti midation—more that is impulsive, more fleeting and violent. Mr. Lowe, in fact, says that the working man to be admitted will be like the old freemen, who have a sort of corrupt monopoly in certain bo roughs, and that all this class of persons should be disfranchised altogether, and he says if the bill passes it ill cause an increase of corruption and of intimidation, and of disorder, and then to a House of Commons, in which the landed proprietors have always acted, as far as the bulk of them go, as a ge neral trades union, to have raised the price of bread and diminished the size of the loaf as long as we would let them—to such a House of Commons Mr. Lowe says that there will be combinations of work ing men for their special objects. Therefore this is, his conclusion--" Shut them out for ever, bolt the door ; say loudly, boldly, you, the Parliament of England, to the five or six millions of men who have now no votes, and whom you pretend to represent, not one of you who cannot pay a rental of £lO shall ever speak by his direct representative within the walls of this house. (Cheers.) Now that is the po licy I (Mr. Lowe) recommend." It is not impor tant at all because Mr. Lowe recommends it ; it is important only because it has been accepted and approved by the great Tory party in Parlia ment. Sir, I say I who am charged with designs against the safety of the institutions of this country, that that is a dangerous policy—a policy which in other countries where it has been carried out obsti nately has done great things ; through it crowns and coronets have sometimes been lost, and I am not sure thatit is a policy which can safely be main tained with us. (Loud cheers). I asked one of the most trusted and intelligent and excellent Frenchmen that I am acquainted with, one of the most confidential friends of the dynasty of Louis Philippe and the Orleans family, what it was that drove that family from France. I referred to stories of corruption among Ministers, and to other rumours which had been circulated in pub lic and in private. He said that none of these things did it. It was the attempt of the King to govern France by a Parliament that represented an insignificant minority of the people, and which Par liament, he thought, he could perpetually manage by a judicious distribution of patronage. Now, on this principle of governing this country by a Parlia ment elected by an insignificent minority of the people Lord Derby comes into office, and, judging from the speeches and the votes of the last Session of Parliament, the party intends as long as possible to govern upon that principle and upon that policy. Working men in this hall, I wish my voice had been loud enough for me to have said what I am about to say to the vast multitude which we looked upon this morning, but I say, and say to you, and through the Press to all the working men of this kingdom, that the accession to office of Lord Derby is a declaration of war against the working classes. (Loud cheers, and a cry of " We accept it.') The course taken in London the other day by the police, and it had almost been by the military, is an illustra tion of the doctrines and the principles of Lord Der by's Administration. They reckon nothing of the Constitution of their country—a Constitution which has not more regard to the Crown or to the aristocracy than it has to the people ; a Constitution which regards the House of Commons fairly repre senting the nation as important a part of the Go vernmental system of the kingdom as the House of Lords or the Throne itself. They thus despise the Constitution. They likewise despise the claims of five or six millions who are unrepresented. You may work; you may pay taxes ; you may serve in the army, and fight. 70,000 or more of your brethren are now living under the burning sun of India, and twice as many more are serving in the ranks in dif ferent parts of the world, and you, the body of the people from whom these men are drawn, are not considered worthy to do so simple an act as to give a vote in your great town for your present or for any future representatives. (Loud cheers.) You are to have no vote, no share in the Government ; the country you live in is not to be your country ; you are to be like the Coolies or Chinese imported into the West Indies or California—you are to work, but you are not to take rest in the country, or to consider the country as your country ; and in addition to all this refusal of the commonest rights of the Constitntion, you are insulted by the cheers of a great party given to the language which I have read to yoti to-night. You are to be told that you are so ignorant, and so venal, and so drunken, and so impulsive, and so unreflecting, and so disorderly, that it is not even safe to skim, as it were, the very cream of you, through the number of 116,000—(cheers) —or it may be 204,000, to vote for members of the House of Commons. This is the Tory theory ; this is the faith of Lord Derby, and I am not saying one word that is in exaggeration of the truth, for I have heard them over and over again vociferously cheer sentiments such as I have de scribed. Now, this Government that has been over turned was certainly a very different Government. Lord Russell has no fear of freedoin. The Govern ment that was led by Lord Russell in one House and by Mr. Gladstone — (cheers)—in the other was founded and acted upon the principle of trust and confidence in the people. Some said there was no such difference between the Derby Government and the Russell Government. Lord Derby asked Lord Clarendon to take office in his Government. (Laughter.) There is something shocking in the very audacity and effrontery of that offer. Lord Clarendon was an eminent Minister of a Govern ment which brought in a bill which the Tory party declared subversive of the Constitution, and then Lord Derby asked Lord Clarendon to keep the Foreign-office in the new Government. The Go vernment of Lord Derby in the House of Commons, sitting all in a row, reminds me of a number of amusing and ingenious gentlemen who I dare say some of you have seen and listened to—Christy's Minstrels. (Laughter and cheers.) The Christy's Minstrels, if I am not misinformed, when they are clean washed arc white men, but they come beforethe audience as black as the blackest negro, and by this transformation it is expected their jokes and their songs will be more amusing to the audience. The Derby Minstrels—(loud laughter)—pretend to be Liberal and white, but the fact is, if you come near them and examine them closely, you will find them to be just as black and curly as the Tories have ever been. I do not know, and I will not pretend to say, which of them. it is that plays the banjo. (Laughter.) But I have no doubt that in their manoeuvres to keep iu office during the coming session we shall know something more about them than we do at present. In point of fact, when they pretend to be Liberals they are not allow them to be Liberal, and the party usurpers and impostors. (Hear.) Their pvey oLily exists upon the principle, a nd upon winch they have acted in all their past history, of resisting and rejecting every proposition of a Liberal clraracter submitted to Parliament. (Hear.) Now, - what is this Derby principle ? It is the shutting out of much more than three-fourths, five-sixth .s, and even more than five-sixths, of the people fr. am the exercise of constitutional rights. If any of you take ship and go t o C ana d a , he will find the Derby principle utt er l y repu di ate d ; b u t in Canad a there is no uprooti ng o f i nst i tut i ons an d no tliainction of property, and there is no absence o f order, of loyalty. If you go to Australia, you will And there that this Derby principle is unknown ; yet there reigns order as it is in this country, contentment with the institutions of the colonies, and re gard for law and for property. If you go to those g reat and glorious colonies of this country—the United States of America-- (cheers) there 1 jou will find the people exhibiting all the virtues which belong to the greatest nat ions on the face of the earth ; there your will find a people passing through a tremendou war, a tre mendous revolution, with a conduct mad a success, with a generosity and a magnanimii ,y which have roused and attracted the admiration £Xf the world. (Loud cheers.) As you come to Eurovg you will find in the Republic of Switzerland, in the kingdom of Holland and Belgium, in Norway, in Sweden, in France, and now you are about to witness in Ger many also a wide-spread exercise of the franchise hitherto in our time unknown in this country ; and neither Emperor, nor King, nor noble believes that his authority or his interest, or his greatness, or the happiness of any one of his countrymen will be jeo pardised by the free admission of the people to their constitutional privileges. (Cheers.) In Germany a vote is to be given to every man of 25 years of age and upwards, so that if we were to propose a mea snre that would give a vote to every man of 25 years of age and upwards in this country we should not be in advance of the great country 'of Northern Ger many which is now being established. What is it that we are come to in this country that what is being rapidly conceded in all parts of the world is being persistently and obstinately refused here inEng land, the home of freedom, the mother of Parlia ments, the England of which one of her poets has said— " Tho' o'er our heads the f;ozen Pleiades shine, 'Tis liberty that crowns Britannia's Isle, And makes her barren rocks and her bleak mountains smile ?" In this England five millions of grown men, repre senting more than 20 millions of population, arc to be persistently denied that which makes the differ ence between despotism and freedom all the world over. (Cheers.) I venture to say that this cannot last very long. How does it stand at this moment that the noble and illustrious lady who sits on the throne of England—(cheers and cries of "God save the Queen")—she whose gentle hand wields the sceptre over the wide empire of which we are the heart and the centre, she was not afraid of the franchise which the late Government introduced during the late Session ? Seven times I think by her own lips or by her pen she has recommended to Parliament the admission of a large number of working men to the Parliamentary franchise. If this proposal were so destructive, would not the Queen be the first to discover it ? and if the bill of last Session were so mischievous, would 30,000,000 of people of the United Kingdom not have been able to produce a single meeting in condemnation of it ? Look at the middle classes of your towns, they are a vast majority in favour of it. Look at the meet ing of to-day, the whole of the middle classes of Birmingham have sympathised with the proceedings of this day; and I do not doubt but that by-and-by in the populous districts of Lancashire and York shire we shall have assemblages equalling those which have been held in London and in Birmingham. If we go to the House of Commons, we find it elected, as I have said, by the landlords' compulsion in the counties, and by corruption, intimidation, and tumult in the boroughs. Do not suppose that lam charging the House of Commons with what it does not itself admit and acknowledge. Have you read the reports of the commission for Yarmouth ? you not read that a late member for that borough is said to have spent no less than £70,000 to main tain his seat ? Did you not read that one gentle man, the inferior partner of a brewery, " unbe known," as Mrs. Gamp would say, spent £4,000 for the election of his senior partner, that another person, knowing nothing of the borough,went down and spent £6,000 to contest it in a few days ? But do these things only happen in Yarmouth, or any other borough that is brought before the public. It is only the sample of a very considerable sack, and for every borough which is thus exposed there are probably 10 or 20 other boroughs which are to a very large extent in the same condemnation. But, notwithstanding this, the Parliament of England at this moment is about equally divided, and about half of the house was in favour of the late bill. Well, if this be so, what is there wanting in this poising and balancing of the scale ? It only wants that the working men of. England should boldly throw their influence into the side which is for their interest, and that side will prevail. Now, you have before you to night my friend Mr. Beales, and you have the Na tional Reform League, whose head-quarters are in London. Mr. Beaks knows—you know—that I have preferred that the franchise should be established on what 1 consider to be the ancient principle of the country. I am not afraid of the principles of the Re form League. I have no fear of manhood suffrage, and no man is more a friend of the ballot than I am. It is a great cause which is offered to your notice to-night, and it is a grand and noble flag under which you are asked to enlist yourselves. Now, what I would recommend you to do is this—and I imagine myself to be at this moment speaking in the hearing of every intelligent and sober and thoughtful work ing-man in the three kingdoms—let us try to move on together ; let us not split hairs on this question ; let us do as your forefathers did 31 years ago—let us have associations everywhere ; let every work shop and every factory be a Reform association ; let there be in every one of them a correspondent or a secretary, who shall enrol members and shall in every way he can assist this great and noble cause. I would recommend that the passages I have read from that celebrated and unhappy speech should be printed on cards, and that a card should be hung in every workshop and in every room of every factory and in every club-house—and, in fact, every place where working men are accustomed to assemble. Let us raise the spirit of the people against these slanderers of a great'and noble nation. (Loud cheers.) There will come soon another election. (Renewed cheering.) The working men may not be able to vote, but they can form themselves into a powerful body, and they can throw their influence in every borough on the side of candidates who pledge them selves to the question of Reform ; and if they do this, depend upon it they will change many seats and give a certain majority for Reform in the next Parliament. It may be necessary and desirable to meet Parliament again with petitions from all parts of the country, signed by numberless names. There is no effort which the Constitution and which mo rality permits us to use that we should leave unused and unmade for the purpose of furthering this great cause ; and let us be sure of this, that we demand that the question of Reform shall only be dealt with by a Government honestly in favour of Reform. The address which hasbeen presented to me has referred to the time of 1832. I remember that time well. My young heart then was stirring by the trumpet blast that sounded from your midst. There was no part of this kingdom where your voice was not heard—and let it sound again ! (Cheers.) Stretch out your hand to your countrymen in every portion of the three kingdoms, and ask them to join in a great and righteous effort on behalf of that freedom which has .° long been the boast of Englishmen, but which the majority of Englishmen have never yet pos sessed. (Cheers.) I shall esteem it an honour which my words cannot describe, and which even in thought I cannot measure, if the population which I am per mitted to represent should do its duty in the great Struggle which is before us. (Cheers and cries of "It wilt") Remember the great object for which we strive, care not for calumnies and for lies, our object is this—to restore the British Constitution and with all its freedom to the British people. The hon. gentleman, after speaking an hour, resumed his seat amid the loudest demonstrations of applause, the cheering and waving of hats and handkerchiefs lasting several minutes. A vote of thanks to the strangers who had kindly assisted at the morning's demonstration was acknow ledged by Mr. AARON JONES, and the usual vote to the Mayor for his courtesy in presiding brought the proceedings to a termination. PIGEON FLYlNG.—Yesterday the renewed match to fly pigeons from Brighton to Loudon was decided, the winning pigeon accomplishing the distance in 61 minutes, and five other birds reached their homes under ono hour and a quarter. [ A DVERTISEMCENT.j—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.— Premature Decline.—The unwary and thoughtless may save themselves a sea of troubles in the future by an early recourse to these excellent curatives. All blotches, from whatever cause arising, all enlargements of the glands wherever situated, irritating sores and debilitating dis charges, may be safely and certainly cured by employing Holloway's ointment and pills in accordance with the in structions wrapped round each pot and box. No timidity need deter the weakest from applying these restoratives, which exert the threefold qualities of purifying, regulating, and repairing, without disturbing the stomach, annoying the nervous system, or rendering confinement to the house necessary. Holloway's medicaments will stem the source of many maladies, which, when neglected, perpetuate misery. ASSOC/ATIOII. NOTTINGHAM, SATURDAY, GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOLOGY. This section resumed under the presidency of Sir C. NICIIOLSON.—Some notes by Colonel Goldsmid, on Eastern Persia and Western Beloochistan, were read to the section. These notes were made by the writer while engaged in arranging for a coast line of telegraph, his journey having been made when the late Colonel P. Stewart was about to lay the telegraphic table in the Persian Gulf. The author thought all would admit that the land line had greater advantages than the submarine cable, even though the latter pursued its marvellous course hundreds of miles away in the depths of the unex plored ocean.—Captain MAURY said the Indian telegraph would bring important parts of the world into closer communication. Many special advan tages would accrue to this country from encou raging telegraphic lines to our Indian possesSions, because when such lines were established they would be stepping-stones to telegraphic communi cation with that nucleus of great rising powers in the southern hemisphere—viz., the colonies of Aus tralia. Every step which they made on a line towards India was also a step towards bringing Australia within the reach of the magnetic telegraph. He was always glad to encourage any enterprises of that sort, because their influences were so multitu dinous and beneficial, and operated in a way which they were not at all times prepared fairly to anti cipate.— Mr. CRAWFURD said that at one time they received a message from Bombay in eight hours. Telegrams were now received from New foundland in eight minutes. The barbarous coun tries through which the Indian telegraph passed were much more difficult to be traversed by messages than the 2,000 miles of ocean depths. Great reforms were necessary. The Indian Government had not been doing its duty in forcing telegrams to be for warded through countries in which translations were necessary, causing thereby a detention of several hours. When telegrams were received nobody could understand them, and he had seen several examples which were too ridiculous to be mentioned. A tele gram from India ought not to take more than eight hours, if the wires were properly arranged. Mr. J. REDDIE read a long paper on the various theories of man's past and present condition. He said there were three leading doctrines or theories current in the present day which claimed attention, as professing to account for the facts of man's past and present condition. The oldest and first in im portance was what they had all been taught as chil dren, that God created man a little lower than the angels, and gave him dominion over the inferior creatures. The second in importance, although the latest theory put forward, and antagonistic to both the others, was the Darwinian theory, which derived man from the ape. The third was the polygenous theory, which, without descending quite so low for an ancestor, nevertheless propounded that the primitive men were savages, but lower than any known. race of savages, inasmuch as, according to this theory, men originally could not even speak. There might be many minor distinctions and subtheories, but that classification would suffice for a tolerably complete review of the leading theories opposed to tfie scriptural ones, which differed essen tially from the others in this respect—that it not only held the special creation of man, but also that man was not created a low-caste speechless savage, but created a man in perfection. All the theories recognised the fact that there had been some kind of development or change in the human family. The chief differences between them related to the origin and character of the primitive man. In one essential particular Darwinianism differed from them all, viz. that it began with a human infant which had not human parents. But long before they arrived at that development under this theory they were forced to ask, in their endeavour to realise what it professed to explain, " How was the first young mammal nourished in its struggle for existence if its imme diate progenitor was not a mammal ?" No answer had ever been given to that inquiry, and even Dar win had not made any attempt to explain it in his elaborate volume. In addition to that they were forced to ask the transmutationist to favour them with some hint of educational secret by which the monkeys trained elevated their progeny into man when we our selves were scarcely able, with all our enlightenment and educational efforts, to prevent our masses fall ing back to a state rather akin to that of monkeys and brutes. To that again no answer had been given. All that Darwin had proved in his work " On the origin of species," was that numerous varieties of plants and animals were developed within the limits of each particular species. All beyond the probable (but not-proven) origin of species was a mere specu lation, with not a ghost of proof in support of it. In addition to the antiquity of civilisation, as proved by all history, tradition, and archaeological remains, there were other proofs in favour of the religious theory of man's past and present condition to be de rived from the common knowledge among civilised races which spoke of a common origin and of some previous intercommunion among them all. He ventured to allege that no theory either about man or language which we could devise, even with all our after knowledge of the facts now existing with regard to both, would so well account for all the facts of the case as our old religious and time-hon oured theory of man's origin and the confusion of language at Babel. Prof. HUXLEY, who was invited to address the section, said it bad been thought pro per that a department should be instituted in section D—the department of anthropology, and if he had any comprehension of scientific arrangement, Mr. Reddie's was an anthropological paper, and could only be competently discussed by those persons who were familiar with all the sciences which were re quisite for the study of anthropology. (Hear, hear.) Under those circumstances, glad as he should have been to accede to the invitation of the President, be should, by beginning to discuss the paper, admit the competency and propriety of its being read in this section, and he was very sorry to say that in his official capacity as president of another section he could not do so. In his section and its departments they had a very wholesome practice which was called " referring a paper" in order to see whether there was anything in it that was new, true, or worth dis cussing if there was, the paper was read. Although he thought the paper was one for section D, he did not pledge himself that it would pass the particular ordeal to which he had referred.—Mr. D. W. NA su said, as secretary to the Ethnological Society, and one of the secretaries of this section, he altogether protested against the notion that by the ethnological part of this section was to be understood only a series of questions relating to the habits, character, and possessions of the living tribes of savage na tions upon this earth. Ethnology could not be con fined to a sort of geographical ethnology, and such a paper as Mr. Reddie's had been most properly read in this section.—Sir J. LUBBOCK said he ven tured to claim for Darwin's theory that his was the only one which in any way accounted for the origin of man, whether rightly or wrongly. The other theories were only confessions of ignorance, and did not convey any such definite ideas as were put for ward by Mr. Darwin —Mr. CRAWFURD said he could not recognise the arbitrary distinction which Professor Huxley had made. He could not believe the Darwinian theory, and was surprised that men of eminent talent should lend themselves to such a belief. As for accounting for the origin of species, the thing was utterly beyond their reach, and there were not facts on which it was possible to found a conclusion. The discussion was briefly continued by Mr. C. BLAKE and Mr. FELLOWES, the latter of whom thought that investigations on the subject should still be pursued. A paper by Mr. F. WHYMPER on the progress of the Russo-American telegraph expedition, via Behring's Straits, was read. This great enterprise, he said, was the work of the Western Union Com pany of America. In order to make it a success, a large amount of exploration had been found neces sary, and this, being almost entirely in new or little known countries, would of course add considerably to our knowledge of them. The first officials of the company reached San Francisco late in 1864, and some of them at once proceeded to British Columbia to commence the preliminary explorations. he line had previously been carried through Oregon and Washington territory to New Westminster, wt , ' • Wit - VraBer river The organisation of tho first eg2t - a r ', tion was not completed until the end of July, 186 d. Five vessels, including a screw steamer, were em ployed to take up the exploring parties, and to leave them at their several destinations with stores for their subsistence, &c. All returned to San Franc before Dec. 1. The preparations for 1866 were on 3 more extended scale. Seven vessels, one of which v ia ' g . a magnificent clipper ship, would be employed in transporting, principally to the coast of Asia, 1 0° i ; supplies, and telegraph material. More than 3 . °`', men would go to Kamschatka and Siberia, the line was already constructed for about 700 nod e ' north of New Westminster. By the end of this yea r about 1,500 miles of wire would be stretched north wards, and other sections of the line commenc es ' During the first half of June three vessels ha d left San Francisco. Colonel Bulkeley (an e , °- gineer of immense experience, a colonel in 0° United States regular army, in the corps of en' gineers, and who was during the late war prin cipally engaged in military telegraphing) was ac‘ companied by Count Anasoff, a Russian commis' sioner, appointed by the Imperial Governiness to see that every facility was afforded to the exPe dl ; tion. The United States Steamer, Saginaw, vio'D convey a part of the expedition, and a Russian wa n of war was ordered to report to Colonel Bulkell' at Petropaulofski, for the same purpose. On t he , deck of the clipper ship Nightingale, the larg est vessel of the expedition, two small stern-wh eel steamers would be carried, which were intended for the navigation of shallow rivers on the coasts °f Siberia and Russian America. Early this year, in l3l-1 tish C olumbia,Maj or Pope explored the country W in d Lake Tatla to the head waters of Stekin river, as then descended that river to the sea, travel- I °g more than 500 miles in snow shoes, and the re,' mainder of the distance (from the head of the na/ 1.. gation) in a boat. He was accompanied by only on e white man and two Indians for the g rea ter part O the journey. He described the c oun t r y north ° f Tatla Lake as lightly wooded, though the r e is Ole" prairie and land which is very unlike the greate r part of British Columbia. Every facility had be e° given to the expedition by the British and Russia n colonial Governments and all materiel for the cow' pany's use was everywhere admitted duty free. COUNTRY MARKETS. -41 , - CHELMSFORD—Au G. 24. With a large supply the market for wheat was s- loft a , although new sorts were from 3s to bs per quarter 100 4 d Old wheat and Spring corn of all descriptions remDA` without alteration. 42 , Wheat, old white....46s 57s Peas, Partridge 405 00 new .418 568 White ~..325 ..-I old red 418 52s Baling 0 4 0 new. 40s 51s 8ar1ey..... 258 33s Dun.... ..... -.3 8 ! ~,' e ditto, new - "P 45 0 Chevalier —8 —8 Beans, Tick, 01d......40a 410 Grinding 25s 30s new.. - 389 464 Malt... sBs COs Harrow ricks. 42i 44 0 Chevalier 608 621 nevv.... 403 00 Oats 2 1 8 26s Mazagan . ..... 38.0 There was only R a small show of ANTHAM—Ara wheat at this Infi r to-day, which realised about the same prices as last We' ef t Old white wheat, 53s to 565 . ; old red, 50s to 525; white, 52s to 56s ; new red, 47s to 52s per 36 stone. P o r ley f9r malting, 36s to 42s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to aasliii 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 30$ For a , stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s; new, 44s to 46s per 3 8 W . ' Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER—Aua. 25. (.011 To-day new wheat was in tolerable supply, but sca l ;;,o any old, and met a moderate demand at a decline of avy 3s on previous rates 445 Wheat, white 4Ss 58s Beans, nazagan...... 32 - 48 5 red 42s 50s Middle and 5ma11,_445 410 Barley ... .... 34s 43s Peas, white 380 ,gi Oats ..... ... -0 - s grey ..,36$ NOT T INGHAM—Aua. 25. tee. There was a small supply of wheat at our corn ra'' t o. to-day, and the demand was dull, at barely former The supply of barley was limited, and the demand st e L'o Oats scarce, and rates pretty well supported. 1 3 e 3 " - heavy trade at late prices. ne ‘ Old white wheat, 56s to 60s ; old red, 52s to 55s ; ci ao, white, 55s to 60s ; new red, 50s to 54s per 36 stone. ',I I , old, 34s to 355; new, 25s to 34s per 24 stone. Beans/ 50 ols to 53s ; new, 48s to 51s per 38s stone. Fine flour, to 44s per sack. . 24. The attendance A B at market RDEEN—AuG to-day was small, and little business doing. Prices remain unaltered. 46s Od to 48s Od? 621 b 11, - White wheat bu si,ol. Red wheat 45527 s Od o to o 2 48 7 5 . 6 0 d dc howl Potato oats- !- 40Ib ? . Common oats 24s Od to 24s 6d) Bere 30s Od to 31s Od ( 53th 13 bowl. Barley 32s Od to 32s 6d j Oatmealsat. 19s 6d to 20s OctOd boll of Flour, line ,401) 38s Od to 39s Od fl sack of KIRKCALDY—Auo. 25. Good supply of wheat, small of oats, and two o° l° of new barley. Prices unchanged. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First .4s 6d ; —s Od 211 s Crd iecond 45s 61 —s Od 3ts Od Tuird 47s 01 —s Od j—s Od COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. 0. di s. d. 20 6 Eden Main Russell's Hetton South Hetton Ships at market, 20—sold, 20. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Soathampton Sep t 'l3. Ditto, via Marseilles Sept' 3. Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet Sep t ' Ditto, by French packet •• Sept' ~i• Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.-- SePr ;, China, Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton SeP" 11 Ditto, via Marseilles Sep t . • Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton SePt" • India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... Se t *; 3 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. S e p t ' SeP t " Ditto, via Marseilles .. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton S e p t ' l Ditto, via Marseilles Sep t i g Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles Sep t ' Newfoundland Portugal pt Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon ....... United States and British North America, by Bri- 5. tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton......... Ditto, via Cork ..... 31, Ditto, by Canadi a n packet, v i a Londonderry .4 u rl . ' 1 i` - eat Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe „„ .. Sept' vv f est Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Honduras) Atte • fg' ••.•. Cuba and Mexico " Bermuda, via Halifax ... ....Aug'... „ 9 , Aug' "ii• Bahamas, via New York. S e p t - 0 SWIMMING MATCH AT SEA FOR 1100.—YeS ter r afternoon a most extraordinary match fromP"csr ness to the Nore was swum between Henry Co; llt° ,-, 1. „, cIP tain of the Serpentine Swimming Club, and IkeY ''':v o the landlord of the Old King's Head, Sheerness, t 11 ` ) ,,,, (i JP being £5O a side. The challenge emanated frofrom' - tlir who has been in her Majesty's Marine service, long a to tances being his more especial forte, and who off °l : 3 , tfig swim against anybody in the world from Sheern ess - c ol Nore lightship, a distance of about four miles "a sthe ,Bla flies." The start was from boats close to her Majes t y ' 0 0 : Formidable. The steamboat City of Rochester 8- 1,1 P panied the match, and was well filled. Coulter vr °ll o "cV minutes, occupying one hour and three-quarters ill ing the lightship. _...... Births. v calt °ll r i PIGOTT —On the 24th inst., at Cannon Mansion, -.-:, r , l fOlta - ' the wife of G. F. Pigott, Esq., Scots Greys, of a °To l er PARKE —On the 25thlinst., at Ilsui . gton Cottage/ 9°- ..o ter, the wife of Col. Parke, C. 8., of a son. , Geo P PowELL—On the 27th inst, at Croydon, the wife °` , til t) T. Powell, Esq., of a daughter. D.J. -1 VEnNoN—On the 26th inst., at 37, M.ontagu-SV lion. Mrs. G. Vernon, of a son. • Marriages. a . rge FORBES—Thomas—On the 24th inst., at St. - m e° . 4 ,4' Church, Sheffield, John Forbes, Esq. of Lille ° , 4 ; l 2 '-11 "" barrister-at-law, to Maria Elizabeth, Esq.., a of Henry Thomas,.Esq., of Leavy.Greave, Show s " n oSl , Knox—RICE--On the 22d inst., at Loghill Church, °oll; of Limerick, 0. N. Knox, Esq., third son of Os A j te' John and Lady MabellaKnox, to Lucy, fourth all/iia' of the late Hon. Stephen E. Spring Rice, of go ill; " chard, in the same county. Deaths. s n id i ALLAN—On the 26th inst., at St. Joh ' 'Villas, 1.4°. 0 -6(1 ' 1 hill, Deptford, Judith, relict of the late John All of 2, Leadenhall-street, London. a il ' 1° BALY -On the 26th inst., at Penn, Bucks, Char A V' Esq., formerly of High Wycombe, aged 77. ntoo/ COOMBE —On the 25th inst., at Holmes Hill, Ts u -- 4 Coombe, Esq., aged 89. lf e °l HOVENDEN—On the 11th inst., off Constantinovle,ovoo F. Hovenden, Liout. and Gommander of Wit• s g Sri;,,,, Tyrian. ie-r el RICHMOND—On the 25th inst. at The Tower, Lslv r ,,. - o cl _.,'• Sydenham, Lieut.-Gen. A. F. Richmond, a g o STOBART—On the 26th inst., at Etherley, county m" Col. Henry Stobart, aged 72. , i , I Pi" WOOD—On the 21st inst., at Clarence-square, va te _.,/ ' V Edward Wood, Esq., aged 77 . voter WEST— On the 24th inst., at Blackheath -p " a rk, , s. West, Esq., late of East Cosham, H ants, aged 4 $ London : Printed and PabLiched by W'ILLTAIr A I " J of No. 112, Strand, Punter, at Tun SUN ° fetlC A 0,10 Strand, in the Precinct of the Sayan in t he v° rilid4loo4M—TUenlay, August 28, 1800. • A ‘ PTAIi 1(1114i cm It is p pri4 410. 11 ' t SOld E ho rn "% c 'lesalo g o GRE/ „ observe 4alnal ue t. 3 , 841 Pi r ee r ° 4l Pt A oil app. parti No rrol'lcE D i weivr i aivi o r old 4.44 d (i 17 a nd la Cont LAID(I thA D D A I v the - will I hex to e —6 tia e o s of th, ,~C c t ate F T( );. e ‘'t ' l ' ll IZt4 n p ( l or 4t p„, g,en t he To ri 1 113 y. ;; ( S ‘ t; ' e Pt tt C Co