The Sun. — London, England, 1835-09-21 00:00:00

p.y , .....' ..... ' ... k.......... a nner In . which their father s wors hipp e d i n s i nc erity and truth, wr ;re proscribed is aliens in the land that gave them birth. - I hardly remember the period when the aspirations cV.d. no .t throb in my bosom to be able to remedy' these I evils, and banish these mischiefs.—(Cheers.) I have strug- zl ,- .:(1 long for it. Not for a sectarian triumph—not for victory of one sect of Christrians over another ; but for tie sacred principle of freedom of concience to o.—f:im mense cheering.) I never put it on. any other fe.oting. We, Roman Catholics, blessed be the great God, suc ceeded ; but not till we had obtained liberty to - Protestant Dissenters, which we did a year before we achieved our own liberty. I have long been of opinion. that man can mit have too much or enough of religirn between himself and his God. It is a question of awful concern, not limited by time or space, hut involving an eternity of weal or woe. I have long been impressed with this feeling, and I respect _ _ those who feel with the same, intensity, leaving the question between himself and God Ps to who is in error. With these sentiments overpowering me, I insist that human law shall - be confined to unman, action ; and I call that man a blas phemer who : ,,aterferes between the created and the Creator, whose nacre be blessM for ever.—(lmmense cheering.) That is trip principle of action, and it is the principle which has cowgregated you here together to-day, to testify your appreciation to these Christian sentiments.- 7 (Cheers.) I have always insisted that government was made for man, and not man for government ; that rulers were made for the people, and not the people for the rulers.—(Cheers.) My principle has been for the utmost extension of the elec tive franchise. Yo , ..maddress has referred to household suf frages. .w I have enetimes seen men who had not houses as good as men wleo had.---(Laughter and cheers.) Although I am ready tr, concur with those who are anxious for good government, yet having Made one good step towards the achievemen t of our liberty, my principle is, that let this experiment be tried, and if we can succeed with a less ex tension of, the suffrage, though I shall never cease to sigh after it, 1 shall never disturb the peace of society so long as the • progress of liberty is not improperly obstructed. If - it shoe Id stop, I shall then put my shoulder to the wheel, if there 'is no danger of upsetting the coach,--(Laughter and chee.s.) I think triennial Parliaments long enough in all cowseience. No man hires his servants for seven years without power of dismissal before that period, and until I see the habit established in some prudent steady Scotch burgh of hiring servants in that manner, I shall continue to think Triennial Parliaments long enough.—(Cheers.) Per haps even ' that period is too long, but it is a good old principle, having originated in the glorious revolution of 1688 ; and I always like to keep as much of the old as possible, if it will not spoil that which is new.—( Cheers.) Without vote by ballot we shall never have honest elec ' • tions.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) I really think that is the only point on which 1, should be inclined to be intolerant. We cannot well have good government without it. With ballot the landlord cannot know how the tenant votes, unless he is - fool enough to tell him, in order to be punished.—(Laughter.) . But, it is said, they won't keep the secret. Why, thieves and pickpockets keep their secrets, and will it be said that honest men will not ? I won't believe it. (Cheers.) Besides, there would be no l2ribery if we had vote by ballot : for the blockhead who would sell his conscience for money would be scoundrel enough not to earn it. These are my principles, and I re joice in this meeting, because it confirms them. (Cheers.) I hold that every public servant should be responsible, but there is one anomaly —a, hereditary House of Lords. IVlio would think of hereditary lawyers or hereditary sur geons? If you had a suit, and a person came to you offer ing his assistance as counsel, and you asked him " was lie learned in the law ?" what would you think if he answered " No, I am not, but my father was a great lawyer !" And if you were sick, and a person came to you offering to cure you, on the ground of his father having been a great doc tor, you would be tick indeed if you did not fling the first thing that. came to your hand at his head. And the pre tensions of the Lords are not higher than those of the lawyer or the quack I have alluded to. Indeed many . of them have not so good a tale to tell, for few of them can say that their father was a great or a good Statesman. (Great laughter.) ' But since the revolution the Crown has become the safeguard of the people ; it is a shield to pro tect them, instead of a sword to cut them down. Its pre rogatives were cut down to the mere purpwJes of utility and immediately the government of interest between the Lords and the people ceased. But the selfish interest of the Lords continued ; and not content .with their own ex istence, they absorbed the independence of the House of Commons by their rotten boroughs: and then they got the union with Scotland—that was a perfect God-send to them, for before the Reform Bill, all Scotland•was one rotten hurgli ; and, accordingly, more public plunder sans carried off by the Scottish representatives than by all the other Members of the whole British nation.—(Laughter • and cheers.) They were the willing. servants of the Lords— . not of the Lord, wllose servants we all ought to be— (Laughter and cheers) —but worldly mammon, the lord of this world, living upon and pocketing public plunder. You have now your own representatives—the first Commencr of - the British empire, Mr. C. Abercrornhie—(Cheers)—and the first lawyer at the English bar, Sir john Campbell. — (Cheers.) * These are your Representalives, and when the franchise is extended, 1 have ro"doubt that Edinburgh will continue to . send men of equal worth and intelligence to represent this great community in the British Legislhture. (At this moment a rather smart shower of rain began to fall.) Mr. O'Connell continued-'-.Gentlemcn, we have strong authority for saying that the rain falls alike upon the just and the unjust—(Latighter)—end I regret that the necessity of thinking alotul in your presence compels me to detain you—and yet why should I detain you longer ? (Cries of," Go on.") I perceive that those who arc safe under the shelter of the hustings are the readiest to el. ) , " Go on."—(Great laughter and eheering.) The Lords arc determined to regain their former power, and to swindle you out of the .7R e en r m Bill. They made a desperate attempt upon. England at the last election—an attempt which was worthy of one of those worthy drill-corporate they call Generals—it was worthy of Wellington.—(Cheers and laughter.) He made a bold. attempt again to pessess himself of power, and it had nearly succeeded. The fact is, we Radicals were not sufficiently ready to make allow - ance for the position in which the Whigs were placed, and the Whigs were not sufficiently alive to the necessity of carrying the people along with theiM They were in clined to put confidence in the Court faction, and they thought that common sense would teach that fiction to leave the Whigs in, rather than put them out to make way for Reformers of a more determined character. But the Duke did make the attempt ; he sent his military ad venturers with full powers to Ireland, and he sent his legal adventurers to the freemen of the old boroughs of England, where men are called freemen for no other reason than because they are willing to sell themselves for slaves. —(Cheers.) He hired, he bought up the Press—hired that instrument of venality and corruption, the vagabond Tinws—he even bought up that wretched rag, the Illornin.; Hcrald.—(Cheers.) He succeeded in his attempt in Eng land, for there was a majority of 27 in the English and Welsh Members against human liberty. Bat Scotland stood by her colours well—the flag of freedom floated over her cities, her counties, and her towns—and Scotland . sent a majority against the Duke, of 18 out of 53. That, how ever, would not l ansivnr ; there was still a majority of nine against liberty, —Pat drove 'Slit, hurrah, for poor Pat—(Great laughter) into the thick of the fight.—(Cheers.) It's' a custom l:, e h as ; and, really, Gentlemen, he cannot help it. -- (Continued laughter and cheers.) - He would be braver than either the English or the Scotch, if braver than either of these,brave nations could be found ; but he well de served to stand along with them.—(Loud cheers.) Well, Paddy sent a majority of , 33 for liberty ; and here am I, as large as life, one of them.—(Great laughter, and cheering)--and though all the 33 cannot tall; so loud and as long as I can, yet they are all equally devoted to the amelioration of their institu tions, • and to the ultimate triumph of 'freedom. — (Cheers.) Well, we gained the -victory ; but, though the Commons are with us, vet the House of Lords are against us, and they have determined that they will not concede a portion of freedom which they can possibly keep back. - They have stood upon the limits of abuse, and have declared, with respect to improvement, " Thus far shalt thou come, and no far ther." They have assumed the prerogative of the Crea tor-; and as the Almighty has set bounds to the ocean, so the evil principle of Manichaeism has entered into the Lords, and they have said to human improvement " There is your boundary, and the Lords won't permit you to pass it." But we have burst many stronger barriers than this, and this also shall be broken down—(Cheers)—and it will not be endured that 170 men shall have the control of mil lions.—(Cheers.) Oh ! but say some, it is an ancient in stitution. Now, I should be glad to know, if 170 damsels of the Court of George IV., faded and toothless as they must now be, were to be allowed to stop the progress of useful measures, and prevent liberty from extending in a country where the arts, and sciences, and manufactures are extending on every side, what would you do with the old ladies ? I suspect that, notwithstanding your respect for • the sex, you would kick them out.—(Cheers.) Now, I like the 170 old women in pantaloons much less than the 170 old women in petticoats.—(Laughter and cheers.) I have come on a mission to rouse Englishmen and ani mate Scotchmen to put their shoulders to the wheel, and help us to dismiss the 170 pantaloon wearers—as we have turned out the old corporators—every man of 'em, and substitute a principle of common sense in their room. Sir Robert Peel—the greatest humbugger that ever lived, and as full of political and religious cant as any man that ever canted in his canting world—(Cheers) —Sir Robert Peel, feeling himself quite safe on' his own dunghill, says that we want but one Chamber—one House of Radical Reformers. He knew that, in saying this, he was saying what was not true, We know too well the advantage of d.ouble deliberation not to support two Houses ; but they must be subject to popular control—they must be the servants, not the master of the people.—(Cheers.) The rst step we must take is to be perfectly unanimous among ourselves ; let the names of Whig and Radical be for ever buried in the common name of Reformer.—(Cheers.) We have nothing else for it. Besides, to my certain know-, ledge, the Whigs of this year are not the Whigs of last. Having now seen the want of popular support, and felt the fangs o the Aristocracy, they have come round to us ; and we should be blockheads if we did not go the rest of the way to meet them. Unanimity is of no avail, if a man says, " I shall be unanimous, if you agree with me." The unanimity of statesmen and patriots is not the abandonment of principle, but a compromise in the working out of it, in order to insure general consent—to secure the operation of it with perfect safety. The Whigs have gone far enough at present ; they will go the rest by degrees, if they are not shoved on too fast. They introduced too great mea sures, and it was near the fag end of the session ere the Tories allowed them ; the one of these measures was Cor poration Reform, the other was for the peace and tran quillity of Ireland. The Lords mutilated the one, and assassinated the other. But that was not the fault of the Ministry; they deserve your support. lam a good Radi cal, and as ultra as need be in abstract opinions ; but I am a practical man. I am willing, practically, to support and advocate measures of utility, giving me a better title to shove Ministers on if they should stop, and to oppose them; if (which I am sure they never will do) they attempt to secede. Let us be unanimous. The Lords are unani mous. The Tories are unanimous—they are all agreed as to their ends, and not over scrupulous in their means. Why, Tories, the name originally signified a robber, and it has never deviated from its original signification—(Laughter) —and what is worse, it meant an Irish robber ; but here the name has deviated, for the English and Scotch Tories have carried off more public plunder than was ever seized by the Irish mountaineers under the name of Tories.— (Continued laughter.) In one of our most moble tragedies, which does honour to English literature, and the scenery of which is laid in your own lovely, country the child of Lady Macduff is made to listen to the instructions of his mother, to be honest—because knaves are hanged ?' " Why, mamma," asks the shrewd child," are ail knaves hanged?" The mother was here brought to a stand, and endeavoured to waive the question by answering, "that they ought to be." But the child immediately rejoined, " Mamma, why are the knaves such fools, when they are so much more numerous than the honest men, that they might hang them all out and out ?" The To ries followed that counsel so long as they were strong enough, and transported and hanged the honest men ; but the knaves have now become the fewer, and the honest men the more numerous party ; but they will not seek to hang, but kick them out, and leave them to their wits. Let us have unanimity against the Lords, and on this unanimity will rest our strength and security. You have already prac tically recognized this doctrine by returning two Whigs ; when every radical at the last electon gave them his honest and disinterested support. ; and on another occasion I have no doubt the Whigs will be finind giving their support to honest Radicals, But you must keep out the Tories— their power is strong, and their plans dangerous to Ireland. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then alluded to the re marks of Sir R. Peel regarding Lynch law in America, and referred that Honourable Baronet to the Manchester mas sacre— the sacrifice of blood at Rathcormac and other places, es more than a parallel to that occurrence in Ame rica. He also alluded to Sir R. Peel's vivid eulogiums on Louis Philippe, the tyrant of France, which be described as uncommonly impudent and audacious, and as indicatory of foregone conclusions. People never praised what they were not prepared to imitate. He then proceeded—Gen tltmen—l have detained you too long.—(No, no!) I have delighted myself with " thinking aloud" in your pre sence. From you my thoughts wander to the oppressed land of my hirth. I remember her romantic valleys and her splendid hills ; the ever green verdure of her plains ; the sound of her mountain streams falls on my ear; the rush of her waves against the cliffs, announcing with the voice of eternity that that nation is not to be enslaved nor de graded.—(Renewed cheers.) My countrymen will hear with delight the mminer in which I was received in Eng land end in Edinburgh.—(Long and loud cheering.) That shout shall reach from one end of Ireland to the other, and many a true-hearted Irishman will feel his heart animated and uplifted within him when he hears how Scotland has received the humble individual now before.you. Many - on Irish mother, while she hugs her babe to her breast, and sings it to repose with an Irish air, will mix the noble strain with " Auld Langsyne," or " Seats who. hole wi' Wallace bled," and as the accents lull her babe to sleep, will raise a prayer to God to bless the generous people who stood by odd Ireland in her days of need.—(lmmense applause.) Mr. PEATT then moved a vote of thanks to the Lord Provost and . Magistrates for granting the use of the ground, which was carried by acclamation. Three cheers were then .given to Mr. Aytoun, followed by loud cries for that gentleman. Mr. AYTouN then came forward and said, they bad listened to such a magnificent display of eloquence from him who might now be styled the first orator of the British empire, that he would not presume to detain them above a few moments. Mr. Aytoun then made a few remarks on the welcome whiCh Mr. O'Connell had just received in Scotland, and concluded by proposing . three enthusiastic cheers for that gentleman ; a call which was loudly re sponded to by the' multitude: Mr. O'Connell then returned to the Waterloo Hotel, at the door of which a great crowd was waiting to receive him. The trades left the ground, and marched to their respective stations, where they dispersed. The - most exact order was preserved throughout the whole of the day. ~ _7 4 ) lit • v‘i TilE SUN, LONDON, MONI)1Y, SEPTEMBER 21, 1835. mulated her wealth ; and I have been cheered on my pas sage as if I were a son or a brother, announcing, to them a mission of peace—(Hear, hear)—but at the same time expressing a determination to improve their political being, and to put an end to our oligarchical House of Lords, mho would endeavour to stifle liberty and to termi nate the progress of political improvement. The thought which animated the men of England, and the thought which animated me was the absolute necessity of doing away with the obstacle to peaceable improvement—of abolishing the body whose existence threatened revolution to Ireland, to Scotland, aye, and even to England itself.--(Cheers.) And . even the exaggerated eulogiums which you have heard passed upon me in the eloquent speech of your excellent Chairman, violent and unmerited as those eulogiums were —(No, no)—are symptomatic of the• state of the public mind; and your very endurance of that over-measure of praise proves that youdtre deeply convinced that the hum ble individual who stands before you is an instrument, feeble and insignificant in himself, but powerful and irresistible in your hands, to achieve good for England, Scotland, and Ireland.—(Loud cheering.) Let our Statesmen read i the lesson.—(Hear, hear.) We have made great progress in social and political improvement, within the last few years—from the time that Wellington was hurled from the Administration, after the celebrated declaration, that the British Parliament, as then constituted, was the acme of perfection.—(Laughter and cheers.) Be declared that if he were called upon to model what, in his opinion, should be a perfect legislature, he should not have had the wit, poor man, to discover any thing . so excellent as the systeni of representation which at that time existed in England—so good did it appear in his eyes, that he thought it must actually have been Providence who framed it— I believe he meant a Providence of a very dark colour.— (Laughter and cheeers.) Fortunately, by the course of events, there had been framed in this country so exquisite a system 'of legislation, that human intelligence and human ingenuity, a priori, could never have dreamed of it. Am I speaking in the spirit of ridicule ?—am I stating what is not true ? The Duke of Wellington said every word of it—(Hear, hear) —not quite so flippantly, or in such good and. plain English as I have repeated it,. perhaps —(A. laugh)—but not the less doggedly, determinedly, and distinctly. He said he could not dream of any such perfect form of legislation as that which existed under the old rotton-borough system.—(Laughter.) You do not agree with him.—(No, no,) • Lord Grey's Govern ment—honour to them for it—did not agree with him. The Reform Bill was carried, and the British nation stood again' in its first rank among the nations of the earth, as it always ought, and, as I venture to prophecy, always will.—(Cheers.) The effects of trie Reform Bill— melancholy, no doubt, to the thirty-three gentlemen who formerly returned your Representatives for the city of Edinburgh—(Laughter)—melancholy enough for them, and more melancholy still for the masters under whose directions they were wont to act—what iron tears must have run down their cheeks.—(Laughter and cheers.) The effect of the Reform Bill was to commence a gradual improvement of every portion of the institutions of the country—to cor rect abuses of the law—to check and control the profuse and profligate expenditure of the army and navy—to re move abuses in the Church of Ireland—and to wipe out from the Corporations of England all that has made them the contempt and execration ,of every rational man.— (Cheers.) I believe you have a sufficient recollection of your own Corporations to sympathise with England upon that subject.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Such was the first effect of the Reform Bill ; but in the course.of the peaceful revolution we were effecting we were suddenly impeded. I do not speak now of the Whig ' s. I do not now dwell upon the misfortune of the Whigs in their quarrel with Ireland. During that quarrel I would have despised myself, and been unworthy of my country, if I had remained cool, quiet, and peaceable, in the progress of the Coercion Bill. I have my excuse in the excellent lan guage of the Member for. Aberdeen, Mr. Bannerman, who said that if such a Bill had been attempted for Scotland, he would rather have died than supported it.—(Cheers.) It was a mistake—it was fatal policy. It has gone by. I do not forget it, but I heartily forgiwa it.—(Cheers.) We had a dissolution of Parliament, and Peel and Wellington came into power again. They used the language of delusion to Scotland and England ; they used the scorpion lash of bigoted intolerance to Ireland.—(Great cheering.) Under such circumstances, the Irish Members felt—and they were joined in the feeling by the honest Scotch Members—that they owed it to the country to forget all former differences with the Whigs ; and to remember only the enemies with whom they were then engaged.—( Hear, hear.) We rallied round Lord Melbourne ; and I am. glad we did, for we have been rewarded for it by the excellent conduct of his Government.—(Heir, hear.) From the moment that they came into office, to the hour at which Fain now speaking., the whole of their conduct towards Irchand has been beyond dl pra.ise. 'Phew have discountenanced party spirit—they have put down :faction.—(Cries of Hear, hear.) They have promoted intelligence and independence by the selec tion they have made of individuals for the offices they have had to fill.—(Hear, hear.) In shiort, under their just rule a new era has opened for Ireland—the dawn of a new day has commenced.—(Cheers.) But the Tories have deter mined to stop the progress of these benefits to Ireland and to the British Empire ; for Ireland cannot be .peaceable and prosperous without diffusing her prosperity, and giving the benefit of her tranquillity in all its strength to the en tire British empire.—(Hear, hear.) I am naturally led eway to Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) I have risen to speak of this meeting as symptomatic of your determination in the crisis which has now arrived.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Commons arc with the people ; they are the real repre sentatives of the people ; but their fidelity to the people is in vain as long as 170 members of the House of Lords are ready to stop every improvement.—(Cheers.) I look upon this meeting as a decisive evidence that 3.0 u are not prepared to submit to this species of domination—(Never) —that you arc not inclined to bow your neck to the Dagon of an aris tocr:tic dominion.—(Never, never.) The Reform Bill made this contest necessary. Before the passing of the Reform Bill the House of Commons was only another chamber—another instalment of the House of Lords.— (li ear and S'aughter.) The influence of the Lords always secured a majority in the Commons, and by no means a passive one. The majority was a working majority, but working only to mischief' ; it was a majority which in volved the country in bloody and horrible wars, and left her at last with the terrific load of a thousand millions of debt.—( Hear, hear.) The Lords, now separated from the Commons, seek to dictate to the Commons. Are you prepared to submit to that—(Loud cries of " No, never !") Your presence here is sufficient to answer the question, without the expression of your voices. Here am I a mis sionary to preach down the House of Lords.—(Great cheering.) Whilst the House of Lords exists in its pre sent form, it is impossible for us to have honesty or justice ; whilst it continues in its present state, it drives on to revo lution, and this is a country not to be driven to revolu tion - except by inevitable necessity.—(Hear, bear.) All the changes in the British Constitution for nearly the last two hundred years have been effected in peace. But woe to this land if ever the Lords make it necessary that the hand of force should be used to deprive them of' a usurped power, which they have no longer the right to possess, be cause it can no longer be of utility to the people.—(Loud cheers.) The franchise in my opinion is not sufficientlyex tended—(Hear, hear.) The duration of Parliaments, on the other hand, is too much extended,—(Hear, hear.) The mode of voting is open to too many species of control, and'to too much -bribery and corruption.—(Hear,. hear.). There are further ameliorations that we want. Unless we check the House of Lords we shall not have one of them -(Hear, hear)—for they, forsooth, arc the tribunes of the people, or at least of as many of the people as they can pur chase at two pounds a head.—(Laughter.) They carefully preserve the instruments of corruption, and until they are Checked and controlled, corruption can never be banished from British elections.—(Hear.) What a quantity of mis chief have they not done in the last session of Parliament ! How many useful measures have they not stopped in their progress! First, there was the Prisoners' Counsel Bill. You will be surprised in Scotland to hear that according to the law of England prisoners chargdd with capital offences are not allowed to have counsel to speak in their defence. A man charged with a misdemeanor may have counsel to speak for him, but if the alleged offence be capital the counsel's mouth is stopped—he cannot say a word upon the fact—he may only examine witnesses. Such is the humanity of the English law. In Scotland I know it is different. A Bill was brought in to do away with that cruel anomaly in the English law. The Lords rejected it.—(A groan.) Then there was a Bill to disfran chise the borough of Stafford. There were 521 voters who voted in the majority for one of the Members who was returned for that borough. How many of them were bribed ? 520.(Great laughter and cheering.) There was just one found faithful, and to his honour be it said, he was a clergyman of the Church of England. hear.) But of the 520 laymen who voted, every mother's son of them was bribed.—(Renewed laughter and cheering.) What did the Lords do ? They took a very religious view of the subject, and having found one just man in Stafford, they forgave the 520 unjust—(Great laughter)—and, with most exemplary piety, left them to be bribed again.—(Great laughter and cheering.) There was another Bill to do away with a kind of absurdity which exists in England, by which no man as an heir can sue for a debt, unless he has what is called an administration out of the Ecclesiastical Court. This is often productive of great inconvenience and great expense. We brought in a Bill to effect a remedy. This was held by the Lords to be too great an encroachment upon the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Courts, and it was accordingly thrown out. There were other Bills. Oh ! I should detain you for the night were I to go through them.—(" Go on.") There was the Irish Church Bill.—(Hear, hear.) There was this principle established in that Bill—that the Pro testant Establishment in Ireland should be kept up to the full amount of the wants of the Protestant popu- - lation in that country. That was a recognised principle of the Bill. Now, for my part, I own it candidly lam for the voluntary principle.—(Great cheering.) There are many who differ with me upon that point. I do not im pugn them for so doing ; but even those who differ from me ,ought, at least, to be contented with this— that as long as a Protestant is found in Ireland spiritual instruction shall be provided for him out of the funds of the State:—(Hear, hear, hear.) We did not go to the length of your own sturdy ancestors, who insisted on hav ing the creed of the Established- Church of the same co lour with that of the people. There are about 800,000 Protestants in Ireland, while there are six millions of Ca tholics. But we offered cheerfully to pay for the religious instruction of the 800,000, and only asked that the surplus funds should be appropriated—how ? To the 800,000 Presbyterians ? No. To the 6,800,000 Roman Catho lics ? No. But to purposes of moral and religious edu cation. Some say that the Catholics of Ireland do not become Protestants because they are ignorant, benighted, uninstructed, and uninformed. Then -instruct them.— (Hear, hear.) If they be in ignorance and darkness, the way to remedy the evil is to spread abroad the light of education.—(Cheers.) I do not think we were very un reasonable.—(Cheers.) What did the Lords (1o? They cut off the religious and moral education. That was unfit for the Lords.—(Laughter.) Their Lordships would have nothing to do with education.—(Renewed laughter.) Why, if there were education, there would no longer be Toryism. (Hear.) There really would not ; and my own opinion is, that there will not be Toryism much longer, and I will tell you why—it is especially dishonest.—(Cheers.) What is the meaning of Toryism ? It is this, whether a man's father or brother, or uncle or cousin, or any relative in the nearest or remotest connection of blood, or any friend or acquaintance, can give him a place in which he may fatten at the nation's expense.—(Hear.) There are some Tories, it is true, foolish enough to be contented with a bow from a a great man, but*these are the silly Tories. The out-and out Tory is a different creature. He.- likes the system of corruption and undue influence, because there is something to come from it. But this class will soon vanish, for the day. is at hand, when a man will be as much ashamed to be called " Tory," as to be called " rogue.'—(Cheers.) The meaning of the two words is identical, and as the latter is the shorter, I would recommend you, for convenience sake, as well as for greater explicitness, to call all the Tories rogues for the future.—(Great laughter and cheer ing.) But lam digressing ; I return to the Irish Church Bill. The Lords objected to the proposition s for educa tion, and accordingly rejected the clauses which were to provide for the religious and moral instruction of the people. Thus the House of Lords consented to take for the Irish clergy 721. 15s. per cent., although - we who drew the clause in the Bill offered them 771. per cent. But they will get nothing. Why ? Because the people are determined not to pay tithes. Now, there can be no de termination in which a man is so fixed, as in not paying.— (Laughter and cheers.) The people of Ireland have de termined not to pay tithes, and already they have evinced their determination. They have been carried before the Ecclesiastical Courts—not a 'farthing has been extracted from them. They have been carried into the Exchequer —not a farthing.. They have been tried by process of Common Law—not a farthing. The police were brought out—it was of no avail. Then came horse, foot, and ar tillery----an idle and profitless expense ; the people would not pay—not a doit ; and then, to make the controversy perfectly orthodox, they shot as many Paddies as they .could.—(Groans.) ,There they lay—nine of them in one slaughtered heap—at Rathcormac ; but. they would not pay.—(Cheers.) The Lords took the 721. 155., or would have taken it, but we would not give it to them ; we said we would have the Bill entire, Or we would not have it at all ; and thus there was an end of it by common consent. I think their Lordships will take less next year. There were other Bills relative to Ireland. There was one which attracted very little attention in Britain, North or South, yet was of very considerable importance to families in Ire land. I mean the Roman Catholic Marriages Bill. By the law, as it new stands in Ireland, marriages contracted under certain circumstances, between Protestant and Catholic, arc illegal ; and thus, after years of cohabitation, an innocent woman may find herself cast off upon the world, branded with the foulest name that can be.applied to woman, and her offspring illegitimate. For this there is no remedy. I have known instances of the most cruel misery resulting trom this laws We brought in a Bill to correct it. The Commons passed the Bill. It went up to the Lords. They had the cruelty, because I had advocated the - Bill, to throw it out, and to leave the innocent children in Ireland sufferers for guilt to which they were no parties.—(Cries of " Shame.") It may be said that this is a small matter ; but it is not—it bespeaks a great principle, and it shows with what vile perti- nacity the Lords use their influence against everything that has the appearance of justice, or that is in conformity with the wishes of the people. I detain you too long.--(Cries of " No, no, go on, go on.") There was another Bill to pre vent the introduction of Orangemen into the police force. That Bill Was of great importance to all Ireland, because in that country we have 7,000 paid . police.—(Hear.) It was, however, thrown out like the rest, because they (the Lords) patronise Orangemen, and refuse to do justice to Ireland. The Dublin Felice, Bill was thrown out on the same foolish and absurd ground—that I bad supported it. And, good Heaven ! can anything afford so melancholy an instance of the injustice of British assembly as that they thus throw out measures, not on the facts, but simply because one individual supports, thehl ? Am I calum niating their Lordships ? Why, if Iliad not twenty-four millions of witnesses, I should not deserve to be credited. —(Great cheering.) They said in the face of the British nation—they calmly avowed it—that these 'Bills were thrown out because - there happened to be such a man as one Daniel O'Connell who had supported them.—(Cheers ) As to the Irish Corporation Reform Bill, they did not give us that—but we will have it next year, with the help of England and Scotland. They mutilated the English Corporation Bill. We went to the limit of conciliation. I, for one, thought we had gone to an extreme length, but they, notwithstanding, sent us back the Bill, adhering to two most mischievous provisions: It then became a question whether the mischief of the Lords was such that we could accept the Bill as a small instalment, or entirely abandon it, and commence a new agitation to make them do us justice next Session. We preferred to take the instal ment. It was 10s. 6d. in the pound which we got from our fraudulent debtor—(Laughter)—but we have given him n o acquittance, no discharge — ( Hear, hear)—on • the contrary, we have the pledge of the Ministry and the voice of the House of Commons to begin the next Session with a louder and further extended demand. Having, in the meantime, availed ourselves of the instalment, we shall be better able to secure the rest, and to bring into direct operation all the force of the public opinion of a great nation.—(Hear, hear.) I was myself afraid that there would be a division in the camp of the Reformers, and it is manifest, from the speech of Peel, at Tamworth, that he relied more on your divisions than on his own strength.— (Hear, bear.) That man, to be sure, is one of the most complete humbuggers that ever lived.—(Laughter.) At Tamworth, he said how was it possible that Reformers who said so and so of each other at a former period, could now concur in action ? But what may be said of Peel himself? Had he not, in his late Cabinet Sir Edward Knatch hull, the man who opposed him (Sir Robert Peel)• on the Catholic. Emancipation, saying that there was never such a mixture of depravity and profligacy of public principle, and that all confidence in public men had fled for ever—nusquani tuda fides, for after ransacking the English language for•terms of abuse, Sir Edward Knatch bull found it was not enough, and was compelled to resort to Latin.—(Laughter.) We, reformers, must now form a phalanx, and our motto must be—Down with Toryism 'and up with the standard of 'Reform.—(Cheers.) In England we will have the Corporations, although I was afraid they would be an ° on , with us for our concessions, but I am de li ghted to tell you the Bill has been exceedingly well re ceived in all the corporate towns of England. And why ? Because it turns out the thirty-three that elected them selves —(Laughter)—and all the old burgesses—the capital calves, as Shakespeare has it, and they certainly took , ca pital care to put all the charity, and all other good things into their own poekets, those funds being of too domestic a nature to wander away from themselves. But all that is gone, and men in their stead will be elected by the people. To be sure there is one great drawbaCk, I mean the pecu niary qualification—is it not qualification enough for a man that he is selected by his fellow-citizens ; but, above all, if they put a poor man forward, is it not evident that he must have some qualification to counteract the circumstance of his being a poor man—some extraordinary virtue arising superior to his poverty in the opinions of his fellow-citizens. --(Hear.) But who proposed it but Sir Robert Peel ? The more shame for him. His father, to Isis*glory, was a cotton-spinner, and his son, on that account, ought. to belong to the order of the people ; but instead of that, he put virtue, and integrity, and intelligence, and the confi dence of one's neighbours in one scale, and threw 1,0001. into the other ; the good qualities kicked the beam and the 1,000/. sunk the scale.—(Cheers.) That is the man who had the presumption to call himself a Reformer at Tam worth, where there was nobody to contradict him.----(Hear, hear.) We have contradicted him. We have contra dicted trim here, and with the blessing of God we will ring the bell of contradiction in his ears for some time to come. Why do I dwell upon this ? It answers - my question— what brought you here ? To answer Peel of Tamworth.— (Cheers.) You came to oppose Wellington—(Renewed c heers) —you came to oppose the Tory rogues and raparees -.--(Cheers)—you came to oppose all those who resist the course of liberal and just policy —to oppose all those who insist on respecting institutions merely because they are an- THE DINNER. The place selected for the dinner was the large Hall of the Portable Gas Company, which is of very exten,ive dimensions. The Hall was very tastefully and commo-, diously fitted up, under the direction of Mr. Alston, joiner. The pillars which supported the roof were de corated with laurels, as was also a large representation of Mr. O'Connell's crest and arms, which was placed imme diately behind the chairman. The tables ran across the room, that of the chairman and croupier being placed in the centre of each side, and elevated above the -rest. A gallery was fitted up at the south end for the ladies, and calculated to contain about 150. There were also two galleries erected on each side of the ladies' gallery for those who could net find accommodation in the area of the build ing. The number of tickets issued were 1,400, but 1,500 must have been present during the evening. Mr. O'Con nell entered the room at half-past five, and was received with loud cheers, which continued for a considerable time. The Chairman was supported on the right by Mr. O'Con nell, Mr. Tait, D. Bowring, M.P., Dr. Browne, LL.D., Dr. Epps of London, the Rev. Mr. Nisbett, Councillors Russell, Richardson, Mendell, and Councillor Mitchell of Leith, &c. Upon the left by Mr. Ruthven, M.P. for Dublin, the colleague of Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Gillon of Wallhouse, M.P., Mr. Morgan O'Connell, M.P., Mr. Kin loch of Kinloch, &c. &c. Councillor Jameson, Deacon Fenwick, and Mr R. Millar, officiated as Croupiers. Grace was said by the Rev. Mr. Nisbett, and thanks were returned by the Rev. Mr. Halley. The cloth being removed, the CHAIRMAN successively gave " The King," " The Queen," " The Princess Victo ria, and the rest of the Royal Family ," all which were drunk with great cheering; The CHAIIMAN then 6 - ye " The People, the only source of legitimate power," which was received with great ap plause. This was followed by " The Army and Navy," the band playing the appropriate tunes of " Rule Britannia" and " The British Grenadiers." The CHAIRMAN next proposed " The health of his Ma jesty's Ministers."—(This toast was received with loud and long-continued cheering.) The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the tcast of the evening, " The health of their honoured and distinguished guest—the Liberator of Ireland, the Champion of the people's rights, the Friend of the oppressed in every clime and country—Mr. O'Connell."—(Rounds of cheers, last ing many minutes.) The Learned Gentleman proceeded, in an eloquent address, to eulogise the conduct of their distin g uished guest, and to express the happiness which the friends of liberty had in welcoming him to the metropolis of the North. The toast having been drunk with the utmost enthusiasm, Mr. O'CoNNELL rose and said—l do not rise -to make a speech ; I rise rather to a*k a question, " What brought you all here ?"—(Laughter and cheers.) It seems a trivial question, yet it is not unimportant in the history of na tions at the present moment--(Hear, hear)—what brought• you here ? Curiosity, sure ?—(Hear, hear.) I have been too much abused, and too much praised, not to be the object of some curiosity—(Laughter and cheers)—but when did curiosity ever bring together 1,500 Scotchmen before ?—(Cheers.) If curiosity be the cause, why that very curiosity bespeaks a foregone conclusion in the many who come not from curiosity alone, but from a sympathy in my opinions, and from a consentaneous disposition to Co.. operate in my exertions, humble as they may have been, in the cause of civil and religious freedom—(Hear, hear)--- and those who come to evince that their principle of action and mind are identified (being of course the overwhelming majority of those whom I have the honour to address), in dicate by their presence here something that statesmen may well ponder upon ; and to those who fancy they govern the destinies of the nation, matter for deep consideration.— (Cheers.) 'lt may be said that this is arrogance in me.— (No, no.) How can that man be arrogant who has 1,500 of the Scotch people coming to meet him ?—(Cheers.) It may be said that it is presumption. I have travelled through England ; I have passed through her great manufacturing communities ; I have seen her wealth, and all the intelli gence and energy of mind which have produced and accu- ~~-:~`_ '"-_ cient. Why, in arts, sciences, literature, manufactures, and commerce, you are every day improving. There is no doubt that the British nation is increasing the quantum of useful improvement, in every thing that conduces to human comfort and the accumulation of the wealth of nations. You have brought your machinery almost to think. Why, if any man were to come to me, and to say, " Spinning with a distaff is an ancient institution—down with the spinning-jennies, they are a modern innovation— it is rank blasphemy to use them—the old wonten used to spin very comfortably with the distaff—we must re turn to the distaff again"—should I be justified in taking his advice ? What would become of the prosperity of the manufactures of this country, if we were to have no yarn but what was spun from distaffs ? lam for the new , and improve t d machinery—l am for the spinning-jennies— the old women with the distaffs are in the House of Lords.—(Great laughter and cheering.) Sir Robert Peel is in favour of the spinning-jennies in manufactures, and yet he comes forward, the child and champion of the Oligarchy, and hurrahs for the distaffs in politics.—(Cheers.) But then he is a friend to the Dissenters. Mighty like a friend, as we say in Ireland.—(Laughter.) He reminds me of an individual who interfered in a duel in Ireland, without being a second. When asked what was his business there, he said, "lam a mutual friend." "Oh ! then," said the querist, "we must have a mutual friend on the other side."—(Laughter.) So, I suppose, Sir Robert Peel is a mutual friend of the Dissenters on one side.—(Continued laughter.) He a friend of the Dissenters! Now, was there anything ever yet heard so audacious as this? Why, didn't he oppose the Dissenters even more than he did the Catholics ? Did he not say that one great argument for not emancipating the Catholics—for whom, on account of their numbers, he admitted there was some show of justice, was the fear thatit would lead to the emancipation of the Dissenters? That was his argument. But even an unre formed House of Commons would no longer endure that one class of Protestants should be stigmatised by another class for differing with them in judgment ; and what, did Peel do ? He got petted, the angry boy, and walked out of the House in the face of his party, who were obliged to apologise .for the infirmity of his temper.—(Great laughter and cheers.) And even no farther than last year he refused to the Dissenters the poor privilege of obtaining degrees at the Universities. And yet Peel calls himself the friend of the Dissenters! But the Dissenters will rather confide in the promises of Lord John Russell. They will speedily be put on a perfect equa lity with the rest of their Protestant brethren. They will have their own marriages—Why not ? They will have their own mode of baptism—Why not They will have the burial of their dead! Oh ! that law should interfere between a Christian and the last rites he pays to his de parted relative. Peel would have continued this system, but I am sure that Lord John Russell will abolish the last particle of these stigmas, and the Protestant Dissenters will laugh 'to scorn the hollow promises of Sir Robert Peel. There is another topic in his speech which has filled me with apprehension. He concluded his speech with the praise of others, for nine-tenths of it was filled with praise of him self ; and whom does he praise ? Louis Philippe, the King of the French. He apologized for that King introducing laws to suppress the freedom of discussion, to put down the press, to crush the progress of the human mind, to make intellect useless, and, in all the relations of - life, commer cial, civil, and legislatorial—nay, to the extent of life and limb—to put an end to improvement by the pointing out of errors. Louis Philippe has put down in France that . without which you in Edinburgh would be in as great a state of barbarism as the people in Constantinople—a free press. Nay,• whilst Louis Philippe is crushing the press in France, the Sultan of Turkey is actually establishing a ; newspaper at Constantinople. Here you have the oppo- I site extremes of civilization and despotism. In the civi -1 lized monarch you see an attempt to put down the freedom of discussion ; in the barbarian you see a despot appealing to public opinion as his only security against foreign inva sion. But what care I for either despot ? I care for Peel, who would be the 'despot of this country, and who . has praised Louis Philippe for having put juries under con troul—a most atrocious law, and which no Briton would deserve to mar the nature of man, if he allowed it to pass. It. is not important to us that such a law exists in France ; but it is important that a man who was Prime Minister of this country, and who tells us that he is again looking for ward to 'the same situation, should have the audacity to praise it. I had almost forgotten whilst I have been ad dressing you, that one part of my mission was to rouse your attention to the state of Ireland—to the utter helplessness in which she must remain as long as the Lords are suffered to go on without a check. But why need I say one word upon that point?' The myriads who have surrounded me this day—the shouts with which I have been received from every quarter, have carried this music to my soul—" Ire land ha 4 countless friends in Scotland."—(Loud and long continued cheering)—and it will be impossible longer to continue a system of despotism over her. But what are we to do ? Are we to meet-, and eat, drink, and shout, and talk idly ? No, let us determine as men. I trust that during the recess, petitions will be got up in every town and village in Scotland, calling upon the House of Commons to consider whether it be not necessary for the public liberty, that the principle of representation' should be introduced into the House of Lords.—(Loud cheers.) I have 'always been , for two houses of legislature, to prevent crude measures from ,being passed into laws, under the passions which might influence, or the faction which might govern a single house. Yes, I am for two houses of le gislature : but I am not for one subjected to the popular control, while the other is left to act according to the sinis ter influence of the majority in that House. I plainly see that it is impossible to work out good for England or Scotland, and, alas, there can be no mitigation of the evils in Ireland till this grievance is remedied. Let open com binations be formed . every where, and let the petitions be signed by 'every man who has a heart and an arm.—(Cheers.) I natural)T plead for Ireland, and who can blame mr_l? I have already done my country some service ; and I do imagine that if I were to descend to my grave to-morrow, I should do so with this consolation, that I left my country better at my death than I found her at my birth.—(Cheer ing.) It bas been said—(here the Hon: and Learned Gen tleman spOke with peculiar emphasis)—that England and Scotland are opposed to a repeal of the UnionA Why, so am I, if justice be done to Ireland.—(Great cheering.) My object in this mission is to e xc it e th e people of E ng l an . and Scotland in favour of my country, and so to render the repeal of the Union unnecessary, by making it a real union instead of a parchment union. Why should not the people of Ireland have the franchise the same as England and Scotland have ? Why should they not have corporate rights as England and Scotland have—why should they not be freed from the domination of a paltry faction, as Eng land and Scotland are=why should not the consciences of the Irish people be free and unfettered as, thank God for it, the people of England and Scotland are ? Answer these questions in the negative, and I tell you, that, though the game may be hopeless, you drive me to become a Repealer again. Answer them in the affirmative, and Ireland will join you heart and hand, and will be ready to fight your battles.—(Great cheering.) England and Ireland have too long answered to the fable of the dwarf and the giant, where the dwarf gets all the blows and the wounds, and the giant comes in for the honour and plunder. Now, I tell you, we will not endure that Ireland should be the dwarf by the side of such a giant power as England I But raise her politidal sta ture to the standard of England and Scotland, and then—hur rah for the Union.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) For 600 years the iron hoof of misrule has trampled upon the green isles of my lovely land. Her soil is fertile to exu berance, for no summer sun scorches it to sterility, nor does the winter chill it into barrenness—fertile to exube rance are her valleys—lovely are her rivers, as they rush from the sides of her mountains, and flow through her green plains—oh ! not to bear on their bosoms the products of her commerce—would to Heaven it were ; but export ing? .from the land the very necessaries of life, while their banks are lined with a starving people. Her har bours are safe from every gale, and open at every hour of every tide, and yet, though a solitary sail may occa sionally be seen on her seas, commerce she has none—her sons wander over every land as the accursed of heaven, and they are to be found in every country toiling for that subsistence which is denied them at home—supported in their exile only by the exuberance of their native. spirits, and sighing in secret sorrow that they shall never more behold the land of their birth.—(Great cheers.) Why is Ireland without commerce ?—Misgovernment. Why is she without manufactures ?—Misgovernment. Why are her sons starving among fields that teem with produce ? Misgovernment. I call upon you to rid your souls of the crime of acquiescing in this mischief.—(Loud cheers.) I shall carry back to my own country a tale of joy. I shall tell my countrymen that I read in the countenances of the manly, shrewd, and discerning people of Scotland, a determination to join us in struggling for our rights.-- (Cheers.) I shall tell them that a nation, never exceeded in the arts of war, and in the bravery of her sons—l shall tell them that a country which, in the words of one of our countrymen, who was an orator, soars in the full blaze of the arts and sciences, " with an eye that never winks, and a wing that never tires." I will tell them that Scotland, strong in her manly sons and generous sentiments, has vowed that Ireland shall be free. (The Honourable and Learned Gentleman sat down amidst the most qnthusiastic cheering, which lasted for several minutes.) Mr. O'CONNELL again rose, and proposed " Prosperity to the city of Edinburgh."—(Cheers.) Councillor JAMESON proposed " 'The extension of the Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot.'-- (Loud cheering.) Mr. GILLON, M.P., proposed " The health of the Earl of Durham." This toast was received with great applause. A long list of other toasts followed, among which were " Free trade, particularly in corn ;" " May agitation never cease till justice be obtained ;" and " The restoration eof the dear-bought liberties of France, and the increase friendly relations between Great Britain an d that countrY' The paity did not break up until past midnight. THE MARKETS. t,OUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING reate to Beans. Per Quarter. C trlisle~...«—.. S. CO S. s. a• 36 Hex am M. npeth 25 'Ai 23 27 32 40 Poniith Sheffield Winchester Per Bushel. Newcastle (Staff.) Nortliallerton Swansea •••••••••••••••010 Wurwicit Per 8011. 131rnardeastle Richmond btockton 2f s. d. s. d. 20 28 2 J 0 . 0 3 0 3 4 33 40 30 34 29 30 2 0 3 3 4 a. d. P. 00 00 56 A 0 5 0 s:i 6 6 0 60 4; 7 00 00 56 O S- 1. 4 s o 0 o 0 0 V e' 0 00 10" 0 0 0(0 09 0 0 0 uo 8 50 4 73 44 8 4(1 (4 8( 100 77 90 96 10b 80 86 8 , 1 7 4 ) t j 0 no ►► u 0 0 Truro....._ tielston e Sr. Austen— Bodmin Liskeard ',minces , on Camel ford Penzance ' Wheat. I Barley. Oats. s. to s. 39 at 40 - 28 44 32 45 12t; 42 I 29 I 42 31 32 40 129 34 s. d. s. d. b. d. s. d. 5 6 6 0 3 2 36, 00 00 39 0 80 8 9 4 6 5 70 9 3 30 461 80 4' 4 0 48 66 69 30 3.4 80 90: 3 0 40 96 116 sir, 100 Sri 130 90 100 80 801 69 80 80 86 86 90 SCOTCH MARKETS. SCOTCH MARKETS . - - ---- 17;;;;r eal. Wheat. Barley. Oats. I,loans• .....o. . ------0 ,v -- -- -- 32 W • Aberdeen 3l to 40 2 , 1 to 28 '22 to 25 to` „, 5. Merwick ').s 28 16 11) 16 20 2.2 24' ..' ... Coldstream - •• Copar (Fife' 4l 55 26 31. 18 2 2 22 26 '''' Dundee Elgin Inverness 4l 44 31 : , 3 25 30 32 33 -- ~.• Kelso Kirkaldy Perth 11:.; ,- The size of the measure varies throughout the counti .-• Kirkaldy Perth The si, H CORN IV r of all kinds ifARKEr. s of Grain ti apt. 16. ty, and thl EDINBURGIT We End a r&ddling supply rather be►ter. Wheat. - Barley. Oats. Yea Se. First s6s. Od. :its. ed. 29s 4d. 395. Od 5ec0nd......., 44 0 33 0 26 8 34 0 Third Average price of Wheat 2s. 83. 6.1. lc sales "''' I o e3 o 5. vi. Ca, s s 0 V 1 ° - - PRICKS OF PROVISIONS, &C. Beef, per lb. Os. 4d. to Os.6d.' Freshßutter, to 11 9 1. 0 4 0 6 Salt 0 6 / .2 0 5 0 8 Ditto, per ewt...- , 5 0 1 ,) 0 0 0 0 Eggs, per I , 6 Lamb, per qr. 1 3 3 6 OatStraw(W.)......ll 6 I F ) Fallow, 6 34 0 Wheat Ditto 0 j t (1 Ouartern Lost 54 U 6 Barley Ditto rotat., , s. I 41b. -- 0 4 0 0 Hay, per EDINBURGH MEAL There was a middling supply of 0; sale: were rather heavy. - Per Sack of 28d1b. Imo. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 l 6 0 Barleynica:. Peas 114 Val I 8 0 Pot Barley—N.. Loci cwt. DIARKE r.—Sept. 15. a the latmcal at this day's market, a Per Stone of 141 b. J1 11 1 ). 2 First Oatmeal. ............ ..X„ U i 10 Second ditto . ... , ......... 0 J 8 B urleymeal Peasemeal ........................... Ot) 123.-3(1,11s —4th, GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—Sept. 16. A mcderate busine.s doing in (min ; little alteration in Price s .1. d. • Wheat, per 210ili. s. d. 8. d. Oats, per 26416.5• c t pl. , n British, old 2l 0t022 6 Irish 1 .7 ° NO '..---- new 8 9 Canada, free 23 0 25 0 Beans, per 2601 b. „ .... 0 Irish Barley, per 3201 n. Scottish p; 6 , 1 00 English 26 A 28 0 Pease, Scottish ...... 18 0 00 Scottish 24 0 23 0 Oatmeal, per 1401 b.... 18 0 pi () Irish )RNWALL MARKETS. :ulated at tH gallons to the bushel Barley. Wheat. s. d. to s. d s. d. to s s. d. t° 0 17 0 0 10 0 0 1 0 0 19 0 0 9 0 0 „, e —,O 18 0— 0 90— 0 LI 0 0 18 0— 0 9 1 0 , e 0 17 1 0 9 0 01: 0 10 c— 90— 0 o'' 18 0 20 0 —0 10 0 70 8 16 0 18 0 0 11 0 0 LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, SEPTEsteEs c i ot toir The market remains very flat and the prices irregular. a fro m is plentifully supplied at a reduction of 1/0. t o %d. per r o w 0 1 last weekg We have had a numerous attendance here to-claY . ;. ar the sales are estimated at upwards of 3000 bags, but the o"topt, xiety of the holders to effect sales has prevented any irnprul e r iatO The week's sales are only 12,336 bags; of these 1,500 Ml a tioo' and 100 Surats are for export; and 500 Americans on sp ecula d. d. d. t. to 25 Sea Islands..".. 20 to 25- 1 - • 385 Maranhams P' Stained ditto... 0 0 4,232 Uplands B - "1,5 i 1,678 Alabamas 8 —11,4 391 Pernams, &c... 1 2 i 0 4,502 Orleans 7i 12* Madras 530 Surats .... . . 6k-7 22 Barbadoes 254 Bahias 79 Paras ...... 111- a 1 1 3 241 l 140 10 Egyptians 141 1 0 ! - Carthagenas 0— 0 Peruvians .. ..• 0 40 Bengals 18 West India ll 0 Bahamas I s'ot' The imports are—United States 4,804 ; Brazil 7,28 3 ; Indies 3,028; total 15,115 bags. Comparative View of the Imports and Exports of Cotten' ~,f1 1: 19P, from the whole Kingdom, from the Ist of January to Tle inst., and of the Imports and Exports for the same Per l oi year : Bag s. 664,8 01 American ,47 9 South American West Indies, Demerara, &c. ... 66 ,450, East Indies Egypt, &c. Total of all descriptions Same period last year. Bags. American South American 76,715 West Indies, Demerara, &c. East Indies Egypt, &c. Into the Kingdom this year. Increase of Imports , as compared with same ° - period last year . Exports in 1835. American, 23,026 ; Brazil, 6,628 ; East India, 3.5) 0; . West India, 65; other kinds, 30. 71% 17 , 3 1 Total in 1835 Same period last year (ADVERTISEMENT.) -EIGHT-DAY C.- - FOUR GUINEAS each, warranted. FOR THE DRAWING ROOM, they are made under °d shade, 11 inches high, the whole of the Mechanism of th e showing. ,131 ,1° Pt,- I FOR. COUNTING HOUSES, SHOPS, AND ~•,,begon • BUILDINGS; they are made in round or octagon AI ,c (to hang,) 14 inches diameter. od 01 ' F9ll HALLS, &c. &c. They are made in Rosewood pattern cases, to stand on a bracket. T. COX SAVORY, Working Goldsmith and Silversmi th ' 41? COrnhill, London. i~~ 1 BIRTHS. W e ' 3ef On the 18th inst., in Mount-street, the lady of Jame s -' al' , v- Esi., of a daughter. „r 'l3eut e9 On the 18th inst., in Upper Harley-street; the lady, Charles John Bosanquet, R.N., of a daughter. On the 18th inst., in Great Coram-street, Russell-Scluarkre'' lady of Samuel Warren, Esq., of the Inner Temple, o f arolie On the 17th inst., the lady of R. H. Tulloh, Esq., (:).` • Roxburghshire, of a daughter. cooll' On the 18th inst., at Croom's-hill, Greenwich, the lady Co On the lcnel Baron 17th d inst e 1., a u tztleben, Stoke Hof a da ouse, Cobham, the w if eughter. of til° .I. e Rev. S. W. Cobb, of a son. 0"Ittl'. On the 19th inst., the lady of John Morgan, Esq. , °f / street-buildings, of a daughter. .-, MARRIED. T i tol disi At Aldborough, Suffolk, Captain T. M. Bagnold, ri•••• - '' d Ratledge, of Blackheath Villa, Saxmundham. Wild On the 17th inst., at St. Margaret's, Lynn, the ne v ii 'buk," Edward Knatehbull, son of the late Sir Edw ' ard Kn at the l ' . Mersham-hatch, Kent, to Pleasance, youngest daughter of 010 Thomas Bagge, Esq., of Stardseth-hall, Norfolk. rri no r ter On the 19th inst., at Trinity Church, Islington, -" e we e Esq., of Winsley-house, Salop, to Ann, daughter of th e Steele, M.D., of Witham, Essex. ' 1 , 4 15611 On the 19th inst., at St. Mary's, Islington, Henry Th e ' s ,' ke; of Felix-terrace, to Sarah Ann, daughter of Thomas D`' 1 of Barnesbury-park, Islington. a f Mi ei'af On the 17th inst., at St. Andrew's, Holborn,_ •• -r + l i er- 13 r,4 Danks, of Hatton-garden, to Miss Caroline Emblin, of Lea' lee rs On the 16th inst., at the Cathedral, Rochester, Wte• c a re' o Them, Esq. (relative to the Degraves of Thanet), t Louisa, third daughter of James Woakes, Esq., late of iler 40co . t o s q., 1 , On the 17th inst., at Bedale, Thomas Cowper Hineks , o f lO' v Marianne ; and on the same day, William Roddam, Esq'' lle'lr' dam, Northumberland, to Charlotte daughter of the late „ jo t,' Percy Pulleine, Esq., of Crake Hall;Yorkshire. aft. P 1‘• On the 19th inst., at Hangleton Church, Sussex, - late Hardwick, of Hangleton, to Mary, only daughter of the Turner, Esq., of Canonbury-square, Islington. a c org - On the 19th inst., at St. James's Church, Piccadilly, pg, 0, Look, Esq., to Louisa, second daughter of Charles Prate r r iliale o f On the 16th inst., at Roundhay, Yorkshire, the Rev. 'Oczornteo, Teate, 8.A., of St. John's Collegr, Cambridge, a nci v awalt i Batley, in that county, to Margaret, only daughter of '-' lerton, of Roundhay, Esq. ori gait ' DIE. F On the 15th inst., John, second D son of Captain It rr. v i a ll• of the 30th Regiment, aged 4 years and 8 months. cr ick • On the 17th inst., at Quatt, Shropshire, Lieut. Fred a .. of the Bengal Artillery, in his 25th year. • age eel;), On the 15th inst., at Watford, Herts, Mrs. Ann Plir l , l 3 o , ,„ e l „), On the 19th inst., in Abingdon-street, Edward, ,' I ; f ie( l ,: i .,, misley, Esq., Clerk of the Journals of the House of L, a ,rend'ia On the 20th inst., aged 47, in Wimpole-stree t, 'ogiee r . ca t square, Frederick Hayes Maenamara, Esq., late an, w _ p re' the 52d Regiment. Mr. Macnamara was brother to O or Right Hon. Lady Cranstoun and Lady Tyrwhitt Jones. _ Cla rk, On the 18th inst., Robert, second son of Mr. John in Union-row, Minories, and of Hackney, aged 19. a ged 7° ' On the 18th inst., Peter Andrew Runquest, Esq'' Chrls ' • o Arundel-street, Strand. . On the 20th inst., in Hunter-street, Brunswick-sr°- • tlid tepher Ibbertson, Esq., in his 69th year. On the 17th inst., at Eltham, Charlotte Hyde ofc daughter of the late Rev. Francis Wollaston, vie• ilasteeloot . On the 14th inst., aged 80, Mrs. Latimer, late d hi l :see°l:: a r 'ir: l l‘t Y ' l elet°l3t. On the 14th inst., aged 83, Mr. James Eastham, t' 9lll ' Abbe y, A u of the parish church, Preston. Dal e On the 12th inst., Mr. Thomas Cooke, Flagg, n ear la t ° in hisn the Bth inst., at Bridgwater, aged 86, Ann relic 3.0), Rev. Win. Lewis, and daughter of the late John Wells. • ha* Lately, aged 86, Mrs. Martha Parr, Nottingham - I'9 of tt ing- th e On the 12th Mgt., aged 85, Mrs. Elizabeth Heald, ooper Lately, Mrs. Cross, mother of the late Mr. Cross, k o{ the 'fy' Is county gaol, aged 83, Notts. . o vll On the the 6th inst., at Rugba, in her 70th year, A nn 'Sit i' Rev. R. R. Bloxham, D.D., and only sister of the late Lawrence, P.R. A. _ ,- f 1 1 l „ 7 „0„, ! ni p, London : Printed and Published by MURDO 1 `-_', i n the v" . 112, Strand, at The Sun Mee, No. 112, Strati" , of Middlesex, r ~,. ,~ 4 ~. con s , trot of p , adj o i, th e Wit't )11 ,' - aces ni trio! t } T~~s the pi fo r a t oes th e .b a de, g Qn ; b ' (1( 11,