The Sun. — London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

early opportunity should be given of vindicating it, as he hoped it would be vindicated; and represented, it as also due to the character of the country be and Government rieht with a view of setting the S respecting their mistake, pifalimishistaken they we ' re. 'n the Government Prepared, as he in any measure was, for vtionclicating the character of the country, he felt assured he would be the better able to pu rsue that course f out set, he admitted that a grievous error i, in the had been com mitted on their part. He should like to know from the Noble Lord whether it was or was not the fact that the whole grounds of the charges brought against their Am bassador were assigned in the papers before them? It was most essential that they should know that ; and he cou ld conceive no g rounds for concealment upon the subject. It was impossible that the Noble Lord should not be cognisant of the whole facts, for he had every in dividual before him from whom information could be obtained —the Ambassador himself and the special Envoy from the Court of Madrid, with whom he be lieved the Noble Lord was in communication through the Spanish Ambassador. He knew the story on one side and the other ; be knew what the other accusations were, if other accusations existed than those con tained in the papers. He believed that the dispatch of the Noble Lord was an unhappy and unfortunate piece of diplomacy, but that that could form any justification for the expulsion of their Ambassador was what no man in that House would believe.—(Hear, hear.) He might and did lament'that any instructions given to their Am bassador—though not exceeded by him, as far as his judgment led him to form a conclusion—should have led to a result so humiliating to them—that the Government of Spain should have rejected the dispatch of the Noble Lord, and that they, as a nation, should be insulted. As the Noble Lord had justified the conduct of the Am bassador the latter should receive no blame from him (Mr. Bankes). But having gone to that extent, which in his opinion was far indeed, the Spanish Government went a step further, when they not only returned the Ambassador's dispatch, but rejected also the Ambassa dor, telling him that though he and his nation "might not be offended," yet that he had better not stay there, but take himself off in order to avoid offence. —(Hear, hear.) The House had before them, in the papers presented by the Government, the dispatches which had first passed respecting these matters. Un doubtedly those dispatches were from the first consi dered in that House to present points for grave consi deration. It had seemed to him, and he believed to others, that an interference had been proposed with the affairs of a friendly power which no Government could have borne without resentment ; and, certainly from the first, he had anticipated that something would follow calculated to disturb the friendly relations subsisting between England and Spain—relations which had existed for many years, and which were maintained by many important considerations. True it was that Spain owed. to us a debt of gratitude; but it could not but be felt by a generous people that a claim of that sort insisted upon at all times, and under all circumstances, could not be ,advanced creditably to ourselves nor without offenced riv to a t pa•oud, a chivalrous, and gallan t nation. He condi eod but feel, moreover, that if S p ain had dead. advantages from us we bad also derive vantages from our connex ion with Spain. I first a nd thou t w as in her plains that our gallant army h learnt to beat the warr iors of Napoleoe, g Spain would never forget her obligations., yet the con stant reiteration of them by us might arouse something bordering on a vindictive feeling to supply the place of international friendship. He regretted these unhappy dispatches, therefore , on other grounds than the mere dismissal of our Minister. He regretted them, among other things, because he feared they might b drawn into a precedent. It was for that reason that he had been most anxious to press forward this debate so early. _He wished to guard against these papers being placed let the library of that House without there being an nexed to them an immediate protest—an immediate re enoustrance. He wished to guard against the possibi lity of any one saying in future times, " Oh, a great affront has been offered to us, but there is a precedent for our treating it with silence ; fur in 1842, when Lord Palmerston was Foreign Minister, a British Am bassador at the Court of Madrid was contemptuously dismissed. The papers on the subject are all extant —and not one word was said by Parliament or by the country on the subject."--(Hear, hear.) That was what he desired to guard against. And now let him come to the consideration of the documents that were placed before them. In the outset he must complain that the papers presented to Parliament as " papers rela tive to the affairs of Spain" were mere extracts, and very partial ones. What did the House think, for in stance, of such a correspondence as this:— " Mr. Bulwer to Viscount Pahnerston—l have just had an interview with the Duke of Sotomayor, who, having re quested to see me, stated" . (Loud laughter.) Absolutely that was all.—(Renewed laughter.) That was a complete paragraph in a dispatch of our Spanish Ambassador to his Minister, communi cated for the information of the British House of Coin monsl—(Cheers.) Almost on the same page with this remarkable State document was another dispatch, in which Lord Palmerston expressed himself highly dis pleased at the decree of the Cortes giving the Government of Spain extraordinary powers. Why, what right had the Noble Lord to be highly displeased or offended with such matters? These powers were voted by the Spanish Cortes by a majority of 148 to 45 in one house, and of 63 to 83 in the other assembly. He must remark, too, that a great portion of these " papers" was composed of extracts from newspapers. He (Mr. Bankes) did not un dervalue newspapers. He had no doubt that in Spain, as in England, there were papers conducted by men of the highest talent and of the purest character; but as newspapers both in Spain and England were anonymous publications, he must always feel regret when he found them brought forward as authorities upon matters of State.—(Hear, hear.) Only two hours had elapsed since the last series of papers upon this subject had been deli vered to Members of the Legislature, and in this series there were, he must remark, extracts from newspaper., which be thought the Government had scarcely exercised a wise discretion in introducing. One of these was from the lieraldo of May 24, which, after setting forth that fears were entertained in Spain of the anger of England in consequence of these events, proceeded thus: " singular reflection however arises, via., the impossibi lity of England taking offence at present, in consequence of the hostile attitude of Ireland, which is wasting her re sources—by the increasing deficit in her treasury—by the suspicions entertained of her throughout Europe—in conse quence of her friendly relations with the court of Vienna— and finally, by the proceedings of the Chartist party, which calculates on the support of the new Parliamentary party, headad by Messrs. Hume and Cobden—( Loud laughter)— who will no doubt take advantage of the difficulties into which the country is thrown, in order to kindle the torch of civil discord throughout the land." (Much laughter and some opposition cheering.) These were the documents the Noble Lord gave to them as part of a great Parliamentary record.—(Hear, hear.) Thus it was that state papers were made up—(Cheers) —and he must say that it did seem to him that these sort of things had been put together with considerable haste in order to occasion a delay—that they had been collected with much toilsome industry in order to gain time.—(Cheers.) He now came to the next important document—the Noble Lord's memorable " confidential" dispatch to Mr. Bulwer of March 16. It would be re collected that it ran thus : " I have to instruct you to recommend earnestly to the Spanish Government and to the Queen-Mother, if you have an opportunity of doing so, the adoption of a legal and con stitutional course of government in Spain. —(bear, from the Liberal side.) This was pretty well. The Cortes it would be remembered was sitting at the time, carrying what they thought legal and constitu tional measures" by large majorities. " The recent fall of the King of the French and of his whole family, and the expulsion of his Ministers, ought to teach the Spanish Court and Government how great is the danger of an attempt to go vern a coun t r y i n a manner at va rience with the feelings and opinions of the nation ; and the France ca tastrophe which ha s h appene d in must serve to s h o w that even a large and well-disciplined army becomes an ineffectual defence for the Crown when the course pursued by the Crown is at variance with the general sentiments of the country. It would then be wise for the Queen h of - Spain in the preserit critical state of aff:i t r h s e t b o a s s t i r s ene en the Execu tive Government by ealargine- to o p t ( i ) e n r which t h e ad ministration is founded, and by calling of those men who possess the confidence of the ' counci ls some party." (Much cheering from the Liberal side.) Now it might have been good for Spain and this country if the policy recommended by the Noble Lord had been adopted, but certainly if the Noble Lord wished to defeat such a measure he could not have adopted a course more cal culated to carry that object.—(Hear, bear.) He (Mr. Bankes) was ready to admit that the feeling of Spain towards us had not been very fitvourable, and that the acts of the Spanish Government had not been very kindly. We had probably suffered some disappoint moat by the course Spain had chosen to pursue with reference to our free - trade policy. In November last, Mr. Bulwer applied to the Duke de Sotornayor for some alteration of the duties with reference to woollen goods. A correspondence ensued, and the House would recollect that when the matter was brought before Parliament, the Noble Lord stated that he thought we ought to be satis lied, because we were placed by Spain in no worse posi tron than she placed France. To put ns in the same position in which she placed France was not in his (Mr. Bankes's) judgment exactly all that ought to satisfy this country; and if the interference of the Noble Lord had been confined to matters of commercial relation, he cer tainly should not have objected. There was not, as he conceived; any better employment of time for Ministers than watching our commercial relations with foreign coun tries; but he did doubt the expediency of interfering with the political affairs of nations, and especially of en deavouring to force upon them certain individuals and parties to act as ministers and governors of the country. —(Cheers.) Why, what should we say if the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs, seeing the Chartists in lingland and the repeaters in Ireland in a state of dis content, were to write to us, insisting that it would be better for Great Britain, if the Government were placed upon a wid er b as i s, an d if M essrs. C o b den and Hume were at once called to the councils of the Sovereign ? (Hear, hear.) What should we say if, having told us that they were t o conc l u d e by stating , that whether we adopted such measures or not, hey would at least have the satisfaction of having given timely warning ? (Cheers.) The Noble Lord might noi say that Spain was England—he in peculiar relations towards and—he might insist on the sort of obligatory link which existed—and which Spanish he seemed to think bound the nation to a s tate of subserviency to us because Cases fbenefits re ceived ; but this was not enough. shad hap pened before where diplomatists as able a s the Noble Lord had been concerned , and w here a very differenttohe;:a rd had been assumed on subjects by no means dissimilar to that under discussion. Th e Noble Lord , he was w ould not be offended with a compari son which he would institute. Holland, at one period of her history, was a state divided by oppo site factions . She was under the greatest obligations to us for the preservation of her liberty, and for atfordieg her the means of carrying on her commerce. At such a time, and at a period of great danger to her, we had a vigilant and ab le ambassador at whosethe Hague, dispatches were extant. He alluded to the Noble Lord's ancestor, Sir W. Temple. Writing from the Hague in 1670, that gentleman, after adverting to the state of internal affairs in Holland, said: — "I have thought fit to say this much that so you may make up your reports of these affairs, and it is our part to seem the least concerned we can its them, the best we can do is to watch the interests of the country, doing as little as we can to interfere with their internal interests." He (Mr. Bankes) wished the Noble Lord bad followed the example of his great ancestor, and been satisfied with watching vigilantly and anxiously the domestic interests of Spain —ready to afford aid when required, but knowing that to offer it unasked was only likely to excite ill will.—(Cheers.) But he had another case to cite. Nearly at the same period, in 1678, we had an Ambassador at Madrid, Sir William Godolphin, who had occasion to make remonstrance of a serious nature on the part of his Government. He addressed a letter to Don John of Austria, informing him that " the King his master, had commanded him frequently to complain of the ill conduct of the Spanish Ministers at his Court, which he was directed to say had not bean amended by the Minister now present." What was the result of this remonstrance? It met with immediate attention. The Spanish Minister at the Court of St. James's was removed, showing that Spain, at the period of her most palmy greatness, was not above receiving with courtesy an appeal for the removal of her Ambassador. W hat reason was there to suppose that her heart was so broken by subsequent misfortune that she should not rise up now in resentment when an ee experiment was tried upon her patience? — (Chee rs. ) But he procded with the dispatches. The following was from Viscount Palmerston to Mr. Bulwer:— "Foreign-office, April 20, 1848. Sir,-- your dispatch of the 11th instant, with its enclosures, S trna -or have rc a e n iv d ed l have to instruct you to state to the Duke 3 s t s a t n e t, p that her Majesty's Government entirely a you took in making your communication o That her Majesty's and likewise of your note of the 12th. fppthroev7eththine h 7th of April, or sending back of your communication o Government, however, are not at all offended, t either by the th however they ma)• regret the ex mayor's note of the 10 by the angry tone and language of the , Duke of Soto vernment, of which the language o E l l l lcY note istence of those feelings in the minds t of s the Spanish Go in making to the Governrpent pain the and the the return of yours were proofs. Her Majesty's Go vernment,givingile b advice which . your commu o sentiment but that n pr ica ese ti n o t n at c i o o n n v s, ey an ed d , of sincere friendship for Spain, and of deep interest in the i w n ere inspired yn welfare of Queen Isabella. They felt that in making that communication they were performing a duty, and not taking any undue liberty ; and therefore, at all events, it is a satis faction to her Majesty's Government to reflect that although their counsel has been rejected and their communication has been returned, the note has, nevertheless, bean read, and the counsel has been tendered, and that whatever calamity may h a ppen in Spain her Majesty's Government stand acquitted of not having done what they could to prevent it. With jeeatedavhsoretebfsyypcoaltganuaoolki pretender; the e o te; to ne f nt S ft observe,dtaehrtros throne eeia it f o ai v r lt t' Britishih s hl eaeGnwt vuoanote,iovrfay Govern ment tirtihnete had regardrmaKiarisen Majesty'snshnegtaao Kingdom mau o h dt e had ofr h ao the dßns l ar c byi coet Britannic aunt Governmentaenfdnie disputed ws contents conflictuio3 have Madrid to solicit the assistance of Spain, order to place her Majesty on the thr o ne ; if t h at assistance had been given, both morally by treaty engagemen t s , an d p hy s i c ally by mili tary and naval forces; if the aid thus afforded by Spain had contributed in so essential a degree to secure the crown to her 11 , • lalesty, that it might with truth be said that without such aid her Majesty wou ld not now have been Queen of England; if, moreover, there still remained a pretender, who asserted his right and whose pretensions were backed by a large party in the United Kingdom ; and if upon every symptom of danger from that pretender, and that party, the British Government was in the habit of reminding Spain of the treaty engagements which she had entered into ; was also in the habit of asserting that those engagements were still in force, and was continually claiming the benefit of the alleged existence of those engagements; if all those things existed, and if the Government of Spain had, in a moment of general disturbance in Europe, warned the British Govern ment of dangers by which, in their opinion, the security of her Majesty's throne was menaced—l think I may confi • dently affirm that, under such circumstances, any statesmen who might be Ministers of the British Crown, instead of sending back the note in which such representations were conveyed, and instead of replying to it in discourteous terms, would have accepted the communication in the same spirit of friendship in which it was made; and whether they adopted or not the advice which it contained, would at least have considered it a proof of the continued existence of that friendship on the part of Spain, to which in such case would have been owing the circumstance that those British Mi nisters had the honour of being advisers of the Crown, in stead of being proscribed exiles in a foreign land. You will transmit to the Duke of Sotomayor a copy of this dispatch. (Signed) " PALMERSTON." Now, certainly it was rather strong to tell the Govern ment of Spain that we had been tho instrument of put ting the crown of Spain on the head of the Queen, when all we had purported to do was to lend our aid in confir mation of the claims of the person whom we considered justly entitled to that crown. Altogether, he could not but think that, whatever blame attached to the subse quent conduct of the Spanish Government towards Sir Henry Bul.ver—and he quite agreed in censuring that conduct as highly arbitrary and improper—there had been in the tone observed by the Noble Lord much that would naturally irritate and wound the feelings of the Spanish Government and nation, and he therefore trusted that in the explanation which the Noble Lord would, he presumed, that night offer, the Noble Lord would admit what he surely must feel, that he had been injudicious, at all events in the manner and time of his interposition. Most undoubtedly the British nation, while ever pre pared to vindicate its honour, would not hesitate to ex press its regret, if any hasty expressions on the part of its Government had wounded the generous sensibilities of a high-souled and friendly people.--(Hear, hear.) Such an expression of regret on the part of the Noble Lord would at once tend to smooth away the unfortu nate asperities which bad arisen. It should not be for gotten that the Noble Lord and his Noble Colleague at the head of affairs were members of that same Govern ment of Lord Grey whose grand profession of faith was economy, reform, and non-interference with foreign states. Viscount PALMERSTON—Peace, retrenchment, and reform. Mr. BANKES—These were the same things in other words; peace was non-intervention, and non-intervention peace. This profession of faith had reference to the contrary policy of former Governments— of one or more of which, very possibly, the Noble Viscount had himself formed part.—(A laugh.) And the Noble Viscount would have done well had he adhered to it in the present matter. Among the papers delivered to Members that morning, there was one in particular, from Sir H. Bul wer, which he would beg to quote. And here let him observe that he had throughout considered Sir Henry Balwer's conduct required no vindication.—(Hear.) That functionary had on no apparent occasion exceeded or fallen short of his instructions, but had, it would seem, exactly carried out the views of the Noble Via- count. There were vlrious points to which he (Mr. Bankes) desired to direct the Noble Viscount's reply:- Ist. Whether any other cause or causes than those al ready made known had been assigned by the Spanish Go vernment for dismissing Sir H. Bulwer? 2d, As to the degree of approbation, whether more or less complete, which the British Government gave to Sir H.Bulwer's pro ceedings? Next, as to the precise nature and extent of the hold which the British Government assumed to have upon the Crown and Government of Spain; for instance, whether the Noble Viscount really assumed that we had placed Donna Isabella on the throne, not from any claim of right on her part, but because of the peculiar prin ciples which she and her adherents professed, in con tradistinction to those advocated by other pretenders to the throne? In the note of Sir 11. Bulwer to the Duke of Sotomayor, dated April 16th, we find this pas sage:— " There are cases, indeed, in which mere advice from one Government to another would be a questionable act of pro priety and interference; but where it so happens that the former Government has received particular support from another, and this on account of particular principles ; and more especially where it so happens that the former Govern ment may still entertain the hope that if the struggle in which it has once been victorious were to be renewed, it would again receive similar assistance from its late auxiliary ; hers exists one of those peculiar cases in which, without any attempt at dictation, a State which has proved an useful ally may say to that State which it has served, " Take care, you are in a moment of danger; beware that you do not separate yourself from those principles which were the original feature of your cause; in this manner you may lose the throne you desire to maintain; in this manner you may forfeit the support of your best friends both at home and abroad; let me beseech you, even if your intentions are good, to avoid arraying, if possible, appearances against you." Such were some of the points to which he desired to di rect the Noble Viscount's reply. There was yet another: It appeared very singular that among the papers already produced there were no instructions from the Noble Lord subsequent to the 20th of April. He should wish to know whether there had been any instructions issued posterior to that date? Probably, and it might be at no distant period, when this matter should be settled, as ho trusted it would be settled in an amicable way between the two countries, the Noble Lord, in making a state ment to that effect to the House, would feel it, necessary to call upon the House for an opinion as to the whole of these proceedings. Meanwhile, he would remark, that he had brought forward thepresent resolution because he had heard from the Noble Lord that its discussion would in no degree embarrass the existing negotiations. Had the Noble Lord given any other intimation, he should of course have delayed the proposition. Should the resolution he was now about to submit to the House give to the Noble Lord an opportunity for making any explanatory or conciliatory statement, tending to heal the wound which had been inflicted on the honest pride of the Spanish nation, he should rejoice in the part he had taken towards removing the sore feeling which had arisen between the two countries hitherto so friendly. The resolution having been put from the chair, Mr. SHELL said—The Hon. Gentleman on the 10th of May gave notice of a motion, in relation to a para graph in one of Sir 11. Bulwer's letters, for the purpose of information. lie has now changed his ground, and proposes for the adoption of the Hou se a resolution of censure on my Noble :Friend. lam very far from saying that this change in his tactics is not deserv ing of commendation. My Noble Friend is clearly re sponsible for all that has been said or done by Sir 11. Bulwer, and I therefore think the lion. Gentleman quite right in saying that by his motion he is conferring an obligation on my Noble Friend ; my Noble Friend is equally indebted to the Honourable Gentleman for his motion and for his speech, for both will serve him. — (Hear, hear.) The true question is—l purposely avoid any prefatory prolixity—the true question is, whether the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was justified in interfering in the internal affairs of Spain, by the peculiar relations in which we stand to wards that country ?—(Hear, hear.) What are those relations ? It will be necessary to take a retrospect, which I promise you shall be a rapid one. In 1834, the Spanish Government solicited the assistance of England L —a special negotiator, the Marquis Mirafitores, was sent to :England. That Nobleman has published an ae cou et of his mission, which I think I see in the hands of the Honourable Member for Pontefract.—(A laugh.) Thi i Marquis states that Lord Palmerston had very gre at difficulties to c ontend against pa g s ains nh t is bu l t ib h e i r s ty m ea o r v n e e r s c t a nes e s in t he cause of Spain and of eve ry obstacle that stood in his way, and on the 22d of April, 1834, the preliminary articles of a treaty of quadruple alliance were signed. At that period the Duke of Richmond, Sir James Graham, the Earl of Ripon, and the Nobleman who has recently taken so active a par t in t h e question in another House (Lord Stanley) had not retired from theCabinet.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis states that the effect of even these preliminary articles was signal and immediate. Don Car‘os assented, and it was supposed that the pacifica tion of Spain would be the result of the articles. This anticipation was not carried out. Don Carlos retired into the provinces, and the entire of the Basque popu lation arose for him; the Court of Spain was filled with dismay, and the Marquis Nliraflores, instructed by his Government , again waited upon Lord Palmerston, and to use his own language, " implored his aid with adjurations, ardent and unremitted." Lord Palmerston redeemed the pledge he had given, by aid, naval, inili • eery, and moral, and there cannot be a do u bt, b u t t h a t f or the interposition of England, Don Carlos would have been King of Spain.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," from Mr. Baillie Cochrane.) The whole population of the Basque provinces, the Church, the monastic orders, the nobility, and the still nobler peasantry of Spain, were all the Carlist party.--(Renewed cheers from the same quarter.) It is said by the Duke of Sotonsayor, in very sonorous Castilian, that England interfered from selfish motives. From what selfish motives I cannot conjecture.—(Hear, hear.) The people of this country filled with an ardent love of liberty, which I trust will ever inspire them, gave ener g eti c a id t o a na ti on strug gling for freedom ; but England, as Sir H. Bulwer well pointed out, had nothing to gain in the matter but the lofty consciousness of having as s i s t e d th e Spanish people in the assertion of their right to free institutions. Theseinstitutions were established, and they remained stable till the fail of Espartero. The late Minister of this country, I well remember, expressed deep regret for that fall, and in his regret Lord Aberdeen fully con curred. I am far from disapproving of the policy of Lord Aberdeen towards Spain. It was Lord Aberdeen who appointed Sir H. Bulwer to the post he lately occu pied, and in this appointment Lord Aberdeen manifested a just and most sound appreciation of the valuable ser vices which Sir H. Bulwer had rendered to his country at Constantinople and in other quarters.—(Hear, hear.) It is said that Lord Aberdeen never interfered in the affairs of Spain. I will show the contrary ; I will show that Lord Aberdeen did interfere in the affairs of Spain, and this in a manner which reflected upon him the greatest honour. Sir 11. Bulwer wrote to Lord Aber deen that he had heard from persons of good authority first, and it was in contemplation to plight t he Q ueen and then communicate the fact to the Cortes, when it should be too late to revoke the betrothal. Thereupon Lord Aberdeen at once sent directions to Sir H. Bulwer to call upon General Narvaez without delay, and to say to him that he could not, indeed, believe the report in question, but that if any such illicit and discreditable Proceedings were intended, the British Government w ould protest against it as an infringement on the Spa nish Constitution, as exposing the Queen to danger, and as calcuated to spread confusion and peril throughout the country. Here, surely, was a case of interference — (Hear, hear)—and, as such, if Lord .Aberdeen was war ranted—and warranted he was—in interfering, Lord Palmerston was called upon ,to do so when he saw the Cortes about to be abolished, and every vestige of free dom about to be swept away. In 1846 Lord Aberdeen retired from office, and Lord Palmerston, upon acceding to it, naturally directed his attention to the affairs of Spain. I have read the remarkable dispatch of July, '1846, to which reference has been made by the greatest journal of this country, which, in relation to it, speaks of the dispatch as having proceeded from my Noble Friend, when baffled on the great Montpensier machination. Now, it was not till September that the Spanish marriages took place, and at the time of the dis patch in July there was no sort of quarrel with Spain on that subject. But the Cortes had been rendered a passive instrument in the hands of the Government, the liberty of the press was a nullity, the property and the liberty of the subject were outraged with impunity, and men were daily put to death without a shadow of trial ; the name of freedom had, in a word, become a mockery. Lord Palmerston, struck with this spectacle, did what a British Minister was bound to do under the circumstances—he intimated to the Spanish Government that it was not for the purpose of establishing a grinding tyranny in Spain, that the English Government inter fered to settle the crown of Spain on its present basis. —(Hear, hear.) The circumstances of 1848 are diffe rent, be it remembered, from those of 1846. In 1846 there was no European convulsion ; the authority of Louis Philippe was ostensibly stable. In 1848 occurred those mighty events at whose aspect contemporaries stand appalled, and at which history will look back with amazement. 'The Noble Lord was warned by Sir H. Bulwer that revolution threatened Spain, that the Carlists were in motion, and that, if they were en couraged to come forward, a disastrous civil war would be the inevitable result, involving the country and its throne in the utmost misfortune and peril. His Noble Friend hereupon transmitted that dispatch which has been so repeatedly referred to. But when this dis patch was given to Sir H. Bulwer, did he at once rush to the palace and deliver it up in the abrupt manner sug gested ? No; he kept it by him for twenty days, re serving it as a last expedient—as a final resource. Mark the dates—the dispatch was received by Sir IL Bulwer on the 21st of March ; on the 23d the Cortes were dis• solved ; on the 31st an insurrection took place at Madrid. On these occasions Sir H. Bulwer offered counsel to the Spanish Government in the most amicable spirit ; but, as yet he did not produce the dispatch. His preliminary efforts were of no avail; he went to the Queen-Mother with as littte effect; and, at length, on the 9th of April, Sir 11. 13ulwer, finding that every other expedient had been exhausted, and thinking that Lord Palmerston's dispatch might produce an effect which his own verbal communications had failed to do, sent in the dispatch, and it is but an act of justice to Sir 11. Bulwer that I should here read an extract from one of his letters in vindication of the conduct he had pursued, and which, I submit, perfectly justified that conduct. In the letter dated April 22, 1848, Sir H. Bulwer says : "In this state of circumstances I consulted my instruc tions; I had already acted upon them by giving friendly and intimate advice without any effect being produced. It began to be very probable that Count Montemolin might show himself, supported by the Liberal party, and with the cry of the Constitution of 1812: this was here canvassed on one side, a Republic on the other_ Now, if the Pretender raised his banner, proclaiming constitutional principles, and we were called upon to support Queen Isabella, her Catholic Majesty upholding military government, it would be difficult for us to support the military government against the con stitational one, or to desert Queen Isabella suddenly, on the ground that we disapproved of the course she had pursued, unless there was some proof that we had so disapproved. My unofficial conversations had no authority. Even if her Ca tholic Majesty fell without exposing us to this difficult and particular question, it might be said, Why did not Mr. Bulwer warn the Spanish Government of the dangerous course they were pursuing? Why did he not do so with all the weight that a formal communication of the views of Great Britain would have afforded-?' It was, my Lord, in view of all these various probabilities that I gave the sane tion of your Lordship's name, and of my opinion to the ad vice I presumed to offer. It was not, that lam aware of, couched in improper terms; I did not, therefore, expect a voluntary hostile reply, or that the present Government of Spain would involve amongst Queen IsalJella's enemies her Majesty's Government, with more than the precipitancy with which it had included in this category distinguished and loyal Spaniards. The result shows I was mistaken." And toe result does show this.—( Hear, hear.) 'The Hon. Member has read paragraphs from the Spanish newspaper, the Herald°. The Hergldo was edited at one period by Sartorius, and is still wholly under his influence, or, as the French expr e ss it, inspi r ed by hi m . It may, in a word, be considered the o r g an of th e opinions, feelings, and views of the Spanish Govern ment, 'The Hon. Gentleman has read au extract from this paper, whence it appears that the editor and the Government expected a revolution in England, mistak ing a Chartist procession fur a national march—(Hear, hear)—not knowing that in England liberty and order have entered into mutual guarantees—(Hear, hear) — nut knowing that our institutions are built on a rock, and bound together with an imperishable cement— (Hear)—ituagining, in short, that our polity was as frail as the weak, loose structures which continental ar chitects are pleased to call constitutions.—(Hear, hear.) Under this impression it was that the Spanish Govern ment thought it could put contumely upon my Noble Friend and upon the English nation, torgetting the ser vices coutereed by us upon Spain—(hear)--or rather, perhaps, I may say, resenting the obligations we had conferred upon her.—(Hear, hear.) The Spanish Go vernment thought, under such circumstances, to put an insult upon my Noble Friend; and the Hon. Gentleman over the way says that the Government of England has been humiliated. It would be strange, indeed, if the Government of this great and powerful country—a country which had the power to avenge an insult, but could afford to despise one—it would be strange, indeed, if the Government of England could be humiliated by anything that could be done by the Spanish Government, that, in its need, fell down on its knees before us.— (Hear, hear.) But instead of relying on this, I prefer to insist that with truth, with right, with reason, and with honour, humiliation cannot co-exist.--(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman spoke of the quarrels of individuals and of nations, and said they were the same thing. It is, I admit, with nations as with men, and I will put this case to the lion. and Learned Gentleman. If a man calling himself his friend had fled to him for aid, if the rai req uiredsed prosperity, r the hs epesruit assistance pyp,t itoihaaennti nonladthfembdrrs From become me the given,e his and earth, surety uebutt y hea elevated dv pledgea t not m on hi ly to m int n gr tand,ud weree i wasf ef e ee e rt i en wills t hs h acavonentulaiminr contumely, r yh b: aa ti nt h wd i t, n ,h, u g eilndi o sn n tsenua t old o u insult oro th tfhe r e i Hon. and Le arne d Gentleman s recoiled. and th a t t h e i ntended insult m feelfell full upon the degraded . ingrate hi mse lf an d not upon his benefactor ? This point et view applied to the whole of the present transaction. From the first report of Sir H. Bulwer down to the letter di sm i ss i ng Sir 11. Bulwer from Spain, on grounds of which the annals of diplomacy afforded Tao parallel—(Hear, hear)—Si r H. Bulwer had beers assailed with every species of calumny, with every threat, assassination included, and with the declaration that he was abandoned here. But he is not abandoned here.—(Cheers.) He is not abandoned by Parliament, he is not abandoned by the Government, he is not aban doned by my Noble Friend at the head of the department in which Sir H, Bulwer has so ably served, and who, I tarn well assured, will rather throw his office to the winds than desert the man who has so devotedly, under his direction, served our common country. The lion. and Learned Gentleman asked whether any other charges have been made against Sir 11. Bulwer ? I know not what further allegations may be adduced by the Spanish Government, but I know that calumnies of the vilest sort have been put in circulation against him. deived from the vile source of inquisitorial espionage. 1 from at once rising to endeavour to satisfy the Noble One example will suffice: it was said, when Fulgosio I Lord with regard to those points upon which he is as yet wasput to death, that Mr. Bulwer paid for his death in uninformed. The Noble Lord is willing to admit, and gola Calumnies such as these will be treated by the I think the majority of this House must be willing to peoile of this country simply with disgust and scorn.— admit, that, even putting aside the peculiar relations (Heir and cheers.) This is not the first time that which subsist between this country and Spain, it is corn my Noble Friend has been made the object of petent for the Government of one country to give advice fierce and calumnious attack. Many a time to the Government of another; and that it may even feel have I heard him assailed in this House with vehement at times bound to give that advice with respect to its in vituperation ; but my Noble Friend has ever, when ar ternal affairs.—(Hear, bear.) Provided that advice is reigned before the great tribunal, where the public men conveyed in friendly terms, and that it has a friendly of Eigland are tried by the gentlemen of England, object, there are few Members in this House who will has err vindicated himself with triumph from each deny that there may be occasions on which such advice attack, and has proved himself the conscientious, as he may be given. —(Hear, hear.) Without referring to is the able, champion of liberty all over the world.— the innumerable examples which may be found where (Hear, hear.) He will, I am sure, do so now.—(Hear, such advice has been given by persons of the highest hear.) My Noble Friend, like the rest of us, has his authority on all matters of international relations, I faults ; but these are not times in which such faults as will mention one case that I happened to be reading, I his are to be made subjects of party strife—(Hear, think, not more than two or three days ago, with re hear) —the tremendous crisis of European affairs will sect to the late events in Naples. A person of high not admit of our making experiments heedlessly u p on authority sent for three of the Foreign Ministers, and public t een.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble F r i en d has his informed them that tranquillity was restored in the faults ; but among these faults his enemies will not Cabinet; whereupon one ut them took upon himself to reckon the want of sagacity to discern danger, or the speak on behalf of his colleagues, the two ether Foreign want of firm tranquil courage, and of indomitable con- Ministers, and said that their opinion was that the time stancy to encounter it. had come when clemency ought to be shown by the So • Vi scoan t MAHON assured th e H ouse t h at h e eh nthe present dis cuss i on w i t h t h e sincerest who tendered, unasked, this advice to the G o v e rnment respect Noble Secret ar y f or F ore i gn Aff a i rs, on of Naples? It was the representative of her Most Ca accountrr the o f -' his eminence and un d ou b te d a bili ty, hi s long vereign and the Government. Who was the Minister tared upon tholic Majesty the Queen of Spain.—(Loud c h eers and e xperience in public affairs, and the high post he now laughter.) Subsequent discussion occurred with (sue of filled. Nor was l i e insensible to the inconvenience of the Ministers of the King of Naples, in which the nature saying anything that might tend to increase the diffi- of the Constitution and the propriety of dissolving the eu ity of our position with regard to a foreign power—a Chambers were laid before those Foreign Ministers foreign power, and lately a friendly power.—(Hear.) Various opinions were given, the Spanish Minister But this q uestion having been once brought before the giving one opinion, the English Minister giving another House, he would verdure to state the opinion which he but it never occurred to the Minister of the King of had formed respecting the transaction. In the first Naples to say, " Any advice upon the internal affairs of place he would concede to the Right Hon. Gentleman this kingdom is an unjustifiable int( rference, and I call that the Noble Secretary had a right, under all circum- upon you to refrain from such interference, unless you stances, to tender some advice to Spain. He thought that, after the sacefices which we h a d ma d e f or that wish me to give advice with respect to the mode of conducting the Governments of England and of country, and after the assistance we had given her in the civil strife co n ne cted with Don Carlos, we ter- Spain."—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there were, as the t a i n ly were not to be considered as precl u d e d from Noble Lord admits, peculiar reasons why England should have some title to give its advice to the Go offering suitable advice to the Spanish Govern- vernment of the Queen of Spain.—(Hear.) Her in- ment. But then came the question—in what terms, terests had been deeply concerned when the Marquis of and to what effect , that advice was conveyed ? And, Miraflores came here to pray, to beg, to supplicate for when he looked t o the dispatch of the Noble Foreign March, he was compelled to own assistance. Our assistance had been given too readily Secretary, of the 16 th —our t h a t he could not concur either in the scope of the assistance had been too effectual—for us not to think that if an occasion arose when the throne of the advice he gave or the terms in which it was given.— Queen of Spain should be in danger, our sympathy (Hear, hear.) In the dispatch of the 16th of March, might be exhibited, and our friendly counsels might be the Noble Lord not only stated his advice as to the tendered without fear of arousing the national suscep course of policy which should be pursued in Spain, but tibility. Sir, the events of the present year have been he went on to recommend a change of administration, extraordinary. My Right Hon. Friend the Master of and advised that tie Queen of Spain should call to her manner padatderhe sta) et . s dni u ty m n masterlyn Friend rs h ei a e, t n r i de c fi en a r n ii e a Bd d 4 d 6n: b ni u ns t t I v. it l t i l i ee aptlyht o myt n w h aN a t od bi h sl e e. the Mint (Mr. Shed). who went through this case in a counsels some of those men who possessed the confidence of the Liberal party. Now , he (Lord Mahon) could not but think that it was stepping somewhat beyond the proper and the usual line in such cases to give advice, Friend observed to the Ambassador—" Such are the sen not simply with respect to the measures to be pursued, timents of the British Government, and you will inform but as to the men to be employed. Let them look at those with whom you have intercourse that you will act what might happen in this country. He believed that it was not unusual for men of weight and station, who in accordance with those sentiments: but yo u will not stood in friendly relations to any Government, from obtrude any advice with respect to the internal affairs of time to time, if h a they saw occasion, to go to the head of Spain." But, as I have said, the events of this year that Government, and state their views with regard to S ave been most extraordinary, and there was no country hardly which could be considered t o b e sate fro m tho se the course which the Government might be following; and if such counsels were given in an amicable spirit convulsions which have overact thrones—have destroyed they were generally received in an amicable spirit. constitutions—have placed towns at the mercy of mobs, But the ease would assume a totally different aspect if and have threatened to convulse the whole of Europe. It the friends of ehe Government were to say, "We was impossible, considering the relations between this advise you to change the Administration; we advise the country and Spain, that the state of Spain should not Queen to call other men to her counsels;" and he could seriously and painfully attract the attention of the not help thinking that by so doing the friendly line he British Government. My Noble Friend read a dispatch of the 16th March, and the Noble Lord opposite asks a supposed to exist would thus bo overstepped. So the Noble Lord, in the dispatch alluded to, had given advice perfectly justifiable question—viz., whether that dispatch not only as to measures, but also as to the men to be em- Spanish Government, or whether it was only intended was written with a view to being communicated to the played; and, looking at the terms of that dispatch, he for the information of Sir H. Bulwer? The answer must say that in them also he saw some ground for re- which I shall give will be given in• relatne the gret. Such a dispatch as that ought to have been worded events as they occurred. My Noble Friend rem] with the utmost circumspection, and with every irna.gm- that dispatch. It is in those terms in which a dis able care, lest a single word should fall from him which patch is couched that is communicated in a note was calculated to wound the sensitive jealousy of the to a foreign Government. It was in a dispatch Spanish nation.—(Hear.) But let the House see how written in that form which is intended for the informs short—how unaccompanied by any argument—was this tion of the Minister; but at the same time it was for dispatch, and how peremptory in its tune. It began— the information and guidance of a Minister who had " I have to instruct you to recommend earnestly to been chosen for his eminent abilities—who was the the Spanish Government, and to the Queen Mother, roughly acquainted with the state of Spain, and in if you have an opportunity of doing so, the adoption whom the Government of. this country most wisely re of a legal and constitutional course of Government in posed confidence. Sir H. Bulwer, in the first place, under- Spain." Why, surely, if his (Lord Mahon's) pre stood that dispatch as it was meant—as being for his ceding observations had any foundation at all, the guidance. But there occurred a state of things which Noble Lord ought to have prefaced those instruc- tilled him with alarm as to the security of the throne of clone with some reasons or explanations, and not to Spain. He has described the circumstances in a dispatch have this decisively given his instructions to Sir dated the 22d of April. In that dispatch he relates Henry Bulwer to interfere in the affairs of a foreign that extraordinary powers were obtained by the Spanish power. The dispatch of the 18th March having been Government—that the Cortes were prorogued—but that communicated by Sir Henry to the Spanish Govern no sooner were they prorogued than almost every officer went, the Noble Lord, on the 19th of April, sent another of note in the Progresista party was arrested or ban dispatch to him, approving the language he had held to ished, and some of the most distinguished deputies were Queen Christina' arid again another dispatch on the seized and imprisoned, with the apparent intent to de leth, instructing him to state to the Duke of Sotomayor port them, and all this without the parties thus treated that her Majesty"s Government entirely approved of the being told of their offence or submitted to any sort of step which he (Sir H. Buiwer) had taken in making his trial. Now, on this part of the case I must say what I communication of the 7th instant, and likewise of his believe the opinion of Sir H. Bulwer to have been, for 1 note of the ISO. Now he confessed that he did not see have seen it frequently stated in dispatches and letters how the Noble Lord was to be entirely defended in re of his, viz., that the best policy fur the Queen of Spain ference to these dispatches. It the first dispatch was to pursue would be to unite, if possible, in her intended for communication to the Spanish Government, councils the most eminent of those who support her title it tended to weaken the claim, which we fully possessed, as opposed to the title of Don Carlos; and that, whether of giving advice; but if it was only intended for the they were called Moderadoes or Progresistas, it was her private information of the Ambassador, and was interest to see her throne surrounded by both those marked, as such, " confidential," then he asked why parties, and to make of those parties, united us it were, a the Noble Lord sanctioned the step of communicating it to the Government of Spain? Did ho or did he not rampart against the attempts of those who support the intend that that dispatch should be laid before the pretensions of another prince. Whether that were a Spanish Government, and if he did so intend, why did just opinion or not I have no occasion to argue. I only he express it in a tone which he must admit was calcu- say that was the opinion formed by Sir H. Bulwer, not dated to give silence? If', on the contrary, it was not in- from any regard for one party or the other—not from tended, then he asked how the Noble Lord could recun- any wish to take part in the internal politi cs of Sp a i n , and tbhlies h t be h ld e e uh t siytel theec can nf wholetthv the l present l enoanteiconceive 0 Queen tlhvai that With Siro thisn fi r i m i. confirmed opinion,ua i n w d e r thin, e s st a a w - cto his sense of duty to sanction a step which was but from a wish to see the Throne of Spain strengthened, c i t e : b et e n justifiederror it taken separately, ne b admitted that he were dispatches of the 16th of March and of the 20th of April with alarm that not onl might . . to be justified both together he hoped hear from y to the was en extraordinary law Noble Lord in the course of the evening. Consistently passed suspending all the e y guarantees of üblie lb with his respect for the Noble Lord, he must observe hut that the most emineut men who had p h ld . P I erty. e rogre that there was another, and that the • sista opinions in the Cortes—men who were distinguished most important point, still behind, and that was with regard to the reds- writers—men of attainments and of character seized , andthreatened, were with thins in which we stood to the Spanish Government. and imprisoned without a trial • the loss of their libert wherever they went. Such Upon this point the correspondence was mos t Inconclu- ' being the case, Sir H. y . Bulwer was afraid that the par sive; but the Noble Lord had promised further papers teems of Don Carlos or of a republic might make a w h e n the negotiations were c om pl ete , an d h e cou ld not b u t think that the Hon. Member for 1 'rsetsbire would successful insurrection. "In this state of circumstances," have exercised a sounder discretion he postponed he says , "I consulted my in • - instructions. I had already his motion until those papers ware prods I.—(Cheers.) acted upon them by giving friendly and intimate advice At present they were discussin g the satin in the witho ut any e ffect havin g been produced." That show; dark; but this state of obscurity was not t, e perpetual, he rightly understood the instructions authorizing him for the Noble Lo rd had promised that ' - ould be to use friendl y and intimate advice) without immed • iately removed. Doubtless, while negotiations - go _ prode e iee ose „,,,, • trio i dzed to do etoe tually pending with a foreign power, the s. , aria _au Lord might be perfectly justified in with). .. e .e oe. wh i ''' t if . a he went iea further no the dispatches until those negotiations were • - h '"'', "%a to him the ' iv i v i c e which bad passed in that fo r the sake of arid as fur as his judgment was cone lane(' Wit, it occurred amain a that , . wo rld -cereal s ed to hie l plated; record wou and i -eel:Q. tit might at spear we had thought they ought not to have entered upon Noble cussion at all at a time when the most importainlding eonversationovernmeot, Oho). could ha ve been ten the case, and that not touching parties or . iusliseo th- the ritish tug untried wh d recklessly the throne of left " "r ‘ nve " a n°t all°e'seubverted, and that at all but the national honour of England, was not k• he them. Iu this state of the case, therefore, seeing tha tgred, tha t ht so '-' -:1111 to he stifled in case. the throne 1-11311 a should be justified t h os e circumstances t h e y possessed no information with respect to the n enclosing - . ;,-, 10 its, • erl ' ,h e Duke de Sotomayor, groun d s on which the . Spanish Government had acted in nese are the coaesa , eheeess te....„ a Noble Friend. their dismissal of Sir Henry Bulwer, it would not become ' dispatch being written in terms which, rtnielyst, for the him to pronounce an opinion on that part of the subject. thought of and were more abrupt than those Y'S re e u i n i , This, however, he wuuld say, that so far as the papers my Noble Friend would have written if he were sentlink o n the table were concerned, he saw no j ustification a note intended to be laid before the Sp an i s h Govern whatever fur the Spanish Government in dismissing the ment ; but they also account for the conduct of Sir. H. ambassador of that very power which had befriended Bulwer in afterwards delivering that note to the Spanish theta as the Goverment of this country had done.— Government. What course were we to take, then ? It (Cheers.) They ought not to have forgotten that we was nut at, first intended that the note should be laid be had stepped forward to assist them with our blood, our fore the Spanish Government, but then Sir H. Bulwer treasure, and our moral influence; and that the assist . his acted upon discretion, and we have to consider once we had given them would require very strong pro- whether ho had properly acted upon that discretion. vocation indeed on our part before we could justify so It was our opinion that he had so acted properly upon an outrage as had been offered to us. But in those great his discretion, and that he deserved our support and al ,- papers there was no such justification, nor even the b thin I think would have ro sh .it shadow of such a justitication.—(Cheers.) He did not deed, if, looking to the conduct and career of Sir H. Bul presume to say what else the Spanish Government might wer at eladrid, who had been there for years, and who have to bring forward. On, that point, if it were was well acquainted with that country, if we necessary, they would be able to express an opinion had taken advantage of a technical point, and h erea fter. Nur , did he mean to deny that in one respect said, ",You were not instructed to give that the Noble Lord's dispatches were fairly open to some note, and therefore your conduct must be disavowed." d eg ree of blame; but what he contended for was, that We should have very much lowered the Government had outrage far exceeded the provocation—that it bore the we so acted, and we consider we were right in taking proportion to the provocation, and that as far as he no ourselves the responsibility, or rather upon could see then _, never was an act of so much importance the greater part of the responsibility, for the Hon. undertaken upon grounds which appeared to be so slight Member for Dorsetshire is right in saying that if there and inconclusive. —(Loud cheers.) True we had done is cause for censure, the censure must rest on the Go such acts ourselves, for Count Gyllenberg, the Swedish vernment at home, and not on the agent.—(Hear.) We Minister, was sent out of this country, in 1716, but we therefore, do take the greater share of that responsible gave the strongest reasons for doing it, inasmuch as he lily, and we stand here to be acquitted of all blame, or had been detecte d in corres p ondence with the Pretender. to be censured, if it should please the House to censure It the Spanish Government could show a similar cause our conduct in this proceeding. But, at all events, not sure that this blouse would not preclude then he was, den •ine or seeking to evade the responsibility ' itself from admitting it as a justification; but at present Y e. which properly rests upon use my Noble Friend's subsequent had been shown. And if it should no such justification dispatches to Sir Henry Bulwer have been censured on such justification existed, he was cer turn out that no s another ground ; and it has been said that after such within the House, orparty lain that no party differences t them from feelings of any kind, would recent . concur b k his dispatch, heought to have fallen " into a pas se which the vindication of our national ac ring in any course m to require. —(Cheers.) This was sion, and in pompous terms, and by some acts of an honour might see , of the subject; though extreme nature, he ought to have resented the indig what he had to say on that part nit put upon him. I think my Noble Friend took d that it should have been stirred he deeply regretted a much better and a wiser course in explaining that his could speak only in " ifs" and at a time when they motives were friendly, and that if the Spanish Ministers "buts," becaus e t h e most important documents were w to be considered were angry, we should not be offended with them. I not before them. It remained no recollect a story which Lord Holland told me, of a dia -1 House would concur in the vote proposed by whether the en., nor at which he was invited ; hon) llon. Member for Dorsetshire. He (Lord Ma.. lye arrived, he the lon.concur in it. That found there Lord Archibald Hamilton and a gentleman would say, at once, that he could not who was not known to him. Lord Archibald came up to ofcensure; it expressed regret, but regret vote was a vote such from this House was nothing more nor less than a vote things to him that he must either laugh at him or knock lion. Gentlemen remember what of censure. And let ofcarrying in this H ouse him downs upon which, said Lord Holland, I advised my would be the consequence h a . friend to laugh, and not to think of knocking Gentleman hadpro- down. So, resolution like that which the Hon. • is • h Noble ' I think, the case with my Friend (Lord Palmer posed, expressive of the _l 3 .t. of .‘ . ston) the question is not one which involves a grave na- House observed the humiliating posi ion the English ! 1. Then there eadmitted Government.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) H tional arre has been another s • criticism eased upon the language pales of used . in the notes ad the humiliation, but he was not yet prepared to say dress d 13 the Minister of whether that humiliation was incurred by the fault of eeentothata,enu ought Spain by Sir H. Bulwer. It has b our diplomacy, or by the !Must suspicionsof the Spanish , ~ . swirl . g the Noble °' o igations she is under to this country. Now, I differ in Government.—(Hear, hear.) The conduct . of opinion with those who think thus. Ido not think that to animadversion; but to say Lord was partially open ' • • it the Spanish Government had really consulted the in that animadversion should be followed by the immediate terests of their mistress they would the councils of the have returned suc h retirement of the Nobl e Lord from an answer as that of the Duke of Soto' mayor to Sir H. Qieen, and the possib le retirement of all those Noble Bu' The ht ver. ey oug to have been too mindful of their Lords amid Ilight Hon. Gentlemen who now composed Queen's . , indulge in hntere!ts to such sarcasms as were the Government of her Majesty, was what he could not vented in their reply to Sir Henrythat, Bulwer's note of • tine . the whole case, he could April r . But as they had chosen to do so, they fairly fuller information respec , drew upon themselves the retort that the Queen of not but think that the House of Commons would not consult th e true interests of the country, or show a England had received no such obligation as had been feet information, upon imper upon the . bestowed Queen of Spain. The Honourable proper feeling of dignity,, ir, for shire has Member Dorset chosen to bring forward his it came to any such decision.—(Cheers.) d he thinks it both e an wise and becoming to do Lord J. RUSSELL —Mr . Speaker—chic Noble Lord motion,so whilst negotiations aro yet pending on the very sub fairly on this es who has just sat down has spoken so qu - ject under discussion. He professes only to ask for in tion—(uheers)—has expressed his doubts where ho has furmation, and doing so, he proposes to the H l ouse to doubt s , hi s a pp r obation where he a pp roves, and his re- agree to a vote of censure on our conduct. endea voured to justify the discretion of the Honourable Mem luctaece to a with vote of censure, in terms so be grce a ber• for whilst it was not proper ro p p for us to ask him to coming a Member of this House, that I cannot refrain ' put of his motion, I cannot agree with him in his asser- tion that it was highly proper to bring such a resolu tion forward whilst the matters involved in it were yet being discussed ; and if the House of Commons adopts that resolution the effect cannot but be to weaken —I will not say the present Government—but her Ma jesty's representatives wherever they may be stationed. —(lleal., hear.) As to our relations with Spain they are alike peculiar and delicate ; but whilst the existing state of them demands that we preserve the honour of England, we must also act with the greatest forbearance Perhaps, if the forces of the two kingdoms were more equal, it would be more difficult than it now is to ob serve that forbearance. But, knowing the power of England and that of Spain, we are not only justified in so acting, but we are absolutely bound to show the utmost forbearance and consideration for the latter country. I trust we shall be able to take care that no stain remains on the honour, of England whilst we endeavour to pre serve the friendly relations which exist between the two countries. If, as I confess lam unable, I cannot find any reasonable excuse for the violence which has been committed, yet I must consider that there is the Queen of Spain, whose throne demands the utmost support we can give it, and whose country requires all our best and most friendly efforts. There is the Spanish nation, as gallant and highly endowed a people as any in Europe ; and whilst I think Viet the Queen of Spain has unfortu nately, placed the affairs of the nation in hands wanting in discretion, wanting in temper, and wanting in de meanour to a faithful, a warm, and a generous ally ; and whilst, moreover, I think that the Spanish nation pos sesses only very imperfect organs in the Dukes of Va lencia and Sotomayor, yet at the same time, Sir, I think that in all we do, in all we say, and in all we write on this subject, we ought never to forget that whilst those persons whom I have named are only the temporary re presentatives of Spain, the interests of the Queen of that nation, and also the character of that high-spirited and noble race of men, demand to be regarded by us with the utmost degree of consideration. Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, it would be difficult, in fol lowing the debate as it has hitherto proceeded, for any one who had not been previously acquainted with the public affairs which have occurred between this country and Spain, easily to anticipate what had actually hap pened. Is it possible to imagine that a gross outrage has been committed, a gross public outrage, under cir cumstances of unparalleled flagrancy, and upon an in dividual who, both from the position which he occupied, and the public estimation which he had acquired, was one in whose career, conduct, and treatment, this coun try had naturally a great interest?—(Hear, hear.) Would any one have imagined a foreign country had dismissed the representative of the Queen of Great Bri tain almost ignominiously from her capital—that he had arrived here hurried and in haste—that the circum stances which led to that outrage had only transpired originally to the English House of Commons through foreign newspapers—that it was with the utmost diffi culty that any public notice of these events could be obtained in that House, the chosen temple of the na tional rights and the national honour ; and that when at last, upon an occasion most constitutional and most legi timate, some notice is taken of it, the Prime Minister should tell us that Negotiations are going on.—(Hear.) Why, Sir, that is the great fault we find with the Minis ' ters and the present state of offairs. I want to know, after this outrage has been committed, why full and complete satisfaction has not long before this been ob tained ? That is the primary condition which we ought to notice—that is the primary condition which we ought to demand to be fulfilled before we even enter into the question of the policy of the Government or the conduct of the Minister. I see no reason why the representa tive of her Majesty was dismissed with shame and dis honour from the capital of Spain, but the Secretary of State of Foreign Affairs at Madrid most courteously and politely informed Sir H. Bulwer of the reason. He was abused by the English press, disowned in the English Parliament—they could not answer for his safety, they sent him his passports, and as he stepped into his carriage, the Under-Secretary of State was ready to essure him of the very high consideration of the Spanish Government.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But yet negotiations are going on. Why, Sir, a reason has been given for the dismissal of Sir H. Bulwer from Madrid. Do you think it satisfactory? for that is the real ques tion before the House.—(Hear, hear.) Is the message of the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs at Maelrid, or the dispatch of the Duke of Sotomayor, an ample satisfaction to you for the unprecedented outrage? Why, we are told that a distinguished gentleman left Madrid twenty-four hours before the English Minister, in order, in detail, to satisfy the Court of St. James's of the expediency and extreme necessity for the unprece dented step which the Spanish Government had taken. According to every principle of public law—according to all the practices of nations in their mutual and reci procal conduct—that could not have been a justification for the step which the Spanish Government had taken. They officially announced grounds. Those grounds were utterly unsatisfactory; and there the question, as far as its strict merits are concerned, might rest. I can readily understand why the British Government can feel that a country like Great Britain can afford to be generous, even to the verge of contemptuousness—all that I can understand and allow; and if it had reached the ear of our Foreign Minister that, notwithstanding the formal politeness of the dispatch of the Spanish Minister—not withstanding the civil message of the Under-Secretary of State—notwithstanding those creumstances, still there were accusations in detail which could be proved with facility against a man occupying so high and re sponsible a position us her Majesty's Minister Plenipo tentiary at Madrid—then lean easily understand that the Noble Lord,waving all the ceremony of office, and urging notwithstanding that you should have communicated with us through the accredited organ of the country, the Spanish Minister here, before you inflicted upon us an insult in the face of Europe and the world, yet we are powerful enough to endure the insult if it can be explained and apologised for.—(Hear.) But Sir, where is that organ whom they have sent to England? Where is that extraordinary Minister Plenipotentiary who comes over the day after the insult to vindicate the outrage? Has he ever applied to the Noble Lord ? The Noble Lord said, " A man has applied to me; he was not accredited to me, and I refused to see him; I informed him, how ever, that he might communicate to me through the Spanish Minister, but that any communication must be in writing." I think even in that respect the Noble Lord did too much. What business had he to agree to receive any communication, even in writing, from a per son who was not accredited?—(Hear, hear.) I want to know who this gentleman is, this Mr. Mirasol—(A laugh)—is he still in London? He may meet in the House of Commons an impartial tribunal, if not at the Foreign-office, if he have any accusation to make, either orai,'iv or by written statement, against Sir 11. Bulwer. Whc. is Ise? What is he? Why is he here? Wey i s his name lareited about? Why is his anomalous authc city quoted on this occasion ? The time has com e when we ought to know who this person is, and a 'hether he or any one else is ready to vindi cate t, 'se gross and unparalleled outrage which has been c cmmitted; and before we can enter into the questiot i of policy, that great question ought first to be resolved. If that Minister had been accredited to the Noble Lord, and had made his communication, it would, I doubt not, by this time hare been upon the table of the House. If, taking advantage of the permission granted him by the Noble Lord, he had communicated i n writing to the Spanish Minister—if lie could have witteee Anything worth listening to—if he could have composed anything which the Spanish Minister, without a blushing front, could have offered to the Noble Lord, it would have been upon the table of this House now, and ought to have been ten days ago.—(Hear, hear.) Why did he come here? To tell the truth? He might have done it in twenty-four hours; and if he had tra velled a little faster, he might have been here twenty four hours before the arrival of the British Minister, so that by the time Sir . H. Bulwer arrived at the Clarendon or Mivart's, the Noble Lord might have been acquainted with all the charges against him. But, after all the delay that has taken place, I have a right to infer that the Spanish Government have no accusation whatever against Sir H. Bulwer; and except the exclusion of Sir H. Bulwer from Madrid, I can conceive no outrage greater than that they should send a person over here circu lating those rumours, ready to substantiate statements which were never written, and which from his character can never be received. I say that that gross outrage was the first thing that ought to be noticed, and I think that the Government was to blame for entering into negotiations upon that outrage. Before they negotiated upon any point the honour of the country ought to have been vindicated. If the Noble Lord had not chosen to have sent M. Isturite his passports the same day that Sir H. Bulwer arrived here, which I think would have been a fair return, he might have shown at least some use for the new Alien Act, and have sent away the Count de Mirasol.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) It is of the greatest importance, in the first place, tracing the matter from the outrage, taking into considera tion the total want of cause for the outrage, dis missing from our minds all views of Spanish policy, keeping our eyes upon the great fact of the gross outrage which has been inflicted upon this country—then, I say, we should remember how impor tant it is, and how it is' the first duty of the House of Commons in the consideration of public transactions abroad to be most jealous of the honour and most careful of the character of the public Ministers acting in foreign countries in behalf of Great Britain.—(Hear , hear.) The diplomatist is really the most forlorn of animals. Very few of them ever find their way to this House; and, however injured by the Minister, however misrepresented by the Minister in Parliament , it would be fatal to any one to protest against the connect of his political chief.—(Hear, hear.) A scapegoat 15 the easiest character in all transactions, and no scapegoat is more easy to select than the man engaged in transacting the business under discussion, in a foreign scene, at a distant time, acquainted with circumstances with which we cannot be familiar; and the non-answering of a letter, or the presentation of a letter not duly authorised, or not duly considered as duly authorised, may he htas exonerating the whole cha racter of the Cabinet, and save it from fatal Parliamentary censure. I do not make that observation (which is a most general one) with reference to present circumstances. lam willing to believe that her Majesty's Ministers are not going to desert one of the ablest servants of the Crown— (Hear, hear.) I say this notwithstanding the observa tion of the Noble Lord, who tells us that he and his colleagues are prepared to take their share of responsi bility, and afterwards amplifying and enriching his phraseology, assuring U 3 that her Majesty's Ministers in the present cane are even prepared to take the greater part of the responsibility. I can tell the Noble Lord that Ministers must take the responsibility, and the whole re sponsibility, and not this portion. Lord J. RUSSELL—I said that. Mr. DISRAELI—I am delighted to understand that the Noble Lord said that which is totally different from what my ears led me to credit. lam perfectly ready to accept the expression of the Noble Lord in that sense; but let me remind the House, lam risieg to defend Sir H. Bulwer, because in the course of the debate, am glad to see, notwithstanding the doubtful expres sion which is satisfactorily explained, he has not been attacked by Ministers in the House of Commons, but he has been personally attacked and insulte d b y the Government of Spain. (Hear.) In a question bare th e present, before we enter into the causes which have l ed to this memorable transaction, we at least, unless we have good grounds—and I maintain we have none, inv' spective of party—the House of Commons should deter mine to uphold any English Minister abroad wha theY believe had done his duty.—(ilear, hear.) The rn tfe. man in question, who is called before our c onsideration to-night is one who in a discussion, so painful as it must be'under any circumstances to his feelings, end perilous as it would be to the passions of many, is on e who ought not to be afraid to meet an English Parliament. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Master of the Mint e/9" quently described his character. I cannot describe it language so finished and glowing; but th is I am Wine to say, that it has been my fortune to be in more than one country when that gentleman was engaged in an en Inln l transactions of State, and I believe there is no na ployed in foreign service by her Majesty who ho re sae.l better service to the Crown, or who has shown mo. 1: gacity, more penetration, and, notwithstanding tnr" extraordinary circumstance, I will silY , mc ies a conciliatory temper than that gentleman. f man has succeeded more under circumstances 0. great difficulty, and great political uneasine,ss, He manifestly succeeded at Constantieopled and as for 1840, the many events that have baPPeetteit within the last few months, permit even private Member of Parliament to speak on these su b i, e; in a way which otherwise he would not be entitled to do; but I say that the conduct of Sir 11. Bulwer 5,4 and the a s s ice t and the information he obtained, founded on the best personal knowledge and the extensive acquaintance by a public man —the in p f s on thin he gave was of the must signal service to the not of England and the fortunes of this country. I °Lot aware that the labours of that gentleman were not n ot , causes which prevented war at that time. His great what is calico ment to the Court of Madrid answered the gre a s i bi S eminent achievements of 1840. Who promoted is his Not the Noble Lord who was most consciousiett:o merits, and most anxious to acknowledge them. . 1 14 o f the archives of the Foreign-office, it was the regl s ' ss ao his eminent services, that induced Lord Aberdeen'to fie succeeded the Noble Lord, when he entered office hued on Sir H. Bulwer as the man best tlt i , es • both by his natural talents and his ge ° ' fle a. siblo office in the diplomacy erience, to fill the most difficult and ° s r n uatri• Of this ability That alone forms a prima acie case of his caPsn' i lbout conduct which the House will not forge t ; snd w ord. ° f entering into the peculiar policy of the Noble 1 . 0. " t bst far as Sir H. Bulwer is concerned, let us noosedoseebsse he acted under Lord Aberdeen, who is supP r s d flit pursued a different policy from the Noble Lord, ; re , s Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) for three ~0 sa y. considerable interval; and I have no hesitation idiot ing, although I have not what the Master of tn ire . s te called the inspiration of Lord Aberdeen , but I h e tt et iuo; thority of as great a nature, and I say thit t s tb s e il und er of the Right Hon. Gentleman when at Dianelwas pot Lord Aberdeen, would at least prove that be t hat b e anxious to be a party to a factious polieY.in could only attain to office or maintain hitus e'gle Lora. by pandering to the prurient feelings of the Ne t the n; Under Lord Aberdeen, Sir H. Bulwer obey w ith structions, and developed and perfor med theln credo, that tact, that delicateness, and force of dis tin d tho which were intrusted to him both by the ! late Aff* its 't present Secretary of State for Foreign Taos. I feel it my duty to express hiYvibatefer, earnest opinion upon this subject, because's() Pr een' decision the House may come to on w ist , ss occasion, whatever opinion may be most poetlis e 'oat i t as majorities are concerned in this House, liP ° 0 00 61 called foreign policy and councils, it is of th e tba t ou t importance that we should show to Er et ° .f P e e ets ir i, ol t f li t i r lt , party quarrels do not prevent us from elating the conduct of public men. Basing no t t let us conceive what must be the position ot . s eina l s t i enduring such an outrage, arriving in EnO l a ree eil s e e ing in England nearly a fortnight, and b' t b ill e l ' s yroP li t' t ,i no public recognition of his services, or of t „gel I or. Aio . of his fellow-countrymen to stand by hum the t to say, think what must be the feelings of thin' gust dual ; but that may be too sentiments.-- the y he must he the interests of these Ministers; h°wedeelY.,"'s suffer at this period, when the world is govertir, t he b i ti e t ,t opinions—when it is the opinion of the P°„ e n : r iarid t o g moral conduct and great public spirit of •'-' f '' ao soag' oo it is almost necessary to your system 0 which .yea it public power—think how that o pinion 'ties' b ette r sacrificed so much, which you have crils ii he , t oo much cost, and which, depend upon it , ea ce l ' a army tin troops or police to maintain P e eu tragS i s that opon must have suffered when s uch s teeto übit committed on such a man—when such it b e fore b e elapsed since his arrival in this c ountrPi o n °bits. country should have expressed their 00 3 tot to j a conduct, and the behaviour of a foreign G ° , l, obe P i nd Think how that opinion must be afec t i e sg itinO t :s the attempt is made in a manner the west r i constitutional by a Member of the OPP ° , fco s. t ' sisi House, in a Committee of Supply, t° brin no aess et sle great public grievance (and I am at A 1 ° 45 t o o t St Potlif what is a public grievance, if this i s Len, grievance). It is an insult to your Sever 1"rells to yourselves, and an insult to the nation° emieieeast ask you, how that opinion, on which you Il s e (t oe, oe must suffer, when we are forced to g cal l t awe , ' in ner the Parliament of England to this circunist-t tbs;L e iss tiations arc going on. coolly told by the head of the Governnt°or r — w hal fresh insults? Who is left that sere negottaiti. Going on for wh' t se nts , 0 the matter can be explained? Them oree l s b o ° , o o o° more certain you are of receiving fresh yo'; to form that opinion from the documents swn.leerseliseetsetab b" obligingly placed before us. Sir IL Ha lts ns trOn ce e s dispatch, and makes certain friendly rern °- rflioq dig . Spanish Government. This is a great offence.dispatc .000; Minister of Foreign Affairs retorts tinguished by some acerbity, n ot © •Groseeliw sees inssitten : c l o t, j u t ability. The representative of the nit! to bes ts another place, takes the earliest opPee tu ( WO' 00 ; That conduct taken by Sir H. Buivi er * i o cicle cti I That is the whole cause of the misereble 17c and p er afterwards occurred.—(Hear, hear.) , Dor r ien cc ' regret that a Nobleman so distinguishes' • e %pe r d en; downe, so eminent for his knowledge, s' ins ge 7 0 0 1 ; his tone in political affairs, and th ° üb j e ct's a pes j lightened views that he takes upon all s o gasa be isof r have been the means of inflicting suc h a t wet) t . o feti` ) , British Minister. But suppose it had n°" na n i 0 e 0 " President of the Council. o Had it bee t so e t° tie e , s Minister, had he been in a position u° to pol e , fee'' and who might have been supre ed I s erd influenced with respect to the Noble ea / 40 ro rst eo 6 jogs not so humble as no doubt influene ur vie ~1 0 downe, the circumstance might have ber but s i 7 iti , ' 0 the result would not have been ao vossil; 10 pee t he have witnessed a public man, second toaril in a P o t v none in public character, come e toju s ust i e eminent as the House of Lords, and deeltn b , the se C ali h .Ol l conduct of a British Minister, who VP" persons who dared to hint dislike before s i onts eg d e il as e hesitated afterwards to accomplish the i bu 5 this „ a ;,it we now have discussed? We are told it s ie s si e , a llo t of the Noble Lord that did all this mas s r d lin° o tbS a Noble Lord mean it? Did the Noble.l:fted tire e sori s t e he was writing? Was he, in such aeir e yery' , bs t with every capital in excitement, an". so .ipt w t. revolt, he forgot to mention in the poos:,„„tch dispatch was to be shown. Here is th Noble Lord, to which I will advert blie°l bt It was not the dispatch of the Minister . telbse did this; it was the speech of a w rtt e s iit 1 35 ,0 place. All dispatches, for they effec tsw ere wigoe c ad have been easily arranged. All ems erie lo te" o f been removed by a diplomatist of greet ~e in d i P e esb r perfect temper, for his great characteris; the de o cannot be taken from Sir H. I3ulwer, if. iS ; Lord Lansdowne had not been made . f Mase b ,: ti t t) e s patch, so characterised, of the 16th lon g, F r, headed " Confidential." It is not verY o f the Pool' oc elaborate :—" The recent fall of the o f bi: ei ree he and of his whole family, and the expulsio nd G e yer , te f) ters, ought to teach the Spanish Cour t it . to V o ss S bee how great is the danger of an attenTe folt_iscb country in a manner at variance -with ta ss ,be 0, 0 1 opinions of the nation ; and the catas .tr t ot jo i e. , happened in France must serve to • inf 7 )/ .;• large and well disciplined army becesnes as stle ° ts / defence for the Crown, when the:course Yetions.bse Crown is at variance with the general se. rat ooSbseei country." It is like reading a passage,dticvalotis bfl use (A laugh.) Nothing can be mor ' el: Lord , fli Ve man of such experience as the Noe. _ l e t 'e s ,/ ways had the good fortune o f beinti e sot' r ts of Commons, which prevents Pe°P tetto stilted, should write it. T l3e ar ose', lee an excellent letter for its P., 'BS the letter was written for a ecn intri ) 1-h t ret e V like grand sentences.—(Much laugh. l i s t • beye y otts s (i s patch been in the same style, it mil; Lord 1 1, 0 0. / 0 01 this disagreeable occurrence. The Nob c o n . _ ..fit c . g to the dramatic, but the style is higusbis OP,/ s a es , laugh.) It is utterly impossible to sot for v,is the 16th of March could have been in s e7.„ s elf• Co d than Sotomayor or General Narvaes ig, confidential dispatch, and it was C onti yes • o ho h it ess n s. nicated. Sir H. Bulwer was twenty da: ies ite es s C;t was told to seize an occasion of consinntisad 1,.? tents, especially to the Queen-Mother, " A soOr s , fidence, from what I have observed sin c r du eloi e cr A , H. Bulwer, that the talent he e xhibit% se lf °coedit, twenty days in finding and availing 'L ush roba bi s f is gf a :ad tunities was most distinguished. ass P ol i o tes to nicuied in French, not being able to gi t „ o doub" s ei,si style of the Noble Lord. The Queen' e ". bow° t o s;',o; an especial ear to his implied nseel e a d c ;lour son, ened by phraseology, until he repeat twebtyatbelto that he was in earnest. He had been thosatys' sinuating to the Queen -Mother, ann 03ust do produced no effect, they thought n tho r efe r tfect' e el Noble Lord wrote in this way Givoduce this e „ye ,10; Can—do every thing you can to pr did ti ot c ie s s' lo o to e° lls ,he ist fe it last the English Envoy, finding )t.hieiYeti deuce to his insinuations, wastageis go convince was the course that he was hisire`otatio •;a he was authorised to make re o p yeseltano, ostie he had gone home after ally his . c e. P sd t he . : l l. , e t e o ro e ten a formal letter—the uuersigna tt_teissie enoo/1, inform the Duke of Sotemsyor th e t e , el s ., et the e 0 t9 t see if the letter would have m e o r r _zing es b as oe j e to tion. It was still Sir 11. flu 1,4,01 having 10eAfiero t for n OS e responsible to his Governmen 0, only pe io u r d b asdri sentations, and if they had faded he t which onlY e ° ;wee olr, the exhibition of conduc , ea pe 0 s e a ta , who to great :s o 151 ade s s e ' discretion, and shown the letter t 0. pursued by a man, in the House of Lords, that tn I th at lie h lsel but P ° Co"ss happy talent for his prolession.,eitiest“te°e-asebseeeriedoiratit: and it was to be regretted that is force o se it. I s ay a fo bee enough to show Envoy at a u tisfaction for an English n__ssiati, who its eenp.oye.s 1 din a difficult tea so.. I