The Sun. — London, England, 1866-08-31 00:00:00

Mr. Laing and His Constituents, (From the Northern Ensign.) On Monday evening Mr. Laing addressed his Wick constituents in the Temperance-hall. Mr. Laing's visit to Wick had been anticipated for some time with considerable interest, chiefly in conse quence of the repeated assurances from various quarters that he would scarcely dare to face the electors, and that if he did a vote of censure on his Parliamentary conduct with reference to the Reform Bill would be carried by an overpower in g majority. Mr. Laing accordingly resolved to put these predic tions to the test ; and although the season is the worst for holding public meetings, all classes being absorbed in the herring fishing, he selected the best night for a meeting, and liberally circulated placards calling it. The night was wet, but the attendance, which at first was considerable, gradually increased till the large hall was filled. Mr. LAING said—The Session which has just ex pired has witnessed a great many exciting political events. Of course, honest differences of opinion must prevail on such questions as we have had before us ; and conscious that such differences must prevail I think it much better for a member of Parliament to meet his constituents frankly and openly, and explain his votes and state his opinions without re serve. (Cheers.) With that view • I have to thank you for coming here to-night to hear me. The most exciting topic of the Session was the Reform Bill which was introduced by the late Government. On that question my votes are before the public and speak for themselves. I believe there has been some misunderstanding and misrepresentation of my ac tion in regard to that measure. I have even heard it said that I voted against Reform altogether, or against an extension of the franchise. Now, in point of fact, I did nothing of the sort. (Cheers.) I voted for the £l4 rental in counties and £7 in boroughs, and, in fact, voted with the Government and for the bill on every division, with one exception. That was to compel the introduction of a com plete measure, dealing with the redistribution of seats as well as the franchise. (Cheers and hisses.) I had a very strong feeling that any mea sure which re-opened the great settlement of the Reform Bill of 1832 ought to be, like it, a complete measure, holding out a fair prospect of a permanent settlement, at any rate for a considerable term of years. It was evident that no measure could effect such a settlement which dealt with a part only of the question, and left untouched the most important and difficult part of any Reform—viz., the redistribu tion of seats. (Applause.) It was a farce to talk of Reform which left decaying villages in the west of England, such as Honiton, with a larger voice in the representation than such counties as Lanark, or such cities as Dundee or Aberdeen. (Applause.) As a Scotch member I should have been deserting my duty if I allowed the opportunity of a resettle ment of Reform to pass without endeavouring to obtain some redress for the glaring inequality in the representation of Scotland, whether measured by population or property. (Applause.) Accordingly, I exerted myself to the utmost to compel the Go vernment to couple a measure for the redistribution of seats with that for the extension of the franchise. Our efforts were successful, and the Government found the feeling among their own supporters so strong that they were compelled to give way, and bring in a bill which provided for the transfer of 50 seats from small and decaying boroughs to large and populous constituencies, and which gave seven of the suppressed seats to Scotland. (Applause.) I do not suppose this vote requires any justification, for it has been fully justified by the result. I be lieve there is no one who does not now admit that the Reform Bill ought to have been complete from the first, and that Ministers committed a great mis take in supposing that the House of Commons could be hoodwinked into passing half a measure. As far AB I know, no one ever approved of such a mode of dealing with Reform, except a few advanced Radi cals, whose avowed object was not to settle the question, but to keep alive continued agitation by keeping Reform Bills before Parliament Session after Session. At any rate, the late Government admitted their error, for they altered their course, although they had carried the second reading of their Bill by a small majority, and the practical result of the efforts of those who, like myself, advocated a complete measure was to supplement the original bill by one redistributing 50 seats, and giving seven additional seats to Scotland. (Applause.) If this be hostility to Reform, the Reformers of 1832 who insisted on the disfranchisement of Gatton and Old Sarum were, 1 suppose, Tories in disguise. (Ap plause.) However, having got a complete measure of Reform, I voted for it on all subsequent occa sions. I did so with considerable doubt, for, as I • shall state presently, there were many things in the bill of which I did not approve; but, on the whole, I thought that as long as there was a chance of set tling the question by any fair compromise it was my duty to cling to that chance, and not give a vote calculated to defeat Reform altogether. I attached great importance to the settlement of the question when it had once been raised, feeling that if left open to agitation it might revive those feelings of antagonism between classes which have happily be come extinct. (Applause.) Accordingly I was pre pared to go a long way in waiving my own indivi dual views for the sake of effecting a compromise, and settling the question, even though it had been necessary for Parliament to sit all the autumn for the purpose. (Applause.) I should have been quite willing to have sat at Westminster the whole autumn if there had been a possibility of settling the matter by that means. At the same time I have never con cealed that I thought the measure very crude and impeded, and that the break up of the Liberal Go vernment was an almost necessary consequence of their conduct in regard to it. I believe the problem of Reform may be thus stated :—On the one hand we have a system which, since the great Reform Bill of 1832, has worked admirably, which has car ried out so many reforms that no practical griev ances remain to be redressed, and which repre sents with great accuracy the real enlightened public opinion of the country, 'and the i n t eres ts . of all its principal classes. On the other hand, the progress of intelligence and respecta bility among the working classes has been such as to call into existence a large number of men who are quite as well qualified for votes as many of the £lO householders, and whom it is in every respect desirable to include within the pale of the constitution. But there is one great diffi culty in the way of enfranchising this class, which arises from their number. It is obvious that if the working classes generally are admitted by a simple and uniform reduction of the household franchise, their superior numbers will enable them to swamp all other classes, and must ultimately lead to the substitution of democratic institutions for that mixed form of goveinmeat which now prevails with such happy results. Accordingly the great, and, as far as I know, the sole argument for reopening the question of Reform in quiet times, when there is no practical grievance, and no d e fi n it e d eman d f or specific change, is, that it affords an opportunity for considering the various means of solving this compl ex new l Zplexprobl em , an d i mport i ng i nto the constitu- Worki P n rinCiple s w hi c h may ena bl e us to admit classes largely and liberally t o th e franchise, without risk of materially altering the present constitution of bl the House of Commo n s, which works so Now, the great objec tion which I felt to the Government Scheme of Re form was that it ignored these questions al together, and, instead of solviuo., shirked what every think ing man feels to be the real afew of the difficulties of the ques tion. For instance, the following points which ought to have been thoroughlyare worked out, with the aid of complete statistics, by any Ministry introducing a Reform Bill which was to be, like that of 1832, a great constitutional settle ment of questions vitally affecting the future desti nies of this great empire. In the first place, should the extension of the franchise to the working classe s be based solely on household residence, or partly OD the possession of property and partly on education? The former is Mr. Bright's view, who advocates household suffrage, and accepts a £7 rental franchise as a step towards it. But the advantages of a " property" over a " brick and mortar" franchise are i u m a n y respects very great. t is a far better test of the *nos of the work ing-class voter than the accident -whether rents are low or high in the locality in which he resides. There is a striking illustration:of the anomaly involved in the " brick and mortar" franchise, if you compare Wick with many towns in the south. A£6 house here is a much better house than a £lO house in the large towns of England, and a £6 householder in a small town is in every way more worthy of possess ing the franchise than a £lO householder in a popu lous city where rents are high. (Applause.) It makes the franchise a vast instrument of moral im provement, which consideration is almost entirely abandoned if we adopt the " brick and mortar" as our sole principle. For these reasons I have always viewed with favour the old constitutional forty shil ling freehold franchise, and advocated its introduc tion into Scotland. If, taking this as our basis, a £4O franchise (which represents the capitalised value of 40s. a year) could be introduced, enabling every man to obtain a vote who, by economy and good conduct, had acquired property of any description of the value of £4O, whether in the savings-banks or any other banks, or in stocks, shares, land, house, boat, and nets—( a laugh)—or other stock in trade, or an interest in any insurance, building, or co operative society, I think you would not deny that it would be most desirable. (Applause.) I know -of no objection to such a franchise, except that there might be practical difficulties in working the regis tration ; but, as I have already said, what have we a Government for, and why do we raise the ques tion of Reform in quiet times, if it be not to go thoroughly into such questions as to whether the difficulties of working a property franchise really are insuperable ? In the second place, there is the education test, proposed in a Bill introduced last Session by Mr. Clay, which met with much sup port from earnest Liberals. Admitting that the idea of a competitive examination as the sole test for the franchise is chimerical, might not some edu cational test be adopted ? There is not a railway company which does not require reading and writ ing as a qualification test for a common porter, and would it be unreasonable to impose it as a test for exercising a voice in the policy and councils of the British Empire ? Again, is it impossible, with the machinery of the Civil Service Commission, to establish some system of examination, open to every one, not specially connected with the annual regis tration of voters, but by which any one might obtain a sort of elementary degree, or certificate of educa tion up to a certain standard, which, while available for other purposes, might carry with it, when coupled with other qualifications, such as age and residence, the right to be placed on the register? The sound principle I take it, in extending the franchise to classes whose numercial preponderance endangers the balance of the Constitution, is to endeavour to make the possibility of obtaining a vote as wide as possible, so that no deserving man can say that he is inevitably excluded, but to couple the actual vote with some easy test which shall require some mode rate degree of foresight, prudence, and self-denial to obtain it, for you are not to throw your seats broadcast to those who will take no pains to possess them. (Applause.) There is a third point of great importance which ought to be thoroughly consi dered, and that is, whether it is necessary or de sirable that any new Reform Bill should go on the principle of an invariable and uniform reduction of the franchise in all boroughs alike ? It is notorious that in England the class of intelligent artisans and mechanics who desire the franchise, and who would be likely to give an independent vote, exists mainly in the large towns and manufacturing . districts, while in the smaller boroughs, in many of which bribery and undue influences already prevail, the effect of an indiscriminate reduction of the house hold franchise would almost certainly be to increase those evils. I may refer to one instance—the town of Great Yarmouth—which has lately come under my personal knowledge, because I sat on the Par liamentary Committee appointed to inquire into the legality of the election for that place. It is a good sized English town, of between 30,000 and 40,000 inhabitants, and it appeared that bribery bad always prevailed in that borough to such an extent that the honest man there was not the man who took no bribe at all, but the man who was only bribed on one side, for it was the common practice for a man to take bribes from both parties, and finally to vote for the side that paid him best. (Laughter.) In that borough of Great Yarmouth, owing to the preva lence of bribery, the whole class of freemen were disfranchised ; but that did not remedy the evil, for corruption having entered the place, the £lO house holders continued to receive bribes. The practical effect of a uniform measure of extension in a borough like Yarmouth would be to put back on the register the class of men who were struck off for bribery. Now, it deserves serious thought whether a uniform scale ought to be applied to such places as these and other towns where no such effects could be dreaded. Again, there are classes of boroughs, such as the Scotch boroughs, where a £6 franchise will notori ously give a higher standard of respectability and intelligence than would be given by an £8 franchise in the ordinary English boroughs. Is it absolutely necessary to overrule these considerations, and lay down a principle of unqualified uniformity, which must lead, sooner or later, to the preponderance of mere numbers ? There is a fourth matter that de mands deliberation, and that is the question of the representation of minorities. Almost all thinkers who have approached the subject have contended for some system of voting by which large and in fluential minorities might secure some share of the representation. Earl Russell adopted this principle in his Reform Bill of 1854, and its adoption in the present instance seemed more than ever appropriate, to give three members to a number of large con stituencies, in which it was desirable, on the one hand, not totally to swamp the Conservative ele ment, and on the other, to secure some special re presentation for the working classes. Not a word, however, fell from any member of the late Govern ment to show that this important point had been ever considered. In the fifth place, the question of the expense of elections ought to be considered. I do not speak of Scotch elections, or of my own elec tion ; for here, as generally in Scotland, the expense is very moderate indeed. (Applause.) But in Eng land the contrary is the case. There the expense of elections is becoming really enormous. It is be coming so heavy in the counties that it is difficult to get respectable country gentlemen to come for ward as candidates, and it thus tends to throw the representation into the hands of some great noble man or some millionaire, who has amassed a colossal fortune by trade or manufactures. It is really a great evil that through the immense and increasing expense now attending English elections, Parliament is rendered difficult of access to all who have not vast wealth, and if the expense goes on increasing, the result will be th a t you will have a House of Com mons made up of the nominees of territorial mag nates or merchant princes, sprinkled with a few de magogues who get in by professing extreme opinions. The increasing expense of elections, and the preva lence of direct and indirect bribery in many consti tuencies, are admitted to be great evils, nor can it be doubted that in many cases the proposed increase in the number of voters would have simply aggra vated the existing state of things. Without re quiring, therefore, that all theclabue n se e so g f ra a fte b d ill in a for the prevention of bribery should Reform Bill, it was reasonable to expect that this important branch of the subject should have received some consideration. For instance, unless the re presentation of minorities were to be adopted, why should three membere have been given to one over grown constituency, instead of dividing it into two or more manaffeable districts ? There is one other point of great consequence that ought to be considered—viz., the principle of rating. Is or is not the old constitutional principle a right one which couples payment of rates with the right of voting ? or, in other words, which declares that the duties and privileges of citizenship shall go together ? Thi s pr i nc i p l e was maintained by the Reform Bill of 1832, and there could not have been a greaterabandon o r more it. Ne reason fundamental whatever w c change than assigned d n t foro this important change. (Applause.) Mr. Glad stone gave some reason why the column of " gross estimated rental," rather than that of " rateable value" in the English rate-book, should be adopted, but this was quite cons i stent with maintaining the principles of the Reform Bill, of requiring pay- HIE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 31, 186(3. ment of rates as a condition of voting, and it was on this ground, and this alone, that I voted against Lord Dunkellin's amendment. At a subsequent stage I should certainly have voted for maintaining the rate-paying clauses of the old Reform Bill. (Applause.) Then there is another question, the last I shall refer to, which ought to be fully con sidered in any Reform Bill, and that is, as to the boundaries and grouping of burghs. With a large reduction of the county franchise, it became a question of first-class importance how the boun daries of burghs were to be adjusted. In a great many counties the predominance of the Democratic and urban or of the Conservative or agricultural element, must depend mainly on the manner in which the boundary lines of large towns are drawn. If, for instance, in Warwickshire you keep-to the old town of Birmingham, and leave all its suburbs in the county, the county member will, in fact, be only an additional member to Birmingham. As the English counties have nothing like their due share of the representation, whether we take the test of population or property, they have a right to require that this important point should not be left to chance. The boundaries of towns should be so adjusted as to prevent the counties being swamped by the representation of towns which already have their own members. Now, as to the grouping of burghs, that is a principle which I approve entirely, because I think it works well in Scotland, but it is one which requires to be wrought out with greatly more care and circumspection than what was given it in the scheme introduced by the Government last Session. These are a few of the points which ought to have been thoroughly considered in proposing a new settlement of the great ques tion of Reform, and the failure of the bill and disruption of the Liberal party are, in my judgment, distinctly due to the original mistake of the late Government in pledging themselves to stand or fall, not by the passing of a Reform Bill, but by the passing of a Reform Bill in part of a single session, thus necessarily precluding themselves from any thing like a full consideration of the questions which were sure to arise, and which, in the interests of the country, ought to have received mature deliberation. Now, there are some who will tell you that the opposition to the mea sure arose from hostility to Reform, and a secret wish to trip up the Government. So far from any factious opposition to Government, or disguised hostility to Reform having caused their failure, I can state most positively—for I believe I was as much behind the scenes in the House of Commons last session as most men, and from the situation I previ ously held as Secretary to the Treasury, I know the work ing of the house—l say I can assure you most positively that, over and over again, loyalty to party and unwilling ness to appear hostile to Reform alone saved the bill from rejection by large majorities, and many of the staunchest Liberals in the House of Commons sincerely regretted the course adopted by the Ministry, which they were anxious to save if possible. (Applause and hisses.) There were not more than half a dozen members on the Liberal side who voted uniformly against the Government. Of the others, the Ministers always received their support, except on questions on which their best supporters had strong and conscientious convictions, or such matters of detail as the House of Commons were fairly entitled to express a vote upon. For instance, on that question upon which they were formally defeated there were 44 Liberal members who voted against them. But of the 44 I venture to say that at least 34 were earnestly desirous to keep the Minis try in power and settle the Reform question, if possible, in this Session. But they had a strong opinion on the ques tion of rating—an opinion which, I confess, I shared with them, though, rather than defeat the Government and the Reform measure, I voted with the Ministers ; and they thought, and I think fairly enough, that the question whether we were to have a £6 rating or a £7 rental fran chise, was one upon which the Government might have consulted the House of Commons; and it took them very much by surprise, indeed, when the Ministers made a point of honour of it, and threw up their seats. However, it is not for me to criticise their conduct on that occasion. I simply relate the facts, and I do maintain that there never was anything like a strong party of malcontent Li berals or Adullamites, as they are called, but that, with the exception of some half-dozen men, the Liberals who did not uniformly support the Ministry on that question were both staunch supporters of the Government and of Reform, and only wished to save the Ministry from the consequences of their own errors. ("Hear, hear," and ap plause.) As for stigmatizing such men as " enemies of the working classes," and " dirty conspirators," I can only say that it is simply another proof of the one-sided intoler ance which seems, in all times and all countries, to be the besetting sin of demagogues. (Cheers and hisses.) It is all very well for Mr. Bright (cheers) anti his followers to call for a simple measure. In their view the question is a very simple one. They think the existing Parliamentary sys tem,radically bad, opposed to all good works, the offspring of landlord power in the counties, and corruption and tur bulence in the towns. (Cheers and hisses.) Holding such views, the only question they have to ask about a Reform bill is--Does it go all in one direction, and that direction towards democracy ? If so, it is an honest measure ; and even if it does not go the full length they desire, it is good as unsettling what exists and giving additional leverage for further innovation. Bat the problem is very difficult and far more complex for those who admire and revere the existing institutions of the country, and who think that, take it all in all, the British Constitu tion, since the Reform Bill of 1832, has worked better than any political system recorded in history. (Cheers.) For my own part I do not hesitate to avow that I am entirely op posed to the views of Mr. Bright and his party upon this point. (Applause and hisses.) I am a firm believer in the excellence of our existing constitution, and prefer it greatly to any system of pure democracy, whether organised into an Imperial despotism as in France, or existing as a free and independent republic in America. (Applause.) I be lieve that it gives us more real liberty, more peaceful pro gress, more stable policy, and a higher standard of civilisa tion. (Loud cheers.) I doubt whether the principles of free-trade and of non-intervention, to which we owo mainly our great national prosperity, could over have been estab lished or could 'continue to exist under a system which transferred political power from intelligence to numbers. (Cheers and hisses.) I am certain that our world-wide commerce and immense colonial and Indian empire would bo endangered, if the tone and spirit of an American Congress were over to be established for that of a British Parliament in the great central assembly which is the ulti mate depository of political power for a quarter of the human race. (Applause.) My experience in India has made me more conservative in this sense of the word, so that I am most deeply impressed with the magnitude of the mis sion which we are working out, and the greatness of the task intrusted to us. The destinies of two hundred millions of human beings in the East depend mainly on the wis dom of British policy and the superiority of the British race. We must exercise much prudence and self restraint ; we must maintain the unbroken thread of our political traditions, and persist in a continued line of wise and far - seeing policy, if we wish to show ourselves worthy of this high destiny. Should we do so if the majority of our House of Commons consisted of me troplitan members ? It is idle to disguise from ourselves that this is a most grave and serious question. (Cheers.) On the other hand, there can be no doubt that the working classes ought to be, and must be, more extensively admit ted to the franchise. A man who, while supporting him self and family respectably by the honest labour of his hands, has sufficient education and intelligence to feel an interest in political matters ? is certainly better qualified than many a £lO householder. The problem, I repeat, is how to admit him without destroying the balance of the constitution. It is a difficult problem, but the time has come when it must be solved. (Cheers.) I am far from thinking that the session has been wasted because no Re form Bill has been passed, as a certain amount of discus sion was necessary to clear the way. One great point has been firmly established, and that is, that no Government can hope to succeed who do not boldly and consistently grapple with the whole question. (Applause.) Another is, that a mere Radical solution of it, supported by vague declama tion about "fellow-Christians of the same flesh and blood as ourselves," which will apply equally to criminal and female suffrage, has no chance of success ; and that any set tlement must be in the nature of a fair compromise between different classes and interests. (Loud cheers and hisses.) In this view I think the question is much narrowed. The gl highersh bu o r burghs, hl lower in b atc.loie.il i an g dn h iaztoi f :ovx r 4 a 6R n rra c eat h ftio is rm e, i ß n i t ll h , e ca o u rd h in a a rd ry l rating franchise. o a £ i A rental n franchise,deficideficiency ey coupled inthe withnuiu number the b the w n or o li f i . n P g aY c i l n a g ss ra e s hardly be m of u E ch n y rates. That tifsed counties asco w m il p l a p r r e o d b l a v b it l: that f proposed by the bill of the lateGOve'rninent, should be made up, and more than made up, by supplemental fran chises based on property and education. (Cheers.) If three members are given to very large constituencies, the principle of the representation of minorities should be coupled with it, otherwise these large constituencies should be divided into districts, so as to diminish the expense of elections. In any case, from forty to fifty seats should be redistributed, giving half to counties, and the prior claim of Scotland met by givingnot less that even seats either taken from those redistributed, orby an addition to the total number of members. (Cheers.) The boundaries of burghs should be drawn so as to include within the burgh all such suburbs as really form part of the same community. Such, I beliOve, aro the outlines of such a Reform Bill as will have a fair chance of passing the present House of Commons, and I can only say that, as far as I am con cerned, it should have my earnest support, whether pro posed by a Liberal or by a Conservative Government. Now, gentlemen, I have done with the question of Re form, and I shall just advert short l y to the other g rea t topic of interest which has occurred dur in g the recent session —viz., that of the occurrences on the Continent. I think we must all feel that changes of the greatest magni tude have taken place there. For my own part, I say frankly that I rejoice greatly in those changes. I think the prospect of seeing Germany constituted into one grest nationality, and at its head a Protestant and progressive Power, holds out much hope of great advantage to humanity, and espe cially to the interests of this country. I have also always felt a warm sympathy with the cause of Italian independ ence, and am very glad indeed to see that Italy is to be constituted now as a great nation. (Applause and hisses.) Holding these opinions, I thought it my duty to obtain from Lord Stanley an assurance that the principle of non intervention would be adhered to by our Government in regard to those struggles, and that none of those old Tory sympathies with despotic Powers should entangle us into war or into diplomatic interference with the changes taking place. Lord Stanley met -us with frankness, and readily agreed to our request. It would be unfair to him to say that the pledge was extorted from him. It was frankly given, and was entirely satisfactory to myself and to all Liberals. (Cheers.) It only remains to advert very shortly to some of your local affairs. As regards Caithness, the question of the railway is one of paramount importance. (Cheers and hisses.) I should be wrong if I should take much credit to myself in this matter, for the indefatigable exertions of that excellent nobleman, Lord Caithness (cheers and faint hisses)—have been beyond all praise, and if you will—as I hope you will—have soon railway communication to the south, it will be to him the credit will be due. (Cheers.) At the same time I have done my best to co-operate with his lordship, and I have not spared time or trouble, or a little expense, to obtain the requisite support to carry out the communication to Wick and Thurso. In regard to other local matters, I have always had the greatest pleasure to co-operate with your esteemed member, Mr. Traill—(cheers and slight hisses) —in various matters relating to fisheries, the Austrian Tariff, the French Fishery Convention, and the report of the Fishery Com missioners. Mr. Trail has been indefatigable in his atten tion to your interests, and I don't think he has ever found reason to complain'of me for not doing my best to second his efforts. (Cheers.) There is ono question which in terests you a good deal. It is as to the extension of the principles of the Union Chargeability to Scotland. (Loud cheers.) That principle is the right one ; and having been adopted in England it ought to be adopted in Scotland. It seems to me quite unfair that the landed proprietors either in England or Scotland should have the power of casting off the burden of the poor on the towns. (Cheers.) With out pledging myself to details, I may say generally that I would give my support to any measure having for its object the remedying of that anomaly, as well as to any measure tending to diminish the expenses of litigation in conne4lon with the working of the Poor-law—expenses in which a great amount of the money levied from the ratepayers, instead of going to the maintenance of the poor, finds its way into the pockets of the lawyers. (A laugh.) lam not aware that there is any other topic that requires me to detain you further at this time. I shall be happy to give any further explanations to any one who may desire them. I now conclude by thanking you for attending hero to-night to meet me, and hearing me so patiently. Mr. Laing sat down amid loud cheers and a few hisses, chiefly from a knot of lads in the centre of the hall. pared a scheme. His own opinion was that what the poor people recovering from cholera mainly wanted was good food, and that in providing them with that the Mansion-house Committee, or that of the right rev. prelate, would spend the funds at their disposal more wisely than in establishing a permanent convalescent hospital. Their object ought to be to do as large an amount of immediate good as possible, without reference to the future. (Hear.) There was now comparatively little cholera in the districts which the disease hall at tacked, but there was a great deal of misery and destitution, and the one was consequent upon the other. Sir M. WELLS suggested that the local com mittees established in connexion with that of the Mansion-house would be practically most compe tent to deal with the matter, as knoviing the wants of the poor people in their various districts. Already, he said, through the many grants made by this committee, the local authorities were doing a great deal for people recovering from cholera by the dis tribution of arrowroot, beef tea, and port wine, and the convalescents might be safely left to their care. Mr. WADE held that it was too late in the day to start a large convalescent hospital for this special occasion, to say nothing of the repugnance which, in reference to a disease such as cholera, would be felt in any suburban district in which the attempt might be made. For convalescents country air was essential, and there was the greatest need of a gene ral permanent institution for convalescents. The Home of the Metropolitan Convalescent Institution at Walton had at present 235 inmates, and 60 con valescents in London were waiting for admission to it. In the meantime it would be desirable, as the next best thing, for the committee to encourage by liberal grants Mrs. Gladstone and other ladies who were engaged in providing temporary homes for poor people recovering from the epidemic. Dr. A. CLARK, physician to the London Hospital, replying to a question by the Bishop of London as to whether it was desirable to have any special pro vision for convalescents after leaving the hospital, or whether the hospital would do all that was re quired for cholera patients, said there was no disease, except scarlatina, perhaps, which sowed more of the seeds of functional disease than cholera. He con fined himself entirely to the medical aspect of the question. Though cholera patients, when convales cent, seemed to recover rapidly, there was still an immediate risk of the disease, with even the appear ance of health. Convalescence from cholera, speak ing from a professional experience of 12 years, was always tardy, and often very dangerous. Fresh air, good food, and especially a change from the condi tions under which the disease was contracted, were essential to recovery. Eventually, on the motion of Dr. Clark, a reso lution was passed in effect that it was expedient for the Mansion-house Committee to make somespecial provision for the temporary relief of convalescents from cholera. It was also resolved in substance, on the motion of Sir Mordaunt Wells, seconded by Mr. Tilson, that it was desirable that the Mansion-house and the Bishop of London's Committees should co operate with the local committees and clergy in car rying out the object proposed. The Bishop of LONDON returned thanks in his own name and that of his committee for the kindness with which they had been received, adding that the resolutions at which the Mansion-house Committee had arrived embodied very much his own conclu sions on the matter. Yesterday the Lord Mayor received, through the editor of the Times, a check for £13135., as a dona tion from a small congregation of English residents at Cronstadt. It was accompanied by the sub joined letter : " Parsonage, Cronstadt, Monday, Aug. 8 (20). "My dear Sir,—You have so kindly on several occasions acted as our almoner, that I venture to trouble you with the trifling sum which I collected after a sermon on behalf of 'the poor sufferers by the cholera in th© East-end of London.' I cannot select any particular district, but you will know at once where the greatest need exists. Perhaps there may bo a fund forming for the orphans? However, such could well stander over while so many pressing calls are being made for bodily relief, nourishment, clothing, and nursing. Thanking you by anticipation for your kind ness, allow me to remain—Yours faithfully and obliged, "H. WSWINEY, M.A., " Chaplain at Cronstadt to the Russia Company." Before separating yesterday the committee made a grant of £2OO towards the funds of the temporary hospital for cholera patients, in Commercial street, Whitechapel ; another of £5O to the local committee of St. Mary and St. Michael, Commer cial-road East ; and a third of £5O to a local com mittee of ladies in the neighbourhood of Victoria Park, who are actively engaged in relieving the dis tress there from the epidemic. We are requested to intimate, for the information of the local committees, that the Mansion-house Committee will not sit to-morrow, and that on and after Monday they will be prepared to entertain applications from the local authorities for assistance for convalescents. The following is the return of deaths from cholera and diarrhea in London registered on Wednesday, Aug. 29 : Cholera. Diarrhom. West districts ... ... 2 North distric's 1 3 Central districts... 3 East districts ... 22 ... 8 South districts 6 ... 6 Tot,' ... ... 22 Wreck on the Goodwin Sands. RAMS GATE, Thursday. During the whole of last night and the early part of this morning a tremendous gale of wind and rain from the W.N.W. swept this portion of the coast, compelling a quantity of shipping to seek refuge in the harbour. About 9 o'clock this morning a large vessel and a steam-tug were discovered lying on the Goodwin Sands in a very critical position. The new lifeboat, the Bradford, was speedily manned and towed to the wrecked vessels, and it was then found that one was the North, a full-rigged mer chant. vessel, of Liverpool, of about 1,000 tons burthen, bound from Africa to London, laden with a cargo of rice. The other was the steam-tug Wellington, of London. Both vessels were on the southern end of the Goodwin Sands, near to the South Sandhead lightship. The Ramsgate lifeboat found both vessels de serted by their crews. The Deal lifeboat, which was already at the wreck, informed the men of the Rams gate boat that both vessels got on the sands about one o'clock that morning, and that fifteen of the crew had got into one of their own boats and were landed safely at Deal. The remainder of the crew, sixteen in number, got into another boat ; but the sea being so rough, they soon parted from the first boat, and had not been heard of since. The Rams gate boat stayed at the wreck some hours, doing her best to save the North, but all to no purpose, for she speedily broke her back and became a total wreck. The steam-tug also sank. The names of the missing portion of the crew have not transpired. A schooner was also seen on the Goodwin Sands just previous to the lifeboat startiiig, but she was soon lost sight of, and it is believed that she righted herself and pursued her voyage. DOVER, Thursday Night. At two o'clock this morning the ship North, Captain Brown, of Liverpool, laden with rice, from Queenstown to Bremen, ran on the Goodwin in a heavy gale of wind, and became a total wreck. The captain and fifteen of the crew were saved in their own boat, were picked up, and broughtto the Dover Sailors' Home. The crew consisted of thirty men. The remaining fourteen were landed at Deal. The men who arrived at the Dover Home were able to save but a very small portion of their clothing. Many of them were quite destitute. The fourteen men landed at Deal were on their way to-night to the Dover Home. [ ADVERTISEMENT. _I —Holloway's Ointment and Pills.— Counsel and klelp.—When diarrhoea, dysentery, or cholera prevail in any district, it behoves every one to bo watch ful and to have at hand the means of checking those symp toms of general uneasiness, nausea, and vertigo, which foretell the threatening malady. This well-known oint ment, rubbed diligently and repeatedly upon the pit of the stomach and over the abdomen, exercises the most power ful and salutary effects in arresting the morbid indications of the coming evil, and, aided by appropriate doses of the pills, will secure safety to their employers, whilst the heel less are falling thickly around them. Every person at this critical time should subdue the first traces of disordered action by Holloway's regulating and purifying prepara tiQaB. THE CHOLERA. MANSION ROUSE RELIEF COMMITTEE. Yesterday, this committee was specially convened by the Lord Mayor to meet the Bishop of London, who, as the principal almoner of a large fund col lected under his auspices for the relief of the dis tress consequent upon the visitation of cholera, had invited a conference with the Mansion-house autho rities upon a matter which they and the committee of which the Bishop is at the head were supposed to be equally interested in administering the public bounty. The Lord Mayor occupied the chair, and there were present besides Sir Mordaunt Wells, Mr. John Abel Smith, M.P., Mr. Alderman Cotton, the Rev. William Rogers, rector of Bishopsgate ; Mr. W. J. Maxwell, Mr. Charles Hutton, Mr. R. B. Wade, Mr. H. W. Ripley, Mr. Richard Hoare, Mr. Samuel Hoare, Dr. Andrew Clark, physician to the London Hospital ; and Mr. R. N. Fowler The Bishop was accompanied by the Hon. Arthur Kinnaird, M.P., Mr. Tilson, Chairman of the Surrey Bench of Magistrates, and Mr. Seymour Haden. The Bishop of London, addressing the meeting, who had received him with every mark of respect and consideration, said an important point had arisen in the administration of the fund at his disposal—namely, -whether some 'portion of the money should be expended for the benefit of con valescents. It was a great reason for thankfulness that the disease was subsiding, and they trusted that by God's blessing it would continue to sub side. In order that he might be in possession of the feeling of the clergy of his diocess on the sub ject of convalescents, he had written to many of them who had been hard at work in relieving the distress in the districts where cholera had prevailed. One or two preliminary questions seemed to sug gest themselves. First of all, it had been asked whether it was necessary to take any steps at all with reference to convalescents, or whether, when a man who had had cholera and was recovering, on b2ing discharged from an hospital, would not be able to go about his ordinary work in a short time. One of the clergy who had in terested himself in an hospital at Wapping stated that by the kindness of the parochial authorities there the patients had generally remained so long that they were really cured when they left the insti tution, and that in point of fact the hospital might be supposed to provide for convalescents, as well as for those actually suffering from the malady. That, however, appeared to be the feeling of one clergy man alone. He gathered rather from a statement of a gentleman connected with the London Hospital that when persons recovering from cholera left the hospital they were not in a condition to return to their ordinary work, and that it was necessary to provide against a second attack of the disease. Miss Marsh had done a great deal of good in connection with the London Hospital in taking convalescents from the institution to a temporary home in the country. Those who were of opinion that it was ne cessary to make some provision for convalescents on leaving the hospital seemed to be divided in opinion as to whether or not it was better that that should be done by individual efforts—that was, by persons who were interested in convalescents paying their expenses and sending them down to the country to friends, or finding here and there a cottage in which they could be received, or whether there should be some combined efforts to provide a large building in which some considerable number of those convales cents could be accommodated. He thought he was right in stating that those who advocated the latter course were influenced, not so much by the exigency of the present emergency, as by a feeling that on similar visitations, whether of cholera, typhus fever, or any other of the scourges so frequent in London, a great want was always experienced of the means of providing for convalescents. The existing accom modation was by no means adequate to meet the wants of the more destitute parts of London in that respect. He found there was a strong opinion among the clergy that it would be a great blessing if a large hospital could be established for the reception of con valescents from cholera in the first instance, and afterwards generally for convalescents from other diseases. He had only to add that he and the gentle men with whom he acted wished to be guided by the best possible advice. Unlike the Mansion-house Committee, they had not opportunities of consulting medical men, or of eliciting the opinions of the local authorities who came there from day to day. One plan had suggested itself to his mind as per haps the most practical. Many benevolent indivi duals were interesting themselves in this matter. One lady, in particular, Miss Marsh, had secured accommodation for a limited number of convales cents at Walton-on-Thames and other places. Another lady, Mrs. Gladstone, had taken a house at Clapton, where convalesdents had been already and were still being received. Other movements of the same kind were on foot, and perhaps the wisest course for the committee to adopt would be, without troubling themselves about establishing any institution for the express purpose, but allowing the zeal of tho'4e benevolent persons to take its course, to grant a certain sum of money in propor tion to the number of convalescent cases that might be brought forward. (Hear, hear.) But all those were points upon which his committee would be glad to have the advice of that of the Mansion house. The LORD 'MAYOR, after expressing on behalf of the committee their gratification at being afforded an opportunity o f con f err i ng w ith the right rev . prelate, s a id, w i th respect to th e d es irability of establishing a permanent convalescent hospital, not with referen ce t o the presen t occas i on a l one , b ut for ordinary times, he thought they would be all agreed. Many of the hospitals in London had very large revenues. The question of establishing an hospital for convalescents had often been dis cussed by the governors of St. Bartholomew's Hos pital, and the treasurer of that institution had pre- SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMES.—Perhaps there may be more than one opinion in France as to the merits of the present Imperial regime, but we should 'not be surprised if there were many disposed to prefer the rule of the Marquis de Larochejaquelein. Had this accom plished nobleman the destinies of his country in his hands, we know from his pamphlet, La France et la Paix, that his policy would be La France et la Guerre. The Marquis has never been able to digest a United Italy ; how can he be called upon to swallow a United Germany ? He does not see why Venetiashould be annexed to the kingdom of Victor Emmanuel, He is rather in favour of a restoration of the old Adriatic Republic. Was not the Mar quis's " great-grandfather on the mother's side," Ambassador of Louis XV. to France's ally, the Great Republic of Venice? And was notbis grand father killed at the head of his regiment during the Seven Years' War ? Why cannot the policy of France be what it was in the good old times of his illustrious ancestors ? In those days France sought her strength in the division of her " natural rivals," Germany and Italy. Why should she to-day con-' sent to the union of those two countries, and look upon them as natural friends ? It is not that the Marquis is afraid ; who is afraid ? France is not afraid ; but her position is lowered in the most de plorable manner ; her neighbours are aggrandising themselves at her cost. The ungrateful Italians will , get back Savoy and Nice ; the overbearing Ger mans will claim Alsace and Lorraine. Already such are the boasts of those countries—boasts which the journals of perfidious Albion delight in re-echoing and applauding. Could the Marquis of Larocheja quelin or any other leader of Opposition take the place of the Emperor Napoleon, we may know what we ought to look forward to. An immediate alliance of France with Austria and with the " nations" now subjugated by Prussia, and war against the latter Power with the least possible loss of time. It is well that the Emperor has still a word to say on the subject, and that he has sent Count Bismark the assurance that there will not " in any case" be an interruption of friendly relations between France and Prussia. Apart from the futility of the alleged provocation, it would seem as if the mere prospect of war ought to strike the French as a most terrible evil. Those who are familiar with the con dition of France only a quarter of a century ago, and revisit that country now after a long interval, cannot fail to read as they run, on a mere glance at the road between Calais and Paris, the marvellous improvement in every branch of material well-being. We are not such blind partisans of the Emperor's Government as to ascribe all this progress merely to its wisdom and providence ; but there is little doubt that a people's prosperity, independent of all other causes, springs from the mere continuance of peace, and few will deny that Napoleon's policy has been in the main pacific. On general principles we are not partial to what is termed " personal " government; we deem human life too precarious, and individual judgment too fallible, to rejoice that the well-being of the world should depend on the arbitrary will of one man. Yet it has happened more than once in France that one man has been clearly in the right when the vest majority of his people were wrong. Many of the greatest achievements of France in our age have been owing to the strong initiative of the Emperor Napoleon, who has had to contend with power ful opposition, and to await in assured self-re liance till public opinion had time to veer round to him. On the other hand, not a few of those acts for which the Emperor is justly blamed have been less the consequence of his own lack of discretion than of his too ready deference to a party cry, and too great eagerness to minister to the foibles of a restless and ambitious people. On what ground should the Emperor of the French at this present moment depart from his original programme, " The Empire is Pea ce ?" O n what ground should he seek a quarrel with Prussia? Is it from jealousy of the aggrandizement of that Power, and in vindication of the theory of com pensations and the rectification of frontiers? Or is it out of mere sympathy with the " oppressed na tionalities " of Hanover or Cassel, ffomborg or Frankfort, that all this clamour arises? If the latter is the motive, if France thinks that violence is done to the people's will in those small States, how can she expect that two wrongs will make one right? How can . her claims to the left bank of the Rhine, or to the Landau and Sarrelouis districts, justify the usurpation of Bismark's Government? Should France make herself a partaker of iniquity and take a bribe for her connivance at her neighbour's spoliation ? Count Bismark, we are told, proceeds to the absorption of territories on the mere right of con quest, and without a previous appeal to the people's suffrage. He has no faith in plebiscites, and acts in these matters on a different plan from that followed by Piedmont in Romagna and Tuscany, or by France in Savoy and Nice, at Mentone and Rocca bruna. But he lays his bill for annexation before the Prussian Legislature. He consults a German Representative Assembly on the fate of a Celina!' population ; and not only finds a unanimous assent to his views, bat has to parry the reproach of timidity, and to plead the necessity which binds him to half measures. For our own part, we must be allowed to doubt whether universal suffrage is the best means of getting at the people's real wishes with respect even to the apparently simple question of nationality: There is no doubt that the move ment in favour of unification' has become almost irresistible throughout Germany, both North and South. Count Bismark, whose daring no man will dispute, is somewhat appalled at the ardour of the people, and strives to moderate it, in consideration less of domestic than of foreign obstacles that may rise against the full and immediate accomplishment of the nation's too eager aspirations. The Germans are everywhere out-Bismarking Bismark. Can there be any more decided approval of the Minister's conduct than is expressed by the revul sion of feelings in favour of a man so universally, and not undeservedly, detested only three months since? The man himself may yet be, for aught we know, as obnoxious as ever; but the work he has in hand is the union and freedom—it is the creation of a nation. There is hardly any means for which he may not obtain a Bill of Indemnity in consideration of the great end he has in view. But, perhaps, we shall be told that Germany should not be united, whether she be willing or not ? M. de Larochjaquelein is evidently of that opinion, as he recommends that war should be declared before the constitution of the German Empire may array all Germany against France. " France," he says, " must be the ally of those Germans who protest against the violence which places them under the yoke of Prussia. The moment the Germans be lieve that France desires war against Germany they will all be united against her." Precisely so ; the difference between Prussia and the minor States of Germany is a domestic quarrel, like that between man and wife, with which a stranger can only med dle at his peril. Any interference on the part of France, any championship of the weaker against the stronger, especially if backed by demands of compensation or rectification of frontiers, is the very best help that Count Bismarck and the promoters of German unity could desire in the furtherance of their undertaking. The Emperor Napoleon knows this, and, whatever may be his views as to the future destinies of the German people, he is willing to al low them, as he allowed the Italians, to work out their own problem without let or hindrance, well knowing by experience that national instincts are only strengthened by thwarting them, and that it is not easy to say to a people, " So far, and no fur ther." HERALD.—The year 1866 is not one to be marked with white chalk in the annals of France. Of the fourteen years of the reign of the Emperor Na poleon 111. this has certainly been the least success ful, as in this year two misfortunes have happened to his Government. The check to his policy which has resulted from the extraordinary success of Prussia in the German war, and the retirement from Mexico partly in deference to the attitude of the United States, partly from a conviction of the hopelessness of that distant enterprise, form exceptions to the usual prosperity of the Emperor of the French, who up to this time has had it nearly all his own way in the world. By a successful employment of the panacea of universal suffrage, he not only placed himself at the head of the most turbulent and in tractable people that has ever taxed the patience of rulers in ancient or modern timer, but has managed to restrain them within bounds, and direct their impulses after a fashion which has been excelled by uo prince who has essayed to govern them since the age of Louis XIV. Using the English alliance as a sort of backbone to his policy, he has restrained the ambition of Russia, defended the Christians of Turkey, made moral protests against tyranny in Poland, usurpation in Denmark, civil war in Ame rica, pushed forward the landmarks of civilisation in China and Japan. Acting on his own respon sibility, and without hindrance from England, he aided Italy in 1859 to shake off from her that pressure of Germany which hindered her develop ment and prevented her union as one nation. So far Louis Napoleon was successful. No enterprise that he undertook seemed to miscarry. People said of him that like Alexander, he should have a s l ave at his bedside to remind him every morning that he was mortal. They told him of that old fable which taught that the man who was uniformly successful should pray for some misfortune to se cure him against the anger of the gods. His was the greatest power on the Continent of Europe. His legions dominated one continent, and had in terfered in another to establish a monarchical go vernment on the ruins of a republic. He was the arbiter of the Eastern hemisphere, he was a power in the West, and yet there was something inse- cure in all this. An enemy of half a million of men, however well commanded, canno t pretend to dictate to a wo r ld. The pretensions of Napoleon 111., not his own, probably, but those which others put forward for him, were too great for his power, too vast for his reso urces . A d e termination t o maintain them by force in the face of recent events would have been fatal to his Government ; would not improbably have resulted in the over throw of _ his dynasty, The upshot of two grea t dramas, played out in t wo h em i s pheres, has dis turbed his calculations, and made it necessary for him to draw in a little. The North American Be public, after a desperate st rugg le of four years, 11 . as triumphed over the Smith, so that now agam,lts frontier extends to the bo r der river of Mexico. th e North German Power, fighting for supremacy in Central Europe, has not only driven Austria Iron the field, and barred her out of Germany, but has consolidated herself by the annexation or subjug a ; tion of all the German countries north of the lice of the Maine. In America and in Europe France has suddenly been confronted by a Power equal to her.: self ; it is not to be wondered at that she finds it impossible to stand her ground against both of tbe . n 3 . In consenting to retire from Mexico at the biddi n g of the United States Government, and in submittin.,o. to the affront which she has experienced atthe hands of Prussia in the abrupt refusal of a trifling real'''. cation of frontier in the direction of the river Saari IFrance may be thought by some to have listened to, the promptings of discretion rather than those °, I, valour. But only a madman will rush into the fi eld when the odds are ten to one against him. If ata n l i , time the United States had made up their mind'? back up by force the Republican faction in Mexico] the Emperor of the French would at once have h a u s presented to him the disagreeable alternative 0- allowing the small expeditionary force to be over whelmed and captured, or sending across the Atlan tic, in all the transport ships of Europe the whil e army of France to cope with that of AmeTi c i a i When the success of the United States was deci d when the intentions of the United States with re gard to Mexico were expressed in the plainest l so_ guage that could be, and in diplomatic documents' the Emperor of the French, if he would avoid sn ignominious expulsion from the Western continen t s had nothing to do but to withdraw from it with the best grace possible under such distressing eire° lll : stances. The establishment of a Mexican empire No" all very feasible while the American states to th e north of it were divided, it became an impossible e. 11: terprise when they were united in opposition to Napoleon 111. is just in the position of a player vgiv.. has made a false move at chess. He has the ope r • tunity of withdrawing it ; he must take it bae x he will lose the game. In America his tactics ac di; simple, though not altogether satisfactory to t . f , pride of France. In Europe he has had a more ficult part to play. When a power equal to Fran c r reared herself up beside him on the Rhine, af te , seven days of battle, his Foreign Minister was In as strutted to represent to Prussia that France Nv, placed in a somewhat awkward position by this cite cumstance, but that such a trifling matter as v is restoration of Saar-Louis, taken from her in 18 'i! might do something towards restoring his ecill 3 , ll lo niity. This request was refused, and France L' submitted to the rebuff in rather an ill-hun l° ?t r ; For the moment she can hardly contend with a s; h which has an army as large as her own, armed s li ce , needle guns which can shoot five times for her on France is getting ready her breech-loaders. I t reported that the settlement of this little affi r o f to be postponed until after the Paris Exhibition ), next year. At the close of 1867 the French will be fully equipped with the " Chassepot" br ee-, loader, said to be as far superior to the " 03- o f nadelgewehr," as that is to the old Brown B ess , r e the British army. We trust, however, that b el° o this time the irritability of the French will W e tly far cooled down that we shall escape the r ee ,i e , rence of the carnage of 1866 on a still larger s c " t be The French will be then, as they are now' e ir strongest nation in Europe, well able to hold ci r own against all comers, and will admit, when t4 ve present passion of jealousy is past, that the)" ', li t , nothing to gain in the extension of their pre, s ir , frontiers, no motive to induce them to wish fo r '` riers against German ambition. COUNTRY MARKETS. --4 , -- BIRMINGHAM—TmsDAY. ash At this day's market there was a short supply of - 1 1 11 1 ,,',. es wheat, and the turn in price was in favour of the sn p er. old, and the buyer on new. Carley slow, but not C u t , 0 0 Old oats fully as dear; new tending downwards. and peas firmly held for previous rates. BRIST OL—THURSDAY. iv Of On our market to-day thoro was a limited sup 'but English wheat, and the quality much complained prices rather lower. In foreign nothing doing. (Jrin barley is per qr. dearer. Oats at last week's prices. dian corn 6d to is per qr. higher. BURY ST. EDMUND'S—Wrn - Nrstixr. r d. White wheat, 58s to 60s ; old red, 49s to 51s ; ne~c 44s to 48s ; grinding barley, 35s to 38s ; Page's prolifl c . . _ ley, 39s to'4Os per qr.. v , averages :—Wheat, 625 quarters, at 47s Hid ; bar qrs., at —s Od ; oats, qrs, at —s Od. MANCHES TER—THURSDAY. unt Our market this morning was moderately a ttenclf l, f it the business passing was restricted. Old wheat riloc nearly last week's rates, whilst new was offered at a ries to p ° er tion of 2s per qr. Flour scarcely inquired for, an d sack lower. Oats ld to 2d per 451b5., and oatmeal 6 , e3 O per load lower. A further decline of is per qr. on and 6d per qr. on Indian corn must also be noted. EDINBITRGII—WEDNEsDAY. - l ol' Wheat on the top, 2s 3d down average, Os 4 3 ;00' Barley on the top, Os 6d down average, is " joiv Oats on the top, Os 9d down 2 os s V . , ti p Beans on the top, is Od down average, Total supply and average,sv alees.ge la 05 s Wheat 929 qrs o no so Barley 5111 qrs ld ' ,e 0 Oats 596 qrs sold 316 Beans 132 qrs Average prices. Wheat, 47s 4d I Oats, 3 Barley, .......35s 6d 1 Beans 52s 10 i l l l O l a . 00 4) Town-made flour sells as follows : —White, 410 6 ' , superfine, 408 Od; superfine, 38s 6d; fine, 37s Od. A—a DO l 3 GL— WEDNESDAY. To-day's market wa OW s fairly attended. Wheat 11115 ,,,,a1 1 ' at Monday's quotations, but the business done Flour was rather easier. Barley, oats, and beans '- unaltered. Foreign Mail Packet List• MAILS DIIE. sept. Australia and New Zealand, via Southamptoa..... o • — • Ditto, via Marseilles 6eP t* S Brazil and Cape Verde, by British pa c k e t ,/, Ditto, by French packet s e ........ p t. - Cape of Good Hope, Ascensi on , an d St. Helena .. • s . 2 , China, Penang, and Singapore, via So u thampton.•S er n t. 1 3 Ditto, via Marseilles ......... S e x Falkland Islands .................................. Sep t " Gibraltar, via Southampton Spil t India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton 1 :1 Ditto, via Marseilles 1 . India (Bombay), via Southa m pt o n. Ditto, via Marseilles" . Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton . .. ; ..... 5 : SSeeeePP 6ePP:t„.:::' 16 16' ; : ' Ditto, via Marseilles Sel/' 13 Mauritius, via Southampton ............... •• 12, Ditto, via Marseille3 . SCP; S. Newfoundland .••••-' Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... ............ United States and British North America, byllr i- e pt• tish packet ... • Ditto, by United States packet, via Southangr ton. Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, L ondonderry • , tO. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerife ..• • S ep t West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and . Sept / .73 , Honduras) 5ept ................ t Cuba and Mexico ......................''.' 0 .g 6. . Bermuda, via Halifax . ................ • . Bahamas. via New York ....................... ... Births. f 1 1 ) 1°11r ADAIR—On the 28th inst., at Southsea, the wi - s e ,,. ° 0t , ',,,f Col. Henry Adair, Royal Marine Artillery, °,_,A - ,, s ir e, Pa: CARRINGTON —On the 27th inst. at Hampton uri t he P . biton, the wife of Robert C. inst ., Es(l* , °- erott l/' miralty, Whitehall, of a daughter. ~.,.,,i O, HOARE —On the 29th inst., at 8, Norwood-terrace' bt v sea, the wife of J. G. W. Hoare, Esq., H. Y 3 ,1 , toria and Albert, of a son. bcl" goll y- NEWTON—On the 28th inst., the wife of Lt.-Co l. " - Newton, Royal Artillery, of a daughter. P I Marriages. 1, A . ie d 0 1 , O'BRIEN —PERRY—Oa the 29th inst., Sir Patric„ `` l °, Bart., M.P. for the King's County, Ida S01 3 1 " - :,11te' of the late Lieut.-General James Perry, a nd c ` 3l4' O n the late Commander Pariby, R.N. , joll i i i , o ef PRITCHARD —BENNIE —OR the 28th inst ,at St, )111' Evangelist, Maindee, Thomas S. Pritchard, t) od dA*lO Temple, Esq., barrister-at-law, to- Emma, soc? 0, 1 00 1 ter of the late James Rennie, Esq., of 3131 Newport, Mon. of I Deaths. , fii . s iii, AGAR—On tho 28th inst , Sir Emanuel F. Aga- - 7 00 7, Stratford-place, age ' d 86. Major Cie 93a • GonnoN—On the 26th inst ,at Harrowgate; „d 16- Gordon, of Claremont-crescent, Edinburgh; 3 _;/ i j• (Sutherland) Highlanders. ~,,nnellef ill' HINDMARCH—On the 27th inst , at Aix-13-1.,..-r - g, 0 0 nindrmarch, Q.C., aged 65. • a 0 . j JONES—On the 25th inst., at Norwood, Fre-ii:' Life' Esq., aged 41. fro g' MAXWELL—On'tho 25th inst., at Torr Hall, Itel l ii John Hall Maxwell, Esq., of Dargavel, C.B. °' pco • TURNER— On the 26th inst , Thomas J. Turo Littlo °livers, Colchester, aged 80. ii -- g - O f . -- ,vr N - Ji i i bond= : Printed and Published by vvlLLTA—itoe, No . t , ip of No. 112, Strand, Punter. at TfU SUN 0 0113 1 " Strand, in the Precinct of ' the SAVOY, in tlie Middlesoz.—Friday, August 31, IBA, VINAn Tilts Dublin _ce.le It 'i u s t l lzl so lT , o Puri slia b Y i n n( th e A orliolesaln gal 8, GRE A O bserv et • 'ln 0 ,, ic,,SEr Iree on A aptli TOLE' al le Thi f rd or n, k _Parthticula iq tt th 5 Ater ' 4gar-s ACC° gq .br A 11r n ii ttl RD the •.BeR F l43 ndo Ihry 4ll p„ Dun b At m. p_„ent' tb,7Bons tal l y 1 1 ;' ) 8 Pec wept ePt C o 12 h e Co oTit • ?; 1 'Pg l R a s T t o CO oe,v aral te 'fti 14- I. n at rtr niz 11 4' 4 °t t' ( ' ll ' 4 ~„bkrtyn o t"° Ten, ~O ty, no ent ,k t i n pY rt ez . l 7t : k r ine e rrt De r 4°•,. ac CoN