The Sun. — London, England, 1866-03-05 00:00:00

AMERICA. THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU BILL VETOED BY T lIE PRESIDENT. By the arrival of the American mail we have New York papers to the 21st ult. The principal item of news brought by these advices is that President Johnson has vetoed the Freedmen's Bureau Bill. The Message announcing this was brought into the Senate on the 19th ult. by the Vice-President, and read by the clerk amid evidences of intense feeling on the part of Senators and members of the house, as well as spectators in the galleries, but without any open manifestation, except at the close of the reading, when, it is stated, applause was heard, mingled with determined hisses, and t he em p hatic blows of the Vice-President's hammer. The fol lowing is the text of President Johnson's Message : To the Senate of the United States. -1 have examined with care the bill which originated in the Senate, and has been passed by the two houses of Congress, to amend an act entitled "An act to establish a Bureau for the Relief of Freedmen and Refugees, and for other purposes." Having, with much regret, come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my ap proval to the measure, I return the bill to the Senate with my objections to its becoming a law. I might call to mind in advance of these objections that there is no immediate necessity for the proposed measure. The act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, which was approved in the month of March last, has not yet expired. It was thought stringent and extensive enough for the purpose in view. Before it ceases to have effect, further experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to the policy to be adopted in time of peace. I have, with Congress, the strongest desire to secure to the freedmen the full enjoyment of their freedom and their property, and their entire independence and equality in making contracts for their labour. But the bill before me contains provisions which, in my opinion, are not warranted by the constitution, and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view. The bill proposes to establish by autho • rity of Congress military jurisdiction over all parts of the United States containing refugees and freedmen. It would, by its very nature, apply with most force to those parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound ; and it expressly extends the existing temporary jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau, with greatly enlarged powers, over those States in which the ordinary course of judicial pro ceedings has been interrupted by the rebellion. The source from which the military jurisdiction is to emanate is none other than the President of the United States, acting through the War Department and the commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau. The agents to carry out this military jurisdiction are to be selected either from the army ar from civil life. The country is to be divided into districts and sub-districts, and the number of salaried agents to be em ployed may be equal to the number of counties or parishes in all the United States where freedmen and refugees are to be found. The subjects over which this military juris diction is to extend in every part of the United States in clude protection to all employ6s, agents, and officers of this Bureau, in the exercise of the duties imposed upon them by the bill. In eleven States it is further to extend over all cases affecting freedmen and refugees discriminated against by local law, custom, or prejudice. In these eleven States the bill subjects any white person who may be charged with depriving a freedman of any civil rights or immunities belonging to white persons to imprisonment or fine, or both, without however defining the civil rights and immunities which are thus to be secured to the freedmen by military law. This military jurisdiction also extends to questions that may arise respecting contracts. The agent, who is thus to exercise the office of a military judge, may be a stranger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to the errors of judgment to which all men are liable. The exercise of power, over which there isno legal supervision, by so vast a number of agents as is contem plated by the bill, must, by the very nature of man, be-at tended byacts of caprice, injustice, and passion. The trials, having their origin under this bill, are to take place without the intervention a jury, and without making any fixed rules of law or evidence. The rules, on which offences are heard and determined by the numerous agents, are such rules and regulations as the President, through the War Department, shall prescribe. No previous presentment is required, nor any indictment charging the commission of a crime against the laws ; but the trial must proceed on charges and specifications. The punishment will be not what the law declares, but such as a court-martial may think proper. And from these arbitrary tribunals there lies no appeal—no writ of error to any of the courts in which the constitution of the United States vests exclusively the judicial power of the country ; while the territory and the class of actions and offences that are made subject to this measure are so extensive the bill itself, should it become a law, will have no limitation in point of time, but will form a part of the permanent legislation of the country. I cannot reconcile a system of military jurisdiction of this kind with the words of the constitution, which declares that "No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger ;" and that "in all criminal prosecu tions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed." The safeguards which the wisdom and experience of ages taught our fathers to establish as securities for the protec tion of the innocent, the punishment of the guilty, and the equal administration of justice, are to be set aside,and for the sake of a morevigorous interposition in behalf of justice we are to take the risk of the many acts of injustice that would of necessity follow from an almost countless number of agents established in every parish or county in nearly a third of the States of the Union, over whose decision there is to be no supervision or control by the Federal courts. The power that would be thus placed in the hands of the President is such as in time of peace certainly ought never to be intrusted to any one man. If it be asked whether the creation of such a tribunal within a State is warranted as a measure of war, the question immediately presents itself whether we are still engaged in war. Let us not unnec cessarily disturb the commerce and credit and industry of the country by declaring to the American people and the world that the United States are still in a condition of civil war. At present there is no part of our country in which the authority of the United States is disputed. Offences that may be committed by individuals should not work a forfeiture of the rights of the same communities. The country has entered or is returning to a state of peace and industry, and the rebellion is in fact at an end. The'mea sure therefore seems to be as inconsistent with the actual condition of the country as it is at variance with the con stitution of the United States. If, passing from general considerations, we examine the bill in detail, it is open to weighty objections. In time of war it was eminently proper that we should provide for those who were passing suddenly from a condition of bondage to a state of freedom. But this bill proposes to make the Freedmen's Bureau, established by the act of 1865 as ono of many great and extraordinary military mea sures to suppress a formidable rebellion, a permanent branch of the public administration; with its powers greatly en larged. I have no reason to suppose, and I do not under stand it to be alleged, that the Act of March, 1865, has proved deficient for the purpose for which it was passed, although at that time, and for a considerable period there after, the Government of the United States remainedunac knowledged in most of the States whose inhabitants had been involved in rebellion. The institution of slavery for the military destruction of which the Freedmen's Bureau was called into existence as an auxiliary force, has been already effectually and finally abrogated throughout the whole country by an amendment of the constitution of the United States, and practically its eradication has received the assent and concurrence of most of those States in which it at any time had existed. I am not, therefore, able to discern in the country anything to justify an apprehension that the powers and agencies of the Freedmen's Bureau, which were effective for the protection of freedmen and refugees during the actual continuation of hostilities, and of African servi tude, will now, i n a ti me o f p eace , an d after th e a b o liti on of slavery, prove inad equa t e t o th e same p ro p er en d s . If I a m correct in these views there can be no necessity for the enlarge ment r i gs madeprovi sion tho bill. The third section of the bill autho risesgeneral and unlimited grant of support to the desti tute and sufferingo refugees and freedmen and their wives and childre n . eding sections make provisions for the rent or purchaseof landed es t a t es f or f ree d men, an d f or the erection, f or their asylums and of schools, theb"e4 of suitable buildings for treasury the whole The th Con gress o f th e U n it e d States bas never heretoforeth ou ghtitself competent to m establish any laws beyond the o of the District of Columbia except for the benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors. It has never founded school s for any c l ass of our people, not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in defence of the Union, but has left the care of then education to the much mors competent and efficient con trol of the Soles, of communities, of private associations, and of individuals. It has never deemed itself authorised to expend the public money for the rent or purchase o f homes for the thousands, no t to say millions, of the white race who are honestly toiling from day to day for their subsistence. A system for the support of indi gent persons in the United States was never contem plated by the authors of the constitution. Nor can any good reason be advanced why, as a permanent f estab lishment, it s h ou ld b e f oun d e d f o r one class or colour of our people more than for another. During the war many refugees and freedmen received support from the Go vernment, but it was never intended that they should henceforth be fed, clothed, eduCated, and sheltered by the United States. The idea on which the slaves were assigned to freedom was, that on becoming free they would become a self-sust a i n i ng popu l a ti on. A ny l eg i s lation that shallimply that they a re no t expec t e d t o a tt a i n a self-sus tainingcharactertheir and their p ros p er it y. Th e appo i n t me nt of an agent f every county and parish will create an im mense patronage, and the expense of the numerous officers and their clerks to be appointed by the President will be great in the beginning, with a tendency steadily to in- . crease. The appropriations asked by the Freedmen's Bureau as now established for the year 1866 amount to $11,745,000. It may be safely estimated the cost to be in curred under the pending bill will require double that amount, more than the entire sum expended in any one year under the administration of the second Adams. If the presence of agents in every parish and county is to be con sidered as a war measure, opposition, or even resistance, might be provoked, so that to give effect to their jurisdic tion troops would have to be stationed within reach of every one of them, and thus a large standing force be rendered necessary. Large appropriations would therefore be re quired to sustain and enforce military jurisdiction in every county or parish from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The condition of our fiscal affairs is encouraging, but in order to sustain the present measure of public confidence it is necessary that we practise not merely customary economy, but, as far as possible, secure retrenchment. In addition to the objections already stated, the fifth section of the bill proposes to take away land from its former owners with out any legal proceedings being first had, contrary to that provision of the constitution which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. It does not appear that a part of the lands to which this section refers may not be owned by minors, or persons of unsound mind, or by those who have been faithful to all their Obligations as. citizens of the United States. If any portion of this land is held by such persons, it is not competent for any authority to deprive them of it. If, on the other hand, it be found that the property is liable to confiscation, even then it cannot be appropriated to pub lic purposes until, by due process of law, it shall have been declared forfeited to the Government. There are still further objections to the bill, on grounds seriously affecting the class of persons to whom it is de signed to bring relief. It will tend to keep the mind of the freedmen in a state of uncertain expectation and restless ness, while to those among whom he lives it will be a source of constant and vague apprehension. Undoubtedly the freedmen should be protected, but he should be protected by the civil authorities, especially by the exercise of all the constitutional powers of the courts of the United States and of the States. His condition is not so exposed as may at first be imagined. He is in a portion of the country where his labour cannot well be spared. Competition for his services from planters, from those who are construct ing or repairing railroads, or from capitalists in his vicin age, or from other States, will enable him to command almost his own terms. He also possesses a perfect right to change his place of abode ; and if, therefore, he does not find in one community or State a mode of life suited to his desire, or proper remuneration for his labour, he can move to another where labour is more esteemed and better re warded. In truth, however, each State, induced by its own wants and interests, will do what is necessary and proper to retain within its borders all the labour that is needed for the development of its resources. The laws that regulate supply and demand will maintain their force, and the wages of the labourer will be regulated thereby. There is no danger that the great demand for labour will not operate in favour of the labourer. Neither is sufficient consideration given to the ability of freedmen to protect and take care of themselves. It is no more than justice to them to believe that, as they have received their freedom with moderation and forbearance, so they will distinguish themselves by their industry and thrift, and soon show the world that in a condition of freedom they are self-sustain ing and capable of selecting their own employment and their own places of abode ; of insisting for themselves on a proper remuneration, and of establishing and maintaining their ow asylums' and schools. It is earnestly hoped that, instead of wasting away, they will, by their own efforts, establish for themselves a condition of respecta bility and prosperity. It is certain that they can attain to that condition only through their own merits and exer tions. In this connection the query presents itself whether the system proposed by the bill will not, when put into complete operation, practically transfer the entire care, support, and control of four millions of emancipated slaves to agents, overseers, or taskmasters. who, appointed at Washington, are to be located in every county and parish throughout the United States,' containing freedmen and refugees. Such a system would inevitably tend to such a concentration of power in the executive which would enable him, if so disposed, to control the action of a numerous class, and use them for the attainment of his own political ends. I cannot but add another very grave objection to this bill. The constitution imperatively declares in connection with taxation that each State shall have at least one re presentative, and fixes,the rule for the number to which in future times each state shall be entitled. It also pro vides that the Senate of the United States shall be com posed of two senators from each State, and adds with peculiar force that no State without its consent shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. The original act was necessarily passed in the absence of the States chiefly to be affected, because their people were then con tumaciously engaged in the rebellion. Now the case is changed, and some at least of the States are attending Congress by loyal representatives, soliciting the allowance of the constitutional right of representation. At the time, however, of the consideration and the passing of the bill there was no senator or representative in Con gress from the eleven States which are to be mainly affected by its provisions. The very fact that reports were and are made against the good disposition of the country is an additional reason why they need and should have representatives of their own in Congress to explain their condition, reply to accusations, and assist by their local knowledge in the perfecting of measures imme diately affecting themselves; while the liberty of delibera tion would then be free, and Congress would have full power to decide according to its judgment. There could be no objection urged that the States most interested had not been permitted to be heard. The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of the American people that there should be no taxation without representation. Great burdens are now to be borne by all the country, and we may best de mand that they shall be borne without murmur when they are voted by a majority of the representatives of all the people. I would not interfere with the unquestionable right of Congress to judge, each house for itself, of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members. But that authority cannot be construed as including the right to shut out in time of peace any State from the representation to which it is entitled by the constitution. At present all the people of 11 States are excluded ; those who were most faithful during the war not less than others. The State of Tennessee, for instance, whose authorities engaged in re bellion, was restored to all her constitutional relations to the Union by the patriotism and energy of her injured and betrayed people. Before the war was brought to a termina tion they had placed themselves in relations with the gene ral government, had established a State government of their own, and as they were not included in. the emancipa tion proclamation, they by their own act had amended their constitution so as to abolish slavery within the limits of their State. I know no reason why the State of Tennessee, for example, should not fully enjoy all her constitutional relations to the United States. The President of the United States stands toward the country in a somewhat different attitude from that of any member of Congress chosen from a single district or State. The President is chosen by the people of all the States. Eleven States are not at this time represented in either branch of Congress. It would seem to be his duty on all proper occasions to present their just claim to Congress. There always will bo differences of opinion in the com munity, and individuals may be guilty of transgressions of the law ; but these do not constitute valid objections against the right of a State to representation. It would in no wise interfere with the discretion of Congress with regard to the qualfications of members ; but I hold it my duty to re commend to you, in the interests of peace and in the inte rests of the Union, the admission of every State to its share of public legislation, when, however insubordinate, insur gent, or rebellious its people may have been, it presents itself not only in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in the persons of representatives whose loyalty cannot be questioned under existing constitutional or legal test. It is plain that an indefinite or permanent exclusion of any part of the country from representation must be attended by a spirit of disquiet and complaint. It is unwise and dangerous to pursue a course of measures which will unite any large section of the country against another section of the country, no matter how much the latter may predomi nate. The course of immigration, the development of in dustry and business, and natural causes will raise up at the South men as devoted to the Union as those of any other part of the land. But if they are all excluded from Con gress; if in a permanent statute they are declared not to be in full constitutional relations to the country, they may think they have cause to become a unit in feeling and sen timent against the Government. Under the political edu cation of the American people, the idea is inherent and in eradicable that the consent of the majority of the whole people is necessary to secure a willing acquiescence in le gislation. The bill under consideration refers to certain of the States as though they had not "been fully restored in all their constitutional relations to the United States." If they have not, let us at once act together to secure that de sirable end at the earliest possible moment. It is hardly necessary for me to inform Congress that, in my own judgment, most of those States—so far, at least as depends upon their action—have already been fully restored, and are to bo deemed to be entitled to enjoy their constitutional rights as members of the Union. Reasoning and from th e actual situti o f n ro o m f the th c e oun C t o r n y s , t l it f u e t e i l o n n ot it o s n el ly f, entitled but b ound to assume a that, with the Federal courts e restored in th e several States and in the lull exercise of their functi ons, t h e rights ' and s inteyests of all clas ses o f th e people will, with th e aid of the military in cases of resist ance to the law, be essentially protected Should It this s u n consti tutional infringement a n d violation. Sh.O%-ug expecta tion unhappily fail, w hi c h I do not anti.cipate, then the Executive is already armed w ith the powers conferred by l the act of March, 1865, establishi ng tho Freedmen's Bureau and hereafter, as heretofore, h e can e mp l oy - the land and naval forces of the country to suppress insut :rection and to overcome obstructions to the laws. I return the bill to the Senate in the ea• rnest hopo that a measure involving questions and interest is so important to the country will not become a law urele4 s upon delibe- THE SUN,, LONDON, MONDAY T EVENING, - MARCH 5, 1866. rate consideration by the people it shall receive the sanc tion cf an enlightened public judgment. ANDREW Jonnox. Washington, D.C., Feb. 19, 186 G. The receipts for customs at the four principa ports during the month of January were—New York, £12,441,391.31 ; Boston, $1,014,632 . 46 ; Philadelphia, $508,513.78; Baltimore, $184,770.64. Total, $14,249,308.19. When all the ports are heard from these numbers, it is believed, will be swelled to upwards of sixteen millions. These reports, together with the large daily re ceipts of internal revenue, do much towards main taining the prices of Government securities, and make them preferred over any description of com mercial paper or other obligations. The short lia bilities of the Treasury are most in favour , the general impression being that they will be rendered convertible into long gold-bearing bonds at no dis tant day. It is certain that the national finances are gradually but surely getting into better condi tion, from the simple though vital reasons that the Go vernment is no longer a borrower, and its income is exceeding its expenses, and steadily gaining. The Hall of the House of Representatives at Washington was filled on the 11th ult. At seven o'clock Speaker Colfax, who presided, took his accustomed seat. Immediately in front of the Clerk's desk were Lieutenant-General Grant, Chief Justice Chase, Bishop Simpson, General Augur, George H. Stuart, President of the Commission, and Rev. Dr. Boynton, Chaplain of the House. After a speech by Mr. Colfax, showing how much good had been done in the Army and Navy by the Commission, George H. Stuart, President of the Commission, then made the final report of the labours of the Commission : Total cash receipts for 1865 Total since organisation Total hospital stores for 1865 donation Total since organisation 3,800,000 Total value of stores distributed since its or ganisation Total value of publications distributed Total value of stationery 65,930 Value of Chapels erected 148,000 Copies of Bibles and Testaments distributed Copies of Hymn Books 137,000 Copies of Knapsack Books, styled by the Sol diers comforts Number of Library Books Number of Magazines Number of Religious papers pei, • . Number of Envelopes distributed 7,067,000 Number of sheets of paper 7,067,000 Number of agents employed Total value of the Commissions distributed ...6,264,607,68 Letters were read from Secretary Stanton, Gens. Grant, Sherman, Ord, Butler, Admiral Farragut, and others, expressing the warmest admiration for the noble and efficient efforts of — the Commission. Addresses were delivered by Hon. Mr. Demend, Senator Doolittle, Bishop Simpson, Rev. Mr. Chid law, and other gentlemen. CHASES.—We understand that Lord Aberdour, who broke his collar-bone at late meeting, is progressing favourably towards recovery. CHERTSEY STEEPLECHASES.—Theso postponed chases are fixed for Thursday and Friday next, the two days suc ceeding Liverpool meeting. A list of stakes, closing on the evening before running, will be fouad elsewhere. We are requested to state that the Telegraph Company will not have their wires extended to Aintree during the ensuing Liverpool meeting. The winners of the variou races will therefore not be " wired" to town until late in the day. The assumed name of Mr. C. Fermin is registered. Great Yarmouth races are fixed for Aug. 28 and 29. Lucy Long is scratched for Liverpool engagements. Grantham Steeplechases are arranged for April 5. KNIGHTON RACES.—The principal stakes close on Tues day next. THE BRISTLES CASE.—The amount of the stakes de posited in Mr. Marshall's hands at Windsor has been paid over to Mr. Powell, the owner of Flyfisher. THE EDINBURGH SPRING MEETING.— The attention of owners and trainers is requested to the closing of entries, on Wednesday next far the four handicaps of this semi hunt meeting. Innellan was struck out of the Liverpool Grand National Steeplechase at 4 32, on March 2 ; and Joker out of the Liverpool Spring Cup at 1 45 p.m., March 1. Derby Spring Meeting has been postponed to March 19, the day preceding Northampton. North Wold Steeplechases will not be held during the present year. Rochester, the steeplechase horse, has been purchased by Mr. J. Kendall, and is now trained at Hednesford. The wife of George Fordham presented him with a strapping boy on Friday morning, and both mother and child are doing well. ALBRIGHTON HUNT.—The Handicap Steeplechase at this popular hunt meeting closes on Tuesday next. The colours of Mr. C. Brewer are white, sky blue belt and cap. Loin LYON.—A big bet of eight "monkeys" was booked about the above colt for the Derby during the past week at the Victoria Club. CROYDON GREAT METROPOLITAN STEEPLE CHASE, Nov -1865.—We are informed by the Clerk of the Course that a majority of the stewards have decided this race in favour of Cortolvin, the horse that came in second, whose owner claimed the stakes on the ground that Old Oswestry was in the Forfeit List, WINDSOR STEEPLE CHASES.—The objection made by the owner of Princess Dagmar against Banker, the winner of the Borough Members' Plate, falls to the ground, as ell the forfeits due from the nominator of the latter horso had been paid at Messrs. Weatherby's before the horse was entered. FANCY BETTING.-011 Thursday last, at the Victoria Club, 250 to 50 was laid on the following twenty for the Liverpool Steeplechase :—L'Africain, Effenberg, Alcibiade, Cortolvin, Lightheart, Thomastown, Glencairn, Laura, Ibex, Creole, Emma gelding, Mistake, Merrimac, Philoso pher, Garotter, Heurlys, King of Hearts, Real Jam, Hall Court, and Innellan. JACK-FISHING AT BROXBOURNE, HERTS.—The proprietor of the above fishery begs to inform his subscribers and others that he intends pitting his usual supply of jack into the waters this day (Saturday), at half-past four o'clock, on which occasion their attendance is requested. THE THAMES.—The water continues very thick and high, and the season for fishing is now closed—March, April, and May being the fence months, according to the rules and regulations of the fishery of the Thames. The report which has been circulated, that the Board of the Thames Conservancy will not grant deputations to the present keepers employed by the Thames Angling Preser vation Society, is untrue. They have, on the contrary, resolved to give the men these warrants, who, acting to gether with an increased staff appointed by the conser vators, the river will be most efficiently protected, the men now appointed being wholly paid, and their services are especially directed to night watching.—W. H. BROUGH, Richmond. THE TRENT.—This river has been in a very unfavour able state for angling, and the sudden change in the weather, coupled with heavy falls of snow and sharp frosty nights, has not been very inviting to the lovers of the rod; in fact, but few have ventured out. Monday was the finest day we have had this week, but the water was so thick that the fish could not see to bite. The weather on the two following days was so unpropitious for outdoor sports that not only was angling put a stop to, but the second day of our spring meeting had to be postponed. I have just been down to the Trent, and although the water is still a great height, it is what I should consider to be in capital condition for bottom fishing. A few roach and dace were caught with the worm, but nothing of account. Next week, weather and water permitting, the fly-fisher will commence operations. The best fly to start with will be the waxend, and the fish to be angled for are grayling and dace, both of which will be found in shallow streams about two feet deep, or if the water should be very low, three feet will be better. The angler must be careful how he selects his water; he must not fish the most rapid streams, but swims where the water runs moderately quick. The best time of the day for fly-fishing during the present month will be in the middle of the day, from ten in the morning till two in the afternoon. If no sport can be had up to this time, it is almost useless fishing any longer. After the first week in March, angling for dace and grayling should be discontinued, or the fish would have barely a month allowed them before spawning. In some rivers, however, they are fished for till the middle of the month, but this only happens where the fish, in some waters, spawn a week or two later than they do in the Trent.—W. BAILEY, Nottingham, March 1. WINNE. Owner. Lord Derby Mr. Douglas Lord Grosvenor Lord Grosvenor Lord Grosvenor Mr. Burton Lord Clermont Sir F. Standish Mr. Vernon Lord Egremont Lord Egremont Duke of Bedford Duke of Bedford Lord Clermont Duke of Bedford Lord Derby Lord Egremont Sir F. Standish Lord Grosvenor Mr. Durand Lord Grosvenor Lord Egremont Sir C. Bunbury Mr. Waste]! SirT.Gascoigne Duke of Grafton Lord Grosvenor Mr. Craven.., Gen. Grosvenor Duke of Grafton Gen. Gower Sir W. Gerard Duke of Rutland Mr. Hewett Duke of Grafton Duke of Rutland Duke of Grafton Gen. Gower Mr. Watson Mr. Udny Mr. Thornhill Lord Egremont Lord Exeter Duke of Grafton Duke of Grafton Lord Jersey Gen. Grosvenor Mr. Forth Dk. of Richmond Duke of Grafton Lord Exeter Mr. Stonehewer Duke of Grafton Lord Exeter Sir M. Wood Mr. Cosby Mr. Mostyn Mr. Scott Mr. Powlett Lord Chesterfield Mr. F. Craven Lord G. Bentinck Lord Westminster Mr. G. Dawson Mr. Ford Col. Anson Dk. of Richmond Mr. Gully Sir J. Hawley Mr. H. Hill Lord Chesterfield Mr. Hobson Lord Stanley Mr.J.Scott Mr. Wauchopo Mr. Cookson Mr: R. Read Mr. IL Hill M. W. I'Anson Mr. Gratwicke „ Lord Londesboro' Mr. Eastwood „. Mr. Saxon Mr. B. C. Naylor Mr. T. Valentine Count Lagrange Mr. Graham Rider. Goodison Chifney, sen. Chifney, sen. C. Hindley J. Bird J. Edwards Fitzpatrick Fitzpatrick Chifney, sen. Chifney, sen. J. Singleton C. Hindley J. Singleton S. Arnull Fitzpatrick J. Arnull Buckle Buckle Buckle Fitzpatrick Saunders Bucklo Buckle Clift Buckle W. Edwards S. Chifuey Clift J. Moss W. Pierse Chifney W. Pierse Goodison Barnard T. Goodison S. Chifney Buckle Buckle S. Chifney IL Edwards J. Robinson H. Edwards Buckle Robinson S. Chifney Lye ":Boyco J. B. bay Dockeray G. Edwards J. B. Day Con°lly Chappel J. B. - Day Lye Scott J. Holmes Scott J. B. Day J. B. Day Scott Lye F. Butler F. Butler H. Bell S. Day , Templeman Templeman F. Butler F. Butler F. Butler F. Butler 'C. Marlow Charlton Temp]eman A. Day Charlton Ashman G. Fordham J. Snowden L. Snowden Challoner Aldcroft A. Edwards Norman Athletic Sports at Oxford. OXFORD, Friday Evening. The University sports commenced this afternoon on the Christ Church Ground, in the presence of a largo number of spectators, including a fair sprinkling of the representa tives of the sister University. The following gentlemen officiated :—B. S. Darbyslire, Wadham College, hon. secre tary ; D. Pocklington, Bmsonose College, hon. treasurer ; Earl of Jersey, Balliol College ; E. W. Tritton, Christ Church ; and D. Morgan, Magdalen Hall. The ground, from the recent severe frost and snow, and the strength of the sun this morning, was rather heavy, but perhaps better than night have been anticipated. The first event of the day was the Hundred, Yards Race, Heats.—First Heat.—Cobmore, Brasenose, 1; B. Derbyshire, Wadham, 2 ; Currie, Wad ham, 0 ; Duna, University, 0 ; Hand, St. John's, 0 Ilaigh, Queen's, 0. Darbyshire was the favourite, from having won the Oxford University and Oxford and Cambridge Hundred Yards Race in 1864. Mr. Cobmore will be re membered as winning his heat in the Oxford sports last year, but did not get off in the final, and was not in the first flight. Won, by two yards, in 10 sec. and 4-sths. Second Heat.—E. Nolan, St. John's, 1; D. Morgan, Magdalen Hall, 2 ; Knight, Magdalen, 3 ; Kettlewell, Oriel, 0 ; Murray, Wadham, 0. Mr. Morgan, who was second in the Oxford 100 yard race last year, was the favourite ; but Mr. Nolan, although he got a bad start, won by three yards in 10 seconds and one-fifth. Third Heat.—R. W. Vidal, St. John's, 1; Toswell, Oriel, 2 ; Wight, Wadham, 0. Mr. Vidal got off badly, but won an exciting race by half a yard. Time, 10 sec. and three-fifths. Throwing the Cricket Ball.—Croker, Trinity, 1, 109 yards 4 foot ; Michell, Balliol, 2, 104 yards 2 feet 8 inches ; Mat thews, Brasenose College, 3, 102 yards 10 inches ; Carter, Worcester, 4, 101 yards 2 feet 10 inches. This event has this year been expunged from the Oxford and Cambridge programme. Flat Race, Quarter of a Mile Heats.—First Heat.—B. Darbyshire, Wadham, 1; C. Y. Fell, St. John's, 2 ; Bow man„University, 3 ; Everest, Merton, 0. Darbyshire, who also won the quarter of a mile race in the Oxford and Cam brige and Oxford University contests in 1864, was in stalled the favourite, not only for the heat, but for the final result, and Fell, who had recently run so well in Lon don, was somewhat fancied. The favourite made the run ning half the way round, when Bowman passed him, but Darbyshire shook him off at the top of the hill, and ran in an easy winner by seven yards, Fell gaining second honours by a yard. Time, 56 2-3 seconds. Second Heat.—E. Nolan, St. John's, 1; Knight, Mag dalen, 2 ; Feßowes, Brasenose, 3 ; Sewell, New, 0 ; Thomas, Christ Church, 0. Nolan, who has won nearly everything he has gone for, was the favourite against the field. Knight made a gallant effort to overhaul Nolan, who con tinued his lead into the straight, and eventually won by four yards. Time, 55 3-5 seconds. The final heat will take place to-day. Graduates' Race, 300 Yards.—E. B. Michell, Magdalen, 1; Hall, Pembroke, 2 ; Stanhope, Morton, 0 ; Martin, Exeter, 0. Mr. Martin was the favourite. Mr. Michell had the race all tho way, and won by several yards in 391 seconds. Hurdle Race, 120 Yards, 10 Flights.—First Heat—King, Merton, 1; Hilliard, Pembroke, 2 ; Corderoy, Lincoln, 0 ; Jackson, Magdalen Hall, 0; Fell, St. John's, 0. Jackson, the favourite, fell, and King took the lead, and won very easily in 19 seconds. Second Heat.—Morgan, Magdalen Hall, 1 ; Phillpott, Magdalen, 2 ; Powell, Brasenose, 0 : Mr. Maitland, Christ Church, entered, but did not come to the post. Morgan landed this heat very easily, in accordance with anticipa tion. Time, 18 2-5 sec. Third Heat.—R. W. Vidal, St. John's 1; Price, Oriel, 2; Wight, Wadham, 0; Wilmot, University, 0. Vidal was the favourite, and won a good race by half a yard. Time, 181 secs. Final Heat—Morgan, 1 ; Price, 2 ; King, 3 ; Vidal, 0; Hilliard, 0 ; Phillpott, 0. Morgan was the favourite, but Vidal was also backed freely. Morgan held the lead for the greater portion of the distance, when Vidal wrested it from him, and got over the last hurdle half a yard in ad vance. The race seemed completely at his mercy, as he was increasing his lead on the flat run in when he slipped and sprawled in before any of his opponents, but not hav ing breasted the tape he was disqualified, with the above result. It is hoped he will be allowed to represent the " dark blue " next week, a's Oxford can hardly afford to lose so good a man, and Mr. Price has on previous occa sions succumbed to him. High Jump—Stuart, Merton, 1, 5 feet 3 inches ; Parsons, Magdalen, 2, 5 feet 2 1 inches; De Montmorency, Wad ham, 0 ; Haggard, Magdalen, 0 ; Kennedy, Brasenose, 0 ; Walton, Magdalen, 0. The first and second will have the honour of representing Oxford against Cambrilge, unless Mr. Maitland, of Christ Church, who has gone down, should put in an appearance. Flat Race (One Mile)—J. W. Laing, Christ Church, 1; Bowman, University, 2. Also ran, Butter, Balliol ; Cox, Magdalen ; Fletcher, Pembroke ; Hilton, St. Alban Hall ; Kemble, New; Moore, Wadham : Rawnsley, Corpus ; Sandbach, S. Alban Hall ; Smith, Worcester; and Wight, Wadham. The Earl of Jersey and Mr. Darbyshire, who had entered, were absentees. Laing, from his New College and Christ Church mile performances, was the favourite at 6t04 on him. Moore, who was second to Lord Jersey last year, was also backed ; and Mr. Bowman, the winner of the University College mile, was backed to get a place. Wight went off with the lead, which he kept for the first lap, but by the second Rawnsley went to the fore, Wight second, Butter third. Rawnsloy kept his position until the third quarter, when the favourite gained the front, Fletcher being next. Laing increased his lead considerably in the last lap, and ran in an easy winner by 20 yards. A good race for second place, Bowman defeating Fletcher and Moore, who were third and fourth respectively. Time 4 min. 55 sec. The time, considering the ground, must bs regarded in a favourable light, as it is short of that of Mr. Lewes in 1864, which was 4 min. 56 sec. The winner had plenty left in him at the finish, and can no doubt improve his time several seconds. He is in for the two mile race this day, and will doubtless make h good struggle with Mr. Johnson, of Exeter, who ran second to Mr. Webster at Cambridge last year. Throwing the Hammer.—D. Morgan, Magdalen Hal], 1,91 ft. 21in. ; Croker, Trinity, 2,78 ft. Bin. ; Moffat, Christ Church, 3,78 ft. 42in. _ Mr. Morgan won last year, when he only threw 86ft. 7in. We hear he has in practice thrown over 100 ft. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. THE " SATURDAY REVIEW " ON THE INCAPACITY OF LORD RUSSELL AS PREMIER.—The blunder made by the Times iu announcing the resignation of Lord Russell was very unfair and very prejudicial to the Ministry, but its exposure has also been so humili ating to those who made it that there is no need to comment on it. That the rumour should have been at once received with a wide belief, and that the public should have thought the resignation of Lord Russell the most natural thing in the world, is some thing much more important. If there had not been strange symptoms of weakness in the Government apparent to every one, it would have seemed very extraordinary that a Premier should resign with a large majority in the Commons still unbroken ; and still more extraordinary that Lord Russell should have been able to see that he was not fitted to carry on the Government. But, the rumour was believed because the Government has obviously so many difficulties to contend against, and because a large portion of these difficulties have been created by Lord Russell himself. In the firstplace,:Lord R u ssell has chosen to accept office without hav ing physical- force and nerve enough to fill a high place as it ought to be filled. If the Premie r is in the House of Lords, it may at least be sup posed that the great disadvantages which this entails will be compensated by some advantages of a special kind. The Premier ought to be able to give the debates of the Lords more importance than they ordinarily possess. He ought to impart a surer and firmer tone to the announcements of Govern ment, to make his party in the house seem better organised, more compact, and coherent than it otherwise would be. Here. Lord Russell has utterly broken down. He can scarcely go through the exertion of a speech. He can give no information, nor can he speak with authority on any subject. Those who are members of his own Cabinet intimate their disapproval i of measures which he introduces. There is no one in the Lords who can answer ques tions as to the intentions of the Government, even in minor matters. For, with the Premier in the Lords, no other Peer feels it to be his duty to con duct the daily business of the Government there ; and so the Government is even more imperfectly represented in the Upper House than it usually is when the Premier is in the Commons. All that Lord Russell retains of his former self seems to be his ancient ardour in jobbing for his friends, and his old ‘ impulsive rashness in taking unfortunate but important steps without consulting his colleagues. kile is still capable of making Lord Romilly a Peer, and he is still capable of importing a young and untried member into the Cabinet, without letting his colleagues know what he intended to do. But there his capacity for the Premiership ends. That the Premiership should have been offered to him was perfectly right. His high position, the respect due to his better qualities, the prominent part he has so long played in the eyes of the country, made it quite natural that he should have the refusal of the place which the death of Lord Palmerston made vacant. In an evil hour for his own happi ness and for his future fame he accepted the offer, and the consequence is the melancholy position in which he now finds himself. Lord Russell, more over, has to overcome difficulties greater than usually beset the path of a Premier. He is at the head of a party which leans in two different direc tions, and the divisions of his Cabinet. Of course eves y party in some measure leans in different direc tions, for it has its extremes as well as its centre. There is a very wide divergence between the Con servatism of Mr. Newdegate and the Conservatism of Mr. Disraeli. But there is no difference of the kind that embarrasses the leader of a party. Lord Derby can reckon on the votes and adherence of the Conservative party as confidently as Count Walew ski can reckon on the support of a majority of the French Chamber. But the Liberal party is split up by a divergence of opinion that enters too deeply into every department of thought to be easily overridden by the pressure of party ties. One section of the Liberals is quite satisfied with the present machinery of government, and the present constitution of the governing classes. It confines its attention solely to measures, and is content with the position of a Liberal Ministry which watches with languid indif ference while private members carry liberal mea sures through the House of Commons, and send them up to be decisively and instantaneously rejected by the House of Lords. It aims at keeping the general body of Liberals in decently good humour, and of appealing for public support by providing a competent body of men to carry on the business of the country. The other section of the Liberals looks at things in quite a different way. It aims at a change in the system of government, and a change in the composition of the governing classes. It is compara tively careless of the fate of particular measures, and careless even to irreverence of the claims of old public servants on the confidence of the nation. Its main desire is to infuse into Parliament that sympathy with the masses, that harmony with the wishes of the lower classes, which it calls liberal, and which its enemies call revolutionary. For a time both sections may go on well together, for each is reluctant to lose the countenance and support of the other ; and there is a large number of men who do not clearly know to which section they belong, and who are prudently waiting to find out which is the stronger, and then to declare that it is to this stronger section that they have always be longed. But no one can doubt that this divergence of Liberal opinion might easily show itself any day in a disruption of the Cabinet. No one believes that Lord Clarendon, or the Duke of Somerset, or Lord Stanley of Alderley would wish to see a Re form Bill carried if they did not think a Reform of some sort inevitable. The Cabinet appears to be agreed upon the Reform Bill that is to be proposed. But the real battle that is to be fought will be fought when the details of the bill furnish the field of conflict. Modifications will be proposed, and then, if the Government shows itself inclined to the side of the safe-going Whigs, it will alienate the more decided Liberals, and make them indisposed to fight as hard for the bill as its supporters must fight if it is to be carried. If, on the other hand, the Government lets it be seen that its sympathies are with the extreme Liberals, all the more timid members of their party will take the first opportunity to make the passing of the bill impossible. At such a crisis, the first condition of success, and even of safety, is that the Premier should have those mental and social gifts, that commanding influence, and that power of reconciling men of discordant opinions which enable a leader to keep his Cabinet in har mony, and his party at his command. Of these gifts, and this power, Lord Russell is perhaps more destitute than any Prime Minister who has held office for century. The resignation of Lord Rus sell is therefore only a matter of time, and probably of a very short time. Whether the Reform Bill suceeds or fails, Lord Russell's Premiership must come to an end. THE " SPECTATOR" ON MR. JOHN PARRY'S WED DING BREAKFAST.—That curious power of Mr. John Parry's over the lines of expression of his own face, by which he makes us believe, directly his enter tainment is over, that, though we have really seen only him, and him in a gentleman's ordinary even ing dress, we have nevertheless seen all sorts of different people as well—young ladies flirting, elderly ladies doing the polite, the respectable butler, the spoiled child, the vain, empty-headed coxcomb, and various other personages—is enough to startle the most uuspeculative of British spectatorsinto momen tary metaphysics. Is it that Mr. Parry has enough of Colonel and Mrs. Roseleaf, and Mrs. Jene (née (Gushington), and Mr. Olympus, and the butler, &c., in himself, to become a precisely similar charac ter by voluntarily accenting, as it were, some little drift of tendency in his own character ; or is it that all these numberless expressions of face represent merely the most superficial mannerisms of social convention—a variety of masks which almost any one could assume under a little' social pressure, without ceasing to be their own individual selves ? The latter can scarcely be the case, because Mr. Parry goes a good deal deeper than the mere ripple of conventional affectations. His face expresses almost every variety of self-love and amiability, from Mr. Jend's muddy and selfish vanity about his own songs and singing, to Mrs. Roseleaf's really amiable affectation of a hostess's flattery and rail lery. Yet there is something much more extraordi nary than mere acting in what Mr. Parry achieves. An actor who takes a set part has all the advantage of concentrating his mind on that part, as well as the advantage of appropriate dress and incident to remind him of the attitude of feeling he is expected, as far as he can, to assume. But Mr. Parry works with no help of this kind, and yet passes through as many transformations as Indus in the course of half an hour without putting off his swallow-tail coat, by the mere moulding power of his fancy over the lines of his own face. Of course the limits within which he works are narrow; he does not attempt to migrate into any character out of the world of ordi nary drawing-room experience. He does not change from comedy to tragedy. He always wears some va riety of the company face. But within these limits the changes he produces upon his own face are asto nishing, and, as we have said, go quite beyond the changes of conventional manner, covering changes of real individual temper and character. Mr. Jene, and Mr. Olympus, and Colonel Roseleaf are all quite different men, not merely men with a different crust of social manner upon them. Perhaps indeed his most delicate touches are touches indicating the different effect of conventional position on the character. Take, for instance, his hired musician in Mrs. Roseleaf's Evening Party, and his respectful butler who announces breakfast in the Wedding Breakfast. The same man, assuming the countenance of two characters so near each other in social position, might be supposed to be in danger of confusing the two. But in fact they are as different as Colonel • Roseleaf and his own butler. The hired musician, though working for hire, has a perfectly indepen dent air about him. He is all mechanical obedience to his superior, but there is no touch of obsequious ness in his face. What he expresses is the feeling of a professional drudge, for whom the music has lost all meaning. He is a monotony, a fatigued mono tony, producing a monotonous variety of sounds. He yawns freely as the evening goes on. He exe cutes his orders punctually like an operative, not with deference like a personal attendant. His ex pression is almost that of a prisoner turning a crank, except that there is also the energy of a man earn ing his bread. The butler, on the contrary, is all reverence and self-respect. As he enters the room his eyes are fixed on his master, and slightly turned up to express ceremonious waiting. Yet even here, where the main difference is due to a variety of social function, you will scarcely be able to conceive that the same man might, under different circum stances, have filled the two situations. There is too deference—the essence of the body -servant in the butler. You feel that in.undress he would probably be insolent, riotous, intemperate, an d vu l gar. Th e hired musician is, on the contrary, a respectable and trustworthy, though, of course uneducated, sort of person, who, though he can relish his glass of wine after fatiguing playing, and thinks a little of his sup per, yet has nothing riotous about him. Then with what wonderful delicacy Mr. Parry expresses the various phases of the same person's mind under different circumstances. In the " Evening Party" Mr. Jene was all muddy, dissatisfied vanity. He sang his little song—" words and music both my own"—in a sulky, eiacting mood, darting furious glances at the door as each new guest's announce ment interrupted the attention of the company. He grumbled morosely to himself when it was over. His face was all suffused with the secretion of his irritated self-love, and his clumsi ness exaggera t e d by the ungainlineAs of his enormous voracity for applause. As bridegroom he is still " like his ordi nary self,—like, but oh how different !" He is still a shade sulky at first, and asks Colonel Roseleaf how long they will be kept in the drawing-room before breakfast is ready, almost with his old rude moroseness. But there is a perceptible flutter of gratified vanity about him, and the bilious expres sion of face gradually gives way to a sort of moony and half-doubtful consciousness of success. In stead of glowering, there is a haze of smile strug gling for development on his reluctant countenance, like a doubtful sun behind a mist. He supposes " a man must do this sort of thing once in his life, though it's deuced awkward." His speech at the breakfast is a marvel of art. There oozes from him a sort of thick dreggy sentiment, such as you would expect from the author of " Would You Love Me, if You Knew Me?" in a state of half-satiated va nity. "There are some situations in life," he says, "to which a man feels himself wholly inadequate, and I am sure that if ever in my life I was in that situa tion it is this situation." What a vapid, infinitely clumsy egotism Mr. Parry gives to this beautiful sentence ! Mr. Jend's eyeglass is stuck awkwardly into his eye, and the brow contracted to keep it in, and yet the muddy face is thawing a little beneath the cheers of the guests and the sense of his own importance. Then he goes on to say that " When I feel myself the happy possessor of so much grace and beauty" —great cheering, amidst which the face of Mrs. Jene (nee Gushington) is suddenly seen from behind the wedding cake beaming with affected coyness, and the bouquet is thrust out with playful menace, and a gratified " Don't, you naughty man," towards the place in which her husband was the moment before standing—" when I feel myself, I say, the happy possessor of so much grace and beauty —I really am so much confused I scarcely know what I am saying and think that we are to brush on together through life,"—a sob from Mrs. Jend and the ladies—" I own that I am deeply moved. I know that there is many a cup between the slip and the lip, I mean many a lip between the cup and the slip—and really I am so confused that I will only thank you very heartily for th e . kind way in which you have drunk the health of my dear wife "—sobs—" my darling wife" —more sobs—" and myself—and conclude in the words of the poet—indeed I quite forget the exact words to which I referred"—here Mr. Jae sits down amidst rapturous cheering, looking almost got quite sunny for him, as if a very watery sun had SPORTING INTELLIGENCE• MANCHESTER BETTING-SATURDAY. LITEICPOOL STEEPLECHASE. 100 to 12 agst Cortolvin (taken) 10 to 1 agst L'Africaine (taken) 11 to 1 agst Laura (taken) 11 to 1 agst Alcibiade (taken) 20 to 1 agst Turnus gelding (taken) 25 to 1 agst Ibex (taken) 50 to 1 agst Thomastown (taken) TURF NEWS FROM NEWMARKET. Harper, 3 yrs, has gone into J. Perren's stable to lea work. J. Price has commenced building a training establish ment near Phantom Cottage. E. Sharp, being out of employment, is open to an en gagement ; his riding weight is Bst. W. Martin, having a quantity of stabling unoccupied, has advertised as public or private trdiner. The weather has been very severe during the week, effectually stopping training operations; but as trainers have been " hard at it" throughout the winter, scarcely having a check, they do not appear disposed to complain at a few days' rest, most of their horses being well and fit to run. STUD NEWS. CARACTACITS.—Tho subscription to this horse is full. At Neasham Paddocks, on February 27, Mr. Cook-son's Citron slipped a colt-foal by Buccaneer. At Hooton, onrebruary 22, Mr. Cookson's The Gem, a filly, by Polmoodie, will be put to Stockwell. At the Stud Farm, Enfield, Middlesex, on the 24th ult., Pomme de Terre, a colt by Diophantus, and will be put to him again. At Stanton, Sir H. Des Vceux's Flying Dutchman mare, a bay colt by Rataplan; Major Davidson's Tuberose, by Kingston, a bay filly, by King Tom. At Chilton Paddock's, Hungerford, on the 28th ult., Mr. F. L. Popham's Savoir Faire, a brown filly by Nutbourne, and will be put to the Star of the West. At Rufford Abbey, on the 23d ult., Columbine, a bay filly, by Skirmisher. On the 28th, Cincinnati, a chesnut colt by Parmesan. Both mares will be put to Parmesan. At Boythorpe, on the 14th ult., Rio, a filly by Rataplan, which died two days old, and will be put to him again. On the 24th, Actress, by Slane, a filly by Warlock, and will be put to Oxford. Mr. Whitworth's two mares, one by The Cure, and the other by Blight, have been put to Sir Colin, the former being barren to him last year, and the latter having a filly at her foot by The Marquis. At the Stud Farm, Croome, on the 27th ult., Maud, a brown filly by Tim Whiffler, and will be put to him again. On the Ist inst., Breaker, a brown filly by Tim Whiffler, and will be put to Umpire. At Park Paddocks, Newmarket, on the 28th ult., Donna de Lago, a chesnut filly by Citadel, and will be put to him again. Arrived to Citadel : Mr. Jones's Attraction - (bar ren), and his two-year-old filly by Newcastle, dam by Hermit. At Hurstbourne Park, Whitechurch, Hants, on the 12th ult., Typhoon, a • colt by Vengeance, and has been served by him again. On the 22nd, Cachuza, a by Trumpeter, and will be put to Vengeance. On the 24th, Contraction, a filly by Vengeance. At Fairfield Stud Farm, on the 28th ult., the Hon. G. Fitzwilliam's Polly, a chesnut filly by Buccaneer, and will be put to Blair Athol. Arrived to Blair Athol: Mr. Cameron's Mainbrace (dam of Fisherman), and Mr. M. Dawson's - Lady Roden (Liddington's dam). MOORLAND'S STUD FARM.—Arrived to Lord Clifden ; Mr. Hewett's Polianthus, Mr. Plummer's Sweet Hawthorn, Mr. Williamson's mare by Merry Andrew (with a bay filly by The Marquis), and Auld Acquaintance. To Ben Web ster : Mr. Ward's Bessy, by Van Tromp. STUD NEWS FROM FRANCE. On the 22d ult. Mr. T. Carter's Anxiety, a colt by Mus covite ; on the 24th, his ,IsTioe, a colt by Muscovite ; on the 26th, his Lily of the Valley, a colt by Tumbler. M. de Montgomery's Amazon and M. Schicklor's Na tivity have arrived at the Haras de Fay to be put to The Flying Dutchman. DURHAM RACES. —On Tuesday next the three following stakes will close and name for this vastly improving nor thern meeting : —The North Durham Handicap, with 50 sovs added, one mile and a quarter; the Italy Stakes (Han dicap), with 50 added, one mile ; and the Wynyard Plate Handicap) of 30 sovs, T.Y.C. YORK SPRING RACES.—The Flying Dutchman's Handi cap, the Knavesmire Plate, and the Londesborough Cup, to each of which 100 sovs are added, and the Craven Stakes close and name on Tuesday next. LINCOLN STEEPLECHASE.—We are glad to hear that Mr. Wilmott, who was so severely injured whilst riding in the above race last week, is progressing very favourably, and his friends hope ere long to see him out again. MATCH.—At New Buckenhain Steeplechases, on Thurs day, March 15, a match for 100 sovs, p.p., will take place between Mr. F. Grimmer's bay mare Countess and Mr. S. Leney's black horse Sultan. Many of the habitues of the Newmarket - meetings will, doubtless, have some recollection of an assistant servant of the Jockey Club, named Ruse. We regret to state that he was killed yesterday (Friday) through jumping down a well in a fit of delirium. _ _ Aylesbury Aristocratic Steeplechases will take place on Wednesday and Thursday, March 21 and 22. FORFEIT LIST.—The forfeits of the following horses have been paid :—Corsica (to qualify), Desiree, Gussie, Motley, Nine of Diamonds, Suspicion, Oscar, by Now minster (to qualify). Steeplechase Forfeit List; Sinite (to qualify). It is in contemplation to erect a new race stand at Lei cester, upon the most approved modern principle. The work will be undertaken by the corporation, who will lease the stand to the committee. Mr. Stanhope Hawkes' chesnut colt by Stockwell out of Midsummer, 3 yrs, engaged in the Derby and St. Leger, has arrived at Mr. John Scott's stables, Whitewall House, to be trained for his engagements. MANCHESTER SUMMER MEETING.—The Chesterfield Handicap, the Trafford Park Stakes, the Wilton Handicap, and the Nursery Handicap close on March 13. GAINSBOROUGH.—This meeting, which gave rise to so much scandal a year or two since, is to be held this year under new management, and is, therefore, likely to be well supported. LOUTH, LINCOLNSHIRE.—This old established cross coun try meeting, which was abandoned last year, is being re suscitated, and will be held during the forthcoming spring. YORK STEEPLE CHASES.—The Great Yorkshire Handi cap of 5 sous each, with 100 added, closes on the 15th inst., the day after Doncaster races. THE ACCIDENT AT THE FITZWILLLIM LIUT STEEPLE S OF THE OA.: Winner. Bridget T eetotum Faith Ceres Maid of tho Oaks Stella Trifle Perdita filly Annette Nightshade . Tag Hyppolita Portia Violante Coelia ffermione Platina Parasote Nike Bellissima Bellina Ephemera Eleanor Scotia T heophania Pelisse Meteora Bronze Briseis Morel s Maid of Orle an Oriana Sorcery Manuella Music Medora Minuette Landscape Neva Corinne S hoveller Caroline Augu5ta......,.,,, Pastille Zinc... Cobweb Wings.. Lilian Gulnare Turquoise Green Mantle Variation Oxygen Galata Vespa Pussy QR. of Trumps 9_yprian Miss Letty Industry Deception Crucifix Ghuz nee Our Nell Poison The Princess Refraction Mendicant Miami Cymbo, Lady Evelyn likedycina Iris Songstress Oath. Hayes Mincemeat Marchioness Mincepie Blink Bonny Governess Summerside Butterfly Brown Duchess Feu de Joie Queen Bertha Fine de l'Air ;Regalia through the mist for a moment. And then Mr. Parry suddenly changes into the bachelors friend, Mr. Olympus— a h eavy, c l ass i ca l- a ll us i on ist gentle man of ponderous jocosity—who looks sternly over tortoiseshell spectacles at the bridesmaids .whose health he proposes—b eg i ns w ith " The ancien t Greeks," goes on w ith th e V es t a l Vi rg i ns , quotes his " humorous friend Homer," reflects on the disad vantage of shaving y oung ladies' heads, apropos of the supposed custom of the Vestal Virgins , hurls—with that grave energy which precludes the idea of anythin g more th an oratory--he avy compliments straight at the eight bridesmaids' sa teen eyes, and ends, after a long pause, with an emphatic and even earnest enunciation of the plir" pose, " I shall now sit down." The manly decision of this last resol ve , th e fi rmness w i t h w hich it is in stantly carried into executi on , th e s t r ongly gia rk , e divisions of his sente nces , an d th e s t ea dy, thorougir going way which Mr. Olympus goes through all 11 ? classical allusions, jokes, and compliments, are 311 1 striking contrast t o the espgglerie and flutter o emotion which otherwise marks the whole occasion: Mr. John Parry can tra ns f orm hi mse lf a t a moment: notice from the deli ca t e , curve tti ng , cons cious Amy/ i▪ nto the strong, stout cob. THE ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES" ON EMOPE FRIENDS O F AMERICA.—It was per tinently an d forcibly asked by a great Refo rm er of a Pe°P e i▪ n the olden time—" Am I, therefore, becoule ta your enemy becau se I tell you the truth?" Wi equal force and pertinence, it may be asked now —ls, therefore, the friend of America of noes: say the enemy of E uro p e ? Certainly not. But here the othe r i nqu i ry naturally arises—Ai'" are the friends of America in Europe ? There iS but one answer to this question—The friends 01 America are they who tell the truth about her. Am erica ought not to recogn i se an y o thers as h er friends, either at home or abroad. In other dais she had these friends in Europe, whose faithful Pre dictions have been more than verified by the sable" quent events of history. In more recent tune Si. America has found oth er f r i en d s i n E ur ope, frier who have told the truth a b ou t h er , through goo report and through evil report ; and how tril ir ni ; phantly are their propheci es b e i ng f u lfilled ! A claim Richard Cobden, an d J o h n B r ight, an Thomas Bayley Potter, and Sir Morton Pe t t and Edward Baines, and P. A. Taylor, and me of like character, as f r i en d s o f A mer i ca , b e cause th e r i have done no more a n d no l ess th an tell the truth about her, in plai n E ng li s h. F or th e same rea son we honour Laboulye and Gasparin, in Fran Kossuth, in Hungary, Ga r ib a ldi, i n Italy, an, men of a kindred spirit i n G erman y, Switzerlano , and other parts of Europe. Professors Cairn and Newman, and Smith, Re veren ds Hall, 3 „,% Noel, and Guthrie, and o th er goo d men, r",,, friends of America, becau se , i n re p r esenting position, they have told the truth. In doing great work are all these men, enemi es of the eney; of Europe ? Again we replyi—certainly 110 : The high-minded and well-informed man every() where must see that the growth of America true greatness is but the transplanting and expans,! e t i ° , sound European principles on the American td° l3 „ o ne . nt. The original founders of America sPrti directly from- England. They drank their firs draughts of liberty from English fountains ; draugh ts that lost none of their strength by a wintry voya Al g of three thousand mile s in the cabin of the Flower, and by being replenished from the st ici broader and deeper spring s of lif e i n th e New W°D t ; Americans do not ask their friends in Europe flatter America. They well k n ow that het!.,o country has had her faults, and has them still. 11 , would not dissemble about the m , nor have th em cloaked. Let the truth be told of America just it is, for that alone will stand the test of ages.. any of the men we have named in this article should visit America—some of them, we are haPPI to say, have done so—th e y wou ld see much there to condemn. But no i n t e lli gen t or ca ndid Ame r ; , can would on that ac c o un t regar d them as t„ enemies of his country. Neither would he regaw the American who told the truth about Europe, rut they the enemy of Ame r i ca . By the same r they who commend that which is commendable!: America are by no means to be regarded as th e . enemies of Europe. On the co n t r a r y, they are , only real friends of both countries. COUNTRY MARKETS. NORWICH—SATURDAY. and The supply of wheat was fair at this market to-dal , , i _ prices ruled about the same for all good and useful qut he ties. There was less barley offering than lately, _w h ile many demand still continuing free for malting purposes—w,,,, many samples changed hands for seed—an advance of fully 1s per qr was realised in some instances. (wWeighhitiengwh6esaltb)(74eBigshtinogs6o4slb;)n, new w os r t e o d s4 d s i Lold i r v e e d ig d il i fin tt g o e 601 b to 631 b), 42s to 47s ; bast malting barley weighll 521 b to 531 b), 34s to 36s ; runs ditto (weighing 511 to 621 ' n 32s to 345 ; distilling ditto (weighing bOlb to 521 b), 25 5 e.. , - 27s ; oats, 24s to 268 ; beans, 578 to 39s ; peas (maple) , '— to 38s per qr. Flour ) 33s per sack. NO T TINGHAM—SATURDAY. There was a fair supply o f w h ea t t o -d ay. We have ha d very wintry w ea th er t hi s week, which has been ben" c .td in checking ve ge t a ti on . Th e demand p ro ved steady, 8 " recent rates were m a i n t a i ne d . Of b arley there is not rug ol, showing, and sales were made steadily at rather Tu_ re . .. A money than last wee k. T he show of oats was limite d, and there was a good demand at extreme currencies. Br were in small s u ppl y, and very firm in pr i ce. Flou before. Old white wheat, 578 to 60s • old red, 50s to 53s ;„ o ,e: white, 57s to 58s ; new red, 46s to 50s per 36 stone. uld i aid, 30s to 35s ; new, 26s to 30s per 24 stone. Beans, old 50s to 52s ; new, 43s to 47s per 38 stone. YORK—SATURDAY. There was a tolerable attendance to-day, and the `hoer of wheat was moderate, some of the samples were re better condition. Sales were made rather slowlY , w ajj a s prices remained as heretofore. The supply of barleY,. t i e s meagre, and business proved firm. For the best qua'... l ds . extreme rates were made. No change in other ki': o3o For oats a very fair demand took place, and the Pr i o of last week were made without difficulty. There We re tolerable demand for beans, for which previous rates W well supported. ) 46 New white wheat, 46s to 52s ; new red, 450 to 480 Pe ding , stone. Barley, for malting, 36s to 40s. per qr. ; g rin fone• 308 to 32s pe r 30 s t one . O a t s, new, 24 s to 28 s per 24 6 Beans, new, 40s to 42s per 38 stone. LEIOESTER—SATURDAY. the The weather since last week has been very severe ! or e wheat plant is well reported of in this locality. We dap pretty well supplied with whe a t a t our corn m arket to - ee and the demand was moderate, the prices of last d for being gener a lly quoted. There was a slow dernao little barley, and the supply being small prices were ye* . c od, changed. For oats a healthy demand was experie a l s o and sales were effected at quite as much money readily previous at week, Beans were scantily shown, and so ld rea previous rates. 01 ,1 New white wheat, 50s to 525; new red, 44s to livw y3 s t• white, 55s to 56s ; old red, 50s t o 52 s per 36 stone. 300 ley, for malting, 36s to 38s per qr.; grinding, 278 t O O4 per 30 stone. Oats, old, 308 to 34s ; new, 24s to 290 Pl 3 OO , stone. Beans, old, 49s t o 51 s ; new, 4 28 to 4 4 s pe r 38 a' NEW STEAMSHIP FOR THE AMERICAN TRAT ) ; -.. ; The screw stea ms hip City of Paris is an ad dit ' °- to the fleet o f the Liverpool, New York, and Phila delphia Steamship Company (Inman line). rrhy ts, vessel, which co m bi nes a ll th e newes t i m proveint l o 3 and has been built by th e we ll-k nown builders - ",„ 1 and M‘Gregor, of Glasgow, has been constru e with a special view to speed and safety in the, ; riage of the U n it e d St a t es mails, and attain her run round from the Clyde a speed of W I Dv of 15 knots, or 17 statute m il es per hour. Sh e 00. troduces on the Atlantic Ocean the Ai:lloi l , ' o custom of steering from the forward part of testi ship, having also in reserve the customary s II - f s ,, a ru arrangements aft. She is 375 ft. long by 40ft. and stands at her load-line very high out Of ;ft. water, her hurricane deck being carried to 1 410 above it. She will sail on her first trip acro ss Atlantic on the 21st of March. Births. the '— FILMER—On the 2d inst., at 23, Torrington- 9 1 ° ' wife of John F. Filmer, Esq., of a daughter. the HINCILLIFF —On the 2d inst., at Pentlow Hall, 8 591 wife of Major C. H. Hinchliff, of a son. t, s or MARTINEAU—On the 2d inst., at South-road, Clap. park, the wife of D. Martineau, Esq., of a son. to VENN—On the 2d inst., at 5, Victoria-road, GipseY ll '" wife of John Venn, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. GUNNER—BERRY—On the Ist inst., at the paris h f the Islewortb, John Gunner, of Hounslow, second son of late Mr. Gunner, of M er t on , S urre y, t o Eliza, Y_, A1 1 : 50 %. daughter of Mr. James Berry, of Isfeworth, giu"' t tIPP ° HUGHES—SPAVIN— On the Ist inst., at St. Johns, to Lewisham-road, Mr. Edwin Hughes, of Croydoimoe Emily, third daughter of William Spavin, Es+, ° Manor, Hatcham, New Cross. BOURNE- On the 26th D ui e t. a t c ht „ of Stalmyne Hall, CHAMBERS —On the 2d S the wife of hi r. • inst., Susan Cornelius BoU°' I'l Chambers, 20, Clapham-road-place, aged 38. , I. CAssoN—On the Ist inst., at Biggleswado Bedfordshire_a T. Casson, Esq., late of her Majesty's' 14th Foal:, second son of the late Wm. Casson, Esq., of LeatufnV ' Warwickshire, aged 29. ot- MAYO—On the 2d inst., John Mayo, Esq., o f stoke -11 Guildford, Surrey, aged 80. A f a jort . MAJOR—On the 28th ult ,at Folkestone, 'Williams ..•• Esq., J.P„ aged 83. , If of* SCHOELL—On the 2d inst., at The Savoy, Gortrilue the infant daughter of the Rev. C. Schnell. _.-...,••• 01 5, London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN „No• 11 2 of No.- 112, Strand, Printer, at Tub SON 0 11 ' 0 ' ...t1 0 ' Strand, in the. Precinct of the Savoy. i n the Cc' w- Middlesex.—Monday, Alarch 5, MA T' keF. 4k Se to ne , f c , ssc ; itr et Dr o , hite°3, h 71 %Id 4 fro ] 111 .iral 111 jal th e to w f iet : 1 0 do tbe ' l li a 4 i l 1, 3 . 1 e 4144