The Sun. — London, England, 1866-02-26 00:00:00

THE PAPAL STATES. THE SEPTEMBER CONVENTION. The following is the text of Cardinal Antonelli's despatch to the Pontifical Nuncios abroad upon the September Convention : " Most Illustrious and Reverend Sir,—Your ex cellency is doubtless aware that the Convention concluded on the 15th September of last year (1864) between the French and Piedmontese Governments, and of which no communication was made to the Holy See until the afternoon of the 28th of the same month, has already commenced to be put into exe cution by the gradual withdrawal of the French troops to be completed within the course of next year. " The Government of the holy See, as it was foreign to the stipulations of that treaty, is in the sameposition with respect to its fulfilment. The con sequences, however, which it may have, greatly in terest the Pontifical Government, and it is there fore necessary that they should be clearly stated in order to rectify public opinion, which an unscru pulous press continually seeks to mislead on this point, as well as to remove every responsibility from the Holy See before the world. "After expressing at the Congress of Paris in 1856 the desire to see the Pontifical States evacuated by foreign troops, as soon as that could be done without danger to the tranquillity of the country, and the consolidation of the authority of the Holy See,' M. Drouyn de Lhuys in a despatch addressed on the 12th September, 1864, to the French Am bassador at Rome, expressed himself on the same subject as follows We were resolved not to abandon this post of honour until the object of the occupation had been attained.' Now, even if the idea of the realisation of such a condition entered into the motives of the present recall of the French army from the States of the Church, the Pontifical Government is bound to declare, although it has not been questioned on the subject, that such an idea is a vain deception and a fallacious hope. To whom, in fact, upon hearing of this recall at the pre sent juncture, would not the following questions occur ? Does the situation in which the Sovereign Pontiff is now left fulfil the object for which the dominions of the Holy See were occupied by foreign troops ? Was this the intention of the appeal made by the Pope himself to the Catholic Powers, and to which France, with filial affection, replied? Were these the strong reasons for which France herself, with the applause of the whole Catholic world, which will retain towards her an imperishable gra titude, determined to respond to that appeal ? Who would dare to place in the mouths of the valiant soldiers recalled to their country such absurd words as these We were at Rome in the name of Catholicity upon the appeal of the Pope, who called us to aid in recovering possession of his States. He is now despoiled of the greatest and best part of his provinces, and even for the little that remains to him he is threatened with similar spoliation by an inimical power surrounding him on all sides. There fore the object of our occupation is attained !' "The Minister above mentioned, with his well known penetration, could not but feel all the harsh ness of such a conclusion, and therefore, in his de spatch, endeavoured to justisfy his premises by va rious reflections, and to soften the crudeness of his argument by showing the efforts made by the Pied montese Government for the security of the Holy Father. It is necessary, therefore, for me to make some observations on both points. The considera tions entered into in the Minister's despatch com mence by recording how, at the beginning of 1859, the Holy Father himself proposed the evacuation of his states by foreign troops ; and that in 1860 this evacuation was fixed for the month of August, al though it could not subsequently be carried out, not from any objection raised by his Holiness, but from the occurrence of certain agitations. I certainly need not dwell long upon these observations, since theimmense disparity between present circumstances and the state of things existing at that time is clearly self-evident. In 1839 the Holy Father was not only in full and secure possession of his states, his fron tiers surrounded on all sides by friendly powers ; but had not then even a suspicion of the sacrilegious attempts of which he subsequently became the in nocent victim. It might then have been justly con sidered that the object of the occupation of the Pontifical States by foreign troops was attained.' The Holy Father, on the other hand, was induced to make the above-mentioned proposal not because he attached no value to the presence of the French troops in his states, or did not appreciate the impor tant services they had rendered him, and for which he has professed and will ever entertain the greatest gratitude, but solely from his desire to prevent the evils which he apprehended from its being said in high quarters that the ulterior stay of foreign troops in the States of the Church might give rise to an European war. In 1860, therefore, although already despoiled of the Romagna, he still remained in tranquil possession of the greater part of his states, with an army sufficient to maintain order and guard the frontier against irregular bands ; he had the eastern and western frontiers not only secured from enemies, but surrounded by friendly neighbours ; besides which the revolutionary Parliament had not expressed the sacrilegious wish to obtain, by one means or another, the city of Rome as the capital of the new kingdom, and consequently to annex the whole Pontifical State. Can this now be said? The testimony of facts absolves me from making a reply. " The other consideration brought forward by the above-mentioned Minister is that the occupation of Rome produces two inconveniences, one of which is that it constitutes a foreign intervention, the other that it places on the same ground two distinct sove reignties. As to the first case, I pass over the fact that the famous principle of non-intervention is not recognised by natural law, which in many cases enjoins an opposite course, nor by the positive law of Europe; while France herself shows, at least by acts, that intervention may take place when required by any reason, or when it is believed to be required. I will not dwell upon the solemn condemnation of this principle by the Sovereign Pontiff, supreme master of the principles of honesty and justice among Catholics, who in the allocution delivered in the consistory of Sept. 28, 1860, spoke in the fol lowing decisive terms We cannot abstain from deploring, among other evils; that fatal and perni cious principle styled non-intervention, which some Governments, with the toleration of others, have recently proclaimed, and even adopted in the case of the unjust aggression of one Government upon another, appearing to seek a pretext, contrary to every human and divine law, for an almost certain impunity and licence in attacking and violating the rights of others, their property and dominions, as we have seen has happened in these troublous times. And it is truly surprising that the Piedmontese Go vernment alone should be permitted to violate with im p un ity and disregard such a principle, when we see, with all Europe also for witnesses that it invades with its hostile battalions the dominions of others, driving out the legitimat e princes. Hence follows the perniciou s absurdityb. that the intervention of others can only admitted when it will excite a n d foster rebellion I l not, .' I say, d we ll upon t h ese and other similar co nsiderations. or I affirm only that whatever maybe thoughtht this pri nc i p l e i n i ts purely political sense, it cannot certainly be applied in the present case relative tothe St See. The very evident reason of th i s is the State s o d f erived l ly Holy from the interests at stake there and the persons who would intervene. The political independence of the Head of the Chur ch, necessaril y for the libertyoof only apos t o lic ministry, is a matter that does not appertain to Rome or its Sovereign, but intimately concerns all the Catholic states, and even the non- Catholic states having Catholic subjects. '.this therefore, in great part, a home question for all those powers ; and so much the more so since it affects the most delicate part of man —his conscience and religious relations. Now, who shall describe as foreign intervention the act o f intervening in a matter so closely connected even with the civil ordi nances of single states ? With respect, then, to persons, it is beyond question that all Catholics are sons of the common Father of the Faithful, and his subjects in the spiritual order. How, then, can it be said that the latter are foreign to the former, and that one should be inl•erdicted from going to the assistance of the other, when threatened on all sides and exposed to the danger of losing his indepen- dente ? With great reason, therefore, did x th o e v. same 2s, Minister, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, write, on 1862, to the Marquis de Cadore, charg,! (l'affaires of the Imperial Government inclined to the th princi ple al though, on one hand France of non-intervention, she recognised, on the other, that the question of the temporal power is such as not to resemble any other, and that the rules of that principle are not applicable to it ? And the very words of the same plenipotentiary at the Con gress of Paris, in reference to the other object of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, do not fail to record that one of the titles held in the highest esteem by the Sove reign of France is that of ' the Eldest Son of the Catholic Church,' and that far from feeling im peded by the principle of non-intervention from obeying the appeal of the Holy See, that title car ried with it the duty of affording aid and support to the Sovereign Pontiff. Hence it is easy to deduce the origin of the intervention referred to. And, in fact, it should be well understood that from the reason above cited the Roman Pontiff cannot be considered in the same relationship towards single states as that of a simply political prince, nor can his possessions be regarded in the same manner as the dominions of any other power. Thus it is not possible without a total confusion of ideas and a most serious disorder in the sphere of action to apply to the Pontiff and his temporal sovereignty the true or false principles that may be established as a rule of international conduct for lay States. The religi ous tie that connects the Sovereign Pontiff with every place inhabited by Catholics and identifies his tem poral sovereignty with the independence necessary for the fulfilment of his high ministry renders those relations very numerous and various, and all that relates to the conditions of his political existence becomes a matter of common and peculiar interest to each Power. " The second alleged inconvenience of two sove reignties placed upon the same ground is also diffi cult to comprehend. If the French troops are at Rome with the sole object of defending and uphold ing the temporal sovereignty of the Holy See, their presence, !so long as they confine themselves to that object, would rather imply the removal of the idea of two co-existing sovereignties. To protect the sovereignty of a prince, in fact, is equivalent to pro tecting the independent exercise of a supreme power, and to protect the independent exercise of a supreme power excludes the presence of any other distinct sovereignty. Hence, far from viewing the nature of things as in opposition to the goodwill of persons, it even seems that this goodwill finds in the nature of things the rules for regulating their conduct. By following this very clear and natural rule the conflicts of jurisdiction, of which the des patch speaks, are rendered impossible unless by these are to be understood certain small incompati bilities in practical application, unpleasant it is true, but almost inevitable with foreign or mixed garrisons, and which every experienced commander can properly estimate and easily remove. Thus disappears every intrinsic reason of antagonism be tween the duty which the minister justly assigns to the generals of using the greatest vigilance for the security of their army, and their duty as repre sentatives of the Pontifical authority, of zealously maintaining in the acts of internal administration the independence and dignity of the supreme power. Among objects so distinct it cannot be perceived how, through their intrinsic character, they should clash with each other. Such objects, in fact, are not only distinct, but are capable of being reconciled with each other in a very high degree. Nothing can be nearer to the wishes of the represen tatives of the Pontifical authority than the security of the army whose duty it is to protect that autho rity. And nothing can be more agreeable to the generals in command than to see jealously main tained in the interior administration of the country the independence of the territorial Government, which, with their army, they have the care of pro tecting. The nature of things cannot therefore be called to account for any serious conflict of jurisdic tion, and eulogistic mention might here be made of periods and persons equally free from any such con flicts. If sometimes from the motive mentioned above remonstrances or complaints have been made it is very certain that the Imperial Government would not reproach the Pontifical representatives with being zealous in the discharge of their duty, which is to maintain intact the independence of their own Prince in the acts relative to his sovereign authority. " Finally, M. Drouyn de Lhuys enumerates among the sources of inconvenience arising from the occupation of Rome the difference between the po licy of the two Governments, neither following the same inspirations nor the same principles. The Mi nister does nut particularise, and I cannot, there fore, see in this vague generality what inspirations are alluded to. Wishing, however, to remove any misunderstanding on this head, I shall observe that if allusion is made to merely governmental regula tions and their application, every country and every State has its peculiar requirements relative to cus toms, habits, and circumstances, and of these the local governing power must be the best judge. Nor can the diversity of such rules of governmeutamong other nations afford ground for censure, since, from the difference in the subject, prudence requires that the action of the governing power should vary ac cordingly. Besides, when the appeal of the Sovereign Pontiff was generously responded to, the nature of the Pontifical Government was not unknown, and M. Drouyn de Lhuys has himself recognised that if it had its codes and its particular law, this arose from its very nature. And that this is such as not to have opposed, but always protected and propa gated true civilisation and real progress, is evidently proved by history. On the other hand, its rules may well be said to be not for the present day alone, but for all time, and they are certainly not rejected by truly Catholic consciences. If in alluding to the fundamental principles of social order, these should signify liberty of conscience, liberty of public wor ship, and the like, usually comprehended in what is termed the new law, the Holy See has several times expressed its reprobation of those principles in an absolute sense, and as a rule of natural justice. If among them there is any that might be tolerated, such a course can only be adopted as a measure dic tated by local and personal necessities of govern ments which, in order to avoid greater evils, are constrained to constitute their civil organisation and legislation according to a system of ideas which, if it may not correspond to the order of perfect social harmony intended by God, is nevertheless the best suited to the peculiar circumstances in which a given people or nation may be placed. I cannot be lieve that the Minister intended to speak of such principles in pointing out the divergence of views between the two Governments, it being the duty of every good Catholic to submit his own intellect in those matters to the decision of him whom God him self has given to the nations as guide and master, not only in all that appertains to faith, but also in all that concerns morality and justice. I do not dwell further upon such a point, since it should be placed beyond controversy. And this will suffice with respect to the considerations enumerated inthe despatch in question. I now proceed to speak of the efforts stated to have been taken to secure the sovereignty of the Holy See, in view of the pro jected evacuation of the French troops. "In order not to digress too much from the principal point, I am here compelled to omit many things. And in general I omit all that refers in the despatch quoted to the happy change in the disposition of the Piedmontese Government towards Rome, and the adoption of a policy towards the Holy See more in accordance with international duties. The facts that have oc curred up to the most recent date furnish reliable data to form a judgment upon this point. But, however this may be, it is certain that the Holy See will find itself abandoned after having been reduced to an almost total deficiency of internal means and exposed to a conti nua l menace of peril from ' without which renders the def ence of the remaining t err it ory very t d e i r ffi i o c r u difficult s n o d b u s e n :y e e r d t a b i n y . all And i t t h h e p r respect csea t t o t ein - posses sions of the Holy See form a disproportionatewhole without correspondence of parts. A great capital like Rome, deprived of its best and richest pro vinces, suggests the idea of a head withut a body, or with a pigmy body, whose vital organs only serve for a very imperfect nourishment and laboured re- spiration. This fatal dismemberment cannot but very greatly embarrass the regular action of the Government;since without taking into account other inconveniences of no slight importance there are two very serious ones of which special mention must be made. " In the first place, a most serious disorder is caused in the public Treasury, since, besides the difficulties neces sarily arising from the diminution of the revenue, there aro the heavy expenses which the Pontifical Government has to support for the maintenance of the whole employjs, and which were formerly borne by the whole Pontifical State. Notwithstanding, also, the cessation of the revenues de rived from the usurped provinces, there remains at the charge of the Holy See, not only the stipends of a not in coasiderable number of public servants who remained faithful to the Pontifical Government in those provinces, but also the whole public debt to the payment of which all the States of the Holy See formerly contributed. " It is true that St. Peter's pence and the Catholic loan have hitherto been the means by which the Holy See has been providentially enabled to meet its obligations ; but it is also true that this means, besides not always correspond ing to the necessity, is precarious and uncertain, and can in no way be considered normal. Further, loans cannot always bo obtained, and these in any case only render the financial situation more serious on account of the interest that must inevitably be paid. " The other serious evil occasioned by the loss of the invaded provinces is the great difficulty for the Pontifical Government to obtain a proper garrison . of native militia, which cannot certainly be furnished by the small portion of territory remaining to the Holy See. It might, it is true repair this evil by the enlistment of foreign troops, this being the right of every Government, and above all of the Sovereign Pontiff, of whom all the nations are children in Christ ; but, however clear this right may be, the distress already pointed out, and the difficulties of Pontifical finance, clearly define the limits of its possible exercise. " To what:perils, therefore, would not a state be exposed by what it expects from without when reduced to such dis tress at home, and so poor in the means of defence. The Holy See finds itself almost enclosed in a circle of iron, and barred so to speak from every part of the possessions usurped by the very Government, which not only by fomenting and sustaining rebellion, and by armed and violent invasion, has reduced it to such a miserable condition, but has, be sides, declared by a solemn act before all the world its wish to consummate its usurpation by possessing itself of the holy place where the venerated successor of St. Peter has sat and reigned for centuries. The sacrilegious wish is not only not retracted by the convention above mentioned, but even after its conclusion the representatives of that Government have publicly declared, verbally and in writ ing, that the desire still exists and endures. Now, even ad mitting the hypothesis that, from some reason, no fresh armed invasion takes place (which it would certainly be impossible for us to resist), it is not credible that the wish already mentioned, so strongly expreseed and so persis tently maintained, should remain inoperative. And indeed if only the calumnious assertions insinuated by the Pied montese plenipotentiary in the Congress of Paris relative to the administration of the Romagna were the germ of the revolt which three years afterwards imposed itself upon the majority of the good Catholics, it is certainly not unreason able to maintain that a wish discussed, emitted, and sanc tioned, with so much solemnity in a public Parliament, will be a perpetual fomenter of revolution and a continual me nace against the tranquillity of the country. " Its supporters have already declared that they intend to carry out their intention by moral means, and it is not necessary to explain at length what such means may be under the interpretation of that Government. Certainly by such moral means must be understood those adopted on another occasion to the prejudice of the Holy See by a per son from whom, having been invested by the Piedmonteso Government with a certain representative character, the Holy See should have expected anything but treason. As means of this kind must be esteemed those put into opera tion by the Piedmontese Government in secretly promot ing and protecting the expedition directed against Sicily, assuming before diplomacy to know nothing about it, and oven to wish to prevent it. Among the means of this nature are to be enumerated those adopted by General Fanti, when he allowed bands of revolutionists to penetrate into Umbria and the Marches, whose object was to attempt a rising in the towns into which they intro duced themselves, and when the same general afterwards intimated to the Pontifical general that he should consider himself at liberty to enter the States of the Church with his army if the national demonstrations were repressed by force. None can prevent the adoption of these and other similar means by the Turin Government, which expressly reserves to itself this right. It will not certainly cost it any great effort to procure the entry at ono point or another of the frontier of scattered bands, arms, and money, while at the same time protesting or making show of opposition. Netiher can the Pontifical Government establish a largo and efficient cordon along the frontier of the territory re maining to it, since, as above stated, it has but a very small militia at its disposal. And even without that, will it be very difficult for the emissaries of an unfriendly Govern- I ment to excite popular demonstrations in any particular town subject to the Pontiff, either by intimidation, intrigue, seduction, or gold ? How shall the Government of the Holy See art in such a case ? Shall it allow them to pro ceed with impunity ? Moral force, it will be said, has pro nouncea against the temporal sovereignty of the Holy See. Shall it energetically repress them ? The pretext will then b 3 advanced that a Government which cannot subsist otherwise than by the continual use of material force, is irreconcilable with modern civilisation. The fable of the wolf and the lamb is familiar enough, and may be instruc tive even in the present case. " With regard, however, to the recall in question, it will therefore happen that the Pontifical; State, in the position to which it has been now reduced by Piedmontese usurpations, will be subjected to continual annoyances from the enemy which keeps it continually surrounded by snares and perturbations; and the little army of the Holy See will have no other task than that of vainly hurrying here and there to repel bands of invaders, which will speedily find a refuge in the territory of the enemy until the moment arrives for a grand irruption by the regular army, which, in the long run, will certainly find some shameless pretext for repeating the iniquitous mas sacre already perpetrated at Castelfidardo. And even if generous and magnanimous France should afterwards de clare herself ready to take up arms in order to wrest from Piedmont her prey, that would not prevent the Pontiff, his Government, and faithful subjects, from being subjected, during tho interval preceding such an expedition, to an in calculable amount of trouble and injury. Moreover, let us even suppose that the hostile Government should have re nounced, for some reason, not only the use of force against the Pontifical State, but also that of the various plans adopted in order to cause revolts, should we be safe, even then ? No ; certainly not ; because in almost every pro vince subject to the usurpation of Piedmont there exists a party, which, in these days, styles itself the Party of Ac tion, and which, professing views of the extremest revolu- tionary character, is very serviceable to that strange class of pseudo-Conservatives who likewise seek for revolution, but on a moderato scale. Those, owing to their violent character and impatient aspirations, will certainly bo un able to keep quiet, the more especially as the so-called na tional will, alluded to above, acts as a sharp spur to their flanks, and as a strong blast to their inflamed cupidity. Now, if this party can hardly, and only with great diffi culty, be kept down in states which dispose of colossal powers, what will it be if once it bursts into the feeble States of the Church ? It would, then, be a difficult matter to prevent this party from raising serious tumults in one place or another, wherever there is most chance of success, and then the King of Piedmont will believe him self authorised to intervene, under the pretext of defend ing the Holy Father and restoring order and public tran quillity. Thus will he achieve his iniquitous purpose Another pretext for probable intervention may be the fol lowing:- Bands of marauders—the actual consequence of the reaction excited by the violent annexation of the neigh bouring kingdom of Naples —are continually molesting the Pontifical frontiers. The repression of such bands has already cost the Government of the Holy See sacrifices of no light nature in any respect, and has given occasion for frequent territorial violations on the part of the Piedmon tese troops—and that, notwithstanding the presence of the French army and the disapprobation of its leaders. It is evident how much such violations must necessarily increase , both in frequency and extension, after th e d e p ar t ure o f the French troops, particularly if special regard be had to tho scantiness of the Pontifical army—hardly sufficient for in- ternal security—and these violations will give rise to many conflicts and complaints, and we well know what solution, in such a contest, would be brought about by a prodigi ously stronger power having to deal with a feeble antago nist. " Lastly, let us suppose that the Government above mentioned should no longer make use of arms, rebellious intrigues, or pretexts for intervention. Indeed, we think it probable that, at least at first, it will try to make a dis- play of moderation and to maintain the appearance of be ing a good neighbour. But what of that ? Those ac- quainted with the plot have not hesitated to prescribe, themselves, the tactics to be followed—and that oven in writing. What they say is :—lt is not wo who should go to Rome, but Rome which must come to us by doing aw a y . . with the Pontifical Government. Such an object must be achievcd, not by disturbing material tranquillity, but by working with a view to cause the dismemberment of the country by opposing obstacles to the regulation of the fin- ances, the administration, and the exercise of justice, and by enticing the soldiers to desertion by . means of promises and bribes. Sundry persons have already sold themselves to this base trade, and receive monthly stipends from the instigators and abettors of such sacrilegious stratagems. Against such snares and perfidious machinations the Pon tifical Government has to struggle alone and almost un- armed. It will do all in its power to defeat the iniquitous plots levelled against it; but if success bo wanting in so difficult an undertaking, with whom will lie the fault? With the Pontifical Government, which was unable to perform prodigies, or with those who, step by step, have reduced it to such extremities ? "We very well understand the arts which will be used to cast upon tho Pontifical Government itself the imputa- THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 26, 1866. tion of the consequences, even more terrible than some imagine,which may arise from so violent a state of things. It will be said that the Holy Father ought to condescend to friendly compromises with the so-called Italian Govern ment. But what other compromise is possible with one who intends to despoil us than that of yielding up to him our all ? And the vanity of such a hope was fully proved by a very recent occurrence, upon which many were eager to base an imaginary future. The Holy Father, by an act of generosity truly worthy of the character of the Pontiff, sought to bring about some purely religious act of accord in order to relieve the burdened Catholic Church. The success which attended the Pontifical invitation is well known ; every way to a reasonable arrangement was found to be closed. Nor is this to be wondered at considering the counsels prevalent with the Government ; for is it to be expected that those who, in Turin, had revolution for a guide, will, in Florence, lower their banner ? It is of especial importance to the revolutionary party to destroy the social life of Catholicism, nor will they rest until they witness the overthrow of that temporal dominion which forms a bulwark and barrier against revolution. Another artifice will bo used towards the Holy See in order to throw upon the latter the blame of all that may occur and has already commenced to be foreshadowed in the public press. One measure after another of reform will succes sively be demanded on behalf of the inhabitants of the now microscopically small territory remaining to the Holy See, and by this means the temporal authority of the Supremo Pontiff will be reduced to a mere name, and Rome will become, if not the seat, at least the property of the Piedmontese Government. And be cause the Pontiff will have to firmly reject such propo sitions of reform—especially considering the object to wards which they tend—cries will be raised of obstinacy and shortsightedness, and such refusals will be said to have produced any misfortunes that may ensue. These arts are not new, and have already been used with some success on former occasions. They promise a favourable result in one of two ways. Either the Supreme Pontiff, it is argued, will yield to the pressure brought to bear in the matter, and will then lose the rest of his states, if not osten sibly, at least in reality ; or else he will resist, and thereby afford a pretext for despoiling him by another way, namely, by simply casting upon him the responsibility of all sub sequent events. This exposition of the dangers and intrigues by which the Holy Father is surrounded, without any available means of defence, cannot but place Europe and the world in a position to estimate the real state of things, and to do justice to the Holy See by acknowledging it to be exempt from responsibility in all future events whatsoever. The present moment is a very critical one with regard to the security and independence of the Holy See—even more so than in 1848. At that time the sovereignty of the Supreme Pontiff was attacked by a faction not numerous in It aly, and discountenanced by every leading Government, and the results of that aggression are known. Now, however, there are persons even among the ruling powers who unite with the agitating factions, and strive by every means to achieve the same end. Can it bo supposed that these machinations will not succeed, or that the Pontiff is now possessed of more valid moans of opposing them than before? "From the above remarks your excellency will easily bo enabled to perceive, in a more definite manner, the nature and serious extent of the perils to which the Holy Father will be exposed after the departure of the French troops from Rome. I have made this exposition somewhat ex tended, in order that it may serve your excellency for guidance in any conversations which you may hold relative to the manner in which the departure of the French troops will affect the Holy See, and in order that your excellency may not be led to believe that the Holy Father himself is deceived with regard to the real intentions of his enemies, " The Sovereign Pontiff will meet the dangers which threaten him with that tranquillity arising from the con sciousness of not having provoked them ; but if, despite every possible effort on his part, he is not successful in obviating the deplorable consequences which may ensue, it is perfectly clear that he is the last person in the world to whom blame can attach. " With this declaration, I bog to confirm to your excel lency the sentiments of my most distinguished esteem, " Cardinal G. ANTONELLI. " Rome, Nov. 18, 1865. " P.S.—The telegraph has just brought mo the text of the speech by which the King of Piedmont yesterday inau gurated the new Parliament at Florence, and the speech itself is more than sufficient to enable one to perceive the real intentions of that Government." The Silver Mines of Nevada. Beyond a passing notice cc a stray paragraph taken from some American newspaper, the English public have learnt little from tho p ress , an d necessarily not much from any other source of the surprising wealth of the re cently discovered silver region of the State of Nevada; and yet this district which was unsettled and almost unknown five short years ago, and is yet in an undeveloped state, has added to the wealth of the world more than £20,000,000 worth of silver, and is now exporting annually an amount of bar silver equal in value to that produced by all the other silver mines in the world. Surprising as this statement may appear, a comparison of the mining statistics wil prove its correctness. The news of the discovery of gold in California created an excitement which reached every obscure village in Europe, while the tidings that certain parts of Australia were auriferous induced tens of thou sands to undertake a long and perilous voyage to a coun try then scarcely known; but Nevada, which is already eclipsing in mining value both these great gold-producing countries, has grown rapidly but silently, and almost un consciously, into a position of so great importance that her fame cannot much longer be hushed. Perhaps it was that the roar of battle and the clash of arms in the conflicts of the two great contending armies so riveted the attention and deafened our ears that we did not care to learn of the important though bloodless victories which a few hundred miningpioneers were achieving in their contest with nature in the western wilderness. The argentiferous region of Ne vada is a great rocky desert stretching from the fertile valleys and plains of California to the grassy prairies which ter minate in Utah. On the desolate mountains and parched plains of this district is found no green thing to delight the eye except the monotonous grey sage bush and the stunted pine. Hero Nature would seem to have erected a barrier to man's further westward progress. On every side are plain evidences of volcanic convulsions, salt de posits in the crevices of rocks, croppings of granite, with admixture of sulphur, and in some parts warm springs. The "Great Salt Lake," on which the Mormons have chosen to locate their " Promised Land," is perhaps the most easterly indication of this extensive volcanic region, and there is every reason to believe that the whole terri tory abounds in silver, gold, and copper ore. The subject of this article is, however, the argentiferous part of Nevada, which extends from the eastern slope of the "Sierra Nevadas " to the last of the parallel ranges of mountains that run from north to south, intersecting the western part of the state, and which are known as the Toiyabe range, and stretching from 36 deg. to 41 deg. north lati tude. This region, which a few years ago was known only to the intrepid hunter as the refuge of the grizzly bear, and was from its sterility and want of game even avoided by the nomadic aborigines, exported in tho year 1864 no less than 830,000,000, or £6,000,000 worth of silver, while in the year 1865 the returns will show, it is expected, much in excess of the previous year. These re sults have been obtained almost without the aid of any capital or labor, except what could be drawn from the adjacent prosperous State of California; and, though more latterly, since the close of the war, the bankers and the capitalists of New York and other eastern cities have in vested largely, thus enabling the miners to obtain im proved machinery, yet this movement is so recent that the result is scarcely seen in the present returns, but will be unmistakably shown in those of the next and following years. Villages, towns, and cities have sprung up as if by magic, and order is as firmly established and law as much respected as in the older settled States of the At lantic seaboard. This mining territory embraces the "Washoe" or Virginia District on the west, containing the first discovered and most thoroughly developed mines, among which is "the Gould and Curry," that has already produced £3,500,000 of silver; the "Reese River District," on the east, which has narrower but richer veins or lodes than the Washoe, but has not been fully prospected ; the " Great Basin District," to the south, and the "Humboldt" to the north of the Reese River, of which district they are, in fact, continuations, but show wider veins. There are also an innumerable number of other small districts of rapidly increasing importance. In the Washes District the silver is generally found in a native metallic state, granulated in quartz, while in the eastern districts the vein rock above water level shows stronger evidences of vol canic agencies, and contain oxides and carbonots of the base metals, with chlorides, bromides, and iodides of silver, generally known as "chloride ores," while below water level are found rich sulphuretted silver ores (antimonial and arsenical), the general term for which is "ruby ores;" both are easily reducible by crushing, roasting, and amal gamating, and the silver obtained is of remarkable purity. Owing to the difficulties of transit on the mountainous roads, and from the fact that the Washoe District is only about 200 :miles from Sacramento, the capital of California, whence tools and machinery must be obtained, while Reese River and branches are about 400 miles from this centre, Vao cost per ton for mining and re ducing ores at Washes is only about £5, while in the eastern districts it reaches £8 to £lO. The moans of com munication are, however, improving, and it is expected that the western arm of the Pacific Railroad, which is to unite the towns of Eastern Nevada with San Francisco, will be finished during the present year, while a few years more years will witness the completion of the eastern arm of this railroad, and will place the mining districts of the west within five days of the Atlantic seaboard. At the present the carriage of silver bars from the mines and of machinery to the mines in eastern Nevada amounts to about five pence per lb., a sum which, though insignificant when compared with the value of the silver bars, is often suffi cient to double the cost of machinery. A favourable fea ture is that the roads by which the silver is transmitted are so safe that bars for San Francisco can be insured for a half per cent. Agents of San Francisco bullion dealers are also always ready to purchase at the mines. It is well to bear in mind that the cost of working the ores is steadily diminishing as improved methods are adopted and more mills are put into operation. Twelve months ago Reese River ores that did not yield $BO to the ton could not be worked at a profit, but now ores that promise $5O per ton are sent to the mill for reduction, while the ore that is estimated to be below this return is carefully stored for future working, when labor transit and :machinery shall be cheaper. It is supposed that at the present time not more than two-thirds of the silver is extracted by the process in general use, and so well is this now understood that several cargoes of the richest ores have been sent to San Francisco, and have there been shipped for reduction to Swansea, South Wales. It is stated that most of the ores worked at the celebrated silver mines of Freiberg, in Saxony, usually considered the richest in Europe, are inferior to the Nevada ores that are stored as unfit for milling. Much of the ore mined is of surprising richness, specimen tons assaying in some cases $3,000 to $5,000, but the average of the richest and best paying mines of Washoe does not exceed $65 per ton, and those of Reese River about $l5O per ton. At these returns very satisfactory results are obtained. Perhaps a few figures, which will show the result. of the workings of a few mines, may be of interest. In the year 1864 the " Gould and Curry" reduced 65,000 tons, which yielded $4,898,000 ; the " Orphir " 1,800 tons, which yielded $1,012,365 ; the " Empire " 25,000 tons, and $1,043,720, the average yield per ton was $65 ; the average cat of working these Washoe mines was about $2O per ton. The average cost of working the following mines, which are in the eastern part of the State, was from $4O to $BO per ton; the "Little California," in the eight months ending July, 1865, crushed 693 tons, worth $159,630, or an average of $230 per ton ; in 1864 the " Oregon " crushed 1,500 tons at an average of $2OO per ton; the "Midas' averaged $230 per ton ; the "Custom Mill " $l7l per ton:; the %Plato " in 1864 paid dividends each:month of $1,335 ; "The Bowers," which is only 12 feet long, was rented at $144,000 for the year, and the tenant found it profitable ; the " Gould and Curry," which might during the past few years have been bought for $lO,OOO, divided in 1864 among its stockholders $1,080,000 ; the " Yellow Jacket " paid in dividends in 1864 $1,440,000; the "Savage" paid in divi dends in 1864 $720,000; the "Empire Mill" during the year built a mill and works at a cost of $300,000, and paid in dividends over $1,043,720. It would be easy to quote a multitude of other instances to show the enormous wealth of this region, but perhaps a few general statistics may be more to the point. In the year 1864 the whole of the capital employed in the Reese River district returned on an average 30 per cent., this being the first year in which that district had been worked ; and as much of the labour was preparatory, this, as an average return, must be regarded as satisfactory. Nevada for 1864 shows that the Washoe District, with a population of 20,000, produced $24,000,000 of silver, or an average of $lOO or 420 per month for every man, woman, and child in the district. No mining district in the world will compare with this. In 1864 the product of each stamp per day in Washoe was nearly $45 ; in " Reese River " above $lOO ; while the remunerative mines of California realised $l2 to $l5 per stamp, and Colorado $8 per stamp.—Anylo-American Times. North and South America. The .New York Times says :—ln a country like the United States, so vast in its extent, so diver sified in its soil and climate, and so rich and varied in its capabilities, there must of necessity be a wide divergence in the character and in the results of the industry which is fostered in different por tions of the land. The welfare of each locality and community is secured by the adaptation of its enterprise to that which is most favoured by actual causes and local conditions ; and al though these may be modified and partially coun teracted, they must be regarded, and cannot but be greatly influential. With these varied circum stances, and with the advancement of the interests which they suggest and promote, it is not strange that a feeling should spring up here and there not only of attachment to particular interests, but of hostility to such as are or may be supposed to be rival or antagonistic to them. Such a feeling is the result of a disposition which too strongly exists in all of us, to magnify the importance of our own concerns, and to depreciate the affairs of others ; and it may be, and probably is, greatly intensified by leaders of public opinion, who, for any purpose, seek to turn popular prejudices to their own account. From one great internal strife the nation is only now just beginning to recover. The North and the South found themselves as sections arrayed against each other, and nothing but war could se cure a settlement and restore amity. The question, however, upon which they joined issue, was not one of climate or of products, or of rivalry in trade. Many would fain have made it appear to le so, and they charged upon cotton on the one hand or upon commerce and manufactures on the other, the fatal division which led to such bloody strife. The cause of the struggle lay far below the surface ; it was between two systems historically and eternally opposed to each other ; between ideas in political economy and in morals which could never become reconciled, and between which no lasting truce was possible. The principles which regulated la bour in the Slave States, and those which were ope rative in the Free States, could never co-exist on terms of equality, or indeed tolerate the presence of each other within one nation. That conflict has been settled once for all, civilisation triumph ing over feudalism, the rights of the masses over the claimed prerogatives of the few. Be tween this terrible dissension which threatened schism, and the differences of opinion which are now manifesting themselves in the East, the West, and the South, upon questions of a purely indus trial and commercial nature, there is of course a broad distinction. And yet the remembrance that just such questions were made the pretext to a very considerable extent for the attempted seces sion of the South, and that they were accepted by many of the less enlightened as valid reasons for secession, should warn every portion of the country separately, and every patriotic citizen personally, against the adoption of views in political economy, which are circumscribed, selfish or exclusive, and against bitterness of spirit in the maintenance of the opinions which a particular experience, or a given field of observation, may have tended to form. But we ask for something more than toler ance in this regard. We insist that these several and separate interests are much more in harmony with each other than is generally supposed ; in fact, that they are essential to each other. The health ful prosperity of all is not only not inconsistent with the welfare of each, but it is dependent upon this. Our national wealth, present and pro spective, demands that these varying resources and conditions be fairly and duly watched over, for it is in this variety that the peculiar promise of our future wealth largely consists. The United States certainly would not attain to the highest point of material success if all the people should become agriculturists, or all manufacturers, or all merchants. If all were to devote themselves to one branch of industry, what a ruinous surfeit there would be of the article produced, and what an equally ruinous dearth there would be of every thing else. The diversity of our industry, which varies with every parallel of our latitude, multi plies our ability and our strength. The interior cannot do without the seacoast ; the manufacturer cannot do without the miller, the producer cannot do without the consumer. They are all interde pendent upon each other ; they are all certain in the long run to benefit each other ; they belong to one vast industrial community ; all are but parts of one stupendous whole. BELGIUM AND Mrxico. Senor Romero in October last addressed Secretary Seward a letter saying : —" As a proof of the feelings of the Belgian people in re gard to the question now debating on Mexican soil, I have tbe honour of transmitting to you for the information of the Government of the United States a copy of a commu nication I received from the Liberal Union of the Civic Guard of Liege, dated the 11th of August last, together with a copy of the resolutions passed . the day before by that association, protesting against the proposal of Lieu tenant-General Peetincex, commander of the Civil Guard of Brussels, to erect a monument to the memory of the Belgians who fell in action at Tacumbaro , in the Mexican Republic, on the 11th of April, 1865, because they lost their lives in a cause opposed to liberty, and in contradic tion to the efforts the Belgians made in 1830 to gain their independence. Secretary Seward, on the 24th of January, addressed Senor Romeio a note, asking him to accept his thanks for the courtesy in communicating the interesting paper to the Department. F ADV ERTISEMENT.i—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.— Great Relief. —All gouty and rheumatic affections, weak ness and wasting of the limbs, stiff joints and contracted sinews, can be treated with certainty of success by the diligent friction of this excellent Ointment upon the affected part after it has been patiently fomented with warm brine. Holloway's Pills should bo taken by the sufferer who fairly tries this treatment, because they purify the blood, invigorate the stomach, regulate the liver, stimulate tho kidneys, act as mild aperients on the bowels, and as tonics on the nerves. In skin diseases and glandular complaints, Holloway's remedies are earnestly recom mended on account of their gentle yet effective action when a long chain of scrofulous evils surround a victim. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. _,._ " THE LONDON REVIEW" ON EPICUREAN POETRY. —ln one of those Round-about papers in which Thackeray's humour went engagingly slippered, the author of " Vanity Fair" said upon the whole he rather liked his novels " hot." It is supposed he meant a story with a movement in which the dry sticks of incident are rubbed so briskly together that a certain narrative caloric is evolved in the process. There is, however, another sort of literary heat which prevails in a modern school of poetry, and which we have made free to set down under the above heading. This is put hot in the mouth after the fashion rather of French than of English writers. Most assuredly there is a licence for say ing things in verse against which people would close their ears in prose, and critics seem to encourage this upon the ground that poetry is the " Casta Diva ;" that what she unveils is veiled in innocence, and clothed in purity ; that she can say no wrong nor think it. Of course there are more intelligent judges who explain their leniency upon sounder principles, but in the main the indulgence which on this plea was claimed for the critics of " Don Juan," is permitted to versifiers of our time who dabble in the same sort of wine and water. We should the more guard against this, for despite the free draught of opinion which keeps our moral atmosphere healthy there are from time to time whiffs of another kind, voluptuous gales and winds laden with the patter of dancers' feet, and the voices of actresses degraded by their own manager into " the handsomest women in England," who can be seen for the money. It behoves us at any price to keep art out of the gut ter, and to have its vestal flame and vestal votaries as high examples, and a protest against the grosser life. Sensuousness in poetry is deplorably fre quent. It is an excess, too, from which no good can come. It is barren of thought and fancy, and is both emasculating and effeminate. Though not so bad as the tropes of Killigrew, Rochester, or Davenant, it just inclines towards them. We have had poems published in London within the last few years in which women were treated as poses plastiques. We must use plain words on this subject, and the phrase which denotes the most shameful spectacle of our day is the only one to express our meaning here. Those produc tions were issued from houses of the first respecta bility, and of course the authors composed them in that complete mail of modesty which so envelopes the soul within that the body can walk nude and unabashed without. Those who viewed too closely the immaculate muse were Peeping Toms. They frolicked in a guileless way those Cyprian poets, and carried out their literary naturalism in the pure spirit of intellectual White Quakers. We believe this epicurean poetry to be originally the reaction of della Cruscanism. In the latter the sex were unsexed into abstractions, and every wom an was either a nymph or an angel, while a lover could embrace nothing but a cloud. In the former we have Romeo communicating his own fever to J u li e t , incoherent with passion, his lips trembling with voluptuous epithets, and his language perpetually playing wanton with desire. Shelley, Coleridge, and Keats, in their eagerness to upset the poetry of the full-bottomed wig period, cultivated this emo tive sensuality just as the Greeks might have done, condensing even still more the feelings which the Greeks had fixed in marble and legend into a per sonal and fervid enjoyment of existence and of the poetry of earth which Keats in his daring paganis m pronounced immortal. Coleridge's " Christabel," which Leigh Hunt says the very letters are descriptive, is exactly a case in point ; so is Keat's " Eve of St. Agnes." We have then the laureate taking up the running, his sympathies however being too catholic to be trammelled ; he could wake from the dream of fair women to enlist us in the columns of the six hundred. Tenny son has tricks of thought which have now been as closely imitated as Pope's metre. Some of them have been cleverly adapted to the feeble spinets of our poetlings, others have been stretched and mon strously enlarged by men of talent who can harp with considerable power on one string. These latter are the principal writers of the epicurean poetry. As we put no faith in moral salamander ism, we cannot hold that such works are innocuous. They are evil, not from what they say, but for what they suggest. Coarseness may be guarded against, and the bane is its own antidote to most well-bred people; but this elegant impurity is infinitely more dangerous. It extends our experience into very hazardous quarters. It is not improbable that there is a class f or w h om i t wou ld b e hard to write too high —a class who desire stimulants, and books with enough of cynicism to stir a tired palate, and enough of impropriety to give the dish a wild game flavour ; but for th e great m id dle class and gentry of this country, a craving for such literature would indicate a social evil very difficult to eradicate. It is not pleasant to see a Menken sort of Godiva hoisted upon every Pegasus with poets to urge the steed into his paces as they do the horses on. the Roman racecourse. There is a radical looseness in criticism which is unquestionably responsible for the appearance of this at all. We wonder ladies can tolerate the impertinences of those writers who allude to them with such an immodest freedom. It can scarcely be possible they like it, and yet they never complain of it, although they give us their opinions through the press on other subjects libe rally enough. They surely are most aggrieved. We have seen verses extracted from those boudoir favou rites, and set in the infamous collections which emanate from the literary stews of Holywell-street. We have kept this fact for the last, and commend it to the careful attention of the writers and readers of epicurean poetry. " THE SATURDAY REVIEW), ON THE WEAK GOVERNMENT.—There was a time in our Parliamen tary history when the Ministers of the Crown gave their votes, or proposed measures of public policy, in either house, as independent members of Parlia ment rather than as members of a united Govern ment. The period of Charles 11. and of William 111. abounds in instances of Mini s t ers ac ti ng , not onlyindependent of each of other, but even in oppo sition to each other, and with th e l east poss ibl e re gard for theinterest of the country, though fre quently with a strong regard for the interests of the Crown or the wishes of the monarch. Such a state of things was probably n a t ura l i n t h e ear l y d ays o f youthfulinstitutions, impatient to develope an im mature vigour. But whatever strength might be indicated by this practice, or whatever independence it might seem to argue on the part of individual Ministers, it was certainly incompatible with the harmony and stability of Government. However necessary freedom of speech may be, and however desirable fulness of speech may be, in an assembly which derives its title from its speaking qualities, the world soon found out that, like everything else, this attribute was good only at certain times and under certain limitations. It might be as amusing as a play or as i ns t ruct i ve as a schoolman's thesis to hear a Lord President inveigh against a Lord Treasurer, or a Secretary for one department launch his indignation against the secretary for another ; but the system which permitted such diversions wasted power which, hus banded and concentrated, would be invaluable for the maintenance of- national greatness and the asser tion of national honour. It has been only rarely since the accession of the Hanoverian dynasty that the unity of a Cabinet has been disjointed and its strength impaired by the personal vanity, jealousy, or intrigue of its members, and their disregard of that discipline which welds them into one organic whole. The same principle which exacts joint ac tion exacts also initiatory action. A very little experience sufficed to demonstrate that an Admi nistration which owed its existence to Parliament was better qualified to direct legislation than the ablest or most zealous unofficial members acting with fragmentary and desultory concert. No private members of Parliament can have the influence or the following that a Government can command ; and, speaking generally, no measure which does not emanate from the Government is likely to have half the support which is given to one that is stamped with the authority of Government. If there is one truism mo re f am ili ar th an ano th er , i t is the truism that the Queen's Government is expected to initiate the most important measures of national legisla tion. It is a truism, however, which her Majesty's present Ministers seem either to have forgotten or never to have known. At the present moment we see m to be drifting back to some paheozoic period of Parliamentary history, when Cabinets illustrated the beauties of internal dissension, and legislation exemplified by turns the purpose of half a Ministry or the fitful vigour of an Opposition. Two great subjects are occupying the public mind. One has forced itself on our attention by its magnitude and its terrors. The other has been dangled before our eyes for months by the Ministry. On both of these it was only charitable to suppose that the Administration had some fixed idea and some concerted plan. Yet on both of them it seems as uncertain and irresolute as if it were not the responsible Government of the Queen, but a fortuitous concourse of irresponsible private mem bers. From the day of the Queen's Speech the conduct of Ministers has been one continu ous course of uncertainty, want of purpose, and want of will. For four or five months they have seen a murrain of appalling destructiveness grow in strength and extent until half the country is scared with the prospect of ac t ua l f am i ne ; yet, w h en Par liament met, they had no bill ready to meet the urgent calamity. After Parliament met, and mem bers in both Houses had demanded the intervention of the Government, a bill was brought forward stamped with the parental features of indecision and perplexity. It soon became apparent that all its main principles were to be dictated by the Opposition, or by independent members. The Government Commissioners had pointed out the inefficacy of the ordinary remedial measur es ; Analogy and com.no n sense had shown the t ; the only hope of st a yi ng 'th e pes t l ay i n stamping it out. Yet all th e p rov i s i ons d es i gne d f or this end have been inserted, s ugges t e d, or essen ti a lly altered, by members unconnected with the Governmen t : Isolation, slaughtering, comp ensa ti on , suspension o f _ railway transit, res t r i c ti ons on t h e movement o f cattle on the high roads—all these are wholly et partly due to memb ers s p ea ki ng i n th e i r personal capacity, not t o th e C a bi net as an entirety. De"+, this is not all. While the Government introduces and carries on e bill f or t h e a b atement o f t h e infer" tion, a private member introduces and tarn. , another bill for purp oses c l ose l y connected, and fact almost identical with those of the former. y e suspect that there is no precedent for two bilo i supplementary to each other, being concurrent l y introduced by a Cabinet an d a private member o Parliament. N or i s there, so far as we can see, any justification for a practice so unusual. The Go' vernment has the ampl es t means o f co ll ec ting In' formation from all quarters; it has the greatest.re sources of organising inspection and repression. It, therefore, should charge itself with the day, of preparing those enac t ments t h e execu tion which will mainly d evo l ve upon i tse lf . By shirk' ing this duty it disr egar d s th e traditions of English government, and tends to throw Par hament back into that legislative chaos from which it has for nearly two centuries been happily eman c ip a t e d. T o complete the speetuel of imbecility, wh en th e Mi n i ster i a l Bill h a d r eached quiet haven of th e L or d s ' C omm i ttee, up jumped a noble hanger-on of the Government with al amendment directed, like Mr. Bright's unsuccessful onslaught, to the enfeebling of that curative ext ll ; pation of the disease on which the Commons had; insisted ; and he succeeded in scoring the vote e' the Privy Seal and the voice of the Postmaster,' General against their colle agues , th e i r own bill, and the effective stamping out of th e r i n d er pest. -Le e apologists of the Ministry will doubtless tell us thet the details of a Cattle Bill involve no gra b constitutional principle ; that it matters 100 whether a Government or an individual pre" poses to isolate healthy, an d s l aug ht er i n fected beasts. 'The answer is, that the Government of the country ought not to be above attend ing to anything which may mitigate a great national calamity, and that it abdicates one of its chief fa"' tions when it transfers this duty to unofficial Per sons. The apology, moreover, is defective in its basis. Weakness es generally run in couples, and the weakness of the present Administration is n° exception to a rule of universal application. The same doubt and vacillati on w hi c h are e xhibited with respect to the ca ttl e di sease are exhibited with respect to a Reform Bill. Lord Russell IS besieged by anxious deputations at the Treasu rig and Mr. Gladstone i s so li c it e d b y i ng enious inquirers in Parliament ; but the importunate labours of each are equally in vain. The oral? . of the Lowe r H ouse i s as i nscruta bl e as that of the Upper. The conclusion at which ordinary people have arrived is, that Ministers have made up their minds just as little on the Reform question aS they had done on the Cattle question, and that they will trust themselves to the current of events in th e one case, as th e y h ave trusted themselves i n other. A Reform Bill, it is assumed, there mu' be ; not because the ed uca t e d intelligence and enter' prising opulence of the co un t ry have clamoured for it, but because the Whigs have talked themselves into it, and are now entangled in the meshes (? 1 their own promises. B u t up to t hi s momen t it IS believed that no three members of the Cabinet are agreed as to what ought to be the nature of the bill. Is it to he a single-barrelled or a double-bar relled bill ? Is there to be a lateral or only a ver tical extension of the suffrage ? Is this to be accom panied by a redistribution of seats; or are the ope ratives of the great Northern cities to be made more powerful than ever, and the operatives of oth er towns to remain ju s t as th ey are new ? These are the questions which people ask, and which the Ministry apparently l eave t o ti me, to chance, and the development of o pi n i on i n the House of Com mons. If no one should appear to take much rote" rest in the matter, then, doubtless, the smallest of mice will creep out of the mountain of Whig promises* But if, on the other hand, the artisans should glue signs of genuine exciteme n t, if e d uca t e d men should begin generally to take an ac ti ve i n t eres t i n the quee . tion, and the desire for a rea lly compre h ens i v e mea sure to manifestitself in the House of Commons, then we may expect that on some afternoon towards Easter Mr. Gladstone will come down to the house determined to outvie Mr. Bright in a studied eulogy on the virtues of the working-man, and a r hetorical panegyric on the progress of democracy. This Os" tem is undoubtedly very convenient to Minister!. It saves a world of trouble both in thinking and 11 drafting acts. Mr. Gladsto ne p ro b a bl y i s pre pare' to prove by the finest of arguments that it is in ex act conformity to the ge n i us o f t h e B r i t i sh Consti tution. But although it would be unconstitutiona l, even if it were not impossible, for any Administra tion to govern the country without possessing the confidence of the House of Commons, this confi dence is not to be earned by the trimming and tune: serving obsequiousness which the present Government so persistently displays. The house expects the Minister to lead it, but Mr. Gladstone is now follow' ing rather than leading it. The novelty of this pre; cedure may possibly h ave a t emporary c h arm ; but it can only be te m p orary. Th ose on l y w h o re aPe' themselves succeed in winning the respect of others' No Government which voluntarily cedes its own ._ right of initiating l eg i s l a ti on t o th e casua l occupant" of the Opposition and independent benches ca n ,. count on long retaining its own position. 1 - 1° Government can hope to be either respected o t r supported which allows its members to vote again s t) each other on m omen t ous ques ti ons. And 11,., Government would bequeath to history a r e° . +. l, ignoble memory th an one w hi c h , b y paltering i,"„ the manifest duties of its stati on , b roug h t b ac k Div a busy and earnest age the discords, intrigues, CO tradictions, and corruptions w hi c h near l y choked the vitality of Parliament in the latter years of tb e Stuart dynasty. COUNTRY MARKETS. NORWICH—SATURDAY. d th° There was a fair supply of wheat at this market, an; h e condition having improved the trade ruled firm, and t p y full prices of last week maintained. Good malting 10 ,,,"‘ well supported, and in some instances higher rates paiu, o White wheat (weighing 641 b), 50s to 54s ; old red di," s (weighing 651 b), 48s to 50s ; new red ditto ((weig h i n g 601 b to 631 b), 42s to 47s ; best malting barley weigo; bl 521 b to 531 b), 34s to 36s ; runs ditto (weighing 511 to 5,2' to 32s to 345; distilling ditto (weighing 501 b to 521 b), 2 ,u s gs 27s ; oats, 24s to 26s ; beans, 37s to 39s ; peas (maple), to 38s per qr. Flour, 33s per sack. NO T TINGHAIII—SATunDAY. to' r There was a tolerable s u p p l y o f wheat at our market .. day. Around here th e y oung wheat plant is f a irourevy, spoken of. A steady d eman d , and full rates were r at/ t for fine sorts. There was a healthy demand for barley prices rather higher than last week. Oats unaltered. or Old white wheat, 57s to 60s ; old red, 505 to 53e ;Al to , white, 57s to 58 s; new re d , 46 s to 50 s per 36 stone. vidl old, 305 to 35 5; new, 26 s to 30s per 24 stone. Bean s / 508 to 52s ; new, 43s to 47s per 38 stone. YORK—SATURDAY. The supply of wheat at market to-day was fair, and the r o was about an average attendance of the trade. The ° li d. of the i rade was healthy, and prices not much altere Barley sparingly represent e d, an d p r i ces i n f avour of 60 11 ° s. Oats at last week's quotati ons . Th e supp l y o f beans 1 / 30 small, and business healthy at recent prices. S 6 New white wheat, 46s to 52s ; new red, 45s to 48s di stone. Barley, for malting, 36s t o 40 s . p er qr. ; grin da V. 30s to 32s per 30 stone. O a t s , new , 24 s t o 28s per 24 sto o Beans, new, 40s to 42s per 38 stone. LEIOES TER— SATURDAY. th Our corn market to-day was moderately su pplied a wheat; there was a sprinkling of white and red sorts, I t o sales effected at former rates. The supply of barley W"' limited, and the best descriptions advanc e d is per qr., °th is, er e sorts as before. Oats fair demand, and prices s teady. y demand for beans was tolerable, and full r a tes were P I Icl New white wheat, 50s to 52s ; new red, 44s to 48 0 ; D ,., ° white, Ms to 56s ; old red, 50s to 52s per 36 stone. 70; ley, for malting, 36s to 38s per qr.; grinding, 27s to 04 per 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s t o 34 s ; new , 24s to 29$ P er • stone. Beans, old, 49s to 51s ; n ew , 42 s t o 44s per 3 8 sty Births. CLAY.—On the 23d inst., at The Mount, Chepstow' ° wife of Renry Clay, jun., Esq., of a son. IL JAMES.—On the 20th inst., at Leamington, the vr ; — f e of B. James, Esq., of a daughter. SAVILLE.— On the 24th inst., at 30, St. George's-roa d, r ii3l.' lico, the wife of Edward B. Savile, Esq., of a son. Marriages. CHAMPLEY—PHIPSON.—On the 20th inst., at Milvert °ll Church, Leamington, Robert Champley, Esq., g l i groi borough, to Sarah Elizabeth M ar y, e lder dart the late Richard Barrell Phi Pson i ° f Warvirie l shire. bert DAIJBENEY— CASTLE.—On the 22d inst. ,at Cleave, Al James H. Daubeny, Lieut. 12th Foot, to Augusta. 1-_,l3° second daughter of Robert Castle, Esq of Cleave Cour', Somerset. Deaths. CATTLEY.—At 11, Regent's-terrace, Hull, Richard Cattlef, Esq., aged 78. PALMER.—On the 22d inst., at Wanlip Hall, Sir Ge°'D - Palmer, aged 54. IC eß Wick, STANGER.—OR the 23d inst., at Lairthwaito, Cumberland, James Stanger, Esq., aged 70. Allag STANTON.-..0R the 18th inst. , at Tynemouth , Corn Stanton, Esq., aged 66. SHEPPARD. -On the 23d inst., Wm. Chapman ShePPard' Esq., of Redhill and Lambeth, aged 70. Tan WELCH.— On the 19th inst., at Broxbourne, Herts, v Davies Welch, aged 60. ----------- London : Prin'ed and Pubiiehed by WIL LIAM AN le 02. of No. 112, Strand, Plinter, at TIM SUN 0 111 . 3, Of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy. in thee Coon. Middlesex—Monday, February 26, 1866 . Th( P 'Ph ( Th( I ,E 4te E l e In 2. 98 ,01 3. a bo It Pai l) t owl dab, In qUir ( Qo rri L in( ,tw ol term )3f c on( f essi Ar e ; Pr o , site, ho a f rc kir, Pill,