The Sun. — London, England, 1835-07-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 10, 1835. - -ve,re infernal machines.—( Laughter.) It was owing, in a great measure, to the solicitor, that the necessary Returns were not made. He was paid by fees, and there could be no check upon him. Of course, the more he engaged the Post-office in liti gation, the better for him.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman referred to an instance in which the solicitor had been called on to give an opinion. He decided that some pa pers might be send abroad open in a box, but the Act would not allow them to be sent closed without charging a postage on them. The arrangements respecting the transmission of papers from our own Colonies was most objectionable. The paper he now produced he had received from New York, and it had cost him one half-penny. (The Hon. Gentleman here unfolded the paper, and spread it upon the floor of the House ; much laughter was excited by its immense size. Some Hon. Members cried " Read, read," which increased the laughter.) He had rather decline the reading of Renewed laughter. ) The amount of the subscription for that paper was 10 dollars a-year, 40s. Two newspapers had been sent to him from Ca nada; on one side they were Canadian newspapers, but the other side by some hocus pecus was converted into a ship-let rer, and he was charged 3d. for each. The system of convey ing newspapers by the London post was bad. Why was a poor weaver to be charged 2d. if a newspaper was sent to him only in the next street, while another paper was sent some hundreds of miles into the country free of postage ? He next deprecated the power which the Post-office possessed of creating penny-posts in the country, and reverting to the mail coaches, he observed that for expedition they were quite second rate. He hoped the time would come, now that there was a Whig Administration, when the objections he was urging would be obviated, and when the approach of the livery of the Royal mail would be hailed as ensuring a vast accession of knowledge. The evidence given by Mr. Gedby, the present Secretary to the Post-office in Ireland—a reluctant witness, it should be remembered— showed that the work required was equally well done by the stage-coaches as by the mails. There were some mails in this country, which went at the rate of ten and ten and a half miles an hour : why should not all go at the same rate He was sorry that when the Duke of Wellington had taken so many offices on himself, he bad not taken the office of Postmaster-General: if his Grace had done so, he (Mr. Wallace) was sure that he would have introduced a great change in these matters, and would have said that if such a speed were accomplished in certain particular instances, it should be accomplished throughout the system. He now came to a subject of great importance, and one which called for a speedy examination—the system of the steam-packets belonging to the Post-office. In 1830, it had been reported by the Commissioners that the outlay upon these steam packets had then amounted to 630,000/., with a dead loss of 300,000/., making no calculation for interest, which might be taken at twelve and a half per cent. upon the cost. Up to last year the outlay might be estimated at 1,300,000/. Some curious information had also been furnished in respect to the plan pursued in the building of their packets. At a certain period nineteen of them had been built ; seven of them had been built at Harwich at 'a cost of 23/. per ton, the other twelve had been built in the Thames, at the rate of only 19!. per ton. If this were not evidence of favouritism or jobbing, it certainly looked to him something very much like it. A si milar system had been pursued in reference to the establishment of stations for the repair of the packets. There existed beautiful docks, well fitted for the purpose at Dublin ; but instead of using them, an extensive establishment had been laid down at Holy head. Again, some of the vessels were taken to Portpatriek —a poor miserable place—instead of being brought up to tie Clyde, and why ? Because, if taken up the Clyde, the re pairs would have been executed at a much cheaper rate, ful: then there would have been no job. The simple result o; the whole system was this—that an immense sum had been laid out upon the building of packets fur the Post-office, which, if scld to-morrow, would not produce one half of the;,- cost, and yet which could not bc kept at a loss of less then 100,000/. a-year. The Hon. Gent. then adverted to the eno,.- mous amount of the emoluments of the captains of Post-office , packets, in comparison with the pay of officers in the King's navy, and contended that the services of as good men might be obtained for one-leaf, or less than one-half, of the money now expended. He then proceeded to allude to the advan tages which would arise from the establishment of a system of check receipts, for securing the speedy and safe transmissio, of money through the country : and said that it would have the desirable effect of preventing the many serious losses which now fell so heavily on individuals, in consequence of the robberies which took place under the present defective sys tem. He contended that no desecration of the Sabbath would he caused by the delivery of letters on Sunday. He saw no reason, also, why the two departments of the Post-office—the general and twopenny posts—should not be consolidated, and the duties of the two establishments performed by the same servants. If this alteration were made in the present system, the public of London might, as the inhabitants of other cities now do, receive their general letters and those of the two penny post through the same hands and at the same time. The Honourable Member next alluded to what he called a disgineful system of plundering the letter-carriers, through the superannuation fund. Sonic payments were made by the letter-carriers into this fund, which, if placed in a savings' bank or annuity officer would yield a considerable income ; but they were put off at the Post-office with a stipend miserably small, and they could get no account of the money which wes lodged for their benefit in the fund to which he had alluded. He then read the resolutions which it was his intention tu have submitted last year for the futuro regulation of the Post office, and which embraced all the changes to which the Learned Gentleman had in the course of his speech referred as being desirable to have effected. He concluded by moving for "a Select Committee to inquire into the Management of the Post-office." The question having been put, Mr. LABOUCHE RE rose and assured the House that lie did not offer any objection to the course which the Hon. Mem ber for Greenock had proposed out of any disrespect for him, or by way of disparaging the credit which he deserved from the House and the country for the interest which he had taken in, and the industry which he devoted to this very important subject ; and still less did he object to it because he under valued the subject itself—a subject extremely important, not merely as a question of revenue, but more as one which in volved the comfort and commercial interests of the whole corn munity.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Greenock had laid down many principles, in the course of his speech, from which he was far from differing. He quite agreed with him, that with respect to the Post-office establishment, while he believed that many departments of it were admirably conducted, yet there were many departments of it which required the most serious and searching investigation which could be bestowed on their management. Speaking from the small degree of expe rience, and the short time during which lie had devoted his attention to this subject since he became appointed one of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the Public Offices, he was bound to say, that the impression produced upon his mind from that Inquiry, so far as it had hitherto been pursued, was, that there was very great room for improvement in the system itself; and in the different modes and regulations by which it was carried into operation.—( Hear, hear.) He confessed, that he did not consider the appointment of a Select Corn mittee the only or the best mode of instituting an Inquiry into the subject. The period of the Session at which this motion was brought forward (though he believed that the lateness of the period was by no means attributable to the Hon. Member for Greenock)—the time, he repeated, at which it was pro posed to enter on this complicated and various Inquiry, em bracing such an immense number and such different details, part only of which had been touched on in the speech of the Hon. Member for Greenock, that, of itself, constituted no slight obstacle on the ground of prudence to appointing a Committee of Inquiry on this subject. But he must also ex press it as his opinion, that this was a subject which might be much better investigated by a Commission composed of a few persons, than by a Committee of that House, provided, of course, that the House was willing to give credit to the Mem bers of that Commission for a determination to proceed in an upright and honest manner to investigate the subject tho roughly, and to act fearlessly and honestly by the public in the conduct of the Inquiry.—( Hear, hear.) He could only say, that it was now but a year since the Commission on this question had been instituted, and notwithstanding the changes in the Government which had taken place within that period, he thought he should be able to show that the Commissioners had not been idle in the performance of the task which had been allotted to them.—( Hear, hear.) One very important result of the Inquiry had been, that a total change of system had been effected in one branch, by determining that one of the most improvident contracts ever entered into—he meant the mail-coach contract—should cease on the sth of January next.—( Hear, hear.) At this moment, indeed, the matter was submitted to public competition, by the permission (riven to send in tenders for the supply of coaches for the next year. There had been under this contract a most absurd charge for oiling and greasing of 2,4001. which was abolished, leaving. ;!. for the future to be borne by those who furnished the coaches. With respect to the facilities of communication with foreign c ountries, the good effected by the labours of the Commission on this ground was, that a Bill was now before the House by which he had little doubt a more expeditious and less expensive mode cu" exchanging letters and papers between this and other countries would be effected. The Hon. Gen tleman, in speaking of the constitution of the office of Post master-General, had said that it was well deserving the consi deration of the Commissioners on the subject, whether it would not be preferable that that office should be presided over by a Commission, rather than by a Postmaster-General. He could .assure the Hon. Gentleman that that was a question which would be immediately taken into consideration by the Com mission, of which he (Mr. Labouchere) bad the honour to be a Member. Their only object was to ascertain what would be the best means of managing that great department of the public service ; and their determination would be entirely un influenced by any considerations of patronage, or by any con sideration but of that which it was the most eligible course to pursue. The Hon. Gentleman had talked of the private spe culations of persons connected with the Post-office. Now, cer tainly, nothing was more liable to suspicion than that the officers of any public department should engage in private speculations. Ve perfectly agreed with the Hon. Gentleman in the principle which he had asserted on that point ; and it would he the endeavour of the Commission to establish that principle in practice. He must say, however, that he rather regretted the harsh language and the strong expressions in which the Hon. Gentleman had indulged, and that on very insufficient gretimls, in speaking of several of the public servants connected with the Post-office department--among others the Solicitor to the Post-office. He ( Mr. Lahouchere) agreed with the Hon. Gentleman, that there were many reasons why it was more expedient that that gentleman, or any other placed in a similar situation, instead of being paid for his servic es by a n ominal salary, made up by a Commission on the work he performed. should be paid altogether by salary. But the Hon. Membee ;aid the gentleman who now held the office of Solicitor great i...ijustice, if be supposed that he was influenced in the dis cheerge of his duty by pecuniary or unworth y motives; for to him ( Mr. Labouchere) it was well known that that gentleman had devoted much time to the consolidation of all the Post office laws—an object which he trusted would ere long be effected. With respect to the present system of steam-packets, the Hon. Gentleman had stated that it was well worthy of con sideration whether the system of contract or of establishment was the better. The Commission would go into that investi- Fation with every disposition to probe the matter to the utmost. or all these reasons he trusted that the Hon. Gentleman would not press his motion. Lord L OWT H E R was favourable to the motion of the Hon. Member for Greenock; and differed entirely from the Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken as to the superiority of a Com mission to a Committee of the House of Commons in making an Inquiry of this nature. He knew from experience that a Commission was inefficient to grapple with sb strong a body as the Post-office department. The returns made by the Post office were always defective in some most important points. For instance, in their Return — respecting steam-packets, they omitted the most important information, that which related to the expense of the establishment, and communicated only the tonnage of the vessels. With respect to the question whether contracting for steam-packets, or having an establishment of them, was the preferable course, he (Lord Lowther) had a paper which showed the number of miles that the mails were carried by contract, and the number of miles that they were carried by the establishment ; and from that paper it distinctly appeared that the contract system was nearly 100 per cent. cheaper than the system of establishment. The cost of the Steam-packet Post-office establishment between Dover and Calais was 14,000/. a-year : and just before he ceased to be a member of the Commission to which he had alluded, an offer had been made to perform the work by contract for half that sum. The question of fees was also one of great importance. It was not that he grudged to any public servant the fair emo lument to which he was entitled. But whenever an attempt had been made to secure better accommodation for the public in this department of the public service, the fees had always been found to stand in the way.—( Hear, hear.) Fees had been abolished in every other public department, why not in the Post-office ? With regard to the Solicitor of the Post office, he was quite willing to allow the merit of the gentle man who held that office ; but it was a fact that the expenses of the department of the Post-office were greater than the ex penses of the same department in the Customs or in the Ex cise. It had been said, also, that there were no sinecure offices in the Post-office. Now, it was a fact that a gent. who had been appointed to the oNce of Receiver-general at the Post office, was immediately afterwards made Private Secretary to the First Lord of the Treasury. Either the office of Receiver general should be abolished, or it should be made an efficient office. Owing to some circumstance or other, the Post-office revenue had not increased as it ought to have done. If in 1797, and at a less rate of postage, it amounted to 800,0001. considering the increased activity of commerce; the natural inference was, that it should he of much larger amount at pre sent than from the returns it appeared to be. Unquestion ably a vast sum was wasted in the establishment of steam packets, than which he was convinced no system could be more impolitic. At Liverpool, the post office packets reduced their fares to defeat the competition of individuals. The same took place with the post-office packets to Ostend ; and when the Commission to w hich he belonged endeavoured to obtain par ticular information on the subject, owing to the existence of a combination they had found it exceedingly difficult to do so. It was absurd on the part of the Post-office department to maintain an establishment of steam-packets. Who was there in the Post-office that could possibly know anything about I nautical matters? The consequence of their ignorance was, that they bought stores and other necessaries at random, and at exorbitant prices. Convinced as he was, that a Committee of the House of Commons would be more likely to get to the tcrn of all these mysteries than a Commission, he should support tie motion of the Hon. Member for Greenock. Dr. BO WRING also suppoited the motion. 11:e CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed, that there was eo one whose opinions on this subject were en titled to so much respect as the Noble Lord, the Member for Westmoreland. The Noble Lord possessed the two best ele ments of knowledge on the subject. He possessed a know eclf,,,e of the principle on which the office in question ought to be conducted, and he possessed a knowledge of the fact as to the manner is which it actually had been conducted. There was no material difference of opinion between the Hon. Member Fel- Greenock and his Majesty's Government. On the contrary, the coerse which the latter had adopted showed that there was great coincidence of opinion between them. By the measures in progress, his Majesty's Government affirmed their convic tion of the existence of certain evils in the Post-office depart ment, and of the propriety of applying adequate means for the removal of those evils. The only question was, how that de sirable objectt could best be effected. With respect to the general rrinciple on 'A hich the Post-office department ought to be con ducted, the Noble Lord could not hold stronger or more decided sentiments than he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did. He was delighted to hear the Noble Lord acknowledge that it was not because the existing practice was an old one, that it should therefore be protected. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was unequivocally of opinion that having adopted the prim iple of substituting salaries for fees in all the other public departments, the same course ought to be pursued with reference to the Post-office. But he must take the liberty - of saying, that so long as from the first formation of Lord Grey's Government, the question connected with steam-packets was considered. One of the first acts which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had performed at the Treasury, was to make an application to certain persons at Liverpool with respect to a contract for conveying the mail by steam across St. George's Channel. • He had received a communication which induced him to anticipate that there was an inclination on the part of the person in question to contract for the conveyance of the mails by steam between Liverpool and Dublin. On again coming into office, he had written to those persons to ask if they would engage in the undertaking. Their answer was, that circumstances had so changed since their last communica tion on the subject, and that the commerce between Liverpool and Dublin had become so much more important to them than any consideration connected with the Post- office, that they were not disposed to embarrass themselves with any contract respecting the mails. He would now revert to the real point for the consideration of the House. It ought to be remembered that the period at which they were discussing this question was near the middle of July. Government had already issued a Commission to inquire into the various important points of the case, and were advancing in the career of improvement. It . a Committee of the House of Commons were to be now appointed, was it likely that that Committee would accomplish the object in view so successfully as the Commission ? his opinion, the better course would be, to allow the Com mission to proceed, and to lay their Report on the table of the House in the early part-of the next session; and then, if the Hon. Member for Greenock should be dissatisfied with that Report, it would be competent to him to move the appointment of a Committee, as a supplementary means of inquiry. But he must protest against the Commission of his Majesty's pre sent Government being treated, as it appeared from the state ment of the Noble Lord that the Commission of the Govern ment to which the Noble Lord had belonged, had been treated. The Noble Lord was a man of firm character ; but really he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was at a loss to understand how a high and responsible officer of State could, now he was out of office, come down to the House and com plain of the stubbornness and obstinacy which, when he was in office, had rendered it difficult for him, and those associated with him, to extract information necessary for the public service. Let his Hon. Friend make a Report of any officer, high or low, in the department of the Post-office, who refused to give any information which the Commission might think it desirable to obtain, and he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would !:;:nsplf to say, in the name of his Majesty's preseet Government, that twenty- four hours should not pass without the removal of that officer from his situation. Let the House consider how much it was the practice to proceed with in quiries of every description connected with the public service, by Commission. But if the practice which the Noble Lord seemed to have adopted were generally to prevail--if, having taken no step when in office to remove persons who dared to withhold information, a public servant should, when out of office, come down to complain of such conduct, that public ser vant would, in his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) opi nion, show that he had been guilty of a great neglect of duty. On such a principle as that, his Majesty's present Government would certainly not proceed. Their Commission should not be defeated in its object by obstinacy or stubbornness. No sinecure, whether in the Post-office, or any other department, should stand in their way. He put it to his Hon. Friend, therefore, the Member for Greenock, whether it would not be better, for the present, to persevere in the course which had been adopted. He must say, also, that he thought his Hon. Friend ought to have used more caution in making personal charges; especially when his motion was for inquiry. Into those charges generally he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would not enter. But he must say in justice to a Noble Friend of his, whose name had been introduced by the Hon. Member for Greenock, that no individual could be more anxious fully to discharge his duty when at the head of the Post-office than the Duke of Richmond. If, however, the House thought that the Post-office system was such as to take away all responsibi lity from those on whom it ought to fall, then he would admit that it was a fitting subject for inquiry ; indeed, for such an in quiry as was now actually going on under the Commission. The Government and the House had but one object to insure with respect to that department—the fullest and most satis factory execution of the duties it involved. This his Majesty's Government were determined to attain ; but if his Hon. Friend (Mr. Wallace) thought that Ministers were not sincere in their declarations he would, of course, have the candour at once to avow it. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by repeating his request, that his Hon. Friend would wait till the Report of the Commissioners was placed on the table of the House. Lord LOWTHER and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained. Mr. HUME thought that the Noble Lord had made out a case demanding inquiry. The Post Office had stood singly, uncorrected in its abuses since Lord Wallace had the adminis tration of the department. The Hon. Gentleman then com plained of the loss that had occurred of 50,0001. a year in the mere management of the steam boats, and stated that if any public servant ever deserved to be discharged it was Sir Francis Freeling, from the evasive way in which he had answered the order of the House for Returns (the orders for which the Hon. Gentleman read) connected with different Post Office Departments. The Hon. Gentleman then said that the appointment of a Committee to investigate the subject would let daylight into it ; and concluded by deprecating any interference with the views of his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whom he considered to entertain a mistaken view on the subject, adding that he had only lately had occasion to complain of a shameful instance of mismanage ment of letters put into the post at Worthing for a . ,place not twenty-five miles distant having been transmitted to London previous to delivery. Mr. DENISON thought the subject important, as in six months the present mail coach contract would expire. He considered also there might be an advantage in a Commission and Committee acting simultaneously, as the Commission could report as it proceeded in its investigation. Mr. G. F. YOUNG was willing to leave the subject in the hands of his Majesty's present Ministers, but promised, if there was no satisfactory result by the commencement of the next session of Parliament he would support a motion to the effect now proposed by the Hon. Member for Greenock. Mr. WARBURTON saw no objection to the appointment of the Commission. Lord HO WICK said that the Duke of Richmond, when Postmaster-General, had done everything that, as a member of the Government, be could have done. Through his agency much had been done already. He trusted, therefore, that the Hon. Member for Greenock, to whom the House, the Govern ment, and the country were indebted for his mass of informa tion and lucid digest of the subject, would consent for the present to forego his motion. It was said that the House had the power of dealing with the question more completely than a Committee, but that was,a mistake. The House could only proceed on a clear case of malversation made out, and the pro cess would be tedious and difficult ; in the meanwhile, the offender might avert the course of justice, and escape with impunity. An inquiry by a Committee and by a Commission could not be carried on simultaneously, and therefore if one were to be granted the other would not be required. Mr. WALLACE replied briefly. Under all the circum stances he was satisfied that a Committee was the best. Com missioners disagreed among themselves, and the public had no guarantee for the correctness of their reports. After what had been said on the subject, and the distinct pledge given by his Majesty's Government, he should not press the question further. The Hon. Member then obtained leave to withdraw his motion. MR. SEYMOUR—SERGEANT AT ARMS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER brought forward a motion for an humble address to his Majesty, praying him to sanction the Treasury Minute made in the case of Col. Seymour, Sergeant at Arms of the House of Commons, on his proposition to retire from the duties of that office. No indi vidual could be more qualified for the office than that gentle man, and few could have filled it with such honour to them selves and such complete satisfaction to the House. On the 6th of June he had addressed a letter to the Speaker, stat ing his inability to discharge any longer the duties of his situation, and soliciting a certain arrangement respecting his retiring pension ; or, rather, a continuance of a portion of his salary. The sum suggested by him was much less than what the Treasury would have allowed him in the ordinary course of superaunuations, and what he would be entitled to under these circumstances.—( Hear.) The arrangement he suggested imposed no additional expense upon the country, as it enabled the Government to pay his successor at the reduced salary fixed for the office, while it ultimately afforded a saving when that event, which he was sure the House would deplore as much as he did, should happen, the decease of Colonel Seymour. It had been the usual course, when the salaries or remuneration of officers of the House were in question, to have them decided by Commissioners appointed for that purpose, of which the Speaker was the head, virtute officii. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought it better to bring the present the case before the House for two reasons ; be cause in the first place, he wished the House should have the complete control over their own officers; and because he was convinced that it would be much more gratifying to the gentleman in question to be made aware of the appreciation in which the House held his zeal and fidelity. The proposition he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) meant to make to the House was according to the strict precedent established in the ease of Mr. Colman (as we understood), a predecessor of Colonel Seymour in the office of Sergeant-at-Arms. The Right Hon. Gentleman then proposed a humble address to his Majesty, praying him to enable the Commissioners of the House to reward adequately the long and faithful services of Colonel Seymour.—( Hear.) Mr. HUME thought the proposition most unobjectionable, and one which every Hon. Member should assent to.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more honourable to Mr. Seymour than his conduct on the present occasion, except the manner in which he had always discharged the arduous duties of his office.—( Hear. ) Sir M. W. RIDLE Y took that opportuity of expressing his individual sense of the services rendered to the House by the gentleman in question.—( Hear.) He had been an old and faithful servant, and had succeeded his father who held the same situation, with equal honour to himself, and equal advan tage to the House —( Hear.) Any respect which could be paid, or any remuneration which could be made him, for his services, was well deserved and richly merited. The motion was carried in the affirmative, amidst strong expressions of approbation on the part of every Hon. Member present. Mr. BROTHERTON then moved the adjournment of the House. Mr. S. MACKENZIE complained that he could find no opportunity of bringing forward the motion he had long since Placed on the paper of the House, but the Hon. Member spoke so indistinctly that we could not catch the nature of the mo tion, if he mentioned it. The Assizes (Ireland) Bill was read a third time. The Glasgow Universities Regulation Bill was brought in, read a first time, and ordered to be read a second. On the motion of Mr. BROTIIERTON the House adjourned at Half-past One o'Clock. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC J OURNALS. We were enabled to procure, late last night, a copy of the Bill brought in by Lord Morpeth, on Tuesday, for the regulation of Ecclesiastical Revenues, and the promotion of Religious and Moral Instruction in Ire land. This Bill is divided into two parts—the one having reference to the adjustment of tithes, by the substitution of a land-tax for the tithe composit►on ; and the other part providing for that appropriation, without which the House of Commons has solemnly declared that no adjustment can be final and satisfac tory. Sir Robert Peel has given notice that on the Speaker leaving the Chair, in order that the House may resolve itself into a Committee on the Bill, he shall move that it be an instruction to the Committee to separate these two parts, and so to divide it into two distinct Bills. He has further declared that his ob ject in making this proposition is not that he and the House may, with the more convenience to themselves, discuss the separate branches of the measure, but that he and his party may altogether defeat one of them —namely, that which enacts that, after amply pro viding for the spiritual wants of the Protestants, the surplus revenues of the Church Establish ment in Ireland, shall be devoted to the moral and religious education of the people of that country, without distinction of faith. Sir Robert Peel, there fore, in effect proposes to rescind the resolution of the House of Commons. He proposes that the House shall, in the face of a former resolution, now stultify itself by passing a Bill foi the adjustment of tithes in such a way as it has already pronounced can be neither satisfactory nor final. We can easily estimate the re spect which the Right Hon. Baronet seems to enter for the body from whom he expects a compliance like this—a compliance which would rival the ►most distinguished of his own tergiversations ; but as all his arguments against the principle of appropriation have before proved ineffective, and as nu attempt has yet been made to attack the measure of the Government founded upon that principle, without the most flagrant falsifications of its provisions, we deem it sufficient here to repeat most authoritatively, because we do so in the language of the Bill itself, a refutation of the particu lar objections which the enemies of the measure have ventured to urge against it. The most important of the objections is, that it leads to the wholesale suppression of the cure of souls in no less than 860 parishes in Ire land ; and this was the one particularly relied on by Sir Robert Peel on Tuesday evening. Others of the Tory party, and among them Sir H. Hardinge, ob jected to the 5/. clause as a positive insult to the Pro testant Clergy, whilst all the Tories would persuade us that they believe the measure must inevitably tend to diminish the influence of the Protestant religion in Ireland. We shall therefore confine ourselves to these points, and shall prove that the measure does not sup. press the cure of souls, that it does not degrade the Protestant Clergy, and that so far from diminishing, it is calculated greatly to increase the sphere of their ac tion. And first, with respect to the suppression of the cure of souls, the Bill expressly provides, that " When soever there shall appear by such Report (the Report of the Commissioners of Public Instruction) to be in any parish, any members of the said Established Church, and it shall likewise appear by such Report that there is a place of worship duly consecrated, and a resident officiating minister in such parish, it shall not be lawful, in case the Church thereof shall be so sequestered, to commit the ecclesi astical duties and the cure of souls within such parish to the incumbent or officiating minister of any neighbouring parish ; but in every such case a separate curate shall be nominated and licensed for such parish in manner hereinbefore provided." It is therefore clear that the resident offi ciating clergyman is not to be removed from any parish in which he is now to be found ; and if we further show that parishes containing but a single Protestant, and which have now no officiating clergyman► and no place of divine worship, are under this Bill to be pro vided with both these advantages, we feel that we have wholly disproved the allegation of Sir Robert Peel, that the Bill tends to the suppression of the cure of souls. The Bill, in its 58th clause, provides that upon the, voidance of any parish, the Protestant inha bitants of which, according to the Report of the. Com missioners of Public Instruction, did not exceed fifty, the revenues of such parish are to vested in the Eccle siastical Commissioners, as sequestrators ; and in a subsequent clause it is provided that the ecclesiastical duties, that is to say, the cure of souls in such parish, are to be committed either to a neighbouring minister or to a separate curate, to be specially nominated by the ordinary. In cases where separate curates are appointed, they are to receive an annual sti pend not exceeding 100/. ; they may occupy the glebe house, and enjoy glebe lands, to the value of 25/. a year, if there be such in the parish. But should the clergyman of any parish have the du ties of an adjoining one confided to him, he shall receive, in addition, a stipend varying from 101. to 501. If, however, there should be no Protestant what ever in the parish, then, with a view to keeping alive, as it were, the established religion in that parish, a neighbouring clergyman is to have ecclesiastical autho rity within it, and is to be paid, in acknowledgment of his jurisdiction, a sum which the framers of the Bill have fixed at 5/. Under the Church Temporalities Act it was provided that if divine worship had not been performed in any parish for three years preceding February, 1833, the appointment of an incumbent was to be suspended, and the revenues of the Church sequestered, no matter how numerous the Protestant inhabitants of the parish might be. In the case of such suspension a nominal sum, the sum of 4/. was to be given to the clergyman of some adjoining parish, to do that for which this Bill, upon the same principle, gives the higher sum of 5/. ; and it is a singular fact, that under Lord Stanley's Act, the Ecclesiastical Com missioners have so suspended a parish containing not less than 80 Protestants. The Bill of Lord Morpeth will remove that suspension, and restore the cure of souls to a parish in which Lord Stanley had agreed to suppress it. Lord Stanley's Act provided for the sequestration of the revenues of the Church in certain parishes, but it did not, like the measure originating with his Majesty's present Ministers, take care that every parish having a single Protestant should enjoy the benefit of an officiating clergyman, and should also have a Church or some suitable place of divine worship within his own parish for that single member of the Protestant communion. We cannot conclude this hasty notice of a vitally important measure, which might be described as truly one for the extension of the Pro testant religion of Ireland, without stating that if the altered circumstances of any parish shall, in the judg ment of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, require the renewal of the sequestration, the Lord Lieutenant is empowered to adopt the recommendation of the Com missioners, and carry it into full effect. These Com missioners consist of three Archbishops, three Bishops, of the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Chief Justice, and of two Lay Members, the one appointed by the Crown, and the other chosen by the Primate and the Arch bishop of Dublin ; and we need not add, that in such keeping the interests of the Protestant religion are not likely toPliaiiitglected.—Morning Chronicle. A sense of 'insy.ce and humanity induces us once more to return to the debate in the House of Commons on the subject of poor laws for Ireland. Disgusted as we felt at the course which the debate had taken, and anxious as we felt, not unnaturally, to avoid the irrita tion which cannot fail to be created by a moment's re flection on the state of the Irish poor, we might, per haps, have consulted our own peace of mind, but that common charity forbids us to rest while thousands of otn fellow creatures are famishing for want of the com mon necessaries to support life, deserted by those who should be their protectors, but who prefer indulging in acrimonious attacks upon us, because we have pointed out to the people of Ireland their gross negli gence of their duty, in not attempting to rescue from starvation those who look to them with confidence for an assertion of their rights. We will for. a moment en deavour to suppress our feelings of indignation while calling upon Mr. O'Connell to stand forth, in the face of his country, and justify the gross libels which he on Wednesday night poured forth on his unfortunate countrymen. Was it not enough that he should desert them in their battle for existence? Was it not suffi cient he should put forth arguments destructiVe of their claim for common sustenance, while giving an equi vocal support to a Bill which his arguments went to annihilate? Was not this enough, without holding them up as a set of beings so utterly beyond all hope of civi lization that they would turn upon the hands that fed them ? We had thought, albeit Mr. O'Connell chooses to represent us as enemies to Ireland, that the Irish character was composed of more estimable mate rials. We did suppose that gratitude was one of their characteristics, and least of all could we suppose, as asserted by Mr. O'Connell, that if once the claim for relief was establiShed, any refusal to grant relief would be the signal for burning down the workhouses. It has been our fortune, or misfortune, no matter which, to have heard Ireland libelled, wickedly and unjustly libelled before now, and thus libelled for party pur poses ; but we unfeignedly declare that all the libels which were ever poured upon that country fell short in acrimony —bitter, biting acrimony—of that which Mr. O'Connell gave utterance to in the heat of his antipathy to poor laws. We now place Mr. O'Connell upon his defence ; and allowing the people of Ireland , to be the judges, we would contest tne issue as to whether the Hon. and Learned Member or ourselves were the truer friends of Ireland or of the Irish people. To turn from a matter which will rest between Mr. O'Connell and the people of Ireland, we must just no tice an article in the Globe of last night, which treats as silly our notion that every man has a claim for sup port upon the soil which gave him birth. Reformers of England, look to this !—Liberals of England, listen to the Globe advocating the doctrine that the people have no right to live, except at the discretion of the Lords of the soil I Prepare your necks for the yoke-- prepare to bow in submission to the landlords of the country for permission to exist. You have no rights but what they, in their mercy, choose to concede. If, through their legislation, you should be unable to ob tain employment, your only claim, according to the Globe—your only positive right—the only pretension which you may undisputedly call your own is that of starving, unpitied, uncared for, and unnoticed —com forting yourselves with the reflection that you could not help it—that for you " there was no place at Na ture's board I" Will the Globe—will the patrons of the Globe—will Mr. Spring Rice dare openly to follow out the principle which is thus by inference proclaimed ? Let us understand our rulers. Does the liberal Whig Government mean to tell the people of England that those only who have property have rights, and that those who have none have not even the right to live ? The Globe sneers at the poet who regretted the pass ing away of an age which, by comparison, might justly be termed the golden— A time there was ere England's griefs began When every rood of ground maintained its man." Had the poet, however, lived to the present day, his regret would have been turned to execration against those who, with a rapacity formerly unknown, sweep to themselves the produce of a thousand roods, leaving the nine hundred and nine-nine to all the horrors of utter destitution. The Globe calls itself liberal, and so does the Whig Government, of which it is the organ, and yet both of them would deprive the people of a right which hitherto has never been disputed, and in doing so, affect to believe that such right had never been possessed. Let the Reformers of England lOok to this—they may differ with us in opinion upon many topics which we have advocated honestly, but we chal lenge them to show any instance where the practical welfare of the mass of the community was involved, in which we have not been the earnest, honest, and un flinching advocate of that community. Can the Globe say this ? If it think it can, let it at once boldly assert and defend the , principle that the landed aristo cracy of the country have the right, as soon as they have possessed themselves of the power, to starve at their discretion the labouring population of the empire. Morning Herald. The most remarkable event that has occurred in the House of Commons for months past is the favourable reception given on Wednesday evening to a proposition made by Sir Richard Musgrave for introducing poor laws into Ireland. At the same time we must take the freedom to observe, that so far as a practical or intelligible system of relief to the suffering poor is concerned, nothing can be more vague, or unsatis factory, than the speech by which the Hon. Baronet prefaced his motion for the second reading of the Bill. It is from the observations of Mr.-S. Rice, known to ' be unfavourable, as we believe is Lord Lansdowne, to the principle of an Irish poor-law, that we collect the provisions of that brought in by Sir R. Musgrave to contemplate relief for paupers—lst, above 60 years of age ; 2d, orphans under 14 ; 3d, sick, diseased, lame, maimed, blind, deaf, and dumb ; to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer added—though, as it appears to us, with more questionable wisdom, that is, where a poor law only was under discussion—that he would tax estates universally for the education of young children. We shall not be suspected of undervaluing this last object recommended by the Chancellor of I the Exchequer, but shall merely state our impression, that it belongs .nore properly to the department of na tional education than of assistance to the destitute. A relief prescribed by law for the destitute poor of Ire land has long been a favourite and earnest object with this journal—one which we have often, and for many years declared to be indispensable—no matter how many improvements might be effected in the Popery. laws or tithe-laws, or in any other branch of Irish ju risprudence, we have ever considered that to be the most important of all which directly involves the rela tion between property and poverty throughout the island. What did Catholic emancipation accomplish for the relief of the Irish peasant ? It placed some 30 or 40 individuals of the Popish communion within the walls of Parliament. But for the poor—for the dis tressed—for the naked—for the starving—what was done by Catholic emancipation ? Literally—rigorously nothing. And how for would any modification or any reduction—how far would the utter annihilation of that whole fund, whether by the name of tithe or rent charge, which has hitherto maintained, or is ostensibly destined to maintain hereafter, the Protestant clergy of Ireland—how far, we say, would that go towards alleviating the miseries of the Irish poor ? What direction would that stream of revenue take when cut off from the maintenance of the Clergy ? Into what channel has it really been diverted since tithe ceased to be collected by the Clergyman, or by others, for his use ? Why, it rushes, as to a centre of gravity, into the landlord's pocket. No poor man, from East to West of Ireland, is the better for the change by a single shilling. No poor man has an extra pig within his sty, or an extra potato for his children. It is all a vile and despicable mystification. Tithes were never paid by the poor in Ireland or else where. They were a deduction from that rent which, but for them, the landlord would have obtained for his acres ; and, to make up the rent-charge henceforth nominally payable by the landlord, an extra value will he laid upon the land equivalent to the amount of tithe about to be commuted. It is all a wretched delusion from first to last—a dream, that anything has been done for the poor, by playing off emancipation one year, and abolishing tithe some five or six years - afterwards—by the first of which a certain portion of Roman Catholics, answering to the name of gentlemen, have acquired some new privileges—as by the second, landlords generally have been ena bled to intercept the income of the Clergyman and transfer it to himself. Words are all-powerful among an ignorant and brutalized race of men. Tithe is called an oppression, though it will smell no less un savoury under the name of rent. O'Connell is called " a Liberator," never having moved his little finger to assuage the sufferings, to mend the fortunes, or to promote the interests or happiness of any human being but Mr. Daniel O'Connell. With regard to a Poor Law for Ireland, the " Liberator" of the poor has at all times, until very lately, avowed himself the mortal enemy of that measure. Finding, however, the com mon sense of the case, and the tide of public feeling too strong for him, he has more lately disclaimed his unpopular error, and confessed himself a convert to the Poor Law principle ; in this, however, differing from other converts, inasmuch as the zeal of the Learned Gentleman has not yet been conspicuous on behalf of his new opinions. Let any one read his speech on Sir R. Mulgrave's motion, and then say how sincere is Mr. O'Connell's desire to promote the introduction of Poor Laws into Ireland. He spoke indeed against Mr. Richards of Knaresborough —he spoke against the late Ministry—against the everlasting misgovernment of Ireland under the Eng lish sway, as if she had ever been otherwise than savagely governed under her own native domination, no one of which topics bad any thing to do with the debate. He railed moreover against the Scotch poor law, and against the English poor-law, and finished by abusing the embryo Irish poor-law, as being a source of increased party feuds in Ireland, which the learned agitator has always so diligently laboured to tranquil lize. Indeed, while the learned person conjured up his stock bugbear of tithe whereon to vent his viru lence, he used an expression which, to speak vulgarly, " let the cat out of the bag," as to his real sentiments on the subject of an Irish poor-law ; for, says he, " the Hon. Gentleman," we forget whom he meant, " would give the people of Ireland a poor-law, arid refuse them juctice ; they asked for bread, and he gave them a stone"—an image, certainly, the least appro priate that ever was resorted to—for his abolition of tithe is to the poor a mere stone, whereas there is bread in poor-laws. However, we do not quarrel with the timidity or slowness, albeit disguised under the term " circumspection," which Honour able Members—Ministers among them—have evinced on this occasion. In the same ratio in which poor laws are important, they ought undoubtedly to be pre pared with prudence, and perhaps it may be as well to begin by limiting -their application to the relief of old we, sickness, infancy, &c. As for the plan of making a poor-rate voluntary, or at least contingent on the very precarious condition of ten persons in the same parish subscribing of their own accord in the first instance, we are loth to say all we think upon the sub ject, but verily it is a modest and marvellously humble beginning. The one grand master-principle which ought to govern every poor-law system for Ireland, is to force the landlords, by a sense of their own personal interest, to watch over and provide for the well-being of their poorer tenantry. If you effect not this, you may give up the whole scheme as hopeless ; and this will never be accomplished by leaving the relief of the poor at the option of any given number of individuals. Suppose no ten persons are found to subscribe in a parish where all or most of the proprietors who could afford it happened to be non-residents, not caring one straw for the people, and unwilling to subscribe at all ; what then becomes of your power to lay on a poor rate ? and where is the efficacy of Sir Richard Mus grave's Bill ? Times. A very important Bill was read a third time last night in the House of Commons by a very small ma jority—a majority so small, when regarded in compa rison with the importance of the question which it de cided, so far at least as the House of Commons is concerned, that it can hardly claim to exercise a very decided influence upon the opinion of the country. The measure to which we allude is the Bill of Mr. Ewart to allow Counsel to make speeches in defence of prisoners on their trial. This seems to us to be one of those propositions (and there are many of the same character, which have recently engaged much public attention) that are sure to acquire a certain kind of popularity on account of a plausibility merely super ficial. To say that Counsel shall be permitted to make a speech for the prosecution of a criminal charge, and that Counsel shall not be permitted to make a speech in defence of the accused, seems on the first view of it a monstrous and revolting proposition. And it would really be so if the question related to the in stitution of an original system of criminal jurispru dence for a new community. The facts, however, are, that the proposition, monstrous as, prima facie, it may appear, does but express the established and long-tried system of English criminal jurisprudence ; that this system has not been found incapable in prac tice of attaining, with at least tolerable certainty and correctness, the objects which criminal jurisprudence everywhere has in view ; and that, if it have erred at all, it has certainly not generally erred on the side of severity towards the accused. Such being, as we be lieve it is, the acknowledged state of the facts, it is no longer discreet, or even rational, to insist much upon an inconsistency or anomaly, which, however startling the terms in which it must be expressed, has not after long experience of its effects, been found to produce practical or substantial inconvenience or injustice. The law which deprives prisoners of the assistance of the eloquence of the Bar _:for it is of the eloquence of the ..Bar only that. they, are now deprived, the aid of i t legal learning in reference to all points of law, aiid Of its dexterity and acumen in the examination of witnesses, being fully within their reach—will, perhaps, be found, when its operation is closely examined, to • be upon the whole unfavourable to their inte rests, or to the interest of justice. Counsel, and especially that class of Counsel who practice in the Criminal Courts, could scarcely, when retained by a prisoner, resist the temptation of making eloquent ap peals to the feelings of the Jury in his behalf. Such appeals, if they became, as they probably would be come, habitual, would be met always, and anticipated often, by the Counsel for the prosecution. The Cri minal Courts would thus become a focus of ingenious, and sometimes indecorous, disputation, an arena in which rival orators would contend for pre-eminence. In this struggle it may reasonably be doubted whether the cause of justice would gain any advantage. And it seems quite certain that on all occasions when the current of popular prejudice or of public feeling runs strongly against any particular class of offenders, or any particular description of crime, the occasions when the aid of Counsel is most required, the party accused would, under the new system, have less chance to ob tain justice than under the old one. The habits and the tone of feeling which pervade English society are such as impose upon the most injured or most angry prosecu tor of a criminal charge the necessity to acquire and be get in his own mind, and to display in the conduct of the cause, something of the temperance and gravity of the judicial character. If he would stand well with the world he must prosecute as if he were only anxious that the ends of public justice should be attained. He must not seek any undue advantage. He must not instruct his Counsel, and if he were he would now seldom be obeyed, to strain any point, to render avail able any temporary excitement of the public mind to appeal to the passions instead of the understandings of the Jury, in order to procure a conviction. The general feelings of society thus conduce to the pure administration of justice. They are feelings which, so l'ifig as they predominate in society, cannot fail to in fluence the Bar, the Jury, and the Bench. The Judges are said to be Counsel for the prisoner. This is a popu lar if not a legal maxim. It emanates directly from those liabits and feelings of the community, which we have just Lientioned. And if this maxim be sometimes stated too broadly and generally, it is an unquestionable part of the duty of a criminal Judge to rebuke and con trol any appearance of excessive zeal on the part of the prosecuting Counsel to procure a verdict against the prisoner. These principles, feelings, and habits, which have long been interwoven most closely with the administration of criminal justice in England, are liable to be shaken by that change in the system of our ju risprudence which the Bill of Mr. Ewart would effect; and if they should be disturbed, in the slightest de oree by that measure, it will have occasioned a mis cllief to society for which we should look in vain to • Mr. Ewart and his colleagues in legislation for repara tion or atonement. It is at least doubtful, as we have seen, whether the projected alteration may not pro duce, instead of the advantages its authors expect from it, great and irreparable injury to the admi nistration of criminal justice. There is one evil, in deed, which it would certainly produce. It could not fail to render the administration of criminal justice much more expensive than it is at present. It will be necessary, if speeches are to be made in favour of prisoners in any case, that they should be made in every case. It is a matter in which the country would certainly not tolerate any distinction be tween the rich and the poor. To those who have not the means to retain Counsel, Counsel must be assigned. The employment of Counsel by prosecutors will also become general. And, since the advantages of the project as a means of rendering the administration of justice more infallible are questionable, it may be per mitted to calculate to what extent it will render the administration of justice more expensive. It is not, we believe, an exaggeration to say that if Counsel were employed in every case tried at the Old Bailey an absolute necessity would speedily arise for three or four additional Courts, with their array of Judges, or that every Assize in the country would occupy three days for one. The additional expense to the counties would, there is no doubt, be in the same proportion. This would be no valid objection to a change which afforded a satisfactory promise of improvement. But it is certainly worthy of consideration, when the pro posed change seems quite as likely to be productive of evil as of good.—Morning Post. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. Octavius Smith, a young man, of very genteel appear ance, was indicted for forging and uttering an order for the payment of 4001., with intent to defraud Messrs. Stone, Martin;and Stone, bankers. Mr. W. F. Fry, a clerk in the employment of the prosecutors, deposed that on the 12th of March last Messrs. Easthope and Co., called at. the banking-house, and presented a check for 4001., pur porting to be drawn by his employers. He gave him two bank bills for 2001. each in exchange for the check. It sub sequently turned out to be a forgery. The prisoner, in his defence, threw himself upon the mercy of the Court. Several witnesses gave him an egeellent character. The Learned Judge summed up the evidence, and the Jury returned a verdict of Guilty. After the laSt case was heard in the Old Court the Com mon Sergeant (in the absence of the Recorder at. Cam bridge) passed the sentences. TRANSPORTATION FOR LlFE.—Clement Brown, W. Taylor, W. Hobbs, Octavius Smith —felony. FOURTEEN YEARS.—G. Davis and H. Hopkins. SEVEN YEARS—The Reverend James S. Blomfield (fe lon}); John Pople, Timothy M'Carthy, Joseph Montgomery, Joseph Newcombe, Thomas Walker, Philip Maine, William Anson, Samuel Holmes, Alexander Clarke, Anne Smith, John Barry, Parish Deacon, William Narroway, Timothy Taylor, Charles Brewer, James Beckington, William Jones (aged 20) ; William Corby, William Mann, Charles Mann, John Barnett, Charles Neale, and John Good Stephen Farmer. NINE MONTHS' IMPRISONMENT, AND To BE KEPT TO HARP LABOUR-Charles Gunshard. SIX DITTO, DITTO. -Walter W. Carter, John Garton, John Gordon, William Rumbald. THREE MONTHS' IMPRISONMENT —William Swaine, James Cheeseman, Mary Gody, James Wakeley. Two DlTTO—Henry Loader. ONE DlTTO—William Saunders. William Davis and Richard Yates (two policemen), four days' imprisonment. The COMMON SERGEANT, in passing sentence of two years' hard labour on James Hamilton, stated that his case would be laid before the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and he had no doubt it would be mitigated ; but it was his duty to pass the sentence. When the Reverend James Blomfield left the dock be appeared quite astounded at his sentence. The Court then adjourned until the 17th o August. BIRHS On the 6th i ns t., a t Broadstair s, the . lady of F. 0. Dick ins, Esq.l of Upper Stamford-street, of a son. On the 6th inst., at Dulwich, the lady of Edmund Chapman, Esq., of a son. On the 7th inst., at Walthamstow, the wife of the Rev. Thorns* Dry, of a daughter. On the 7th inst., the lady of S. Levison, Esq., of Brunswick square, of a daughter. On the 2d inst., in Paris, the lady o f W m . O verton, Esq., 0 f Grove End-road, St. John's Wood, of a son. MARRIED. On the 9th inst., the Hon. James Hewitt, eldest son of Viscount Lifford, to Lady Mary Acheson, eldest daughter of the E ar l of Gesford. On the Bth inst., at Lee, James Farquhar, of Hall Green, Kitt" cardineshire, N. 8., and of Doctors' Commons, London, Esq., t . Anne, youngest daughter of Joseph Sladen, Esq., of Lee, Kent. On the 9th in s t., a t Clewer, Berks, James Sivewright, Esq., °', Brighton, to An ne Dutton, youngest daughter of Benjamin Smyth , Elq., Crescent, Windsor, some time Colonial Secretary and Master' of the Rolls of Cape Breton, and late Naval Officer General of the' islands of Antigua and Barbuda. On the 9th inst., at Willingale, the Rev. Charles BradsLSW Bowles, of Pirbright, in Surrey, to Sophia, second daughter of the Rev. John Deedes, Rector of Willingale, Essex. On the Bth inst., Lieut. J. J. Harris, of the 30th Regimen t Bengal Native Infantry, to J. H. Zingaro. DIED. _ . Lately, at Woolwich, the infant daughter of Captain C. Cobbe, of the Hon. East India Company's Bengal Army. On the sth inst., at Woodcote-place, near Epsom, Anne, younges t daughter of the late James Calder, Esq., Aberdeen. On the 7th inst., at The Ray, Maide n h ea d, th e i n f ant d au ghter of Sir John and Lady Phillimore. On the 6th inst., at Reigate, the Rev. Thomas Harvey, Rector of Cowden, Kent. On the 28th ult., Mr. L. B. Reilly, of The York House, Bath- , On the 9th inst., in Belgrave-square, aged i 4, Lydia - Elizabetlt Kemp, fourth daughter of Thomas Read Kemp, Esq., M.P. On the 9th inst„ in Madeira, aged 24, William John, only son of the late John Hughes, Esq., of Marden Ash, Essex. On the 27th ult., at Clay-hill, Enfield, Mrs. Weston. 1.(;ndon: Printed and published by MURDO YOUNG, of Die, 112, Strand, at The Sun Ohice, No. Strand, in the c ount,' .ofllfiddleam ATan bed rainiter, on t'. Resolve( I.—Thatt a polls, ender • gistration of t the independ( IL—That foil First.— To I eircurestan Britain. Second. —To rml rules Voters. Third. —To system, of and Count where nom Fourth. —To of the Refo tions, elect lifications s necessary the periodic to counters Societies n servative lll.—Tha• AssoczArtoi and Sub -Con IV. —Thai Management, be admitted V.--That Committee : Acherley, Cl Acheson, Adam, Willi) Adams, H: ( , Aglionby, H. Aglionlsy M Allen, T. 11 , Alston,Row Amory, Semi Amory, Will Anderson, R Andover, Vi! Angerstein, Angerstein, I Armstrong, 1 Armstrong, 1 Ashton, Joh] Ashton, S., • Astley, Sir .1 3A Baines,l 31 31 3B A aaa ga ga ' e sns e dbhhe c ra slid e v‘ t ig:ar t h n , jjl ; 3. Ed Barham, Joh Barkley, C. Barnard, E. Barnett, Clit Barnett, Jan Bass, M. T.. Bayley, Robt Beauclerk, Beaufoy, Beaumont, 1 Beckwith, C Bell, Willian Benson, Rol Berkel eT , Bee es, rho, Biddulph, R Bidclulph, R Bigge, C. W Bish, Thom; Blackb urne, Blackett, Blake, 'Willi Blamire, Blount, Edu E Blunt, E. .1, Boddington, Boldero, Li; Bolton, Tho Booth, Jam Zousfield, Bouverie, H Bouverie, ► Join Bowring, D Brackenbur; Brewster, S 13rocklehurs Brodie, W. Broughton, Brown, Dor Ifttckingh= Eli let, Cha Buller; C. Buhser, E. Bulwer, H. Bunbttry, S Burdett, Sit Burton, H. Buxton, T. Byng, Hon. ng, Geor Call, Sir W Carter, Edv Carter, J. I Cave, It. C Cavendish, Cavendish, Cayley, E. Chalmers, Chamberlay Clarke, C e C e lc he Clarke, i h vo e o i ur c ii t rkki n h m w eee e hee Y iii t lTjele e l d yy.: r . : :. 11: Clay, Clayton f Clayton' Jo Clifton, 111 Clive, E. Ii Close, Thon Coates, The Codrington, Collins, WI Coke, T. Collier, Joh Coltman, T Conynghan Cookes, T. Cooper, He Coppock, Crack entho Craig, Sir. Craig, Will Crawford, Craw ford, Crawley, S Crompton, Cross, A., Currie, Ra Curteis, H Curteis, E. Cum en , le Dalrymp rtayen port, tlavie, Sir Davies., Cl Dalv.som, I Denn 'son, Denni 'stow Dimsd Dimsd Divett, Ec Divett, .J. Disney,. -. l ' Douglas, • Drumm* buberlel buckwort bunean, buncombe bundae, C Dundee, 1 - 1 reunclas, } Dund. as , Durilop, C Dykes, F. Xasthope, Eb ringtor Edwards, Eki ns A( Elli ce, Ri El% 'e, C; Ellis e, E l Elph into Elm* , E( EtwaVl, vests„ Evans,Evans, CI, X'rans, 111 Evan s , .1c Evan s XV Art, Ey ston, ( Fellowes, .rgas, irguson Fa srgusor rguso r Fe rgusot Fit eh, Fie nes, Fit% :roy, Fle a ling Polk Per r b k 14 ' Wilt% • Pq x, lirlklar Gaakell, %Sh oo Gisb Arai Ool t t aol q*l tooi lent Gori i Ig, raiz•ge Cram GCab , 40roetV, Grtywth