The Sun. — London, England, 1866-02-07 00:00:00

ed to the alteration of that intention—to supersede Mr. Eyre, who was to remain within the island—subject to the examination andcontrol of that governor and two of his col leagues, degraded in the eyes of blacks, who would naturally be led to believe that they had obtained a signal triumph over a man whom they looked upon as an oppressor while the whites would be under the impression that everything was being done in favour of the negro, the relative position of the two races being thus as it were changed—was a step neither just to Governor Eyre nor likely to be othe rwise than most unfortunate in its effect upon the minds of both populations. (Ilea; hear.) I presume the noble earl at the head of the Government has taken the opinion of the law officers of the Crown as to the lega lit y of the commis sion which has been sent out to Jamaica, for, unless I have their opinion against mine, I should have great doubt as to that legality. Ido not, of cour se, question the power of the Government to make any inquiries they may please in the colony, and to order rumours to be picked up here and there for their information ; but I believe this Commission which has been sent out to try, as it were, Governor Eyre for high crimes and misdemeanours, has not the power to compel a single witness to give evidence before it on oath ; that Mr. Eyre might refuse to appear before it if he pleased, or recognise its authority in the slightest degree. What, therefore, have you done ? Have you not been sending out on the authority of the Govern ment a roving commission to pick up evidence against him which might be used when, if that which is urged against him by those who take a fanatical view of his conduct in this country be true, he came to be placed on his trial on a capital charge ? (Hear, hear.) I will only add on this point that the Government have, in my opinion, taken a graver responsibility upon themselves in the course which they have adopted. I next come to that serious calamity the cattle plague, but I will not follow into any detail the various speakers who, with the exception of the President of the Council and the noble duke opposite, have with so much unanimity expressed their dissatisfaction at the course which Government have thought proper to pursue in reference to that subject. Even the language—the apo logetic language —of her Majesty's Ministers themselves has been, "We did not know how far public opinion or feeling would go along with us in dealing with the mat ter. We therefore fluctuated from one side to the other, and issued a series of contradictory enactments." Earl GRANVILLE—I did net use that language. The Earl of DERBY— Perhaps the noble earl will tell me which are the precise words to which he objects. Earl GRANVILLE—I did not say, speaking on behalf of the Government, as the noble earlwould seem to impute to me, that " we fluctuated from one side to the other, and issued a series of contradictory enactments." The Earl of DERBY— I did not for a moment suppose that the noble earl would give that character of himself. (Laughter.) What I intended to say was that, with the single exception of the noble earl himself and the noble duke beside him, there was an universal chorus of voices from both sides of the house, complaining that the course pursued by the Government with regard to the cattle plague ' was vacillating and unsatisfactory ; that they were from first to last insensible of the magnitude of the evil ; that they lagged behind the exigencies of the case ; that they were endeavouring to see before acting how far public opi nion would go along with them, and that they were through out shirking the responsibility which belongs to the Exe cutive Government, and seeking to throw it on the shoulders of other persons, thus producing no uniformity of proceeding ; but, on the contrary, every variety of sys tem. [Earl Granville here made a remark across the table.] Any more observations ? (A laugh.) All I can say is, that the language which the noble lord imputes to me is absolute nonsense, but 1 do state that the Government do not appear to have realised in this instance the important fact that unless, in the material as in the moral world, prompt measures are taken at the outset to crush a pesti lential virus it will be apt to spread unchecked until it ex tends beyond your power. (Hear.) This observation, I may add, I would apply not only to the cattle plague, but also to what is known under the name of Fentanism in Ireland. For the way in which the latter evil has been dealt with I make no charge against any individual, still less against the present Irish Government. But my noble friend behind me has told your lordships, with great truth, that in 1859 the Government, of which I had then the honour to be the head, succeeded in convicting one prisoner on a charge of treason felony, and in estab lishing beyond a doubt the existence of treasonable conspiracy in Ireland, and I may add that that excellent judge, Baron Greene, in passing sentence of ten years' penal servitude on the person who had been convicted, informed him that had not the Crown taken a merciful view of the case his duty would be to pass upon him sentence of death, inasmuch as his offence absolutely amounted to treason itself. There wore, too, several other prisoners at the same time against whom indictments had been found, but it was thought expedient by the Crown to postpone the cansideration of those indictments until the following assizes. The question was accordingly brought before the Court of Queen's Bench, as to whether the pri soners should be admitted to bail. No rule was, however, made on the subject, inasmuch as the Court was equally divided; but the judges who were in favour of admitting the prisoners to bail, just as strongly condemned the offence with which they were charged, and as fully ad mitted the clearness cf the case against thorn, as those who took a contrary view upon the point immediately at issue. Well, what afterwards happened ? The Government went out of office between the time of which I am speaking and the next assizes, and the first act of the new Government was to discharge every one of those indicted traitors on the simple condition that they should come up for judg ment when called upon to do so. Nor was this all. The Crown entered into a bargain with the .prisoners who pleaded guilty not only that they should not be visited with the consequences of their crime, but that the prisoner who had been actually convicted and sentenced to 10 years' penal servitude should be released, and he was released without even application having been made to the judge who tried him to ascertain whether there were any circum stances which in his opinion would justify his pardon. (Hear, hoar.) Well, my lords, who are the parsons who were thus dealt with? Why, the very same who were brought up again for the same crime within the last few months, and who were from 1859 to 1865 allowed to mature their traitorous designs both at home and in America. (Hear.) There is, again, the notorious Mr. Stephens, who was asso ciated with Mr. Smith O'Brien in that foolish and paltry at tempt at revolt in 1848, and who has ever since been carry - ing on the game of treason. This gentleman was in 1848 a principal agent, but, acting upon that instinct of self-pre servation which seems never to have forsaken him, he left his comrades in the lurch and went abroad. He afterwards, however, returned to Ireland at the peril of being indicted for high treason. Then there is the notorious offender called Donovan, who has remained in Ireland plotting treason from 1863 to 1865, and who, as registered proprietor of the Irish People, circulated under the nose of the Castle 8,000 copies per week of a paper containing articles so detestably treasonable that Justice Keogh, in sentencing one of the prisoners brought before the late Commission, requested the reporters not to take any notice of the extracts from that paper read in his defence. There were, I believe, no less than 40 copies of the Irish People which were relied upon as overt acts of conspiracy, yet though its circulation ex tended from 1863 to 1865, it was not until after the late general election that a single step was taken to prosecute the traitors by whom it was conducted. (Hear, hear.) For the entire space of two years this man Donovan—who had been conditionally pardoned by the Crown, and who might, at any moment, have been called up for judgment on a charge of treason felony, was allowed unchecked, and with a full knowledge of the circumstances on the part of the Government—for during the whole time their spy was in his office—to go on disseminating treason, so that the cre dulous and but too easily-deceived people of Ireland were led to believe that they were not sincere in their desire to suppress the conspiracy. (Hear, hear.) Ido not say this to throw blame on the Government of that day. The prime offender was the right hon. gentleman who is now Secre tary of State for the Colonies, who does not appear to be much more successful in that post than he was as Chief Secretary for Ireland. (A laugh.) But the present Govern ment of Ireland seem to have acted with moderation, temper, and firmness, and to have conducted these trials in a manner 'Which reflects great credit upon them. I trust they will con tinue to pursue the same course and not slacken till there 18 hope of the credulity of some of the humble classes , 4 4. : I reland being dissipated, and of peace and order being "ea en a sound basis through the influence of . the large majority who are better disposed. But the moral I wish to draw frothmon !hose things is thi s : —S om e of these unh a pp y " repudiated with indignation the idea that while they lh were plotti ng sebe • on they were also countenancing assassination. The Irish it has race are impassioned, credulous, ; n and easily l e d has been one of the misfortunes of Ireland that for suce :g . series of years past she has always had a of agitation constantly in flaming the minds of th e constantly dwelling on their supposed wrongs, an r co ° n O s e t , iyinciting them not to acts of violence, but to constitutional agitation. The pupils of these agitators, bettering their instructions,adthogh I then break out into open acts of insensate rebellion, be lieve from my heart that none of these acts although violence are intended or would be sanctioned or encourage( by those who lead them to the brink of the abyss of crime, yet th e moral to be drawn is that it is n o t safe to incite s uch an excitable people with incessant tales of their imagined oppression, and that the natural fruits of such a mischievous course will be such deeds as their advisers ma) little contemplate. My lords, in dealing with the single topic of the Speech from the Throne which it now remains for me to notice, I am not about to follow the example set by the noble lord on the cross bench, and to presume to offer any advice to her Majesty's Government as to what course they should pursue. The question of reform is one on which they will judge for themselves, and will bring forward at the proper moment and on their own responsibility such a measure as they may think it desirable to propose. But, observing that this ques tion of reform appears in the very last paragraph in the Speech, I must venture to call to the recollection of the noble earl (Russell) what took place seven years ago, on February 3d, 1859. On that occasion it did so happen that reform was the subject of the l as t p aragra ph i n a Q ueen ' s Speech of about half the length of the present one, and in z humoured to th a t c i rcums t ance L or d Palmerston, with goodm oured badinage, held this language : " It is not an unusual practice to reserve the best and most impo r tant things for the last, and accordingly her Majestyre G o vernment, after having kept the house and the public on the tenter-hooks of expectation through many long preceding paragraphs, at last COM tO the topic which is at present most exciting the attenti( n of the public, namely, the subject of Parliamentary Reform. I take the last paragraph in the speech to n can that her Majesty's Government have a bill ready I repared upon that subject, and that it is their intention, without the least delay, to lay it on the table of the house, in order that the house and the public may have an opportunity of consi dering its provisions. I think that is a proper course for them to pursue, and quite consistent with the usual course of procedure." My right hon. friend the then Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Disraeli) had the satisfaction of informing the noble lord and the house that we had that bill in readiness, that we were prepared to lay it on the table at a very early period, and that there was only one subject which pressed for more immediate consideration before it—namely, the large augmentation of the nary which was then in pro gress. But then the noble earl opposite was not satisfied, and he sought rather to improve upon his leader's liveli ness on that occasion. He accordingly delivered himself of the witticism which lam about to submit for your lord ship's consideration. (A laugh.) He said: — "Sir, there is another subject which the right hon. gen tleman touched upon somewhat tenderly, and which ap peared just at the end of the Speech from the Throne. (This was the gravamen of the charge against us.) It cer tainly appears to me as if her Majesty's Ministers had gone through all the topics upon which they thought Parlia ment would expect to be addressed, and that then some member of the Cabinet said, Is there nothing forgotten ? We have not left out Mexico, have we ? No, there it is. There is also a passage about China and Japan. I cannot think of anything that is omitted.' But at last some inge nious member ofthe Cabinet perhaps said, There is one subject forgotten—there is the Reform Parliament; we must put that in.'" (Laughter.) Now, my lords, all this was founded on the circumstance of Reform being the last paragraph in her Majesty's Speech, and that occurring on the 3d February, our bill was laid on the table on the 28th of the same month, and was then read for discussion, we having gone through the question with regard to the navy. But the noble earl said, with his usual humour :—" The right hon. gentle man (Mr. Disraeli), " Now fitted the halter, now traversed the cart, " And often took leave, but seemed loth to depart." _ _ _ (Laughter.) But earlier in his remarks the noble earl said : —" The right hon. gentleman seemed as unwilling to touch on that subject (Reform) here as the Cabinet were in putting it into the Speech. Heaven knows how it has fallen into their charge !" (A laugh.) Well, be that as it may, we know at least how it was taken out of what a member of the other house the other day, with great cour tesy of expression, called our " dirty and unhallowed fingers." (Laughter.) Our predecessors had on more than four separate occasions pledged the faith of the Crown that such a measure should be submitted to Parliament, and be cause in endeavouring to carry that pledge into effect they had so completely bungled and mismanaged the whole question that they could come to no conclusion at all, that 1 they left everything in confusion, and the whole country in an agitation on the subject of Reform, we sought to put an end to that state of things by a fair, an honest, and a conscientiously-framed measure, proposed with an earnest intention to fulfil the solemn and repeated declarations made from the throne. (Hear, hear.) How that bill was encountered, defeated, and got rid of perhaps the noble lord has now forgotten. (A laugh.) But in those remarks of his in 1859 which I have been quoting the noble lord, ad dressing the House of Commons, wont on to say : "I do not see that there is any subject which the Govern ment intend to bring forward that will furnish them with any excuse for delay in this matter. . . . If they have made up their minds to introduce a Reform Bill, let them lay . it on the table. (Laughter and cheers.) I will give no opinion on a measure of that kind until I see what it pro poses to do. . . . There is every disposition in this house to wait their time ; but they must not be putting off the subject. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) My hon. friend behind me (Mr. Bright) I am afraid will hardly be able to restrain his impatience. (Laughter.) They have given a pledge in this matter, and they are bound to perform it." That was the language of the noble earl in 1859, with reckless haste calling for the introduction of a finished Reform Bill ready for discussion by Parliament. One little month was too much to give after the opening of the session. It was the bounden duty, so he urged, of the Government to have their scheme ready, and having it ready, to lay it before the Legislature at once. (Hear, hear.) Well, the noble earl is now at the head of the Government, and I do not gather that they have their measure ready. I infer from this Speech that they have not yet made up their minds what their measure should be. If the fact be otherwise, they certainly have done themselves great injustice, be cause they say that inquiries are now going "forward with reference to the rights of voting in the election of mem bers to servo in Parliament," and that "when that infor mation is complete the attention of Parliament will be called to the result thus obtained," &c. Now, my lords, the Government are proceeding either without information, or with the intention of making the information they may procure square with their foregone conclusions, or, again, they may be gifted with a superhuman prescience which enables them to know infallibly beforehand what will be the precise result of those inquiries ; whereas we poor or dinary mortals must be content to wait until all those pro mised statistics are laid before us which are to prove the wonderful skill and dexterity of the Government in framing a measuro in anticipation of the information on which it is to be founded. (Cheers and laughter.) Well, my lords, imitating the wise caution of the noble earl, I Will express no opinion upon their measure until I have seen it. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I hope it will be such a measure as I shall be able to support—that it will be a reasonable and satisfactory settlement of this grave and important question, which I believe it is desirable to settle, and settle once for all. (Cheers.) And I promise the noble earl another thing—that his bill shall have fair play, that it shall not be thrust aside by any underhand methods, that there shall be no factious movement or combinations against it on the part of those who can combine for nothing else—(cheers)—that it shall be dealt with on its merits ; that if we can approve of it we shall give it our cordial support ; but that, on the other hand, if we disapprove of it and think it is imperfect, inadequate, or dangerous, and, above all, if we think it one leading to future agitations within a brief period of a perilous cha racter, then with whatever means we may possess we shall do our best to throw it out by fair debate and honourable opposition. (Loud cheers.) - Earl RUSSELL (after two or three preliminary remarks, which did not reach the gallery), said :—As the other topics raised in the debate have been sufficiently discussed, I will confine my observations to two points—the charge which the noble Earl has made against me in regard to the Jamaica Rebellion ; and the other charge in reference to the Reform Bill. The question is not whether Governor Eyre was right in repressing the rebellion, but whether he was right in adopting the means he did to suppress it. It is one thing to support an officer who may have committed some errors of judgment, but when it comes to a question of the lives of 500 of our fellow subjects I do not think it right to say we do not care whether 500 persons have been put to death without necessity, but we will support the Governor whether he was right or wrong, and we care nothing about those persons' lives because they happen to be black. We determined that inquiry should be made. The question then before us was whether the inquiry should be instituted with Governor Eyre at the head of the Government. Hero was this obvious objection, that the Governor could not maintain his authority when that authority would be shaken every day if the inquiry pro ceeded. There was also this obvious objection that if Governor Eyre retained the supreme authority no one would have believed that there would have been a fair inquiry, or that the truth would be permitted to be told when the person accused retained that high office. While, too, an apparent stigma was cast upon Governor Eyre, he would be liable to the imputation of suppress ing the evidence, and not allowing it to go fairly be fore the public. For these reasons it was deter mined that the head of the Commission should be su preme Governor of the Island, and I venture to say that we could not have chosen a man of higher honour than Sir Henry Storks, or one more fitted to inspire respect, or to support and maintain authority in the island. (Hear, hear.) We have associated with him Mr. Russell Gurney and Mr. Maule, and no two persons are more likely to take a correct view of the law of the case. We are aware that the Com mission cannot take evidence upon oath. Directions, how ever, went out that the Legislature should be called together to enable the Commissioners to take evidence on oath, and Sir H. Storks has called that Legislature together to give him authority to examine on oath. It was clear to us that it was impossible to refuse inquiry, from the case made out by Governor Eyre himself. It was equally im possible to have a satisfactory inquiry if he remained at the head of affairs, and therefore the only justifiable course is that which we took. As to the other question, that of Parliamentary Reform, I have not much further to say. I think, however, the bill of the Government will be brought in quite as soon after the meeting of Parliament as was that of the noble earl. Some of the information has been very lately supplied, and there is a portion of it of which the correctness is doubted, and that has been sent back. Ido not doubt, however, that by the end of the month the Go vernment will be ready to propose their measure. The noble earl has some complaint against me as to the manner in which his own bill was met, and that makes it neces sary for me—though I should otherwise have post poned my remarks on this subject—to state that I enter tained very grave and solid objections to the bill, which made it impossible for me to agree to the second reading. My first objection to the noble earl's bill was that it took a way a right that had been enjoyed, not only from the time of Henry VI., b u t f rom th e very ear li es t ti me o_ our Parliamentary history—namely, the right of freeholders to v o t e f or th e count i es i n wh i ch they re sc:le. essen T t h ia a i, That right m gh y t was an essential part of th e C ons tit u ti on , opinion, that when the late Earl Grey told me it was very likely that a provision would be introdu c ed in the Hou se o f Lords into the great veaottißng for mr the ß un ille,otaktiineg away from f ree h o ld ers the right they resided in and confining h told Earl Grey that if thel cam n o tdownn vote in boroughs, I a, : i vith that altera tion I should consider it s o vitiated th m ove in the House of Commons th a t the Reformwlllll myself all its good and great provisions, should b e rejected. The with The Earl of DERBY—May I ask the noble earl was this always his view as to the value and importance of retaining that provision ? Earl RUSSELL—There was another provision in the THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1866. great delight. Her Majesty's intimation of the intended marriage of her daughter would give great satisfaction, because it would add to the happiness of her Majesty's domestic circle. The house, he was sure, would participate in the grief occasioned to her Majesty by the death of the King of the Belgians. However, there were other topics in the Speech from the Throne which would be read with the deepest regret, and none, he felt certain, would create a deeper feeling than the matters that had occurred in Jamaica. An im portant inquiry, however, was to be made into the whole circumstances connected with the calamity at Morant Court House. It had also been intimated that papers on the subject would be laid on the table of the house, and under those cir cumstances ho thought it would be judicious in him not further to allude to it, although he felt bound to say that in the steps the Government had taken they had only followed the precedent set by the Government of Lord Derby in the case of Sir Henry Storks in the lonian Islands. The next topic of importance was the cattle disease, which was making such fearful ravages through the country, and which, knowing the nature of the bill which was to be laid before the house, he felt it would be one that would grasp the whole of the fearful calamity within its provisions. It was extremely gratifying that the trade of the country was in a satisfactory condition. With re spect to matters in Ireland the great meeting that had been held there fully proved that the steps taken by her Majesty's Government had met with universal approval. There was some strength in a conspiracy which survived the loss of leaders, and the question that would naturally occur was, what was the cause of this state of things. (Hear, hear.) It might be a Celtic antagonism to the Saxon, it might be suf fering, but it behoved the Government to take the most energetic steps to arrive at the cause of the conspiracy. With respect to the measure for the improvement of the representation of the people in that hoise he felt great satisfaction at the announce ment made by the noble earl at the head of the Government that by that measure he must stand or fall. (Hear.) He was sure the house would heartily join in her Majesty's wish that their wisdom might prevail in their deliberations, and that they might all tend to the benefit and happiness of her people. The noble lord concluded by moving the address, which was, as usual, a mere echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. W. GRAHAM, in seconding the address, said he highly appreciated the great honour con ferred on the great constituency he represented in being invited to second the address. He rejoiced that her Majesty had once more appeared amongst her people, and that feeling he was sure was shared by every loyal subject. The country had sustained a great loss in the death of one who was so devoted a servant to his country, yet it was gratifying to know that the prosperity of the country is not depen dent on the lives of statesmen, howeverbrilliant. The Speech referred to a measure for Parliamentary re form ; and he felt that their new leaders were men well calculated to carry out such a proposal in the most satisfactory manner. With respect to the island of Jamaica, no person more than himself regretted that such an outbreak had occurred ; yet au impartial inquiry was to be made into all the circumstances connected with the unhappy calamity, and pending that all judgment ought to be suspended. He felt that the inquiry would be conducted in the most impartial manner, and he felt certain that evidence to character would be taken as evi dence of fact. (Hear, hear.) The most im partial inquiry he felt certain would be made, and no official connection or posi tion of influence would be allowed to intercept or stand in the way of a full, complete, and thorough investigation. (Hear, hear.) The ramifications of the conspiracy in Ireland would demand a most searching inquiry, but he trusted also that a wise and temperate spirit would charac terise the steps taken to ascertain the causes that have led to such a state of things. The state of trade, it was most gratifying to find, was satisfactory. He thought great good would result from the treaty with Austria, and for that treaty they were indebted to the late Mr. Cobden and the Emperor of the French. He earnestly hoped that the prosperity that had hitherto attended the country would continue; and thanking the house for the patience which they had extended to him, he begged to second the Address. Mr. B. ST - ANHOPE said it was not his intention to go through the whole of the topics mentioned in the Royal Speech, but he should confine his observations simply to that part of it relative to the cattle plague, and in this matter he could not but think that the Government had not acted with that foresight and discretion that they ought to have done. The orders in Council were quite insufficient to stop the spread ing of the disease, because sufficient power was not given to those who were doing their utmost to mitigate it. The magistrates were placed in collision with their neighbours, and thus a state of things was brought about the most unsatis factory. The Government had allowed unlimited facilities for cattle leaving public markets and fares, and if inquiry was made in any particular district such would be found to be the case. Sick cattle which could not be sold in Yorkshire were sent to Lincolnshire, and in this way the scourge a point that created widespre h a a d d , arneadchbeed might say, universal terror. The Royal Agricultural Society had asked the Go vernment to take certain efficient steps to arrest the progress of the disease, yet these suggestions had been in a great measure unheeded. Mr. DENT also urged the impossibility of stopping the plague unless the Government immediately came forward with a uniform and compulsory plan. Lord R. MONTAGU referred to the history of the cattle plague to show the incompetence of the Home-office in dealing with it, and criticised severely the pusillanimity and the fear of responsibility which had been evinced by the Government at every stage of the calamity. He con trasted it with the vigorous measures of foreign Govern ments, by which the plague had been stamped out with very slight loss, and argued that the farmers ought to be compensated for the losses they had sustained, because it was owing to the apathy of the Home-office that the rin derpest had spread, and also because it was the business of the nation to help a lame industry over the stile. Mr. CARNEGIE made a few remarks in defence of the Government, but urged the adoption of a strictly uniform system. Sir M. W. RIDLEY maintained that the farmers bad reason to complain of the want of promptitude of the Home-office. He recommended a more stringent inspection of cattle vessels, the stoppage of all movement of live cattle, and the institution of dead meat markets in every town. Mr. HODGKINSON recommended the immediate esta blishment of a general compulsory mutual assurance on a plan the details of which he explained. Sir J. TROLLOPE pointed out the inconveniences which had arisen from intrusting the execution of the Orders in Council to various local authories, who had done their best, but had been confounded by the number and discrepancy of these orders. He blamed the Government for not summoning Parliament together earlier, if they had not courage to take the necessary measures on their own responsibility, and despaired of any adequate plan of com pensation or assurance being carried out unless the Go vernment took the lead. Mr. T. G. BARING denied that the Home-office had shrunk from any responsibility in this matter. In defend ing his department he pointed out that it was still doubted where the disease came from, and referred to . the opinion of the committee of 1864, composed chiefly of agricultural members, which wa s decidedly averse from any further restrictions on the importation of foreign cattle, as well as to the opposition which his Contagious Disorders Bill had met with in the same year from the agricultural interest, After dwelling with some minuteness on the inconveni ence and impossibility of laying down a rigid uniform sys tem for the whole country in such matters as closing the markets and stopping the removal of cattle, he went on to dispute the soundness of the recommendation of the Com missioners that the movement of cattle should be stopped, remending the house in how many ways besides contact disease could be communicated, and asserted that such an order would have been utterly impracticable. Into this question of the removal of cattle Mr. Baring entered at some length, and concluded by claiming for the Govern ment the credit of having taken every step which experi ence had shown to be really effective in checking the disease. Mr. LOWE defended the recommendations of the Com missioners, who, he said, were unanimous on the main point, and insisted that whatever authority was exercised in a matter of this short should be central. As a proof of the wisdom of these recommendations, he pointed to the case of Berkshire, in which they had been adopted in their in tegrity, and which had been absolutely free from disease. He believed that, if adopted by the Government when they were made, they would have arrested the disease ; but the Commissioners had by no means the same confidence in their efficacy now that the disorder had attained such in tensity. Mr. HENLEY discussed the several Orders in Council issued by the Government, and showed how they had all been defeated by the inaction of the central authority. He professed his inability to understand why the Government from almost the very outset had not prohibited the exit of cattle from the London district, as it was from the London market that the infection had been carried to many quar ters. Mr. Henley expressed a strong conviction that if this had been done, and one or two other places isolated, the disease would have been stamped out. Lord ORANBORNE contrasted the measures which had been taken in England and Belgium, and insisted that, if the Home Secretary had acted with the same vigour as the Belgian Government, not one-half of this terrible disaster would have befallen us. As the Government had practi cally abdicated their functions, he argued that they were bound to compensate those who had suffered by their apathy. Mr. LESLIE narrated what had been done in Aberdeen shire to arrest the plague, and expressed a general appro bation of the acts of the Government. Sir G. GREY replied in detail to the objections taken to the action of the Government, and maintained that the more stringent regulations which had been recommended in the course of the debate would have produced so much difficulty and vexation that they would not have been tolerated by the people. He referred to the case of Aber deenshire to show that the Orders, where the magistrates had taken full advantage of them, were efficacious in stop ping the disease, and regretted that similar energy had not been shown in other parts of the country. On the question of compensation, Sir G. Grey mentioned that in the last century the practice had produced such bad results, there being no local interests to keep ,down the amount, that it was given up. On the motion of the O'DONOGIITJE, the debate was adjourned until Thursday. The house then adjourned. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—" The deplorable events which have oc curred in the Island of Jamaica" are the subject of the longest, and not the least carefully worded, para graph in the Queen's Speech. Her Majesty informs Parliament that she has instituted an impartial in quiry " into the origin, nature, and circumstances of the recent outbreak, and the measures adopted in the course of its suppression." She defines, more over, the object of Sir Henry Storks' appointment in the triple capacity of President of the Council, Governor, and Commander of the Forces. Mr. Eyre could not be the judge of his own conduct, yet he could not as Governor be placed in the position of a defendant. An " impartial inquiry," therefore, could only be conducted by a new Governor, and " the due maintenance of authority during that in quiry" could only be secured by investing the per son selected for this office with supreme military command. Beyond this, and the fact that a bill for amending the political constitution of Jamaica is to be introduced by the Government, we learn nothing from the Royal Speech as to the Ministerial view of Jamaica affairs. It contains, however, the expected announcement that " papers on these occurrences will be laid before you," and no time has been lost in redeeming this pledge by presenting to Parliament the long-delayed series of Jamaica despatches. Of the two Blue-books already published the first and least important comprises a correspondence between Governor Eyre and the Colonial-office, ranging from January, 1865, up to the period of the Morant Bay massacre (October 11). It also embodies the celebrated letter of Dr. Underhill, besides certain documents of a later date than last October, but not immediately bearing on the rebellion or its suppres sion. The second instalment of " papers relating to the disturbances in Jamaica" is far more interest ing. Here are to be found all the communications received by Mr. Cardwell from Governor Eyre on this subject between November 16 and December 30, together with the replies of the Colonial Secretary. On the former day the first official account of the scenes which had been enacted on October 11 and during the following week reached England from the colony. It was already known through telegraphic despatches, by way of North America, that a negro rising had taken place at Morant Bay, that a great many whites had been killed by the negroes, and that Governor Eyre had sent to Barbadoes and elsewhere for reinforcements. His own despatch, however, brought the earliest authentic and connected narrative of the insurrec tion itself, as well as the earliest indication that any undue severity bad been exercised in quelling it. With the contents of this despatch, upon which his enemies no less than his friends profess to found their case, the majority of .our readers must already be familiar. Extracts from Mr. Cardwell's reply, dated November 17 (the day after its receipt), were laid by Governor Eyre before the Jamaica Legislature, published in the Colonial journals, and transmitted to this country. We took occa sion at the time to point out the unfairness of deal ing with that which only purported to be a part, and was likely to be the most complimentary part, of such a despatch, as though it adequately represented the spirit of the whole. Our cautions have been justified by the sequel, for the 'passages omitted by Governor Eyre turn out, as we had anticipated, to contain—together with an acknowledgment of his own services—abundant evidence that Mr. Card well was already awake to the danger of vindictive retribution. " No doubt," he says, " you will have much further intelligence to communicate to me hereafter on the subject of the measures of severity to which you have felt it necessary to have re course. If you had time, in forwarding those en closures, to make yourself acquainted with all their contents, it will have been evident to you that they contain many passages which will require to be explained as soon as there shall be sufficient leisure for the writers to explain fully the proceed ings to which they relate." . . . " I entirely agree with you that measures of severity, when dictated by necessity and justice, are in reality measures of mercy, and do not doubt it will appear that you have arrested the course of punishment as soon as you were able to do so, and have exerted yourself to confine it meanwhile to ascertained offen ders and to cases of aggravated guilt. I observe with pleasure the hope you express that if no fur ther outbreak occurs you will, in a short time, have been able to proclaim a general amnesty, except to actual murderers." Now, to do justice to the lan guage of this despatch, we must not only place our selves in the responsible position of the writer, but must also dismiss from our me mor i es a ll the light since thrown retrospectively on the transactions in question. Bearing in mind these two conditions, we venture to assert that, so far from betraying any in difference to the possible excesses of martial law, it evinces a very clear apprehension of them, and touches significantly on the very points which subse quent intelligence has shown to be the most vulner able. It was not open to Mr. Cardwell, as it was to unofficial critics, to comment on the newspaper re ports and private letters which reached us by the same mail, but an unbiassed reader of the despatch will at least gather from it that his sense of humanity was not quickened for the first time by Mr. Chame rovzow. The best proof of the effect which Mr. Cardwell's answer was calculated to produce is the impression which it actually did produce on the mind of Governor Eyre. On the 232 d page of these papers will be found the rejoinder of the latter. Its tone is apologetic throughout, and, while it fails, in our opinion , to meet the points suggested by kr. Cardwell, it leaves no doubt whatever that its author interpreted as we do the despatch of Novem ber 17. That despatch was followed by another, dated November 23, and conveyed to the West Indies by the Constance frigate. In this Mr. Card well reverts to the same topic, urging again the duty of " checking at the earliest possible moment those measures of instant severity which only an overwhelming sense of public danger justifies, and of returning to the ordinary course of legal inquiry." He begs- to have copies of the proceed ings before the various Courts-martial, and ap pends in a memorandum some revolting quotations from the letters of Colonel' Hobbs and Captain Hole. In a separate despatch of the'same date he draws special attention to Gordon's case, requesting to be furnished with all the documents and evidence relating to it, pointing out the material difference between taking part in or instigating the murderous outbreak and making inflammatory speeches which might indirectly lead to it, calling for an explana tion of his removal from Kingston to a district under martial law, and implying grave misgivings as to the legality of his execution. The next mail took out several more despatches" from Mr. Card well, dated December 1, of which two refer to the publication of Dr. Underhill's original letter, and to the opening by the Governor's orders of another letter from the same gentleman to a correspondent in Jamaica. Others touch on an unfortunate mis understanding which had arisen between the Go vernor and General O'Connor, but which only bears remotely on the main issue. One, however, num bered 356 (p. 245), deserves a most attentive perusal, for it contains an exhaustive statement of all the questions which can fall under the considera tion of the Commission just appointed. By thi s time Mr. Cardwell's suspicions had been fully aroused by the testimony gradually accruing ; and we doubt whether a more searching set of interro gatories could have been framed by the Anti-Slavery Society itself. The number of blacks slaughtered by the Maroons in particular was then supposed, on the authority of a letter from Sir L. M'Clintock, to be much larger than more recent details confirm, and Mr. Cardwell specially asks for a report on this head from Mr. Eyre. It was not till eight days after this and the accompanying despatches had been posted that Mr. Cardwell met the tumultuous depu tation organised by M. Chamerovzow. In the mean time Sir Henry Storks had been summoned by tele graph from Malta, and less than two days afterwards was in London receiving his instructions. To represent the Government, therefore, as having been driven by external pressure alone to have pity on the Jamaica negroes is a palpable absurdity. It needed no sensational advertisements about " eight miles of dead bodies " to convince Mr. Cardwell and Lord Russell that an independent investigation was necessary. They were now in possession of facts which, though infinitely short of the fictions so in dustriously circulated, were quite enough to make their course clear. The total number of negroes shot or executed had been estimated by Sir L. M'Clintock at not less than 1,500. The continuance of martial law for more than three weeks after the Governor considered the insurrection to be crushed, and the transfer, not of Gordon only, but of other prisoners from localities where martial law had not been proclaimed to those in which they might be tried by a military tribunal—these were circum stances which demanded prompt intervention. Those who think that such intervention ought to have been less deliberate or less judicial, and those who think that no inquiry should have been insti tuted at all, but executive authority supported at all hazards, will have ample opportunity of appeal ing to the judgment of the nation. With these papers before us, and some experience of English public opinion, we venture to predict that neither will be able to obtain a favourable verdict from Parliament. HERALD.—The debate upon the Address in the House of Lords was of more than usual length and interest, although the larger portion of the time it consumed was given to a question which hardly comes within the domain of party politics. The great feature of the discussion was the " uni versal expression of dissatisfaction, as Lord Derby described it, with the conduct of the Govern ment in the matter of the cattle plague." " Uni versal" indeed, for it came from both sides of the house, and the proceedings of the Government found no other vindicators than the Minister immediately responsible for them, and his colleague the Lord Privy Seal. From themoment the seconder of the Address resumed his seat till Lord Derby rose, with the exception of the short speech in which the Marquis of Abercorn exposed the mischievous weakness or negligence of the Irish Government, and the latter portion of Earl Grey's speech, which sounded for all the world, valuable as it undoubtedly was, as an essay from some quarterly review, the cattle plague and the conduct of the Government with respect to it was the sole subject of debate. The Duke of Rutland first brought the subject be fore the house. He pointed out that the Orders in Council had been of the most ridiculous and con tradictory description, that if the money they had cost had been expended in active measures for the prevention of the disease and the compensation of the sufferers, the malady might have been stamped out, and that the Government had done next to nothing, or even worse than nothing. For, as Lord Winchilsea afterwards put it, they had done what the act gave them no power to do, and not done what it authorised them to do. The importation of cattle into Ireland and into the west of Scotland had been prohibited, and the result was that the disease had been kept out. The Duke of Richmond, who spoke with the authority necessarily attaching to one of the commissioners, pointed out that the whole object of the Government had been to throw the responsibility off their own shoulders and put it on to those of the local authorities, the result being that whilst the magistrates acting in quarter and petty sessions would close markets the mayors of towns would open them. Lord Feversham, who followed, gave further expression to the dissatisfac tion of the country, and Lord Winchilsea enforced the arguments of the preceding speakers in a speech which was amusing and effective. The complaint was caught up from the Liberal benches by Lord Effingham, and Lord Granville felt it neces sary to offer a defence of the Government and of himself. That defence amounted merely to this, that the Government had tried to keep up with public opinion ; that it had, indeed, been in ad vance of it before the publication of the commis sioners' report, although it might have lagged behind after, and that it really had no power to do more. But, as Lord Carnarvon answered, it could have called Parliament together, and obtained from it the necessary powers, if indeed further powers were required. By what authority did the Government close the ports of Ireland and shut up the west of Scotland, if it had not equal authority to adopt stringent measures to keep the plague out of Eng land ? And Lord Grey, in remarks moderate in tone but extremely forcible, reminded the Ministers that it was their duty to lead public opinion and not to have waited for it, that they held their high posi tion because they were supposed to be able to take the initiative, that the direction should come from above and not from below. And he repeated the question of Lord Carnarvon, why had they not called Parliament together? Had Parliament been called together in the beginning of November the disease, he observed, might now have been stamped out ; whereas at the present moment the difficulties of staying its ravages are ten times greater than they were two months ago. Then the Duke of Argyll took up the cudgels for the Government, the gist of his defence being that the Government was per fectly impotent, and that in what they had done they had done even more harm than good—a point about which there did not appear to be the slightest doubt on either side of the house. The duke talked a great deal, too, about the danger of interfering with the provisioning of our large cities ; any strin gent regulations to prevent the importation and the movement of cattle might, he said, have disturbed the great organisation by which London, Liver pool, and other large towns are fed, and there would have been great danger that the inhabitants would have seriously resented the condemnation to scanty supplies of meat. Our large towns will soon have something much more serious to resent. If the cattle plague continues the ravages which are directly chargeable upon the incapacity of the Government they will soon have no supplies of meat at all. The Government dare not face a little un popularity and a little discontent, and the result is that it is already cursed by thousands of agricul turists as the author of their ruin, and is preparing for itself the curses of the town population, whom its' criminal cowardice and folly will deprive of ani mal food. The more exciting -political question-- for the cattle plague will not become exciting to the generality until its effects are visible in such an in crease of the price of meat that it will only be ob tainable by the Upper Ten Thousand—were not, however, lost sight of, though they were somewhat obscured by the attention given to this great na tional calamity. The speeches of both the mover and seconder of the Address were mainly devoted to them, and Lord Morley, whose speech gives the promise that he will one city occupy a high position amongst the debaters of the house, rendered a ge nerous testimony to the merits of Governor Eyre, and warmly denounced the large class of men • who have unfairly prejudged the whole question, and upon most flimsy and insufficient evidence have con demned Governor Eyre and the whole white popu lation of Jamaica. The Marquis of Abercorn, whilst acknowledging the vigour with which the Government had acted after they once resolved upon the prosecution of the Fenians, condemned the dis graceful apathy shown before, an apathy which, as he pointed out, had, there is too much reason to believe, its foundation in the desire of the Govern ment to secure as many votes as possible at the late elections. Lord Grey expressed the regret with which he read the paragraph of the Speech relating to reform, in which he found a confirmation of the rumour that the Government bill would be confined to the reduction of the franchise. He urged the Premier not to repudiate so utterly the policy, and act so diametrically contrary to the principles of the Reform Ministry of Earl Grey, which believed that if reform were to be dealt with at all, it should be dealt with in such a way as to settle the ques tion ; and he entreated him either to deal with the whole question or to postpone all con sideration of reform until he should find him self able to deal with that whole question. Lord Derby passed lightly over the different paragraphs of the Speech. He paid a tribute to the honesty and diligence of President Johnson's at tempt to reunite the United States by measures of conciliation, he approved the tone and the argu ments of Lord Russell's despatches on the Alabama question, he wished that the country might get what the Speech promised it from the Austrian Treaty, and he censured with a just severity the conduct of the Government towards Governor Eyre. The Government, he observed, in superseding Governor Eyre, had prejudged the whole question, which would turn upon this other question, what was the state of Jamaica ? That condition might prove to have been such that the suppression of the insurrection at once by severe measures was mercy in the end. The loss of Lord Palmerston was but too painfully visible in the unjust and ungenerous conduct of the Govern ment towards Governor Eyre, whom, by supersed ing, it has condemned, and as a further injustice to whom it has sent out a roving commission to gather evidence which may be used against him on a trial for murder, if his acts should prove, however justi fiable in themselves, to want a perfect legal vindi cation. The promise of the Speech that a Reform Bill should be introduced at some future time gave the noble lord the opportunity for a most effective exposure of the disingenuous conduct of Lord Rus sell with respect to the Conservative Reform Bill. With regard to the bill announced by the Govern ment, the noble lord promised that it should be dealt with, on its merits ; that it should not be got rid of in an underhand manner and by an abstract resolution, as his own had been ; but that if a goo d bill it should receive the support of the Opposition/ and if a bad one it should be frankly but determi nedly opposed. Lord Russell, whose rising nearly emptied the house, made but a short and ineffective reply. He vindicated the suspension of Governor Eyre as a measur e o f j us ti ce t o that most ill-treat ed public servant, and he promised that the Reform Bill, as to the character of which he gave no indi cations, would be ready at the end of the month- Altogether the Government cut but a very sail figure in one of the most important debates wh ich have taken place f or some years in the Hous e " Lords. Hydraulic Lift at the Great Western Hotel. Yesterday Dr. Lankester, the coroner for Central Middlesex, resumed the inquiry at the Bank of Bng' land Tavern, Paddington, relative to the death et Henry Girling, a porter employed at the Gre at Western Railway Hotel, who died in St. 3 la r Y. s Hospital from an injury received by the hydra ulic lift used at the hotel. The circumstances have al ready been stated in our impression of Thursday last , and as will be remembered the further inquiry was adjourned for the production of further evidence, and for the view of the lift by the jury, in w hich some alterations it was found had been made, as stated for further protection and prevention of ac' cident. Jane Kenyon, chambermaid at the hotel, said she was on the second floor at the time of th° accident. She heard the deceased scream. She went to the lift and tried to stop it, but could not' John Whitcombe stopped the lift, and she saw de ceased standing in it. As he passed the second floor he was holding out his arm. She saw no enc go to the lift till deceased called out. Ann Bea l, second housemaid on the third floor, said onthc Bth ult., shortly before 8 o'clock in the morning; she was on the fourth floor, and saw the deceasec putting the luggage into the lift. She saw him Pu n the chain to start in, and his hand got caught b. e i fore he could get it out. He cried out " SWF' 1 stop it ! for God's sake, stop it." Witness afraid to stop it. She was sure the deceased start ed it himself. She could not see below, but she her d no one there. She saw the lift standing still/ 1411 start when deceased touched the chain. If any below had started it, the deceased would have ric l to the chain and stopped it. The witness Was on the fifth floor, and saw deceased put his std downward. and rattle the ch a i n , w h en the lift Btji8 tji __srw— downward. There was some lug g a g e in the W it.-- portmanteau, a gentleman's rug, and other guilt but it was rath er d ar k, so th a t s h e did not to much notice. Sh e did no t spea k t o the deceas ed e pr while he was putti n g i n th e l uggage . she 1 10 '1 saw the lift started without the chain being firs . s shaken. Some questions were as k e d an d opilue n given relative to the lift, when it was stated that 031 no account should they be rai se d w ithout the ne ces, sary signal, nor should they be lo wer ed without the chain being first shaken. The weight of pu u re l quired to raise the lift was 301 b., and to lower le 251 b. The deceased several times stated that s° l3l o one below did start the lift without the signa l ' having been stated that there had been two or tlree . previous accidents with the lift in question, the Ji l n; felt that some steps should be t a k en for the b etter protection of those engaged w ith it. The Cor one i ; having summed up, the ju r y re t urne d a verdict t k a " Deceased died fro m th e mor t a l effects of p:?/. 711 ,%, coming on after injury t o th e h an d, such injury caused by an hydraulic lift a t the Great tij e s ern Railway Hotel, and that the said injury arose from accidental causes." The jury also expressed as opinion that bells or whistles should beJis ed signals for putting the lift in motion, and that/ 0 one side of the lift was encased with iron Pt: the other should be similarly encased, , so as t° P he vent the men putting their hands out to touch w ns chain. Mr. Weston said the latter suggestion to already being carried out, and that with resPe ct i o the other as to bells or whistles the company vi % adopt one of the schemes proposed. Mr. LancirePii: the engineer, said that, owing to the number of be ; in the hotel, whistles would b e b e tt er . The Jurf; having coincided with the eng i neer , Mr. 1Y e t t , agreed to see to the matter. Th e proceedings then terminated. noble earl's bill which proposed to restore nomination boroughs. According to the Reform Act many of the smaller boroughs, in which there were 10 or 12 voters, were enlarged by £lO voters, so that they contained, 300, 400, or 500 voters, whereby they were enabled to send men of their own to Parliament. Now, the noble earl's bill bad a provision by which freeholders of counties would have voted for those counties. Besides this, there was a further provision that these votes might be sent by post, so that any noble lord or right hon. gentleman in some distant county might send by post of votes 300 or 400 tenants, who never went near the place, and thus carry the election. That struck me so much that I stated my objection to a gentleman who sat near me when the Chancellor of the Exchequer pro posed his measure to the House of Commons. These provi sions, with the absence of an adequate extension of the franchise to persons occupying houses under £lO a year, made the bill so bad that it was impossible to support it. The noble earl, when First Minister of the Crown, intro duced two measures—one a Budget imposing a very large tax upon houses, and another measure for the Government of India. I considered they were both exceedingly bad measures, and both were rejected by Parliament. But much worse was the measure which the noble earl intro duced under the name of a Reform of Parliament. I ob jeeted to that bill, and I stated my objections fully and fairly. That bill was defeated by no underhand proceed ing, but by open and fair opposition. As to the objections raised by the noble earl to a measure of Reform, because it might be regarded in the light of a stepping stone to other more extensive reforms, I have only to say that the late Mr. Hume said the same of the bill of 1832, and voted for it on that ground. But though Mr. Hume said he intended to go much farther than the bill of 1832, that did not prevent the late Lord Grey and his col leagues from carrying that important measure, nor should the fact of the same being said now prevent the present Parliament from carrying a measure commensurate with the requirements of the time. (Hear.) Viscount MELVILLE complained that the Government had treated Governor Eyre most harshly and ungraciously. The Secretary for the Colonies, it was trae, had written a most proper letter to Jamaica, promising that the names of those who had so ably assisted Governor Eyre in suppress ing the rebellion should be brought under the favourable notice of the Horse Guards. But what followed ? The Go , vernor had actually been rebuked for having adopted se vere measures in the exercise of his duty. •It was impos sible to say what would be the result of this unworthy conduct on the part of the Government. It really seemed as if the noble lord had turned to the right and left to see in what direction the several parties set their faces, and then to have acted as the policy for the moment dictated. (Hear.) It had been well: said by a noble lord who had preceded him if a late noble lord had still been at the head of the Government the idea of censuring Governor Eyre would not have been entertained for a moment. That noble lord would have spurned the proposal of recalling Governor Eyre. He would, on the contrary, have sup ported him to the last, and not even dreamt of pursuing a line of policy calculated to degrade the country in the eyes of the world. So far from censuring Governor Eyre, the Ministry should have tendered him the thanks of the country. (Hear.) It grieved him beyond measure to think that the Governor's conduct should now be subject to re view by men who never knew what danger was. (Hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question that the amendment proposed by Lord Feversham be inserted in the reply of their lordships to her Majesty's Speech. The Earl of DERBY suggested that in the then state of the house his noble friend (Lord Feversham) should not press his amendment upon a question with reference to which he would have an opportunity of expressing his opi nion upon some future occasion. Lord FEVERSHAM then withdrew his amendment, and The reply to the Address was carried as originally pro posed. CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES. EarI'RUSSELL moved, " That Lord Redesdale bo ap pointed to take the chair on the sitting of committees of this house." The motion was agreed to. Their lordships then adjourned at 10 minutes past 11. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at one o'clock, and the swearing in of members, and the signing of the Parliamentary roll by those who who had sub scribed to the oath, occupied the time up to a quar ter past two o'clock, when Sir Augustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the door of the house, and, advancing to the table, informed the Speaker that the attendance of the honourable House was required in the House of Peers. The SPEAKER immediately left the chair, and the Chief Clerk read out from a list the order in which it had been arranged the members should accom pany the Speaker. Commencing with the Chancel lor of the Exchequer, the names of the members of the Government were called, and then afterwards those of various members on either side the house, but after ten or a dozen particular names had been pronounced nearly the whole of the hon. members within the house rose from their seats, made a quiet rush to the door, and followed in the train of the Speaker in the most admirable confusion. At half-past two the SPEAKER returned and sim ply passed through the house—the sitting being suspended until a quarter before four. The sitting having been resumed, The SPEAKER read the sessional orders, which were agreed to. PRINTING THE VOTES. On the order with respect to printing the votes, Sir C. O'LOGIILEN said before that order was agreed to he wished to call the attention of the house to the absurdity of putting the different days of the week at the head of the votes in Latin. It was an inconvenient practice, because there was no unifor mity in the practice, because on the same page with the Latin heading were to be found the words, "Adjourned till Monday." He thought it quite true that the good Saxon names of the days of the week should be printed in the votes of the house. The Speaker had the power to make the alteration if he thought fit, and now begged to direct his attention to the matter. The SPEAKER said if it met with the wishes of the house, he should be happy in giving directions for the alteration suggested. (Hear, hear.) PUBLIC EXPENDITURE. A return of the gross public expenditure for the year 1865 was ordered. JAMAICA. Mr. CARDWELL laid on the table of the house papers relative to Jamaica. EXCHEQUER AND AUDIT. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice that he should move for leave to bring in a bill to consolidate the Exchequer and Audit department. CATTLE DISEASE. Sir G. GREY gave notice that on Monday he should move for leave to bring in a bill relative to disease in cattle ; and on the 13th he should move that the oaths taken by members of Parliament be altered. JAMAICA. Mr. CARDWELL gave notice of his intention, on the 15th, to move for leave to bring in a bill to make provision for the government of Jamaica. DWELLINGS OF THE POOR. Mr. CHILDERS gave notice that he should, on an early day, move for leave to introduce a bill to enable advances to be made for the improvement of the dwellings of the poor. THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. Mr. D. GRIFFITH gave notice that on an early clay he should bring in a bill to enable the Post master-General to sit in the Commons House of Parliament. TURNPIKE ROADS. Mr. WHALLEY gave notice that on an early day he should bring in a bill with respect to turn pike roads. GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE. Mr. WHITE said that on an early day he should move a resolution to the effect that the Go vernment expenditure is in excess, and that no Go vernment is worthy of support that will not pledge itself to a reduction of the burdens on the unrepre sented by a diminution of the Government expendi ture. DWELLINGS OF ARTISANS. Mr. T. M'CULLAGH gave notice that he should on an early day bring in a bill for the better regu lation of the dwellings of artisans. THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY. Mr. BOUVERIE also gave notice of his inten tion of bringing the consideration of the Act of Uniformity under the attention of the house on an early day. THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.—THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER having read her Majesty's most gracious speech on the opening of Parliament, Lord F. CAVFNDISH rose to move an Address from the house in answer to her most gracious Speech on opening Parliament. He said he did not think that a speech containing more important topics had ever been delivered. He was, however, certain that the appearance of her Majesty once more amongst her people would be a source of Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. Fe b . 10 Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton..• • • Feb Ditto, via Marseilles Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet Ditto, by French packet Feb.. 4 ............ Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. • -• : China. Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton.• Fe u * s Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. Falkland Islands F eb . IS. Gibraltar, via 50uthampt0n........... ... D.1 9 India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton F e • 1 3 • Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 13. India (Bombay), via Southampton. .................7 • Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. j" Mauritius, via Southampton yeb• 7. Ditto, via Marsethes, •, 14. Newfoundland ) ..... .. Feb 6. Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon ...... . United States and British North America, byßr l . FC b S. tish packet Ditto. by United States packet, via ton Ditto, via Cork • .... 2_ex 9, Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderri••„, West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe ...... West Indies and Pacific (exceptßahamas, Cuba,r,b. and Mexico Feb. 2S. Cuba and Mexico Feb. 8 : t Bahamas, via New "York. • Fe b ' Bermuda, ditto wg ear ADVERTISEMENT.} -Avoid medicine s: they OM - . a - 16 0 .1p : e vete chronio complaints, but Du Barry's Dell6ollo doe. Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which yields thre e to cost the nourishment remedies,esrlesleep, yeps: sooufnatdnhde functionalub invar i ably regularity, e t sg, m u hl e ae a ra t trh s e a ys v at e nol s irdve f l ees : up : y eepregr e totttimest; e6 ;k 1.7 1 1 t: , f s i n r t er other n disordered or enfeebled. We ext y rac , t a few 0 me ow Cures :—Cure No. 58,216, of the Marchioness de of seven years' liver complaint, wastinj avi a Y' - A dllg eS. nervousness, with a nervous palpitation all over, bil.-0,0151 tion, constant sleeplessness, and the most intolerable n Lord agitation.--Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decit. —llc` Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years' dY g P e a tauep o T 49,832. "Fifty years' indescribable agony from 4 ,% - ide9 ol ' nervousness, asthma, cons tipation, 'Z o e tie' spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly ofa 16,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, StlreeY' ° ,,,rang e : years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver uvoeti, ment, and partial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. 104, Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherir., spirits, and nervous fancies.-Cure No. 54, 816 . Tue lidr`torpt T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion entineut-' dity ot the liver, which had resistel all medical tre a 2 410. In tins, Ilb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; 51 b. , 115 . ; 12113., 21°. doe;' IN.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, ewise also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King h William-street ; eg ate' at 61, Gracechurch-street ; 4, C he ap si de ; 49, Olsltrand street Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 54, Upper Baker - street ; 103, Tottenham-court-ry'-aOOO Upper-street, Islington, N.; Harvey, Notting -111111 0 4 s t Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-Orr__ - Or John's-wood, London ; and all respectable grocers PP mists.—Beware of spurious imitations. Births. 1,0, 0 1 DANTEB.—On the sth inst., at 10, Lee-terrace, n. ••--- the wife of the Rev. S. Russel Davies, of a so s e, 1 .44 ° LONDESBOROUGH.— On the 3d inst., at 3, Grosven° Lady Londesborough, of a daughter. ii c.„ th Runn.--On the 4th inst., at 46, Leinster-sq„. uare2 wife of Henry Rudd, Esq., D.C.L., of a daughr a ''. o f V• STONE.—On the sth inst., at Dulwich-bin, - Ti. Stone, Esq., of a son. at Vl"Ant, Susse s . 13°V BARNES—SPIELER.—On inst., t a h r e l d ages. s, I C ' M. A. Barnes, Esq., only son of Major Barneo, l a te of the gal Army, to Juliana Catherine, eldest daughtel late Colonel Spiller, Royal Artillery. t. )1911 v JOHNSTONE -RICHARD.—On at S A fe lloif Church, Putney, James Jothhnest6othe, injUnt.:, M.Tolostone. of St. John's College, Oxford, only son of J. Johnston n: Esq., of 13, Montamue-place, Russell -square' ro fJ. ' cons-park, Surrey, ° to Fanny, eldest daught?„ woids- Richard, Esq., of Summerfield Ilouse, West-1111 h worth. _ ARBUTHVOL—On the sthDeainstti.l,sa.t Milt o n House , t"' f lo p' Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. H u g h Axbuthnot, sa Cavalry, aged 53. A a t his BENJAFIELD.—On the sth inst , Ben ] residen ce, fe r j„iJ ll , Cross, Duneannon-street, S trand, atUin peal3'''' aged 42. BIRKETT.—On the Ist inst., at Northumberland gape, Stoke Newington, N., George Birkett, ALM, age d % re , CocnußN._On the 4th inst., at Downtont Dadnorsbloir Annie Russell, only surviving daughter of the lat e W. S. R. Cockburn, Bart. Downwom—on the 3d inst., at 13righton, Lieut.-Coloni Montagu Hamilton Dowbiggin, late 99th Reg iment ' ag e 34. --------------, London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ii.N918013: of No. 112, Strand, Pitnter, at Tuz• Sus Otbee, No. 1 1 1 Strand, in the Precinct of tbe Savoy. in the Cetfliti °I Altadleitex.—Wednesday, Fartfary 7, 18 0 ' • ~ - ~"i