The Sun. — London, England, 1866-10-31 00:00:00

IRE SUN, LONI ON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 31, 1866. MB. Ba,MaT IRELAND. D ÜBLIN, Tuesday Night. Mr. Bright, having accepted the invitation of a number of his political friends and admirers to visit the sister kingdom was entertained this evening at a grand banquet in the Rotundo. The O'Donoghue presided, supported by Sir John Gray, M.P., Mr. Fildes, M.P., Mr. Bagwell, M.P., Captain White, M.P., Mr. Lawson, M.P., late Attorney--General for Ireland ; Mr. Sullivan, M.P., late Solicitor- General for Ireland ; Sir Colman O'Loghlen, M.P., Sergeant Armstrong, M.P., Mr. Barry, M.P., Mr. Tristram Kennedy, M.P., Dr. O'Brien, Dean of Limerick ; Sir D. O'Brien, M.P., and Mr. Blake, M.P. There were also present several dignitaries and a considerable number of the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church. Covers were laid for 500 persons. Letters were read from Cardinal Cullen, Archbishop of Dublin, the Archbishop of Cashel, the Bishop of Meath, the Bishop of Kerry, the Bishop of Limerick, the Archbishop of Tuam, &c. Cardinal Cullen's letter, which was addressed to the gentlemen forming the Bright Banquet Com mittee, was as follows : "55, Eccles-street, Oct. 18. " Gentlemen—l beg to return you many thanks for the kindness with which you have invited me to meet Mr. Bright at dinner on the 30th inst. Ia common with the majority of our fellow-citizens, I feel that Ireland owes a great debt of gratitude to that distinguished statesman. His eloquent denunciation of inveterate abuses, his courage in assailing that ecclesiastical ascendancy which was forced by foreign arms on this country, and which for centuries has preyed upon its vitals—his exertions to obtain protec tion and encouragement for the oppressed tenants, and his efforts to place those who have been so long trodden down by persecuting laws on a footing of equality with every class of their countrymen, have gained for him the affection of a warm-hearted people,who are grateful for any services that are rendered to them. Feeling as I do, I would be happy to join in your manifestation of gratitude for services already rendered by Mr. Bright to this island were it not that other engagements render it impossible for me to accept your invitation. Hoping that everything will succeed ac cording to your desires, I remain, with great esteem, your devoted servant, "PAUL, CARDINAL CULLEN." The O'DONOGHUE proposed "The Health of the Queen," observing that no monarch had ever sat on the throne who had a better title to the loyalty and devotion of all her subjects than her Most Gracious Majesty, and that in no part of her dominions were the qualities for which she was remarkable as a Queen and as a mother more highly appreciated than in Ireland. " The health of the Prince and . Princess of Wales, and the rest of the Royal Family," having been warmly received, the O'Donoghue proposed the toast of " The People, the True Source of Political Power," which, he said, embodied a principle as well as a mission—a truism which not only in America but in this country was every day being more strongly manifested, and must in the end be accepted as a universal axiom, and to the disregard for this truth most of the grievances of which Ireland complained were to be ascribed. (Cheers.) The O'Donoghne then proposed the toast of the evening, " Our Guest, John Bright," a toast which would not only be warmly received in this, which he might truly call a national assembly, but be re-echoed from one end of the kingdom to the other. They were met to discharge a sacred duty, to claim equality of political rights, so essen tial to political freedom, and in the name of their country they welcomed John Bright, the champion of English liberty, and the tried and trusty friend of Ireland. They welcomed him as an Englishman in whom his countrymen had unbounded confidence; who regarded the honour and prosperity of his coun try as dearer than his life; who, by the simplicity, purity, and unselfishness of his public and his pri- , vate life, had earned a name second to no public man ; although, when he said this, the name of Cob den occurred to him, but between a Cobden and a Bright there could be no rivalry, and the praise of the one was the highest tribute to the memory of the other. This was no party demonstration, and in according this national ovation to him to-night they were doing honour to one who, neither by word nor deed, had done aught to assail or prejudice the interests of Ireland, and be trusted that this day would do more than had been done in times gone by to unite the two countries, to reconcile antagonistic feelings, by removing the pernicious system of class legislation which had caused the impoverishment and depopu lation of Ireland. This state of things, however, was one for which the great bulk of the English people were not responsible in the slightest degree, and would not tolerate for a moment if they were ad mitted to a fair share of their political righ ts. Hitherto political power had been in the hands of the few, and not of the many, but this exclusive system could no longer be maintained. England as well as Ireland now cried out for good government, and in order to obtain this they were ready to join might and main to carry such a measure of Reform as would give to th e people both of England and Ireland a potential voice in the government of their country. Of this movement their respected guest was the apostle. He wanted to break down political exclusiveness, to g i ve political rights to the great mass of his country men, and when they invited Mr. Bright to visit Ire land in order to thank him for the services which he had rendered to Ireland they were not unmindful of the services which he had rendered to his own coun try, and they were not without the hope that his presence here would light up the flame of Reform, and rally them all for the great struggle to obtain such an extension of the electoral franchise as would put an end to class supremacy —the curse and almost the ruin of Ireland. (Cheers.) Referring to the re sults of recent elections, he said that all classes of Roman Catholics had rejected Tories. All Roman Catholics and all who held Liberal principles had de clared that they would have no union with the Tories unless they abjured principles which they (the Ro man Catholics) of Ireland regarded as inimical to their political and their religious privileges. He pro posed " The Health of John Bright." (Loud cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT, who was received with loud and con - - tinned cheers, responded. He said—l feel myself more embarrassed than I can well describe at the difficult, but still the honourab le p osition, in which I find myself to-night. I am profoundly moved by the exceeding and generous kindness with which you have receive] me, and all I can do is to thank you for it, and to say how grateful to my heart it is that such a number as I see before me, I will say of my countrymen (cheers) have approved generally the political course which I have pursued. (Cheers.) But I may assure you that the difficulty of my posi tion is not at all of my seeking. I heard during the last session of Parliament that if I were likely to come to Ireland during the autumn it was not un likely that I should be asked to some banquet of this kind in this city. I had an intention of coming, but being met by that kindness or menace—(langh ter)—l changed my mind, and spent some weeks in Scotland instead. When I found from the news papers that an invitation was being signed, asking me to come here, I wrote to my hon. friend Sir J. Gray, to ask him if he would be kind enough to put an extinguisher upon the project, inas muc h as as I was not intending to cross the Channel. He said the matte r had proceeded so far that it was impossible to interfere with it, that it must take its natural course, and in the end the result was that I received an invitation signed, I think, by about 140 names, among whom were not less, I believe, than 22 mem bers of the R euse of Commons. As you will pro bably imagin e , I felt that that invitation was of that al such a nature although in n l gh it was most difficult to accept it, it was quite here to-night, to refuse it. Th a t accounts for my b e i ng h sim ple explanation of what has taken pl ace . I sa id that llight, and is a among those signature s were the names of not l ess than 22 members of the H ouse of Commons. - s T s peak with grief when I say th at one of our who signed that invitation is no longer 'with friend s ger us I bad not the pleasure of a long intima cy • with Mr. Dillon, but I shall take this opportunity of say i ng ; that during the last session of Parliament I formed a very high opinion of his character. (Cheers.) There was that in his eye, in the tones of his voice, in his manner altogether, which marked him for an honourable and a just man. (Cheers.) I venture to say that his sad and sudden removal is a great loss to Ireland. (Hear.) I believe that among all the worthy sons which .Ireland has had she has had no worthier and no nobler son than John Baker Dillon. (Cheers.) I shall not be wrong if I assume that the ground of my visit to Dublin is to be found first in the sympathy which I have always felt and expressed for the condition, and for the wrongs, and for the rights of the people of Irelaud—(loud cheers)—and probably also in the fact that I may be supposed in some degree to represent some amount of opinion in England which is also favourable to the true inte rests of this island. (Cheers.) _The Irish question is a question that has been very often discussed, and yet it remains at this day as much a question as it has been for centuries past. The Parliament of Kilkenny, which was a Parliament that sat a very long time ago, and which was scarcely a Parliament at all—(laughter)--it was a Parliament which sat about 500 years ago, and which I believed proposed to inflict a very heavy penalty upon any Irish horse found grazing on any Englishman's land—(laughter) —the Parliament of Kilkenny, I say, was a Parlia ment which left on record a question which it may be worth our while to consider to-night. It asked the King this question, " How comes it to pass that the King is never the richer for Ireland ?" We, 500 years afterwards, venture to ask the same question. Why is it that the Queen, or the Crown, or the United Kingdom, or the Empire is never the richer for Ireland? And if you will permit me I will try to give, as shortly as I can, something like an answer to that very old question. What it may be followed by is this,—How is it that we or Parliament can act so as to bring about in Ireland contentment and tranquillity and a solid union between Ireland and the rest of Great Britain ? And that means further, how can we improve the condition and change the minds of the people of Ireland ? Some say—l have heard many a man say in England, and I am afraid there are Irishmen also who would say it—that there is some radical defect in the Irish character which pre vents the condition of Ireland being so satisfactory as is that of England or of Scotland. Now, I am inclined to believe that whatever there is that is difficult in any portion of the Irish people comes not from their race, but from their history and the conditions to which they have been subjected. (Loud and pro longed cheers.) I am told by those in authority that in Ireland there is a remarkable absence of crime. (Hear, hear.) I have heard it since I came to Dublin from those well acquainted with the facts that there is probably no great city in the world—in the civi lised and Christian world—of equal population with the city in which we are now assembled, where there is so little serious crime committed—(hear) —and I find that portion of thelrish people which has found a home in the United States has in 16 years—be tween the years 1848 and 1864—remitted about 13 million sterling to their friends and relatives left here. (Hear, hear.) Well, I am boundto place these facts in opposition to any statements which refer us to any personal difficulty in the Irish people. I say it would be much more probable the difficulty lies in the Government and the Irish laws; but there are some others who say the great misfortune of Ireland is the existence of the obnoxious race of political agitators. Well, the most distinguishedpoliticalagi tators who have appeared during the last 100 years in Ireland are Grattan and O'Connell—(loud cheers) —and I should say that he must be either a very stupid or very base Irishman who would wish to erase the achievements of Grattan and O'Connell from his country. (Cheers.) But some say—and that is is not an uncommon thing in England—some say that the interests of the popular church in Ireland have been the cause of much discontent. (Cries of " No, no.") I believe there is no class of men in Ireland who have a deeper interest in a prosperous and numerous community than the priests of the Catholic Church. Further, I believe no men have suffered more,'l mean in mind and in feeling, from witnessing the miseries and desolation which during the last century, to go no further back, have stricken and afflicted the Irish people. But some others say that there is no ground of complaint, because the laws and institutions of Ireland are in the main the same as the laws and institutions of England and Scotland. They say for example that if there be an Established Church in Ireland there is one in Eng land and one in Scotland, and that Nonconformists are very numerous both in England and Scotland ; but they seem to forget this fact,—that the Church in England or the Church in Scotland is not in any sense a foreign Church—(hear, hear)--that it has not been imposed in past times and is not main tained now by force,—that it is not in any degree the symbol of conquest, —that it is not the Church of a small minority absorbing the ecclesiastical re venues and endowments of a whole kingdom, and they omit to remember or to discover that if any Government attempted to plant by force the Epis copal Church in Scotland, or the Catholic Church in England, the disorder and discontent which have prevailed in Ireland would be witnessed with tenfold intensity and violence in Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) And these persons whom I am de scribing say that the land laws in Ireland are the same as the land laws in England. It would be easy to show that the land laws in England are bad enough, and that but for the outlet for the popula tion afforded by our extraordinary manufacturing industry the condition of England would, in all pro bability, have become quite as bad as the condition of Ireland has been ; but if the countries differ with regard to the land and the management of it in their kingdoms, may it not be reasonable that they should also differ in their laws ? In Ireland the landowner is the creature of conquest—not of conquest 800 years ago, but of conquest completed only 200 years ago, and it may be well for us to remember—or for Englishmen to remember—that succeeding that transfer of the land to the new comers from Great Britain, there followed a system of law known by the name of " Penal Statutes," of the most ingeni ous cruelty, and such as I believe has never in modern times been inflicted upon any Christian people. Unhappily, on this account tue wound which was opened by the conquest has never been permitted to be closed, and then we have bad land owners in Ireland of a different race, of a different religion, and of different ideas from the great bulk of the people ; and there has been constant and bitter war between the owners and the occupiers of the soil. (Cheers.) Now, up to this point, I sup pose that even the gentlemen who were dining to gether the other evening in Belfast would probably agree with me, because what I have stated is a mere matter of notorious history, to be found in every book which has treated of the course of Irish affairs during the last 200 year s ; bu would agree with us further thatul this i—nkthey en w t o h n e l y d say that Ireland is a land which has been torn by religious factions, and torn by those factions in the North as much as in the South, and I think they would be doing more than justice to the inhabitants of the North if they were to say that they have in any degree come short of the people of the South in the intensity of their passionate feeling with regard to their Church. (Cheers.) But Ireland is more than this—it has been a land of evictions—(hear)_ a term, I suspect, which is scarcely known in auy other civilised country ; but it is a country from which thousands of families have been driven by the force of the landowners and power of the law. It is a country where have existed to a great extent those dread tribunals known by the common name of se.: cret societies, and when in the pursuit of what some men thought to be justice, there have been com mitted offences of appalling guilt in the eye of the whole world—it is a country, too, in which, and it is the only Christian country of which it may be saidfor some centuries past, it is a country in which a famine of the most desolating character has pre vailed even during our own times. I think I was told in 1849 as Istood in the burial-ground of Skib bereen that at least 400 persons who died of famine were buried within the quarter of an acre of ground on which I was then looking. It is a country, too, from which there has been a greater emigration by sea within a given time than has been known by any country in the world. It is a country where there has been a general sense of wrong, out of which has grown a state of chronic insurrection ; at this very moment when I speak the common safe gthuearfdorobfe c a o ra n n st e i e tu a t n io d nal liberty is withdrawn, and we meet in this hall and I speak here to-night r ath er by Execu tive than from those the p u e s r u m al iasion o f safeguardst h e which Irish defend the right s eliberties of the people of the United Kingdom. `Yell, is a miserable and ell venture to say that this humiliatingpicturemdthat a n o t t o s pe a draw -k inofgthoifspcooluanntdrysn. in l mind the conquest of Russia. There is a gentleman now a candidate for an Irish county who is very great upon the wrongs of Poland. (Laughter and cheers.) But I have found him al ways in the House of Commons taking sides with that great party which has systematically supported the wrongs of Ireland. (Loud cheers.) I am not speaking of Hungary or of Venice as she was,• or of the Greeks under the dominion of the Turk ; but I am speaking of Ireland—a part of the United King dom—part of that which boasts itself to be the most civilised and the most Christian nation in the world. I have taken the liberty lately at a meeting in Glas gow to say that I believed it was impossible for a class to govern a great nation wisely and justly. Now, in Ireland there has been a field in which all the principles of the Tory party have been completely experimented upon and developed. You have had the country gentleman with all his.power. You have had any number of acts of Parliament which the ancient Parliament of Ireland and the Parlia ment of the United Kingdom gave them. You have had an Established Church, supported by the law, and not many years ago driven to the necessity of_ collecting its revenues by a portion of the army of the country. In point of fact, I believe it would be dif ficult to imagine a state of things in which the prin ciples of the Tory party have not had a more entire and complete opportunity than they have within the limits of this island, and yet what has happened? Why, that the kingdom has been continually weak ened, that harmony has been disturbed, and that the mischief has not been confined to the United King dom, but has spread to the remote colonies of the empire, and at this moment, as you know, from every arrival from the United States the colony of Canada is exposed to the danger of invasion—that it is com pelled to keep on foot soldiers which it otherwise would not want, and to involve itself in expenses which threaten to be ruinous to its financial condition, and all this to defend itself from Irishmen hostile to Eng land who are settled in the United States; in fact, the Government of Lord Derby is at this moment doing exactly what the Government of Lord North did nearly 100 years ago—it is Sending troops across the Atlantic to fight Irishmen who are bitter enemies of England on the American continent. (Cheers.) Now, I believe every gentleman in this room will admit that all I have said is literally true, and if it be true what conclusion are we to come to ? Is it that the law is bad and the people good, or that the law is good and the people bad ? (Cries of " Oh ! no.") Let us for a moment, if we can, stand on one side for a little bit, let us get rid for a moment of Episcopalism, Presbyterianism, Protestantism, and Orangeism on the one hand, and of Catholicism, Romanism, Ultramontanism, and anything else that friendly or unfriendly tongues may point out on the other ; let us for a moment get above all these ",isms," and try, if we can, to discover what is the matter with your country.. I shall ask you only to turn your eyes to two points—the first is the Established Church, and the second is the land. 'he Church may be said to affect the soul and sen timent of the country, and the land the means of living and the comfort of the people. (Cheers.) I shall not blame the bishops and clergy of the Esta blished Church. There may be, I doubt not, many among them pious and devoted men who labour to the utmost of their power to do good in the dis tricts which are committed to their charge ; but I venture to say that if all were good and all were pious it would not in a national point of view com pensate for the one fatal error of their existence as ministers of an established Protestant Church in Ireland. (Cheers.) Every man of them is neces sarily in his district a symbol of the supremacy of the few and of subjection to the many of the people, and although the amount of the revenue of the Esta blished Church as a sum payable as a tribute by a whole nation may not be considerable, yet bear in mind that it is often the galling of the chain that is more tormenting than the weight of it. I be lieve that the removal of the Established Church would create a new political and social atmosphere in Ireland, that it would be felt by the people that the old things had passed away and that all things had become new, that the Irishman an'l his faith were no longer to be condemned in his own country, and that for the first time Irishmen would fully believe that English people and the Eng lish Parliament intended to do justice to their coun try. (Cheers.) Now I leave the Church and come to the question of the laud. I have said that the ownership of the land originally came from the con quest and confiscation. As a matter of course, there was created a great gulf between the owners and tho occupiers, and it has come to this, that there has been wanting that sympathy which existed to a great extent in Great Britain, and ought to exist in every country, between them. I am told, and you can ansv, er if I am wrong, that it is not common in Ireland to give leases to tenants, especially to Roman Catholic tenants. (Cheers.) If this be so, then the security of the property of the tenant rests on the good feeling or fairness of the owner of the land. The law, as we know, has been made by the land owners for their own behoof, while the tenants have unfortunately been too little considered by Parlia ment, and the result is that you have bad farming, bad feeling, bad temper, and everything that is bad, instead of cultivation of the land. You haze also a result the most appalling of all—a population who are fleeing from their country and seeking a refuge in distant lands. [At this point considerable inter ruption was created by some person who vas prornptlyremoved.] Mr. Bright, on resuming, said, —I am very sorry that that gentleman, who, I am told, is an Orangeman, was not contented to listen to the end of my speech, because, probably, I might have told him something that would be useful .f or him to know ; but, returning to the point, and to the fact that a large portion of the population are fleeing to another country, I wish to refer to a letter which I received a few days ago from a most intel ligent citizen of Dublin. He told me he believed that a very large portion of what he called all the poor people among the Irishmen sympathised with any scheme or any proposition which was adverse to the Imperial Government—(cheers) —and he said further that the people here are rather in the coun try than of it, and that they are looking more to America than they are looking to England. (Cheers.) Well, I think there is a good deal in that. (Hear, hear.) When we consider how many Irishmen have found a refuge in America, I do not know how we can wonder at that statement. You will recollect that the ancient Hebrew in his captivity had his windows open towards Jerusalem when he prayed. You know that the follower of Mahomod when he prays turns his face towards Mecca, and the Irish peasant, when ho asks for food, and freedom, and blessings, hiseye follows the setting sun. (Loud and continued cheer ing.) The aspiration of his heart reaches beyond the wide Atlantic, and in spirit he grasps hands with the great Re public of the West. (Loud cheers.) If that be so, I say, then, that the disease is not only serious, but that it is even desperate (cheers); but, desperate as it is, I believe there is a certain remedy for it if the people and the Parliament of the United Kingdom are willing to apply it. Now, if it were possible, would it not bo worth while to change the senti ment and to improve the condition of the Irish cultivator of the soil ? (Hear, hear.) Then, again, if we were to re move the State Church—(cheers) —there would still bo a Church, but it would not be a supremacy Church. (Hear, hear.) The Catholics of Ireland have no idea of saying that Protestantism in its various forms should not exist in thou/ island. (Cheers.) There would still be a Church, but it would be a free Church of a free people. (Cheers.) I will not go into details about the change ; doubtless every man would say that the present occupants of the livings should not be disturbed during their lifetime. (Hear, hear.) But if the principles of the abolition of the State Church wore once fixed and accepted, it would not bo difficult to ar range the details to the satisfaction of the people of Ire land. Now, who objects to that? The men who are in favour of supremacy, and the men who have a fanatical hatred of what they call Popery. (Cheers.) But honest and good men of the Protestant faith have no reason whatever to fear that change. What has the voluntary system done in Scotland ? What has it done among the Nonconformists of England ? What has it done among the population of Wales? What has it done among the Catholic population of your own island ? (Cheers.) In my opinion, the aboli tion of the Established Church would give Protestantism even another chance. (Cheers and laughter.) I believe thew has been inlreland no enemy of the Protestant faith so injurious as the Protestant State Establishment. (Hear.) It has been loaded for 200 years with sins of bad govern ment and bad laws; and whatever may have been the beauty and holiness of its doctrine or of its professors, it has not been able to hold its ground, burdened as it has been with sins of a bad government. The effect of the Established Church has been this—to make Catholicism in Ireland not only a faith, but a patriotism ; but it was not likely that any member of the Catholic Church would incline in the slightest degree to Protestantism so long as it presented itself to its eyes as a wrong doer, and full of injustice in connexion with the Government of his country. But, now, if honest Protestants have nothing to fear from the change that I would recommend, what has the honest landowner to fear? (Cheers.) The his tory of Europe and of America for the last hun dred years offers scarcely any picture more pain ful than that which is presented of the landowners in this kingdom. The Irish landowner has been different from every other landowner, for the bulk of their land to them has only been but half cultivated, they have had to collect their rents by a process approaching to the evil of civil war. Their property has been very insecure; the sale of it has sometimes been rendered impossible, and the landowner himself has often been hated by those who ought to have loved him. He has been banished from his ancestral home by terror, and not a few of the landlords have lost their lives without the sympathy of those who ought to have been their protectorsand their friends. (Loud cheers.) I would like to ask what could be much worse than this—if in this country 50 yearsago as in Prussia there had arisen statesmen who would have taken a third or half of the land and given it to the tenants ? The Irish landowner, great as the injustice might have been, would have been richer and happier than he is now. What is the fit remedy which you would propose ? First, and this is the most practicable, and would most speedily touch the con dition of the country, that the property which the tenant should invest in his farm should be secured to the tenant by law. (Loud cheers.) I believe that if Parliament were fairly to enact this it would make a change in the whole temper of the country, and I recollect, in the year 1849, being down in the county of Wexford, I called at the house of an old farmer of the name of Stafford. He lived in a good house—the best farmhouse, I think, that I had seen since leaving Dublin. He lived on his own farm, which he had bought 15 years before, and the house was a house which he had built. He was a venerable old man, and I had some rather interesting conversation with him. I asked him how it was that he had so good a house, and he said the farm was his own, and the house was his own, and, as no man could disturb him, he had built it a much better house than was com mon for the farmhouses in Ireland. (Cheers.) I said to him, " If all the farmers in Ireland had some security for the capital they laid out on their farms, what would be the re sult?" The old man almost sprung out of his chair. He said " Sir, if you will give us that encouragement we'll bate the hunger out of Ireland." (Cheers.) It is said that all this must be leftto contract between the landlord and the tenant ; but the public, who may be neither landlord nor tenant, have a great interest in this question, and I maintain that the inte rests of the public require that Parliament should secure to the tenant the property which he has invested in his farm. (Cheers.) But I would not stop here. There is ano ther, and what 1 should call a more permanent and far reaching remedy for the evils of Ireland, and I hope those persons who stickle so much for political economy will follow me in this. The grand evil in Ireland is this—that the Irish people—the nation, are dispossessed of the soil. What we ought to do is to provide for and aid their restora tion to it by all measures of justice. Should you tolerate in Ireland the law of primogeniture ? Why should you tolerate the system of entails and long settlements? Why should the object of the law be to accumulate land in great masses in few hands, and to make it almost impossible for persons of small means and tenant farmers to become pos sessors of land ? If you go to other countries—for ex ample, to Norway, to Denmark, to Holland, to Belgium, to France, to Germany, to Italy, or to the United States, you will find that in all those countries those laws of which I complain have been abolished—(cheers)—and the land is just as free to buy and sell, and hold and culti vate as any other description of property in the kingdom. No doubt your Landed Estates Court and your Court of Titles Act were good measures but they were good be cause they were in the direction that I want to travel further in. I would go further than that : I would deal with the question of absenteeism. (Cheers.) lam not going to propose to tax absentees ; but if my advice were taken, we should have a Parliamentary Commission em powered.to buy up the large estates in Ireland belonging to the English nobility for the purpose of selling them on proper terms to the occupiers of the farms and to the tenan try of Ireland. (Cheers.) Now, let me be fairly understood. I am not proposing to take any of their property from them, but I propose this—that a Parliamentary Commission should be empowered to treat for the purchase of these large estates with a view of selling them out to the tenantry of Ireland. Here are some of them. The present Prime Minister, Lord Derby, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Fitzwilliam, the Marquis of Hertford, the Marquis of Bath, the Duko of Bedford, the Duke of Devonshire, and many others have large estates in Ire land. Many of them, I daresay, are just as well managed as any estates in the country ; but what you want is to restore to - Ireland a middle proprietary of the soil, and I venture to say that if these estates could be pur chased, and could be sold out farm by farm to the tenant occupier in Ireland, it would be infinitely better in a Con servative sense than that they should belong to great pro prietors living out of the country. L have said that the disease is desperate, and that the remedy must be search ing. I assert that the present system of government with regard to the Church and with regard to the land has failed disastrously in Ireland. Under it Ireland has become en object of commiseration to the whole world, and a discredit tc the United Kingdom of which it forms a part. It is a land of many sorrows. Men fight for supre macy and call it Protestantism. They fight for evil and bad laws, and they call it acting for the defence of property. Now, are there no good men in Ire land ? of those who are opposed to us in politics, are there none wile can rise above the level of party ? If there be such, I wish my voice might reach to them. I have often asked myself whether patriotism is dead in Ireland. Cannot all the people of Ireland see that the calamities of their country are the creations of the law ; and if that be so, just laws only can remove those calamities. If the Irish were united ; if your 105 members were for the most part agreed, you might do almost anything you liked, even in the present Parliament. But if you aro disunited, then I know not how you can gain anything from a Parliament created as the Imperial Parliament now is. The class that rule will hear your cry as they have heard it before, and they will pay no attention to it. They will see your peo ple leaving your shores, and they will think it no ca lamity to the country ; they know that they have force to suppress insurrection, and therefore you can gain nothing from their. fears. (Cheers.) Well, what is your hope, then ? It is in a better Parliament, representing fairly the United Kingdom. (Loud cheers.) The movement wh;ch is now in force in England and Scotland is your movement as much as ours. If there were 100 more members, the representatives of large and free constituen cies, then your cry would be heard, and the people would give you that justice which a class has so long denied to you. The great party that is now in power—the Tory party—denies that I have any just cause of complaint. In a speech delivered the other day in Belfast there is much said of the enforcement of the law, but There is nothing said about any change or amendment of the law. With the English party terror is the only specific, and they have no confidence in allegiance except where there is no ability to rebel. I believe that at the root of a general discon tent there is in all countries a general grievance and a general suffering ; the surface of society is not inces santly disturbed without a cause. I recollect in the poem of the greatest of Italian poets he tells us that he saw in a vision the Stygian Lake, and standing upon its banks he observed a constant commotion that there was on the sur face of the pool, and the guide explained it to him thus : " This, too, for certain, know that underneath The waters dwells a multitude, whose sighs Into these bubbles make the surface heave, As thine eye tells thee, wheresoe'er it turns." And so in Ireland for generatiops back the misery and sighs of the g-Tple have made their sign and found their voice in constant insurrection and disorder. I have said that Ireland is a country of many wrongs and many sor rows. Her past has almost all been in the shadow; her present is full of anxiety and peril; her future depends on the power of her people to substitute equality and justice for supremacy, and a generous patriotism fur the spirit of, faction. In the effort now making in Eng land to create a true representation of the people you have the deepest interest. (Hear, hear.) Ihe people never wish to suffer, and never wish to inflict injustice. They have no sympathy with the wrongdoer, whether in Great Britain or Ireland, and when they aro fairly repre sented in the Imperial Parliament—as I hope they will be one day—they will speedily, effectively, and finally answer that old question of the Parliament of Kilkenny, " w comes it to pass that the King has never looeu the richer for Ireland 2" The hon. gentleman resumed his seat amid loud and prolonged cheers. . Mr. KENNEDY, next proposed the health of the chairman, tu which the O'DONOGRUE responded. Thu CHAIRMAN then proposed the toast of "A speedy settlement of the land question, on the fundamental prin ciples of property, securing the rights of the tenant and the interest's of the landlord," to which Mr.BAuwELL, M.P., responded. Sir JOHN GRAY, M.P. for Kilkenny, proposed " Civil and Religious Liberty." He said, there existed not a race who had suffered more, endured more, and sacrificed more for the rights of conscience than the Irish, and on no ear did the words "civil and religious liberty" fall with a sweeter cadence than on the Irish ear, and to no heart did it appeal with more of a magic spell than the Irish heart. (Cheers.) That country, through a baptism of blood, tes tified its faith in the great principles of his sentiment. If they inquired into the causes of the difference between the condition of the tenants in the south and in the north, the maintenance of the Church was at the root of all. (Hear.) The education controversy had its origin in the same mis chievous cause. Churchmen alone were allowed to teach, and the enforcing of the mixed system on Ireland now by Sir H. Cairns, at Belfast, and the Lord Chancellor, in Dub lin, was but the tail of that, cloud of educational persecu tion which was commenced in centuries gone by for the maintenance of Church ascendancy. (Applause.) Did the Catholic people in other matters enjoy perfect equality with their Protestant fellow-subjects in Ireland? (No, no.) In the Emancipation Act were inserted Church protection clauses for the suppression of the Catholic ecclesiastical or ders, which were deemed offensive by the Church party— the Derby party of the day—and the penalty of banishment and transportation was enacted against these orders. Why did their chief governor, Lord Derby's Viceroy in Ireland, inaugurate his official career by declaring that the most cherished of Catholic doctrines was damnable? (Cheers.) Mr. Whiteside, Mr. Disraeli, Sir H. Cairns, and the whole Tory party insisted on defeating a bill introduced by Sir Colman O'Logblen and himself for the abolition of that blasphemous declaration. When they got a Reformed Par liament the already rotten fortress of ascendancy would, like the walls of Jericho, crumble before the indignant shouts of the representatives of an enfranchised people. (Loud cheers.) Other toasts followed, and the proceedings, which were protracted to a very late hour, were brought to a close. The Foreign Carrying Trade c f America. Americans are considered, and truly, a keen, shrewd people. There are broad business questions on which the English differ from them, such, foi' instance, as Protection v. Free Tra le. The English may hold that Free Trade would be beneficial to America because it has been beneficial to Eng land ; but there are sound, good arguments ad vanced by the Americans to show that the contrary is the case, and these arguments may or may not be more forcible than those advanced against them. The subject of our article does not, how ever, come under the head of au argument against Protection. In another part of our columns will be found a letter from T. SILVER, Esq., addressed to the Hon. W. WELLS, who has been appointed by the I7Tovernment of the United States to collect facts at New York, which will furnish the basis on which Congress may hereafter revise the tariff. Mr. SIL VER brings to the notice of this official a curious fact arising out of the great American contest. Before the war America was in a position to com pete with any country in shipbuilding, and it was never contemplated that circumstances would sud denly change this position. To American modellers and shipwrights we owe the great advance in the construction of sea-going vessels. The revolution in the building trade worked by such clippers as the Marco Polo is wholly d ue to American skill and science. From the yards of that nation were launched the crafts that amazed the world by their extraordinary speed. More than half the ships that sailed from Liverpool under the English flag had been built in America. These were the circumstances in opera tion when the law came into force that the Ameri can flag should only cover American built ships. The material was cheap and plentiful in the coun try. Great rivers and a vast seaboard gave every facility for the formation of building yards, and if labour was expensive, living was cheap. The war wrought a change. The necessaries of life became in America enormously dear, and have raised in proportion the cost of labour. From being almost an untaxed country the ;United States have become the most highly taxed of all countries. This has placed shipwrights under a disadvantage in competing with foreigners. At the same time that the change we have described was taking place in the United States a revolution was occurring in the ocean car rying trade. Steam is being substituted for sails, and iron for wood.. The traffic between Liverpool and New York is now almost wholly carried by iron steam vessels. The practical effect of both these changes, under the American Navigation Law, has been to bar American merchants from any share in the profits of their own carrying trade. The price of iron in the United States is double what it is in Great Britain. The price of labour is also double. To build the ship in New York would cost twice as much as to build a ship on the Clyde. To put engines into her would make the proportion still greater against the New York vessel: Yet, unless she be built in America, she cannot fly the national flag. The consequence is that New York houses are pre vented from establishing American lines and taking their fair share in the carriage of the traffic in which they are so deeply interested. If an American wishes to engage in an undertaking of this sort his only plan is to abandon his allegiance to his country, establish himself in Europe, and adopt the country whose ensign his vessels hoist. There is no question here of Protection and of Free Trade. The question is simply one of American exclusion from the traffic, and it is simply thus, till circumstances change, that the Honoffrable W. WELLS is invited to consider it. Mr. SILVER does not ask that shipowners should be permitted to purchase in foreign countries the , vessels employed in the American coasting traffic. He holds it to be right that ships employed for domestic purposes should be purely American, but he maintains that American shipowners should not be called oa to pay double the European price for vessels to be employed in the foreign trade. Such a shrewd people as the Americans are not likely to weight their merchants with a burden they cannot bear in the race of foreign competition, 'while no practical good is gained by the country. Neither the exchequer nor the shipbuilders gain anything ; while the merchants lose the benefit of being al lowed to carry their own produce, and into the hands of foreign nations pass not only the manufac ture of the ships, but the profit of their employment in the transport of American produce. The remedy for a part, at least, of these evils is in the hands of the American Government. Let them extend to their merchants the privilege of purchasing ships in the markets of the world to be registered in Ameri can ports as " foreign built " American ships to be employed only in the foreign trade and covered by the American flag. Mr. SILVER suggests that all materials, machinery, &c., required in the con struction of ships to be employed in commerce be tween the United gtates and any foreign country should be relieved from import duty, but he evi dently considers the plan we advocate to be the best. And so it undoubtedly is. It is always ob jectionable to introduce exceptions to tariff regu lations. This places a power in the hands of the officers of Customs which is liable to abuse. It gives also to importers of foreign wares a means of evading the law. The tendency is either to establish a dishonest collusion between the importer and Custom-house officer,. or to create endless disputes and appeals to the courts of the coun try. The American Navigation. Law had its rise in circumstances now wholly changed, and must, both in justice to American merchants and according to the dictates of common sense, be repealed. It is not the intention of the Legislature to deprive their own citizens of carrying to foreign ports their own produce, nor to convey their own people as pas sengers in ships flying foreign flags, but as the law now stands this must be so, and continue to be hereafter even in a still greater degree, for the few steam vessels built before the war, now plyingacross the Atlantic, cannot last, and cannot be replaced, except at a cost which would soon ruin their pro prietors. We trust that the American Government will give immediate attention to this important subject, and that those interested will back Mr. SILVER'S appeal with the full weight of their power. —Anglo-Anzerican Times. The Political Situation•—The Proposition of the Border States. No careful observer can fail to see but that be twixt the President on the one hand, and Con gress on the other, the determination of the ona not to be forced from the line of his policy, and that of the others to crush the Executive, since they cannot bend him to their purposes, that matters are re manded very nearly to their old position, so far as the relative position of the sections is concerned, much such as they occupied just previous to the war. At that period in our history the claim of the extreme South to make slavery the dominating power, under the mischievous teachings of the South Carolina politicians, was fairly balanced by those of the extremists of the other section, to destroy with out 'hesitation what was guaranteed by the Consti tution itself ; whilst between these stood the so called Border States, deprecating the extreme action of both sections, and striving—through Mr. Critten den, a Border State Senator—to give the country peace. At that time the negro constituted the one great element for the fashioning of parties ; the abolishment of slavery being the watchword of the North, the protection and extension of slavery, even to the extent of organising a separate government for this purpose, being the policy of the South. Well, the whole thing culminated in war and the destruction of the cherished institution, the great bone of contention; the Border States holding up their hands and deprecating the terrible conflict to the last possible moment when it looked as if the conflict might have been avoided. But the war went on, slavery was destroyed, and the great mass of the people ap pear to have thought that now, surely, if ever, there must be "peace." But what do we see? WhtiTt are we called upon to deplore? Why we see that the negro is, if possible, a larger element than ever for the stirring up of national strife ; that whilst the South has given up slavery to the extent of abolish ing it by formal action of each State accepting the amendments to the Constitution prescribed by Con gress, right behind this, despite any and every pro testation to the contrary, lies the cherished dogma of ," negro suffrage," which, the pet measure of Massachusetts (as in the olden time was the abolish ment of slavery), will never be permitted to be dropped, even to the extent of thirty years more of qu.areliing, if thereby the politicians of that school can secure seats in Congress or consideration and pelf anywhere. We say, then, that according to the present position of affairs we are remanded to the old position, very nearly, so far as getting rid of the negro is at present to be hoped for by people who desire peace ; the Border States Low, as then, being "conservative" in their purposes and action, and likely to remain so. For instance, Maryland for one, with a population of some one hundred and sixty thousand free coloured people within her bor ders, is not likely to tolerate in the slightest degree the dogmas of Sumner and Henry Wilson in this regard ; and although the. Radical influence should sweep Pennsylvania or Ohio, or, in fact, the whole North, it will on these points just as surely stop at the old line as it has at any time within the thirty years past during which the negro has been constituted an element of strife. And the same reasons will pre vail with the other Border States which prevail here. We have shown recently that, let the President have done what he might, short of enforcing negro suf frage by the power of the Federal Government, that a quarrel would have been fastened upon him by Sumner, Wilson, and Co., with the purpose of ac complishing his ruin ; and knowing this, aware that he has been misrepresented and denounced by those whose whole aim is to keep the negro in the politi cal arena as an element of party ascendancy, the people of the Border States will continue to stand by him, and go against those who are as unscru pulous about the means they resort to as they are careless of evil consequences to the whole country. And to throw odium upon the President, for the purposes designated, all the machinery of party po litics has been brought into requisition. He has been represented as desirous of forcing into Con gress—and without reference to his emphatic decla rations to the contrary—the disloyal representatives of Southern States; when no point in his policy has been more plainly declared than that one where he ' makes loyalty the test of admission, insisting that if representatives from the rebel States sought admis sion to the floor of Congress they could be excluded on the showing of their not being loyal men. Not only has he been recklessly misrepresented in this regard, but there is hardly any chance beside, out of which radical ingenuity could torture an exhibit to his detriment, but what has been made use of with the uttermost alacrity. The neglect to try Jeff. Davis ; every row or difficulty at the South, and so on, have all been laid at his door ; whilst when there was any scarcity of real materials from which to inflame the minds of their followers against him, they have been manufactured to suit the needs of the special occasion. And now, after this marked ex hibit of bad treatment ; after projecting grounds of quarrel against him and badgering him to the last extent of human endurance, those immaculate ob servers of all the decencies, Forney, Brownlow, Thad. Stevens, Wendell Phillips, and their set—the true leaders—fondly flatter themselves that they have all their own way, that they even go the length of an " impeachment." No men could be more mistaken. The American people have reason to believe in Andrew Johnson's honesty of purpose ; in his patriotism ; in his determination to stand by the Constitution ; and remembering that the same reckless troupe were the bitter assailants of Mr. Lincoln in his lifetime, they will never desert the present Executive, to leave him to the mercy of foes so bitter in their malignity. Aware that no one, however patient, however forbearing, could have avoided their purpose to have a quarrel with the Presidential incumbent, so long as the latter could not give in to the darling project of having negro suffrage proclaimed as the act of the Federal Government, they will know how to judge between him and his traducers, his bitter enemies ; the Border States, as of old, constituting that line of demarcation, that tribunal, too, whose protest must be respected by the country at large. If Mr. Lin coln was right in his policy of conciliation, in his determination to stand in the way of a spoliation of the South, A ndrew Johnson is right when seeks to pursue the same kindly and patrioti policy ; and the people will never see him, ou such grounds, made the victim of deliberate wrong doing and injustice.—The Baltimore Weekly Com mercial. Eir W. Mansfield on tLe Jervis Case. Sir WILLIAM MANSFIELD is a clevei man. His rise in the army has been almost unprecedented in its rapidity, when unsupported by powerful family interest. Not many years ago he was a major in a foot regiment, and was said to have almost decided on accepting the post of manager of a bank, which has since ceased to exist. His whole career has been marked by ability, and that sort of ability which should have guarded him against the fatal series of blunders by which he has lately, at Simla, damaged his reputation. Sir 'WILLIAM is not a good soldier, though he is a good diplomatist. He is not a good general, though he is an able states man. Ile is not a good commander in the field, but he is an eloquent speaker in the forum. His talents were of so high an order that, though in a wrong career, he has become the most successful soldier of the British army. Nothing can more show the damaging effects of the climate of India on a man's mind, as Well as his body, than the mess he has made of it in the JEIWIS case. Had he been in strong physical health, it is difficult to believe that his judgment would have allowed him to be betrayed into such a position. The effect of India is to weaken the constitution and to render a person nervous, irritable, and excitable. The finer the mind, the more likely is this to be the result. It is almost incredible that Sir WILLIAM did not -see the impropriety of awarding judgment in a case in which he was plaintiff, and in which his feelings had been excited to an overwhelming extent. After doing his beat to obtain a conviction from a court selected and constituted by himself, every member of which was under his own personal control, and having failed in proving the guilt of the priSoner in the really damaging charges he had preferred, he has committed himself to remarks condemning this court, because it failed to detect a guilt which he does not hesitate to ascribe to Capt. JERVIS, in spite of the " finding" of the court. Proteeding from the most unjust reiteration of his charge of petty larceny, he goes on to comment on the breaches of discipline committed by his late " aide." He declares that " extenuating circumstances" cannot be considered by an authority in awarding justice to a military culprit. Now, we deny this, most emphatically, as subversive of justice, and we maintain that what de feats the ends of justice in civil cases defeats it also in military cases. Sir WILLIAM says " that a plea " of extenuating circumstances to a private soldier in " disobeying the orders of his superior is never " allowed, and is simply unknown." If this were so, the army would be a school of tyranny unknown to any community of Englishmen. A commanding officer, in considering a case, is bound to entertain the circumstances under which the case occurred, otherwise he is not administering justice, but is a mere instrument for enforcing a penalty that the malice of a superior may have extracted from an in ferior soldier. Suppose, for instance, a sergeant was in charge of a party receiving the rations of the com pany. Suppose the sergeant, actuated by malice, sud denly accused one of the privates with making away with his comrades tea orsugar for his own private use. Suppose the accused, in a fit of anger at au accusa tion afterwards proved to be unjust, were to throw down his load, and refuse to take further charge of the articles committed to his care. Is this man to be tried by a court-martial, and awarded the severest punishment that the law allows for disobedience of orders ? When the case was brought before his commander, however strongly that officer might censure the disobedience of orders, and a want of temper on the part of the private—if he knew him to be a good soldier—he would certainly not sold the case to a court-martial. There are no men more keenly alive to just dealing than the soldiers of her MAJESTY'S army. And if they found their com manding officer a mere machine for enforcing the malice and tyranny of his subordinates, instead of protector, they would regard him with conten3pt.an d dislike and themselves a mere body of slaves. If the case was between the colonel and his own military ser" vast, and his own feelings were strongly interested, his clear course would be to absent himself from the orderly-room, and direct his second in command to conduct the investigation. Sir WILLIAM undertakes to show that the alleged extenuating circumstanc es —the ground of the Court's recommendation to mercy—had. no existence. In arguing out this point, his Excellency has evaded the real ground. It would strike the most superficial observer that the point weighing in the minds of the Court was the deep-seated anger and indignation excited in the prisoner by the " frightful" charges suddenly brought against him by his former friend, Si r WILLIAM himself. The argument he uses is that his orders were disobeyed not on hasty impulse, but deliberately and with premeditation. I'he more Captain JERVIS pondered on the "frightful" charg e the more savage he grew, and the more unreasoning he became. It was the prisoner's misfortune to be thus constituted, and it is clear that if a hasty bli" pulse be recognised at all, it should have been ex tended to this gentleman throughout these proceed ings. The Court evidently held that Captain J ER vis was excited to insubordination by unjust charg es ,' and that his feelings of i n di gna ti on were k ep t up an continued by a series of petty annoyances and in dignities. Sir WILLIAm evades this—the real poin t • —and shows that after he had had time to cool be still continued his insubordinate opposition to autho rity. It is strange that the effect of the worry 011 his Excellency, which is said to have seriously damaged his health, should not have taught hint that the effect was likely to be still greater on th e accused. Sir WILLIAM stands convicted of having excited an officer with whom he had long been living on terms of friendship to acts of military insuborcli' nation, by preferring against him " fright f ul" charges proved by his own court to be un t ru e. He stands convicted of having made use of the insubordin s " Lion he had excited to ruin the officer against who° he had directed the unjust charges. He stands 01- victed of having used the power with which h er MAJESTY had clothed him to gratify a p r e-conceive d feeling of enmity against thi s gentleman, al though against all sense of English law and jus tice. He stands convicted of having brought 11 P e° the British army a gross scand a l, an d weakene d throughout India the bands of discipline I P y great errors of judgment, tact, and temper. g li3 own words condemn him ; for if he escapes the con" sequences of his acts it will be said, not only through; out every barrack-room in India, but through° every English home, that there is one law for the commanded and another for the commander.' Anglo-American Times. COUNTRY MARKETS. BRIS T OL—TUESDAY. At our market to-day we had a fair attendance, and th e prices for wheat ran ge d quite is d earer t h an l as t we e ' . Grinding barley also, under the influence of smaller $ 13 , 1 5 plies, was is dearer on th e spot. Oats were from 6d to 7' dearer. LYNN—TUESDAY. The market was moderately supplied with wheat to-d a 4 and the attendance of the t ra d e was f a i r . Th e t o ne of ty demand was healthy, and sampl es c h ange d h an ds at fully late quotations. Best barley found buyers at rather Inca s money. Oats a middling show, at previous prices. Be an sold readily, and were the turn dearer. Peas as before., New wheat, 54s to 58s ; new red, 40s to 48i ; old white; 60s to 64s ; old red, Ms to 60s per 36 stone. Barley i' malting, 40s t0.50s ; secondary, 30 s t o 36 5 . Oats, ll' 22s to 26s per 24 stone. Beans, sm a ll, 42 s t o 445. Pea' 36s to 40s per 28 stone. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. At this day's market there was a good attendance of the town and country trade, but not much bu s i n ess was dop e : and prices for wheat had a slightly upward teudePela Flour without ohange, and not so s a l ea bl e . O a ts were d to id per 451 b higher on the week, and oa t mea l is per loa: but sales were dull. Peas, beans, and barley unchengo An in - considerable business done in Indian corn, at 33 5 to 31s per 4801 b for mixed. MARKET HARBOROUGII.—TUESDAY. 5 6 Old white wheat, 58s t o 63 8; new re d , 50 s t o 57s 1 ) ,° 1. stone. Barley, fine, 48s ; oth er ki n d s , 33 s t o 38 s p" 0 Oats, new, 22s to 238; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Beaus, 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s prr qr. LEEDS—TUESDAY. We have a fair show of grain this week. Th® doifl 3 for wheat is very limited, at barely last Tuesday's r' to Fine barley brings full value. Beaus rather cheaper. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. limi t Wheat, with a large supply to-day, mat with a lirn,A, demand, and last week's quotations w e r e no t exca e , t ,4. Barley a middling show, and the trade fi rm a t late P"'" Oats a small supply, and bbaus dearer. 6 1 Red wheat, per load of 3 Imp. bushels...,22s Od to 2 36 ac t White do do 2ls Od 2 , s pd New red d o do 2os Od 2 o d New white do do 23s Od 250 03 Beans do do 2os Od 206 0 Peas, per qr. Grinding ba ley, per qr Maltinebarley, , o Oats, do F10ur....1a 10d to 2i I,d per 1 2 4 30;5 l b s: o°° c idd 1150 51 Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton. No'. „, Ditto, via Marseilles Nov. Brazil and Capa Verde. by British packet. Nov Ditto, by French packet Nov. Cape of Good Hope, A scens i on, an d St. Helena, N ot r• :: 8 China, Penang, and Sing4pore. via Sou:hampton No r Ditto, via Marseilles Nov. 1 " Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton NoY. 3 * India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton NOV • Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Nov. Is ' • Ditto, via &rad Iles .. Nov , 7 . Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Nov. 3 : Ditto, via Marseilles Notr• : Uauritius, via Southampton Nov. 1 Ditto, via 31arseil!e4. Nov 4 .." Newfoundland 6 Portugal NOV . ••••• Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet .. Nov Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, ay Canadian packet, via Londonderry Nov. A - ett Coat•t of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ....Nov. i u West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and II ondurai). ... Not. Is 4 Cuba and Mexico " 1" itermuda, via Halifax Nov 21 Bahamas, via New York. Nov , 15 - - - LADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Oir.tment and - P l IIS ref! Thousands of persons who have wrought wonderful ° ti do . by means of these remedies have extolled them as the)" or o serve, but have not given them one word of p"ttis° r t he LILL they richly merited. A n a tt en ti ve perusal ' 2 ' l ' w ill " directions" accompanying Holloway's medicaments., be enable any invalid to overcome his t rou ble, whether it visible outwardly or concealed inwardly. Sores, skju ive fl eases, inflammations, erysipelas, chest complaints, as ,A c i , as many disorders of the head, heart, stomach, liver, net's, and bowels may be radically removed by gollo a' 3 _ to preparations. They have proved the greatest blessing_ar„ suffering humanity, because they can be obtained 01. ; 10 where, aro moderate in cost, safe in action, and tow strengthen, not to weaken, the system. Births. BECK WITH—On the 29th inst., at 18, Lowndes-street , th wife of Thomas P. Beckwith, Esq., of a son. ;f , Of FREDERICK—On the 30th inst., at Addl es t on e, the w" - George Frederick, Esq., of a son. 4) f MAITLAND —On the 26th inst., at Bi rm i ng h am . the svif a Lieut. F. H. Maitland, Bth Hussars, of a son. o wlet TONER—On the 29th inst., at P ac k woo d Grange, •`-'l3- Mrs. Edmund Toner, of a son. Marriages. - I, pi , COFFIN—SHEPHERD—On the 23d i ns t., a t th e bassy, Berlin, Sir Isaac Campbell Coffin, of LI.M.s l a te Army, to Catherine Eliz a , eldest daughter a the Major John Shepherd, o f the Madras Army. r ipity RICHARDSON — WHARTON—On the 30th inst., at - 1 1; s q.1 Church, St. Marylebone, Edward V. Richardsolk.noes of 49, York-terrac e , R egen t' s - par k , an d o f tho Thy late London, to Elizabeth A nne , e ld es t d aug hter of and 'Temple, tb° R. Wharton, Esq., of 31, Vpp er Harley-street, a n " Temple, London. Deaths. Or FOULDS - On the 28th inst., at 15, South Devon-Pl3—' mouth, W. H. Foulds, Esq., aged 63. , We l- HOWARD—On the 28th inst., at Lon dou-on-Ter ° ' lington, Salop, Wm. Howard, Esq., aged 66. lA' PRIESTMAN—On the 29th inst., John Friestinan, Whetley Hill, Bradford, Yorkshire, aged 61. v 1451 ROBERTS—On the 28th inst , at Hastings, Mr. F . 141 of 126, Whitechapel-road. - OW:3011 ROTOON—On the 28th inst., at 1, Oranley-Plac e, of square, John Rotten, Esq., aged 75. RUTLAND—On the 29th inst., Joseph Rutland, s(l. ' Russell Villas, Richmond-hill, Surrey, aged 8 0 . 300 SEDGWICK—On the 29th inst., at Canonbury - s c l ua ' re ' Ann Sedgwick, aged 92. fi • oe , t 2 Loudon : Printed end Pubiiehed by WIL LIAg A- 10 . 1- 4 ' of No. 112, Strand, Painter at Taz SUN o" c „,.' a pti "'- Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, the %,`" Middlesess—Wedneaday, Octeber 31, 1860. r. ~~ 1 r . l'eee ER] rep s fUtu ro t br e , als ( lae) fon 1 tha ,VIZ bOl