The Sun. — London, England, 1848-04-11 00:00:00

t i HAIIBURGII. MAIL. e RUSSIA AND POLAND Konigshur Gazette con . tains the following accoo;"-ntLTeilinagted March ‘ g , 0, which authentic, from the every . appearance Russian frontier :—" The bridge at Kownow was finished on Sunday as the Emperor had com manded. In Kownow three divisions of 240,000 are stationed, who are to enter Poland next t Sunday, for the Commander-in-Chief cannot come till these 160,000 men march to Warsaw and the Austrian frontier, and 80,000 men to the Prussian fron tier. The field artillery left for Warsaw on the 26th. Five Cossacks are still stationed on every post, in order to escort a gentleman travelling incognito. The Polish peasants speak of a dreadful irruption of the French. The streets of Warsaw, where a terrible fire is still raging at this moment, are mounted by cannon. The Breslau Genetic says—" It appears from authen tic accounts that 16,000 Russian troops entered Czen atochaw the day before yesterday, and that a further body was expected there and in the vicinity. The ma nifesto of the Emperor caused the greatest con sternation here. The Stadtholder was urged from all luarters to give an explanation as far as was possible, and, says the correspondent of the Silesian Gazette, 4 I pledge ray word that the following expression was made, as if by the Prince Stadtholder, " Within eight or ten days Europe will witness the spectacle that three hundred thousand Russian troops will be concentrated in Warsaw."' Everything appears to be going on as usual, but this apparent calm of Warsaw is like the calm which precedes a storm." The Leiptie Gazette contains a letter from St. Peters- Lurgh, March 23, which says—" An Imperial ukase, of the 23d,:forbids the issue of passports to Russian subjects going abroad, and that even merchants, who in that case are general)) , privileged, will not be allowed to leave the empire."—Hamburgh Borsenhalle, April 6. A letter in the Aix-la-Chapelle GaaeMe says—" That Sir Charles Napier has been commanded immediately to set sail with his whole squadron for the Baltic. The fleet had been lately recalled from the Tagus, where only a ship of the line is now stationed. It'consists of six ships of the line, and a great number of steam-frigates and steam-vessels. If we may rely upon assurances from creditable quarters, the English Cabinet will act de tidedly on the part of Prussia on the Polish-Russian question, and the English fleet is in part destined to protect the German and Prussian harbours from Russian aggression"—Hamburgh Borsenhalle, April 6. ENGLAND AND PHYSICAL FORCE CHARTISM. In a country where the right of petition and of public meeting, the license of printing and the licentiousness of speech are unlimited, where eeerytnale adult possessed of 20L, may, by the existing franchise, command a county vote, and the door of the constitution is open to at least three times the number of those who choose to take the trouble of entering it, sedition must be supported by the credentials of the most disinterested patriotism, to make itself at all respectable. But at our present advanced stage of intelligence, and in the state of implicit mutual dependence, in which, in our artificial social condition, we all exist in this country, any man who proposes to accomplish any political good by means of disorder and violence can only command credit for his sincerity at the expense of his understanding. Order is . the . firs . t . law of nature—it is the very life and soul of 1v society. To twenty-eight millions of human beings crowded together on two small island s, surrounded every where by rivals or enemies , an d so broken into civilization that even the poorest and the meanest cannot be helped to the supply of his most ordinary wants without the assistance of many of his fellow-subjeets, the peace, regularity , and security of the movements of every part of the social machinery are as essential to the stability of the fabric on which all de pend, as the harmonious working of bees is necessary to the existence of the hive. Our soil does not nearly support our population, increasing now at the rate of 450,000 souls every year. Our mere nataral and physical resources are totally inadequate to our subsistence. Our very being depends on menu factures and commerce. We are the ministers of the artificial wants of the world. We cannot, like Antceus, fall upon our mother earth and gather our strength from that. Not one-fifth part of our population find employ ment in the cultivation of our soil. In the present year we have fed nearly six millions of our people entirely on foreign produce. Three millions of Irish have been maintained exclusively at the public cost. The failure of a bank may make a whole county starve. Send half a dozen manufacturers into the Gazette, and tens of thousands will be reduced to rain. A run for gold in Threadneedle-street, a fall of 10 per cent. in stocks, the bankruptcy of a score of merchants, consigns millions to beggary. And of all the sufferers, the poorest are the greatest. Those who have land can fall back upon that—those who have capital, can take flight with it so long as anything is left. But those who live from hand to mouth, and exist on wages, who can get no food without money, and no money without em ployment, and no employment without capitalists, and no capitalists without credit, who so helpless and destitute as these, whea anarchy and distrust bring the social en ginery to a stand still ? If we grant that the French Revolution was necessary, we must also concede that it was only a necessary evil. It has transferred the money market of the Continent of Europe from Paris to London. It has driven the whole available capital of France into our stocks. It has brought employment, and therefore wages, and therefore the means of mere physical existence, to a temporary close in that devoted Republic. The heroic men of France have lost their capital, and have no means of conducting manufacturing enterprise. Their powers of production are arrested by want of money, and they have, consequently, nothing to sell. They have no current coin, and they can, there fore. buy nothing. Cargoes of produce, chartered for French ports, have been sent directly to England to sell for what they would bring. Whole fleets of mcr chantmen, laden with the raw material of manufacture, cotton, silk, wool, and leather, have turned helm at Havre, Toulon, and other Gallic harbours, the moment their captains heard of the disorders of the Republic, and steered their ships at once for Liverpool, Bristol, and Southampton. Upwards of 6,000,000/. of English money were annually spent in France by our absentees—as much more was yearly squandered in the other countries of Europe. These 12,000,0001., and their owners have all been frightened home. Hosts of wealthy continental foreigners, losing faith in the stability of their property from the threatened violence offered by the people, have col lected all their money, invested it in our securities, and are trooping here to spend it among us. Vast consignments of colonial produce intended fur the continental market are sent on to us, and large orders for manufactures, originally destined for Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, and France, have been trans !erred to England. Five millions of dishonoured bills have been returned to the United States alone from Havre. Trade has no lofty aspirations. Commerce has no preference for one paper constitution more than an other. Money is sordid, timid, and without magnaui it. They look t o p ro fi ts a l one . Lib ert y, Equality, Fraternity, are to th em b ut soun di ng b rass an d a tinkling cymbal, u n l ess they mean secur i ty, prompt payment, and sure profits. They fly from the Continent, because they cannot trust it. They Paiute here because theych t hink th e y are sa te . Th ey tiefurse to give for en Three per Cents., because they cannot rely upon payment—they Bl-1 English Three per Cents.b is they glee hnfifor in their stability. So timid s capital,se nervous a thing is trade, that in a f ew months we mightbe in . possessi on bf that which made u s great, omnipotent, —the commerce and manufactur es of during th e war Europe. lntr oduce order among us, sh a tt er our credit creating fears of violence, destroy confid ence i n our s ecurity y by threats of rebellion, treason, or the subversio n of our stability, and the golden opportunity will be lost,acaxitbal and trade will fly from us to th e U n i ted States, n masses of our population will su ff er an amount t of I misery and permanent disaster, far greater time that which is the lot of any other country in the world. The majority of the population of every other state, except Holland and Belgium, is dependent upon the soil, which can never fail them, whatever other changes may happen. The masses of our kingdom are as completely dependent upon credit and commercial security, as the price of Consols, or the rates of discount at the Bank. France, with her 6,000,000 of yeomen may survive a shock to credit. Eng. land must sink irredeemably under it. At this moment we have the ball at our foot. The fine weather is rapidly reducing the price of food. The returns of the revenue are less discouraging than was anticipated, exhibiting an increase on the quarter ending on the sth of April, of no less than 402,575/. In the next three months the in crease of consumption from the influx of absentees, foreigners, and capital, must be materially enlarged, and it is just at this turning point in our fortunes that the physical force Chartista do their best to frighten our prosperity o away from us, by the'open avowal of designs of treson, disorder, and violence.fhey import the Celtic fury of Meaghe r and Mitchell, and the cellar martyr (O'Brien), into the sober regions of the more calculating S axon, and considerately ecome , r warn us that if their Irish patriots ion itn Engmartland the whole Milesian popula punishment the law !la ' " masse. and revenge on us the deration. Whil e w : n lete on the h eroes o f th e Confe of our insul ar position, cold be en j oying the advantages profits and the credit which are political neutrality, of the are the material fruits of a con viction among mankind of love of order, the most str en O a u o r u s s ta bility, good faith, and who must inevitably suffer effert s are made by those Popular convulsion to saw off the branch on which th bY ey a re months of tranquillit Inoanted from the tree that supports it. Thr harmony, and peace, would seeur the wholseuritarbaladnledasnYll n ro g p: b i t i s i se o the greater portion of the capital o v i our revenue flourishing —our tabourE7 ployment—our middle classes afforded breathing taimieerato notextensive retreneh devise and enforce needful reforms and only deprive us oral' merit. Our internal distraction may these advantages, but encourage the violeatand turbulent theb peaceful spirits of the continent of Europe to overbear tendencies of the Provisional Governments our weakness as their opportunity for stkkyinPgleadlng blow at our power, and plun g i ng us with Ireland a fatal o hands into a war that must be p a id f or out of thesnwoetiart of our toiling masses, and which may so era our finances as to end in our ruin. The R e f orm Bill embarrass raa l Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, and Annuall l ' i a a rl c i ed relents, within the reach of the peopl e b y peaceable, constitutional, lawful means. Nothing can keep the Charter from them, if they choose patiently to fight the battle of the-Constitution in the registration Courts. The power which achieved Free Trade can achieve a Universal Franchise. There are thousands of the loudest bawlers for the Charter, who are qualified to be registered under the existing law, but refuse to take the trouble. There are tens of thousands more who could buy a life-rent charge of 40s. for 101. or 151, but prefer to spout and plot, and pick the pockets of their gaping dupes, rather than to work out their political salvation. If we are misgoverned, it is in vain to day that, w ish our present opportunities, it 13 - our own fault. We could point out many physical force Chartists in the large boroughs who sold their votes at the last election for Tory gold. We know of hundreds who were placed on the register by the exertions of the Anti Corn-law League, in the metropolitan boroughs, who hawked their franchise to the highest bidders, and at last knocked them selves down to the monopolist candidates. It is time that all this tomfoolery were put a stop to. Let the Irish, who are maintained in England, beware how they abuse our hospitality, by putting into execution any attempts to create a disturbance among us, as the sym pathisers of the Mitchell conspiracy. If they once stimulate the national animosities of John Bull, and the prejudices of the Scotch, they may be the first to repent the retaliation their ruffian bluster may provoke. Meanwhile, it is time for the well-affected to be up and doing. The best way to suppress disorder is to 'prove that it cannot succeed. If the Government is paralysed, that is no reason why the people should be unprepared to suppress violence, or to concert measures to meet any emer gency which may result from the state of Ireland. The cause of order is the cause of liberty. Tyrants and thieves alone thrive by confusion. The progress of popular power is founded on knowledge, and the best fruit of knowledge is peace. It is kings and autocrats whose trust is in the bayonet, and whose only faith is in the rifle and parks of artillery. Let the people show they are worthy to be free, by practising the vir tues of freemen—by a reliance on the power of reason, on the march of intelligence, on the force of public opinion, on the justice of their cause, and the certain triumph of truth and right, naked and unarmed, except in the panoply of virtue, and the majestic spirit of humanity. Let them lock upon the moral miracle which Lamartine is working and be ashamed at their own scepticism of the efficacy of moral forces. And let our middle-classes and rulers redeem this stirring time, and by timely reform avert a merited revolution. Not an hour should be lost in pro posing to Parliament the more necessary and pressing of many wholesome measures, which may relieve industry, and promote popular contentment. Let them mingle conciliation with firmness, and concede redress while they enforce authority. While all Europeis Eos reforming landto itself, or being reformed, it will not do for lag behind.— Weekly Dispatch. ALLEGED CASE OF ABDUCTION. On Friday, at the Marylebone Police-court, just before the usual period for the closing of the court (the greater part of the day having been devoted to the swearing in of special constables), Mr. Thomas Buxton Barnes, surgeon, of Thaxted, Essex, was brought up by Inspector Tedman, of the D division, upon a warrant before Mr. Broughton, charged on the oath of the Rev. Thomas Harvey with having, on the Ist of April instant, at the parish of Pad dington, in the county of Middlesex, unlawfully taken an unmarried girl, to wit, Marion Frankes Jane Harvey, she being under the age of 16 years, out of the posses sion of, and against the will of him, the said Thomas Harvey, her father. The complainant is the person who has made repeated appeals to the public with regard to the conduct of the Bishop of London in removing him, as he alleges, in a most cruel and unjust manner from a chaplaincy which he enjoyed at Antwerp, and thereby leaving him and his family in a state almost amounting to destitution. A complete history of the affair has been submitted to the public through the medium of a pamphlet, and it will be remembered that several of the diurnal, as well as the weekly papers, took up the case warmly in favour of Mr. Harvey. The proceedings against defendant were insti tuted under 9th Geo. IV., cap. 31. Mr. Wilkin, solicitor, Furnival's Inn, attended for Mr. Barnes, who appeared to be upwards of forty years of age. Inspector Tedman, in reply to a question from Mr. Broughton, said that the Rev. Mr. Harvey - was unable, from illness, to come to the court. The young lady, his daughter, was not present, but her mother was. Mrs. Harvey, who seemed greatly affected, and who was accompanied by a female friend, was led along sob bing audibly, and she was accommodated with a seat near the magistrate. She was then sworn, and deposed as follows :—My husband was taken ill this morning, and that is the rea son why he is not here. He is a clergyman of the Church of England, and he resides at No. 30, Queen's-terrace, Bayswater. My husband had a curacy at Thaxted, Essex, and we left there the 14th of last month. I have one girl (Mrs. Harvey here became completely overwhelmed with grief, but in a short time she was able to proceed); that dear girl was fifteen on the Bth of last month. I have also two boys. While we were living at Thaxted, which was about a year and a half, defendant was the medical attendant of our family. Mr. BRot:ortToN—Has your daughter had any par ticular illness which required his attendance ? Mrs. Harvey—Yes, in February ; and he had her then under medical treatment. Mr. BROUGHTON—WhiIe thus attending her, did you observe any improper conduct on his part towards her ? Mrs. Harvey—No, sir. He expressed great regret upon our leaving the country to come to town. Mr. BROUGUTON-1i your daughter entitled to any fortune by settlement or otherwise ? Mrs. Harvey— At our death, sir, she will be possessed of 3,0001. Mr. BitouGuTos—When did you miss your daughter? Mrs. Harvey—On Saturday morning last, at about half-past seven o'clock. The defendant had dined with us the day before. At the time I have mentioned, I was awoke by my servant, who asked me where Miss Fanny was? Her father (my husband) jumped out of bed, and proceeded to my daughter's room, which he found vacant. He discovered two letters therein, one of which, written by his daughter, alluded to her having gone off with Barnes, and the other was in the handwrit ing of Barnes himself, in a hich he admitted that he had broken the laws of hospitality, and must be held amenable for what he had done. He further alleged in the said epistle that perhaps something more might be heard of them that night. They were gone to Bristol, and pursuit would be quite useless. Fanny had gone willingly with him, and he had used no compulsion at all. Mr. BitouarrroN—Have you seen your daughter since ? Mrs. Harvey—She is now, sir, thank God, with us; she was brought back by her father on Tuesday morning. _ _ Inspector Tedman, D division, said I saw the Re verend Mr. Harvey here last Monday, when he made known the particulars of his daughter's abduction. Ile (Mr. Harvey) seemed greatly excited, owing to his loss. In addition to myself and the Reverend Mr. Ilarvey, were two other persons Mr. Anderson and Mr. Lee, and we all went down to the defendant's house. Defendant refused to restore the young lady. After a severe struggle they gained an entrance into the house, and succeeded in extricating the young lady, who at the time was in bed, and she was brought up to town. A pistol was, as alleged, found close to her pillow. Mr. WILKIN cross-examined the inspector, but did not elicit any thing tending to shake hie testimony. The answer made by the defendant's solicitor to the charge was, that there was no taking away of the girl in an unlawful manner. They had kept up a cor respondence together, and he had, as he should be able to prove, on a future occasion married her with her own free will and consent. The Learned Gen tleman cited several cases, which he considered had a bearing upon the particular case in favour of his client; and said that letters which had passed between the parties, and which would be forthcoming upon another day, would put a different complexion en- tirely upon the affair. Mr. BROUGHTON, after making many observations upon the evidence which had been adduced, and upon the defenca set up by the solicitor, came to the con clusion that he had no other duty to perform than that of holding the defendant to bail, himself in 2001., and two sureties in 1001. each, for his being forthcoming on Wednesday next, upon which day letters which have passed between the parties will, e a no doubt, b e b rought forward and read in court. Rev.T Mr. Harvey will, from the opinion of a medical gentleman, be ' namol. sufficiently recovered to appear on the day THE GOVERNMENT SURVE Y OF LONDON.—MEET ING OF CIVIL SURVEYORS. —On Saturday a meeting of the civil surveyors of London, and of some from the provinces, was held at the Freemasons' Tavern, Great Queen-street, their chief objects being to obtain employ ment in lieu of the Ordnance surveyors in the incipient survey of London, and in other surveys contemplated by Government, and to form a permanent association. Mr. Elerbert Baker was voted to the chair. The speakers spoke of the distress likely to be entailed on a large class of highly and expensively educated individuals it the national surveys should be confined to the employes of the Ordnance. They maintained that those surveys peculiarly belonged to civilians, who were better cal culated to make them accurat e ly, w i t h expedition, and, on the whole, more economically than military sur veyors.lnstances were addu ce d o f t h e i ncompetence of t was d agreedgovern governed a b t y an p association recise rules asnhdourledgbue. d t an formed, the la te u r. nite l nt, the execution of all the national to Government, lations, and ready to undertake, giving sufficient guaran teessurveys Parliament, praying that the Government that might be ordered. A petition is to be pre sented to left to competition amongst civil Observer. surveyors on y. BlLL.—According to this Bill, the THE SANITARY might _be open I England are committed to the cus todypolitan central Board of five s an itar surreysy and keeping o Act is not a general one, but local and gentlemen. The d being the sole arbiters as re gardstral boar shall be put in partial, the central destinies o f ametro ; P nof the local committees is operation. The constitution of the great five. They to the arbitrary will an of pleasu re voting for the local boards, the towns and laces where it . They determine the mode The persons composing 1 expenses to be allowed them. . metal for an y exer cise boards might be made of cas t expected of them. 1 the number of members to be appointed to each, and the cise of volition or discretion that is and ap proval of these officers, except under the sanction . officers They cannot appoint their own officers, or fix the sala ries of the central five. Neither they nor their_ can undertake any work whatever, unless with the pre vious express and formal consent of the central board, without whose ordonnance it would seem, indeed, that not a hammer can be raised or a pick plied.--Liverpool Mercury. SCIENTIFIC PRESENTS. --A package of books has been forwarded by the Royal Society of Arts and Science iverpool at Amsterdam to lan: Excellency t er Count Schimmel penainck, the Netherlands Minister at this Court, for the purpose of presentation to the Royal Philosophical Societies of London and Cambridge, and other learned institutions in England, anhy will be delivered, with the sanction of the authorities, free of duty to the several institutions to which they are directed. The steam-packets employed running between Pembroke and Waterford, are each ordered to be sup plied with a guard of Royal Alarinos, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 10. Their Lordships met this afternoon at Five o'clock. ODD FELLOWS AND BENEFIT SOCIETIES. Lord BEAUMONT presented several petitions from Odd Fellows' lodges, praying to be admitted to the legal privileges of benefit societies. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was understood to present similar petitions. KENNINGTON COMMON. In answer to a question, The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he was glad to inform the Noble Lord that the proceedings which had so alarmed the public, had been happily put an end to without the interference of the soldiery, indeed, without the appearance of the soldiery being required. He was glad to say that that meeting had been dispersed by the police, and the police alone. The petition which had been made the occasion of all this preparation, had been brought quietly across the bridges in cabs, he believed hired for the purpose, and had, in the other House of Parliament, received that attention which all petitions emanating from the people were entitled to have. Lord BROUGHAM thought some steps ought to be taken to prevent the recurrence of these meetings, whether in Ireland or in England. He thought that all monster meetings were illegal, and he trusted that en deavours would be made to put a stop to them. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that the city of London had, within the last few days, been kept in a state of alarm, which must have told seriously on the trade and commerce of this great city, and occu pation of every man in the metropolis. The present had yet been a short session, yet during its existence the metropolis had been twice alarmed and disturbed from this cause, once already at Kennington-common, and again at Kennington. common they had been alarmed with a threat of holding a mee ting of 200,000 persons. Now, this number could not be met for the purpose of discussion, and he hoped that measures would be introduced for the pur pose of preventing meetings of such dense numbers for the purpose of discussing questions of policy, because he felt assured that the evil to the country, if these were allowed, would be greater than the good to the persons concerned. The Marquis of NORTHAMPTON deprecated the gathering of large crowds in the metropolis, while he at the same time desired to preserve the full right of the people to petition. The Marquis of LANiDOWNE passed a merited eulogium upon the police, and assured the House that the middle classes had vied with the well-disposed of her Majesty's subjects in preserving the peace, while the admirable arrangements of his Noble Friend opposite, although fortunately they were not required to the full extent, had the effect of overawing the masses that had been assembled. He had to give notice, on the part of a Noble Friend, that as he was in the country, he was to postpone making any inquiry on the subject of corn-law returns till Friday next. The llouse then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Aprillo. The SPEAKEa took the Chair at Four o'clock. The House was exceedingly full of Members, an unusual circumstance at so early an hour. THE NATIONAL PETITION. The national petition, which had been previously brought to the House in three cabs, lay on the floor at the foot of the table. It consisted of three very large bundles, and was dragged into the House before the Speaker had taken the chair, by Mr. Feargus O'Connor, assisted by two strangers. NEW MEMBER. _ _ _ Mr. P. HOWARD took the oaths and his seat for Carlisle. MANCHESTER CEMETERIES. Mr. BROTHERTON moved that it be an instruc- tion to the Committee on the Manchester General Cemetery Bill, to entertain the petitions of purchasers of graves and vaults in the Manchester General Ceme tery, and of subscribers and holders of shares in the Manchester General Cemetery, notwithstanding that the same were not presented within the time limited by the standing orders. The motion was opposed by Sir W. HEATIICOTE, and ultimately withdrawn. HENEAGE'S DIVORCE BILL. This Bill was read a second time and ordered to b© committed. CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS. The following reports were brought up and agreed to:—Sufferance Wharfs (Southwark) Bill, Shrewsbury Market Bill, Oswestry Markets and Fairs Bill, Leicester Navigation (Sale of Lands on Forest Line) Bill, Wor cester New Gas-light Company (Additional Capital and Amendment) Bill, Morley Gas-light Company Bill, Southampton Gas-light and C,,ke Company Bill, PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Captain PECHELL presented a petition from the inhabitants of Brighton, stating that it was the duty of all Governments to protect life and give security to property; to educate the people, and to make such laws as should provide for the happiness of the multitude; and the petitioners, therefore, prayed the House to make such alterations in the law that every class in the empire should be fully and fairly represented.—(Hear.) THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER. Mr. FEARGCS O'CONNOR, amidst almost breath 1--ss silence, said—Sir, I rise to present a petition, signed by 5,760,000 persons ; also another petition, signed by 100,000 persons, whose names are not appended to this large muster. The petitioners pray for Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, Equal Electoral Districts, no Property Qualification, and Pay n ent of Members. I beg, Sir, to state, that from the courtesy I have already received from the House, I shall say no more than simply move that the petition be read by the Clerk at the table. The petition was accordingly read by the Clerk. At the conclusion of the reading of the petition, Lord MORPETH rose amid much cheering, and said—Sir, my Right Honourable Friend the Secre tary of State for the Home Department would have been in his place had he not been greatly occupied by the necessary business of his department this morning.— (Ilear, hear.) I may, however, in his absence, state that, whatever may be his opinion of the sentiments contained in that petition, he does not wish that he should be considered by his absence as wanting in that respect which a petition so numerously signed was un doubtedly entitled to.—(Hear, hear.) The petition was then removed from the floor of the House by four of the messengers. _ Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from Brad- ford in favour of the People's Charter. Mr. WARLEY presented a petition from Marylebono against the Bill fur the better protection of the Crown and Government, and praying her Majesty to dismiss her present advisers. Mr. lIASTIE presented a petition from Paisley in favour of the People's Charter. Mr. P. HOWARD presented a petition from Carlisle praying fora modification of the criminal code. CoGel MITRE presented a petition from Glasgow and other places, in favour of the People's Charter. Mr. BRIGH r presented a petition from the delegates of Manchester in favour of the Charter, and praying for the establishment of local boards for the regulation of trade and payment of wages. COLONIAL EXeENDITURE. Sir W. MOLESWOItTII gave notice - that he would, upon an early day, bring before the House the question of the colonial expenditure of the country . BE WDLEY ELECTION. Sir F. HANYER gave notice that he wou ld , upon the moving of the issue of the writ f or B ewd l ey , i move the delay of the issue, for the purp ose o f affording on opportunity of inquiring into the state of the elective franchise in that borough. GREAT YARMOUTH DISFRANCHISEMENT THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 11, 1848, BILL. Mr. STAFFORD gave notice that upon the second reading of the Bill he would move that it be read a second time that day six months. THE CHARTER. Mr. LUSHINGTON gave notice that on Friday next he would ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment whether he would hold out any distinct hope that he would, during the present session, introduce any measure for the extension of the suffrage— (Hear, hear) — the abridgment of the duration of Parliament, the forma tion of electoral districts, and the vote by ballot.—(Hear.) PROTECTION OF CROWN AND GOVERNMENT BILL. Mr. G. THOMPSON gave notice:that upon the second reading of this Bill he would move that it be read a second time that day six months. MEASURES FOR IRELAND. Mr. F. FRENCH gave notice that he would bring before the notice of the House the necessity of repealing the present penal poor-laws, and adopting some measure to prevent the destruction of the pro perty of Ireland, in order to provide for the desti- tution of its people; the necessity of adopting means for the employment of the people, to lassist coloni zation to a limited extent; that the medical chari ties of the country might be placed upon a different basis, and an adjustment of the claims upon the counties for the re -payment of the moneys advanced to Ireland during the last two years ; and also the ex pediency of making a State provision for the Catholic clergy of Ireland. MANUFACTURE OF PIKES (IRELAND). Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL gave notice that he would renew his question, upon Thursday next, upon the pike affairs in Duhlin.—(Laughter.) HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL. In reply to Mr. URQUHART, Lord MORPETH stated that he feared he would be unable to bring in this Bill on Friday, in consequence of the arrangements that had been made for that day. GOVERNMENT COERCION BILL. Mr. HUME presented a petition against this Bill. MARINE MUTINY BILL. This Bill was read a third time. MUTINY BILL. This Bill was also read a third time. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. On the order of the day for the second reading of this Bill being read, Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said he did not rise for the purpose of entering at length into a discussion on the details of the Bill, because he cared very lit t l e a b out them, and because he saw in it a desire to meet the claims of Ireland rather by coercion than by concession.—(Cries of "No, no.") It was on account of that, and not of the technical for mation of the Bill, that he was there in his place to oppose it. He could assure the House, in all solemnity, that this attempt which they were making to coerce the people would prove utterly futile —it Was an attempt to indict a whole nation, but it would prove, as he had said, ineffectual.—(Cries of " No, no.") He had a duty to perform, and he should perform it. In 1843, before he joined the Repeal Association, he felt it his duty to make one last appeal to the House for what was then termed justice to Ireland—namely, a series of measures which were calculated to give satisfaction to the Irish people consistently, at the same time, with the maintenance of the union between the two countries. The House refused that appeal. They had now an opportunity of meeting that demand by granting a separate Legislature—Queen, Lords, and Commons for Ireland. I am here to tell you, said the Hon. Gentleman with marked emphasis, that if you do not concede the rights for which the people of Ireland ask, you will have, in the course of the present year, a republic established in Ireland.—(Great surprise, and cries of " Oh, oh," and "Order.") Unlike all the Govern ments of Europe, the liberal Government of England meet the just demands of a country intimately connected with this—by coercion and prosecution—(Cheers) —and this, too, at a moment when;the Foreign Minister was countenancing the efforts of every other people to obtain their freedom. He asked for no other example than that of Sicilly, which presented a parallel to Ireland. And what had the Noble Lord said, but that Sicilly was justified in what she had done? Charges had been brought against him, and those with whom he acted in his absence; he was there to answer them on their behalf and on his own—on behalf of his companions in the glorious struggle now going on.—(Roars of laughter.) He was proud to say that their motives were disinter ested.—(Cheers.) Now, with respect to himself, he had been called traitor.—(lmmense and continued cheering.) He was not disloyal to the Queen, but he was disloyal to that House; and if that was treason he was guilty of the offence. As long as he lived it should be his study to overthrow the dominion of this House in Ireland. He unhesitatingly avowed that to be his intention. (The Attorney- General here turned towards Sir G. Grey and Lord John Russell, and entered into animated conversation with them connected apparently with the words of the Hon. Gentleman.) With respect to himself he might undertake to say that no man in Ireland bore a higher public cha racter than he did.—(Cheers and laughter.) He did not deny that there were many entitled to far greater respect, but he believed he was justified in making the statement he had ; but since his election for Limerick he had never any but sincere votes. He challenged any man to state the con trary ; and now that he was to be arraigned as a criminal, he declared to that House that he would glory to receive the most ignominious death that could be inflicted upon him rather than see his country sub jected to the treatment he had seen during the last thirty years of his life. He had not gone to France to seek aid; but if he had wished, he believed he should have come back with a tolerably large muster of troops. —(Laughter.) He only wished they had been in France when he was there.—(Laughter.) No, the freedom of Ireland must be won by the courage of her own sons—by Irish courage. It was not his intention to place his country under the protection of foreign bayonets. He went to France, at the request of a large body of his countrymen, as their delegate, to congratulate the Pro visional Government upon the recent overthrow of a Throne which had long forfeited all claim to the respect of the people. He went there for the purpose of offer ing the Provisional Government the congratulations of the people of Ireland for having set an example to Europe which the world had already seen with what effect.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He had no hesitation in declaring that a great amount of sympathy for the people of Ireland prevailed in France, and it should be the business of those with whom he,was about to act to encourage that sympathy to the utmost degree, but that sympathy was not confined to France ; for it extended itself to every nation and to every enlightened statesman and citizen in Europa. Every enlightened man iu the civilised world looked upon Ireland as England looked upon Poland. Every enlightened man in Europe looked upon the con dition of England, in reference to Ireland, as analogous to that of Russia in reference to Poland.—(Hear, hear.) Could the House wonder, then, that Ireland excited so much sympathy in the minds of free and enlightened individuals.—(Year, hear.) He was happy to think that a very large amount of sympathy was evinced towards Ireland by the people of this country, and he was not ashamed to declare, although he did not agree with many of the views of the Honourable Member for Nottingham, that it gave him great satisfaction that the majority of the Chartist body felt for the sufferings, and were most anxious to aid the cause of the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The Chartists, line Ireland, felt that they had been unjustly dealt with by the Parliament of this country, and he was not at all surprised of their availing themselves of a time when Government was involved with Ireland to press their complaints upon that House.—(Hear, hear.) But whether their sym pathy resulted from policy, or from their generous feelings, he freely accepted it on the part of Ireland.— (Hear, hear.) Now he owned—whether the senti ment be considered legal or not he did not know—that he had been instrumental in asking his country to arm.—(Sensation, and cries of " Order, order.") He con ceived that under the present circumstances of all coun tries of Europe, it was the duty of every man to obtain possession of arms.—(Oh, oh.) There was scarcely a nation in Europe which did not make it part of its duty to instruct its citizens in the practice of arms, and he con ceived it to be the peculiar duty of the people of Ireland to obtain arms, when it was openly announced by the Government that they intended to crush them, not by arguments, but with the aid of brute force.—(Laughter.) Let him remind the lion. Gentleman of what took place in 1732. It was no crime then for them thus to arm for the protection of their own liberty, and why, let him ask, should they not be permitted to do so now ? Was it moreover not necessary that they should be in possession of arms to enable them to preserve order?—(Laughter.) The intentions, however, of the people of Ireland were mis understood, and in order to convince the House of this ho would just read the last resolution come to by those with whom he acted.—(Hear, hear.) The resolution was to the effect that the National Repeal Association of Ireland denounced as gross calumny the vituperation which had been thrown upon them by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, as the object of the association was only to procure a repara tion from tke English Parliament, and they thereby declared that they were determined to obtain their national independence, if possible, without civil war.—(Laughter.) A national coeincil of 300 representatives was about to assemble in Dublin for the purpose of carrying out the spirit of these resolu tions, and he would recommend the Noble Lord to put himself in communication with that body as soon as possi ble. The Government relied upon what ? Why upon the assistance of spies. —(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord has been asked by the Honourable Member for Limerick a question upon the subject of manufacturing pikes. —(flear.) Were the Government, he would ask, serious in thinking that they could govern Ireland by a system cf hear.) The Noble Lord relied Ireland, beca use if h e had a fair u cl e p t o e n c t p i v a e e k p e o d l c j e u . — r e ( a ll i e n a one he could not get a verdict.—(A laugh.) The Noble Lord little knew the spirit that was abroad in Ireland if he thought he could put down the exertions of the Irish people for their rights by sending men to prison for en deavouring to serve their country.—(Hear, hear.) Did he not know that by the adoption of such a course he would increase the number of converts to the cause of the people, and against the Government? It was true that by some means or other 280,000 persons had been induced to place a sort of qualified reliance on the Go vernment, but such was the state of things in Ireland at the present moment, that the Government would be in a great difficulty to savo themselves even by their bayonets.—(hear, hear, and laughter.) He believed that the principal :nobles in Ireland who supported the Government of the Noble Lord would nut get a single relation or friend of theirs to support their views. If these matters were to be settled by resort to the most extreme measures, which he trusted would never be the case, he felt no no doubt that the Irish gentry, to a man, would protect themselves and their property, and care little what became of the Government.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Could it be supposed that the Irish people could have much affection for a Government that was about to deprive them of their inheritance and their means of subsistence?—(Hear, hear.) The Government relied upon the Orangemen and the police force of Ireland. He believed that in doing so they would find themselves in the wrong, for it was his firm be lief that the greater portion of the Orangemen in Ireland were in favour of the Irish Confederation.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Government next relied upon the army—the army at the present moment in Ireland was but an insignificant part of the whole popula tion of that country; and, under these circumstances was it to be supposed, if they came to a struggle, that 30,000 men would or could offer much opposition to the attempt of the Irish people for freedom? It was utterly impossible for the cavalry to act in Ireland, and there could be no just reliance placed on the military . there. He believed they could not rely upon the army in Ire land.—(Oh, oh !) If there were to be a struggle to morrow, he believed that the army would refuse to act against the people in Ireland.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh !") The object of my argument, said the Honourable Member, has been this :—I need not say that I treat with the most utter disdain the attempts of the Government to put me down by their pro se cution. — (Laughter.) My object has been this, to show that if ever it is possible for these two great countries to come into collision the result would be extremely uncertain, upon ter.) thef England o g o l t a h o e d r and could not be otherwise than disastrous. If England were to fail she would henceforth stand alone; and it may not be unadvisable to consider what would be the condition of England with an independent republic u p o n one side and au independent republic wanoudldlamuagkhe a des • svesirdeetoofbe her.—(" hear," s h , le th ar ec elation, they would desolate the country which you have for a long • period made discontented, and you are disgraced in the eye s mankind. Now, under those of all those circum t fore i t is s an"; I do implore the House, be words " too late," late—before those ominous which have such porten tious meaning in other countries—has struck the knell of En g li s h power in Ireland—l do beg of the Crown to reflect and concede t to th e p e ople of Ir e l an d th e i r national ri g ht s , possess, and whi c h er ights which they are resolved to by every title human and divine they are entitled to claim. I have spoken hitherto without reserve, and as I did so at the beginning I shall not fail to do so at the end. (Laughter.) When the Noble Lord tells me that am a traitor to the Crown, I not only r e p e l the charge but retort it.—(Laughter.) I say that if in;th e p resent regard to his own position of Europe he attempts, in fellow-countrymen of this country, to crush all the effort s upon the part of the democracy of this count r y, to obtain cracies of other coun those rigk is which the demo tries are obtaining—if with respect 1 to my country refuses their demands for 661.. government —if he plays towards this country the part of Guizot or Metterni , 2h in their respective countries, then I tell him that it is not me and mine, but ho and his colleagues, it ho are traito rs to the country. The Hon. Member rest tmed his seat amid marks of dissatisfaction from all parts of the House. Sir G. GREY, who upon rising, was lo udly cheered, said—Sir,"after the long absence of the Hui. Gentleman from his place—(Cheers)—and now rising in his place upon the moment that the second reading of the Bill is now before the House, I certainly entertained some hope, albeit a faint one, that he had risen to disavow with indignation—(Cheers)—that indignation which all loyal subjects of this realm must feel at the imputations which have been cast upon his loyalty--(Cheers)—not only in that House, but by every newspaper circulated throughout this realm for some weeks past, and that he would, with that fervid eloquence which characterises his harangues elsewhere, if not in. this House— (Cheers and laugh ter)—disavow those sentiments and profess that, by virtue, if of no better feelir,:s, of that oath of allegiance—(Tremendous cheering)— which the Hon. Member has repeatedly taken—(Renewed cheer ing)—to the Sovereign of these realms, that he cast off the imputations which have been so frequently cast upon his name.—(Loud cheers.) What, then, was my astonishment, nay, what were my feel ings of pain and regret—feelings shared, I will venture to say, by every Honourable Member in this House—(Tremendous cheering)—when, with the miserable pretence of still professing loyalty, a faint shadow of loyalty to his Sovereign, not without that boldness and daring—(Loud cheers)—which has characterised his speeches elsewhere, repeating the sen timents which he has elsewhere uttered, and charging my Noble Friend, in defending the constitution of the country, with charges similar to those made against himself, viz., that of treason.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Hon. Member said that in his absence he had been called a traitor, perhaps the Hon. Member will allow me to sav, that I am not in the least degree responsible for the absence of the Hon. Member.—(Cheers.) The cause of that absence no doubt the Honourable Member is the best able to explain.—(Laughter.) I did not, however, call the Hon. Member a traitor; this, however, I did—l read to the House a portion of the report of the Irish Cenfederation, at which an asso ciate of the Hon. Member, Mr. Duffy said in his speech that he had received a message from that Honourable Member who was then in Paris, and rejecting that discouraging repulse which the Hon. Gentleman had received from M. Lamartine—(Loud cheers)—and which I must say reflected the greatest credit upon him—in which he refused to encourage those designs, lee they seditious, traitorous, or loyal, as the Hon. Member pretends to assure the House—and stated that he should in so doing be violating the law of nations and giving a good cause of war to England.—(Cheers.) Does the Hon. Gentleman deny the statement which was made by Mr. Duffy at the Irish Confederation, and which had the effect of setting aside altogether the answer of M. Lamartino to the Irish deputation?— (Hear, hear.) That statement was to the effect that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. O'Brien) was informed by a club in Paris that the French people felt deeply moved at the grievances of the Irish, and were able, should they require assistance, to send 50,000 of their bravest citizens to aid them in obtaining their rights.—(Hear.) Mr. O'BRIEN was understood to request the Right Hon. Baronet to read the next paragraph. Sir G. GREY.—The next passage of the reply to which he referred stated that Mr. O'Brien offered his sincere thanks on the part of Ireland for that offer. — (Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) Is the Hon. Gentleman now satisfied?—(Laughter and cheers.) The next passage was to the effect that Ireland would conquer by the energy of her own chil dren. That meant that, although they could them selves institute a successful insurrection, still, if the worst should happen of the struggle, France had pro mised, as Mr. Duffy had said, in contradiction of M. Lamartine's reply, the assistance of 50,000 Frenchmen. —(Cheers.) I hoped the Hon. Gentleman would have disavowed the intention of seducing the soldiers and police from their dutyi to the constitution with the view of their joining the mob.—(Hear, hear.) I said I did not call the Hon. Gentleman a traitor.—(Hear, hear.) I read the statement of Mr. Duffy, and because it con tained the sentiment to which I have alluded, he said I called him a traitor.—(Cheers.) The House drew the inference from it, and I find that inference given in the unmistakable manner in which the words of the Honourable Gentleman were received when he said he had been called a traitor.—(Great cheering.) The Honourable Gentleman said that the effect of this measure would be to alienate the Orangemen from sup porting the Government, but I will say that a very large portion of the population of Ireland, including all creeds and persuasions, is determined to support the present constitution of the United Kingdom, and I am moreover sure that they will indignantly deny the right of the Honourable Gentleman to expound their feelings to this House.—(Loud cheers.) He also said that the body, of which he constituted a part in Ireland, was supported to a man by the Chartists of this country. Now, I disbelieve entirely that asser tion, for it has been lately stated in this House by a leader of the Chartists that they are firmly attached to the monarchy of this country.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I believe the Hon. Gentleman will find him self miserably deceived if he thinks that he will obtain any assistance from foreign conntries. --(Loud cheers.) Ireland, England, and Scotland would rise in indignation against the dictation of the Hon. Gentlemen, and against the exposition which he pretends to give of the feelings of his own country.— (Cheers.) Far be it from me to speak of the tone of the Hon. Gentleman, and of the accusation which he has made against the Government with respect to their in tintions to Ireland, for it is their great desire to make it rich, happy, and prosperous, and to give it those constitutional rights which every person in the kingdom enjoys.—(Cheers.) We want the real union of all men, and the reasons for this Bill will, to a certain extent, be found in the dangerous and mischievous language and threats which have been resorted to ; and in the Bill rests not only the security of the Crown and tho Government, but the true interests of the great body of the people.—(Great cheering.) Mr. F. O'CONNOR said, as he had been alluded to, he rose simply to state that he had used the sentiments enunciated by the Hon. Member both within and without that House. He said that the voice of the people was greater than that of the Crown ; but, having taken the oath of allegiance, he was prepared to defend the Crown, not only against its enemies, but against the machinations of her Majesty's Ministers, if neces sary. The Right Honourable Baronet (Sir G. Grey) had alluded to the allegiance of Orangemen, and to the loyalty of the troops and police, and said they were sufficient for the defence of the country, meaning thereby to imply that the words used by him— " ridiculous and foolish "—were levelled agains. those who favoured the repeal of the Union Ile would ask the descendant of Lord William Russell it it became him to ferret out old Acts of Par liament, in order to,fetter the sentiments of the paople? To show that his sentiments had been entertained by others, he might cite the speeches of the Hon. Baronet the Member for llarwich (Sir J. C. Hoithouse), and ask if anything could go further than the sentiments that Hon. Baronet had enunciated? But they were success ful—they led to the passing of the Reform Bill, though that measure had proved destructive to tens of thousands of the people of Ireland. They had been trying to do something for forty-eight years, but they had faileof the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Oldham (Mr. W. J. .Fox) , that the G overnment the d. speech Ihe) . had tried too long. He had thought on would have paused before they proceeded further with the Bill. Every man who wrote advisedly would be liable to transportation. Why, if this were an ex post facto law, the I to other Baronet sideo ofthe himself A t l might, ant c. Thyperhaps, be sent United States had sen t over 1,000,000 of dollars to aid the Irish in thei r stru gg les. Now, he had ti refused to be one of a deputation to France , because he th o ught with Shakespere, that "if England cannot Right te Lon. keep the dog from her own door, that she had better be worried." If a foreign army came to invade this country, he would risk his life in resisting it ; let them rely upon the mind and will of the people of England and Ireland. Why, but for the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) hundreds of th,usands would have died of famine in Ireland. He had at tended the demonstration to-day, and, thank God ! it had passed off peaceably.—(Laughter.) Honourable Gentlemen laughed. Ile repeated that he rejoiced it had passed off peaceably.—k Cries of " Hear, hear.") If the Right Hon. Baronet wished to destroy the expression of the free opinion of the people he would induce them, as did a portion of the former Convention, to go about the 1 country establishing clubs. Many of the former Convention were mere rabble, who only joined it to get paid ; and when they went into the country promoting the formation of clubs, he followed them in the dead of winter at his own expense, attacked them wherever they went, and succeeded in driving them out of Scotland. He hated secresy, and had never written a private political letter in his lif . e.—(llear, hear.) And now they intended to pass a Bill to enable them to prosecute the Hon. Gentle. man the Member fcr Limerick (Mr. S. O'Brien), but they might depend, if they did so, that their triumph would be weakness they would weaken the law, and bring the Government into contempt. Until they bad a really constitutional opposition in the House, they might depend upon it they would con tinue to experience similar daring from the Government benches. The Bill was an infraction upon the right of the subject. Many voted by courtesy for the introduc tion of the Bill who did not intend to sup port it in its future stages.—(Hear.) Now, he was made of "sterner stuff," and therefore he begged to move that the Bill be read a second time this day six months. Mr. G. THOMPSON seconded the motion. He wished to express his delight that the p rocee di ngs o f the day had gone off with order and good feeling.—(hear.) He was glad to find that they sat in peace and qu , ,Aness. Do not let the House imagine that this peace resulted from fear on the part of th e p eop l e. N o, i t was f rom their conviction that great political changes could only be effected in this country by the force of argument. He had mingled amongst working men for the last . 20 years, and while be had never s h run k f ro m censuring when he thought they were in the wrong, he cordially sympathised with them when he believed they were in the right.—(Hear, hear.) He came now to the Bill before the House. In th e fi rs t place, he objected to the haste with which this Bill had been introduced. A more introduced into Bill tha n thi s had not been into that House during the last century, and ho would warn the House not to make . that felony which uni versa l h uman ity did not characterise as such. --(Hear, hear.) But let them pass the Bill, with its " gagging clause," and he would answer for it they would not find their prisons large enough to hold nor ship sufficiently numerou s to transport !dons whom it would make.--(Cries of " Hear, hear.") So far 115 the other parte of the Dill were concerned, he did not object to them; but in Heaven's name don't attempt to make it felony for a man to speak his thoughts openly and without disguise. Pass it, however, and what would be the result? Why, they would make hundreds of thousands of felons, who would, when they were dragged through the streets, be greeted with the cries that met the ears of ILord William Russell while being conveyed to the scaffold, namely, " There goes Liberty and Virtue side by side."—(Hear, hear.) But let Government persevere with this Bill as it stood, he would oppose it in every stage. Sir B. HALL said, that after he had listened to the discursive speech of the Hon. Member, he was surprised to find he was not going to vote for the second reading. The Hon. Member had only objected to a few words in the Bill, which might be discussed in Committee. For his own part, he should have deemed the Government to have neglected its duty had not Ministers come down and put a stop to sedition and treason by proposing such a measure. The speeches of the Hon. Member for Not tingham in that House were loyal, and not subversive of the institutions of the country; but he regretted to say that his writings were not of that character. In the Northern Star of some days ago he found a letter signed by the Hon. Member, two columns and a half long, and containing an expression which he should be glad to hear the Hon. Member explain. The Hon. Member, talking of the Crown, said, " There is behind the Throne a power greater than the Crown, and let them put the Pope, the devil, or the Pretender on the throne, he cared not." The Hon. Member cried " Hear." It he (Sir B. Hall) had taken an erroneous view of his words, he should be glad to be corrected. But the only construction he could put upon them was, that the Hon. Member was quite indifferent who was on the throne, inasmuch as he said it was alike to him whether the Nionarch was the Pope or the devil.—(Hear and laughter.) Representing as he did 350,000 of the inha- bitants of the metropolis, it had been his lot to witness the conduct of all classes during the late crisis, and he must bear a willing testimony to the loyalty and desire to promote order of all, from the Peer down to the poorest labourer. Mr. F. 0 CONNOR said that he was not only ready to avow having written the passages which the Hon. Member had quoted, but also to say that he did not consider them to be other than in perfect accordance with the expressions used by him in that House. Mr. HUME would not occupy the House with dis putes as to the speeches or writings of individuals. They had had quite enough of such discussions. There were parts of the Bill that he cordially approved of. All he wished to ask was, whether the Noble Lord would abate five words of it which he objected to? He looked upon the change of the punishment of death, proposed by the Bill in cases of felony by high treason, to be an improve ment. But the five words which he objected to would, if retained, be likely to subject brave and honest men to the punishment of felony. Those words were " by open and advised speaking." If the Noble Lord would agree to withdraw those words, there could be no objection to the'Bill. If otherwise, he should oppose it. Whilst they were improving legislation, by the diminution of the number of punishable political crimes, the measure before the House went directly to increase them. If he, sitting at his table, were advisedly to utter opinions at variance with the law he would be liable to transpor fition, under the present Bill. He recollected that Mr. Muir had been transported, in 1796, on a similar charge, which, by the Scotch law of sedition, was proved upon him by his WORIall servant. The practice of that day and the law under which the convictions of Muir and the other Scotch Reformers were procured were de nounced by Lord Holland as infamous, and in fact that particular offence styled leasing making was subse quently abolished and erased from the statute-book. But the present Bill would revive that offence unless the words he pointed out were omitted. It was always unwise to pass a severe law on an emergency. If the Noble Lord had received secret infor mation on which he could rely that danger was to be apprehended, let him ask for a Bill for a few months, but he would venture to say, that the Crown and property would be more secure under the present law than under any that the Noble Lord could devise. Secret societies would be the result of the proposed Bill, and, so would espionage, as had formerly been the case, whereby the annals of the kingdom were stained. If the Bill passed as it at present stood, the country would be subject to the same perils that had menaced foreign countries, and from the same causes. In France it was the suppression of truth and of public opinion that had sprung the mine which blew the Go vernment there to atoms. Let the Ministers beware The present Bill :was a step in the same direction that was followed by the French Government. But at the same time he must say that he instituted no comparison between the middle classes of England and of France, and he regretted to see a Bill introduced by which a doubt was thrown over the honesty and loyalty of the middle classes. Tho Government and the aristocracy would be lost if the middle classes did not stand by them, and he hoped to see the latter insist upon bringing forward measures to ameliorate the con dition of the lower orders. He did emphatically say that the present was not the time to bring forward such a Bill. The manifestation of that day ought to prove sufficient to induce the Government to withdraw the Bill. At the same time, he did not think there ought to be a National Convention sitting. He was anxious to give the labouring classes a right to vote, and at the same time to raise the standard of their intellectual at tainments. He had often said that he would allow a man to say what he liked, provided he kept his hands off.—(Laughter.) He did not think that Government would gain in public opinion by this attempt to strengthen the law. They should trust the people of England, and they would be loyal; but, restrain their expression of opinion, gag them, and he must coufess that he for one dreaded the consequences that might ensue. The main offence created by this Bill was the attempt to overawe Parliament. Why, how had the Reform Bill been obtained? Was it not by overawing Parliament?—(Hear.) Without continually overawing, plaguing, and teasing Parliament, nothing was ever ob tained for the people. If the Noble Lord and the Go vernment were afraid of the Convention, why not use the law as it stood? By the 39th Geo. 111. it might be put down at once, and why not use that law?—(dear, hear.) The same law existed in England, Scotland, and Ireland. He thought that Government had been badly advised, and that the Police Commissioners had acted most improperly in appealing to an Act so obsolete and tyrannical as the 13 Charles 11. If that Act was to be revived, the people of England should know what they had to expect. In Blackstone, volume 1., page 142, the Act was described as providing " That no petition to the King, or either House of Parliament, for any alteration in Church or State, shall be signed by above twenty persons, unless the matter thereof be ap proved by three justices of the peace, or the major part of the grand jury in the country ; and in London by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council ; nor shall any petition be presented by more than ten persons at a time. Was it possible that Government could Theymean to revive such a law as that ?—(Hear, hear.) might contend it was law, but he contended it was not, being repealed with other ;arbitrary laws by the Bill of Rights. That was the opinion of Mr. Dunning as op posed to Lord Mansfield. The Act further provided that any,infringement of its provisions was to be visited by a penalty of 1001. and three months' imprisonment for each offence. Why, he had himself recently pre sented a petition, signed by 430 persons, and had, of course, brought himself within the operation of the Act. He trusted that,Government would not insist on perpe tuating so absurd and despotic a piece of legislation. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose must have misunder stood the intention of the Bill. He was sorry that thers should be on the part of his Hon. Friend, and the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets any departure from the general feeling of the House, which was to secure the safety of the country without any injury to the consti tution. The Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets complained that ten new felonies wonld be created by the Bill, and his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose deprecated it as an invasion of the right of petition. But the Bill did not interfere with the legitimate right of petition or of discussion, nor would it touch the case of persons who might in moments of eloquence be induced to use words which their sober reason would regret. The Bill, with the exception of four words, was identical with the 57th George 111. The first part was not touched. The additional clause was, " Who shall intend to levy war against her Majesty fur the purpose of compelling her, by force, to change her measures or coun cils, or for the purpose of military force or constraint on, or intimidating, or overawing, her Go vernment." The mode by which such intention was to be expressed, was, " By writing, or open and ad vised speaking." Therefore, no speaking would come within the meaning of the Act, unless it should, in the opinion of a jury, be uttered for the purpose of levying war, or of compelling that House, by force, to take measures which it would not otherwise adopt.—(i!ear, hear.) It was to be observed that, under the present law such offence would be treason, but he admitted that the offence was rather difficult of proof. The difficulty of obtaining an accurate report of words spoken would operate in the present Bill, but that, he believed, would be a species of protection to the persons accused.—(Oh, oh.) Besides, the offence must be proved to the satis faction of a common jury, and he did not think that such a jury would be got to convict unless the proof were of a most satisfactory character. He admitted that " open and advised" were rather vague expressions.— (Hear, hear.) If a man, addressing a public meeting, n eee said, " You ought t o go d ow n in a body d tonethink a the t of Commons with y our petition," 7, 4, 1 - jury would convict ; but if he said, You will never ob tain redress unless you organize a force and a con spiracy," and if he repeated such advice after due warning, then in his (the Sol icitor -General's) opinion, that would be open and advised speaking, and would conviction from a jury. He maintained that insure a the words objected to would never insure a conviction except in cases where the offence was so manifest as to leave no possible doubt on the mind as to its character. He could not but think that great advantage would result from changing such offences from treason into f e l on y. There was a romance and a fancied dignity about treason which did not attach to felony. To seek distinction was a weakness of human nature, and with every respect for the sincerity of the Hon. Member for Limerick, he did believe that personal notoriety was one of his principal motives for the course he was at present pursuing. —(Loud cheers.) No more striking proof of this could be found than in the fact that when he and his associates were held to bail in a' sum of 2001. to answer a charge of sedition, they were quite offended, and exclaimed, " We meant it to be treason."—(A laugh.) It would not be a less serious offence as sedition, it wou ld merely be one of a more vulgar description.—(Hear.) Ooune. Member with respect to the 13th Charles IL The H Montrose had asked whethe r th e prohibiting the g presen tation of a petition signed b y 20 persons would be e on . tinned ; but he might its well ask whether the amount of prerogative then enjoyed by the Sovereign was to be preserved ? Ile had only to repeat that the Bill had only reference to " open and advised speaking," with a tendency to induce persons to levy war, to compel the Sovereign or the Legislature to change or abandon measures which they might think conducive to the wel fare and happiness of the country. Mr. HUME asked whether "open and advised speak ing" was felony under the present law ? The SO LICITOR-GENERAL—It is treason. Mr. HUME—Under what Act? The SOLI CITOR - GENERAL—Open and advised speaking, accompanied by overt acts, is treason under the present law. Sir R. INGLIS supported the Bill. He thought it was high time that the treasonable proceedings which had been going on for some time should be put a stop to.—(Hear, hear.) They would not have been so long permitted in any other country, or underithe most Bern!): lican Government in the world.—(Hear, hear.) His lion. Friend the Member for Montrose had said that he would allow a man to say what he liked provided he kept his hands off. He asked his Hon. Friend would he remain quiet while two men consulted how he might easiest be knocked down ? His Hon. Friend had also said that this Bill would change the character of poli tical agitation, that speeches would be made in holes and corners with only the Government spies for audiences. Be it so; then they would not do so much mischief as when utterrd in public to myriads of misguided persons. He held in his hand a number of such speeches which loudly called for legislative interference; and here, although not accustomed to allude to the public press, he must express his thanks to the conductors of the Herald, Times, and, indeed, all the journals which he was in the habit of seeing, for their exertions in pro moting the cause of peace and order. Many of those speeches were attributed to the Hon. Member for Limerick, who, in his (Sir R. Inglis's) view, defied public opinion in this country and in the House.—(Hear, hear.) When that Hon. Member had risen, he (Sir R. Inglis) was prepared for one, to ask whether the House would not require from the Hon. Member some explanation of his recent conduct in a neighbouring country before he was permitted to address it. It was true that the lion. Member had towards the close of his speech offered some sort of vindication. Such as it was it had been listened to by the House with a feeling which the Hon. Member would be able to appreciate.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member had said " I went to France to con gratulate the people on having regenerated the spirit of independence, which I trust will react on my own coun try." Now, these words had a meaning or they bad not. If they had a meaning, was it not that recent events in France might lead to the establishment of re publican institutions in Ireland?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. S. O'BRIEN had only to repeat that at present he only sought for Ireland a Government by the Queen, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, but, whatever his own feelings might he, he believed that if that were refused a republic would be the result. Sir R. INGLIS believed that he had not misinter preted the Hon. Member's expressions. He had only to say, in conclusion, that he gave his hearty support to the Bill as it stood, and he trusted that, for the sake of catching a few stray votes, the Government would not consent to neutralise any of its provisions. They had been taunted for weeks with giving encouragement to malcontents in both divisions of the empire, and their defence had been, that in the existing state of the law they had no power of suppression. He trusted, then, that having the Bill so nearly within their grasp they would not part with it, but would administer it with a reverend regard for proper and sound constitutional liberty. Mr; ANSTEY would support the Bill for the reasons so ably stated by his Hon. and Learned Friend the Soli citor-General. In answer to the Hon. Member for Mon trose, he begged to state, that under the existing law punishment might be found for the offences named in the Bill. The measure of the Government was intended to mitigate the seventies of the existing law—there was nothing in it that contradicted any principle of our con stitution. It was an improvement not only on the law as established by ancient decisions, but it was an improve ment on the statute of Edward IL, and brought us back nearer to those days when treason itself was not a capital offence, by creating an intermediate offence between sedition and high treason. He looked on the Bill as an offering to the tolerant spirit of the age, and as an inducement to the people to support the Govern ment in their present wise and moderate course for the suppression of crime, and he should therefore support it. I Mr. AGLIONBY considered that Ministers bad con sulted the welfare of the public in introducing this Bill. —(Hear.) The objection to the third clause, which re ferred to words written and published or spoken openly and advisedly, appeared to be made under an entire mis apprehension of the effect of that clause. The offence was made penal only when the object was, by levying war, to make an attempt against the life or liberty of the Sovereign, or to overawe the Parliament, or to incite foreigners to invade this country. With regard to written words, there was sufficient protection to the accused, for unless they were published as well as written, no offence was committed ; and if pub lication took place, the parties ought to be pun ished. Then as to spoken words. It was not in tended by this clause, nor would it have the effect of preventing the free expression of opinion, unless such expression was calculated to incite to the levying of war for the purposes stated, and was made publicly. It would not punish a man (as had been contended) for speaking his sentiments at his own dinner-table, however extreme those sentiments might be, unless he addressed himself_ to multitudes, and endeavoured to incite them to levy war against the Government, in which case he ought to be punished.—(Hear, hear.) A jury would always dis tinguish between the open and tearless expression of opinion and words intended as an incitement to levy war. First, there was a safeguard in the word " advised," which would prevent intentions being attributed which might never have existed; and then there was the effec tual safeguard of a British jury, who would always dis tinguish between expressions used in the heat of argu meut, and expressions used " advisedly," and with in tent. He was, however, of opinion that the punishment of transportation for life was too severe for the offence; . and he proposed to move an amendment in Committee to assimilate the Biil, in respect to punishment, more to. the 6 and 6 Vic., which had been passed for putting an end to those mad attempts which had previously pre vailed of shooting at the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear.) To , the principle of the measure, he, however, gave a hearty support. Lord NUGENT, though concurring in the measure generally, thought the third clause did not provide suffi- ' cient security against the errors of the reporter or the malice of the informer —and he proposed to move a pro viso, which should render it necessary, before any pro secution could take place in respect to treasonable or seditious words spoken, that the report of the short hand writer or other person who took down the words, should be submitted to the speaker, either immediately, or within a week after they wore spoken, for him to admit, deny, or explain, such admissi on , d en i al, and explanation si gne d by him, to be used as evidence on the trial, and in the event of the party charged refusing to admit, deny, or explain, the ,report to be taken as correct. Mr. B. OSBORNE had voted for the introduction of the Bill, but when the measure was put into his hands that morning, and he saw the words " or by open or ad vised speaking," he was so struck with the gravity and weight of the novel principles which they proposed to introduce into our system of government that he deter mined on voting with what he feared would be the mi nority on the present occasion. —(Bear. hear.) When they were voting for the better security of the Crown, they should nut forget the security of the people. Pass such an Act as this, and they could not insure that security of the people, which, to endanger, would be to strike a blow at the safety of the Crown and the Go vernment.—(Hear.) There was another reason why they should pause before they affirmed this Bill, Go vernment was too apt to take advantage in their tion of the excitement occasioned by passing events. Laws passed under the influence of excitement were usually passed in haste, and were seldom good laws. As was proposed to be done in this case, they were hurried through with less consideration than was usually given to a common turnpike trust Act. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) seemed to have forgotten what Mr. Burke had said, as to open and advised speaking. Mr. Burke said, " that open and advised speaking was the safety-valve of the constitution, by means of which the foul air was let off." If, however, he (Mr. B. Osborne) wanted a reason for voting ag a i ns t th e measure, it • was fur nished by the speech of the Solicitor-General, which wasaspecial p o lead l i; g m w er h e ich pie a ce of jury would s to to wards. Another lawyer, the Hon. and L earne d M em b er the for Youghal (Mr. Anstey), had told them that th e on l y meaning alteration the Bill would effect in the present law w as to mitigate its severity—inasmuch as open and advised speaking was now treason. But the Hon. and Learned Member forgot to add such open and advised speaking must be followed by an overt act of treason to complete the offence.— (Hear, hear.) England, however, did not owe her liberties to lawyers, and if the House depended on them now they would impair the securities cf the people, not better the security of the Crown. They had heard much of the respect due to the Crown, dhe hoped he was not deficient in that feeling. So sad as the Crown maintained its duty to the people he would support it, rind uphold the present order of things; but when the Crown forgot its duty to the country, his obligations and respect ceased. A near relative of the Prime Minister, the present Duke of Bedford, had, in 1818, when Marquis of Tavistock, laid it down that " true loyalty consisted in pre serving, not in restricting the liberties of the people." In that sentiment he fully concurred, and he hoped the House would not be induced, under the circumstances of the country, to restrict those liberties by legislating in spirit adverse to the institutions of the country.—(Hear.) He could not permit th e speech of the Right Hon. Ba ronet (Sir G. Grey) to pass without some observation. It might do well, f or t h e purpose of gaining a temporary cheer, to say t h at Government entertained the most sincere wishes f or t h e peace, Ireland. But these were mere words. What had Mi nisters d prosperity, and riches of one to carry those wishes into effect? They promote the peace, had been two years in office, and what had they done to He had supported the present Ministry, but he would not prosperity, and riches of Ireland ? be a party to the indolence of the Treasury Bench.— (" Oh," and cheers.) Ile would tell them that they were now advancing on to a volcano which, if they did not take care, would soon explode under them ; and he called upon them, if they had not the power or the ability to legislate for the good of the country, to give place to those who had.—(" Hear," and a laugh.) Dr. BOWRING said it could not be denied that this Bill created a new political felony. It was true tho pe nalty of death attached to words inciting to the levying of war against the Crown or to the invasion of the country was proposed to be altered ; but that law was a. dead letter.— (Hear, hear.) The Bill would revive the off ence not in the a cc id ents of a good judge and au intelligent and punish it. H e w an t e d secur i ty, jury, but in the positiveness of the law.—(Hear.) In regard to overt acts of treason, sad ill what was written