The Sun. — London, England, 1866-10-09 00:00:00

GREAT MEETING OF THE WORKING CLASSES IN LEEDS. LEEDS, Monday. This afternoon a gathering of from 100,000 to 110,000 persons, but so.ne of the speakers on the platform stated the numbers at a much higher range, composed of working men and their wives almost exclusively, took place here. Certainly no political movement has for a long time attracted so much attention as was proved to-day by the collecting together of so great a multitude from far and near, in order to discuss and support the principles of the Manhood Suffrage Association which has been esta blished here, and lately carried on a vigorous agita tion hi all the towns and villages comprised in what is known as the woollen district. The place where the great mass meeting took place is in a north western suburb, and is known by the name of Wood house Moor, which, though originally a common, has of late years been improved so that it would make good pasturage if only the public did not make such free use of it for recreative purposes. This open space consists in the whole of 60 statute acres, but a turnpike road detaches about 10 or 15 acres of it, and that portion was not much resorted to by the Reformers to-day. However, the other and much larger area was completely taken possession of by the Reformers and by those who repaired hither with a view only to gratification at the spectacle of so many working men sallying forth, with a countless array of jubilant accessories, to " pronounce" upon a point of their political faith which they have lately magnified into a matter of almost vital importance. The weather, which, after weeks of rain and dis comfort, broke up two or three days ago, was to-day dry and calm, but dull and foggy in the morning, though in the afternoon, spite of the solar eclipse, bright enough for the external display, and on the whole it was very favourable for the object in view. As early as 4 o'clock in the morning some arrivals into Leeds from distant localities took place, and durin g the greater part of the forenoon every highway and byway leading into Leeds was overrun by larger or smaller parties of operatives, the greater majority well clad and in holiday trim—all of whom were hastening with exuberant cheerfulness to some rendezvous which had been fixed upon at their rallying point. Along the Bradford road, as well as the Dewsbury and Halifax, and by the country lanes leading from the many clothing villages of the district, there came trooping along on foot at short intervalslarge bodies of men with music and banners. From the denizens of Bradford, and the other larger towns first named the railway authorities had declined to provide spe cial trains at excursion fares, and therefore the sturdy thousands determined to depend upon their own abilities as pedestrians. At many of the mills and workshops, both of this town and of Bradford, and the adjacent and intermediate towns, there is no doubt that this has been a complete holiday. At noon, too, most of the tradesmen in the principal streets closed their shops either temporarily or until evening, when the turmoil had somewhat subsided. A carefully prepared programme of the proceed ing was published, and sold at a small charge. In consequence of the extensive circulation which this document obtained, the great bulk of the people were made aware of the organisation by which it was proposed to carry out an orderly procession, and to avoid as much of that confusion and turmoil as possible which is almost inevitable from the as sembling together of extraordinary numbers. Ac cording to the instructions of the committee, with which by that time every person interested would be acquainted, the numerous large bodies representing populous districts at a distance, as, for instance, such places as Bradford, Huddersfield, Halifax, Dewsbury, Cleckheaton, Guisely, Yeadod, Pudsey, Rothwell, Idle, Hohnfirth, &c., mustered at 11 o'clock with rare punctuality, either in the quad rangle in front of the Town-hall or in some of the streets which diverge from that well-known central point. Of course, it was a work of time for the men who were designated " marshals" to apply certain rules of etiquette and discipline for bringing all the various atoms of so mighty a whole into a state of decentaud methodical adhesion. At 1 o'clock the procession was to begin its somewhat lengthy march, and owing to the energy and alacrity of those oil whom devolved the supreme control of the de monstrations, all was in readiness for a well-regu lated start at that hour. The line wasfour miles long —the men walking five abreast, and comprising not less than 70,000 persons. To fully describe the prin cipal features of the procession would be an' almost endless task, for it is computed that hundreds of flags and banners were carried aloft, almost all of which bore devices and mottoes, or while merely announcing the name of the trade or community to which they respectively belonged were so lavishly ornamented by stencil and tinsel and spatula that they failed not to add to the glittering attractions of the display. The ensigns of the various trades were among the most artistic, and numerous were the banners belonging to various Yorkshire branches of the National Reform Union. Arrived at the door the flag bearers and musicians were ordered to the rear of five platforms (waggons, having on them piles of timber to increase the elevation) which were placed on a line on low ground, and fronting to a somewhat far stretching slope on which the com mittee of the League assert, and apparently with truth, that at least 150,000 persons could find con venient standing room. Here it was evident that the middle class were represented somewhat strongly. It is no exaggeration to say that the whole concourse which was assembled on the moor numbered little less than 200,000 persons, but among these were many beardless boys, helping to swell the ranks of the more seriously disposed, and of working men's I,7iTes there were not a few,who, like their husbands, seene_‘,l proud to display green and white rosettes, or orange cards (such as were distributed broadcast to the children of Leeds a few days ago), on which were printed "Manhood Suffrage and the Ballot." It was quite evident that there were likewise very many persons on the moor who cared little or nothing as to what was going on, but neither from these nor any other persons was there the least attempt at obstruction or interruption to the proceedings. At each of the platforms there was a chairman, who had been chosen some time beforehand. These, and the speakers assigned to each platform, who had also been previously selected, were in their ap pointed places at nearly half-past 2 o'clock. A flourish of trumpets was the signal for silence on the part both of the bands and the multitude, and then, after a few words of admonition with a view to good order and respectful attention, simul taneously at all the five platforms, the first resolu tion was moved as follows " That this meeting enters its solemn protest against, and its denial of, the charges of venality, ignorance, drunken ness, and indifference to Reform, brought against the working classes during the last Session of Parliament ; and hereby pledges itself to advocate for the future registered residential manhood suffrage and the ballot, as the only just and proper basis of representation." The speakers to this resolution were, at the first platform—mover, Mr. Scotson, Leeds (TownCoun cillor) ; seconder , M r. G. Potter, London. Second platform—mover, Mr. Linsley (Town Councillor), Leeds ; seconder, Rev. W. H. Bor,ner, London. Third platform—Mr. E. Beales, London ; seconder, Mr. Chadwick, Arksey. Fourth platform—mover, Rev. H. Marley, Leeds ; sec onder, Mr. Arnold, Bradford. Fifth platform — mover, Mr. Ernest Jones, Manchester ; seconder, Mr. W. Brown (miners' agent), Hunslet. Exa2tly at 3 o'clock this resolution was put to the vote by the several chairmen, and in answer to a trumpet call a show of hands took place in its favour, which was oue of the most decided attesta- tions of unanimity the most ardent and uncompro inising Manhood Suffrage devotee could possibly have desired. The second resolution ran thus : "That this meeting desires to acknowledge the services of the Eight Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Mr. John Bright, Mr. Jolm Stuart Mill, and all those who have supported the people's claim and vindicated their character in Parlia ment; and further expresses its confidence in Mr. Juhn Bright as the champion of the national cause in the House of Commons." It was proposed at the first platform by the Rev. H. Watts, Stanningley, seconded by Mr. Snowden, a working man, Halifax; second platform, mover, Mr. C. Yewdale, Bramley ; seconder, Mr. J. Armitage, Leeds; third platform, mover, Dr. Thornton, Dews bury; seconder, Rev. J. H. Morgan, Leeds; fourth platform, mover, Rev. J. Myers, Harrogate; seconder, Mr. J. Firth, Keighley ; fifth platform, mover, Mr. H. Hodgson, Bradford ; seconder, Mr. T. Wood, Dewsbury. This, like the first resolution, was carried with great acclamation. The following was the third resolution : " That this meeting expresses its indignation at the con duct of those members of Parliament who have refused to aid the working classes in their endeavour to obtain a fair share of the franchise, and hereby pledges itself to unite with the men of London, Birmingham, Manchester, Bristol, Northumberland, Glasgow, Dublin, and elsewhere in their determination to press the question of Reform to an imme diate settlement, to maintain the peace and secure the con tentment of the country." The mover at the first platform was Mr. J. M. Mason, Leeds ; seconder, Mr. E. Thomas, Bradford ; second platform, mover, Mr. Whitehead (Town Councillor), Bradford ; seconder, Rev. J. Compston, Barnsley ; third platform, Mr. M. Edge, Manches ter ; seconder, Mr. M. Porritt, Leeds ; fourth plat form, mover, Mr. E. Finnic, compositor, Leeds ; se conder, Mr. Gascoigne, Dewsbury; fifth platform, mover, Mr. P. Grant, Leeds ; seconder, Mr. A. Sharpe, Bradford. The fourth and last resolution was a vote of thanks to the chairmen of the several platforms ; and speeches were made upon it by Mr. Croft, Huddersfield ; Mr. Butterworth, Bradford ; Mr. A. Scarr, Leeds ; Mr. J. King, Bradford ; Mr. Derrick, Leeds ; Mr. J. Roberts, Wortley ; Mr. J. Dawson, Bromley ; and Mr. Garnett, Bradford. The following were the chairmen at the different platforms :—Mr. Woodhead, Huddersfield ; Mr. R. Kell, Bradford ; Alderman R. M. Carter, Leeds ; Mr. Clarkson (Town Councillor), Dewsbury ; and Mr. A. Illingworth, Bradford. According to previ ous arrangement each resolution was disposed of in half an hour, so that the whole proceedings were brought to a close by half-past 4 ; and then the bands struck up " Rule Britannia," as an intimation that the time had arrived for the procession to get once more into marching order and return to the Town-hall and its vicinity. It may be added that the speakers fiercely abused Mr. Lowe, M.P., and highly eulogised the working man. Everything passed off in an orderly manner, not withstanding that the enthusiasm was at a high pitch. There were but few symptoms of brutish and sensual indulgence on the part of the labouring class. Whe ther it was in consequence of a warning voice hav ing gone forth from the central committee it is im possible to say ; but the chairman of the Leeds association had publicly exhorted these parties to be on their guard, as he knew their conduct would be strictly watched by those who did not believe in their many high qualities. In the evening a meeting was held in the Victoria Hall of the Town Hall, and the whole of this magnifi cent room was densely crowded long before the hour appointed for the commencement of the proceed ings ; but, owing to the incomplete arrangements of the parties in charge, there was a great deal of unnecessary confusion and no little struggling at the entrance. Mr. Alderman Carter, chairman of the Leeds Manhood Suffrage Association, presided, supported by Mr. Bright, M.P. ; Mr. E. Forster, M.P. ; Mr. E. R. Leatham, ex-M.P. for Hudders field ; Mr. E. Beales, Mr. Ernest Jones, Mr. Potter, and a number of the leading Liberals of the town and West Riding, who as they appeared on the platform were received with enthusiastic cheering. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings, said that they had two things to perform that night. The first was to declare their own views on the question of Reform, and the second to thank Mr. Bright and their friends in Parliament for the stead fast manner in which they had supported the cause of the people, but they did not desire to pledge them to adopt their particular views. He regretted the absence of so many members of the West Riding ; but from all of them with the exception of the Radi cal member for York (Mr. Leeman) they had re ceived letters expressing their regret at not being able to atend. The letter of Mr. Leeman, however, who stated that the question of Reform ought to be left where it was during the late session of Parlia ment, he considered a downright insult. It might also be gratifying to the Irish residents in the West Riding to know that a letter had also been received from The O'l)onoghue, in which he stated that the Irish Liberal members would join heartily in pass ing i well-considered and extensive measure of Re form. In conclusion, he strongly denounced the con duct of the directors of the railway companies in refusing to grant special facilities to enable the Re formers of the adjacent towns to attend the demon stration, but they must not think that they could thus arrest the progress of Reform. The Rev. W. THOMAS, of Leeds, moved the first resolution : " That this meeting entered its solemn protest against and its denial of the charges of venality, ignorance, drunken ness, and indifference to Reform brought against the work ing classes during the last Session of Parliament, and hereby pledges itself to advocate for the future registered residential manhood suffrage and the ballot as the only just and proper basis of representation." Mr. E. A. LEATIIAM, who was loudly cheered, seconded the resolution. He regretted the absence of the members for the West Riding, whose letters of apology showed that they had enjoyed a special training in framing plausible and ingenious excuses. He, however, could not bring himself to adopt that course, and after having witnessed the magnificent demonstration that morning he was glad that he had been present. To some minds the very words "Manhood suffrage" conveyed as terrible an idea even as the charge of being a poacher. Ile, however, was not of that opinion, and was prepared at once to vote for manhood suffrage. With manhood suffrage he felt that his personal liberty would be respected, his property safe, and his country pros perous and happy. On the contrary, if the £lO franchise was to be declared perpetual, and all the power of the law and all the force of the Govern ment was arrayed in its defence, he was profoundly convinced that neither liberty nor property would be long safe, and that both law and the Government must themselves eventually perish in the attempt to enforce this shameful and perpetual silence of the people. (Cheers.) If they once broke down the barrier of the £lO franchise and admitted that intelligence rather than occupation or property should be the passport to political power, where was the man who would engage to fix a point short of manhood suffrage, at which, with the perpetual march of intelligence, he was prepared to take his stand and say, " This is the final goal beyond which the suffrage must not be advanced ?" (Cheers.) The resolution was unanimously agreed to. The following address to Mr. Bright was then moved by Mr. Robert Kell, of Bradford ; and seconded by Councillor Gaunt :-- "To JOHN BRIGHT, Ese, MP. t,, Sir,—The advanced Reformers of the West Riding of Yorkshire desire t ) take this opportunity of acknowledging your services as their champion and advocate in the House of Commons. As you, Sir, have frequently and forcibly pointed out, that House does not represent the nation at large, inasmuch as only one -sixth of the whole adult male population has the power to elect members of Parliament. 4 It is this unsatisfactory and anomalous state of the British Constitution which has caused the people to assemble in hundreds of thousands , and peaceably but na in tel t y lie w e i ltehetiotralthre rotoposrhtatore firmly and unani sponsibility of the countryyour ou, P Sir, in conjunction wit s h o duties and taxation. mously to declare their desiret jsl‘ protective laws which until recently oppressive and unjust coadjutors, the British nation Lion owes its freedom, and those against y our fought forgot how fiercely the Tory party virtually deprived the country of chea p broad. Wo cannot But the cause of right efforts when you were advocating free trade, and with what bitter invectives you wore assailed. and of justice triumphed over all. a noble and righ teens attackingyou for your championship of The same party are now object—the politi ca l en f ranc hi se ment of thousands of your fellow m en . W o h ope t h e d ay i s no t f ar distant when your groat efforts will b e crowne d w ith s uccess. To you the they h ave unbounded confidence, and through you (God people of the United Kingdom intrust their cause. In y ou giving you health and strength) they trust soon to be able. to shout with h eart and voice the glorious word 'Victory. , ' Mr. BRIGHT, on rising, was received with great enthusiasm, the meeting rising en masse and cheering vigorously for nearly five minutes. When silence was at length restored the hon. gentleman said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,—lf 1 accept the address which has just been passed by this meeting, and handed to me by your chairman, be assured that I do it full of feeling—feeling, in the first place, of thankfulness to you for your kind ness ; and, in the second place, of fear lest in accepting it I should promise to do that which I am wholly unable to perform. Perhaps some of you in your vast meeting to-day have not suffi ciently measured the forces which are opposed to you. In the carrying of any great measure of Re form I must ask you not to imagine for a moment it can be effected, as it were, by one swing of some victorious arm, but that it must be done, and can only be done, by the combined and resolute efforts of millions of people. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Kell, in the observations he has addressed to you, has re ferred to the opinions of a dear and lamented friend of mine. I recollect one thing which he said, and which he said often during the course of our great agitation. It was this, that the West Riding of Yorkshire freely pronouncing its opinion influenced to a large extent the opinion of England, and on many great occasions had finally determined the policy of the Government. (Cheers.) To-day the West Riding in multitudinous meeting has spoken with a voice loud enough to be heard all through the nation, and, if I am not misinformed, that vast meeting of which you have formed a part decided by unanimous consent that the representation of the people in the English House of Commons was bad and unsatisfactory to the last degree. You de cided that it was bad, not only for what it excluded, but also for what it included. While it excluded the great bulk of the nation, it included every form of corruption and evil of which a representative sys tem is capable, and you came to resolutions which meant this—that you would change this system, if it lay in your power, and that you the unenfran chised millions would stand the exclusion no longer. (Cheers.) I suppose that after this meeting, and the great events of this day, we shall have no end of criticisms upon our conduct and our speeches. I find that some writers, criticising the observations I made a fortnight ago at Manchester, complaining that I said very much the same thing that I had said at Birmingham. I believe a charge of this nature was brought more than 2,000 years against one of the wisest of the ancients. They said that he was always saying the same thing about the same thing —(cheers and laughter)—and he asked them in re turn whether they expected him to say a different thing about the same thing. (Laughter.) I have another answer to make to these critics, and it is this—when they have answered what I have already said about this thing then I will try to tell them something new. (Loud cheers.) New, the case which we submit to the thinking portion, and the fair portion, of our countrymen is a very simple one. We say that we are the citizens of a country that has had representative institutious for many centu ries. There is no time when history goes back when there was not a representative assembly of some kind within the kingdom of England. We say, further, that the House of Commons is the only real basis— if not the only true security—for the people of these realms. We know, everybody knows, that the Crown in our day cannot give freedom to the people, neither can it materially impair our free dom. We know further that the House of Lords, from its very constitution, from the nature of its being, cannot be relied upon as a safeguard for the freedom of Englishmen. (Hear, hear.) We know that representation, and a just and fair representa tion, is that which alone makes a free country. One of our colonies, now the United States of America, 100 years ago knew that they could not be repre sented in the English Parliament. They would not stand taxation from a Parliament in which they were not represented; they threw off therefore the supre macy of the English Crown, and declared themselves a free and independent State; and at this moment there is not an English colony from Canada to New Zealand that would not also throw off the supremacy of England if the Parliament or Crown of England denied to it representative or responsible government. (Hear, hear.) In fact, there is nothing whatsoever that distinguishes us from any despotic country in the world in the matters of political freedom except the possession of a representative assembly ; so we have been taught. The people of this country have been taught, in my opinion, foolishly and wickedly to hate and despise Austria and the kingdoms of the Two Sicilies or Naples, as it lately existed, and mainly because those countries were despotic countries, in which the people had no influence in their govern ment. Well, then, we come to this conclusion, that the Parliament of England, and mainly the House of Commons, is the foundation of the law and of order, and that unless the people are heard in that house the people are not the source of power, and they are themselves but little removed from a despo tism not of the Crown, but of a privileged and limited class. (Cheers.) I believe that the House of Com mons has no pretence whatever for its existence, ex cept that it speaks for the nation of which it is a part. It is not established to speak for the Crown and the dynasty. It was not established, or ought not to exist, to speak merely for nobles and great landowners. It has not the pretence to be a popular assembly, if it speaks more for the boroughmongers, and I say that its character is degraded when on its benches can be seen by scores the money-bags— (cheers)—the money-bags M.P. who has walked into his seat for Lancaster, for Totnes, for Yarmouth, or for a score, or it may be for two or three score of other boroughs, which are very much in the same predicament. (Cheers.) While speaking for these, for the Crown, for the nobles, for the great land owners, for the boroughmongers, for the men who have purchased their scats in Parliament, the House of Commons is no security for the freedom of the people, and if it speaks for only one out of six or seven . of the people it is no fair representation of the nation. If it exists at all, if it is to be in ac cordance with the principles of the English Consti tution, it ought so far to represent all classes of the people that every man, whether he has a vote or not, himself can feel that he has an interest in the house, and that it watches fairly over his rights and his interests. (Cheers.) Let us take a case, and if we had a meeting every week during the year we should have in some way or other fresh cases to dissect. There has been during last week an elec tion in a small borough in Wales—the town of Brecon. What happened there? There were two candidates. The carcass was a very small one, but there were candidates ready. One was a nobleman of whom I can say nothing but what is in his praise, for I happen to know that he resigned or quitted the representation of the Duke of Marlborough's rotten borough of Woodstock because he would not subject his own honest Liberal convictions to the views of his Tory brother—the Duke of Marl borough. Well, Lord Alfred Churchill was one can didate ; I forget the name of the other. (A Voice— " Howel Gwyn.") That sounds very Welsh. That was a furious contest; the whole town was in excite ment; public meetings were held and speeches made, and there was a canvass of the most pertinacious character. lam told that the agents of the great and powerful houses were begging and coaxing and com pelling that they might get votes, and the end was the Tory candidate polled 128, and the Liberal can didate 102, so that it took just 230 to return this last made member of the House of Commons. Before the Reform Bill the borough of Brecon was a borough returning, 4 I believe, two members to Parliament, and the electors con sisted of ton burgesses. I boliovo that they did not make an even dozen, although they might make 11, and the Re form Bill extended the franchise and added something more than 200, so that 230 have just voted. I ask you whether it is possible there should be any fair representation in a borough like this ? I have heard from private sources, and I see it stated in the newspapers, that at least two noble families have been very active in their interests through their agents—noble families that I am told came in with the Co nqueror , an d , as f ar as I k now , i t i s t h e on l y thing they ever did. (Cheers and laughter.) They are noble, but, judging at least from any observation that I have been able to make, they are obscure and unknown to an eminen!, degree. But how can there possibly be any freedom of election in a borough which•can only raise 230 voters ? But this is not the only borough of the kind. Lot us give, only for a moment, our attent i on to one or two facts. To , England and Ireland there are 1t; boroughs, and the popu lation of each of them is under 5,000 ; but they return '22 members to Parliament. In England, Wales, and Ireland there aro not less than 72 boroughs whose population varies from 5,000, but is under 10,000 persons, and they re turn 127 members to the House of Commons. (Shame.) You do not know much about little boroughs, but there aro small boroughs in Yorkshire, as well as in Wales and the south, in which there is a little compulsion or corruption, or a very acute attorney, or that sort of combination which prevails among a few publicans, and which may be accounted for, if it cannot be justified, by the exceptional position in which they the y a a r r e e pled, sa h a j c eet and In th Th e e se exceptional sm all br legislation to of w t h h e i c s h e things can make the difference whether one man or the other is returned to Parliament. In point of fact, there is no real representation in these small boroughs. In them the wishes of the people are nothing. The representation is in the bands of 200 or 300 electors, manipulated, coaxed, compelled, corrupted, aucthribod. Take two cases which have DM pro- THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 9, I 86(. minent during the past Session, and allow me to touch upon the character of those unjust assertions which have been thrown out on your character by a gentleman of great ability, capable of doing very great things, but somehow or other, I know not by what means, he is always prevented from doing them. He sits nominally for Caine in the House of Commons. In that borough there are 173 electors, but the Marquis of Lansdowne is the all-prevailing influence in it, and there is uo practical or real representation left to the 173 nominal electors. Well, but this gentleman comes to the House of Commons and you know what ho said. I received to-day a letter from the town of Warwick, and I am glad to see that it is become a little more lively than it was when I first knew it on questions of politics. I have received from Warwick a paper in which the calumnies—for I believe them to be such—uttered against the great body of the working classes are printed and circulated among the workshops and cottages of the working classes of that borough. I wish they were circulated in every workshop in the kingdom. I say that, unless you turn your faces against the man who has thus treated you, who would in jure you, and then insult you, I do not know to what lengths this language and conduct may go in the coming Session of Parliament. his gentleman, who has not a constituency —for the man by whose favour he was returned to the House of Commons has now gone down in the tomb, this man, returned to Parliament in defiance of the British Constitution, in defiance of the orders of the House of Commons, which has declared that any attempt on the part of any peer to interfere with the freedom of election is a breach of privilege—this man used this language in speak ing of the men to whom the bill brought in by Earl Russell and Mr. Gladstone proposed to give the franchise. He asked us whether, if we wanted venality, ignorance, drunkenness, and the means of intimidation—if we wanted impulsive, unreflecting, violent people, we should go to the top or bottom. He said he knew what sort of persons lived in those small houses between £7 and £lO rental, we had had a long experience of them under the name of free men, and it would be a good thing if they were disfran chised altogether. Ho also said that one of the results of passing this bill, which he did something to prevent, would be an increase of corruption, intimidation, and disorder, and all those evils which usually happen at elections. Andthen he describes the second result—the working men of Eng land, finding themselves a majority of the whole constitu ency, would awake to a sense of their power and would do the dreadful things which he describes. Ho says they would be no longer cajoled at elections. They would set up shop for themselves; they would have objects to carry as well as their neighbours, and would unite to carry those objects. He says they have their machinery already—they have trades' unions, loaders, and the power of combina tion, and so he describes the terrible or destructive things that you would do if you had the franchise, and he says of the House of Commons, as long as we have not passed this bill we are masters of the situation. Now, I have said often that I don't in theleast blame the speaker for frankly speak ing his sentiments. I think the sentiments aro altogether erroneous. I think the courage which made him express them very unfortunate, but I only consider the sentiments as of importance because they were welcomed with enthu siasm, and apparently by a unanimous consent, by the whole Tory party in the house. But there is another gentleman who does not sit on our side of the house, and who now by favour of Lord Derby governs over 100,000,000 of people in British India. That gentleman sits for a rotten borough, for the borough of Stamford. If the member for Caine sits by favour of one Marquis, the member for Stamford sits by favour of another marquis, and ho was the man who assailed Mr. Gladstone with an unusual—perhaps in him not un usual, but with a notable—animosity,because Mr. Gladstone said that the great body of the unenfranchised mon of Eng land were worthy of consideration, for they were our own flesh and blood. (Cheers.) I say that the House of Com mons, according to the spirit and meaning of the British Constitution, and according to the spirit and meaning of its own standing orders, has no right to admit within its walls any man representing, not a free constituency of his coun trymen, but a single lord and peer of the realm. Now, if there be in the House of Commons not a few of this class, if there be representatives of half a dozen great land owners who sit for counties, is it to be wondered at that Liberal measures make so small and difficult progress within the walls of that house ? I was very much struck towards the end of the last Session by an answer that was given to me by one of the most accomplished members of that house, who has taken his seat there only since the last election, and I believe thorn is no man in the house whose opinion on a point like this is more worthy attention. I asked him, as he sat there from the be ginning of the session, say from February till the month of June, what he thought of the House of Com mons. His answer to me was given in language of posi- tivo sorrow. He said that he was shocked and discou raged by what ho had seen, for, he said, " I think this is a house in which no good can be done." (Hoar.) Now, for what are we met here to-night, and for what did, I will not say 100,000 or 200,000, or a quarter of a million, but a multitude meet whom no man could count, come ? Why did that multitude to-day quit all its usual labours and avocations, and march long miles through your country, to gather on your neighbouring Moor ? It was to protest against this state of things, and, if possible, •to change it, and we are resolved. Now, you agree with me. (Hear, hear.) We are resolved—(great cheering, the people rising and waving hats and handkerchiefs)—that every member who sits in the House of Commons shall have a free con stituency, and that every working man throughout the United Kingdom shall form a fair portion of every free con stituency. We propose in fact to restore the representation and to restore the fair and free action of the English Con stitution. We believe that there is a spirit created in Bir mingham, in South Lancashire, in the West Liding of York shire, in the Newcastle and Durham districts, and in Glas gow and the west of Scotland—that there is a power rising which fairly combined can do all this. (Loud cheers.) The working men must combine, and they must subscribe a penny a week or a penny a month from the thousands and from the millions to raise funds that will enable you to carry on the most gigantic and successful agitation that this country has ever seen. (Cheers.) It is mainly your own voice that will decide your own fate. Ido not quite agree with some of the observations of our chairman, the observations which have been made to-night, as if there wore a chasm between you and the middle-class. It is not so, and it ought not to be so, and if you will take out small boroughs, in which the middle-class themselves aro not independent, you will find in nearly all the groat towns of the kingdom that there is a powerful middle-class influence in favour of the enfranchisement of the working classes ; and bear in mind further, that even of that highest class in the social scale—that class which has great wealth and high title and great privilege, that in the history of England there have always been mon to stand out from that class to contend for liberty With the great body of their countrymen. If the nation is to be split into two parts, and there is to be a wide gulf between, there is no thing for the future but subjection, for you are powerless to obtain your end ; but working with a large portion of the middle-class, and with the most intelligent and just of the highest social class, we m ay find th ese great measures ac complished without any violation of public peace, and with out any disruption of that general harmony which ought to prevail throughout all classes of the people. (Cheers.) Therefore, I say this—rely mainly upon yourselves, for you are the great nation excluded. See what you have done. I am not saying this to flatter, for no word of flattery to the working class or to any other class over passed my lips; but when I look over this country and see the cities you have built, the railroads you have made, the manufactures you have produced, the cargoes which freight the ships of the greatest mercantile navy the world has ever seen— when I see that you have converted by your labour what was once a wilderness—these islands—into a fruitful gar den ; when I know that you have created this wealth, and that you are a nation whose name is a word of power throughout all the world—then I feel confident that by your united exertions, in conjunction with the middle class, you can overthrow for ever the dominion of the class of which you complain. (Cheers.) The few meetings which have been held since the close of last Session of Parliament 0 , have had a prodigious effect. Why, there aro newspaper writers who could not see a bit from February to July, and now the scales are, as it wore, dropping from their eyes ; but this gradual improvement of vision is going on most ex tensively throughout the country, and it is said now that the Tories are half repenting the course which they took during the last Session; and when I say that Lord Derby is not a Reformer they charge mo with railing at Lord Derby, and they say that it is a positive case of shocking injustice to charge the Tories with frenzy hostile to Reform. Well, my memory may not be as accurate as that of some people, but I do recollect that during the last Session 280 gentle men, who call themselves Tories, objected to Mr. Glad stone's Bill, because it proposed to admit, according to Mr. Gladstone's estimate, 204,000 working men and some of the unenfranchised 5,000,000 to the suffrage. Now, it may be that the Tories did not care about this, but all they wanted was power and place. Now, Lord Derby in the speech which ho made just after he came into office intimated in very distinct language, which I quote from memory, that if he had refused to accept it when the Queen offered it it would have been the break-up of his party, for they had looked on the Treasury Benches so long and with such intenseness of vision, with such eagerness, with such hunger for what was there, that if ho had not even for six months allowed them to got there they would have said that ho was not worth following ; that they gave up the chase, and would not do so any longer. Well, for this, what did they do ? They wasted a whole session ; they have disturbed the whole country, and having made these great meetings necessary they have disgusted and estranged the unenfranchised classes merely to supplant Earl Russell in one house and Mr. Gladstone in the other. In America there are many political pa r ti e s. There is a party that is always seeking office, and it goes by the name of " Bread and Butter party," and it turns out, after all, that the party of Lord Derby is not an Anti-Reform party, but a Bread and Butter party. (Cheers and laughter.) For six months' office, or it may run to nine or twelve, they have rejected an honest and good measure ; they have betrayed the true interests of the people, and I have seen men on that bench who would sell the mace, which is the symbol of loyalty, on the table of the house, if by clang so they could give to themselves fixity of tenure on the Ministerial benches. (Cheers.) Now, I must a3k you in all seriousness to let the country know what is our object; what you propose, and how far you are honestly asking for 'what you believe to be good. I shall not appeal to the writers in newspapers, one of whom—and not a very creditable one—is concealed somewhere in this town. I shall appeal only to the truth loving, vast majority of the people of this country. Our object is this,—to restore popular representation in this country; to make the House of Commons the organ and re presentation of the nation, and not of a small class of it. If you look over all the world, you will now see that repre sentation is extending everywhere, and the degree of its completeness is becoming the measure of national liberty, not only in the North American continents, but in the na tions and kingdoms of old Europe. (Cheers.) I have men- tioned the North American continents. To-morrow is the greatest day in the United States, when, perhaps, millions of men will go to the poll, and they will give their votes on the great question whether justice shall or not be done to the liberated African ; and in a day or two we shall hear the result, and I shall be greatly surprised if that result does not add one more proof to those already given of the solidity, intelligence, and public spirit of the great body of the people of the. United States. I have mentioned the North American continent. I refer to the colonies which are still part of this empire as well as to those other colo nies which now form this great and free Republic, founded by the old Genoese captain at the end of the 15th century. A friend of mine, Cyrus Field, of New York—(cheers) — is the Columbus of our time, for after no less than 40 pas sages across the Atlantic in pursuit of the great aim of his life, he has at length by his cable moored the New World close alongside the Old. (Cheers.) To speak from the United Kingdom to the North American continent and from North America to the United Kingdom now is but the work of a moment of time, and it does not require the utterance even of a whisper. The English nations are brought together, and they must march on together. The spirit of either Government must be the same, although the form be different. If it be true that a broad and generous freedom is the heritage of England, our purpose is this— to establish that freedom for ever on the sure foundation of a broad and generous representation of the people. The hon. gentleman then resumed his seat amid loud cheers. Mr. E. BEALEs and Mr. ERNEST JONES proposed and seconded a resolution similar to that passed at the morning meeting, acknowledging the services .of the Liberal mem bers of Parliament who had supported the cause of the people. Mr. FORSTER, M.P., who responded, was loudly cheered for some minutes. He said he esteemed it a high honour— he thought the highest that was ever bestowed on him— to receive the thanks of the meeting, which had proved a worthy ending of a magnificent demonstration in company with the distinguished patriots who had been mentioned; for himself he could only say that, knowing the character of the working men of the West Riding, of Leeds, and Bradford, knowing their virtues and their faults, if he had not said what little ho did say in the House of Commons on their behalf, he should have most grossly misconceived his duty and disgraced the constituency he represented. Before Mr. Gladstone took up the question it scarcely was worth attention, but it would now be no longer trifled with, and the settlement of it could no longer be postponed. The man who of all others had placed the question in its present condition was, next to Mr. Bright, tho best abused man in the House of Commons. And why had he been so abused? Parliamentary politics, and especially Parliamentary politics upon the question of Reform, had become utterly unsound, insincere, and untrue, and all those who were content with this itisincerity greatly condemned the conduct of those who had made it difficult, if not impossible, for the future. All those who claimed the credit of being Liberals, while they carried out and supported the Conservativepolicy, all those who wished to run with the hare while they hunted with the hounds, bitterly blamed Mr. Gladstone because he had forced them to choose their side. (Cheers.) Well, so strongly was this insincerity in the House of Commons that sincerity in the House of - Commons, especially upon this question, was generally considered bad manners. They knew the charge which had been brought against Mr. Gladstone, that in tho conduct of the Reform Bill he had lost his temper ; but this he had always observed that when Mr. Gladstone showed he was in earnest ho was invariably charged with being in a passion. For years Lord Palmerston, as a Liberal Premier and the head of the Liberal party, governed the country upon Conservative principles. Ho did not blame Lord Palmerston for that. Ho honestly believed that Lord Pal merston thought he was doing his duty, and there were many men who now praised him for it. At any rate, there was no disputing the fact, and there was also no disputing this result—that, whatever Lord Palmerston's motive, the effect was that the Liberal party was becoming weakened and demoralised, especially upon this Reform question, and it would speedily have been utterly destroyed. Mr. Glad stone had made that state of things impossible for the future. Alluding to the absence of Mr. Baines from the meeting, he said that, although Mr. Baines was not with them that night, they would find him faithful and most efficient in support of their cause in Parliament when Parliament met again. Ho concluded by observing that, for his own part, he was not an advocate for manhood suffrage, but preferred household suffrage. He bespoke a fair hearing for any measure that might be introduced by the present Government, and hinted that it was not impossible that Mr. Disraeli, like Sir Robert Peel, might close his career by sacrificing his party and producing a really Liberal Bill. A vote of thanks to the chairman terminated the pro ceedings. Agricultural Prosueclz. Last week opened with a close, muggy day, and thick atmosphere; wind ranging from N. to S.W. Monday was a cool, cloudy day, without rain. Wind N.N.E. ; thermometer ranging from 51 to 58 deg. ; barometer 30 inches. Some harvest work would be proceeded with to the northward, and the plough was got to work in all the early districts, the heavy soils requiring a goodly number to make any pro gress, but the light lands would work well. Tues day was another thick day, but without rain ; the wind from N.N.E. ; thermometer 56 deg., and barometer down to 29.85 inches. Our advices on that day ran thus—from Norfolk: " Although we had little rain during the past week, the weather has been misty, which prevents the grain getting into condition." From Northumberland it was stated : " The weather has been damp and foggy since our last report, and varying from S.W. to N. W. and N.E. Wednesday was a fair day, misty and sunny alter nately, and ploughing was being proceeded with generally and extensively. Our ad vices Trom the east coast of Scotland stated : " The weather continues unfavourable for concluding the corn harvest in later districts of the country, and much against potatoes keeping free from disease, of the spread of which we have numerous reports." On the west coast the weather had improved. Thursday was a thick, misty day, with no rain, the wind still from the N.E. ; thermometer, 60 to 62 deg. ; barometer, 30.05 inches. From Warwickshire on that day our advices stated : " The wet weather continued up to Monday morning, a great quantity of rain falling on Sunday and Sunday night ; it has since been fine, but dull and muggy, with heavy morning fogs, the wind N. and N.E. Farmers have taken every opportunity of gathering the remainder of their corn harvest, the condition of course being very indiffe rent ; they now look anxiously for a continuance of fine weather, to prepare the land for wheat-sowing, and it is hoped that the late advance in prices will amply compensate the farmers for the otherwise heavy loss they must have sustained." From Suffolk it is remarked : " We have had a week of close sultry weather, without wind, and with heavy dews at night." Friday was a more bracing day, cool, and on the whole a drier atmosphere, so that farm work would go on more favourably, and much land is getting ready for wheat sowing, the farmers being very anxious to get forward with this work, which is in a backward state. Our advices from the East Riding of Yorkshire stated : " The weather continues damp, and some quantity of beans and oats still remain unhoused. The harvest in this district has been much protracted, in consequence of the untoward weather, and a considerable portion of the grain is gathered in in a very unsatisfactory condition, and not fit for thrashing out at present." From the West Riding : " A good deal of barley in the fields yet, and the weather has- been very dull all the week, though not so much rain." By another Yorkshire correspondent it was stated : " Harvest, after having been unusually protracted by unfavour able weather, is at length drawing to a close; the crops have sustained considerable injury, and a large portion has been housed in imperfect con dition ; the potato disease also prevails to some extent ; so that, altogether, our food prospects are much less favourable than for several years past." Journeying by railway, a correspondent writes : " From Peterborough to Syston and Chesterfield, the harvest, with the exception of beaus, is about completed; but from Chesterfield into Yorkshire both oats and barley are in many places still out, and the weather remains dull and damp." From Lincolnshire our advices state : " For the last week we have had nothing but fogs, though scarcely amounting to rain at any time, and yet corn dries not. There is much corn out in the north wolds of this county, and the condition is yet lamentable ; as in Yorkshire, much corn is in the fields suffering much. There has never been so much destruction of grain in my recollection as during this season ; and damp grain forced into market helps to pull down the good qualities also." Saturday opened with an uncertain promise, and some slight drizzling rain fell for about half an hour ; but the day held up; wind north-north-east, thermometer 57 deg., barometer up to 30.40 in., and giving thus some high hopes of some finer weather being at hand, when the farmers will have an opportunity of bringing up the arrears of every description of work. A large demand will consequently take place for seed wheat, of which there is a good choice, despite all the bad weather.—Mark-Lane Express of yes terday. A Tale of Horror from New Zealand Ever and anon we are startled by a crime of the deepest dye. It furnishes the public with a narrative of interest, a matter of wonder, and a sensation of horror. But, taking English society as a whole, crimes of murder are compara tively rare. Those which do occur attain to so great a publicity and create such a noise throughout the com munity that the event appears magnified, and what would be consigned in silence in other European countries to the gallows is with us prominently blazoned abroad. When wo consider in this cold dampland how keen is the struggle for the means of existence, how many perish from absolute want, 'and how numerous therefore are the incentives to crime, it must be allowed that the English nature shrinks from murder. The story then which fills the columns of the New Zealand papers is one of unusual occurrence in the annals of English crime. In atrocity it transcends the liveliest imagination of the novelist, and will yet furnish the groundwork for many tales of horror. It is impossible to conceive a story more replete with every incident of diabolical crime than that furnished by the gang whose history is now before us. The west coast of the middle island of New Zealand is among the wildest tracts of the world. From Nelson down to the extremity of Southland runs an unbroken chain of snowy mountains, which attain to their greatest height in Mount Cook, whose peak is ele vated 14,000 feet above the sea. While towards the east a broad bare plain runs between this chain and the sea, towards the west the mountains send precipitous ranges to the coast, forming valleys which make a most rugged and broken country covered with forests so tangled and dense that a pathway can only be hewn through them axe in hand. While the settlement of Canterbury throve, spread ing its countless flocks over the broad prairies of the east, the wild regions to the west remained a terra incognita, penetrated only by a few travellers,whose accounts tended to impress a mysterious awe on the minds of all. When fairly involved in the deep gorges of the unknown country the traveller became separated from the world. Around him was an impenetrable forest— before him a storm-lashed coast, on which no ship was ever seen, and behind him towered up the gigantic mountains white with their coat of eternal snow. No animal broke the stillness. Torrents rushed down the mountains— swollen by a' downfall of almost ceaseless rain. If the pro visions he carried failed, scarcely a hope remained of escape from starvation. It required a powerful spell to break by settlement the solitude of so uninviting a country, but that spell was furnished by the discovery that gold in wonderful abundance lay strewn around. But yesterday the albatross winged along the beach a flight as solitary as on the frozen continent of the Southern Pole ; to-day along that beach stands the city of Hokatika, with its main street three miles in length, containing a hundred licensed grog-shops, hotels, court-house, and even an Eng lish theatre. This marvellous transformation was worked by the all-powerful attraction of the auriferous soil. The Wes. Coast became the centre on which the adventurous eyes of a roving population became fixed. From Australia and the settlement of New Zealand—from Asia, Europe, and Ame rica, came the men whom no difficulties could daunt, and no hardships deter in their search for the yellow metal. At first small parties penetrated through the giant ranges. Many perished from want, many were precipitated down huge precipices, or buried under avalanches, which swept whole forests away in their descent to the ravines. Several were drowned crossing streams, the impetuosity of whose torrents deceived even the experienced eye of an old New Zealand settler. But their places were quickly supplied, and the stream, gathering force with time, rolled over the mountains and cleared for their successors pathways through the bush. The dreary coast, in spite of its cease less gales, became alive with shipping, where the casual ties increased in number the already long list of those on land. The passengers by sea on the West coast held their lives in their hands. Scarcely a day passed without adding one more to the list of shipwrecks, and the vessel which managed to escape for a few months was a lucky and a well-managed craft. Still Hokatika grow— new fields were opened, and the adventurous diggers spread themselves in small mining parties all over the land. It was on such a scene that the gang whose story . . we now tell appeared. When arrested it consisted of four members, named Burgess, Kelly, Sullivan, and Levy. The first three were convicts; the last, a famous putter-up or planner of crime. All were well known in Australia. All, except Levy, were under former convictions, and were ticket-of-leave men. Three of the party first proceeded to Otago, where they became known to the police, underwent a sentence of imprisonment, when that province was made too hot for them, and they wore eventually driven across the border into Canterbury. So villa i nom was their character that notice was sent to Christ- church that the party had entered the province, and henceforth the surveillance of the police traced as far as possible, in so wild a country, the move ments of the gang. Hokatika was the geld to which such ruffians naturally drifted, where they were joined by Sullivan, who had some three months previously lauded in that port. Almost immediately after their arrival a daring robbery of a bank agent was perpetrated on the 14th of September, last year. This was followed by an impudent robbery of the Police Camp at Hokatika, when a quantity of accoutrements and firearms were abstracted almost from under the noses of the police. So daring were these scoundrels—so reckless did they become, or so secure, having acted consistently on the principle that dead men tell no tales, that they were often conspicuous in the dress circle of the theatre. They were never known to work ; yet they lived on the fat of the land. Often the party were absent.for a period, but only to reappear with plenty of money and to enjoy themselves on the choicest dainties that Hokatika, could furnish. Burgess was their leader, — a calculating ruffian, who never drank to excess, or was betrayed into any other weakness dangerous to himself. Nature had furnished Kelly with all the requirements necessary for the perpetration of the most cold-blooded villainies. Sullivan was cast in a softer mould. He had been known, when in a maudlin state, to shed tears, and regret , the life to which he had been driven by the faithless conduct of his mistress. Levy was a Jew, usually found as the schemer and calculator of these desperate gangs ; the brain from which emanates the strategy re quired for the success of the most daring projects ; the calculator by which the booty is secured and turned to a profitable account ; a sanctimonious and cowardly' ruffian, the foremost to scheme, the last to act, in the fearful enter prises. Robbery succeeded robbery. Parties disappeared and were never more heard of, and the gang lived and throve in the neighbourhood, freely mixing with their fellowmen. Almost immediately after the police had been surprised in their camp at Hokatika a great bank robbery was per petrated at Okaritka. The pol ice became:alarmed, and notice was given that a gang of bushrangers had landed . from Australia. In the wilds of these provinces there are almost constantly employed parties of surveyors and well known as a leading member of that profession was a young gentleman named Dobson. He was out surveying not far from the mouth of the Grey, where the gang were at that time lurking. Their plan was to intercept Mr. Fox, a gold buyer, who they knew to be on the road. Unfortunately for young Dobson he went the way that Mr. Fox ought to have gone, while Mr. Fox took his passage down the River Gray. Mr. Dobson was known to the gang, and although they could have expected nothing from his murder, they appear to have perpetrated the deed more from afeeling _of annoyance than from any other motive. He was strangled and left sitting under a tree, as if he had died from ex haustion ; but, on a second thought, it was considered safer to bury him, which was accordingly done. The body was only found after Sullivan's confession, and after weary days of search. The loss of this gentle man excited the liveliest sense of emotion throughout the whole Province of Canterbury, where he was so widely known and respected. He lay under a few inches of earth; his coat had been taken-off, and was thrown over him in the grave, his gold chain hung on his vest, and a silver watch was in his pocket, stopped at 20 minutes to four o'clock. In the same grave lay his compass, his field book, and tape. The party appeared to have proceeded to Hokatika ancrembarked for Nelson, where Levy sold a quantity of the plundered gold to the Bank of New South Wales. It was then planned to murder all the inmates of this building, and after plundering the premises to aban don the colony. In the mean time there was a little busi ness on band. Four men were known to be on the road to Nelson with their gold. The party decided to intercept them, and took up their position over the Maungatapu, where high banks on both sides and dense scrub prevented the possibility of escape. Two barred the road in front, while two closed it behind. When the travellers were secured they were marched into the bush on the upper side of the road, while Sullivan took on himself the destruc tion of the horse which carried the baggage of the party. When the bodies were found the four were lying about 250 yards from the track, and about 50 yards apart: They wore in no way decomposed, untouched by vermin, and only bleached by rain. The first lay calm and placid, the shot through his head having produced instant death. The next was dreadfully bruised by heavy stones thrown by the murderers on his body. The fourth had evidently offered considerable resistance. He lay at the stump of an uprooted tree, with his head thrown back, his eyes staring, his mouth open, as if he had died struggling and crying out against his .murderers. The first bullet fired into his body had been turned away from a vital part by striking against a rib. Then his coat had been turned back and a knife plunged into his breast at a point, as if the heart had been felt for. As neither proved fatal, the legs of the murdered man had been strapped, and as he lay helpless, but still alive, a pistol bul let had been fired into the knife wound, from which the blood was oozing. It is, indeed, a horrible picture. But one murder more remained before the cup of these villains was filled to overflowing. Poor old James Battle came - upon the ruffians, who were sitting by Tin-tine bridge. Sullivan joined him, and learned that he had no money. On telling his companions so, the cowardly and sancti monious Levy declared that no living soul should be suf fered to pass that day. Sullivan returned, and stopped the old man till the others came up. One said, " Old man, you must have gold." Jamie drew a sheath knife, but was overpowered, dragged into the bush, and despatched by a pistol shot. The disappearance of the four diggers, the excitement throughout the colony at the daring robberies perpetrated, and the suspicion that foul play had ended the career of Mr. Dobson, induced the police to arrest the gang when on the very eve of perpetrating anther mur der. They were lodged in Nelson gaol, and a more jaunty set of ruffians, considering the awful nature of their crimes, could hardly be conceived. But a change came o'er the spirit of their dream. They were lodged in separate cells, and• the weaker minded began to tremble for the truth of their companions. Sullivan, fearing to be anticipated by Levy in his confession, sent for an officer, and turned Queen's evidence. For some time ho had planned to abandon the party. He knew be was suspected, and Burgess and Kelly had a quick way of dealing with those they feared would turn approvers. When first examined they looked with disdainful eye on the proceedings satisfied that there were but few proofs of their guilt. When next brought up the catalogue and proofs of their crimes was almost complete. They felt the horrors of their position, and the shrinking detestation with which they wore re garded by all mankind. Their cells were lined with iron, their persons loaded with chains, and night and day in each a sentinel kept watch. The whole country had been roused to a frenzy of indignation. The bones of more than thirty victims lay bleaching in the woods, and buried in the sands of the wild coast they had made the scene of their atrocities. A bottle of strychnine was discovered as one of the agents for effecting the more wholesale mas sacres, when the party to be dispatched were too strong for the knife and the pistol. When the mail left the colony the people had joined in one cry for a Special Session to sit at once, and relieve the world from• the burden of these murderers. COUNTRY MARKETS. CTTELMSFORD—OcT. 6. At the market to-day wheat was in good supply, but the condition was indifferent. The prices of last week were realised for best samples ; inferior sorts neglected. Spring corn of all descriptions firm, and prices same as of Wheat, old white....49s 62s Peas, Partridge 408 428 new .46s bBs White ...... ....32s 368 old red 468 58s 8,..i1ing........ - —I new. 49s 54s Dun.... ..... ...388 408 8ar1ey..... 250 33s ditto, new....--s —0 e Chvalier 7 _B r -s Beans, Tick, 01d......408 450 Grinding 25s 308 Malt sBs 608 Chevalier 60s 62i new....38s 428 Harrow ticks.42B 468 new....40s 448 Oats ... 2OB 268 Mazagan . 38s 42a GRANTHAM—OcT. 6. The quantity of barley at market moderate, and a steady demand at prices rather higher than last week. There was more doing in oats and beans, which commanded remune rative rates. In peas not much passing. • Old white wheat, 58s to 611; old red, 54s to 5 s ; nevr white, 54s to 58s ; new red, 49s to 54s per 36 stone. Bar ley for malting, 38s to 455 per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 34s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 30s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s; new, 44s to 46s per 38 stone. Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER-Our. 5. A moderate supply of wheat at market, which was sold at about is per qr advance. Barley and other articles un altered. Wheat, white 56s 60s Beans, Kazagan,.....4os 425 red' 6oa 62s Kiddie and sniall..44s 483 Barley... 34s 43s Peas, white. 38s 425 Oats ... —s s grey ...30s 425 NORTHAMPTON—OcT. 6. New white wheat, 51s to 565; new red, 51s to Ns ; old white, 55s to 595; old red, 53s to 57s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 38s to 44s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 36s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 22s to 31s ' • new, 28s to 30s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 46s to 49s ; new, 42s to 45s per 38 stone. Peas, 38s to 42s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN-OCT. 5. There were a good many samples of new oats in the market to-day, but none of them of very good quality. Old oats and bere and barley are all considerably up in price. White wheat 50s Od to 51s 01. 62115 If! bushel. Red wheat .45s Od to 46s Od Potato oats 27s Od to 27s 61 . ~. ..._ um is- bushel. Common oats 24s Od to 2 4s 6d ' Bere 28s Od to 29s 6d 581 Barley 32s Od to 32s 6d; bushel. Oatmeal 19s 6d to 20s Od g 1 boll of 280Ib. _ Flour, fine 40s Od to 44s 6d sack of 280I1'. KIRKCALDY—OcT. 6. Good supplies of all kinds of grain, which brought last week's prices, except damp barley and oats, which were 2s per qr. cheaper. Wheat. Bailey: Oats. First...—. 52s ud ; 31s Od 27s Od :wend—. 540 Od I 35s Od 28s Od Turd . 57s 01 38s Od 2ve Od COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. s. d. Walls End Hetton 2l 0 liettuu South Durham 2O 0 Wallsend Haswell 2l 0 Holywell Main lB 0 Kepier Grange l9 3 Wharncliffe - 20 3 Walls End Gosforth 18 9 Pensher Primrose Ships at market, BG—sold, 75. s. O. East FfartlepQnj West Ilartley - l7 if Tunstall Cowndon Heugh Hall 2O 0 Buddle'sWestllartloy 17 9 Hastings Hartley l7 9 WestWylam l7 9 Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Lustralla and New Zealand, via Southampton..... Oct. 20. Ditto, via Marseilles ............... Oct. 11. Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet Nov. 5. Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Oct. China, Penang, and Singapore, via - Soulhamptan—Oct 20. Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. if. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Oct. 13. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton 0 ct. 20 . Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Oct. 13. Ditto, via Marseilles .. Oct. 13 11,Ialta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Oct. 13. Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 11. Mauritius, via Southampton Oat. 20 Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 34. Newfoundland Portugal Nov. 5. Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon United btates and British North America, by Bri tish packet Ditto. by United States packet, via 50uthamp t0n.......... Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry „Oct. 12. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Tencriffe ....Oct. 10. West Indies and Pastdo (except Bahamas apd tionduras) 0000000000000000000 • •• •••• ••• .Oct. 15 Cuba and Mexico ... ..... Oct. 29. Bermuda, via Halifax ... Oct. 24. Bahamas, via New York. Oct. 18 . Among the forthcoming Christmas books will be a fairy tale, of an original character, by Mrs. 8. C. Hall —the text, accompanied by numerous illustrations, two of which will be from designs by Mr. and Mrs. E. M. Ward. Tho title of the book is " The Prince of the Fair Family." [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Ointment and Pills Counteract most Diseases.—Causes which determine the health or sickness of large communities should be carefully investigated, and where possible they should be removed. Where this is impracticable their baneful effects should be mitigated by such well-known purifiers and healers 55 Holloway's pills and ointment. They prove in the hands of all sufferers the greatest boon when health is the object of search and immediate restoration is the only safeguard against continued indisposition. Holloway's remedies will succeed under the most unfavourable circumstances in casting out all impurities, strengthening every weakness, and regulating any disordered function. No medicines can equal them for advancing the public health and protecting delicate persons from unnecessary pain. Births. BARRY—On the Bth inst., at Lapsewood, Sydenham-hill, Kent, the wife of Charles Barry, Esq., of a son. GowER- 7 -On the 6th inst., at Titzey Park, Godstone, the Hon. Mrs. Leveson Gower, of a diughtei. LALAING—On tho Ist inst., at Brussels, the Countess de Lalaing, of twin sons. ROWCROFT—On the 6th inst., at Holcombe, Dawlish, the wife of Capt. G. C. Rowcroft, Bengal Staff Corps, of a son. Marriages. COOPER —BAKER. —On the Gth inst., at St. Andrew's, Thornhill-square, Islington, the Rev. Arthur H. Cooper, M.A., eldest son of Sir Henry Cooper, M.D., of Hull, t 4 Isabella Jean Reynolds, fourth daughter of Capt. W. F. Baker, R.N. JOHNSTONE-L OWNDES —On the 4th inst., at St. James's, Piccadilly, H. Johnstone-Scott, Esq., of Wood Hall, Yorkshire, second son of Sir J. Johnstone, Bart., of Hackness, in the same county, to Cressida, third daugh ter of W. Solby-Lowndes, Esq., of Whaddon and Win slow, Bucks. Deaths. BEvINGTos—On the 7th inst., at Dulwich Lodge, Dulwich, George Bevington, Esq., aged 59. Borrom —On the 6th inst., at Newmarket, Mr. a Bottom, aged 61. CROOKE -On tko 7th inst., at Fernleigh, Cheltenham, A• Crooke, Esq., aged 82. GOULD— On the 6th inst„ at the Rectory, Burwash, Sussex., the Rev. J. Gould, M.A., rector of Burwash, aged 70. MunitELL—On the sth inst., at Walworth, Geo. Murrell, Esq., aged 59: PITTS—On the sth inst., at High Bank, Fulham, Mary, re lict of the late S. Pitts, Esq., of 14, Catherine-street, Strand, aged 64. SWANN—On the sth inst., at Paradise House, Islington, T. G. Swann, Esq., aged 61. WILLIAMS—On the sth inst., at Cricklewood, Georgo Jai• Williams, Esq., late of the East India Company's Civil Service, aged 75. WALKER—On the 3d inst., at 9, Courtland-place, Lensing' ton, John S. Walker, Esq., aged 95. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREW'S. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tun Sim office, No. 112. Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County a Middlesex. —Tuesday, October 9,1866.