The Sun. — London, England, 1835-09-04 00:00:00

were money clauses, and if all the House were for it in its present shape, it could not for matter of form be agreed to. It is a most painful thing, my Lords, for the clergy of Ireland. lam glad to hear that the evil is to be mitigated—that it is an act of fitness, and I will further say of propriety, towards the poor clergy of Ireland, who are now suffering for the faults of 'others in the rejection of the measure. Lord FARNHAM said that the House was most grateful for the warning of the Noble and Learned Lord, whether it vas meant in kindness or in censure ; but he seemed to think that Noble Lords on this side of the House were in a state of lenitence for what they had done. He (Lord Farnham) should ave been in a state of penitence if he had not pursued the line of conduct now condemned ; and if Noble Lords had, for the sake of compromise with the interests of the existing clergy, given their support to a principle of confiscation—had they done so, they would have deserved the reprobation of the country. He knew that the Bill had been framed on a reso lution of the House of Commons. With all deference to that House, he said that the whole difficulty of the situation arose from that resolution. He admitted that with consistency to themselves, the existing House of Commons must insist on the adoption of that resolution.—( Hear, hear, from the Minis terial benches.) That was the folly—he might say the wicked ness—of the thing. Lord HA THE RTON said that the Noble Duke had said that he believed that the design of those who introduced the measure was the destruction of the Church of Ireland. He was sure that the Noble Duke could entertain no such opinion. If he shared that opinion, attached as he was to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England, no consideration on earth should have induced him to support that measure— ( Hear, hear)—but the more he considered the question, the more he was impressed with the conviction that the sinecures of the Establishment were the weak points to the defence of the Establishment through which the enemy at any time might enter and call the Establishment itself in question on grounds the most unfavourable to it.—( Hear, bear.) He greatly sympathised with the sufferings of that class whom the rejection of this measure would affect. Their respectability and piety were equal to those of our own clergy ; but he denied that any part of their suffer ings was to be attributed to the Government with which he had been connected, or to the present Government. Their Lordships had had the opportunity of settling the tithe question last year. It was then told them, that if they rejected that, the measure of the following year would be one of a different kind. They did re j ect it, and had done so again this year. Next year, a further measure, with conditions, might be presented, and it would come with an increased feel ing among the gentry of England that the conditions ought to be accepted, and with an increased desuetude of the pay ment of tithes, which was deeply to be regretted, but which was their Lordship's own work ; and it would come, too, with the remonstrances of the working clergy of Ireland, who would then shake themselves free from the authority which their diocesans had hitherto exercised over them, by which they had been controlled, and their Lordships misled.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that the measure of next year would not be mo dified, as their Lordships wished it, by the delay. The Earl of WINCHIL SE A had as great an attachment to the Church as the Noble Lord, but he could not consent to be a party to the atrocious confiscation and sacrileg ious ap propriations of the resources of the Church propose by this Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that the two parts of the Bill were as distinct from each other as would be a Bill for the benefit of Kent and a Bill for the benefit of Worcester shire. If there was any agitation in Ireland, it would rest with the Government, and not with the Noble Lords on his side of the House. He denied that the gentry of England at all favoured the present Bill, or would consent to a mea sure which must lead to 'the destruction of the Church of Ireland. He denied that the Irish working clergy were in favour of it ; and the manner in which they had been treated by the Government had universally raised the indignation of this country. Their treatment was an act of cruelty, but the Government would never be able to effect that which he charged it with—desiring the destruction of the Church of Ireland:— ( Hear, hear.) Lord FIT ZGB BALD was not disposed to prolong this subject, which was one of a painful nature. Without mean ing to contradict the Noble Lord opposite, or doubt his op portunities of knowing the sentiments of the clergy of Ire land, he felt it his duty, as connected with that country, and having known it as intimately as the Noble Lord who had resided there but a few months, to deny the statements made with respect to the sentiments of the working clergy. Lord PLUNKETT did not seek to bring back the debate of some nights ag o, and to go int o th e quest i on o f t h e appro priation clause, b ut he must say that it appea re d as if t h e No ble Lord had availed him se lf of this extraordinary occasion to give vent to somt dissatisfaction he might have felt that the ascendancy of his talents in s this House, as exercised upon the Bill relating to the Irish Church and the Alunicipal Corporations Bill, was not likely to realize such triumphant results as he had at first calculated upon. The Noble Lord had charged views of destruction and an in tention to spoliate the Protestant Church in Ireland against those who differed from him in their views of this great question.—(No, no.) He begged pardon, such an intention had been directly charged by the Noble Duke ( Wel lington) ; contrary to the spirit which usually characterized the tenor of his observations, that Noble Duke did last night state that the object of his Majesty's Government in bringing forward this measure was to destroy the Protestant religion. Now that was a bold assertion.—( Hear, hear.) He was not one of the Government, but as an individual connected with it, he must throw back, with every degree of indignation, the charge that he was concerned in any measure for the destruc tion of the Protestant Church. What would the Noble Lords on the other side feel if he were to say that the Oppo sition was influenced solely by a desire to turn out the Govern ment that they might take their places, and that their throw ing out of the various measures which they had rejected ori ginated in a factious purpose? He must think that he should not be justified in making such an assertion ; and surely the same justice which Noble Lords would call upon them to pay they were entitled to receive.—( Hear.) He declared solemnly and conscientiously—and he trusted they had consciences on both sides of the House—that in giving his assent to the appro priation clause, he felt he was doing that which, under all the circumstances in which the unfortunate Church of Ireland was placed, was not only the best thing that could be done to provide for the Alinis.ters of the Church, but also for giving stability to the Establishment.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") With respect to the clergy of Ireland, he would not pretend to say that his knowledge was as accurate or as extensive as his Noble Friend's, but lie was unquestionably not a total stranger to the opinions of that respectable body. He had conversed with many of them, and he had learned from others the sentiments which were supposed to be entertained by the body at large. Such being the amount of his information, lie would declare that he never met with one who did not express his regret at the rejection of the measure of last session.—( A Noble Lord said that it did not contain the appropriation clause.) He would speak to that also. To be sure the mea sure of last session did not contain an appropriation clause, and yet their Lordships rejected it.--( Cheers.) That was no act of sacrilege ; that was no act of spoliation. It might have been brought forward under circumstances which made it ob jectionable to particular classes, but it contained no insu perable barrier to conscientious men adopting it, and he solemnly declared that he had heard many speak on the sub ject, and never one who did not lament the rejection of the measure. He would not pretend that he had the same degree of knowledge of the opinions of the clergy on the subject of the principle of appropriation ; but if he spoke his belief, he would say that a great majority was in its favour. He did not deny that their judgments might be somewhat warped by the Misery to which they were subject ; but in supposing this possible, he must not be taken to imagine that any one of them would consent to sacrifice, for this worldly advantage, what the Noble Lord had described as the " Church of Christ." He begged to add, that he knew the most extraor dinary means had been used to procure petitions from the clergy against the appropriation clause, and he knew instances in which they had totally failed. The clergy were, no doubt, a body of men having the feelings of gentlemen; but they were necessarily, in the situation in which they were placed, considerably under the influence of their diocesan. He should be sorry to state it, if he did not believe it—but he would say that, in his opinion, in most of the cases in which peti tions had been got up against the measure, they were pro cured by the influence and exertions of their superiors. Lord L YND HLTR ST said, what connection there could be between the Irish Church Bill and the Municipal Corpo rations Bill he could not see, though his Learned Friend had brought them together in his speech.—(Hear, hear.) To be sure they were both measures of spoliation, and as his Learned Friend supported the one, he was not surprised to find him supporting the other.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He hoped his Learned Friend would give him leave to say, as a Member of this House, and he believed he was speaking the opinion of the whole country, that he would never consent that the re venues of the Church of Ireland should be plundered for the purpose of inculcating the tenets of the Catholic Church. —( Cheers.) Several Members from the Commons brought up the Militia Pay Bill, the Consolidated Fund Bill, the Lectures Publication Bill, and the Tithe Instalment Suspension (Ireland) Bill. Lord BROUGHAM rose to lay on the table a Bill for the improvement of the law of Marriage and Divorce. He said he brought forward the Bill in redemption of a pledge he had given to that effect, his object being not of course to proceed with it this session, but simply to leave it for their Lordships consideration. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL. CONFERENCE BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSES. Lord JOHN RUSSELL and other Members of the House of Commons appeared at the Bar, to desire a Conference with their Lordships, on the subject -matter of the amendments they had made in an Act to provide for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in England and Wales. The question as to the holding of the Conference having been put to their Lordships in the ordinary form by the SPEAKER (Lord Denman), and agreed to, His LORDSHIP, addressing the Members of the House of Commons standing at the Bar, said,—Gentlemen of the House of Commons, I am commanded by this House to inform you that they have agreed to the Conference desired, and ap point it to be held presently, in their Committee-room, No. 5. The Members of the Commons then withdrew. Lord MELBOURNE rose, and, we believe, asked Lord Lyndhurst and the Duke of Wellington to attend the Com mons. Their Lordships were understood to express an un willingnesstoattend. Lord HOLLAND thought it rather an unusual circum tance, that the Noble lords who had moved the amendments abonld decline being partieg,to the conference. Lord BROUGHAM said Ilrat,the Noble and Learned Lord merely asked his Noble Friend': not to name him. His Noble Friend, wbo had jest_expissed his opi n ion, w ou ld 'see that it was one thing for A , Noble Lord to request that e might Lift be natte4;apkttite, another for him to refuse °": .f ~~yr ' : , >a , to attend after the House had appointed him, and when he would be bound to go.—( Hear, hear.) Lord LYND HURST expressed his obligation to his Noble and Learned Friend for the very clear explanation he had given on his behalf.—( A laugh. ) The Usher of the Black Rod announced to their Lordships that the managers for the Commons were ready for the Confe rence in the Committee-room, No. 5. Lord MELBOURNE then moved that the following Noble Lords should conduct the Conference on behalf of their Lordships :—The Lord President of the Council, the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Bishop of Bristol, Lord Auckland, Viscount Melbourne, and Lord Hatherton. The motion was agreed to and their Lordships withdrew from the House to meet the Commons. In about a quarter of an hour their Lordships returned, bringing with them the amendments, and the reasons assigned by the Commons for their adoption. On the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE the reasons, and the amendments were read by the Clerk. The Marquess of LANSDOWNE moved that the reasons be printed, and that they be taken into consideration to-morrow. Agreed to. Lord BROUGHAM, who had been interrupted in the ob servations he was making respecting the law of marriage, which he asked to lay before their Lordships, continued his statement, but the noise was so great that we could not dis tinctly hear him. He concluded with laying the Bill on the table. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, that as far as he under stood the measure of the Noble and Learned Lord, he ap proved of the principle on which it was grounded. Lord LYNDHURST expressed his sincere thanks to his Noble and Learned Friend for having brought forward a mea sure on this subject. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL. Lord BROUGHAM, in presenting a petition from the debtors confined in Dublin Gaol, in favour of the Imprison ment for Debt Bill, was anxious to correct an erroneous im pression which had gone abroad in consequence of what had fallen from a Noble Lord last night. That Noble Lord was understood to have said that several important measures had been, postponed for the Session at his suggestion. Now, he had not proposed to postpone any measures; but had con sented to do so at the request of his Noble and Learned Friend, who objected to their being proceeded with at such a late period of the Session. If the House of Lords was to continue to exist as an independent body, it must have time to consider the measures sent up from the other House before it passed them. So far from his proposing the postponement of these measures, he had said that he was willing to sit for a month longer for the purpose of getting through them. . . Lord FIT Z GERA Lt) and VI sci obsen;"ed that all that he meant to say last night was, that important measures had been postponed in consequence of the lateness of the session at the request of the Noble Lords opposite, as well as at the desire of those on his side of the House. The wish to postpone these measures did not altogether arise on one side of the House. Lord LYNDHURST stated that it was utterly impossible to proceed with the Imprisonment for Debt Bill at such a late period of the session. He had not stated that he was opposed to it, but had requested that it should be postponed that suffi cient time might be given to it, as it involved the most im portant alteration in the law. Lord BROUGHAM was perfectly aware that that Bill could not be proceeded with at this late period of the session. Indeed, the Learned Gentleman who drew the Bill had ad mitted to him, that it was impossible to go on with it in that House at that time, if any thing like a full consideration was to be given to it. Lord LYNDHURST remarked, that the most extraordi nary observations had been made respecting the delay of this measure. The Attorney-General could hardly be sup posed to possess common sense, if he made use of the lan guage imputed to him in the newspapers ; it must, therefore, have arisen from some misapprehension on the part of the reporters, who had put words into the Learned Gentleman's mouth. After an observation from Lord ASHBURTON, the pe. tion was laid on the table. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. The Earl of RODEN wished to put a question to the Noble Marquis ( Lansdowne) relative to the state of national education in Ireland. The Noble Marquis had always taken a prominent part in the discussions on this subject, and seemed to take a deep interest in it, and therefore could probably give him the information he desired. When this question was formerly mooted in that House, the Noble Marquis stated that all the information that could be furnished as to the working of the system would be readily given. With this view he ( Lord Roden) had moved for the returns relating to the subject as far back as the 12th of March last, but up to the present time only four of the returns had been laid on the table, and these were by no means the most important that he had called for. The question which he wished to put to the Noble Marquis was, whether he could state the reason why the returns ordered by the House had been withheld for such a long period. The Marquis of L A NSDO WNE replied, that since the Noble Earl had mentioned the subject to him, he had exerted himself to procure the whole of the returns moved for, so that they might be laid on the table without delay. The whole of these returns were now ready, and he would lay them on the table before the end of the session. There was an exception, however. It appeared the Commissioners had no means of procuring the information called for in one of the returns. The return was for the purpose of ascertaining the proportion be tween the Protestant and Catholic children in their schools. The Board of Education said that it was wholly out of their power to make this return. The members of that board had ceased to keep up the distinction between the children of dif ferent religions, at the request of a number of Protestants and Prostestant clergymen. The Earl of TiODEN felt obliged to the Noble Marquess for the returns which he had procured, but regretted that the other returns had been withheld, as the information which it would afford was of great importance. In the course of next Session, he should make a motion on the subject, and he trusted that the House would not allow their orders to be set aside, because the Commissioners did not choose to make the return. WORKHOUSE BILL. The Marquis of L A NSDO WNE, in moving the second reading of this Bill, stated that its object was to facilitate the means of building workhouses for unions of parishes. He could not let the opportunity Eass without communicating to the House the gratifying fact7that the measure of last year for the reform of the Poor Laws had been entirely successful as far as it had been carried into effect.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The progress made by the Commissioners in the union of parishes, and in promoting improvements in the administration of the Poor Laws, exceeded the most sanguine expectations of the most earnest and zealous friends of the Bill of last year. No less than 2,066 parish has been united, making alto gether 112 unions. The whole of some counties had been brought under the operation of the Bill. For instance, the whole of the 275 parishes in Hampshire had been formed into 21 unions. In Burks the parishes had been formed into eleven unions. The 185 parishes in Oxfordshire had been formed into five unions. Again, all the parishes in Buck inghamshire, Hertfordshire, and other counties, had been formed into unions. This had been done with the full ap probation and consent of the great portions of the persons re sidine• in those counties. Notwithstanding the prejudices which existed as to the evils which would result from these unions of parishes, the system now met with the approbation of all classes of the inhabitants of the counties, the magistrates, gentry, the farmers, and other rate-payers, and in many in stances the poor themselves expressed the greatest satisfaction at the change that had taken place. The ad o pti on o f t h e new system had led to the most material economy in the adminis tration of the poor laws. On referring to the reduction in the poor-rates that had taken place in these unions, he found that on the average in the nineteen first unions (which were chiefly made before the end of last year) the saving amounted to between one half and one-third of the expenditure of the corresponding time of the former year. In almost all the cases in which the unions had been formed, the food supplied to the workhouses was superior in quality to that formerly sent to those places, and at the same time it cost much less to the pa rishes. The poor were much better off, and the expense to the parishes was considerably less than before. Through the agency of the Poor-law Bill, the poor had been encouraged to migrate from parts of the country where there was a super abundance of labour to those places where there was a demand for it. Thus great numbers of labourers had been removed, with their own consent, from the agricultural districts to the manufacturing parts of the country. In Buckinghamshire there was some manifestation of dislike on the part of some labourers, on its being proposed to them to be sent to Lancashire. Some, however, did proceed there ; and such was their satis faction, that they induced many who were a burden to the pa rishes in which they resided to remove to the same districts, where they obtained constant work in the manufactories. He could not conclude his observations without alluding to the ma terial assistance rendered in carrying this Bill into effect by the magistracy, who, in numerous instances, had become guar dians of the poor, and had exerted themselies most beneficially in aiding the Commissioners. Lord BROUGHAM was a more competent witness than even the Poor-law Commissioners as to the improvement that had taken place in the condition of those persons who received maintenance from those parishes in Buckinghamshire, and who had been removed into the manufacturing districts. When he was recently in Lancashire, he went out of his way several miles on pv.rpose to examine into the condition of those people employed, as manufacturers, and who were formerly agricul tural lal Jourers . H e visited the manufactories where they were employed —he went into several of the cottages, and saw those persons and their families, and examined them as to their con dition; and he had no hesitation in saying that he never saw people more comfortable, or more entirely conte n t w ith t h e i r situation, or more satisfied with the change which had taken place in their being brought from their former residences to their then abodes. They all expressed a determination not to go back to the places they formerly lived in. They all were in the receipt of good wages, which were likely to be increased instead of being diminished. The Duke of RICHMOND was one of those who had looked with considerable apprehensions to the Poor Laws Bill ; but really the conduct of the Commissioners was such they had carried it into operation so gradually, and with so much discretion, that he thought they well deserved the thanks of the country. He thought it a great hardship that the tenantry should be bound to pay the money borrowed by the parishes under this Act within so short a period as ten years, and he hoped the Government would take an early op portunity of remedying the evil. CHARITIES' COMMISSIONERS BILL. This Bill went through a Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. Several Bills were then advanced a stage, and the House adjourned. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Conference between the Commons and Lords, on the subject of the Municipal Reform Bill, took place last night. The reasons of the Committee of the Commons were partly read in the House, before pro ceeding to the Conference. Lord John Russell and the other managers were about a quarter of an hour. On their return, his Lordship stated that they had de livered the reasons for disagreeing to some of the Lords' Amendments, and that they had left the Bill with the Lords. The question is, therefore, again be fore the Peers. A debate, to which the country will look with considerable interest, took place in, the Commons. On the moving of the third reading of the Appropriation Bill by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Hume said he hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman would not press the third reading, as the House had no right to be much satisfied with the proceedings in another place ; and if the Bill were passed, the House might let slip the opportunity of withholding the Supplies, and discussing the measure just sent to the Lords again. He moved that the Bill be read a third time on Monday. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that if he should stand alone, he would resist the post ponement of the third reading. "At a moment like the present, pregnant with important interests, he en treated the House not upon any imperfect and partial view tcr take a step which would materially (and he spoke advisedly,) most materially prevent the comple tion of its wishes." Mr. O'Connell observed, that " whatever the Honourable Member for Middlesex could gain by his amendment, he would gain equally when the Appropriation Bill had passed, if the Muni cipal Corporations Bill were to be returned from the House of Lords." The Honourable and Learned Gentleman, alluding to the disgraceful proceedings of the preceding night in the Lords, observed that, " if he were not afraid that his (Mr. O'Conn9ll's) advo cacy of the Bill would be injurious to its passing— (Cheers and laughter)—he should say that he sup ported it heartily and unequivocally. If poor, paltry considerations of this individual, or of that, were al lowed elsewhere to interfere with the sober consi deration of a legislative enactment, it might be taken that the postponement of the third reading was an intended insult, and it might be urged as a reason for rejecting the Bill just sent to the Lords, that the Member for Middlesex had ventured to object to the appropriation clause." Mr. Hume was by no means satisfied with arguments resting on assurance, the grounds of which were not communicated to him. " He could not (he said) help looking back to what had occurred last year, when men, in full possession of the confidence of the country, had been excluded from office. By whom this had been done, he knew not ; but. certainly not by the individual who had been principally responsible in the new Government, for he was at a distance of some thousands of miles. There must, however, have been some adviser, and, for aught he knew, what had happened last year might happen again." These observations led to an explanation as to the power really possessed by the House of Com mons over the Supplies. The Chancellor of the Ex chequer denied that lie had ever counselled or taken a course which countenanced the stopping of the Sup plies, but still avoided answering the question whether the House could stop the Supplies. On Mr. T. Duncombe, however, putting the question distinctly, whether the House did or did not possess the power, the Chancellor of the Exchequer answered in the nega tive. Mr. Warburton, in the way of explanation, ob served, " that any course which they could take would have no effect, as there were already in the hands of Government Exchequer bills sufficient to carry on the functions of the Government until Par liament should again meet. If it were proper to exercise any power of stopping the Supplies, it ought to have been resorted to before they were voted ; there was no such power now." Mr. Hume said be would make no further objection to the third reading ; and indeed, according to this reading of the power pos sessed by the Commons over the purse, further op position would have been useless. Should, however, the Lords persist in their determination to control the Commons, and recur to the revolutionary tactics of November last, it will be necessary to inquire into the means by which the Commons can show that holding the purse-strings of the nation is something more than a fiction. To have a rialat to hold the purse-strings, without possessing the power of preventing any Mi nistry, however unacceptable to them, from putting their bands in the purse, and thus conducting the Government in spite of them, is little better than a mockery. Without stating what we ourselves think on the subject, we heartily wish this great constitu tional question were better understood than it seems yet to be.—Morning Chronicle. In giving their assent to a species of compromise with respect to some points of the Corporate Reform Bill, and acquiescing in certain alterations in the de tails of the measure, not from a sense of their own merits, but from a willingness to show a deference to the opinion of the other House of Parliament, and to waive objections, however striking, which did not in terfere with the vital and essential objects of free, open, and popular election, the Representatives of the peo ple have, we think, adopted that course, which, under all the circumstances of this difficult and embarrassing position, was not only the most constitutional, but also the most dignified and prudent. The measure itself was designed to secure to the inhabitants of our towns and cities the advantage of good municipal govern ment, founded on a broad and popular basis. The alterations of the Lords bad so mutilated and vitiated the Bill, as essentially to mar its efficiency, and de stroy its equal and popular character. The Minis ters of the Crown have again succeeded, with the general consent of the people's Representatives, in replacing and restoring the principal features thus marred and mutilated, and, yielding on some points of undoubted importance, though of a less essential character, have again transmitted the Bill, thus restored and amended, for the acquies cence of that House which had so ill-treated the for mer measure. What the Lords will now do is of course entirely a matter of surmise and speculation. We trust that the spirit of conciliation which has marked the conduct of the other branch of the Legis lature will have its full effect upon their Lordships' conduct. We trust that, appreciating the universal feeling of the country to obtain a speedy settlement of this important question, and to secure the benefits of a liberal municipal government, the Peers will not now listen to the counsels of the more prejudiced and vio lent of their number, but will give their unqualified assent to a measure so much desired by the public, and for the sake of securing which so much has been overlooked, and so much has been conceded. This, however, is evident, that conciliation and compromise having been already pushed to extreme lengths, in deference to their Lordships, it will be useless for them to push the subject further, and the mea sure must now be passed essentially as it stands, or rejected, and, therefore, for a time post poned. It would be impossible for time Minis ters, or their supporters in the Commons or out of doors, to go further in the way of compromise than has been gone—it would be a sacrifice of principle, and would involve a loss of dignity and of public approba tion. In fact, the difficulty now is to advise the ac quiescence of the public in the measure as it at present stands. There are provisions —particularly those re specting qualification and the election of aldermen— the operation of which will require to be very closely watched, and which, unless found to work better than bets been anticipated, must undergo future alteration. Still, on the whole, we believe the country is willing to ac cept, and will rejoice at, the passing of the measure as it now stands; but to suppose that it will admit of any replacement by their Lordships of the obnoxious provi sions first introduced by them, and erased by the con sent of all parties in the Commons—to suppose that these features can be again altered by their Lordships, and the Bill still continue acceptable to the country, is a gross and dangerous fallacy. No. In the way of compromise and concession the country has already gone far enough—too far, indeed, unless the settlement of this important question, and the happiness and peace of the country, can be thereby secured. And we can only hope, that all these concessions to their Lordships' prejudices may not be in vain. The Peers should recollect that the measure intreuches upon no THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMI3ER 4, 1835. constitutional privileges of their order—it concerns the people's rights, and those alone—it is intended to se cure to them no advantages but those to which they are strictly and fairly entitled ; and it will be perfect madness and fatuity in their House to set themselves against the ardent wishes and just expectations of an united people. To what could such ill-advised and most imprudent conduct possibly tend but to make wider the breach which already separates their Lord ships' House from the sympathies of the country, and to throw a firebrand of disaffection in the midst of an excited population ? Irresponsible and virtually para mount as they now are, it becomes the more impera tive upon the Tory majority of that House to pon der well the consequences of the course which they are now about to pursue. They may impede and harass the Government, and postpone the set tlement of this question to another session ; but they will eventually have to pay dearly for their present triumphs ; and they cannot possibly ima gine that the opposition of a few scores of Temporal and Spiritual Peers can permanently prevail against the all but unanimous voice of the Representatives of the people, backed by the whole nation. The enemies of their Lordships, and those only, can advise a violent course. The friends of peace, order, and Constitu tional Government, must agree in urging upon their ac quiescence a measure important to the country at large, and still more important and vital when considered in connection with the opinions of the public as to the motives and objects of their Lordships' opposition. But whatever may be the result, we have this satisfac tion, that we have gone as far as possible on the road of conciliation, and, therefore, that the risk and re sponsibility of defeating the hopes and expectations of the community will lie with increased weight upon those who shall counsel and pursue so rash and suicidal a course. After the temperate and dignified manner in which the Commons have acted, and the general consent of that House to the renewed measure, what end can be answered by the pertinacious opposition of a small exclusive body to the fixed determination of the public for the accomplishment of this great branch of salutary Reform ? One thing is certain, that the Representatives of the people cannot further recede ; and the only consequence of a renewed oppo sition will be, that what might have been conceded with dignity and grace, will eventually be granted to evident necessity ; and that which would have been regarded as a concession, cementing a good under standing between the Aristocracy and the people, will be wrung by superior power from hands avowedly hostile, and received as a prize captured from an enemy, instead of a gift of friendship, and a pledge of peace. A short time, however, will determine a ques tion on which so much depends ; and we can only again express our hope that the country will not be disappointed in the final determination of that House which has hitherto, it must be allowed, most doggedly resisted every liberal measure that has been brought before it this session, and, should it reject the present Bill, will have been the cause of a long Parliamentary session having passed away without any step being taken to redress the grievances and satisfy the just ex pectations of the thitish public. Can such a state of things be expected to continue ? Ought it to con tinue? The plain common sense of the people will furnish the reply.—Morning Chronicle. If the Irish Registration Bill, which the House of Lords have thrown out, had passed into a law, it would have had the effect of placing almost the whole representation.of Ireland absolutely at the disposal of Mr. O'Connell. At present about 40 Members of his nomination are returned, all pledged repealers—men whose often avowed ulterior object is like that of their Dictator, the severing of the legislative connection be tween the two countries—in other words, the dismem berment of the Empire. If the Bill in question had passed the Agitator would have been able to have re turned at least double that number of pledged re pealers into the next Parliament. Of the rejection of this Bill, therefore, Mr. O'Connell has very great reason to complain. It has prevented him taking an immense stride towards the consummation of his projects. That Lord Melbourne should feel very sore respecting the allusions made by the Earl of Wicklow to the real object and origin of the Irish Registration Bill was natural enough. The sting of Lord Wicklow's observations was in their truth. The Bill bore evidence in itself of being an instalment of the " debt of grati tude" which the Ministers owe to the man who, by means of his Parliamentary " tail," has upheld them in office when they had neither the talents nor moral influence to maintain themselves at the head of the affairs of this great nation. But Lord Melbourne denied that he has been supported in office by the aid of the Agitator against the sense of the English people, and he asks "is the support of the English Representa tives to be accounted as nothing ? " The Noble Vis count's allusion to the support which he has re ceived from the English Representatives was rather an unfortunate one for his argument. If the fate of the Administration depended upon the votes of the English Representatives, it would not be in ex istence now. Upon the great divisions of the session, from the election of a Speaker downwards, the ma jority of the English Members have voted against the Whig-Radical party and their allies of the " move ment "—but the Irish Agitator and his repeaters have turned the scale. Do not Ministers, then, owe them a large debt of gratitude ? They certainly do, and would be the most ungrateful of men if they did not pay that debt ; but that is no reason why the House of Lords should allow them to discharge the obligation at the expense of the best interests of the country. The speeches of the Duke of Wellington and Lord Fitzgerald were certainly not calculated to smooth the ruffled temper of the Premier. The Hero of Waterloo does not pretend to be an orator, but Lord Melbourne has no defensive armour that can re sist the home thrusts' of his vigorous logic. Lord Fitzgerald very properly told the House that " the Bill, if passed, would, in fact, repeal the provisions of the Act which was made an accompaniment to the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, without being actually embodied in it." In fact it would repeal the most im portant of the few securities for their religion which were given to the Protestant people when Roman Ca - _ tholic - s were admitted to legislate for the Church and the empire.--Morning Herald. A very numerous meeting of Conservative Peers took place yesterday at Apsley House. Their Lord ships were assembled for several hours, which, we understand, were spent in grave and harmonious deli beration. The result was such as must satisfy the country of the eager disposition of the House of Lords to forw'ard all measures which, while they afford the prospect of national advantage, can be adopted without violating the rights of individuals or the principles of c onstitutional law. We now entertain no doubt that the Corporation Bill, cured as it has been by the enlightened and patriotic efforts of the House of Lords of most of its original vices and defects, will soon receive the Royal assent. The circumstance that the Duke of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst declined assisting in the confer ence with the Commons will probably give rise to much idle remark. We believe the fact to be that Lord Melbourne pursued a course not conformable to precedent in including the names of the Noble Duke and the Noble and Learned Baron in his motion no minating the Peers who should represent the House in conference. The Bill, although substantially, in re spect to some of its most important enactments, it is the Bill of the Opposition in the House of Peers, is still in name and form a Ministerial Bill. And it can really excite no surprise that the Duke of Wel lington and Lord Lyndhurst should not, in the ab sence of any necessity or any reason, consent to share responsibility upon any subject with Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russsell.—Morning Post. An excellent letter of remonstrance and advice has been addressed to the Peers under the title of " The Peers and the People," by a member of their order. The writer at once avows his apprehension that the , c /oily" and " insanity" of their Lordships' pro ceedings, in regard to certain Bills, must excite a flame which will immolate and consume their rights and pri vileges on the altar of popular indignation. He boldly asks what body in the State dares to arrogate to itself the right to check, controul, or curtail of their just proportions the rights, liberties, and privileges of the British people ?—and answers—it is the House of Peers which is guilty of this assumption of authority and abuse of the real power vested in it. It is the House of Peers which has betrayed the trust reposed in it by the Constitution, and instead of holding the balance, absurdly entrusted to it, with an even hand between the Monarch and the people, has been guilty of the most shameful violation of the intent of the Con stitution, by flinging the shield of its protection around the many inveterate and monstrous abuses existing in and defiling the various departments of Church and State. " And why," asks the noble author, " have you done so ?" " Because your own interests, the interests of your follow ers, your favourites, your dependents, and proteges are identi fied with those abuses. You cherish them because you profit by them. The plunder of the public purse, filled by the taxes wrung from the fruits of the daily toils of the people, is portioned out amonst you. To you exclusively are open all places of emolument and power, all civil, military, and ecclesiastical preferments, without reference to the capabilities or qualifications requisite for their discharge. In the present order of things you obtain a patent at your birth for the pos session of all mental and physical endowments. The world then, is not to be astonished at your zeal in endeavouring to uphold and perpetuate an order of things so favourable to your first moments of life, so prospering and so cheering to the har vest and the winter of your years. You alone are destined to ascend, with the buoyancy and rapidity of a balloon, to the highest honours and distinctions, while your com petitors of another caste, but your superiors in acquire ments, are, by the weight of untoward circumstances, kept bound to their native earth. If the army is your destination, you are fondled in the nursery as Colonels and Generals in perspective ; if the navy is allotted to receive you, you issue from your mother's womb equipped at all points as future Commanders and Admirals. Should you betray an inclination for the Church, or rather for the wealth of the sanctuary, the Curates of yesterday, you are the Rectors to day, and well-conditioned Bishops to-morrow. You and yours alone surround the Throne; you stand at the ear of the Sove reign, and intercept or misinterpret the complaints of his sub jects ; you stand before his eyes, that they may not be pained by the flash from the light of political truth. You call the people's wrongs, justice—the perpetuation of oppressive abuses, the maintenance of our ancient institutions'—the just murmurs of an outraged people, vicious discontent—their cries for redress, insolence—and their assemblies and meetings to petition for the removal of grievances, the work of incendiary agitators and demagogues. All these things the people say and believe of you, and is their belief unfounded or unreason able? Is not the picture I have sketched a faithful represen tation of the foul reality ? I have chosen, I must confess, rather a limited ground for a full display, at one view, of all the facts that might be grouped together; but a successive series may be found to answer all the purposes of one grand panoramic exhibition of lordly excellence and aristocratic virtue." An unbroken chain of graduated abuses serves to connect the interest, reciprocate the dependence, and conduct the mutual sympathies of the hereditary Peers with the lowest and vilest dependent on munici pal patronage. To expose, assault, exclaim against a single abuse, is to peal the tocsin of alarm through all. The Lords in the plenitude of impotent fatuity rise up in defence of national robbery and local injus tice ; they stamp the earth, and command silence on the turbulent democrats. Such an attitude of lordly imperiousness in the present day is more ridiculous, but less amusing, than the frowns and menaces of a mock despot on the stage. The people contemn the exhibition, and the conviction is rapidly and fixedly taking possession of the public mind, that if their Lordships' concurrence were altogether dispensed with, as not being essential to the restoration and final establishment of the just rights and liberties of the nation, we should arrive at a speedier and happier consummation of good government. This," observes the writer, " if carried into practical effect, would amount to the annihilation of all your present boasted privileges, render your titles as mere appendages to your names for • the purpose of singling out the wearers as objects of vulgar insult and popular contempt. Your utility disclaimed, your mischief acknowledged, your importance over thrown, your influence lost, you become worse than political nonentities. Better you had never been, than to have been, and yet have fallen from your high estate,' to be the scorn, when you failed to be the scourge, of mankind." _ _ . Their Lordships are called upon to pause before it is too late to retrace their steps. They have cut up, hacked, and mangled the Municipal Bill. They have vainly imagined to preserve the blood-nurtured tem poralities of the Irish Church, by cutting out the vitals of the Bill for its reform ; but when the measure of popular indignation becomes full, and it is filling fast, the remotest points of the earth will hear the explo sion of this bloated nuisance, the foulest, the most odious, and the most monstrous incumbrance that ever a nation was cursed with, under the blasphemous pretext of a religious establishment. If their Lord ships hope to continue their legislative existence, let them " recall the Bills"—and pass them as originally presented by the representatives of the people. They are the people's Bills, and the nation is the best judge of its own interest. The people will no longer be the slaves of their hereditary task-masters. The doom of the Lords is fixed—their fate is inevitable if they rouse the people to a conflict ; but what. do we say —the conflict is already commenced. The Peers, it is true, may yet propitiate the people ; but if they stand in opposition, the tide of democracy will pour along with more impetuosity, and all who resist will be buried in its waves.—Morning Advertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. ' At the conclusion of the regular business of the Justice room yesterday, a very extraordinary scene took place be tween two gentlemen of the bar, Mr. George Thomas Wil liams and Mr. James Williams Goodgc, who entered, both of them apparently in the custody of a policeman, named Parish. A shopkeeper had directed the policeman to take the two gentlemen into custody for raising a violent quarrel before his house, causing a most intolerable nuisance and obstruction. The parties were so excited that some time elapsed be fore the LORD MAYOR was put in possession of the facts. Mr. Williams appeared as the complainant on this occa sion, which was one of signal ingratitude and outrage on the part of the defendant. In fact, the defendant, although obliged to acknowledge the nature and extent of his obli gations, accused him everywhere as the violator of his (de fendant's) domestic happiness. Here Mr. Williams de clared that in what he had done for the defendant he had been influenced by the purest motives ; notwithstanding the assurance of which, repeatedly made to the defendant, that gentleman had done everything he could possibly do to blast the character of his benefactor by the most vile and calumnious misrepresentations. Under these circumstances both parties met near the Mansion-house, the words " vil lain" and " scoundrel" were used, and the defendant com mitted an assault upon the complainant, who admitted that he looked at and acted to the defendant in such a manner as was calculated to provoke a blow. Mr. Goodge said it was true the complainant had con ferred upon him some pecuniary obligations ; but those obli gations were conferred in order to accomplish the most pro fligate designs upon one of his family, designs which, be lamented to say, he feared had been too successful, for, amongst other proofs which he had detected, was a cor respondence which he himself intercepted, tending to show that the writer was most dear to that false friend. Mr. Williams declared most solemnly that a more scan dalous falsehood was never uttered. Mr. Goodge said that the whole transaction was a nefa rious scheme against his honour and happiness. The of fence of the complainant, too, was aggravated by the fact that they had lived in chambers together, had been called to the bar together, and had been on the most intimate terms. Unfortunately he (dafendant) had fallen into pecu niary embarrassments, out of which the complainant had volunteered to rescue him. The complainant, who had married a lady of considerable wealth, the command of which gave him facilities of perpetrating the desperate in jury he meditated, took advantage of the poverty of the man he pretended to sympathise with, and afterwards in duced a tailor to arrest his credulous friend. Mr. Williams—Never, by heavens ! On the contrary, I visited him in prison, and gave him the means of support, and I supported the lady whom he thus calumniates while he was confined, and it is in this way I am repaid. Mr. Goodge—Yes, you gave her money and jewellery. I am perfectly aware of that. Mr. Williams—You treatedher with the greatest cruelty, and you have gone round and made our disagreement a matter of public notoriety, at the same time traducing her character and mine. Mr. Goodge, in continuation, said that the complainant had prevailed upon him to accompany him on the Western Circuit, and that at the post-office, while on that circuit, he (defendant) saw a letter directed to the complainant, in the hand-writing of the lady alluded to. The letter con tained matter which most unequivocally proved the nature of the acquaintance between the lady and the complainant. He (defendant) called complainant out, but an apology, in the following words, was made by the latter :—" I never shall think of my past conduct without remorse ;" and lie (defendant) was led to believe that the lady had acted foolishly, without acting criminally. The subsequent trans actions, however, convinced him that the complainant had succeeded completely in his designs. The lady had con trived to destroy the written evidences of the complainant's guilt, but there was still evidence for a Court of Justice. The LORD MAYOR now asked what the defendant had to say to the charge of having struck the complainant ? ■ _--• Mr. Goodge said that the complainant had pushed hint, as well as looked insolently at him. Complainant—l most positively swear I d id not. Leer' tainly looked at him to provoke a blow—l admit that. The LORD MAYOR—I see. Then I shall hold you WO to hail. Defendant—l hope your Lordship will be satisfied witl our own rccognizances. The LORD MAYOR—I shall be satisfied with your recognizances. The parties then entered into their own recognizanc and left the justice room. HOUSE OF LORDS.-(WEDMV,SDA" APPEALS. (Before Lords BROUGHAM, LYNDHURST, DEN: IAV , DOE ON THE DEMISE OF BIRTWHISTLE V. AGNES 1 71 ' I DIDi r o f This case arose on a writ of error from tF te Clr'fbe King's Bench on an action of ejectment, bro a. ght lessor of the plaintiff in error, John Birtwhistic v. the . 0 fendant, Agnes Vardill, to recover possession 1 of et a lands of considerable value in the county of 7 (ork. 11 : 0 defendant pleaded the general issue to the dc via t° T ilt the action. The cause was tried at the Lent Assiz es i r York, 1825, where the Jury returned a special . werdiet: i . the defendant, which was afterwards argued in fa s ` e , Term, 1826, before the Court of King's Bench,, v rherete, judgment was given in favour of the defet Idant- The gee A tion arising out of the pleadings and the .special credit an; judgment thereon is, whether a marriage which took p i gs , in Scotland subsequent to the birth of a - • c h ild there' A tween the father and mother (Alexander Biro ,vhistle aaln" Mary Purdie, parents of the plaintiff in err or), both be! domiciled in Scotland before such marriage, ha s the effec,: of legitimizing that child so as to qualif f him to ilib, el , / e lands in England holden by the tenure of fe e-simple ? of Court of King's Bench was unanimously of opinion tr o such subsequent marriage did not legitima le such chil° 5 as to enable him to inherit such lands in : Englan d, wbers upon-the plaintiff brought his writ in error to the House". Lords, and the case was argued when Lion I L yn dhurst sv of tied Chancellor, in 1829, before the Lear ed Judges, th decision being in favour of the pre vivus. decision of tie Court of Kin's Bench. Lord BROUGHAM to-day entered at t 'eat length into ti v ' e points raised in the case. It was no 4 adn aitted that established rule as to succession acknovs •led Ted by the 015 i lish Courts decided the present questi 'on. The right °r, succession given by the law of England, ; mei limited to P e ll SODS born ex justis nuptiis was only c( nisequential'ol)°:, that status, which regulated many oth( a. rights bathitb England and other countries, having n u connection g o d the real estate. It had been further urged that th e g e9un se upon which a marriage constituted in S c otland, aciOij ledged as giving right of legitimacy and in% eritance, be kept in view, and very properly. Mart iage was a ; ° l) , / tract, and the constitution of the contract w as recrulate° the law of the place where it was entered ii Ito. 'The }l, riage of the parents in Scotland was a c lmit Lted to 0 ° , 4 1, gitimacy though contrary to the law of England; re, therefore, the status of the children must hle determine ° cordingly. By the law of Scotland conset ‘V made the b e t riage. The ceremonies did not constitute', ire marriage, 0 , were merely evidence of the consent by w rhich it wa s be stituted, and might be proved. Upon th is principl e pre law, which admitted the legitimacy of chili lren born l e ; O n the celebration of marriage, held, that, by the procrealtr of the child, and the subsequent celebratic val of the 01 , i e l, riage taken together, there was evidence juris tie jure, vif.er could not be contradicted, that at the time of the pro t t; tion there was a mutual consent to marriage , whereulty was then constituted. His Lordship then reps (erred d statute of Merton (20 Hen. VII. cap.. 9), w. 10 1 d lose' what constituted a bastard in English law ; -aird at the to of his observations said he was in considerabl doub t .„ B- 6 0 the accuracy of the judgment given below, are dhe :0 recommend their Lordships to have a rehearin g of the for the question involved was one of deep imp( stance.: Lord LYNDHURST agreed in thinking that the ca le ks ot of great consequence, involving as it did son to inW°gcot. legal points connected with the law of marri 'age itd land, and the consequences incidental to the law as reg li ro el the inheritance of property. His Noble an d ;pi Friend was perfectly right in calling upon their for a rehearing of the case. I Lord DENMAN acquiesced, and the case was a et' ercil ordered to stand over till next session. . , DESPERATE ATTEMPTED SUICIDE . - s FEMALE.—Between six and seven o'clock on Mondayr. 4llll ; Mr. Henry Ellborough, a gentleman residing at 4Sj i tlO James's-street, was riding on horseback by the sic lc ° p e Serpentine river, near the bridge, when he observed a fl !„esil tably-dressed young female, apparently not more than . 16 of age, sitting on one of the seats by the water-side, ct terly, and wringing h er h an d s . M r . ,Ellborough, susr f , 0 1 0 that the wretched girl intended to drown herself, alighte l i o , ls his horse, and, after watching for some tame unobserve'.' re ss. induced to go up to her and inquire the cat:se of her di St 01 She at first refused to return any answer to the questica 15 0 0 to her, but was at length prevailed on to stAte that her be t was Sarah Flaxman, and that she had that ',taming 16 40' situation as housemaid in the family of Mr. 'Watson, r' a via Duke -street, Manchester-square, in consequen, te of her l F ro' been courted by a serjeant in the Foot Guards, who ha 5 00 mised to marry her that morning, but who in the. interitueoer. their last meeting she had discovered was marri( 'd to O n be c Mr. Ellborough earnestly persuaded her to vi turn t n siol' friends, to which she seemingly consented, and Mr.. Eli bu t lv e f was walking by her side, leading his horse, inter nling o , l e ° her away from the water, when on reaching opposi'te the notices put up by the Royal Humane Society, cau'i,ier persons bathing to beware of the great depth of tl r- s telii that part, the young woman read it, and then sudde o :Yhorse,' ping on one side rushed to the bank, and precipatt ro tig .. s head foremost in. She immediately sunk. Mr.. E1i 11° ,..05 1 w:„ at the greatest peril of his life, as he could not: swin into the water with his clothes on after her, and succe , e , er e rgo t ' catching hold of a portion of her dress, and dra wing ."1 3 ,0 0 , She was directly carried to the Society's rec eivinriroe where, by the prompt and efficient application crf the t o iie il remedies, she was eventually recovered, and aftuicar cis into the care of her friends. 111 $ MR. QUIN'S " STEAM VOYAGE D0W 14 „059,. 11 : DANUBE."—" The Danube is one of the most 'Ple t o o - vivers in Europe. It is bolder and more diversified t ino, Rhine, and has quite a treasury of legends, and 1:° 11j- t W e. structible scenery, which well assorts with the wil l e ei of the Teutonic races. It is yet but little known to t ile ,iter s ; ral reader : its rafts and its rocks, and its surgialit . sometimes leaping like a cataract, and sometinte o „;,,iLl" into a murmuring stream in the shadow of the aoil l " banks ; its stories of German terror, and Germa the mixed races that rise on its varied course, its 11 . 11 ,6 of plunder and aggrandizement, of pirates, and pill rtaili s ° pleasanter book than Mr. Quin's we have not met vi)OLsbie . the season, and we may add that it is exceedingly I'S' —Atlas. (ADVERTISEMENT.) POWERFUL MUSICAL BOXES, igi to Al t p * r cases, 12 inches long, by 5 inches wide, each playing ric e re 4 4o with the music finished in a very superior manner, are °:,,itb7,,g Five Guineas each. Also a few of the same description , Wori c ' Airs, price Seven Guineas each, at T. Cox SAvolr'sp o o lo !4 Silversmith, Goldsmith, and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill, e 011, N. B. The small musical boxes, 3i inches long, contin i t ttv in tin cases, price 19s. each, or in composition shell eases.' .. d each. BIRTHS. , d si_ ,y On the 29th ult., at Dowlair, Lady Charlotte Guest, o f On the 30th ult., at Holyrood Palace, the Lady Sar i " ' ti. bell, of a son. 0 /. On the 29th ult., at Shapwick, Somersetshire, the lad,' ° _lf Strangways, Esq., of a son. Ar the' eV On the Ist inst., at the vicarage, Harringworth, ~ o r,_ ght te , shire, the lady of the Rev. John Benward Travers, of a c''', Astg a On the 2d inst., the lady of G. H. Hoffman, Esq., ° I ' ire° of a son. AP • On the 2d inst., at Leamington, the lady of Bigg s Esq., of a daughter. fin, .„,hl4' On the 3d inst., Mrs. C. Rogers, Dorset-square, of a i ettio' On the 3d inst., at Peckham, Mrs. Charles William " Ss 9 of a son. iie' ' On the 3d inst., at Balham, the lady of George Barr° ef tPi of a son. ife On the 241 inst., in Albion-street, Hyde-park, the 0 _,.., Rev. Matthew Kinsey, of a son. -----. Fre' MARRIED. job" tit er On the 3d inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, oug derick Isaacson, of Norfolk-street, Esq., to Emma, eld es 4 0. of Thomas Pritchard. of High-row, Knightsbridge, E,sq . ,,tain — ,, t er On the 3d inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, '-' a t r mug - Mason, 4th King's Own Regiment, to Emily, young°. F(l.' of Rear-Admiral Stuart. est °. On the 3d inst. at 111arylebone Church, Theodore 10 5 (1 ! t he M.D., to Elizabeth Eleanor, daughter of Arthur Seg uin 'sbir e ' 0 1 On the 2d inst., at Westbury-upon-Trym, Gloucestlaughter Rev. John Burder, M.A. of Stroud, to Sarah, eldest ' or the late Andrew Pope, Esq., of Cotham, near Bristol. v . of ' or On the Ist inst., at Hillingdon, Mr. Thomas Man La r - 'll. oe bridge, to Miss Elizabeth Metcalfe, of Trench Ball, ne a • eve ~ , worth Castle, Durham. N• --- n ,0' vv. On the 3d inst., at St. Bride's, Fleet-street, Mr. "fr. C. • of Shoe-lane, to Miss Hansard, daughter of the la te sard, of Chatham-place. 060' DIE. e . On the Ist inst., in Park-crescent, D Portland-place' cieln act' Countess of Airlie. f proir On the 30th ult., Ann,. wife of Mr. Henry Hewi tt ' ° itl.' place, Southwark in her 62d iy,,er, On the Ist inst. ~ Matilda Elizabeth, only child of John e of of Walthamstow. isa the wif On the 3d inst., at Perry-hill, Sydenhim, L 0 ' 1 " - ' MO q ' Mr. George Tinson, of M ee kl en b urg h- s uare. ar, ' On the 2d inst., at Leamington Spa i n her 76th YeTharneo;" relict of the late Rev. John Cund a ll, o iKingston -u P °°- o f Se On the 2d inst., in his 80th year, John Nesham, E s q" h he' place, Brixton-road. or P.- d On the 214th ult., at Heslington West, near Mal t° T XL, ' at ,. e Miss Dolly Baldwin, eldest daughter of Dr. Baldwin, ill Preston, Lancashire, deceased. °fr'; .., N G , t ot, - _ ____ London : Printed and Published by MURDO Y 9,1, the c ° 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Straw , of Middlesex. eiai Ag red* to I ticu ate, will the ftu( reeei need ban]; of 11,, Bath Cllr bourr hi s SI small All Rill Th perso i twet ondi 14 . 0 7 the g hav e 1 of Ap Ott, Se TES CoA I W EE) P oze n! lio rne of 5 00 ger,, e xact mtys. 1 11 e c m: Oft L AN , Al lia At h u , 4141