The Sun. — London, England, 1835-01-03 00:00:00

secure the services of Colonel Seale, an excellent-hearted man, a kind landlord, and staunch Reformer of very many years' standing. The small borough of Ashburton will be the scene of a spirited and triumphant contest. The number of registered voters is 188. The candidates are Messrs. Lush ington (the brother of Dr. Lushington) and Horsley Palmer, the Bank Director, to whom the Duke of Wellington made such special revelations of reform on the assumption of the dictatorship. In Exeter we rather fall off—that is, for an un decided Liberal we get a decided Tory, so that the cause does not lose so much as would at first sight appear. Lord John Russell's reception in the Southern Division has 'been every where most triumphant, notwithstanding the oppo sition of Bishop Phillpotts. Our Right Rev. Diocesan can not have it all his own way in the county ; but of that anon. HELSTON.-This is still a close borough. There will he no opposition offered to the present member, Mr. Fox, the nominee of the Duke of Buckingham. ST. IvEs.—Mr. Halse, the sitting member, will not be opposed. LAUNCESTON.-Mr. Howell and Sir H. Hardinge are in the - field ; the former an uncompromising Reformer, the latter the avowed nominee of the Duke of Northumberland, and the pre sent representative. Sir Henry must either obtain a seat for sorne Government borough, or resign his present appointment. LISKEARD.—Here there have been three candidates—Mr. C. Buller, the present Member (well known in the metropolis and elsewhere as the firm and uncompromising friend of liberty), Mr. Stephens, and Mr. Kekewich, of Exeter, who h:ts considerable property in the neighbourhood. The two late;• are Conservatives. Mr. Boiler's return is placed beyond doubt. PESRYN AND FAEMOUTII.—The candidates are Mr. Rolfe and Lord Tullamore (the present Members) and Mr. Fresh field, an infatuated Tory. The former two are liberal, and their election is secure. TRURO.—M. Tooke and Sir Hussey Vivian, the present members, and Mr. Ennis Vivian, are the candidates. Mr. Tooke will be placed at the head of the poll. The contest will be between the two latter gentlemen. DUBLIN. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) If what everybody says be true, Parliament is at this moment dissolved ; and the existence of a Tory Government is mea sured, by the interval between Sir Robert Peel's acceptance of the Premiership, and the return of the second Reformed Parliament. It is not possible, in the present situation of affairs, and condition of the country, that a party, which has so long and so obstinately opposed the " spirit of the age," can still continue to usurp the functions of the executive under a reforming monarch. The wonder is that the love of place, or some other instinct, did not suggest a much more feasible means of holding office longer—that is, by suffering a defeat in the House of Commons in the first instance, and then try ing another. This would certainly prolong the time of Tory influence for at least six weeks ; during which pericd, a few snore letters and speeches from the Premier, might have the 'effect of making many believe that statesmen may be guided by the " signs of the times," without any loss of character ! But they have taken a more open and decisive step ; and, by doing so, proclaimed to the country that they do not under stand by " public opinion," and the " spirit of the age," those great principles of human action which have been developing themselves, within the last four years, so unequivocally throughout the United Kingdom. This is a practical avowal of their policy, for which the people should be thankful ; be cause the mask is laid aside, and there can be no " mistake" as to the intentions and future conduct of our would-be rulers. Perhaps the Premier, being really aware of the crisis ap proaching, and of the predicament in which he must be placed with his present colleagues, has contrived these means of bring ing matters at once to an issue, in order to prove to his Sove reign, and the nation at large, that Government cannot be carried on, except by men whose conduct through life is a guarantee for the measures of reform which they intend to carry, and which the people may expect. His own opinious, as recently expressed, ought to secure him a place in what. ever Cabinet may be next formed. But there are few other Tories fit to share in the administration of affairs, according to the tone and temper of the times, and the reasonable de mands of the people. Events are, however, hurrying for 'ward towards that crisis, which can only be converted to ad vantage by a coalition of honest and clear-headed men, deter mined on the reform of all abuses. Ireland is prepared, and will do her duty. Very few anti- Reformers have yet ventured to address the constituency of this country. While, on the other hand, the anti-Tories, or Reformers, are every where on the alert, prepared to show that " men and measures" are equally requisite for insuring the happiness and tranquillity of this part of the United King dom. Mr. Wallace has been called upon to stand again for the county of Carlow, and no doubt can be entertained of his return. He is a sound constitutional Reformer, Avell acquainted with the condition and resources of the country, and sincere in his wish and exertions to effect those changes necessary for her improvement. It is gratifying to find such a man called upon, by a grateful constituency, and responding to its call, because his country requires his aid at this moment. In the county of Wexford, too, and most other parts of the South of Ireland, the return of Liberal representatives is already placed beyond a doubt. In the mean time, the Tories arc not idle in the North; and whatever can be effected by money and unanimity, will be tried by the Orange and Ascendancy men in that quarter. But their impotent efforts will only pro claim the triumph of the good cause, and the downfall of corruption. PRICES OF :-.1.'0( 7 K:i Bank Stuck 3 per Cent. Red. 3 per Cent. Cons . shut 3!..i nor Cent 9S% Dittl RCA • 99Y/i% New :1 , per Crnt. Assented - 4 per (' ent. i (-,), rented , ~ i- Pank Long A nnuitieitoexpire Jan. 3, !R' l7 1; !!it. 10, Jan. 5, Jan. 5, Into April 5, 18,sci .131. 5, 1970 THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLUCK. Peruvian Bonds o Account Portuguese Bonds Ditto Account Ditto New Bonds Ditto Account 8614 74, 4,14% , 4 Prussian Bonds _ Ditto Ponds, 1 ,4 3 3 Russian Bonds, Ditto Account Ditto lfetalilc Stprinish Ron& 54 Ditto Account .7.)41i 4 Ditto Bonds, Ditto Account French, 5 per cent..... —f. —c. per cent. —f 5 r , er cent , Exchange —f. —c. Dutch, tn; iv: cent. Ditto Account Ditto, 5 oer cent 5 . , 9 3i, Ditto Account DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share 11 at V. pm.) ::2 . , ;4 •cd Si,. I, l s. (3.1. NGE, YESTERDAY. Leghorn Genoa 25 t'n - Milan... . Venice 47 \7aples Palermo per oz. 121 1 , Li,bon `l3 Oporto Rio Janeiro Bahia Buenos Ayres Dublin, '2l days' sight Cork PRICE. OF BULLION ' PER OZ. Portugal ( Id, coin £0 0 7 ore gn Gold, in 1iar5...... 3 17 9 New I)6ublootis New DoPars 0 4 19 Silvers Ears, standard 0 4_ll X TITHE AFFRAY AT RATHCORMAC. The Cork Reporter, in reply to some observations of the Cork Constitution, justifying the conduct of those by whom the deaths were caused at Rathcormac, publishes the following OPINION OF MR. O'CONNELL. " The case is of the utmost importance as relates to the question of the legal nature of the homicide perpetrated at Gurtroe. " The statement is made in so candid (as it appears to me) a form, that I give the opinion in the confidence of its not be ing exaggerated against the magistrates or the armed force. " I am, upon their statement, distinctly of opinion that the homicide did, in point of law, amount to murder, and that if the facts of the statement should, upon a trial of the parties charged, be proved, it will be the duty of the judge to state, that those facts constitute a case of wilful murder. " My reasons are these—the small road-way leading to the Widow Ryan's house, called in the statement a bohreen, ap pears to be a private way, abutting at her house, and leading, I presume, as its other abuttal, to and on some public high way. She would, therefore, have a right to keep a gate or fence across that highway, and no person coming to distrain could have any right to force open or to remove any gate or fence she put on it. The act, therefore, of forcing the gate or fence, whatever it was, in that private way, in order to get at corn or other property, to distrain, was a trespass ; the Magistrates who ordered such forcing, and the armed force which engaged therein, were trespassers ; and, on the other hand, it was quite lawful for the Widow Ryan, with her ser vants and assistants, to resist that trespass ; so, on the other hand, these trespassers having resisted some of those who re sisted their trespass, are, in point of law, upon these facts, guilty, in my distinct opinion, of murder, and punishable as such. " The next reason is this--her HAGGARD, according to this statement, was enclosed —now, no enclosure can either be brohen.open or thrown down ; neither can any door be forced open for the purpose of making a distress. The armed force, therefore, appears on this statement to be guilty of a double trespass—first, in forcing the gate or fence of the private way, in order to break into the enclosed HAGGARD ; and, secondly, in breaking into, or attempting to break into that enclosure to distrain. They are thus doubly trespassers ; and, of course, the Widow Ryan, and her servants and assistants, had a right to resist them. The trespassers having in that struggle killed several, it follows, in my opinion, beyond any doubt, upon this statement, that such killing amounted, in point of law, to murder. " This opinion in part depends on the fact that the bohreen was a private way, not repaired by presentment, and leading to the house of the Widow Ryan, for her purposes, and those of other persons having houses near her's. If the fact be so, the legal consequences necessarily follow that the killing was murder. If, however, the fact be, that the bohreen was a public highway for all the King's subjects, still it would only take one reason for considering the killing murder out of the case ; but it would leave in full force the other, and in itself a decisive, reason for calling the killing murder—namely, that the haggard was an inclosure, and that the distrainers attempted and intended to break in, and that it was in order to commit, or in committing, such trespass that the killing took place. " If, therefore, the defence be such as is stated, the case is clear, and a frightful murder, in point of law and of fact, has been committed. " The reading of the Riot Act in such a case cannot make any difference. Magistrates intent upon committing a trespass, cannot avail themselves of the Riot Act in aid of their own trespass, or to punish the legal resistance to such trespass; and certainly no quantity of resistance can, in such a case as this, be deemed excessive, when a large force were in aid of the trespassers, armed with the most deadly weapons, and the persons resisting such trespass were only armed with sticks arid wattles. " For references the agents will look to the law as fully sta ted in note (H) to Thomas' edit. of Coke. Litt., at page 260 of the 3d vol. ; and also see page 10 of the same vol., quoting from Coke. Litt. 161, a., where you fill find—" that the land lord cannot break open gates, or break down enclosures, to make a distress—but if he do, the law goes the length of deem ing it an actual disseisin." The law is therefore quite clear, and the defence, as stated, namely, being resisted in forcing the private way, or resisted in forcing the inclosed haggard, is not available, and, in point of law a horrid scene of murder has been committed. DANIEL O'CONNELL. " Merrion-square, Dec. 27, 1834." LATE SANGUINARY TITHE AFFRAY AT RATH CORMAc.—On Monday (the seventh day of this inquest) no additional evidence of importance was brought forward. The inquest was still further adjourned. ORIENTAL MEMOIRS.—WC are requested to state that this work, from the pen of James Forbes, Esq., the pub lication of which, from unavoidable circumstances, has been so long delayed, will appear on Thursday next. It comprises a narrative of seventeen years' residence in India, and is edited by the author's daughter, the Countess de Montalembert. * A quarto volume of illustrations, consisting of Seventy one Views and Subjects of Natural History (many of them beautifully coloured), may likewise be baci of the publisher, Mr. Bentley, New Burlington-street. PRIC ES OF FOREIGN FUNDS Austrian 11,nds BoliN Ditto Arcinuli Brazilian ronds 1):tto Account flictios A3rcs Tl•ituts Ditto Arcfmtzt Chi Plan Bondi Ditto Aer,oot olumhian .Ittto Accnunt ColuintnAn 11-nda, 1821 — than Account Danish Ponds Ditto Act ,-, unt, Greck Rands Dcto Bonn!tk. lg 2", Dmo Account Mrxican Itnnt-1,, 5 per cent Dino Acronnt ti ncr cent. I;itt , Account.... ,ontat, -.12 114 PNUL3 01 7 :SHARES TIE Tron,rial n;•ning Co. (i+su, Ditto St. John del Rev Real del Mont , Mining Co., Registers Ditto Unregistered Unitnd l'exican (Wiled at 2?. pm.) , Union Gold Provincial }link of Ireland COURSE EXCH Amsterdam r F l2 11 Ditto, at sight 14otler/lam O U l2 (3 Antwerp l2 5 Hamburg ALB 13 11 Altona l3 11 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 50 Ditto 2 Us. Ti Si) Bordeaux Berlin Frankfort on Maine, Ex. M 151 , ii Petcrsburgh ruNe ...... loi 3 Vienna, effective ft...... '2 M. 10 0 Trie,t • ditto lO 1 Madrid Cadiz 37)4 Billioa Barcelona Seville `Pi/ Gibraltar DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. New. per Cent India Stock shut Ditto South Sea Stock Old Annuities New Ditql 3 per Cent. Annuities, 115 t.., Exch. Bills, .£ ',MO 40 39 40 pm. Ditto 500 40 39 40 pm r)ittri Small 39 41 pm. Ditto, Commercial - pm Dittn A drertim-I Bank Stock for Account India Stock for Accouu' Consols for Opening 4 PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, DEC. :11. 3 per Cent. Consols Ditto Reduced 1 0 34 Ditto, 4 per rent. 6 !,i, 3ls pc; Cfmt. Stock ( 8 ,;, H bernian Dank Dit:o New, 1630 314 per Cent. Debentures 9! h 4o National Insurance Company t2t , qa Bank Stock 2 2614 City Debentures, 4 per cent... SO', _ . . _ . Royal Canal St!:ck Gram' Canal Stock pt!• cent. 91 Al A 1 LS. Arrived. Doe. Arrived. Due Arrived. Due L% America 0 1 France n I Lisbon 0 0 Vrazi: I Buenos Ayres... 0 0 Hamburg I 0 Mexico I 0 Carringeiia O, 0 Hoiland I )übiin 0 ; 0 Jamaica 0 0 Sweden I 0 Eauclerc HIGH V ATE:t AT LONDON BRIDGE T(►_MORROW. lerninr• 10 minutes after 5. I Evening 54 minutes after 5 HAMBURG, Nov. 26, 1834. ITEINE BROTHERS, Contractors for tie GREAT LOTTERY, published and drawn by authority and under guarantee of the Hamburg Government, beg to inform the public, that the 65th Lottery of 10,000 Tickets will be drawn on the 18th of March next ; and Tickets are now selling at 108 marks banco, or 8/. The prizes are lof 100,000, lof 50,000, lof 30,000, 1 of 20,000, 1 of 10,000, 2 of 5,000, 4 of 3,000, 7 of 2,000, 20 cf 1,000, 40 of 500, and 1,500 of 103 marks, which 1,578 money prizes are altogether stated in marks banco, and payable without any deduction whatever; 4,000 tickets being delivered gratis to the holders of the 2,000 first-drawn tickets, as per scheme, those purchasing one ticket, at the trifling cost of 81., may obtain three prizes, and thus, if fortune proves favourable, gain 180,000 marks banco, at the present exchange, equal to 13,0001. sterling. Owing to the gratis-tickets, the number of tickets on sale is a very limited one, so that, of course, they will be cleared off very rapidly, and a rise in price occur very soon. Those desirous to purchase at the present first price of 81., are requested to direct, by one of the first mails, but only for whole tickets, to the above-named Con tractors, Heine Brothers, in Hamburg. Those remitting a 101. note <iil receive an order for the balance of 21., together with the ticket, by return of mail ; on the other hand, those preferring to pay Heine Brothers' draft for the cost, are recommended to pay such draft immediately when presented. A full scheme, and every desirable information, being always sent with the tickets, those giving orders will only have to write a line, ordering the ticket or tickets, adding the meney, or an order for the same, or stating the mode of payment that may be more convenient to the orderer, and giving their full and plain directions, to secure the safe receipt of the communications. Those honouring Heine Brothers by pur chasing, may depend on the strictest secrecy, as to their taking a ehahce or getting a prize ; such being the undeviating rule of the old-established and most lucky Office. TORY MISRULE! THIRD EDITION, now ready, price 3s. 6d., with the " Crisis,' and complete characteristic List of the Anti-reform Ministry, an it . PPENDIX TO ,4 THE BLACK BOOK," Comprising, 1. Principles and Practices of the Reform "Ministry-2. Relative Importance of the Agricultural and Commer eial Classes-3. The Church and the Dissenters-4. Working of the Excise Laws-5. Poor Laws Amendment Act, and Lord Brougham's Speech-6. Catastrophe of the House of Lords-7. Character and Composition of the Reform Parliament-8. Dissolu tion and Character of th• Reform Ministry-9. The Duke and the Tories-10. General Election-11. Tables of Ecclesiastical and Election Statistics, with Corrections of former Editions of the Black Book. _ _ _ " A manual which ought to be in the hands of every reformer at thi s crisis."—Morning Chronicle. Also, in one large volume, with Portraits of the Reform Ministry, price 18s., or with the Appendix, bound in black cloth, 215., THE BLACK BOOK Of Abuses in Church, State, Courts of Law, Corporations, and Public Companies.—No Parliamentary Candidate or Elector ought to be without this important volume at the existing crisis ; it being a complete picture of the system of Tory misrule and corruption, which it is now sought to perpetuate. Published by Effingham Wilson, SS, Royal Exchange. Now ready, Vol. 1., price ss. bound, (to be completed in 2 vols. )of MR. BULWER'S PELHAM; Or the ADVENTURES of a GENTLEMAN. Being the commencement of the new revised, illustrated, Edi tion of COLBURN'S MODERN NOVELISTS, Publishing 'Monthly, uniform in size and price with th• Waverley Novels. Published for H. Colburn by R. Bentley. Sold by all Booksellers. AMERICAN LITERATURE. TH E A T H E N IE U M of THIS DAY, a DOUBLE NUMBER, contains the FIRST of the promised Series, which will be continued in DOUBLE NUMBERS, WITHOUT EXTRA COST, at in tervals of about a fortnight, until complete. THE ATHENIEUM, Price FOURPENCE, is Published every Saturday. BERKSHIRE ELECTION. THE Freeholders of BERKSHIRE, resident in LONDON and neighbourhood, in the interest of CAP TAIN DUNDAS, are respectfully requested to communicate with his Committee, who will sit daily at the Golden-cress, Charing-cross. THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE. THIS EVENING will be performed A NEW WAY TO PAY OLD DEBTS. Lord Lovel, Mr. Mathews; Sir Giles Overreach, Mr. Vandcnhoff; Wellborn, Mr. Cooper; Allworth, Mr. Brindal ; Justice Greedy, Mr. Blanchard ; Moral!, Mr. W. Farren. Lady Allworth, Mrs. Faucit ; Margaret, Miss Murray; Tabitha, Miss Somerville; Froth, Mrs. Broad i Abigail, Mrs. East. After which the New Grand Chivalric Entertainment, called KING ARTHUR and the KNIGHTS of the ROUND TABLE. In which Mr. Ducrow's magnificent Stud of Horses will be introduced. Arthur, Mr. Diddear ; sir Roland, Mr. T. P. Cooke; John Galadin, Mr. Harley; Gybe Dagonet, Mr. Webster ; Gabriel, Mr. Bedford. Gynoth, Miss Clifton; Morgana La Faye, Mrs. Vining; Dorothy Stump. Mrs. Humby. THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN. THIS EVENING will be performed GUSTAVUS THE THIRD ; OR, THE MASKED BALL. Gustavus the Third, Mr. Warde ; Colonel Lillienhorn, Mr. Temple ton; Captain Ankarstrom, Mr. Seguin; Oscar, Miss Shirreff; Chris tian Engleheart, Mr. Bedford. Madame Ankarstrom, Miss Betts ; Arvedson, Mrs. Fitzwilliam. Ti conclude with the New Grand Comic Pantomime, called HARLEQUIN AND QUEEN MAR; OR, THE THREE GLASS DISTAFFS. Harlequin, Mr. Ellar ; Pantaloon, Mr. F. Sutton ; Clown, Mr. I'. Matthews; Whirligig, Mr. W. H. Payne.. Columbine, Miss C. Reekie. tfk -7 .: A rr t 4 Ca" • s --krwe TIFTE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 3, 1835 Zbt .inl,,, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 3, 1835. In a few days, we confidently expect that we shall be able to congratulate the country on the return of four Reform Members for the Metropolis. By the word Reform, we do not imply mere lukewarm sup porters of that great principle, but sterling, conscien tious advocates of it, who will go to the extreme limits of the Constitution, but not an inch beyond. This will be an auspicious commencement for the people. But they must not relax their vigilance in con sequence. They must fight to the last (till the last enemy has quitted the field,) with the same zeal as if he were in full possession of it. The Duke of WEL LINGTON triumphed over the French at Waterloo, by placing a proud and generous reliance on the energy of British soldiers. We will conquer the Tories at St. Stephen's, by placing the same reli ante on the energy of British Reformers. Elec tors of the United Kingdom, the Metropolis will strike the first blow—be it your's to follow it up Remember, your enemies have all the hazardous con : rage that despair gives, to back them ; and despair has won a battle, against overwhelming odds, before now. Despair won the day at Agincourt, and is never to be regarded otherwise than with deference. The Tories are still powerful, and are only to be de feated by incessant, and, above all, by combined national displays of energy. What do they fight for ? Not for any prospective advan tages. Not for any hope of keeping up their old monopoly of Church and State. No, no. They fight for their very existence as a faction : happy, too happy, if they be not utterly overwhelmed and annihi lated ! Be firm then, Countrymen. Be stern, but tem perate in your bearing, and unanimous in your energies, and the day is yours. The influence you will acquire by such conduct, will not be confined to this kingdom alone. It will embrace, more or less, all the nations of Europe. At this very moment, when we are now addressing you, the destinies of Europe hang trembling on your nod The charge of wavering and vacillation was one of those imputations most frequently brought against the late Ministers by their opponents, both in and out of Parliament ; and among the innumerable virtues ascribed to their successors, by the zealous and disin terested worshippers at the shrine of Toryism, decision and consistency stood first and foremost in the splen did catalogue. These demigods, the public were in formed, would hold on their steady course, guided by a wisdom which they .exclusively possessed, and equally regardless of the applause and the censure of the lower world. All their acts were to undergo the most matur‘ deliberation, and then to be impressed with the stamp of perpetuity I How lamentable it is to think that so delightful an anticipation should have already va nished into thin all—that wavering and vacillation should have already marked the councils of the celestial conclave. Yet, alas !so it happens. The first, or almost the first, act of the new Cabinet was to appoint Lord RODEN Steward of the Household, in order to show the Court's marked approbation of Irish Orange ism, of which his Lordship had shown himself the most furious among furious partizans. This ap pointment has been cancelled I Lord LONDON DERRY, a man notorious for his mental incapacity, and, if possible, more notorious for his devotion to the cause of foreign despotism, was appointed Ambassador to the Court of St. Petershurgh. This appointment also has been revoked I To what are these sud den changes to be attributed ? Some say that a great personage has taken al arm at the effect produced on the feelings of the nation, by the employment of such men, by a Cabinet of such a character, and has suggested the propriety of a more moderate course until the elections are over. From what quarter the suggestion came we do not pretend to know; but there can be little doubt that these scene-shiftings--these pretended concessions to liberal feeling—are intended to influence the elections. The Ministers are well persuaded, that, do what they may, or promise what they will, at present, they - can safely rely upon the support of every Tory ; and, therefore, they do not scruple to insinuate, by means of such manoeuvres, and by circulating through the dependent portion of the press, unfounded rumours of their intention to reform the abominations of the Irish Church, that they are inclined towards a liberal policy. They are terrified at the appearance of the country, and well they may—for it tells them, in no equivocal language, that their days are num bered—that their little sand is nearly run out—and they would do any thing for a respite ; but it is all in vain—the irrevocable mandate which seals their doom has gone forth., It is reported that IVIr. WILSON has already re signed for the City. We regret to learn from several private communica tions, which we have received this morning, that a considerable number of the Electors of Blackburn, are resorting to the most disgraceful and degrading acts of meanness and corruption for the purpose of ousting Dr. BOWRING at the ensuing election. Appeals, we are assured, are being made, not to the judgment, but to the pecuniary wants, embarrassments, and avarice of the electors ; and threats and promises are held out according as it is expected they will operate most effec tually in defeating the liberal candidates. This has al ready been so notoriously apparent that the non-electors have felt themselves called upon to assemble, and publicly protest against such practices. Greatly to their credit, this body held a public meeting at the Union Tavern, Blackburn, on Wednesday, the 24th of December, when the following resolutions were agreed to : " I. That this Meeting views with disgust and abhorrence the proceedings that are carrying on by the Committees of two of the Candidates, who are offering themselves to represent the Borough of Blackburn in the Commons House of Parlia ment, and that such scenes of Drunkenness and Immorality ought to be detested by every one who values the peace and morality of the town. " 2. That we the non-electors, cannot witness such attempts t o demoralise that part of the community who possess the franchize, without entering our most solemn and decided pro test against such base and degrading conduct, especially when we know that men professing to have some regard for good Government, and the Christian Religion, are the foremost in such demoralization." These resolutions, which reflect the highest honour upon the working classes of Blackburn, and ought to be inscribed on marble for an example, to their brethren in every part of the United Kingdom, were followed by others expressive of the determination of the meeting, to do all in its power to secure the return of Dr. BOWRING to Parliament. "We have a MORAL POWER," resolve the brave, honest fellows who composed this meeting, " which, if called into action, and wisely directed, will be more potent than the de grading beer barrel, and the landlord's threat." This is, indeed, the language of freemen, worthy to assist in framing the laws to which they must yield obedience. Talk of the Reform Bill being sufficiently extended ; and then listen to these noble sentiments from the mouths of the non-electors 'Why, these resolutions, brief as they are, prove more fully the imperfection of that great measure, than all the speeches over delivered on the same subject, by the Whig and Radical Members of both Houses of Parliament. 'We are however gratified to learn, that notwithstand ing the intrigues of the Conservatives of Blackburn, and the base acts above referred to, the return of Dr. BOWRING may be regarded as quite certain. The Doctor is a man of great abilities ; and his po litical opinions are so well known, as to render it unnecessary to make the slightest reference to them. He is one of the ablest, and most intellige n t advocates of free-trade known to us ; and his experi ence of the state of trade on the continent could not fail to render him an invaluable advocate of the popular cause in the House of Commons. We trust that on this great occasion, the honest and independent electors of Blackburn will do their duty fearlessly, and not suffer themselves to be made the dupes of beer-swillers and corruptionists. We cannot, and do not, believe that any very considerable portion of the inhabitants of such an intelligent town as Blackburn would allow them selves to be made the dupes and instruments of an intriguing dishonest faction. There can be but three motives which actuate those of the electors, who are not part and parcel of the Tory faction, in giving it a pusillanimous support : we will show them the error of their intentions. If it be the simple expression of disgust at the imbeci lity of the Whigs when in power, the old saw of out of the Irying•pan into the fire will indeed be very truly exemplified ; for little as the Whigs have done, infi nitely less will the Tories do, if they undo not all that has been already done. If it be alarm at the rash hopes of the extreme Radicals, nothing will more cer tainly facilitate their so much dreaded incursions upon the Constitution, from the exasperation, that must in evitably follow, of both Whigs and Radicals, and in deed of every grade of Reformeis, at seeing their common enemy in a triumphant ascendancy: agitation and com motion will be fomented, and the peace of this unhappy land jeopardized to appease the unslakeable lust for power of a Tory oligarchy. If it be a newly induced trust in their fitness for executing the desires of the people most discreetly and justly, then Chaos has indeed come again ; for more kindly would fire mix with water, than Reform principles with Tory hearts. All the talking, or writing, or reasoning in the world will nev r prove that the negro shall become white. Again and again we have shown the moral impossibility of Tories be coming Reformers ; the supposition can but be the invention of a distempered or a wicked mind ; by no process of reasoning, save that employed by madmen or idiots, can such a deduction be formed. The sup port of the Tories, then, under any of these motives, would be fraught with evil without securing any retri butive good. There is now, however, not much time left for thinking ; all the energies of all the Reformers must be evidenced in deeds, and invoked to honesty and reasonableness of action. The Tories are engaged in a last and desperate effort to regain the treasure they have lost—the plunder filched from the labour of the people. It is for this that the abuses in Church and State have been fostered into maturity, and are now sought to be perpetuated; it is for this they struggle. Think of our burthensome taxation,—of the misappli cation of the public purse,—of the restrictions upon our trade,—of the infringements upon our religious freedom,—of the poverty of the industrious classes contrasted with the unrighteous affluence of those aristocratic vampires who thrive upon their la bour,—of the intimidation practised upon the dependent,—of the abridgment of the elective franchise,—all monstrosities that owe their nativity to Tory conception, and their • maturity to Tory nursing ; is it likely that Tory hands will do the most exterminating slaughter ? Were there but one soli tary ground of objection to the return of Tories to executive power, and that objection DISTURBED IRE LAND, the state of that wretched country at this junc ture would be all-powerful. The Tories have ever mis-controlled it, and ever mis-controlled it will con tinue to be, whilst the Protestant Church Establish ment remains as it is there ; and will not this condition of things be maintained by the Tories, though they Rathcormacize the whole Island ? What, then, would be the consequence of their restoration to power ? im mediate and unrelenting coercion ; and, at the end of six months, Ireland in open rebellion I Is this, are these, not very sufficient reasons for op posing Tory domination ? Reformers of England ! we beseech, we implore you, to act with energy and decision. The Tories must be thoroughly and em phatically defeated ; else, terrible upon you, and ruin ous to the Empire, will be the effects of their triumph. Unanimity is all that will be required ; suppress all minor differences of opinion, all asperities of jealousy, all personal rivalries, and act hand and heart together. Let one word animate you, and be that word CONCORD! The Paris Papers of Wednesday and Thursday have been received. The debate on the required grant for the erection of the New Court of Justice for the trial of the political State prisoners had not terminated, and was adjourned over to Friday (yesterday), when it was confidently asserted, that the motion would be carried by a large majority. On Wednesday, M. THIERS addressed the Chamber in reply to the oppo sition, and his speech is described in all the journals as one of the best which has been delivered since the commencement of the Session. The purport of his speech was to show the opposition, that they could not compromise their principles by voting for the grant required ; protesting, at the same time, that he himself differed from them only in name, with re spect to most of the measures under discussion. It will be remembered, that at the opening of the Session, M. THIERS described the Cabinet as a Government of resistance : in the present address to the Chamber, he laboured hard to do away with such an impression. He lauded the Revolution of July, and pledged him self never to desert the principles on which it was based, the subversion of which had rendered it impe rative on the nation. Several other members of the Chamber addressed it at great length, both for and against the measure. M. BERRYER, whose speech had called up M. THIERS, opposed the grant, and declared himself an advocate for a general amnesty in order to prevent the Government being dis graced by recriminations and exposures, which it would be wise in the Chamber to prevent ; and M. HENNE.. QUIN opened an able oration on the same side by re minding the Chamber that political crimes were in ge neral the fault of the judges, and not of the accused. These speeches created a great sensation in Paris ; but the majority of the best informed on these matters, are persuaded that the grant will be carried, in consequence o f M. THIERS'S speech, which affords an admirable pretext for such members of the opposition as wish to join the government, voting against their party on this occasion, without having it said of them that they deserted their principles, or forgot their professions. During the sitting on Tuesday, M. HUM ANN, Mi nister of Finance, laid before the Chamber his Bud get for the year 1836. The net revenue is estimated at 39,800,000/. sterling, and the expenditure at 40,080,0001., leaving a deficit of 280,0001. This is a very considerable sum, and arises from a determina tion on the part of the Government to suppre-ss the lotteries, which, hitherto, produced a revenue of 400,0001. This deficit must be covered by a tax, but we have not learned whether the Minister proposed the adoption of any in the course of his address to the Chamber. The state of th French finances, as dis closed in the Budget of M. HUM ANN, has given the greatest satisfaction to the Government and the people. Stange as it may appear, the rumour which we gave currency to in The Sun of yesterday, respecting the arrival of General ALAVA in Paris, with letters from the QUEEN REGENT of Spain to Louis PHIL LIPPE, imploring the aid of French troops to quell the rebellion in the Basque provinces, has been confirmed by our arrivals this morning,: which are precisely the same as what has been published by a Morning Con temporary. The Citizen KING is reported to express un willingness to take any step in the affair without the concurrence of England ; and that in consequence of this intimation General ALAVA addressed letters to the Duke of WELLINGTON on the 25th ult., which were not answered on the 31st. No reason was as signed , for this extraordinary delay, which looked very like a disregard of the quadruple treaty. The Duke's silence was considered the more extraordi nary, as he is known to be most punctual in all mat ters of this kind. General ALAVA will remain in France till he has received the Duke's letter, after which he will proceed to London. The arrivals from Bayonne of the 27th of Decem ber, and the latest advices from Madrid, are equally destitute of any intelligence wcrth communicating. The Carlists are still in the vicinity of Elisondo, which they hold in a state of siege. On the 26th the besieged rushed out on the besiegers, and killed seven of them, after which gallant achievement they re turned in triumph to the town. The Carlists • were not dismayed by their loss, and during the night kept up an incessant fire on the fort. Great exaggeration prevails with respect to the reports of the victories gained in these skirmishes. In Madrid the Queen Re gent daily appears in public, visiting the theatres, hospitals, public schools, and doing all in her power to acquire popularity. She takes great interest in what evei concerns the poor, and has already made them donations almost beyond her means. Great prepara tions were being made for the Christmas festivities, and the Government had signified that on that day none of the public journals were to be published. Thursday being Christmas day, the Paris Bourse was not opened, and no monetary business transacted. We have just received a copy of a pamphlet en titled " Sir ROBERT PEEL'S Address Reviewed," in which the fallaey of this unique production is laid bare in a ,cutting, but temperate • style of argument. The writer well observes, 44 it is no less a WELLINGTON dispatch than an electioneering address ; LONDON DERRY is packing it up in his trunks bound to St. Petersburg, that by it he may explain the principles of his intended, enlightened diplomacy, with the CZAR of all the Russias. Ten to one that the Autocrat himself will next come out as a Reformer." A pamphlet has just appeared, well deserving of the attention of electors, and of all who can exercise any influence over the denouement of the present extraor dinary crisis; while, at the same time, it stands broadly distinguished from any Mere party production, and from works of temporary interest, by containing views and principles applicable to all time, seated and en forced with unusual energy and precision. The title of the pamphlet is, " On National Property, and on the Prospects of the Present Administration, and of their Successors."—" The subjects of our title-page," says the author, " may appear, at first sight, to be totally distinct. It will be found, however, that they are intimately, connected." In this he is not mistaken. The present Administration, as he powerfully argues, cannot stand, mainly because they will not, and cannot with honour, take such measures as the public voice imperhiusly demands, on the subject of the " National Property," namely, the endowments of the Church, the Municipal Corporations, and the Universities. Nor can Si: Robert Peel's " successors," whoever they may be, have the slightest chance of maintaining themselves in power, unless they are prepared to deal in the manlier this author inculcates, with that great subject. The pamphlet is evidently from the pen of a prac tised writer, and one well accustomed to the treatment of political questions. It would be well if we could hope to hear his topics discussed in the ensuing Session of Parliament, in the same tone of thought and in the same manly and popular style. The writer begins by one of the very best statements which we have seen, in a small number of pages, of the philosophical argument for the right of the State to control all endowments. This right, according to him, extends so far, as to empower the Legislature, when the lawful claims of existing incumbents shall have become extinct, to dispose of the property at its own absolute will ; guided of course by the same views of public expediency to which the whole of its conduct ought to be subservient, and under the further res triction of not divesting what was intended for all generations, to the temporary purposes of one. The cant of " spoliation" is disposed of in the fol lowing passage : " Some deny the right of the State to deal with the income of property held in mortmain, on the ground that, what they call the church, as distinct from the existing clergymen, is the owner of what they call church property; that the episcopal lands belong to the bench of bishops, not for the lives of the existing bishops, but for ever ; and that to declare that no bishop shall in future be appointed, and that the revenues of the Sees, as they become vacant shall be applied to the support of hospitals, would be an act of spoliation, even although it could be demonstrated that such an application would be more useful, not only at present, but permanently, than the present one. The answer to these reasoners is, that to every spoliation there must be two parties, the spoiler and the person despoiled. Now who, under these circumstances, would be the persons de spoiled? Our posterity? No ; for the argument assumes that they would be benefited. The existing Bishops ? No ; for they are untouched. The persons who now have the power to appoint bishops ? Their consent must of course be obtained. If the bishopric of Sodor and Mann had still belonged to the Athol family, their right to appoint a bishop could not have been suppressed without compensation. But, in the present case, the persons who have the right to appoint bishops are the government, and their consent is pre-supposed. The per sons who might hope to be made bishops ? They have no vested interest susceptible of valuation ; and, therefore, on the grounds already laid down, cannot be heard. They have no more right to protest against the suppression of bishoprics than subalterns have to oppose a reduction of the number of field officers. Bishoprics no more belong to the church, as an ima ginary entity, distinct from the existing churchmen, than pay and allowances belong to the army, as an equally imaginary entity, distinct from the existing soldiers. Others again contend that this property, having been origi nally given to ecclesiastical purposes, cannot be diverted from them without improperly violating the wills of those deceased persons who so dedicated it. In Scotland, where a right of perpetual entail is admitted, this argument might have some plausibility. In England and Ireland, where the law " abhors perpetuities," it is almost too absurd for refutation. Our an cestors have had their full swing of posthumous power. Their wills have been obeyed for centuries; in some cases, without doubt, most beneficially ; in others, more or less mischievously. And will any one, out of a sentimental regard to their memory, maintain that we have not now the right, or that, having that right, we are not now bound to inquire, how far this obedience is now beneficial, how far it is mischievous? or that we have not now the right, or that, having that right, it is not our duty to make such changes as may augment the benefit and remove the mischief? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ " If this argument were successful, the land would indeed belong not to the living, but to the dead. Every successive generation would find itself more and more confined by testa mentary enactments ; in many instances the result of vanity, caprice, or ignorance ; in others, framed to meet the wants of an obsolete state of society, but in all cases immutable as the laws of the Medes and Persians. One testator might direct his estates to lie fallow for 10,000 years ; another that they should be cropped alternately in thistles one century, and in nettles the next ; and a third might order, as indeed has been done, that the successive life-owners should for ever be chosen by lot." The right of Legislative interference with endow ments,. which existed in all cases whatever, our author considers it expedient, and therefore the bounden duty of the Legislature to exercise, in three instances. The first is, the reduction of the temporalities of the Irish Church, to the amount adequate to the wants of the Protestant population, devoting the surplus to the education, not of Protestants, but of the whole people: The second is the reform of Municipal Corporations, and the employment of the property now under the control of those bodies, for such purposes as after inquiry and mature deliberation shall be deemed most useful. The third is, the admission of Dissenters to the Universities. We do not think it requisite to extract any of the passages in which our author advocates these mea- sures. Of their propriety, as soon as the right is al bwed, every rational mind is already satisfied. We pass to his observations on the present Ministry. After stating the obvious grounds on which neither the reforms for which he has been contending, nor any other of these demanded by public opinion, can be ex pected from the Peel-acid-Wellington Cabinet, he urges the following cogent reasons why, even were they to become Reformers to the fullest extent which could be required, they ought, nevertheless, to be driven from office, and with disgrace : " But let us admit, merely for purposes of argument, that all this is mere trick,--that the address to the electors of Tam worth is a counterpart of the letter to Dr. Curtis,—and that in the course of the next two months, Sir Robert Peel will discover the justice, or at least the expediency, of carrying all that he now declares he cannot consent to. " It may seem that this is all which those who are not parti sans, those whose object is good government, without car.ipg from whom they receive it, can require ; ; and, therecofc, although such an attempt would deprive Sir Robert Peel of the aid of the Tories and of Lord Stanley's friends, it ought to give him that of ail the independent Members of the House. The obvious objection to this view, and it appears to us a deci sive objection, is, that it would countenance a degree of politi cal immo ality, which in no state of society it would be safe, and in our own it would be fatal, to sanction. It would sanc tion the opinion that, in political warfare, faith is not to be kept with the country, ith enemies, or even with friends ; that even among the leaders, on one side at least of the House, the debates are a solemn show, in wtich the actores fabuire wear the dresses and repeat the speeches which the nature of the plot, and the rules of the stage require ; but as soon as ft new piece begins, have nothing to do with the characters which they supported in the former one. It would proclaim, that a man making the strongest protestations of his sincerity, may oppose, as a sacred duty, measures which he knows to be not only expedient, but essential ; may drive, by his opposition, a part of the country to the brink of civil war; and, the instant he has succeeded in turning out, the proposers of those measures, may introduce them himself, and then receive, from the very persons whom he has forced out, support and power as his re ward. No nation could hope for public spirit, or even common honesty, from its servants, if it were thus to remunerate false hood and faction." Besides this, there is another reason, which hitherto has not been sufficiently insisted upon, and to ivhich we invite, in the strongest manner, the attention of al friends of good government, or of the ancient doctrines of the Constitution : " But even supposing none of these insurmountable objec tions to exist, and the new Ministry to be personally unexcep tionable, there are circumstances connected with their appoint ment which must deprive them of the support of those who wish to consult the permanent interests of the country. " It has for many years been admitted, that a Minister, though appointed by the Crown, and nominally subject to be dismissed mero •motu regis, without warning or explanation, really holds his office at the will, not of the Crown, but of the two Houses of Parliament. He might be disliked by the Court, he might be unpalatable to the King, it might be his duty, indeed, to take step§ which would necessarily produce one or both of these results ; but while he retained the confi dence of the Houses of Parliament, he was, 'according to the doctrine which prevailed until the 15th of last November, se cure. And the necessity of this principle is obvious. If a Minister held office at the caprice of the Court, the Court s not Parliament, would be the field on which the battles for power would be fought. The arts which succeed in Courts, and the measures which please Courts, would be the arts and the measures adopted. Despotic governments and constitu tional governments have each their peculiar merits and their peculiar inconveniences ; but this would be s. mode of uniting the faults of both : the slow and cumbersome machinery of the one, and the ignorance, prejudices, corruption, and vacillation of the other. Even in despotisms, where public opinion has acquired any force, deference to that opinion prevents any ca pricious change. ' C'est moi,' said Louis X V., qui nentute les ministres, mais c'est la nation qui les renvoie.' " Those whom this reasoning does not convince, may, per haps, yield to the authority of Mr. Burke. That acute ob server, after dwelling on the necessity that a Minister should be connected not only with the interests,but with the senti ments and opinions of the people, adds, in words which we might now adopt, ' These are considerations which, in ray opinion, enforce the necessity of having some better reason in a free country and a free Parliament for supporting the Minis ters of the Crown, than that short one, That the King has thought proper to appoint them.' There is something very courtly in this ; but it is a principle pregnant with all sorts of mischief, in a constitution like ours, to turn the views of active men from the country to the CoUrt. Whatever be the road to power, that is the road which will be trod. If the opinion of the country be of no use as a means of power or considera tion, the qualities which usually procure that opinion will b© no longer cultivated. And whether it be right in a State so popular in its constitution as ours, to leave ambition without popular motives, and to trust all to tic operation of pure virtue in the minds of Kings, and Ministers, and public men, must be submitted to the judgment and good sense of the people of England. When a Ministry rests upon public opinion, it is not indeed built upon a rock of adamant ;, it has, however, some stability ; but when it stands upon private humour, its structure is of stubble, and its foundation is on a quicksand. I repeat it again—he that supports every administration sub verts all government. The reason is this : the whole business; in which a Court usually takes an interest goes on at present equally well in whatever hands, whether high or low, wise or foolish, scandalous or reputable ; there is nothing, therefore, to hold it firm to any one body of men, or to any one consistent scheme of politics: Nothing interposes to prevent the full operation of all the caprices, and all the passions of a Court upon the servants of the public. The system of administra tion is open to continual shocks and changes upon the prin ciples of the meanest cabal, and the most contemptible in trigue. Nothing can be solid or permanent. All good men at length fly with horror from such a service. Men of rank and ability, with the spirit which ought to animate such men in a free State, while they decline the jurisdiction of dark cabal on their actions and their fortunes, will, for both, cheer fully put themselves upon their country. They will trust an in9uisitive and distinguishing Parliament, because it does in quire and does distinguish. If they act well, they know that in such a Parliament they will be supported against any in trigue ; if they act ill, they know that no intrigue car, protect them. This situation, however awful, is honourable. But in one hour, without any assigned or assignable cause, to be pre cipitated front the highest authority to the most marked neglect , is a situation full of danger, and destitute of honour. It will be shunned equally by every man of prudence, and every man of spirit.' " It is to be added, that if this principle is to be abandoned; if the king is to be at liberty, merely because he thinks his own opinion better than that of the nation speaking through their representatives, to dismiss a government which en joys the full confidence of the House of Commons ; if he is at li berty to do this at his own personal pleasure ; this absurdity follows, that his Majesty can act without a responsible advise': in one point, and on one point only, that point being the roes' important one which he ever can have to consider. The quer tion, who is responsible ?—for some one must be responsib le for the sudden and total dismissal of a ministry,—has not bee° decided since our Constitution assumed its present form, be cause in fact it has not been necessary to raise it. A parlia liamentary vote or a resignation has preceded every previous change. It has now been raised, and painful as the discussielt is, it must be decided. It must be decided with reference D' ; ' t merely to the present emergency, not as a party or temporal question, but as one of permanent constitutional law. " The king of course is not responsible. Royal respon 6l " hility is inconsistent with monarchical government. Of course' too, it would be absurd to fix the responsibility on those p er : sons who may be supposed to h ave h a d p r i va t e a ccess to 1,17 Majesty's ear. The country does not recognise such advise rs ' either for good or for evil. The domestic comfort and privaq of the sovereign require that those who, filling no politic% office, are familiarly about hi s p erson , s h ou ld b e co nsidered t be, as in reality it is their duty to sT be, unconnected with poliriel' The persons on whom this reonsibility falls most natural and most usefully, are th o se w h o are t o p ro fit by the act question, the immediate successors of the dismissed admihl s , tuition. If it be once understood that, whether really c ( T O milted or not, they are to b e cons id ere d as h av i n g advised ti t a measure which, by their a e q u i escence th e y h av e adopted, al by that no administration, for whom a vacancy has been mad e a court intrigue, or by mere personal predilections or disliise_ t or by caprice, or, in short, on an y ground of which Parlia r n e does not recognize th e su ffi c i ency , however ► personally cligie_ l o . will receive parli amen t ar y su pp or t, we s h a ll r eturn to " established system, and the events of last November will be warnn instead of a recedent. " It g may be asked p then, what was the Duke of Welling to i ll .. to do when he was summone d f rom th e hunting-field at St i le fieldsay, and th e Ki ng t h rew hi mse lf on hi s loyalty ? W as to refuse to aid the King in his difficulties? Unquestionably it was his duty so to refuse. , ae ccf "It was his duty to y, not in words, but in subst _OO Four months ago, your Majesty appointed Lord 3lelbev) jI i I 1 or h e; aff ga( ivli in i of giliC acti ( ill rn tii ne di ng fore c usl , ou Ina; , fr on 7 4. _ 0 11r wi l t s Pape r 141.41 t win i s w t 3'eztr E , • -pt, e arl y lif e t 4tur