The Sun. — London, England, 1835-05-12 00:00:00

MDA . TgS ?rness Courier.) Represent ativ exeliange. M their place on his friends on the against bri- came forward nmorriston and this county in ion. proposed Chi,- le nor,ination . rd, and was re r en in of approve; of t re be . acially those , and the b e ad cheers) I,A , and I s °w " o r the Church., enc e from 11 7 . Is of the Irlu, t h e purposes it otestan t Churo! its are suppl ed be devoted to Gentlemen , ionic time, 1 1 . tt h much %ea' tnty, I feel e re. et by the re, i etors o ver t opts will 110 1 L be , irt of the lug': must c onduc e le—(Cheerst would thus.f e high poli_r, the comm a a' cr a s follows' aspect of pub - Tress of chaigt with vihati; feel within . _ s him to auto o r he that etr l 7, enemy of m e Cr, that becar at ,f change ; la the contrau: thin a sclth c' sr itut:tor.s of w'nelesorae athat v th of all 1 " ttsc r, ; a t the 3 bile )11Shnle nt first skirmis be, w ent, engage _.„v, nark the ele,wit, onslaugh t deluded agg i " assault. e, a h nds w itb ), ` ,a the c hoic e de l I was dein .. ,,, an 0 0 i take Ph"- t o are t°„, o f eece re in the sti t l 3 ;i i Lary disorte__.o a Peloponnt7oo, of Nal" li ' ••Of on the 0 0 °2:0 swho had t is with resP k ec ,;bl made eit' c There I 'in — ' ere Par tial insplen% as taken w oe rho infes t age. The e h oe u r walls s )loodshedt g enerallY : e r a!, ,„ ceney geri 5 P.' AL Key' re g) r. The e n' ea cis , an d nohrcb National, prolonge.o ste sj ihed that paper 111 ., the frn` t, " fer r i Lctive sP" cc" rye onlY t° &fir, all W eil All of Arg i) . 9 ',., a fer ring sP" ° " „eta; nes 0 1 ; the kW' er isee > 'for the slam were Cad is th e 0 s tanding a re' • life. for L „ a r hard lau. ung, M a l .) Pe st' iced the :401' ' oTIO , ",, irie ; a nd Lai" ; ng apore ; po et, Sir e E*ve 0 ;0; from fro Forwar d a „ a nd I t St' nac, d Hack, f r° " . a les mo ; an fe , nes, D e"P' lo op' the A"%tioo, I , Const l ' , Bru ce, r P ar aiba s. )uth, fr°ll/ Si'Y oldie, fool Ls. , Gol' lll Gan Jav a ice, fr°— T„ ft°' . lel° Lana —66 / r ola Lasc" i4 Joh"' ; a nba 3far oL, nu )10 al from fro ' a aivad ore, t,fr oo , ia Bryan, ro rs% pee- rr row marine 0, Lc ket, pay o tos !tor, da le from . an iladelPhla B a dgCrr , o p] or, Dcl b r a l' de n a lon, A coooer ,ers of to ed' toss, ; c lea' h a ve bee the Ma arl t 1 `ls' ved _ tr S 0 "" ro c p) ;truck 0- ar b LOguli b a r of ToW/I las ,art ) A g.W' ' d . wor• ived th ls no uth P° , e ller' ra y fro° CO Ptill n g t 0 et• 0 d Lev er • ttii ° d Consot O AIO. fruSg l ' X'l E i stO 0 0 5 3 • 5 4 1 5 5 5 5 1 5 • 4 1 5 ' 2 2 6 4 0 ; 9, u 4 p. • 1 0 f' •5 0 3Jr • 410 e 1 f 4 0 0 0 X 0 I'o 4 1 ° b 5 ° 4 1 5 2 13 )t*„./ria,tr,/_ YORKSHIRE (WEST RIDING) ELECTION. (From the Second Edition of the Morning Advertiser.) FIRST DAY OF POLLING. WAKEFIELD, Monday, Eight o'Clock, May 11. The Con servat i ve game i s up h ere. Th ere i s no t now the remot es t c h ance of success for Mr. W ort l ey t h roug hout the, clay---the ar r i va l s o f i n t e lli gence f rom the distant polling ?aces announced from all those of any importance inereas- Zo t maj or i t i es for Lord Morpeth. At twelve o ' c l oc k hi s . had three hundred votes more than his opponent Illßradford alone, and at two o'clock, a majority of 105 in Wakeiseld, where it had been alleged by the Conservatives, alneet he commencement of the contest, that they would be ep~inentlY successful. At Halifax, it is said, that some of ""e adherents of Mr. Wortley have been pelted and ob structed in th e i r p assage f rom the out-townships i to the VeII booths ; it i s f ur th er s t a ted, that a detachment of Scotch Greys have been sent to clear the roads, but Ga ve not l earned whether any collision has taken place. In W akefield,_ the proceedings have been, throughout the day, 7 1 , 11 ducted with marked good order. I subjoin the account mlre t he . poll, up to eight o'clock this evening, and I can as ' )° ll , upon the most accurate information, that the ma 3°d:i3T in favour of Lord Morpeth expected to be at least bled on to-morrow. Tory re-act i on i s t s may now , if th ey please, talk of the defeat at Devon. The result of :,9 3 1 3 eal to th e i n t e lli g e nce o f the people of York, is the 4 „„ladex t o th e f ee li ng and opinions of the nation. t h i he foNwing is the state of the poll, up to this hour are Prenin g , according to Lord Morpeth's retzirn. Those lullreturns, except marked otherwise No. of _ _ 2 502 krtul Registered Voters. Morpeth. Wortley. t 861.) h __ ~.eord... .y . .... 1,315 ct_ , (about eq ua l) 162 ••• ...... '• ••••• la ,ter 1,143 ax 945 H 494ersfield ............... . 1 . 1,835 748 965 it, . fcZileY(Bo majority Aoo Ls °rPeth expected) --. 429 -'4413 r0 7u t ter h e . ° ,p o guar- 915 771 L , 1 re 3 o'clock) 667 rul ft ., .. • ............ ... 2,136 -67hrridge (about}. 608 ktir e ' (small majority t 814 ••••••••••••• ipkinst Morpeth) 1 587 ............ 358 irtiOld .................. 1,437 • 8 t°ll (equal) 740 328 na it h • 614 6,34 skefield • 0 ,039 6,573 4376 14 ajory f or Lord Morpeth 2,197 1111 0 ' I S ' THE STATEMENT OF MR. WORTLEY'S COMMITTEE. Wit , Registeret.:l Voters. Wortley. Morpeth. Fate .. • Dols., .......... ... 2,016 573 Bz7s h.- t u er ....................... ... 397 1 , 4 h ........... 1 1, 3 1 9 22 1 162 630 Lidersfield ............. 982 n'ufa x 1 gi22 905 iit.triford .............. ... 1,691 Ll t il i sley •• •• 451 •• • ........... 889 RT.- . 771 . lame. ................. 2,250 at ti ttl e .. Y ..... ......... 499 1 ,,, es 892 Nina,. boro ug h ::kt e i eb .": .............. 738 q eht ... . °rl dge 619 ............. .. 18,061 4,407 Majority for Lord Morpeth, 2,145. DI NNER TO SIR ROBERT PEEL. l'este r d a , 4 , 4 a dinner was given at Merchant Tailors'-hall by 'pa 1 , - "age of the merchants, bankers, and traders of Lon ave t b u i utiour of this distinguished statesman. There were terr a i n 'ea, extending the whole length of the hall, for the en /NS °e m• The cross-table at the top was for the guests. It of ecunied by the following individuals, the personal friends „_ ir 'Robert Peel, and at the same time, from their station aecil et lets, individuals interested in the commercial and ma kett.uring prosperity of the country :—The Chairman, J. the ir ' ro an' Esq., supported on the right by 'Sir Robert Peel, Ly n ed Mayor, Earl de Grey, Viscount Sandon, Lord "urst, Lord Wharncliffe, Lord Abinger, E. Drummond, p., lat e Secretary to Sir Robert Peel, Thomas Venable', l ate secretary to Sir Robert Peel, Rev. W. Wilson, htin S t the leftr the occasion, John Masterman, jun., Esq. ; and , by the Duke of Wellington, Francis Cmden, harl Lnberdeen, Viscount Canterbury, Lord Egerton, fe`'T Ashburton, Right Hon. Sir John Beckett, Bart., M.P., pht Hon, Si r Henry Hardinge, K.C.8., John Horsley 4,lmer, Esq., late Governor of the Bank, W. Ormsby Gore, • P., Right Hon. Frederick Shaw, M.P., Right Hon. ti•• Dawson, and tire Right Hon. W. Yates Peel, M P. witth the first t oast was " Church and K i ng. " I t was rece i ve d most enthusiastic applause. I..ue Queen " was next d run k. ' l l .ter that the " Princess Victoria, and the rest of the Royal 1 , 0 Th en came th e " N avy and t h e A rmy ." pokall or which toasts appropriate glees were sung. ei, CHAIRMAN (John Masterman, Esq.) then rose to pr0e0.1.4 e 0 .1. 4 toast, which he was convinced would meet with the 11410.1 approbation of th e w h o l e com p an y.—( Cheers.) He di tti g v eatpleasure i proposing to them the health of their eheenguishped rin guest, n Sir Robert Peel.—(Most enthusiastic tad R. PEEL said—Gentlemen, with a deep feeling of pride -4P sat isfaction by which I must necessarily be animated, there i nfr mi x , as you may all believe, one painful feeling that hts from the consciousness that any language of mi ne te es . b e totally i na d equa t e t o e xpress the magnitude and in: ttiee ita ea . my sensations upon the present occasion.—(Loud and Gentleman, I well know that these are the trite llp o „ Or dinary excuses made by the ordinary festive speaker e a ," ° eeasions like the present, but if you will only be good et eg re h to place yourselves in my situation, if t you at _ willre :ear_actoilnlect that I was alone in this company, that I r eol n .d. seated while all the rest of you were standing, that I v oo red silent while all the rest of you were enthusiastically g your genial approbation, that I was conscious that N h Yo ur kindly attent i on an d c onsideration and deep feelig 4:oo; e p s u t ey b e l cuneentrated upon myself,—if you will recollect that I 1 Ri l l Public man, that I am a man of the people, that I derive, am not say my chief, my only strength from public applause at ie int: c g onfidence, that I am moreover a man who looks h4 t i ° reward for public services excepting only public appro hon°ll--(loud cheers), who aspires to no dignity except in all d u purity the good opinion of his fellow-subjects, the and ig u °d opinion I mean, as distinguished from the paltry 'Yea b popularity which may be gained at the moment, stleou tithe weakest and most contemptible, in pandering or att e t g to faction, or even in more meekly and gently dioP t mg at once to flatter and inflame the people's preju teaF-feheers)—l say, then, that if you will take all these iderations and circumstances into your attention, you may • able to believe, that although the excuse I have offered gr eat 1 1 ,. • ..my deficiency in power adequately to respond to your pb l i nclness may be trite, though it may be in the ordinary thi s e°l °gY of speakers in complimentary assemblages, yet upon th at leuliar o ccas i on i t i s per f ec tly co nsistent with truth, and to (I ° feel myself unable to satisfy myself in pouring forth vor t l l 3ll my heartfelt thanks for the honour which you have la utl aafed t o con f er upon me.—( L ou d and long cheerang.) posedet me not be suspected of idle egotism, nor be it not sup folnp: °n the other hand, that I have been elated into a forget tino;"%of myself. I have not been so misled by the sugges of °A Personal vanity as to attribute to myself, or any deserts i la , ie T i e ! the origi expresse deeting, or the feelings which 3a . ya J a i n 'u lB eyening I agree with our worthy chair larul thinking that the deputation which I received from so tt:'rel:o of the mercant bankers, and tradeys,.of this a i g iel ' l T quite sufficient formes It asserted the principle y_ te, animated : it bore with it, in the approbation of w bo - as c d i y tizens, my reward.—( Loud cheers.) I wanted no fi ber d emonstration of public feeling—( Hear, hear)—and of C ould regard this meeting as merely a demonstration l ie i compliment, I should feel little satisfied. — li e ee rs• ) No, Si r , I regar d it as a demonstration of 'Th at public feeling from London.—(Loud cheers.) I do think Cheers. ) principle may be promoted by this meeet i ng . basl do think, Sir, that the impulse which (ch been given in this centre us of the commercial world Th e ee rs)—the mt thrill to every extremity of British empire.—( Cheers. ) I repeat, Sir, that the throes lif e ., tmghty heart must, as they act, send the wholesome of wooed of sound doctrine and good principle to every atom G h ee ll .. ? corporate body of the United Kingdom.—( Continued tied 'rig.) havenGetlemen, I understand that by assembling here t Y you shown an attachment to the ancient institu ua of the country, and a firm resolution to maintain those Principles, which are interwoven with the safety of those in (cr"s, and th e secur i ty o f p ro sperity in this empire.— b e „,"ra-) I underst oo d th a t it was, in some degree, incum uPon you to come forth in this manner, because you do 40 happ en to have any publicly recogn i ze d organ t h roug h ' Om Your sentiments could be expressed.—(Loud cheers.) When consider that this great meeting, abounding as it does t i p ,e alth--abounding in intelligence—abounding in respecta fot_ltY—there is not one single Member out of the 18 allotted tai the metropolitan districts to represent your opinions, cer ,lY am much grieved, and I confess something astonished. Cheers and laughter.) I might speak too even of your num . 2• The hall has been taxed to the utmost extent of its kri:obrnemroodfation, and if there were room for ten times a greater gentlemen within these walls we should have had em present.—(Great cheering.) And yet you and your ids had not the good fortune to secure a single representa -11 eto s out of the whole 18, by whom inns could be e s poken, through whom your just and legitimate ~"leruenee could be exercised.—(Loud cheers.) In order, Nefere, that there should be no misconstruction of your ance, you feel it necessar y t o s p ea k through other organs forTI those which th e new re p r esentative system has provided el i ,, t Y ° P—(Cheers)—a n d i n the fullness of this conviction it is 11 1 7 " come forward to lend my humble countenance to l a rneeting.—(Great cheering.) And, gentlemen, it is because this is a public occasion, awl because we arc to promote a public object, that I am disposed to detain you by some further observations, by some allusions to the state of public affairs—(Cheers) —and I am sure, con sidering the nature of our assemblage, you will pardon me for so doing, notwithstanding the approaching meet ing of Parliament.—( Continued cheers.) And, gentlemen, what I shall say will be spoken by me as one of yourselves — (Cheers)—not as one anxious for conquest as a party man— not as a candidate for office—( Loud and continued cheers) ; I shall speak to you as a British subject, feeling a tenfold greater interest in the good government of the country gene rally than any emolument he could possibly derive from office --(Great cheering)—a man who has a tenfold greater desire for the maintenance of the opinions he professes and conscien tiously believes and fancies he clearly understands, than for any advantages which 'adverse individuals may dream he could have by the acquisition of office.—(Enthusiastic cheer ing.) I believe, indeed, that there is no greater mistake. than that people situated as I happen to be are so very anxious for office.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Some fancy that the wholesome rest of every politician is broken by his feverish longing for office.—( Hear, hear, and laugh ter.) If I were to speak from my own experience, I should tell a different tale.—( Hear.) There is to me nothing in office abstractedly to compensate for its labours and inconveniences, its annoyances, and its deep anxieties.— (Cheers.) Away, then, Sir, with the presumptuous assertion that men who are fit for office would not at anytime rather de cline it than consent to any sacrifice of opinion, to any com promise of character.--(Long continued eheering.) There has been a great deal said about court intrigue and court fa vouritism. It is quite as ridiculous as this morbid anxiety of honest and independent men for office.—( Cheers.) The fact is, that to an individual like myself, office imposes nothing but the heaviest sacrifices which a man can make—sacrifices for which it offers no compensation.—( Cheers.) That office holds out great advantages to the ambitious mind I will not deny ; but are there not without office, equal if not greater means of distinction in public life ?—( Cheers.) For myself, in taking office, I was urged by nothing but a sense of public duty, and from the desire not to shrink from that which it is incumbent on every British subject to do to serve his King when called upon to the utmost of his ability and power.— (Loud cheers.) Whilst I declare the inconveniences of the public service, I at the same time hope and know that His Majesty has not a more devoted servant than I.—(Cheers.) I am ready to give, and I have given, His Majesty as sincere and as independent support and as liberal services as any other man in any other capacity can have possibly given him.— ( Loud cheers.) The chief advantage, perhaps, arising to me from office is, that I have had the good fortune of being con nected in power, I should say in civil life, with that great mi litary man whose fame exceeds that of any other conqueror— ( Cheeo)—a man from whom I never have been separated by any difference on political subjects, and with whom my con nexion never has been embittered by the slightest touch of paltry jealousy—(Loud cheers)—and if I hoped that, con nected as I have been with him in civil appointments, I should have the happiness to have my name transmitted with his to after ages, it would be the chief pride, the dearest gratification of my heart.—( Enthusiastic cheers.) But I feel that I have been straying from the subject immediately before us—the present state of public affairs. Allow me to speak to you, not a. 5 a vasty man, but as one of yourselves, and to submit to you plain op: Mons in plain language.—( Cheers.) I prefer this, an d I am s sire so will you, to that elaborate concatenation of phrases which is sometimes called eloquence, in which you have the smallest possible quantity of common sense enveloped in the greatest multitude of equivocal words.—( Cheers and laughter.) In one word, I say to you there is at present danger to the institutions of this co'intry--( Great cheering)—danger to the form of government wider which we have lived aud prospered.—( Continued cheering.) But it is in your power, and that of those who think with you s and fill your situations in t:Se country, to avert the danger.—(Cent': Hued cheering.) It is in your power by exertion and by the exercise of those functions which the Constitution has left to you, to mitigate, if not altogether to remove, the evil.—( Loud cheers.) My opinion is, that the da ng er can be onl y met by your gSsining an effectual influence in the popular branch of the Legislature. _ _(Hear, hear.) We shall only aggravate the evil if we a sissmpt to deceive ourselves. Let us not indulge in any use les s lamentations. Let us waste no time in regretting that w hich is beyond our remedy.—(Cheers.) This is quite idle. But it we cease to take a desponding view of public affairs, all will be yet well. Though you may not be able to exercise that infissence to which you are legitimately entitled, yet hesi tate not to strain every nerve in using all the privileges which remain to you.—(Cheers.) Act like Englishmen, and if you will only do eo, I am confident, from your national spirit, and indomitable resolution, that the country will be rescued from the dangers by which it is at present so closely exweloped.— ( Cheers.) I warn you that you must not place a firm reliance upon the prerogative of the Crown—on the influence or. stutho rity of the House a Lords. The prerogative of the one, tie authority of the other, are constitutionally potent in control ling the powers of the Lewes House, but you must not now-a days depend upon them as bulwarks which are impassible, and which can be committed without apprehension to the storm and struggle of events. The government of the country, and the mode in which it is conducte!. allow me to tell you, must mainly depend upon the constitution of the House of Com mons ; I again say the Royal Prerogative, the authority of tne noose "or 'sums, sssst useful, nay, necessary, in our mixed and balanced Constitution. nu- s o. sas.t. strain those powers. Yo udo not want to see ii government conducted concurrently with a series of disputes besween to e e seve ral branches of the Legislature.--( Cheers. ) You N7ou rather see them moving in that harmonious manner which in sures the utility of each, a nd the efficiency of all.—( Loud cheers.) I ask you, then, So take means to assert in the House of Comthons those principles which we believe to be just, and to exercise that au thority to which you are fairly entitled.—(Cheers.) On taking office I avowed my determination to abide by the Reform Bill. I trust I have r edeemed that pledge.—( Loud cheers.) On this broad constitutional principle my friends and I acted. We acted in the spirit of that Reform Bill. When we found that we had not the confidence of the House of Commons, although the array against us was miscellaneous in the extreme, although the majority was small, we felt lit our duty to resign.-Cheers.) However strongly we might have opposed the elective system before, we now adhered to our pledge; we not only gave the Reform Bill a fair trial, but we regarded it as a constitutional settlement of a great question.—( Loud cheers.) We did not en tertain the idea of governiitg the country against a majority of the Reformed House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Allow me then to recommend you all, in common with myself, to refrain from flattering ourselves with any distant hope of altering the present system—let us not seem to threaten, even in thought, those who have acquired new rights with the forfeiture of that acquisition.—( Cheers.) Let us stand by the Constitution as it exists at present.—( Cheers.) Let us never hint at altera tion, or raise a secret doubt by our conduct, even in the minds of the most suspicious. I may venture to prophecy to you that the proposition for change will come from the other side.— ( Great and continued cheering.) If it should come, it will never come from anybody excepting some one of those who were themselves the authors of that Reform Bill.—(Great cheering.) Ay, it will come from them, and the moment, perhaps, is not far distant, —the moment they have ascer tained the Bill is not likely to answer the purposes they had in view—the moment they see it is not potent to ex clude the influence of what we call Conservative principles. —( Continued cheering.) Allow me to say to you, gentle men, that your duty will be to use every just constitutional in fluence which you possess. There must be no laziness,— no apathy,—and above all, no despondency.—(Cheers . ) Do not agitate the minds of men by new discussions as to the foundation of the principles of government, and so forth. Do not affect the feelings of those who have acquired new pri vileges either by direct threats, or by the more sinister and unmanly mode of intimating an intention to fritter down these privileges hereafter. — (Grea t cheering.l But I have said enough upon this subject : I do not despair that if we continue to exert ourselves here, if we set an exam p le to the empire, it will, in all its parts, be before long animated by the kindly constitutional and truly English feelings which are here dis played.—( Loud cheers.) You must try above all things to regain your influence in the House of Commons, not as your enemies would say, by bribery and corruption and unworthy means, but by going forth and giving a frank exposition of your principles—(Cheers) —and by showing that there is nothing selfish in your support of institutions under which we all live, and the r i g hts which we all enj Weoy. of course avow this—l apprehend that we are not interested in the maintenance of any abuse—(Cheers) —that we are willing to correct every abuse—(Cheers) —and to concur in the application of the best remedy which can possibly be devised for that peroose.—( Loud cheers.) We hold , I apprehend, that no public office ought to be maintained for the purpose of patronage—( Cheers . ) --that they can only b e vindicated on the ground of their :,Ping necessary to the public service.—( Cheers.) We want no sineJures.—( Loud CLeers.) We want no more amount of salary for tlse reward of aizy public men than that which may be sufficient for securing integrity and competence in the discharge of important official duties.—( Cheers.) We deny that we are separated by any line of interest, or by any other line of demarcation, from the middling classes of this country.—( Cheers.) Why, who are we, or at least nine-tenths of those who are here assembled, that any one should tell us that we have an interest separate from those of the middling classes of society 7—( Cheers. ) If we don't belong to the middling classes of society, I want to know how wide the interval may be that is presumed to se parate us ?—( Cheers.) Speaking in behalf of nine-tenths at least of those assembled within these walls, I say we disclaim any separation from the middling classes of society in this country—( Loud cheers)--and if circumstances may appear to have elevated us above them, to what, I venture to ask, is that elevation in our case owing ?—( Cheers.) Either on our cwn part or on the part of our immediate forefathers, it is owing to nothing else but to the exercise of those qualities of diligewhich nce, the love of order, of industry , of integ rit y —(Cheers)— se cure to every member of the middle classes of society the op portunities of elevation and distinction in this great commu nity-7( Cheers)—and it is because we stand in our p resent s it u ation —it is because we owe our elevation in society to those qualities to which I have alluded, and because we feel that the same elevation may still be secured by the same means, that we feel our interests identified with their' s, and, by the blessing of God, are determined to keep open to them those same avenues that have been opened to ourselves—(Loud cheers)—nor will allow their course to be obstructed by men who want to secure the sortie advantages by dishonest means.—( Loud and continued cheering.) Gen tlemen, while on this subject, will yon allow me to recall to your recollection what was the grand charge against myself —that the King had sent for the son of a cotton-spinner to Rome, in order to make him Prime Minister of England.— ( Cheers.) Did I feel that by any means a reflexion on me? Did that make me at all discontented with the state of the laws and institutions of the country ? No ; but does it not make me stet I and ought it not to make you, gentlemen, do all you can to re --ve to other sons of other cotton-spinners—(Loud uiities, by the same system of laws under which flourished, of arriving by the same Cheers.) We are the perpetuation of 4^e interest than `•aped the same op t -. this country has so honourable means at the like u..,_ charged with having some interest ... abuses. Why, can there be any one with a great. as can possibly be consistent with the mai as we have that the public burdens should beas. fa ce ttenin on public engagements? We are represented n mucht an ll g 1 ;f t e motive,a n d to those as, the public associated w income. ithi t t t b h e t s r e compay represented say have a direct, a connected with the increase of the public revenue that can countervailbordees_ ( th c e h i e n e t r e s r . e ) st w.weeh,avtheeirneftohree,relducti,on _of the . public superior interest to any other in the correction of _every abuse and the application of every just economical.remedy ; de be con . - s i nationst ent 1 y t witho correct those ysurtitrhealth!actenpmtcyr we ni , do not disguise that it is 6ur firm resolution to of m th a i l a nt e u o in uo t t o r the re ai feeling s, abuses, and d s i t s o t e o n o t o l utmost of our power the lini_itea (Cheers)—to respect the rights of united church ' f lature—( Cheers)—to maintain inviolate ale ,- sin it s cl England and Ireland--(Loud cheers)--to a elli°vlelarrie.bYranch of the Logy's predominant establishment—( Renewed cheers)—meaner b y predominant predominance, not the denial of civil rights to other classes of the community, but maintaining it in the possession of its pro perty and of all its just privileges. Such it is our firm resolution to preserve it, submitting to no c ompromise —(Cheers)—and exercising every privilege which the constitution as intrusted to us supplies for its legitimate maintenance arid support._ (Loud and continued cheering.) We make that appeal to the middling classes of the community—we make that appeal to those who are the depositaries of the elective franchise. We tell them that it is not only our determination to resist any direct attack on those institutions, but that we are also resolved that we will not perolit the ancient institutions of this coun try—(Cheers)—the mitigated monarchy, consisting of three branches of the Legislature, we are determined that we will not allow it to be changed by specious propositions of reform into a democratic Republic.—(Loud cheers.) We will not allow, if we can prevent it—we will not allow, by any the most plausible pretext, such an infusion of democracy into the institutions of this country as shall essentially change their theory, and by slow degrees deprive us of the advantages we have so long enjoyed under our limited monarchy and ancient institutions. Now, gentlemen, that is what I apprehend by the Conservative principle—(Cheers)—and such is the ground on which we make an appeal to the country at large, for the maintenance of our principles.—( Cheers.) We tell all, in whatever class of life they may be, that they ought to feel as deep an interest in the maintenance of those principles as any of the politicians or men of property who are now within my hearing.—( Cheers.) The encouragement of industry depends on the maintenance of those principles.—( Cheers.) The preservation of order depends on this not less than the main tenance of that security which has hitherto led men through honest industry to accumulate property in this country. — (Loud cheers.) And now that the feelings excited by a late political contest have subsided, I cannot help entertaining a sincere hope and belief, disclaiming any intention of inter fering improperly with the political franchise, there is still that fund of good sense in this community that will enable you, if not to gain a predominating influence in the Commons House of Parliament, still to acquire that degree of influence that shall control and prevent many bad projects. My advice to you, then, is, not to permit past differences on political sub jects now to prevent a cordial union with those who take a si milar view with yourselves on matters of immediately pressing emergency.—( Cheers. )There are many questions on which you formerly differed now settled ; but there are still many public men from whom you formerly differed, and who now agree with you that the Reform Bill is not to be made a platform from which a new battery is to directed against the institu tions of this country—(Loud cheers)---and if they agree with you. on that point—if they wish to correct real abuses, still determined to maintain the ancient principles on which the constitution of the country is founded, to protect the interests of order and property, my advice to you is not to allow past differences to obstruct an harmonious and real union for the preservation of all that remains.—( Loud cheers.) Gentle men, I ought to apologize for detaining you so long, and I s h a ?l not now much longer prevent my Hon. Friend, the chair man, i.'"fmi proceeding with the remainder of the toasts.— ( Cheers.) But, in conclusion, let me entreat you to recol lect the associaa9ns connected with the place where we are now assembled. FrOrn this place a voice issued in 1793, of memorable moment—a voice in support of the ancient prin ciples of the British monarchy—(Cheers)—a voice which enabled the Ministers of the day to check the contagion of democratic and French princes then in their rage.— ( Cheers.) I call on you to remember iLe motto under which you are assembled, Concordia parva res crescunt : little your influence now may be, by firm union, by determined perseverance, you will overcome all difficulties, and rally around you a thousand arms to fight in the same cause.— (Loud cheers. ) Proclaim to the country from this the centre of the metropolis, that, entertaining principles of moderation, you still will stand by the ancient walls, the ancient landmarks of the constitution—(cheers) —that you will rally round the monarchy and protect it in its just prerogatives, protect the independent exercise of the authority of the House of Lords— (cheers) —and maintain firm and inviolable the rights of the Established Church.—(Cheers.) You will stand by, in the in the emphatic language of Acts of Parliament, the Protes tant Government and Protestant religion of this country.— (Cheers.) Elevating that voice, maintaining those principles, w I must contend so moderate. so lust, so nec.essarv, so ra tional, votoe you rat3e win tie ro-2,-cnvc-u from every part of this country, and the pulsation of the heart of this great corporate community will vibrate through every artery of this happy and mighty empire.—(The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud and long-protracted cheering.) The CHAIRMAN then gave the health of his Grace the Duke of Wellington, with whose military and political career they were all well acquainted, which required no eulogy from him, and whose services to the city of London especially, endeared him to every good-hearted citizen.—(The toast was drunk with all the honours.) The Duke of WELLINGTON rose and said,—l beg leave, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, to return you my warmest thanks f, the honour you have done me in drinkine , my health, especially for the mention, in recommendation of of the services in which I have been engaged, but most particularly of those which it has been my good fortune to render to the city of London.—(Cheers.) But the question on this day is not the services which I have rendered either to the city of London or otherwise.—(Cheers.) The object of this meeting is to enable you to pay a compliment to a deserving public servant—(loud cheers) —the highest compliment which it is in your power to bestow, and of which he must be most ambitious—l mean your approbation.—( Loud cheers.) I h ave no claim—l have no merit on this occasion—cheers )- cepting that of having rende red to my Right ( H ive on. Frien ex d every assistance which it was in my power to g--(Loud cheers)—in the situation which I filled in his Majesty's councils—(renewed cheers)—l have no claim, except that of a concurrence with you in admiration of the great ta lents, temper, fortitude, and manly discretion manifested by my Right Honourable Friend—(loud cheers)—during, probably, the most arduous and difficult, even if the shortest, tenure of office that ever fell to the lot of a Minister of the Crown.—( Loud cheers.) I must say I deeply regret that the result of the labours of my Right Hon. Friend was not more successful—(cheers) —and I believe that you who have heard to-night the exposition of his principles and policy, and the advice which he tendered to y o u—(cheers) —do sincerely lament that he did not for a longer time carry into execution his measures and plans at the head of his Majesty's Govern ment.—( Continued cheering.) But when we consider what the measures were which my Right Hon. Friend had proposed to bring before Parliament, and which he must have completed if he had been so allowed to introduce them—(loud cheers) — measures having for their object the satisfaction of this country upon many important topics which have become matters of interest since the establishment of the new institutions of the country, and measures the result of which must have been the cessation of agitation not only in this country but in Ire land—l do think we have all reason to regret, as I believe his Majesty does--(loud cheers)—the result of my Right Hon. Friend's short experiment of office.---(Loud cheers.) I beg leave to thank you most cordially for the honour you have done me, and I beg leave to say I think my Right Hon. Friend well deserves the high compliment you have paid him.— (Loud cheering, which lasted some minutes.) Sir R. PEEL, in a highly complimentary speech, proposed " the health of the Chairman." The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm. The following toasts were next given, and the noblemen and gentlemen who were mentioned respectively returned thanks:— " The Lord Mayor and the Magistracy of the city of London." " Lord Ashburton and the commerce of the United King dom." " The Right Hon. Frederick Shaw and the prosperity of Ireland." " The Right Hon. Sir George Clerk and the prosperity of Scotland." " Lord Sandon and the commerce of Liverpool." The CHAIRMAN then gave " the health of W. Woolridge Nash, Esq., and the Merchant Tailors' Company," which was drunk with three times three, and appropriately acknowledged in a short speech. The next toast was, " the health of Lord Francis Egerton, and the manufacturing interests of the United Kingdom." His LORDSHIP, in returning thanks, expressed the great satisfaction he felt in being connected with a part of the country in which so many triumphs of human ingenuity had been dis played as almost to repeal that prime curse of man, that by the sweat of his brow he should earn his bread, but which, the highest distinction of all, had the honour to have reared and nurtured the man whom they had met t o honour — (Cheers)—which sent him, under circumstances of difficulty such as the annals of this country, even in the days of Pitt — (Cheers)--never paralleled, to exert his matchless eloquence, his sound judgment, and unimpeachable integrity—( Loud cheers)—ir. defending those institutions of the country which they all wished to maintain.—( Cheers.) Those talents had not been exercised in vain.—( Loud cheers.) However his Right Hon. Friend might despise the empty rewards that temporary popularity might. bestow, his was not that ambi tion described by the poet, and which 66 Sighed because it found it vain to trust The faithless column or the mouldering bust." He might now read his elegy in the applauding voice of his country ; and the applause which the nation now accorded would be amply sanctionedand approved by posterity.—( Loud cheers.) " Ships, Colonies, and Commerce," was then given and drunk amidst loud cheering, after which the Chairman, at tended by Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, left the room, and the meeting immediately broke up. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, IVJAT 12, 1835. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We have in this day's Times two able letters, one from "A Spectator," from "A Conservative" the other. Spectator"to dwells With much exultation upon the certainty of_ s an immediate and formal union between Robert Peel and Lord Stanley, and founds on it that the " ill-assorted occupants of the -non be gcattereu to the winds ' , c•nnt Adminis. the assuran,.. Government seats" must...._ by such an union. We believe the pr..— tration to be " ill-assorted," because there is a tonsl- i derable, and by far the most respectable, portion of t, w hi c h would never agree to measures) of father t i c, 1 a certain section of their cot leagues to be an essZ.: proc.aime- by !ial complement to the Reform " Bill itself. The league between the a whole, and the great body of their non-Whig sup porters, meaning thereby the host of English and Irish Tt adicals, appears to us to be still worse assorted, be cause 1 :::e English Radicals go to an organic change of our inst.': tuti ons, and the Irish ones to a breaking up 3 Nevertheless, we are not among those of the empire. 5. :yliance between Sir R. Peel who expect that an avoweu 6:„.,er t . produce an th o and Lord Stanley would suffice , open division of the Cabinet—or a separation between the same Cabinet as a whole, and the bulk of its Ra dical allies. The joint forces of Sir R. Nei And Lrini Stanley did not before the resignation of the late Mi nisters amount to a tnajotity of the House of Coffi n-ions—and they proved themselves, by the event, un equal to carry on the Government, against the triple 'partnership—the as triplex—of the Whig-Radical- Repealers. The junction, therefore, of the same two classes of Conservatives, at the present moment, would have the same fruitless result—circumstances are not ripe for it. Every one must allow that it is a grievous inconvenience to have parties so constructed as not to afford a chance on either side of more than a very scanty majority in support of any Minister. The Peel and Stanley Conservatives have shown that they could not govern England, though with a party far better organized and compacted than that of their many-coloured enemies, and one at the same time which very nearly approached the Whig-omnibuses in numbers. It remains to be proved—and the proof will not be long forthcoming—that the Melbourne Ministry cannot govern with a majority of from 15 to 30 votes in a house of 658 members. As an Oppo sition, the Conservatives will derive more advantage from their superior cohesiveness and discipline, as com pared with their piebald antagonists, than they did while the latter were in the hot pursuit of office. But although in the long run the present Administration must find it impossible to carry on the public business, and to enforce the aggregate of measures which are likely to provoke much keen resistance from so power ful a foe, it will nevertheless succeed so far as to carry through the House of Commons a bill framed in the spirit of that resolution which the late Ministers failed in combating, and to which Lord Melbourne, when in terrogated, declared that he felt himself irrevocably pledged. Such a bill for the dismantling of the Irish Church, we repeat, there is little doubt of getting passed through the House of Commons by a small majority, and with that division we apprehend the prosperity of the Administration, constituted as it is, will be very apt to terminate. The next stage in the progress of the anticipated measure will be its introductian to the House of Lords, and there what must be its destiny ? Their Lordships will probably pass so much of the Tithe Bill as shall steer clear of the alienation of ecclesiastical revenue to tem poral purposes, agreeing to the principle of commuta tion proposed by Sir Robert Peel, and to those provi sions of the Right Hon. Baronet's measure (or to something like them) which met with scarcely the shadow of hostility either from Lord John Russell or from the bitterest of his supporters. But it may be set down, we believe, as unquestionable, that the House of Lords will not so far abandon all their fixed attach ment to Protestant institutions, as blindly to vote the diversion of a surplus, of which the existence is un known to them, and by doing so leave the decision both of its general amount and of its detailed ap plication to men the rnoNt the whole empire ,0 the Established Church, and to the Crown and Go vernment of Great Britain. 'Well, then, the bill returns in the state which we have described to the House of Commons, minus only that clause which, under the form of a resolution, when proposed eleven months ago to the Whig Ministers by Mr. Ward, they A t 4f jeeted, for want of materials whero , l IA; iest its authenti city. Will the HOUSi; of Commons, then, accept the amendments, positive and negative, of the House of Lords ? or throw out the Tithe Bill from pique at the opposition given to a particular branch of it ? In the latter case the spirit of faction will have achieved a fresh triumph over constitutional decency and the peace of Ireland. Tithe will then continue what it is at pre sent—a nominal, but no more than nominal, lien upon the land—a nominal, but quite unreal, support for the clergy—a handle for agitation, and a firebrand of dis turbance, while the substantial parts of the most im portant question now afloat amongst us arc sacrificed to a mere watchword of unrelenting faction ; men's minds become hardened to the contemplation of law ostentatiously and unresistingly violated, and to the actual, total, and unredressed spoliation of the esta blished clergy. This, therefore, we do so much justice to Lord John Russell as to consider a state of things which his Lordship will scarcely risk his reputation by producing. The alternative, then, which we suppose will be adopted by the House of Commons, is that of passing the Church Bill as sent down by the Peers, and thus affording the country a wholesome law for the commutation of tithe, not disfigured by that unstates manlike addition which party perverseness had ingrafted on it. However, it is plain to us, that let the Church Bill end how it may, it is likely to be soon followed by a reconstruction of the Ministry. Whether Lord John Russell will find the fetters of his pledge in favour of the alienation of church property too galling, under the erasure of that provision from the Bill, as finally enacted, and will therefore, with the more Radical portion of his colleagues, resign, it is difficult for us to conjecture. But if he does not, there is great reason to believe that he will be saved the trouble of a voluntary resignation. It may, as we have said before, be possible to force a single measure, on behalf of which many opinions, and one predominant party interest, were agreed (especially when it had been made a sort of rallying point) against a very powerful mino rity. But to carry on a protracted Parliamentary war fare, to stand the wear and tear of successive months, to be an of ective Government against the will of al most one-half of the House of Commons, skillfully and intrepidly directed against, moreover, the known and palpable repugnance of both the other branches of the legislative body, is what appears to us altogether and flagrantly impracticable. At least, it seems clear that with whatever obstinacy Lord John Russell may cling to his crotchet about Irish church plunder, Lord Melbourne must feel it his duty not to keep the country in confusion from servile acquiescence in the views of others with which he cannot at the bottom of his heart concur. Lord Melbourne will not become a butt for the ridicule of his adversaries and the mortified compassion of his friends, by attempting to maintain a losing fight at the head of a weak and half-affected army. If the noble Lord be told, as events will soon announce to him, in the language of our correspondent, that he must make up his mind to be either a Conservative or a Destructive, we have certainly no hesitation in assuring ourselves in what manner the noble Lord must decide. If the question lies between Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Joseph Hume, or between the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Daniel O'Connell, it is obvious to all the world what must be Lord Melbourne's judgment; and ' that judgment we can tell him he will shortly be called upon to pronounce. The Irish Church Bill once passed in any imaginable shape through Parliament, there is hardly another question on which he and the revolutionary faction here or in Ireland are agreed ; nor is there one, so far as we can see, on which his Lordship and the more moderate of the Conservatives need differ. The conclusion is, that the country may Took ere long to a subversion of that crazy fabric which has been thrown together in pardonable resentment at ill usage which we have no desire to palliate. The Radicals, with Lord John Russell, will be sent back to their proper post ; but Sir Robert Peel, with the Con servative majority of the Cabinet, will be found in the service of the King, garrisoning their country's insti tutions.—Times. The proceedings at the grand entertainment given yesterday in the city of London to the late Premier, a full report of which appears in another part of this pa per, will afford our readers a very high gratification. All men take an interest in the just appropriation, and the suitable display of national gratitude ottnl...- __A 2 aL —Cs - . ,olv ar d_ servam.s ui we knarc as h ave ' -.0 z e t s o e r b v e r c a e s p t r o i m t rc y o o n u e n e rt of NtVhhellwehiotlelscuonini t versally held : ,enuerecl importan and valurr4V iTalnitv that such statesmen should be cherished and tiphela also with a view to the future benefits which the nation may reasonably ex pea to receive at th e i r *** i n whatever point o f view Sir Robert Peelis regarded, whether as the object o f natif,-„al grati tulle l'er the past, or as the sheet-ant:l lor o f fla t:- ..onal destinies be Mnutte4 on all handc' hope and confidence as regards . the natrtye,stiitm.,,7ot of public approbation and, hte to a o th f a t t he su c cr teem as that which was yesterday offered to p • 1.1 0 • wllose claim to such Hon. Baronet, could never have been nable : and never, Statesmen, of any age or nation, a distinction was more unquesti cer tainly, was such a tribute i - endered with greater cor diality and enthusiasm than pervaded the noble festival of yesterday. It Dfords us the greatest pleasure to state that t);e reception of Sir Robert Peel within the Walls of Merchant Tailor's Hall was not more gratify i na than that which the Ri g ht Hon. Baro ne t expe rienced from the populace in his progress to the place of entertainment. Yesterday may justly be described as a day of triumph to those who wish to repair and improve, but not to destroy, the venerable institu tions of Great Britain. Constitutional and patriotic sentiments seem to have been, at all places, and among all classes of the community, equally in the ascendant. We will not impair the effect of the speeches delivered upon this occasion by any com ment of ours. Every man in Great Britain will read them with the attention to which their several merits, and the importance of the occasion on which they were delivered, entitle them. That of Sir R. Peel natu rally claims the first attention. It was a speech—and to bestow higher praise is impossible—entirely worthy of his established reputation as an orator and a States man. The Right Honourable Baronet unfoldeJ in a few words, but with infinite force and dis crimination, the present position of the country ; pointed out the means by which alone the insti tutions that have elevated it to its present state of glory, happiness, and power, can be preserved from destruction ; and appealed in a manner which we hope we may describe as irresistible, to the patriotism of his fellow-countrymen for the active, vigorous, and persevering employment of those means. The speech of Mr. Shaw is also entitled to peculiar attention, not only from its ability, but from his connection with., and intimate knowledge o f, th e Si s t er Kingdom, affairs of which constitute, at the present per.",od, the most important department of British politics. What is of still greater importance, however, than anything that could have been said at this great national festival, is the proof which it presented of the great and growing popularity of a statesman who is the undisputed leader of the Conservative party in Great Britain. It is in this point of view that the meeting assumes the cha racter of a glorious and invaluable triumph.—Morn ing Post. ITln^ The Session of Parliament re-opens this day, after a vacation of more than usual length, and characterized by a series of struggles unexampled in political history, but in all of which, with one solitary exception, the people have nobly triumphed. No means have been left untried by them—no labour spared--no exertion denied, to prove to their opponents, on the one hand, their determination to have an efficient reform in church and state, and to convince their representatives, on the other, that they have only to do their duty, in order to ensure their warm, enthusiastic, and unflinching sup port. It is, in consequence, with just reason, that they expect the most zealous and energetic exertions on the part of the latter to enforce economy and re trenchment—to uproot abuses wherever they arc found to exist—and to adopt whatever measures may appear to be most conducive to the permanent welfare of the country ; and woe, indeed, to those who have pro fessed themselves their friends, and 'shall , In o foli , - 3 deny them in the d a y o f t r i a l ! the best institutions and most a l i g itSr ! fo r who can measure the ut an insulted and disappointed ho - set bounds to - the extent or consequences :orifieir just indignation ?—who tell what would be the end of a movement which would in itself be a re volution ? But we will not indulge for a moment in such anticipations. The representatives of the people are not only bound to redress their grievances with as much expedition as their nature will admit of, but have given earnest, in the overthrow of a Tory Admi nistration, that such is their determination ; while from those who are Members of the Government we have the most positive assurances that due diligence shall be exhibited in maturing and bringing forward those measures of reform which the state of the Church in Ireland, the state of our Corporation System, the disqualifications under which the Dissenters lie, and the nature of many of the taxes which press upon the industry and intelli gence of the country, imperiously demand. On the latter subject, the answers of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer—clear, manly, candid, and straightforward— leave nothing to be desired. The difficulty with him is not an objection to the repeal of taxes which have become obnoxious to the people, and which ought, in consequence, to be repealed ; but that of finding a proper substitute, on the one hand, and, on the other, of inducing others to agree to it. Let him find the one, and we will undertake that the people shall answer for the other. With regard to the other measures which we have alluded, we have the strongest gre . ; un d s for believing, that be their fate what it may the House of Commons, or in that othe:. either in place where many measures for the benefit of th . -, with an untimely end, they will 'oe suchpeople have met as shall answer the purposes for which they have been devised, and g ive satisfaction to th. , , . people ; but it_ is, at the same time, proper to warn every true Reformer, that but few of these measures can either be brought to a satisfac tory completion, or indeed be much advanced, during the present session. We are already arrived at what ought, not only according to ordinary practice, but in all reason, to be the middle of the legislative year ; and there is not any one of the measures to which we have alluded which would not consume from two to three months at least before it could be passed into a law. This would bring us at once to the middle of August— a period of the year beyond which it would be found im possible to muster a sufficient number of Members for the transaction of public business, and whose continued residence in town, were it possible, would in various respects be a serious injury to the country—and hence we are inclined to believe that his Majesty's Ministers will endeavour to do what it is possible for them to ac complish in an efficient manner—announce the re mainder of their measures, or perhaps lay them upon the table of the House in the shape of Bills, and pro rogue the Parliament in the course of the next two months. That the people will experience some disap pointment at this result, is scarcely to be anticipated. They know that they have a Government in which they can confide—they know that a delay of some five or six months can make but little difference to them ; and we trust to that good sense by which they have been always characterized, for reflecting that they are indebted for the delay, not to his Majesty's present advisers, but to that hateful faction which usurped the reins of Government in spite of the will of the people, and consumed the first months of the Session in a vain attempt to retain them.—Morning Advertiser. Among the numerous pamphlets to which the evils of the past and the spirit of the present times have given birth, there are few which deserve more the at tention of the public at large, and of his Majesty's Government in particular, than one which is now be fore us, entitled " The Magistracy of England, its abuses, and their remedy in popular Election." The author has treated the subject briefly, but appears to us to have digested it with care, and to have com prised, with one solitary exception, every important point connected with it. To follow him throughout the whole of his argument would be as impos sible on the one hand, within our limited space; as it would be unnecessary on the other. The abuses of the magistracy are not only well known, but TATTERSALL'S. DERBY. ti have been proved beyond the possibility of. Appointed by an authority wholly 17,, e sie they are themselves irresp.,-,-,-,; e , c , 4 • ace' respect for the mode in whi c h 1: . '' l - ew+ vast powers with which a comm; .?,), ill -..... it. vests them. The recornrner-o h 4 .5"' ez e p„ :. 7 i4e, LI irs ... :. 0f t h.. -- ‘4Be tenant is a mere C.-- try al- • - ....g of •thei:opredaLceieitinc.,• antamount to ....,,,e, it being notor is:yfiirisl into 0 , t t h b a: ~ i e said " recommending" 1.-An-t 1 Chancellor could date ; and, secondly, that tha t not, if he would, institote that strict inquiry characters of the n^ a man not, recommended, which would m be a ;ffi str ci a. e te nt so to , -•- . satisfy him H of their moral and l qualificatif;di. Th ,-.- e . ~a.tur,l consequence is, that the ie na h t „ - , - d PP °lllt, ed looks up to the Lord Lieu ..., his pat-to„, and that the latter-posses ses th e --3 c perfect and a b so l ute contro l over t h e w h ole magis tra-, y of his county—a control which, as is justly remarked by the author of the pamphlet, .s exercised "in the manner in which all irre sponsible power is executed, in a reckless and per nicious disregard of the real nature of the trust, and the consequences which must inevitably result from its abus e ." Th e J u d ge ceases, i n fact, to be n minister of justi ce , an d i s spee dil y and surely ccP: certe d i nto a political partisan, either for his own l'-,enefit, or for that of his patron. The question, t system so scand a l ous , ten, is not wheth er a in eve7v respect, should be suf fered to exist—for its de sons—but what. r,:ib-k . nell has been tolled lon g ago in th e m i n d s o f P!:i impartial and unprejudiced per to be applie is the remedy, and how is that remedy ?..,. ? We answer, with the author of the Pain, Phl:'4, a recurr ence t o t h e " pract i ce o f our f ore - fat.':lers"—popular election ; for however oddly it may sound in the ears of some persons less acquainted with the history of our institutions than the Barrister who is the author of the present pamphlet, it is a fact borne out by the public records of the country, and therefore incapable of denial, that the appointment of the Ma gistracy rested originally with the people, and that they only lost the right by a long series of usurpations on the part of the Clergy and others. That that right should now be restored, is the judgment both of reason and justice. If the " paramount qualification of a Jus tice of the Peace be that he should possess the personal confidence and esteem of a majority of his fellow-citi zens," who, it may be fairly asked,— " So capable of forming a just estim a t e o f thi s qua l if i cation as those fellow-citizens th emselves? Can it be J.rapposed that a Lord Lieutenant or Lord Chancellor, or any single indivi dual, is equally competent ? Such a mar, is constantly liable to have his mind poisoned and misled 11y every petty slanderer whose officiousness and party zeal +'3o easily enable him to gain access, and the conscious serjurity from detection, which such miscreants feel in the them to give u ; :r confidential communications, em boldens'*,erance to all the base calumnies which personal hatreds, generated in local feuds, or parish broils, may prompt 1 1. 1. .iem to invent. Ought the elections of impor tant publ ; :c functionaries to be subjected or exposed to such in terfP:rence ? Is it not founded in reason and justice that offi cers, at whose disposal are frequently placed the liberties and property of numbers of their fellow-countrymen, should be elected by the free voices of those who are so deeply interested in the faithful fulfilment of their official duties ? How sensi ble and apposite is the language of that great authority, Lord Coke, in favour of the popular election of the magistrates, viz. ' because the office concerned the subjects of every county, and they had a great interest in its just and due exercise.' " It will no doubt be urged against the popular election of Magistrates, that it tends to impair their independence by too great an exposure to external impulse. This, though at first sight a plausible, is by no means a sound objection; but, even admitting it to be entitled to some consideration, every man of discrimination and judgment will at once pronounce that any influence which may emanate from openly testified confidence, respect, and esteem, if not a positive advantage (which, how ever, most people would admit it to be) is certainly not so baneful in its tendency as that which we have seen at present springs from a totally adverse source." Now for the plan itself, as developed by the au thor, and we have done for the moment with one of the clearest, most argumentative, and convincing pamphlets which has for a long time ic.szLAl from the press : _ . " In the first place, all persons, qualified under the existing 111; to vote for knights of the shire, should have the privilege of electing the county magistrates, who should still receive their commissions under the Great Seal, and, previfraly to entering upon their office, take the same oaths as heretofore. " The term of their continuance in office is the next point to be settled, and it is of the most vital importance to the in offavpoour.r stitution ; differences of opinion are naturally Fe e t i d o n in competent to form a judgment, that its duration; but, notwit . h_s i t c a is nd t i h rg d..euci4fleadt conviction of a fixed oi s,___, statel , t in era e a igophstiotbnpieye justiciary sr:abbalnuetdoinbm establishmentjootpoattr t o ei objection, as asyssbi ytni irresistibly injuriously, diverting io r su i t o iso d lyl i y assail ifseon theirp i e m n po t e o pr cr sons unque moors of their minds, n : ' n .g ld ou s t into the field of electioneering objects, views, and purposes. The on_ yl other limitations which present themselves are Misr_ guantdiu se two, 'eh a - 0 ire' Lens gesserint ; to the former thAe Lek' founded antipathy ; the latter, however, is warranted _ se the instance of our superior judges, and, if properly acted upon, is probably the most desirable. In the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal should rest the power of striking out of the commission those who are proved, to his satisfaction, to have been guilty of misconduct or culpable neglect. It was stated by Mr. Brougham, in his speech on the state of the law, "that it was laid down as a rule by Lord Eldon, from which no consideration, his Lord ship used to say, should induce him to depart, that, 'however unfit a Magistrate might be for his office, he should never strike him out of the commission until he had been convicted of some offence by a Court of Record." Such a course of pro ceeding is perfectly unjustifi;.hle, and much slighter evidence than what is furnished by the judgment of a Court of Record must it is obvious, be held sufficient to call for the removal of a magistrate, if the purity of the body is to be maintained. " The amount of qualification now required for a Justice of Peace is too low, and ought, it is conceived, to be raised to three hundred pounds per annum, at the least, to be issuing out of lands or tenements : the amount, however, may be made the subject of future consideration; as also whether it may not proceed from other descriptions of property, as money in the public Funds. Subsequent pecuniary qualifications should of course be a ground of exclusion."—Morning Advertiser. SPORTKiG INTELLIGENCE. Mundig, whose rapid advance was noticed in our reports from Newmarket last week, was again in the ascendant. He was backed freely at 13 to 2, just half the odds quoted against him in our last. Pucelle was also better, but none of the others underwent any change. 7 to 4 agst Lord Jersey's Ibrahim (take 2 to 1) 11 to 2 agst Mr. Ridsdale's Coriolanus (take 6 to 1) 13 to 2 agst 3lr. Bowes's Mundig (taken freely) 7 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Ascot (taken) 10 to 1 agst Duke of Cleveland's Pucelle colt (taken) 16 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Silenus (taken) 16 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Leopoldine (offered) 25 to 1 agst Mr. Grant's Knobstick (offered) 500 to 200 on Ibrahim agst Coriolanus (taken) No others mentioned, OAKS. 6 to 4 agst Mr. Greville's Preserve (offered) 11 to 2 agst Lord Chesterfield's Eva (taken) 7 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Bodice (offered) 11 to 1 about Mr. Mostyn's Queen of Trumps (taken) 5 to 1 agst Ibrahim and Preserve both winning (taken) Hester is declared not to start.---The room was crowded to excess. NEWMARKET FIRST SPRING MEETING. 1837. MosnAY.—Sweepstakes of 100 sovs. each, h. ft. T.Y.C. Lord Tavistock's c. by Augustus—Mona, Bst. 91b. Mr. Poyntz's c. by Belzoni—Diamentina, Bst. 71b. Lord Chesterfield's f. by Peter Lely—Worthless, Bst. 41b. SECOND OCTOBER MEETING, 1837. TUESDAY. Match, 100, h. ft.—Lord Tavistock's c. by Taurus—Magic, by Quiz, asst Mr. Poyntz's f. by Camel—Ursula, Bst. bib. each. CRAVEN MEETING, 1839. THURSDAY. Sweepstakes of 100 sovs. each, h. ft., for the produce of mares covered in 1835 ; colts, Bst. 71b. ; fillies, Bst. 41b. ; untried stal lions or mares allowed 31bs. ;if both slbs. R.M. Lord Exeter's Greenmantle (mare untried), covered by Reveller. Mr. Greville's Jewess, covered by Defence. Sir M. Wood's Pastime (all untried), covered by Cetus and Rowton. Mr. Cooke's Tarantella (both untried, covered) by Rowton. Colonel Peel's Fille de Joie, covered by Camel. Colonel Peel's Garcia, covered by Cain. Mr. Thornhill's Farce (mare untried), covered by Emilius. Lord Lichfield's Terry Alt's dam (horse untried), covered by Priam. Lord Tavistock's Mona (horse untried), covered by Taurus. It was resolved, at a meeting of the Jockey Club, held on the sth instant, that the Newmarket, the July Stakes, the October Oatlands, and all the public engagements now entered into for more than one year at Newmarket, should, for the future, be subscriptions for one year only. ASCOT HEATH, 1835. Mr. Batson has challenged for the Eclipse Foot, and delivered his nomination sealed up. A MAN CAUGHT IN A MAN-TRAP.---For se veral weeks past the extensive gardens belonging to Richard Johnstone, Esq., residing in Camden-place, Camden-town, have been robbed of fruit, and all sorts of vegetables. The constant depredations which have been committed, caused proper notices to be placed in conspicuous parts of the grounds, stating that steel-traps were set there. Between eleven and twelve o'clock on Saturday night, as Mr. Johnstone's gardener was proceeding over the grounds, he discovered an unfortunate man caught in a large steel-trap. The agony which he en-• dured by the teeth of the trap was excessive, the flesh of t'u thigh having been pierced to a very considerable extent. O a the prisoner being given into custody , and removed to t'ne sta tion-house, it was discovered that he had lived in Mr, J o h n . stone's family four years. gin