The Sun. — London, England, 1835-02-26 00:00:00

enturing to 3ainst issolve4 it, ' , is favou r way ra tes was contained in that bill, and as the hon. baronet had stated last ni ght that he had opposed the Church Reform Bill, he felt himself jus tified in snaking that statement. He would ask whether the party to Which the right honourable baronet was attached—(Cries of oh ! follo wed by lo u d cheering, which rendered the remainder inaudible.) But he would put the right hon. baronet altogether out of the question the whole Cabinet was not centered in him.—(Loud cheers.) Al lonfouWellghtinhgetown, whole ole Cabinet had b een a t one t i me centered in the Duke he did not mean to say that any other individual . h ad followed th e example of that illustrious person. Surely, the right non. connected dronet would not deny that the party with which he was 1;9 had opposed the diminution of the number of I thoPs in Ireland ?— ( Hear, hear, hear.) Was not the measure Introduced by the noble lord, the member for Lancashire, opposed in its ‘_ruost essential points by the right hon. baronet? He confessed that ," felt pleasure in hearing that he had been wrong in imput. lug to the right honourable baronet that he had opposed the abolition of church rates in Ireland. If church rates were Abolished in Ireland, were not the Dissenters of England fur bished With an argument for their abolition in that country ? Why Was it, that in the address from the throne th;,, r e w a s 'Pacification of the purpose of government with " t ers, except on the subject of marriage ?WI :espect to die. Ira " 'Pecifled, he (Mr. Shiel) must conclude if that point merely to afford relief on any ether point, th:Ly government intended _tioasn of justic., the right hon baronet's party Would have stated it. Did not :appose the bill for the better administra w opposed by the party commonly in Irelana ..-(Cries of " Yes!" and "No !") That bill The CHANCj c ; • Y hear.) LLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Not by me.—(Hear, Mr, su it -, bat on '" He spoke now of th e p ar t y w i t h w h om the right hon. Ind ; i r was connected. W as i t not opposed by the Duke of Wellington " Party in the House of Lords, and were they not to consider the connections of right honourable gentlemen with that a P rty as affording some sort of evidence of the policy whi c h was t o he adopted by that party, although th ey appeared before the country in _g e m: of re formers ? He would now pass to the course adopted by the administration since it came into power. With respect to the dis solution of the Melbourne administration he would say nothing, but Point out a few facts and circumstances connected with it. The !lint honourable gentleman stated last night, and that statement had ()leen followed by the h onoura b le and learned Gentleman who spoke Of that t he appointment o f L or d Althorp as the Chancellor !Saethe Exchequer tinder the Melbourne administration, was the ;flnce of th at administration.—(Hear) The fact he believed was, ilat Lord Ai t h orp first resigned, and Lord Grey then resigned, stating u at _lle had l ost his right arm. The King then sent for Lord Mei n); and engaged him in the formation of a new ministry, and it Weuld be recollected that about a hundred and fifty gentlemen of that ,, h_onse ki p:ivwo l u ' a i d d wasted upon Lord Althorp, and begged ofhim to resume office. beg leave to ask this ? Did the death of Lord Spencer de. nett e bill Majesty o f L or d Althorp ' s services as a member of the Cabi- No such thi ng. Then it was said that the House of Commons Pad lost ire leader. Why the House of Commons was not sitting at the woe i f Wk._ a vacancy w as t o be filled up, why not do so, or at least 1 ; 1 7 not leave the matter undecided till the house of Commons met ? had que eh ee t "lt say th a t th at H ouse had not had fair play.—(Tremendous sn of ‘ , 11 4.) Why did th ey no t wa i t to ascertain whether the leadership tro-" e u p could not be filled up. The argument f e ll t o th e t n i ti . It was that church stion been aci glad - with the notorious dissolution of the the late ministry. There issued a Church Commission to which his Majesty t;41441nt his signature—why not wait for the report of that And i .„ 6 4l °n ? Then, th e d u k e o f W e lli ng t on b ecame pr i me m i n i ster, If i t ''ained for some time all the offices of the cabinet in his own person. not Wa s necessary to continue all these offices in one person, why 11 a sele ct another pr e mier ? S ome su b t l e di st i nct i ons h ad been tb:O b etween the principles of measures and men. All he would say was had :LW" only from good men they could expect good measures. What Wh o P r esent Government done ? They called to their Councils men t he 4 7 ere conspicuous for the strenuousness of their opinions upon urch question. Then, what was the course they had pursued He made nu objecti o n t o th e a pp o i n t men t o f th e L or d Zi litenant, or th e Chi e f S ecretary. Perhaps they were the most eligible 4. th at could be sent there. But the Government had associated ohn o lW i th the party common l y ca ll e d t h e Orange party, which was en s :toUs to the country, and whose mark and character were not to be say e n. That party had shown what he might perhaps call a 'age A It i n , e xultation at the dismissal of the late Ministry. It might appear ill _ wet of scorn, that in a public theatre party flags were suspended over au:!dord Lieu ten ' ant's box by a Dublin Corporation . officer. But the present Of ,;,. latr Y had made their choice. They had opposed to them a majority 146-'OY-two, and they had thrown themselves into the arms of the tot - "t "t Y• And this was the course to be pursued with respect to un. gi rt hat e Ireland! Were all their efforts to obtain reform to be • allude void ? Were the results of reform to be thus vitiated ? ehurch of Ireland had destroyed the Administration of Mr. V e r,, l t had destroyed the Administration of the Duke of ko,„!rngton—(hear, hear, hear)—it had driven four ministers 07" Lord Grey's Cabinet—it had shaken to its centre the Government esZ.4tl Melbourne, and it was destined to overthrow the present Ad. CHATTERTON next rose, when several members leaving , h ouse, he co mp l a i ne d h e h ad not been rece i ved w i th that courtesy k i ,fo he thought every gentleman entitled to expect : he had heard an 147.1, Per ate speech from the hon. gen tl eman w h o last spoke—(Great r k ter ) --- if he was wrong, he should be glad to b e correc t e d , thought those hon. men who differed with him would adopt a l a r i‘ course by endeavouring to convince him by argument than by Il h " 1 41 at him behi n d hi s b ac k , f or h e appea l e d t o th e h ouse w h et h er ss,r, _ 44 not met with a-most indecent and most improper interrupti o n. Ithrd cries of " O r d er, or d er, " m i ng l e d w ith cr i es of " Quest i on. " ) hso lion . Gentleman, in con ti nua ti en , a lluded t o th e prac ti ca l ' fli tch had been made of the word Reform, a word which on the of the house was supposed to be a panacea for every evil of et: r tt rY.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He was at a loss to under. oilits 'Pacific meaning, but if Reform meant a general correction obit 'Pacific he was a Reformer to the fullest extent. If however Reform t,,,,•""" 'rote by ballot, the introduction of triennial Parliaments, or other e"rltres such as those which sought the dismemberment of the empire, be s ll l ;, Sl 0 0 Reformer. The hon. and learned gentlemen seemed to be rthe question on this occasion —(Order, order)—he says that he has ktirtt any reason given in the Address for the dissolution of the late rle• He agreed with the hon. and learned gentleman that he k ag r, and he w ou ld t a k e th e lib erty o f te lli ng t h e h on. an d l earned man that he did not think this the place for their entering on any be- " U ttleet.—(Cries of "Question , oues ti on !") F or h is own pa!'s en --▪ tu e id ea that municipal corporations, re l i ef to di s sente rs , t rien nial 4..7helts and other questions sought for by the other side of the ee"4owere much better out.—(" Question.") The hon. gentleman, in kr uu t said that he saw an allusion in the amendment to the P ro t es . lao; k rltreh of Ireland, to whi c h h e was o pp ose d—(h ear, h ear, an d et t )"- conceiving it t o b e g i v i ng t h e peop l e o f I re l an d a power t he church which is dangerous to its safety, or even existence. t1: 4 : 11 . GRATTAN—The majority of thathouse had placed the gen kJ" w horn he then addressed in the chair of that house, because he L l ented the feelings of the majority of its members ; because it was try""urdance with the feelings of their constituents and of the coun ts st 4 large • — (Cheers.) Would they now, he asked, be ready Ish e U e lt ifY their vot e o f Th urs d ay l ast — wou l d the gentlemen of England thee UP P o rted the successful candidate b e p r ep a r e d to nullify th e vo t e asts ee " av e Upon that occasion ? They were now called upon to lotg h . te an address which did not contain the great principle eti en "elt on that night they had con t en d e d , a pr i nc i p l e w hi c h was re -000,„1.4 by the majority of that house, and by the majority of their brit°l.4 tue nts out of doors. (G rea t c h eer i ng. ) Th e i n t eres t s o f lai la Were not alone involved, the interests of unfortunate Ire pee' were also at stake.—(Hear, hear.) It not alone concerned the h a r e of these countries, but he looked upon it as an European ques that lrPsolving the general liberties of the continent. They had seen fo r re .e accession o f th e present m i n i stry to of fi ce w the signal kiap as °lel og among all the despots of E uro p e .—(H ear , h ear .) Th e b ee ' °f. Prussia and the Emperor of Russia hailed their appointment, ilstaose there the principles of absolutism preponderated. But the w o°l" u pon which the public a ff a i rs were now t o b e carr i e d on, trees no t alone end anger th e i r lib ert i es, b ut wou ld d ra i n t h e i r Th e t 4), which the right him, baronet described as redundant. Neer ciet'nestion, then, b e f ore them was not one merely for a be t „ of power from the gentlemen on one side of the house to another, th e W as one which brought before them the freedom and prosperity of b eets eou is nt rY.—(Hear, hear.) If any honour a bl e g entleman had PPft e Pos to place confidence e fessions of th e 4 . Govered nment, the declaration of in the th right pro the hon. baronet on light before should fully dissipate the illusion. It was clear, manly, atiee'aightforward ; it contained nothing vague—nothing ambiguous, Of h e t i _ u Poo one question—the Irish Church. What would be the state d if they returned, as it seemed they intended, to the principles th e 17.31ern in carrying on the affairs of the country ? On the subject of gene C hurch the Honorable Baronet' s m i n d h a d, it a pp eare d, u n de r . the n° c hange. H e (M r. G rattan) b e li eved that he must h ave forgotten rea ms ors of Lord Wellesley in 1834 and of Lord Angleseain 1832, which tot 0 . - " ended a satisfactory adjustment, not only of the Tithe question, th, at of the Church.—(Cheers.) In these letters it was declared tithe° Government that they should not send them over any more acts, bat it th eY Were prepared to enforce them at the point of the bayonet; , h ot .. a PPeared, that fault w a s f oun d w ith th e l a t e administration, 010 4 ' ° r the measures . which they left undone, but for ®cu*hich they had enacted.—(Hear.) He supported the Of O rn ent, ther e f ore, b ecause i t fu l ly stated, t h e op i n i ons It wis constituents and his own, and he opposed the Address because berg"! v ague and ' ambiguous. He acquitted the right honourable loW o ct of having been a party to the intrigues by which Lord ttle,,_°roe's Government was dissolved ; but could any one doubt that Issett-17e underhand system went forward at Brighton in 1834, which lir a ~.C e d the recall of Lord Fitswilliam in 1794 ? Theprinciple of Tory- Vii th "sa that which prevailed in the Government of Ireland many years, Vies. ...the short exception of Lord Hardwick's and the Duke of Bedford's e otn t - L Ya ltY. The principle of Orangeism was hatred to their fellow bah 'Yrnen, and seeing that many of that confederacy were mem. l'sieZthe administration, could any one tell him that they were untried ? atld ! Why they had been tried ; they had brought hatred rkilectstrife into families and their domestic circles, and had that they a sto rm i n I re l and w i thout, and such discord within, ?hit le3' could not sit at their fire-sides, for the hellish of religions discord was destroying the very ties of their farni !lold 'lte Re would a s k m i n i s t ers whether they thought they could still co st government of Ireland? Lord Londonderry said in 1832 4 4 L 5 0 g o t e rn fel* suppressing disturbances in Ireland no less a sum than . 4 ; ~ yet those very men say they have not been tried. Were We s k prepared again to expend an equal sum in quclling the 4 eloy i ' . w hich they h a d raised ? Why did they affect to ge h° ? They had no t h ear d th e s t ate o f I re l an d , b ut who—. th eY would s oon h ear i t f rom t h e h on. mem b er for D u bli n, oat l4 describe it more forcibly than he could. I re l a nd w as br an R. in a state of civil war. Did they not know that the s 'thar e o had burned the houses of Roman Catholics ?—(Hear) Ilia 4: 4 1 had burned the house of lord Charlemont, and the houses of apojes ath, Y, and they pa ra d e d th e s t ree t s w ith mus k ets an d car t ouc h e defiance of the police : he never called the : t4 right on baronet S te Z r a renegade but he would tell him who did. d. of his b h " le eds did, and his own brother.in-law had been hanged , - ned in effigy (Loud laughter.) Mr. Burke had nh q cora ; °Pec lY asked, *" How can you ever love a man ght to love, if you do not hate the man that you t° hat e ?" Now •it was impossible for the people to love ten Ile Whose principles they hated.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") uit o „! gaW with discredit and disgust the panacea which Ole n ° Ted for the woes of Ireland. The right hon. baronet, at the con -I,44yir his speech last night, let drop two words which were too well lot Ireland —Church and State, which in that country meant no. is!, euhl Protestant ascendancy; yet those were the terms of the address ,atsh e. eY Were called upon to support. The simple question was N I -. the Orange party were still to be upheld in Ireland ac. h ou _to the old system ?--(Hear, hear.) He would remind `• c share old the Duke of Wellington came into power on a „_°ceasion, he immediately passed the Convention Act, she,. wsa said to an i _ackt t , cut out the tongue of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) ti,'Plire c t "I that was done, was the selection of jurymen from a list 1,, °1 0 "trigthe Cast'e ; and the Sheriff ' s chose none others than 4 e, 0 7 7 : 4 ' 1 11 that were found in the Castle Ilst.—( Hear, hear, hear.) s h _ tr Stio n et of the Irish Government in 1812, under the Tory Admi- O oe , , w as Which was equally oppressive on the Catholics as the former c astl.,., sufficient indication of what they had to expect from the iett":? Ad ministration. He would not call the attention of the house mil b y t. 110 often before referred to respecting the packing of juries, ce :e then Irish Attorney. General (Saurin) to the Chief Jul'. lisrtlde k „ s Common Pleas (Lord Norbury), which he (Mr. G.) 4 4 to 'nitrated to the house what description of justice Irish Catho settkld 'nitrated from the return of the Tories to political power. I , et th e the same Principles he asked be carried into effect ? Was s h ane "Use aware that even then the principles of the Reform Bill • it t o „ t Zatt em Pted to be destroyed in Ireland, and theta conspiracy was 111 1 4 41 40. th"citroy the franchise in that country, and restore, as it littui;l Constituency to a Wholesome aristocratic state. Attornies ?th an Employed, and subscription lists were opened for that THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1535. Melbourne's Ministry, but more especially myself, an! some with whom I was supposed to be connected. It was said, and said over again, and it has been repeated within a very few days, that I was attempting to deprive the Protestants of Ireland in certain parishes of the assistance of a Protestant minister ; that I intended to have them dismissed, and to abolish the tithes; and it was further stated that Lord Melbourne had differed from me upon those points. Now I must say that the whole of that statement is a complete invention.—(Great cheering.) With respect to the Irish Church it was a question, as I have already stated, that was necessary to bring before the consideration of Parliament ; the individual member of the Cabinet to whom it specially belonged to prepare the materials for the consideration of the subject was Lord Duncan. non, the right hon. the secretary of state for the home depart. inent ; and whatever papers I have seen upon the subject, I did not see, till they came from the hands of Lord Duncannon, and were already printed. With respect to the further statement that there was a difference of opinion between the Marquis of Lansdowne and myself, I have this to state, that both previously and since, it does so happen that the members of the Cabinet with whom I have had connection on this sub ject were Mr. Spring Rice and my Lord Lansdowne ; and it does so hap. pen that if there were any members of the Cabinet with whom I agreed, the Marquis of Lansdowne and Mr. Spring Rice were those two. But Sir, I will go further, and without stating anything particular on entering into any specific proposition, I may say that the principle which all agreed in was this, that the funds of the Protestant Church ought, in the first place, to be applied to give religious in struction to the Protestant population ; and when that was fully provided for, it was lawful, politic, and proper to apply the surplus to the general education of the people—(lmmense cheering for some moments)—in. euding Churchmen, Catholics, and Dissenters.—(Renewed cheering ) What the plan would have been—of course he could not mention any specific proposition, because the late government maintained, and truly, that they could not affirm any proposition—they would not bring forward a measure of so much importance before parliament but by means of a Commission— (Hear, hear) They had truly and properly ascertained the facts upon which they were to legislate---(Cheers.) At the same time I must say that although it would be extremely improper, and would be rash and hasty, before you had fully ascertained all the y et I do think that the use of a commission upon all those great questions is to ascertain the true fact, yet upon all the general principles aul may be agreed—(cheers)—and the evidence taken by the Commission allows those principles to be applied in the details. Sir, the right lion. gentlemen has left out all mention of those reports, bat I have thought it my duty to trouble the house with these details, because, although now at the meeting of Parliament all these rumours have vanished, yet I know they were started with a view to disparage the lie Administration, and to influence the elections which were then going on—(Loud cheering)—and that a noble lord of the other house of Parliament wrote a letter which was widely distributed in the country. That letter I would read to the house, were it not that it was made up of nothing but utter and disgusting nonsense.—(Great laughter)—The effect of it however was, that the country could place no confidence in the late Ministry because of their opinions relative to the Church—and then, Sir, it appears there is no foundation for those reports.—(Laughter and cheers.) Then came in place cf those charges another charge, which was, that they were al ways willing to give in to the projects of the hon. and learned member for Dublin, and were adopting all his views with respect to Ire land!—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) The evidence of that is they quote a passage from a letter in which heshows his utter dislike and distrust of many members of that very government he was charged with truckling to. Then, Sir, Ido ask, these grounds being frivolous—. these grounds being utterly false—on what his Majesty was induced to dissolve the Parliament? It is the King's prerogative to dismiss his Ministers—it is the King's prerogative to dissolve the Parliament; but I do again ask, whether there was any just ground for the exercise of the prerogative, and for which so little reason has been given in this ease ? Evidently we know that it was not for want of confidence in his Majesty's Ministers by the House of Commons, because the House of Commons had no such confidence in those Ministers as to induce the right hon. baronet to confess that the majority was so much in their favour, thatJie would be unable to carry on the government. Ile said that he hid not more than 130 votes as the house was then con. stitoted, and that therefore, he found he could not go on with it.—(Loud cheering.) Well then what were the just reasons for resorting to the expedient ? Was commerce declining— w..s internal order at an end—or was there any other branch of the legislature in danger, which made it necessary to resort to ill's measure ?—(Loud cheering.) Why, Sir, the King's speech does not contain a single word to favour such a supposition. The King's speech does away with all this—half of it was filled with testimonies to the measures and success of the late Govern ment—(Loud and continued cheers from the Opposition)—with testimonies to the prosperity and tranquillity of the country. which, under the late ministry had existed up to last November whilst the other half contains commendations of prospective objects, which were part of those measures they intended to carry into effect.— Loud and continued cheering.) Well, Sir, I do sayrthat the right hon. baronet, both as to his office and the responsibility of his office, did assume a responsibility in dissolving parliament most extraordinary at that crisis of affairs.—(Cheers.) For let it be recollected that there was no ground to state, these false rumours being set aside, why the country should elect another house of Commons different from the last, and there was no ground to state why the displeasure of the King should be fixed on that house of Commons. The right hon. baronet says that it is usual for the King to dissolve the Parliament. I believe there is scarce an instance of such a prerogative being exercised, except when it was found impossible to carry on the Go vernment without it. Such an excuse cannot be urged here. I believe also that in 1784, the period to which so many allusions have been made, Mr. Pitt was compelled to resort to that measure, in consequence of the strong and settled opposition which he everywhere met with, and after a long and painful trial that he was obliged to resort to the sense of the country to ascertain whether they approved of his government. In the other instances Ministers met the Parliament, and having sub mitted their measures and their projects, they asked them to acquiese in those which they proposed. If the house of commons refused their confidence, and that the government believed the country was of a dif ferent opinion from their representatives, they then dissolved the parliament. I do not say that the right hon baronet was not somewhat differently situated. I admit that the Duke of Wellington having taken to himself an authority which in my opinion was _ . strictly unconstitutional—(Cheers)--having invested himself with all the offices of the State, and having made himself and the Lord Chancel lor the sole Councillors of the State, placed the hon. baronet in a somewhat different position, and I candidly confess that aoinething of obloquy would have attached to him, if he declined the situation which he was called upon to take. I think the case was really one which called for legislative interference to rescue him from the dilemma in which he was involved; and I would recommend the gentlemen interested with respect to the impressment of seamen, to introduce a clause making it pens' for any press-gang to enter the Pope's dominions, and take there. from any gentleman to make him prime minister of England. (Cheers and laughter.) I really am of opinion that gentlemen should be permitted to pursue their journey through his holiness's territory without molestation from the press-gangs to whom I have alluded. But I admit that the right hon. baronet, not having been in England at the time of the dissolution of the late government, cannot be held accountable for that act. He was on his return placed in a situation which I confess it was difficult to avoid.—(Cries of " hear, hear, hear...) Wel then, admitting this, I still maintain that the right hon. baronet should have met the Parliament, should have submitted his projects, and had his measures fully discussed, and then, if confidence was not given to him, he might have appealed to the people, if he thought their opinions would be more favourable than those of their representatives. He might have advised bis Majesty to exercise his prerogative if he found that a factious opposition had been given to his Government. The right hon. gentleman has assumed that I would destroy the Church establishment in Ireland. I think in that he has failed. I think it would be difficult to prove that the grounds upon which I went were other than those of applying to the general purposes of education in that country the surplus revenues of the Church. Whenever it falls to my lot to support a vote in favour of the Church of England, I always do it upon the feeling that it does actually afford religious instruction to the poorer classes of this country ; but when we come to the Church of Ireland, the benefit of that seems to be, as it has been facetiously, but too correctly, described, having a country gentleman in a black coat. With respect to another subject mentioned in the amendment—that of the corporations—l think it now necessary to declare some de cision, that the country may know what they have to expect— (Cheers)—that the country may know we are going to apply the prin ciples of popular control and a vigilant superintendence over those funds that have been mismanaged.—) Hear.) I do not wish to be invidious, but I cannot separate the hon. gentleman from the party with, which he has chosen to identify himself. I cannot forget that the fortresses of their power, and that to which they clung during many years past, have been those very abuses of corporations which they now talk of correcting. The tight hon. gentleman has talked of opposition on this ground being in. consistent. I say, does he go beyor.d the opinions that we entertained as ministers, or does he bind himself to go only as far as we as ministers would have done P The right honourable gentleman has talked of embarrassing the Government, and he pursued an opposition during the four years I was in office, and he Zll recollect that I was not at all disposed to attack any opinion tot the sake of opposition. I do remember that when we were attend ing night after night in large numbers, to be prepared for opposition, that the right honourable Gentlemen got up and called the House to mark that we had indulged in re venge and bitter personal Invective. -- (Great cheering.) An, from whom did that personal invective proceed ? From the very men who now support the right hon. baronet—(loud and continued . cheering) Nor was this all—a very elaborate, and very ingenious, and very severe comparison was instituted respecting the conduct of Protestant gentlemeu—(hear, hear)—conceding the measure of Catholic Emancipation, respecting men who granted such a measure, and at the same time saying that they had not altered their opinions' as _ . _ to the justice of that measure. Did that elaborate and severe compari son come from a Whig ? No. It proceeded from one of the right hon. baronet's most zealous Tory supporters.—(Loud cheering.) Another attack was made on the right hon. gentleman for the granting of the . . same measure of Catholic Emancipation, and a remonstrance that the concession of it had not been left in the hands of Mr. Can- ning.—(Cheers.) You have admitted, said that gentleman, then addressing the right hon. baronet, that the state of the House of Corn- mons is the same—that the state of the Catholics is the same—and that the state of Ireland is the same—and thus having no ground for your change of opinion, you afford a melancholy example that will have a direct tendency to destroy the character of all public men ; and, raising up :.is hands at the conclusion of his address, he exclaimed— " Nusquam Tyrio fides." —(Loud and continued cheering.) From whom could it be supposed that this severe language proceeded ?—(Hear, hear.) Why, to be sure most naturally, from the member for Devonshire—the ex-paymaster of the foices. Who else could employ it ?—No, but most strange to say, from the right hon. baronet's colleague the present pay master of the forces, Sir E. Knatchbull—(Loud cheering for several minutes.) Yet, after all this, we are told that it is wonderful that we (the Whigs) have thc support of gentlemen who concur with us, generally, in opinion, respecting the principles of the Reform Bill, be cause we have the support of those who happened to find fault with some measures of the late Government. I know (he continued) that many men who now act with us opposed the late government, because they thought we did not go far enough ; but whether the late government went far enough, or they were too impatient, is a question which I am not now called upon to decide.—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.) My opinion is, of course, the latter. They thought we were too slow. However that may be, I see no more reason why we should enter upon the discussion of that question now, than that the right hon. baronet (Sir R. Peel) and the Paymaster of the Forces (Sir E. Knatchbull) should discuss whether the confidence of all public men was likely to be destroyed, in consequence of the course of conduct pursued by him (Sir R. Peel) and his colleagues in reference to the question of Catholic Emancipation.—(Continued cheering from the Opposition.) Sir, there is another question, the solution of which is some what strange, and it is, whether the measures of the present Administration are the same as those proposed to be carried by the late government? If they were si milar, there was a strange anomaly. It was said now that the t House of Lords would agree to them. If that was the case, it was evident that the House of Lords would not tolerate any measures ex cept such as were proposed by a House of Commons of their own selec tion. But, Sir, if the measures were different, it was equally evident the measures of reform would be rendered ineffectual.—(Cheers.) am most ready to yield to the House of Lords that respect to which they are entitled, and I should regret that there should be any collision be tween the two houses of Parliament. But, Sir, I trust that the House of Lords, when they see the constitutional expression of ruhl,c opinion, will cordially yield to the sense of the people. (Cheers.) I am willing to yield a just tribute to the House of Lords and to afford them a due p!ace in the constitution; at the same time they are bound not to impede or retard the great principles maintained by the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) It is said, Sir, that at this moment we are ylaced in an extraordinary crisis, and which event took place ill 240. vember last. I then raw no difficulty in carrying on the affairs of the empire, and with the creation of the crisis I had nothing to do. But if such exists, I trust that the peace of . the cluntry will be preserved, and such means adopted as will carry the spirit of the reform into the constitution.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) There were some who thought the Reform Bill had gone too far—(Loud cheers from the Opposition)—while others thought it had not gone far enough. But the state of the country most perfectly had shown the efficacy of that measure. That we may safely steer clear between these two dangers is my earnest wish : and if we send up the address, as proposed to be amended, stat ing what reforms we consider to be necessary, we shall be doing our duty to our constituents, and we shall not act with pusillanimous weak. neskon one side, nor with inconsiderate rashness on the other.—(Cheers.) The Right lion. HENRY GOULBOURN stated, that in making some observations on what had fallen from the noble Lord who had jest sat down, he would beg to acquiesce lin much of what had been stated by the noble Lord. He trusted that every one would endeavour to allay party differences, and so to conduct Reformation as not to endanger the great interests of the country--(Cries of" Hear, hear.") The noble lord had called the attention of the house to the question of whether they would agree to the address or to the amendment, but he had stated, and truly stated, that the real difference between him and the gentlemen on his (Mr. Goulbourn's) side of the house, was the principle involving the reform of the Irish Church. He had not forgotten the eloquence of the Noble Lord himself, in which he described the great advantage.that was derived from keeping the old lamp instead of burning the new.—(Cheers om the ministerial side.) He had not forgotten the declarations of the noble lord (Melbourne) at the head of the late Government, in former Nriods, when he expressed opinions against the reform of Parliament, declarations which he (Mr. G.) would venture to say, were never made on that side of the house during the whole course of the discussions upon the reform bill. Some had been urged on the conservative side of the house— more eloquently, more ably, or more forcibly than those which the noble lord himself then urged. He would say then that the charge which had been made against them, of having first resisted Reform, and after wards been driven into an acquiescence of it, was one which came with an ill grace from the noble Lord opposite.—(Hear, hear.) But upon that subject, he would not any lon er They were now called upon to decide the question whether they would concur in the amendment which had been proposed to the address. The Noble Lord stated he approved of that amendment, because he wished to enforce upon the house that they should not have a less measure of re form, than that which Lord Melbourne would have given if he had stood in the same situation. If that were the case, why did the noble lord content himself with an amendment so vague in its terms, so lenient in its application of any acknowledged principle of reform, that he defied any man who concurred in that amendment to point out any specific plan to which that amendment related. He had been told by the Noble Lord that he had stated that he never would contaminate himself by having anything to do with the Dissenters, he denied it in the strongest terms. Upon all occasions in the house he had expressed himself according to those feelings which he entertained of wishing well for the Dissenters--(Hear,hear)—he had never expressed in the course of the discussions in the last session, to which the Noble Lord hail referred, any thing hostile to the enjoyment by them of any civil privilege which could be conferred upon them, with. out the destruction of the national establishment of the country. And when he resisted, as he had felt bound to do, the admission of the Dissenters to the Universities, the whole of his rt, gu. meet had been founded upon this, that their civil psi. vileges could be conferred by other modes, without violating the principles upon which these Universities were formed, and with. out inflicting serious injury upon these establishments and the religion which they diffused.—(Cries of " hear, hear.") The noble lord had to'd them that Lord Melbourne's administration had had it in con templation to introduce extensive reforms in the Irish Church, He knew not precisely to what reform the noble lord intended to address himself: he (Mr. G.) was impressed with an opinion that the question of the Irish Church had already engaged the government of Lord Grey, and that they had introduced measures for the Re. form of that Church, which they considered adequate to meet the existing evil, and that they had made arrangements for carrying those Reforms into operation. He was not aware that the noble lord considered that measure so defective in principle as to make an additional measure one ground of his claim on public favour and approbation. The noble lord had told them that there was no mean point of difference between him and those who sat on his (Mr. G.'s) side of the house. That difference was neither more nor less than this—Whether it was right to appropriate to other than cal purposes connected with the Established Church, the funds of that church. The noble lord had said that he was prepared to adopt the principle of appropriating the funds now exclusively beionging to the church to the use of the poor of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) On his (Mr. G's) side they said that those funds could only be appropriated to purposes connected with the church. The noble 'old had stated that on this point there existed a difference of opinion in the Government of Lord Melbourne, and that it did not confess that there existed that union and concert which should be the strength of a government. If he (Mr. G.) referred to the declared opinions of the different members of that Administration, at the time when that commission was the subject of discussion, he would find that there were members, and not by any means unimportant members of that Administration, who endeavoured to guard themselves from any admission of consenting to appropriate the surplus Rinds to any other than those connected with church purposes. The noble lord, Landsdowne, to whom he bad referred, did not indeed go that length, but reserved his opinion as to what might be his course on some future occasion.— (Hear, hear, hear.) He had laid down no principle in respect to appropriation ; but the noble lord had said there would be a surplus revenue over and above what was required for the maintenance of the Church of Ire land ; but he (Mr. G.) and those who acted with him said that they would never be a party to the appropriation of that surplus to any purpose but that to which church property should be appropriated. There was another authority which stood still higher, he meant that of the late Lord Chancellor who always professed to have at heart the interests of the whole body of the community, so far as the extension of education went to the removal of the evils of poverty. Upon t his subject the noble lord said, that " he would not expend one farthing of any surplus upon any except ecclesiastical and protestant purposes."—(Great cheering.) He spoke of protestant purposes in contradistinction to the allowing any part, be it ever so little, to the support of the Roman Ca. tholic hierarchy, at the expense of the Protestant Church; ►.e stated that most distinctly, whether there should be any surplus, or whether the Church might not want more additional support. (Tremendous cheering from the Treasury benches.) He was, however, so far from agreeing in the principle of the noble Lord (Mel bourne) that he scouted the idea of appropriating that which was allotted to the maintenance of the Church to any other purpose; he further stated, that if there was any surplus unappropriated, it should in the first place be applied to ecclesiastical purposes--- that the wants of the Church should be first supplied, after that the residue, if there should be any, should be appropriated to pur poses which, though not strictly ecclesiastical, were connected with the welfare of the church—namely, the affording education upon the principles of the English Church.—(Loud cheers.) He would ask whether the Cabinet of Lord Melbourne were agreed upon that principle ?—(Loud cheers.) lie would ask whether the Lord Chancellor and Lord Lansdowne were prepared to appropriate this surplus to any other than ecclesiastical purposes or purposes connected with the affording education upon the principles of the Established Church P Did not those divisions destroy the elements of strength which the Noble Lord assumed that the late Government had P There were divisions in that government which it was impossible to reconcile, without the sacrifice not only of honour, but also of those conscientious feelings respecting the religion they professed. —(Hear.) The weakness arising from those divisions was such, that it was impossible fully to discharge their duties to their country. They might linger on till the discussions in Parliament, but he was certain that when those discussions arose, there must be either further differen ces, or an abandonment of principle that would totally destroy their reputation.—(Loud cheers.) He would ask any man whether the Ad. dress or the Amendment contained the most specific promises of reform, and whether Ministers, by their first step, had not shown a de. termination to carry out those principles of reform which they professed P The third point to which the noble lord addressed himself was, that there was nothing specific stated in the speech with respect to the principle on which Corporation Reform was to be carried into effbct ; he thought the noble Lord in that statement had dealt rather hardly with the pre. sent Government, for when he was in power he called upon the present Government to declare the principle which he would not do when he was in power himself.—(Cheers.) The statements in the Speech with respect to Corporation Reform, in no degree pledged the right hon. baronet, or any member of the government, against the adoption of any measures that might be thought right or just.—(Cheers.) He had no hostility to the reform of corporations, be lieving that it might be attended with effect.—(Cheers.) The noble lord had told the house, and in that statement he thought he had de. parted from his usual candour, that the right hon. baronet had quoted a letter from the hon. member for Dublin as the ground for the re moval of the government of lord Melbourne : he could assure the house that the right ho.t. baronet had no such object as that stated and that even if he had, that would constitute no ground for the removal of the late Government. His right hon. friend had a very different object in view ; his wish was to show that even those who were supposed to be the advocates of the late ministry, had no confidence in them. He knew that measures originating in that house, had been un successful in the other house ; but was that a ground for saying that the other house was to have, or wished to have, the appointtnent of ministers in the House of Commons P That principle was not put forth—nothing that had fallen from his right hon. friend (Sir R. Peel) could be construed into calling for such a principle. He was not aware that there was any other observation of the noble lord to which he ought, or was called upon to answer. He had been anxious to put to the House the real facts of the case, as related to the dismissal of the late government, that they were dismissed because they were incapable of conducting the bu siness of the country,because of the divisions which prevailed within itself. Mr. D. W. HARVEY then rose and was received with much cheer big. He said he never remembered any occasion when a larger tax was laid on the credulity of the country or on that house than when they were requested to suspend their judgments as to the intentions of the present ministry. It was stated that they, deeply impressed with a sense of their former misrule and deceptive policy, had at last determined to abandon the vulgar impression that there was any value in political consistency, and they were prepared to come before the house and the public, and like martyrs, bear all the odium thrown upon them for opening a budget of advantages to the country, which would exceed anything ever before done, and call for the raising up to them an imperishable record of their disinte restedness. (Cheers and laughter.) Oblivion was very essential to p olit ics. — (Tremendous cheering from the Tory side of the House.) Ile was quite sure that the right hon. secretary for the home department would not have spoken so largely on the Commission spoken of in the Speech, had he remembered how strongly he had spoken in the last session against the Commission issued by the late government. There is this great advantage which presents itself, that every succeed.. ing speech, whether the hon. gentleman forms a part of the present Ad. n inistration, or was a member of the late, that they were at length getting at the policy of the present, as they had also learned the principles which directed the last. He thought that no man could have heard the singularly Statesman-like speech delivered by the noble lord the member for Devonshire, but must have deplored that it was not his lot to form so prominent apart in the late Government as would have enabled him to have dispelled many of those erroneous impres sions which had since lodged in the minds of many members of this house, as well as of the country at large. He could well understand the reason why the present Government were anxious to promote the dissolution of the last Parliament, for he thought that if the country had had the advantage of the speech of the noble lord—if the country had been aware of the liberal policy, the enlightened measures and the enlarged views which the late Government had in store for it—the house would scarcely have been able at this time to distinguish any differences between that and the present Govern ment, for there was actually little or no diff,rence between them. Many, lie was convinced, of those on the other side of the house, were its well wishers, though, from a sense of duty, they were compelled to oppose it. In returning to the subject of the Speech from the Throne; lie must say, that whilst it was withont exeception one of the longest, it Ives at the same time one of the most clear—one of the most decided expositions of the policy which had ever come from the throne. No thing could be more calculated, with the exception of the speech from the first Lord of the Treasury, to give satis faction to the country—nothing could be more fair, clear, or open in its professions than that speech. And certainly he (Mr. H.) gathered this from it, that the design of the present government seemed to be, to declare itself a High Church and Tory government.—(Loud cheers ) The right hon. baronet takes credit to himself for acting upon the prin ciples of reform, because he does not introduce a bill for the repeal of the Reform Act itself I—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He contends, that though opposed to the principles of that measure, he can, without lncnnsbitenoy, f o ll ow up Itsprinolple. I little doubt, and I am sure, said the honourable gentleman, the country will agree with me in pinion, that they will not receive the sanction of Parliament in their proceedings.—(Hear, hear.) It is, as hes been stated by the honourable gentleman, a question whether the house will proceed upon the principles of the act of 1832.—wliether the spirit of the Reform Bill shall tee forward actively and effectively—or whether there shall be no chan6 in the Church Temporalities, in ac cordance with the spirit and with the just expectations of the people. The public gene ra lly l oo k ten... ‘ . l thi s night's to the result of night's debate, as a te s t o f th e opinions of the second Reform Parlia is - ment. That anxiety is particularly directed to the' Bto''' of e Church in this country. The expl anat i on o f t h e r i g h t hon. L 7" t in t Ll course of last night's debate h as l e ft no m i sun derstandingenn that -- subject in this house, or in the country, as to the intentions of Gose:rn ment in dealing with the established church. The hon. gentielean stated, and when he did he only re-echoed the sentiments of those around him, that no matter how great th • surper•—no matter how liberal the provision which might be made for the Ministers of the Established Church—however great the amount allocated to the dissemination of its doctrines—yet large and enormous as the surplus might be, no portion of it could be ap plied to other than strictly ecclesiastical purposes. The right hon. baronet, when he made this avowal, developed the views of his Ma jesty's government too clearly to admit of any mistake. The right hon. gentleman who spoke last took occasion to praise the wisdom of issuing the new Commission on ecclesiastical affairs, but he must have known that that which had been issued before had proceeded far in their enquiries into the nature and extent of ecclesiastical matters, and bad almost closed their enquiries upon the subject.—(Cries of " hear, hear.") Are we to understand that the result of their labours is to be withheld, or to be submitted to the house ?—(hear.) I take it that it is to be submitted to the house—(hear, hear)—and that in a short period of time, we may expect to be in pcssession of a great body of information which cannot fail to set at rest a question which has so largely occupied the public mind as to the real amount of the eccle siastical property.—( Hear, hear.) That it amounts to four or five millions per annum, I believe to be no exaggeration, but all speculation on that subject is unnecessary, because the result will speedily speak for itself. But what I have asserted I have done so from inquiry ; and lam not disposed to retrat ' t' until those returns comeel me to do so. What the present Government propounds is to suffer the large and very liberal revenues still to accumulate, and still to be dis posed of by ecclesiastical authorities. Now the right hon. gentleman thinks that he has discovered a great variance between the late Lord Chancellor and the tioble lord, inasmuch as the m;ble lord stated his sanction of the new plan with which any portion of the surp2 , ls of the ec eksiasticalrevenue was to be de a lt, an d w hi c h was analoeous to the original purposes. This is the very principle upon which an redundant surph's are applied in all our courts. When the funds are applicable to any particular purpose, and they have largely outgrown the original design, the surplus is applied to an object consonant in nature, and think the right hon. gentleman is not prepared to contend that the education of the people is an object at • variance with the genius and spirit of Christianity. If, therefore, it is found that this surplus will be applied to the education of the peoole, a concession will be made that will be received with joy any gratitude, but I do not think the right hon. gentleman prepared to make that concession. But the right hon, gentleman states that the King's Speece is very explicit upon tee Corporation Commission. Why, it is very explicit and very vague too. It merely states the fact we all know, and there it ends. It speaks of the existence of a commission, and his Majesty doubts not tha he will be put into possession of the report. What is the cbject of the Amendment ? To ensure the to country, that whatever that report may be, it is the determination of the Government, let who will co.npose ir; to place Municipal Corporations upon a proper footing. Mr. Harvey proceeded to ask, could there be any difficulty in stating in the King's speech, what was the intentions of Government respecting municipal reform, since the inhabitants of towns, having the means of choosing their representatives to this house, have the same agency atibrded them in the selection of their municipal officers ? This was an outrageous —an unwarrantable o.nission in his Majesty's speech, and when persons who very uncourteously are called Destructives, and see such language used respecting abuses they are desirous of removing, is it to be wondered at that suspicions should be raised in their minds P They were told when they made inquiries respecting the intentions of Government, when they proposed to remove those abu es, that they aimed at the destruction of property. No libel could be uttered, more fa se, more wicked, or more unjust. The people of this country, how ever low in rank or humble in condition, have no other interest to con sult, but to follow out those schemes of improvement by which industr y is protected, and the accumulation of that industry is also protected; for whatever hon. gentlemen may say in the heat of debate, the real de fence of a country is placed in the middling and industrious classes. An hon. gentleman opposite seemed to repel the assertion of the learned c:vilian (Dr. Lushington), when he stated that the citizens of London who returned the representatives to this house, were the wealth and in telligence of the inhabitants. It is no criterion of wealth to be repre . screed by exchangeable characters. Wealth consists in the industry of the people, and is indicated by that quiet and good order which are its indispensable agents —(Hear.) It is said by some hon. members, who are the representatives of some small select constituencies, the pride of their pre•ensions consists in large lumps of unproductive property, which they deem to be the real representatives of wealth ; but he would cat upon the gentlemen opposite to look at the mass of mind and wealth which was within a few miles of the place in which he then addressed them, and when he reflected upon it, he was not in the least surprised at t' eir underrating the influence of these men, since they (the Ministers) were not able, notwithstanding all their exertions to secure a re.pre seritative ; showing that half a million at least of the metropolitan electors have recorded, by their representatives, that they have no con fidence in the present Administration. It is strange, continued Mr. H. after the address has undergone such discussion and criticism with so much ability, that one topic was not over and over again notice d. Yet so it is ; and what makes it remarkable is that the interest it refers to has as enlightened supporters in this house as any other interest—l mean the agricultural interest. He (Mr. H.) was not connected with that interest, and he was happy that the county he came from was re presented by the President of the Board of Trade, and that the address was seconded by another member of the same county. As in all other speeches of recent date, the oppression of the agricultural interest has been lamented ; but there is no announcement of any encouragement— no hopes of relief afforded to it. I remember when the right hon. gen tleman opposite dealt rather severely with the policy of the late Gos ern_ ment, when they doled out a partial reduction of taxation in taking of the tax from the howling dog of the shepherd, and other trifling reliefs. But I think that in making such a trifling reduction, a true account of the resources of the country ought to to be laid before the house, and those who were so tenacious of their own rights ought to respect the rights of others, by making such reductions as the wants of the people demanded, and guarding their resources. But, Sir, it appears to me that the house is coerced by the trammels which the interests of the aris tocracy eave forced upon them.—(Great ccheering.) And I have not heard, through the whole course of this debate, one word in behalf of the sympathies of the people, while the resources of the country was the subject in which all conceivable topics might not be introduced, and I am, Sir, too well aware of their impor tance to force them on the attention of the House at such an hour as the present. Ido not entertain that confidence in the present Govern ment which its present strenuous supporters claim for it. I have been accused of comparing the late ministers to a set of riotous tailors ; whatever may be the expressions I have used, which I now cannot re collect, I would not deny that I claim the right of talking of men and measures in any way which I conceive my duty prompts me to. The events which accompanied the advent of the present administration cer. tainly prove that we may do without any government, and they prove also the peaceful behaviour and disposition of the people ; for we were three weeks without any government at all. We have been called upon to suspend our judgments, and not to denounce men whose measures are not yet known ; but I maintain that their principles end nae3sures have already been proved, and that they have been developed in the speech of-the right hon. baronet. And, after all, of what materials is the present government composed ? We shall also perhaps be told that this government will consent to inquiry on the Pension List, and that any one will be removed from it who may be found not to hate a proper claim to his pension. Then, as to the Church Commission, who will suppose that all our Right Reverend Fathers, all the army of the faith, wiil sit and examine with that disinterestedness which has rightly been interpreted by the term of taking care of themselves— into the revenues of the Church, with a view to curtail them .? This would, indeed, be too ludicrous to expect. Well, then, Sir, this is one of the blessings we are to receive. It is ludicrous to suppose that their labours will be sincere and efficient, if the result shall shall be what I believe will be the case when the Report f r the other Commissions shall be laid on the table of the house—that the ecclesiastical revenues of the country amount at least to five mil lions per annum, as regards England and Wales.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) lam not now speculating on circumstances which must re. ai a matter of speculation, by affecting details by which the calcu lation may be falsified. But lam stating that which I believe if that report is honest, not only giving you the ecclesiastical revenue, but also the actual property of the Church ; because it is not enough to show what the report alone will attempt to show, that the revenue is three millions, and which three millions will he found the nominal rental of these large properties which are spread over the country, the real value of which is to be illustrated in the enormous fines.—(l.mul cries of " hear, hear.") But, Sir, all those circumstances considered, Ido not believe the amount will be any thing short of five millions per annum. Then how is it to be dealt with ? The whole is to be devoted to strictly ecclesiastical purposes. Why, Sir, I would say at once, from my know ledge of the people, and the expectation they form on these matte , s, they would be pe fectly indifferent as to the distribution of that money, if a me large portion of the surplus is not made available to some purposes that may be called analagous—but, at all s vents, t s some object which shall be universal in its:fitness, and unquesti o n a bl e in its utility. As to the Corpor a ti ons, Si r, I have already torched upon them. Well then, Sir, as I said before, what advantage does this speech promise to the people which bears the interpretation and the spirit of Reform ?—(Hear, hear.) As to the arrangement of the Church, lam quite satisfied that by this time we are at the same position that we should have been at, whether we had possessed the Reform Bill or not. I ant' equally satisfied that any interference with municipal institutions will partake of the same limited and unsatisfactory character as that which is applicable to the other. Then we are told, and that is a fact, which the attention of the house should be drawn to, amid which has already occupied a large portion of the public mind—it was stated by the noble Lord, and was dwelt upon by the hon. and learned Doctor (the member for the Tower Hamlets) that disregard it as you may, I believe that time present government owes its existence entirely to a successful intrigue brought about by the means of Reform in the other House of Parliament—(Cheers.) It has been asked by the noble Lord, are we to understand that the real interpretation of the Reform Di 1 means that the constitutional government of this country is exclusively c titerel in the hereditary Peerage ? (Hear, hear.) It is an experiment to accomplish by other means that which was accomplished before Schedule A and B were in existence, and it was often inferred by ingenious con trivances, that in point of fact the house of lords governed this country, and that was effected through the ingen'ous contrivance of el rse bo roughs end corporations, and rather than expose themselves to public censure, the members of the other house returned to this house men of consummate talents, in order to fight and finish the battle on the floor of this house—(Hear.) But now the people of England are the authors and creators of this house, and it is because the other house feels that the effect of our improvements is to reduce their power to the rational power of the other elements of the State, they are now pursuing a bold, daring, and dangerous course, and no one can have listened to the speech of the noble lord without feeling that the goverment with which he was connected fell a victim to the basest intriguee—(Hear, hear.) How is it that the present government now exhibit such a tender solicitude for the reputation of their predecessors ? Why did they not meet the last parliament, and give them an opportunity of unfolding the chara.ter of that policy with which the house and the country was delighted P It was well known that if the country was imbued with the conviction that Lord Melbourne having gut rid of the incumbranc s which impeded hi, efforts—(hear, hear, from the Opposition, followed by cheers from the Ministerial benches)—they were prepared to act up to the spirit end ge nius of that great measure of which they were the authors.—(Loud sneers). However much the overthrow of that government may be deplored, I for one do not participate in any such feel rig, aed I think that the extinction of the lategovernment will be attended with very great advantage to the country, because I am convinced that whatever name the government may assume—whether they pride themselves in enlisting under' the approbation of Whigs or of Tories—or iv:meth, r they assume the less objectionable name of Conservatives or Lib.rals— I am quite satisfied that they can never free themselves from the in flu_ once of Court favour, or of those Janissaries who surround it, unless their anchorage is cast in the soul and soil of public favour.—(Cheers.) When this has been accomplished, it will be found that the na'ion will receive protection against all the machinations and intrigues, both foe reign and domestic, that may be set on foot against it. Mr. A. BARING rose amid loud cries of " Adjourn " Ile said he would not detain the house, if they would but hear him. He would not trouble them, but for the observations whica fell from the hon. member who last addressed the house. He would Just refer to an observation that was made by the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets. That honourable gentleman said that the representatives of the city were purpose ; and was it hot strange that that very Attorney-General to whom he (Mr. G.) had alluded, had now come forward, and, at the public meetings of Orangemen, was found attacking the Whigs, supporting and eulogizing the Tories, and using every effort in his power to restore the domination of Orange ascendancy P—(Cheers.) If they still continued to govern Ireland on the same principles, they would beyond all doubt lose the affections of the people of that country, of all lovers of liberty, and of those especially who were sincere adherents of the present connection ; for the house might rely upon it that, the present connection could not be maintained unless on a footing of perfect equality and in the enjoyment of the same privileges which Englishmen have. Certain documents had been referred to by the hon. baronet (Sir 11. Peel) last night. Documents of a similar description (the letters of Mr. O'Connell) were the means of procuring hon. and learned members of that house the si tuation of judges—but all those letters were not read. The hon. bart. did not read all of the letter he had referred to. He (Mr. O'C.) called upon the Whigs not to appoint Orange Attorneys-General or Orange Judges. All he (Mr. O'C.) asked was justice for Ireland, as the English demanded it at Runnymede, and ha (Mr. O'C.) would not be refused it to the people of that country. Colonel PERCEVAL said he was most desirous to have remained silent during the present debate, as he conceived it better not to stand in the way of men more competent to deal with the sub ject, and especially as he was anxious to know whether those attacks which were made against him personally from the oppo site side, were of such importance as to deserve a reply from him. Last night he was accused by an hon. member on the other side, that he was a sworn Orangeman. He did not deny that he belonged to that association, but it being a loyal one, there were no secrets except except the signs of recognition.—(Cheers and laughter.) Secrecy was not essential to the spirit of the association. The rules and regula tions were published, and the hon. and learned member for Dublin in the last Parliament had told him that be had got them. Mr. O'CONNELL.—I never said so. Colonel PERCEVAL resumed.—He would say that the hon. and learned member did : however he would say that the association of Orangemen was a loyal one ; being so they never administered an oath. He had been attacked by the honourable and learned member, for Tipperary because he was an Orangeman. He was also attacked by the lion. and learned member for Meath, who stated that the principles of that association were for the extermination of Catholics. He denied that to be the case; one of the fundamental principles was not to insult nor persecute any individual on account of his religious belief—(hear, hear, and laughter from the opposition.) Nor was there to be any dif ference made on account of religion, but, on the contrary, the hand of good fellowship should be stretched in neighbourly benevolence to all mankind.—(Laughter from the Opposition.) Hon. and learned members might laugh, but he could say that those were the princi ples under which this association was governed. His right hon. friend had been severely attacked, because he had recommended him to his Majesty for the situation of Treasurer of the Ordnance, and the objection only appeared to be, because he was an Orangeman : how con.. sistent was the hon. and learned gentlemen, the member for Tipperary, to complain of such an appointment—when one of the charges against the administration was, that they never appointed an Irishman to office; and now that one Irishman was appointed to an humble office, it was still a greater ground of complaint. The Orangemen of Ireland have been charged with being incendiaries, and the hon. member for Tipperary had sta,ed that the houses of Catholics were burned in the North by Orangemen. But he heard quite a difnrent story, which he was convinced was correct.—(Loud cheers.) It was quite the contrary, Catholics enjoyed the greatest protection, anci when differences occurred between them, they uniformly referred it to Protestant , , and if theywould only inquire they would find it to be the fact, if the present Govern ment was not to be like the late, and submit to the dictates of the hon. and learned member for Dublin.—(Hear, hear.) He would vote for the address, because he considered that any vote would endanger the safety of the country, which might have the effect of ejecting the present ministry. If that ministry were ejected, there would, as the Whigs alone were out of the question, remain nothing but a junction of the Whigs with the Radicals, and then the country must expect all the measures of the Radical school. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose, but in consequence of the great noise occasioned by the rush of members from the bar of the House, where they bad been standing a great part of the evening, we could not distinctly hear the first few sentences which the noble lord said. The noble lord said—Sir, I shall state broadly and distinctly my reason for voting for the amendment of my noble friend the member for the West Riding of Yorkshire. I think it my duty, as a member of the House of Commons, to provide, as far as I can by my vote, that the reforms which may be proposed, and which are to be ap proved of by the House of Commons, shall not be less efficient, shall not be less certain, and shall - not be evasive of such reforms as the Administration of Lord Melbourne would have proposed for the consideration and approbation of Parliament. —(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, it is for this reason that I am glad my noble friend has proposed all amendment embracing a variety of principles upon the subject of municipal corporations, embracing a declaration that we will give relief to all the well.founded grievances of the Protestant Dissenters—(hear, hear, hear) and above all touching upon that point, which seems to be carefully avoided in this long and elaborate speech, I mean the abuses in the Church of Ireland. Well, Sir, I say then, let the House of Commons, if they mean to maintain reform at the same place at which it was left at the end of the last session ; if they mean to say that the exercise of the pre rogative which removes one administration and appoints another, and that the exercise of the prerogative which dissolves one House of Commons and calls another, shall not deprive the people of those reforms which the late ministry, and the late House of Commons would have effected, I say, let them speak in clear language, and let them add to the re. forms which the ministers of the Crown propose, those reforms which my noble friend has inserted in the amendment.—(Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned member for Knaresborough was afraid of the con sequences of this proceeding, which he seemed to think somewhat too bold and direct, he feared ; and that if it was carried into effect, the right hon. gentleman opposite and the Secretary for the Home department who had expressed his horror of the contamination of dis senters, would resign their seats.—(Loud bursts of laughter.)— He feared that if the Corporations were reformed, and that the people could exercise a vigilant controul over them, the Lord Chancellor— who is said to have held that our whole inquiry was illegal—(Loud cries of " hear," and laughter)—and that the present Government is pledged to nothing more than to lay the reports and evidence upon the table of the House of Commons—if we speak the language of dissent, nit the present occasion—if we speak that language which my noble friend the member for Lancaster (although he votes against the Amendment) does not deny is more reasonable than the speech from the Throne, the Lord Chancellor will resign the Seals —(Laughter.) And if we merely mention that difficult and delicate subject the Estab lished Church of Ireland, the whole Administration may refuse to con tinue in office.— (Loud cheering from the Opposition benches.) Sir, I have no fear of such an occurrence as this, and we should not refrain from obtaining those benefits, and carrying into effect those plans of reform in which the wishes of the people are so deeply concerned.—(Hear, hear, hear)—Sir, we have had some ex perience of the concessions of that party who are now in power. (Loud and continued cheering.) We have seen them before now yield to the demaiids of the people —we have seen them oppose the repeal of the disabilities affecting the Protestant Dissenters, and at length yield them ; and, compelled by the force of circumstances, we have seen them refuse to concede to the wisdom and eloquence of Mr. Canning and Lord Plunkett, that which was demanded of them in favour of our Roman Catholic brethren ; but we have seen these concessions made when force has been thrown into the balance—(Tremendous cheering.) We have seen, likewise, that the same men who opposed the claim of the large manufacturing towns of Birmingham and Manchester to send two representatives to Parliament, afterwards concede nearly the whole of the Reform Bill, when the voice of the people was heard.—(Cheers.) No doubt if we speak in clear and decided language, in the course of a short time we shall have not only the report of municipal corporations, but some effectual proposition to reform them; and even that difficult and delicate subject, the Church of Ireland, will receive the considera. tion of ministers. lam not yet come to the end of the concessions of the Tory party.—(Long and continued cheering from the opposition benches.) There is something in the state of that question as it regards the people of Ireland, and as it regards the state of society in that country, which will sooner or later make them confess this, in addition to their other errors, and add to their manifold vexa tions and great mortification, by compelling them to a measure, of full and satisfactory concession.—(Renewed cheering.) With these opinions, I shall have no hesitation in voting for my noble friend, and I do think that it is far better that this house should speak its own language—that, as the legitimate organ of the sentiments of the people, our opinions should reach the throne, rather than take the chance of these various subjects being made the further source of discontent in England, and of something more than discontent in the neighbouring country of Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) _ . . . I think that the expression of - our opinions to the throne cannot but tend to the allaying of that discontent. With respect to the speech of the right hon. baronet, it struck me at the time that it was more a de fence of his own conduct than those with whom he was connected. There is much which I might have objected to in the public conduct of that party in the house of Commons, but still more in their conduct in the house of Lords during the late Administration—[The two tb lowing sen tences were inaudible from the low tone in which the noble lord spoke.] But when I state these things, I must state that it is with re ference only to the period which I have mentioned ; be. cause I think that if I were to look back and con sider these questions for some time past, it appears to me that the opposition of the right hon. baronet was a most extrava gant indulgence in him towards us.—(A laugh.) I must say, that when I admit that the opposition of the right honourable baronet was fair and manly, yet I feel that, upon a question of great importance, he did not appear to have any difficulty or hesitation in giving his opposition. As for instance, when my noble friend the member for Lancashire brought forward the Irish Church Temporalities Bill he stated that upon the fate of that bill his Majesty's government were determined to stand or fall, this did not prevent the right honourable baronet from voting against that bill, both on the .second and third reading. —[Sir Robert Peel—" I voted only against the 147th clause."] — Likewise at the conclusion of Lord Grey's Government, when my noble friend, Lord Stanley, left that government, the right hon. baronet lost no time in declaring his total want of confidence in that government. The grounds upon which the hon. baronet stated that opinion were the issuing of the Irish Church Commission, and the opinion which Lord Grey's Government were known to hold upon that question. —(Cheers.) I must therefore, observe that the right hon. baronet should not find fault with me if seeing that he declared an entire want of confidence in Lord Grey's Government, with regard to the Irish Church Commission, I should now declare a want of confidence in his (the hon. baronet's)government. Well, the Administration of Lord Grey came to a close, which I regret as well as every other member of that Cabinet. I will only say that that event was attributed by rumours which were totally without foundation, to an intrigue which had no existence. The Administration of Lord Melbourne was then formed, and when formed it was determined by that Government to pursue the principles of Lord Grey's administration. When called upon to consider the great questions to be brought forward, they considered it would be necessary to remodel the English church, and that they should bring it before Parliament as soon as the Commission to Ireland should have reported the state of the Irish Church. And my Noble Friend (Lord Althorp) made a declaration in the house of Commons that in the ensuing session they should bring before Parliament the question of Corporation Reform. Such was the state of the Go vernment when Lord Spencer died, and Lord Melbourne went to Brighton to receive his Majesty's commands. At the time Lord Melbourne's Government was formed, Lord Althorp, at the request of his colleagues, consented to form a part of that Government. When I say this, I should add, that it was because Lord Althorp then was a member of the House of Commons. It was not possible—and I stated my opinions strongly at the time—it was not possible to form a Government, whilst Lord Althorp remained in the House of Commons, if he were out of that Government. But when by the death of Lord Spencer, Lord Althorp was called to the House of Peers, my noble friend, Lord Melbourne, professed himself ready to carry on the Government on the same principles on which it was founded, if he had his Majesty's permission to fill up the vacancy caused by the death of Lord Spencer—(Hear, hear.) Sir, upon that subject, I need not allude to what took place in this house a few days ago, and the accusations that were then made against me. All I will say upon the subject is this, that even not at all solicitous of any such honour, yet when it was the general wish of my colleagues that I should take part in this arrangement, 1 cannot deny that I thought it would be better for the Whig party and the cause of Reform that the course suggested should be adopted.—(Cheers.) Sir, it did not please his Majesty to give Lord Melbourne that commis sion ; the reason why that commission was not given, and the responsi bility of it, rests on the Duke of Wellington and the right hon gentleman, the right honourable Baronet having thought proper to ailude to the transactions that took place after his return from the Continent. I must, therefore, for a very short period, occupy the at. tention of the House, by referring to the reports that were spread abroad, intended to be injurious to every member of Lord ./ - 6, ~,~ .- -. :.h~ ~y . - the representatives of it , wealth and intelligence. Hear, hear.) Uadoubtedly they were the representatives of the greater -member of electors, but it was a matter of fact known to every gentleinitn acquaint ed with the city, that never was there a case in which: at . fOrtunately, numbers and property were so much at variance. d ch* it, and cries of " No, no," from the opposition.) This was j leetly known to every person, and it was proved beyond doubt b t which was presented by 5,1)00 individuals, comprising far .1144 1 47 . portion of the wealth, respectability, and intelligence of that gres (Loud cheers from the ministerial benches, and cries of " No, no," from the opposition)—he was sure he would not be contradicted by any one who knew anything about the city if be said that nine-tenths of the wealth of the city found 'hemselves unrepresented.—(Tremendous cries of" No," and cheers.) He did not think that he had overstated the case.--(Cries of" Adjourn.") He would not follow the hon. member f r Southwark 'nu. the subjects he had referred to. He knew that lion gentleman's p0w ,„,...:nd he congratulated those who were opposed to the present go. vernment the prospect of that hon. gentlem an ' s support. After the very able speech of his right hon. friend, he th oug h t i t would be wasting the time of th. house if he were to touch upon the topi cs w hi c h : Lis right hon, friend had treated in so able a manner ; and sifter he had stated so distinctly and satisfact:TilY the necessity of the dissolution of V for taking office. The Lon. gen.. ie last Parliament, and his motives . tleman at one time tells the house that 1.. 1 .1 these promises are hollow, while almost in the same breath he says that the present government is going to run a race of concession, and intends to bring forward mea sures that he could not himself have anticipated...-(Cheers.) Wt.en the hon. member had had an opportunity of judging of those measures, he would then be enabled to give an opinion whether those measures w re good or not, and whether those who had put them forward were entitled to the support of Me house.—(Cheers.) It was said that the spirit of 'the reform bill was exclusively to be put in force by one party in that house, and that that party sat on the other side—that they were the only persons initiated in the mysteries of reform.—(Cheers.) Th.. late government had certainly shown themselves not only masters of r, form, but everything else they took in hand. Witness the many m asures they had brought forward, all of which had produced nothing. —(Cheers, and cries of " Adjourn, adjourn!") The mea.sure that was intended to be produced by the present ministry with respect to the com mutation of tithes was, as far as he could understand i', a great improve inelit upon the project of the former government. When lie - Tie could Ti to Scotland to do honour to the great idol of the day, tai I Grey— .here they would have expected to have been .good frienes ; but they saw that even there they could not agree. After a few more observa tions, amidst much noise, the hon. gentleman concluded. 3; any members then rose, amidst loud cries of "Adjourn, adjourn IVe underbtood Mr. HUME to move the adjournment of the debate till to morrow, and the house alourned. HIS MAJESTY S LEVEE. Hi s M a j;s7 received an Address from the House of Lords yes terday at St. o:tines's. The Deputation, including the Lord Chan cellor, the Earl o: Shaftesbury, the Earl of Hardwieke (mover of the Address), and I ,. jscount Gage (seconder of the Address j, ar rived at the Palace at half-past one o'clock, attended by Mr. W. Conrteney, Clerk-Assistaot of the Parliament ; Sir A ugus!:us Clifford, Gentleman Usher of the Black Boa ; and Mr. Pulmalr, Yeoman Usher; the mace being carried by Mr. Butt, Deputy Sergeant a Arms. The Deputation were joined at the Palace by a number of Peers who came to attend the Levee, an,l were introduced into th Throne Room, where his Majesty rec.: , ived the Address. Th King was seated on his Throne, the Duke a Cumberland, Princ George of Cambridge, the Great. Officers of State, the Cabine Ministers, and the Officers of the Royal Household were o either side of his Majesty. The Honourable Corls of Centime at Arms, commanded by their Captain Viscount Hereford, an Standard-Bearer Sir George Pocock, formed two lanes, betwec which the Lords advanced to the foot of the Throne, when th Lord Chancellor read the Address. His Majesty returned a gra cious answer, and the mover and seconder of the Adcirws having had the honour to kiss the King's hand, the Deputation withdrew. His Majesty then held a Levee. In the entree circle General Soublette was presented by M. Garra; the Mexican Minister ; and Baron Schemmelpenninct and Baron Van Gagern by Mons. W• G. Dedel, the Netherlands Minister. l'he levee was attended by the Austrian, Russian, and French Ambassadors; the Neapolitan, Prussian, Netherlands, Danish, Mexican, Portuguese, Greek, Turkish, Spanish and Saxon Mini sters; the Swedish Charge d'Affaires; M. Lichtenberg, Privy- Councillor of the Hanoverian Legation ; the Secretary to the Le gation from the Ottoman Porte ; the Secretaries to the Spanish Legation ; the Archbishop of York ; the Lord President ; th Lord Privy Seal ; the First Lord of the Treasury - the Secretaric of State for the Home, Foreign, and Colonial Departments ; the First Lord of the Admiralty ; the President of the Board of Con troul ; the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ; the Master General of the Ordnance ; the Lord Steward ; the Lord Chamber lain ; the Groom of the Stole; the Master o: the Horse • the Com mander of the Forces; the Lord Chamberlain to the Queen ; Viscount Combermere, the Gold Stick in Waiting; the Bishop of Worcester, Clerk of the Closet, the Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen at Arms, the Captain of the Y.eomen of the Guard, the Vice-Chamberlain, the Treasurer of the Household, the Comptroller of the Household, Lord Downes, Colonel Sir Charles Thornton, Colonel Sir L. Greenwell, Colonel Wynyard and Colonel Smelt, C. 8., Aide-de-Camp to the King; the Master of the Robes ; Mr. Meek, Comptroller of the Victualling of the Navy; the Principal Chaplain to his Majesty's Forces, Mr. Sulli van? Deputy-Secretary at War; Colonel Bowater, Equeery in Waiting ; Colonel Hill, Silver Stick in Waiting ; her Majcaty's Attorney anti Solicitor-General, and the Page of Honour. DexEs—Gordon, Buceleuch, Rutland, Grafton, Richmond. MARQUISEs-Camden, Salisbury, Bath, Ailsa, Londonderry, Ormonde, Exeter. EARLS-Roseberry, Delawarr, Haddington, Shaftesbury, Ripon, Brecknock, Brownlow, Amherst, Ossory, Beverley, Stradbroke, Hardwicke, Portarlington, Euston, Roden. ViscooNrs—Cole, Alford, Ashbrook, Torrington, Palmerston, 4% ;. Ferrard. Loxes—Dalmeny, De Tabley, Fitzgerald, Colchester, Robert Grosvenor, Adolphus Fitzclarence, Abinger, De Lisle, Bexley, Rodney, Montague, Hotham, Harewood, Rolle, Stoke, C'hurohill, Bagot, W. Fitzroy, Henniker, Howard, C. Townshend, Boston, W. Butler. BlSUOPS—Llandaff, Winchester, Exeter, Lichfield and Cover.- try, Hereford, Oxford. How.—Sir William Rae, Thos. Lefroy, M.P., Sir G. Ouseley, F. Shaw, Sir C. M. Sutton. How.—Sir Henry Duncan, R.N., Captain Poulett, Captain Duncombe, R.N., R. B. Wilbraham, Rev. E. Moore. Sins—John Nichol', Frederick Madden, R.H., Peter Laurie, John Deas Thomson, K.C.H., Philip Gray Egerton, Watkins Wynn, Rowland Hill, Robert Dallas, J. Hay, George Tuite, Bart., Thomas Baring, M. Ridley, H. S m yth, M.P., H . Nicholas, C. Sullivan R.N., J. Bereford, G. Grey, J. Gibbon s , G. Sh e e, Moris Ximenes, R. Campbell. The Dean of Carlisle. The Rev. D. Dakins • Dr. C. L. Phillimore. REv. MEssiEeas—. R. Wood, R. 'Endes Groome, Georg. Townsend, Lord!.Thypne,__Lord F. Beauclerk. , MEsstEuns—Waketield, Francis Baring, Shepherd, C. Mills, E. D. Moore, Spence, Walker Skirrow, W. T a tt on E ger t on , Kindersley, Paynter, Laurie, William Paynter, Benj. Tomkins, Burge, John Potton, Whitshed, Moreton Dyer, Hulton, Bassan, C. Morgan, Hamilton, G. A. Hamilton, Forbes, Pulman, Har court, Simpkinson, Gregson, Praed, Shank, Babbage, Compton, H. Tucker, R. Ellice, A. Lefrov, E. Goulburn, E. Bagot, C. East, Jenkins, 0. Morgan, Ravenshaw, S. Clarke, Leycester, and W. Craufurd. GENzaaLs—Sir James Kempt, Sir Colquhoun Grant, Mundy, Viscount Lorton, O'Connell, Sir George Walker, Lord Forbes, King, Mawby, Sir John Byng, Lord Harris, Sir L. Widdrington, Sir P. Ross, Sir J. Maclean, Sir Thomas Montressor, Sir G. INlur ray, Sir C. Doyle, Sir G. Quentin, Sir C. Dalbiac COLON ELs—Mair, Sir A. Frazer, K. C. 8., Wright, Chatterton, K.H. M.P., Sir B. Camac, Sir J. Woodford, Perceval, Chaplin, R. Trevor, Reeves, Ravenshaw, Hare, Hugh Baillie, Hanmer, Sir J. Savage, Wood, Sir F. Smith, Le Blanc, Wallace, Hay, Clitheroe. MAJons—Sir Grenville Temple Greaves, St. John, Newton. CAPTAINS—Fitzroy, B. Daveney, Lawrence, Tempest. LIEUTENANTS—Mundy, Morton, James, Frederick Glubb, F. W. Hamilton, J. Broadhurst, Quentin, Newton, A. H., Frazer, Best, M. Archdall, Cheney. Cornet Rodon. Ensign Cannon. ADMIRALS —Tollemache, Sir James H. Whitshed, Liiinbert, Sir J. Harvey, Sir D. Milne, K.C.8., Sir T. Rodd, Donnelly, Stuart, Fleming, Sir T. Hardy. CAPTAINS, R.N.—Williams, Sandon, Edward Curion, Henry Hume Spence, Hon. J. Ashley Maude, Buchan, Morier, W. Hen lerson, K.H., R. Oliver, Sir H. Pigot, Warren, Drinkwater, Sir F. Senhouse, Sir R. Barrie, Ellice, J. C. Ross, Sir J. Franklin, 'Zir E. Parry, Foley, A. Sheppard, Skipsey, W. Shepheard, R. Burton, W. Symonds. CAPTAINS, H.C. S.—Edward Foord, John Hine, J. R. Mander son, G. Probyn, P. Cameron, J. Lawrence. COMMANDERS—John Reeve, Milne, H. G. Hamilton, Coffin, Nias, Sir P. Parker. LIEUTENANTS—SheIIey, Loch. The following presented Addresses to the King : The Marquis of Londonderry, from the Nobility, Clergy, Land owners, and others of the County Palatine of Durham, congratu lating his Majesty on th,! exercise of his Royal Prerogative, and expressing their confidence in his present servants ; accompanied by the Bishop of Exeter, the lion. A. Trevor, and the Rev. George Townsend. Mr. Burge, Agent for Jamaica, from the House of Assembly of that island. The Bishop of Winchester, from the Archdeacon and Clergy •f Surrey, of thanks for the declaration of his INiajesty's gracious in tention to maintain unimpaired the Established Church of England Ind Ireland. Lieut.-Colonel Chatterton, K. 11., M.P., from the county of Cork and the city of Cork. Captain John Hine, Senior Officer of the late Maritime Ser vice cf the East India Company, of thanks to his Majesty from the !)ffieers of that service; accompanied by Captains George Probyn; Peter Cameron, J. R. Mandcrson, and E. loord Viscount. Cole, one hundred and eighty-two Addresses from the Orangemen of Fermanagh, two from Mayo, and one from Manor Hamilton, declaring their loyalty and attachment towards his Majesty, and thanking him for the late exercise of his pre rogative. Mr. Leycester, M.P., from the Orangemen of the county and city of Cork. rhe Earl of Roden, four Addresses from the Protestants of the county of Down and Waterford, belonging to the Orange Institu tion, thanking his Majesty for dismissing his late Ministers. The following were presented to the King :-- Lord Fitzgerald, on being created a Peer of the United Kingdom. The. Right Hon. Sir W. Rae, on his appointment. Lieut.-Gen. Sir J. Kempt, on his appointment. Sir Fred. Madden, K.H., on his appointment. Capt. C. Bullen, C.B. R.N., on being nominated a K.C.H. Lieut. Morton, Bambay Army, by Major-Gen. Sir H. Wheatley. Cornet Rodon, t d Dragoon Guards, by Mr. Rodon. Lieut.. Mundy, R. A., by Lieut.-General Mundy. Mr. Spence, on being appointed one of his Majesty's C ounse l. Mr. W. Skirrow, on being appointed one of his Majesty's Counsel. Kindersley, on being appointed one of his Majesty's Counsel. Mr. Wakefield, on being appointed one of his Majesty's Counsel. Mr. Sheppard, on being appointed one of his Majesty's Counsel. Mr. Benj. Tonkins, on his appointment. Mr. E. D. Moore, on being appointed Apothecary to her Majesty. Mr. John Cotton, Director of the East India Company. The Earl of Portarlington, by the Earl of Wilton. The Earl of Harwieke, on coming to his title, by Earl de Grey. Lord Abinger, by the Lord Chancellor. Lord De Lisle, by the Marquis of Winchester. Viscount Alford, on his appointment, by Earl Brownlow. Right Hon. T. Lefroy, M.P., as a Privy Councillor in Ireland. Right Hon. F. Shaw, as a Privy Councillor in Ireland. Capt. John Lawrence, H.C.S., by Lord Henniker. Mr. Leycester, M.P., by the Earl of Roden. Viscount Cole, by Sir Philip Grey , Egerton. Lieut.-Genera\ Chatterton, K. H., M.P., by the Earl of Roden. non. Captain Duncombe, on his promotion. Mr. Gregson, on his appointment, by the Rt. Hon. H. Goulburn. Sir George Tuite, Bart., byLieut.-tscn. Sir C. Grant, K. ( - 2. B, Mr. G. A. Hamilton, by the Earl of Roden. Rev. Robert H. Grooms, by Lord Henniker. 1 • r*),