The Sun. — London, England, 1835-04-18 00:00:00

ISPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. If we are among the journalists whom some of our foolish contemporaries mean to charge with perverse exultation at the difficulties experienced by Lord Mel "oourne in his attempt to form an effective Govern ment for this country, or at the delays which have thence arisen in the completion of it, they treat us (as is. indeed, their wont) with extreme injustice. None can be more conscious than we are ourselves that the first want of the empire is a Cabinet which the great bulk of the community can respect, with qualities _ _ _ which fit its members for the exercise of high states manlike ftraetions in the service of a free people, corn prehending a course of steady and enlightened legisla tion, and promising something like stability in its own structure, as well as in the principles and direction of the national policy. If the Government of Sir 11. Peel, considered with respect to some of its members, seemed deficient in the above essential characteristics, it was less the fault of the Right Hon. Baronet, or of his great colleague the Duke of Wellington, than of the circumstances which for that time dis- appointed their joint expectation, that Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, and perhaps one or two other re- spectable members of the old Grey Cabinet, would have taken office with them. One. of our chief grounds of regret for the overthrow of the Peel Administration was, and is in fact, our strong conviction, in which the occurrences of every day since the retirement of the Right Hon. Baronet have confirmed us, that Lord Melbourne, or whoever else might be intrusted with authority to form the new Cabinet, would find it im possible to construct another which should not be far inferior to that of Sir Robert Peel, even in those points where the latter was most vulnerable, without resorting to some Conservative materials by which it might be redeemed and strengthened. There was no room for exultation, God knows ! in such a prospect, but much. for unfeigned concern ; nor is it by party feelings that any man who has a present stake in the public welfare, or a capacity for looking forward to what only six months may roduce, could be governed at a crisis like that which now betides us. But we have had two charges brought against this journal, which it may be convenient briefly to no tice : 1. It is said that in urging the Whigs to co-ope rate at this moment with the Conservatives, rather than with the Radicals and Repealers, we give advice inconsistent with that on which -we recommended the former to act a year ago. Our censure, pretty fre quent, and pretty strong, we admit, was directed against the Melbourne Cabinet, and against the latter periods of Lord Grey's, not because it was not Radical enough, but because it seemed to have no character at all— because, like the chamelion, its colour was eternally changing—because, like a drunken man, it described an oblique, a tottering, and most uncertain course. Its promises, most, though not all of which we approved, were hardly ever executed, after the accomplishment of the Reform Bill had put almost every thing within its power. There was scarcely a measure of any large public interest which was not either all but abandoned by the Whig Ministers or egregiously botched. Of the first, the church reforms, both of Ireland and England furnished evidence : of the second, the Dissenters' Marriage Act. There was Dot a week which did not exhibit Lord Althorp, and . through him the Government, in disgraceful submis sion to the revolutionary party, weak as it then was, or in ill-judged collision with its leaders. The ineffi ciency of that Cabinet, therefore, not its illiberality— and we appeal to the frequent articles wherein we at tacked it—formed the main staple of our castigations. But what parallel can there be shown to exist between the two cases ? In the last Parliament, the old Whig party constituting the Government was numerous and powerful; . the Conservatives few,- and nearly passive ; the Reform Bill, then in all its freshness, or rather crudity, having operated characteristically upon both. But the Radicals, though impetuous and active, had no power to work mischief, but such as might be lent to them thrciigh the manifest impolicies of the Whigs. Then with the ball at the foot of the latter party, • which supplied functionaries to all the departments of the State, what was the effect of their full enjoy ment of office, and of its attributes, down to the day of their dismissal? It was this—that the Whig Go vernment and the Whig party became every hour more unpopular throughout the entire kingdom, being almost universally regarded as the most incapable, or the most insincere, but at all events the most vacillating and least to be relied upon, of any that the oldest man in England had remembered. The sentiment prevailed from north to south of the United Kingdom. The in fluence of it—though in some measure qualified by the abrupt and unceremonious dismissal of Lord Melbourne upon which we decline to make any further comment — was felt abundantly at the last election, when the Whigs received buffets on both sides of the head, the Radicals obtaining a reinforcement of more than a third to their former numbers, and the Conservatives being more than doubled. The Conservatives became within a dozen votes of a clear majority of the • House, and the Radicals, English and Irish, though not strong enough to contend single-handed with them, have shown strength enough to dictate the law to the Whigs as the price of their alliance. This journal, therefore, has acted for the safety of the constitution, and for the good and wholesome government of the country, and in no other spirit and for no other end. It has seen from what point danger threatened the monarchy, and it has confronted that danger. It is persuad, d, and by the help of its own courage and of the common sense of the people it has persuaded others, that a Whig Government, such as has been projected by the Whigs themselves, can be no other than a revolutionary Government, and has flung it self into the scale of the monarchy against revolution. Burke—a Whig, and a philosopher and statesman, a patriot and a prophet—rebuked his old Whig friends and resisted them ; and, to compare small things with great, why should inferior men to Burke be afraid or ashamed to follow his example ? Lord Fitzwilliam was a Whig, and preferred his country to his party ; was lie blamed, by any beyond the precincts of that party, for joining Mr. Pitt when _the salvation of the British monarchy was trembling in the balance ? Was Mr. Windham, the pupil and friend of Burke, a pure and manly Whig, if ever such Whig existed—was he de cried by any but factious reptiles for joining Lord Fitzwilliam in his support of the anti-Jacobin Go vernment ? These virtuous men maintained their principles ; the inconsistency was in the fag-end of the Whig party of that epoch, which forgot the prin ciples of the old Whigs, and took up doctrines which belonged neither to Whiggery nor to the Constitution, although the transcendent Parliamentary powers of Fox were wasted in defending them. We claim the privilege of all practical minds, adjusting our efforts to the emergency, and hastening to the spot where danger presses. 2. We are abused for recommending a corrupt surrender of their principles to the Whigs, in advising them to form, if they can, a conjoint Govern ment with the Conservative Sir Robert Peel and his allies. This is a malignant and stupid accusation. Why do we urge the old Whigs to take this prudent and advantageous course ? Because we know that in combining with the Radicals they will have to make far more pernicious compromises of political opinion,—because we know that to form a junction with ultra-Radicals they must throw up all their known principles and tenets,—because the coalition to which they are blindly rushing will be the most corrupt, dis honest, and desperate that ever was recorded of Eng lish gentlemen, exacting from them a total sacrifice of all our fundamental institutions, the Church, the Peerage, the Crown, and the union of the Monarchy. When we told Lord Melbourne that the Conservatives were now " his natural allies," we meant that they were the party with whom he 'might coalesce at a smaller compromi se o f constitutional principle than with any other —ay, and eventually, should interests more sordid cross his mind's eye, at a less expense of the share and patronage of office. It will end in this —it must end in this. Whether the proposal comes from Sir Robert Peel or from Lord Melbourne, to avoid such an issue is impossible. The Conservatives, we acknowledge, have proved that they cannot go vern England- against a coalition of Whigs with E ng li s h, I)lgcoten I_ , andlrish revolutionists,—the Whigs must be already couvinctd iu their dwn hearts that they. cannot VHF ti I +~>l c c - . t".• Pi ••t' : -..\- •_., ; : , , , Ci‘ l :": , (. %; ( .77 r- .... ~---, 1 -\,'" , ‘,„;),-- l'' .I___,-.4.-:',-,:?„,,,, ~;~ . govern without such a coalition—an expedient at once terrible and disgraceful.—Times. Whether the public curiosity is to be gratified this evening by the communication of any positive intelli gence respecting the formation of the new Ministry, we cannot tell. The Whig-Radical Journals, which a few days ago spoke with confidence of the immediate formation of a Melbourne Cabinet, have changed their tone ; but while they are compelled to admit the diffi culties which we had anticipated, and of which, indeed, the delay is a sufficient proof, they pretend to be ex ceedingly pleased with discovering that their patrons have' not been able to step at once from the Op position benches into those official situations which are the darling object of their patriotic ambition. If the Whig-Radical papers are pleased with the difficul ties of the situation in which the Whigs have placed themselves, as they assure the public they are, it would ill become us to wish them any diminution of that pleasure ; but, looking to the state of the country, with all the important business of the Session obstructed and cast aside for mere party purposes, we see nothing very delightful in the prospect which it affords. The large and liberal plan of Church Reform which Sir R. Peel submitted to the House of Commons might now have been nearly brought into operation, as well as the measure for the settlement of the Irish tithe question, if it were not for the factious opposition given by the Whig-Radicals, to prevent the fair examination and discussion of all and every measure of Reform pro posed by the Chief of the late Cabinet. We are now on the entrance of the summer months, and, thanks to Lord John Russell, Mr. O'Connell, and their satel lites, the whole of the public business of which notice was given for this Session, along with the large arrear of business from the last Session, remains to be com menced. The reason the Whig-Radical Papers give for being pleased with the delay which has occurred in the formation of the new Ministry is that it proves the Whigs are not so anxious to grasp place as to cause them to forget their principles. So, then, they showed neither aviditity for place nor oblivion of their princi ples by joining with the English Destructives and Irish Papists, to oppose the reforming Administration of Sir Robert Peel, whose measures for correcting the abuses of our institutions and removing grievances cer tainly went as far as ever the Whigs professed to go in acting upon the Reform Bill while they were them selves in office. Surely the proposition of Lord John Russell to confiscate a portion of the property of the Irish Protestant Church for Popish purposes is not a Whig principle. It certainly was not the Whig prin ciple of last year, for Lord John Russell and his colleagues opposed it when brought forward by Mr. Ward, and issued their Irish Church Commission to stave it off—a Commission which they now treat with contempt, thereby evincing how much regard they have for principle and consistency. The real truth is that it is not their adherence to their principles which makes it difficult for the Whigs to form a Cabinet, but it is their flagrant desertion of their principles. We believe that a Cabinet•upon genuine Whig prin ciplesa Cabinet upon the principles of Fox and Lord Grey, and even of Lord Melbourne himself, or Lord John Russell, before they delivered themselves up for factious purposes to the Radical and Repeal dema gogues, and abjured their original doctrines of tempe rate, safe, and Constitutional Reform—in short, the very species of reform which Sir Robert Peel, to whom the Popish party owe their political existence, was endeavouring to carry into effect, cannot be formed. The difficulties which the Whigs • have in Cabinet arise from this, that they have placed them selves in such a position as renders them the slaves of the Irish Agitator, whose dictation has become to them like the law of the Medes and Persians, which changeth not.. The Whigs, as we said the other day, are no longer free agents—they must consult the wishes of the master-spirit of Papal agitation, who served them upon an unhallowed compact, which obliges them to serve him in turn, and their inexorable taskmaster will have the penalty of his bond. If the Whigs then are at tempting to make terms with the Sovereign, the terms are not in behalf of their own principles, but in favour of those of Mr. O'Connell and his faction, and against the Protestant Church and Protestant liberties of these realms, and even against the principle of the Act of Settlement which determines the limitation of the Clown in its present line of descent. On the firmness of his Majesty, and his known attachment to the prin ciples which placed his family on the throne, the peo ple of England must now rely to protect their laws and liberties, their religion, and their ancient and inesti mable institutions against Papal intrigue and Papal ambition. The addresses which pour in from all parts of England show that the Protestant spirit is awake to the dangers that threaten the Constitution, and they also prove that if his Majesty finds himself reduced to the alternative of surrendering the Protestant Church to its implacable enemies, or appealing once more to the nation, his resorting to that appeal which, at the pre sent time, only such an extremity would justify, will be responded to by the energetic loyalty of all who can appreciate his patriotism, and are worthy of his confi dence.—Morntng Herald. We understand that Lord Melbourne has at length patched by a Ministry, the members of which flatter themselves that by good management and good luck they may get through the present session of Parlia ment. His Lordship, we are informed, went to Windsor yesterday, to receive the sanction of his Ma jesty to the various appointments in the new Admi nistration, and a Council, we believe, will be held this day at St. James's, at which a considerable proportion of the new Ministers will be sworn in. It is not for us to hazard a speculative list of the new Administra tion ; but we believe we do not risk much in saying that it will comprehend, in addition to Lord Melbourne himself, who will be First Lord of the Treasury, the names of the Marquis of Lansdowne ; the Lords Auckland, Dunnannon, John Russell, Howick ; the Right Honourables C. Grant, T. Spring Rice, and E. Ellice. Who the other members of the Cabinet will be, is yet, we incline to think, undetermined. There is no mention of Lord Brougham for the seals, nor yet of Sir John Campbell. It is not at present decided, we believe, by whom they are to be held. Lord Palmerston seems also to be excluded. The pre sent intention is, as we are informed, that the Admi nistration shall be purely Whig, containing no visible mixture of the Repeal faction, or of Radicalism, Eng lish, Irish, or Scotch. We say no visible mixture, because it must be manifest to the most inattentive or unskilful observer, that a Whig Administration, with its feeble body of one hundred and fifty supporters in the House of Commons, cannot hope to sustain itself —for a single week—without the aid of the O'Con nell tail ; while it must be equally clear to all men of sober judgment, that the latter body are not likely to lend their support—unless upon the well un derstood condition, that full compensation shall be made to them, for the indignity and apparent humi liation of their exclusion from office, in the clandes tine concession of, something more than, official power. There have been periods in the history of this country when the distrust and indignation of the public have been excited by the cry of " a secret influence behind the Throne greater than the Throne itself." What is now to be dreaded is, not a secret influence behind the Throne, but an unconstitutional and irresponsible authority openly breathing its spirit into the Admini stration, dictating every movement of the Government, reducing the ostensible advisers of the Sovereign to the rank of mere clerks in office, and the Sovereign him self to the condition of an instrument in the hands of men who are themselves no more than instruments in the hands of others. The real Cabinet Council of Eng land will sit, during the existence of such an Admini stration as that which we expect to be announced this day, not at Downing -street, as heretofore, but in the sessions of Parliament at some tavern near Westminster bridge, where certain Irish Members barter their franks for their dinners, and in the Parliamentary vacation at Merrion-square or Derrynane Abbey. This will in evitably be the state of things so long as the forth. coming Administration can prolong its ambiguous and dishonourable existence. That the period will be brief we have, however, fortunately, a sufficient guarantee in the manly and straightforward character of the people of England, who like everything, in the management of their affairs to be fair, open, and aboveboard, and will certainly not long endure the wretched- iniperium inimperio now about to be established. That there is a ashonoulable and dishonest com*t between the new Government and Mr. O'Connell, in virtue of which the latter is to receive in irresponsible political power more than a compensation for the exclu sion from office of himself and his avowed retainers, no man in his senses can doubt, any more than he can doubt that the visible and tangible results of this abominable and treasonable compact must speedily become disgusting and intolerable. That there is any secret treaty of the same kind with the English and Scotch Radicals may,.. however, reasonably be doubted. The latter, with all their errors, have yet much sound English feeling. They would scarcely, we think, be ambitious of occult power, but would wish rather to incur the due share of responsibility for any measures which they may enforce. The important distinction between Mr. O'Connell and his tail and the English and Scotch Radicals is, that the former are and the latter are not imbued with the principles and feelings of the political school of Loyola. The support of the English and Scotch Radicals, as well as that of the Irish Agitator and his tail, is, however, plainly indispensable to the existence of the Melbourne Cabinet. And we infer that this support is not secured by clandestine compact, like that of the Jesui tical O'Connell and his retainers, not only from the more sincere and unsophisticated character of the British school of Radicalism, but from the lame and awkward, though very zealous and 'diligen attempts, of the organs of the new Government, to cajole the latter. As an example of these attempts at cajolery, we extract the following passages from the Globe of last night, apologizing to the English and Scotch Radicals for their exclusion from the Cabinet, and calling upon them to support the Melbourne Ca binet, on account of its " good intentions." " We know that there are concessions to be made on the present occasion. We must be content with the exclusion from power of men whom we would 'most willingly see in possession of it, in the belief that quite sufficient gua rantees for the policy of Ministers will still be found in the names of Lord Melbourne and those whom he will be able to have as his colleagues. We must be content without the adoption of certain measures of personal conci liation which we think essential to the complete tranquillity of the country. We must be content also with trying every possible alternative before the adoption of such measures as will completely abate the resistance of the anti-Re formers. But we can submit to no compromise of the principles, no misunderstanding of the intentions, of a Re forming Ministry. They may refrain from carrying their largest designs and fullest wishes into execution ; but they must become the instruments of no plans which are in op • position to their principles. Their measures, at least, must comprehend all that they professed during their late oppo sition ; they must be shaped in entire accordance with re forming principles. The opposition of anti-Reformers must be encountered with sound and frank policy, not averted by compromise. The reforming Ministry must endear itself to the nation, by doing all in its power to carry reforms into effect. On its opponents must rest the undivided re sponsibility of curtailing or rejecting them. " The public is perfectly ready to appreciate the good in tentions of reforming Ministers, and to take into account all the difficulties to which they are exposed. It will make allowance for their not being able to carry their intentions into effect, as long as no doubt is excited about the inten tions themselves. There is a clear line of distinction between the concessions which it will tolerate, and those which will excite its jealousy. It will not require a Minister to work or to attempt impossibilities. He will not be expected to introduce measures which he has not the means of car rying, or to demand an unusual degree of power to over come the resistance opposed to him. But he must not link himself to bad principles and imperfect measures. He must not become, through fear, a participatcr in the oppo sition to Reform. If he r-..,.- t r. t:,-n aii its wisnes, lie must let the country see where the obstacle to good government really exists. Nor must he allow himself to he thwarted by secret impedi ments. If he is not justified in demanding the utmost con stitutional means of carrying his policy into effect, ho must not subject his authority to unusual limitation." It must be highly gratifying to our Radical fellow subjects of Great Britain to hear the new Admi nistration, for which their votes in Parliament have prepared the way, introduced to the country by such a flourish as we have just re-echoed. They will recollect, no doubt, that the Administra tion of Sir Robert Peel did not claim credit with the country on the strength merely of " good inten tions." The Dissenters' Marriage Bill, the Eng lish-and Irit:l Tithe Bills, the Ecclesiastical Courts Reform Bill, the Church Reform Inquiry, the Mi litary Punishment Commission, are so many proofs that the late Ministry rested their claim to the confi dence and support of their fellow-coimtrymen upon something of a more substantial kind than " good in tentions." The English and Scotch Radicals must, as we have already said, be quite delighted with an Administration which begins its career by excluding them wholly from office, and then proceeds to claim their confidence on the ground of its " good inten tions." We were weary enough, and so we imagine were the Radical fraction of our countrymen, when Lord Melbourne and his friends were in power before, of the plea of "good intentions." The latter, we re collect, expressed their impatience in terms sufficiently plain and' significant. We own we scarcely expected that a sound so inauspicious as that of " good inten tions " would be the first to salute our ears on the restoration of the Melbourne Ministry.—Morn. Post. The Tories, if we may take the Standard as a cor rect expounder of their views, are now anxious for an union of the Whigs. All they demand is that the Whigs should separate themselves from the other classes of Reformers. If you only (say they) throw all your allies overboard, we will give you our hearty support. Only deprive yourselves of the c onfidence of the people in you, and we will assure to you the House of Lords and the Court. This is the old story of the wolves, who, in an alliance with the s heep, sti pulated for the dismissal of the dogs. The dismissal of the Melbourne Ministry last November is the best an swer to all overtures from the Tories. We rejoice how ever, at the overtures. Nothing but desperation, we know. could draw such language from the foes of the people " Lord Melbourne (says the Standard) is in the most favourable position that can be conceived to carry on 'the Government with honour to himself, and with advantage to the country. Without paying the price of a sir.gle place in exchange, he can have the support of the whole House of Lords, of nearly 300 Conservative Members of the House of Commons, in addition to his own party of pro bably 150, and the whole confidence of his Royal Master. This he would have without, as wessaid, conferring a single office in exchange ; and, we will add, without sacrificing a single principle which lie has ever professed in public. But lie must count upon the loss of Mr. O'Connell and his followers, and of that party in this - country which supplies the middle term between the Irish Repealers and the English Whigs." Most generous, no doubt. When the Tories re nounce all expectations of office,, things are really come to a strange pass. The plain English of this is, that the Tories find they cannot move a single step. They sprung a mine, as they thought, on the Whigs, but they have only blown themselves up. The disso lution left them in a minority ; and though they have threatened another dissolution, they dare not venture on a course which would rouse the whole country against them. In their difficulty, they merely request that the Whigs should abandon their pledges, should prove traitors to the people, and to the more decided Reformers. The Whigs, of course, would for ever be detested by the people—would fall never to rise again. The duration of Lord Melbourne's Ministry, when its tenure would be the good pleasure of the Tories, might be, perhaps, a couple of months. The self-denial of the Tories in re nouncing office for a couple of months, in or der to get iid of their formidable rivals for a long pe riod, and thereby ensure to themselves the plunder of the people for years to come, is sufficiently intelligible. The Standard asks if Lord Melbourne flatters himself with the expectation that he can destroy the Conserva tive party ? His Lordship must be blind not to per ceive that the Conservatives are a strong party in this country, and that they cannot be destroyed: They possess a considerable share of the property of the country, held in large masses, though their strength lies rather in the second-rate Aristocracy than in the first. If, for instance, the income of the House of Peers be taken at three millions, about one-half of that amount is possessed by a dozen of Whig no blemen. Sum up the incomes of the Dukes of Devonshire, Bedford, Cleveland, Norfolk, Suther land, the Marquis of Westminster, Earl Fitzwil liam, the Earl of Derby, and some four more, — and it will be found that they possess, alone, nearly the, .Half of the income- of the whole Peer- age. But the Conservatives include a large prepor , imn of the more needy Aristocracy—men who pre serve theiifooting by the aid of the Church, the Co lonies, the Army and Navy, Foreign Embassies, and other places at home and abroad. They are powerful in the country, but the mass of holders of property is more powerful ; and since the passing of the Reform Bill, it is impossible to govern this country without their support. The middle classes are the depositaries of influence under the Reform Bill. The power of bribery and the power of intimidation were exerted to the utmost at the last election, and they failed. To understand the real meaning of this overture of the Tories to the Whigs, it is only necessary to reflect a moment on the position of the Whigs. The Whigs, though often individually rich, can only be returned to Parliament by Reformers. - It is, therefore, self evident that the very existence of the Whigs is identified with Reform. The Tories occupy the Anti-reforming ground. All the prejudiced, the ignorant, and the bigoted part of the population are their natural constituents. In that quarter the Whigs can have no chance. The Reform constituency -are more or les . s decided—the more decided are termed Ra dicals—the less decided Whigs ; but it is quite clear that Reform principles, more or less decided, must be professed by all Whigs as well as by all Radicals. The Whigs, therefore, dare not and cannot abandon the people. Were they to attempt such a thing, they would commit felo de se. And now a word to the To ries. They find that all their dishonesty—all their af fected regard for Reform—has failed. There is an Italian distich— Chi troppo in aer sal eadb repente Preeipite volissime volmente, and this the Tories have exemplified. They "wished to arrest reform, and they have given fresh impetus to it. It is too late for them now to call out for aid to the Whigs. As they have made their beds, so they must lie. We cannot better close these observations than by , quoting a piece of excellent - advice, addressed to all classes of Reformers, in the postscript to an article on the State of Parties in the first num ber of the London Review, published yesterday— a work of great promise, in which it is impossible not to recognize some of the most able and learned writers of the day.—" Men," says the Reviewer, "who would govern this country from henceforward must not be men who thought our institutions perfect five years ago, and who declare that their opinions have not changed. They must either have sincere belief, or the decent pretence of a belief, that those institutions were. and are imperfect—that there are changes, which are not merely necessary evils, which the people unthink ingly demand, but a good in themselves. This is a lesson not without its value to those who still needed it. In all other respects the prospects of the nation appear to us, after this change, exactly' as they ap peared three months ago. . The progress of reform appears to us certain, and we know full well that it will he slow. Any Ministry which can be formed out of the scanty and insufficient materials afforded by the `present Houses of Parliament will leave much to be desired—much to be criticised—much to be pardoned # * * * * This the thorough Reformers are prepared for, and we believe they will disregard it. But we do implore them not to im plicate themselves in the responsibility of a half-reform policy. They may support a Ministry when it de serves support with far greater effect out of office ; and.they will retain the inestimable advantage of being t liberti: to n, members of a Cabinet, they would not have it in their po - wa 1.3 ca effect. Let them not allow themselves to be circum vented by the time-serving doctrine, that it is imprudent to propose anything that has no chance of immediate success. All great things which have ever been accom plished in the world, since opinion became the ruler of it, have been accomplished by attempting things which, for years or generations or ages after the first attempt, had riot the remotest chance of success. If the ambition of the thorough Reformers be not limited to this paltry object, they will frustrate themselves with the conviction that it is for others to consider what can be carried through the House of Commons ; but that they are there to stand up for what is good in itself, let who will be Minister, and however small a portion of the House may go along with them. From the Ministry we neither expect nor de mand all this ; nor has the time yet come when so manly a course would be consistent with their remaining a Ministry. But there is one thing which it is not too much to require of them. We cannot expect that they will propose measures which are in advance of the House of Commons ; but unless they would be utterly contemp tible, let them not this time confine themselves to such as they trust will be agreeable to the House of Lords. That this was the principle, the systematic principle of Earl Grey's Ministry, we have the public testimony of Lord John RuSsell, in a speech to his constituents in Devonshire ; and Lord Melbourne's answer to the Derby Address was in the same spirit. If the new Ministers act upon a similar principle ; if, as often as they believe that the House of Lords would throw out a measure of improvement, they mutilate it, or refuse absolutely to introduce it, and perhaps even assail it when introduced by others ; if they again place them selves as a barrier between the Lords and public odium, and, to shield the real culprits, take upon themselves the responsibility of withholding from the nation its just demands—their Administration will as suredly not last one twelvemonth. Recent events are proof more than sufficient, if proof . had been wanting, that it is impossible to please the Tories and the people both. The people will not have the Tories, even on a promise to act like Whigs ; and ridiculous, indeed, would the expectation be, that they would tolerate Whigs who should again make it. their avowed prin ciple to act like Tories." —Morning Chronicle. We yesterday adverted to the difficulties with which Lord Melbourne had to contend in the formation_ of his incipient Ministry. The JO extent and nature of those dVculties may possibly never be made known to the public. But we speak advisedly when we say that they were of so formidable a nature that none but a man of Lord Melbourne's energy and decision of mind could have surmounted. The Noble Viscount, how ever, has proved himself to be alive not only to what, under the circumstances, was due to himself per sonally, but to what the great crisis at which the coun try has arrived demanded from him. If it was conve nient for illustrious personages, who shall be nameless, and Court intriguers, to forget the unceremonious, nay, disgraceful manner, in which he, without any reason assigned, or a moment's warning given, was dismissed the service of his Sovereign aria the country, in November last, the Noble Lord's own memory was, happily, more retentive—and it was scarcely to be expected that lie had any notion of tamely submitting to a repetition of such insulting treatment. It would, doubtless, have very well suited the parties of both genders who poison the Royal ear, to have taken back Lord Melbourne into the service of the King, until such time as they had concerted their measures for his second and final expulsion from the regal Councils, but, unfortunately for them, that arrangement was not equally suitable for the Noble Lord himself. Hence, before taking one single step towards the formation of an Administration, he had to exact pledges more im mediately affecting his own personal character, from a party who not being much in the habit of making such pledges, obstinately resisted, until resistance would no longer avail him, agreeing to them. Then, that point being gained, there were other pledges to be exacted regarding measures. Lord Melbourne was not blind to the fact, that one great cause of the inveterate hatred which the Court party bore towards his Government, and which led to the intrigues to which it fell a victim, was the liberality of his intended measures ; and as he had determined to take office only on the condition of seeing a moral cer tainty of being able to carry them,—aye, and yet more extensive measures of reform—through both Houses of Parliament, he insisted on it as an indispensable pre liminary, before filling up a single vacant situation, that he should have an explicit assurance from an it lustrious Personage , _ that those measure's' shad be as sented to, when by the constitution of the . country that assent should become necessary to their passing into a law. But certain measures can only be carried by certain men.. Measures of extensive reform were not to be carried by colleagues in office who were only milk-and-water Reformers. Hence Lord Melbourne expressly stipulated as an indispensable condition to his resumption of the cares and toils of office, that he should.have for _his colleagues men of .6rrespondiDg r 7 into principles and intentions with his own —men, too, who to an equal liberality and integrity of opinion should unite such talents in debate as could defend his Government and its measures froifi the attacks of his Tory antagonists. Here, again, from personal anti• pathies and other causes, the Noble Lord had to en counter the most obstinate resistance. And, last of all, Lord Melbourne recollected that he would, sooner or later, have such a body of persons as the House of Peers to deal with. The treatment which Earl Grey and his Government received at their hands was of a nature not to be soon forgotten. It was, therefore, necessary on the part of Lord Melbourne that some thing ShoUld be done to counteract—it would have been supreme folly to have supposed it could be dis armed—the bitter hostility of the hereditary branch of the Legislature. Need we add, that the course which he proposed, should the necessity ,arise, and which he knew to be the only effectual course, was one at which the mind of a certain per- nonage revolted. Such, then, were the leading obstacles which interposed to prevent the formation of a Melbourne Administration. And is it matter of surprise that such formidable impediments should have obstructed, for a few days, the construction of that administration ? Is it not the subject of marvel, rather, that they should have been overcome—for they are now overcome—so soon, if at all ? Nothing_ but a moral courage which no difficulty could appal, could have met the emergency of Lord Melbourne's situa tion _for the last eight days. The Tories have been ' crowing at the full stretch of their voice for some days past, at the apprehended impossibility of forming a Liberal Government. They have been almost frantic in the excess of their joy. Poor devils ! as Sterne would have called them, we need not grudge them a little merriment ;it will be but of short duration. Before many days—possibly before many hours—elapse, they will laugh on the wrong side of their mouths. Every obstruction to the formation of a liberal Ministry is all but removed ; and it is expected that several new writs - will be issued this afternoon, in the room of those Members of the Commons who have taken office The . . new Ministry, let us add, will be, as we always pledged ourselves it would, one of a thoroughly liberal kind. The mere announcement of their names will be to the -country a sufficient guarantee for the character of their measures. And the new Government will be as strong as it will be liberal. It will have the means in its power—Lord Melbourne has taken care to see to that —of carrying whatever measures it brings forward. -If that Nobleman has been a somewhat slow, it will be found that he is a :Ave Cabinet builder. Neither Court intrigues, nor open assaults—no, nor both to gether—will prevail against his Gbvernment.—Morn ing Advertiser. The nature of the present struggle is briefly but forcibly stated, in an article on the pamphlet of Isaac Tomkins, gentleman, in the new number of the Edin burgh Review : " In truth, England was, until 1832. governed by the Lords and their natural connections ; for both King and Commons were subject- to their sway. The Reform Bill happily con trolled the Lords, and, restoring our rights, gave us a chance of finally abolishing the aristocratic usurpation. But the Lords are still making a violent struggle, and are attempting to rule with the Court, and in defiance of the people and their repre sentatives. Their attempt, however, must fail, and the people be restored to their birthright." Can any man doubt •that the people will hesitate one moment as to the part they will act, if the Con servatives refuse to submit to the loss of their power ? Bribery and intimidation may do much ; but it will not enable them to effect their object. The Reform Bill, we know, left many vulnerable points in the Constitution; but the number of -men who are neither to be bribed nor brillied will suffice for the defeat of the Tories in all struggles for ascendancy. They may flatter themselves with the idea that by frequent dis solutions they will weary out the people, and disgust them with the exercise *of a franchise which subjects them often to pecuniary loss (if they vote concien tiously), and always to great inconvenience. The re sult of a warfare of this kind may, however, be very different from what they anticipate. The great fault of the English people, no doubt, is excessive passiveness and forbearance; but their patience, though great, has its limits, and the Tories may find that they have passed these limits when they haveleast dreamt of it. The people have not yet, it is true, obtained from the Reform Bill the results which they were led to expect from it. They now know, however, why Earl Grey was unable to effect all that they wished. The battle has yet, in truth, to be fought, and when ever a Government evinces a disposition to proceed in good earnest with the work, the necessary support will not be withheld. On the subject of the expecta tions of the people from a liberal Government, the following observations of the writer of the article in the Edinburgh Review above alluded to, are truly ad mirable : " The Reform Bill restored the Constitution, stripping the Aristocracy of its usurped power and influence. But the latter body has been very far from yielding; instead of sub mission it meditates revolt, and is now making a last effort to regain its ascendancy. No man doubts that it will be de feated. But, then, the people must be enabled to enjoy some of the substantial benefits which they have so well earned. The blessing of cheap government is yet withheld, and it is the people's right. A monarchy, with all the splendour which the sovereign should have, nev©r will be unpopular in this country, nor will the cost of that just dignity ever be grudged by the people. _ But the people will grudge all that needless addition to this necessary expense—all that extra charge which they pay for the aristocracy and not for the Crown—an expen sive and aristocratic Church, when a reformed one would be enough—a large pension-list and numberless useless places, for the wives and daughters, the sons and the sons-in-law, of the nobility—above all, an expensive colonial establishment, to make places for the Peers and their connections—foreign mis sions to serve the like end—and a large army only wanted for protecting those colonies, ,and adding military to the clerical and civil patronage of the favoured order ; all this the people does sorely grudge—all this it will more and more grudge—all this it has a good right to grudge, and to try every lawful means for shaking off, as a burden which bears down the in dustry of the country to the very ground. Our representa tives may flatter themselves that lesser reforms than this real and substantial relief will satisfy the community—they are grievously mistaken. Constitutional improvements and law amendments are of admirable merit; but the main end of all laws, and of every constitution, is the solid happiness of the people—and for this end, the people must now have cheap go vernment, and a limited monarchy, .which the English people love, and not a haughty and extravagant aristocracy, which they detest."—Morning Chronicle. HULL EASTER GENERAL QUARTER SESSIONS. John Bradford and Ambrose Evans, privates of the 22d regiment, stationed at the Garrison, were indicted for a misdemeamir, in having, on the 10th of January, with ten others, riotously assembled together, and assaulted Robert Agars, John Brocklebank, and William Criton. A second count charged them with a riot, and a third count with a common assault. Mr. RAINEs appeared for the prosecution. Robert Agars sworn—Lives in Drypool. Remembers Saturday night, 10th of January. Was near Mr. Gibson's yard, in Union-street, at eight o'clock. John Brocklebank was with him. They met five soldiers walkinc , arm in arm. They were in liquor. They made way for them, but they were not content with that, and gave him and Brocklebank a shove into the middle of the road. He told them to walk quietly along, When they struck him and his companion with their canes. A general fight then took place, and he was stabbed in the thigh by Bradford. He could swear to him. He had only one stripe on his arm. Kneiv.him also by his face and his voice. None of the other soldiers had fire-arms. Was under the care of a medical man for a month, and confined to his house for a fortnight, in conse quence of his wound. John Brocklebank—Lives in Adelaide-street ; corrobo rated the statement of last witness ; the soldiers first knocked him down and struck him with a bayonet ; they were drunk ; Bradford was the one who struck him with the ba:tonet ; he had a stripe on his arm ; heard him say he should like to have his bayonet in some of the English b-- ; he ran away afterwards as fast as he could ; he was quite sober. By the prisoner Bradford—He (prisoner) had one stripe on his arm. By the RECORDER—Is sure Agars struck no blow first. William Criton was coming from the Garrison on the night in question. Heard Agars say " They have stabbed my thigh." He then ran up, and a soldier struck him on the head with his fist ; he struck again, upon which the soldier struck at him with a bayonet ; he then knocked the soldier down. He received four cuts on the head and face. Could not say who it was that struck him. By a Juror—Agars and Brocklebank were sober. - James Allison—is a constable. Remembers Saturday night, the 10th of January ; was called into Uhion-street about eight o'clock ; saw the prosecutors and tl;e soldiers there ; he took the prisoners at the bar into custody ; they were going' towards the . garriou ; pzine . bilt Brad- ford had side arms ; the bayonet he took from Bradfo was bloody. Henry Bolton remembers the night in question, and seeing the fight ; could not tell one soldier from another ; one had a bayonet : there were no other soldiers.near at the time ; Bradford, in defence, denind being the ma n Agars, in passing them, said, " There goes a ---- set soldiers ;" one of the soldiers turned again, and asked him what he meant, and struck him ; the mob gathered, and he had his bayonet taken from him ; the soldie r who took the bayonet and used it was present ; Evans made a rnni' . lar defence. William Row, after being sworn, was w arned by . the Recorder that lie was not bound to answer any questions which might be put to him.—There were five of them going together ; they jostled the prosecutors in passing' o- who called them a set of soldiers ; he turned back and asked what they meant by saying so. He could not tell who struck the first blow. In the confusion, when be saw his party overpowered, he drew Bradford's bayonet and used it in self defence. Corporal Bradford afterwards took the bayonet from him. Mr. Russel, Adjutant of the regiment, has known the prisoner Bradford between two and three years. He is the most peaceable man in the depot. He could not speak in so strong terms of Evans's character. The RECORDER, in summing up, said the witness calle d for the defence had proved beyond doubt that there Wa g riot, and that the whole were concerned. The re could no be a doubt but the soldiers had commenced that riot. The Jury found the prisoners Guilty of the assault, but not of the .riot.. The COURT sentenced Bradford to be imprisoned three calendar months, and Evans to be imprisoned two calendar months, in the common gaol. COURT FOR THE RELIEF OF INSO VENT DEBTORS. The Matters of the Petitions and Schedules of the Prison f j hereinafter named (the same having been fi l e d in the Court are appointed to be heard at the Court - hous e, in Portuga l street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, on Tuesday , the 28th da y of APri ' 1835, at Nine o'clock in the Forenoon. e s c lerk. Trotman, J.,St. Augustin's Parade, Bristol , corn d eale Walker,•S., Suffolk-place, Hackney-road, warehouseman. Jackson, S., York-road, near Leeds, cloth-dresser. Ellicott, S., Dockhead, Bermondsey, cab proprietor. surveyor Firth, T., Mapwell, Barton, near Barnsley , York shire, the Barnsley Canal Navigation Company. CO3 Austin, H., Barrington-street, Hoxton New-town, jobbing maker. Ward, J., Bunhill-row St. Luk e's, cabinet-maker. Clark, Ann, Clarendon-place, Clarendon-square, Sornerst°°' liunress. • Smith, d 1,13 R., St. George's-place, Walworth-road , cl erk in jesty's Customs. Knight, E., Baker's-row ' Whitechapel-road, cab-mast er. Bother, S., London-wall, widow. Kehoe, R., New-street, Bishopsgate-street Without, grocer. Adjourned case from March 13, 1635. deale r. Scott, J. G., Upper Charles-street ; Goswell-street, general LONDON MARKETS. PICE C BEAD. The highest price of Bread in tl e Me ß tropolis is 7d. for the4lll• There are others who sell from a half-penny to three half-pen" that rat PRICE OF SUGAR. Corr 'fl, Average Price °I Brown or Museovad, Sugar, ct InlT t `T t li:i, ' 5 the Returns made in the week eliding the 14th day of 30k gd. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of the Daties paid or payable thereon On the Importarion thereof .nto Great.l PRICE OF S . Per Cwt i:EDS.—April 17 Per Quarter. , 1 1 $ St. Foin :12s. . s. sos. Rye Grass P L ac in e seed y G , ra fo ss rlee ... ........... e Ditto, for sowing „ j a 56! Ditto, for crushing. _ canary l3:2s. 4- New English Red Clover4s , . 50, 54: , Old Ditto Ditto —S. —B. —s New Foreign Ditto —s —s —s. Old Ditte Ditto 455. 50s. 51s New White Clover sos. (t)s. 70s Old Ditto Ditto —s —s. —s New Trefoil lBs 2Os 22s old Ditto 7 s 14s lis :lb Grass ~...14s. 16s 20s Hemp Per Bushel 10 ,6 ,1 ; White Mustard...... Fs i 2,00" p ra ro re w s n Ditto ...... ~6, ,0(1 , t) 30, 3 3 , Foreign " English Carraway s 60s. 65s Foreign Ditto —s. 5Ss. 62s Coriander . . Rapeseed, English fine ,per Las PRICE:, OF' r Kmt Pockets (per cwt.) Choice ditto Kent Bags... Sussex Pockets Superfine ditto HOPS —April 17. ...... 4,15 s 5. 15.. to el 6 , o- 6. ss to ti t ' 4. 10 0! 0* to N. ..... 41 104. to 5/ 5' 5 5 10 _11..121. PII.ICr.S OF POTATOES AT SPITA WELDS , Kidneys (York from vessel 11. 10s. to '2/. 10s. eer "'- Scotch Reds ditto l/. 15s. to 2/. tos aitt ° Common Reds I/. 15s. to 01 Os. ditto Shaws 1 , . 10s. to 24 Os. ditto Chats 11 Os to 0/. Os. (-___2!!!°..... W, tITECHAPEL HAY MARKET —Apri , 16 5 , 100 s dto io£3s d Clover l o os Od• " Straw 42s - d to 4Ss d PRIC OF OIL 44 411 • Rape Oil, brown, per ton, 48 , 1 Os.— E Refineil, 50 Os.—Linseed ton, Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, ,LOCO , 101 lOs —Rape Cake , Per PRICES OF. LEATHER d 10 .5 e Per lb d. to d Per lb ' 4 Crop Hides, 30 to 401 b each 11 13 Horse Hides, German..... il gi .- -10 50 111 15 Spanish .... ! .... . is 50 60 12 17 ______CalfSkins, 3 40 0 t0 5 4 , 0 ,. 1 .......(........ . ) .a I 7 i l l Bull Hides Butts, Vitriol - --- 50 be ...... ••""•11; 15 - English .. - 70 IR' ...... , ..... i i 0 -1- oreign Foreign Hides lO 12 - small ..............• :3 Is Dressing Hides ---- Shaved 0 Bet Saddlers Hides Horse Hides, English • If rounded 2.1 Kips ........................ Basils .............................. Bellies . . ...................................... . ...... Shoulders . o4d per lb more J PRICE OF TALLOW Town Tallow Od SOAP. &c per i 121 b Yellow Soap .................. c. .. Mottled ....................... Curd .............................. q. • Graves. ...................... 0 0 Good Dregs ............... Yellow Russia White ~ —s. Od, snap Melting Stuff ll tto Rough . —s ()d 265. Od lis kl PRICE OF RAW FAT T stone of 611, . . Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tall w slelters) ......... ..:::::,/ OF CANDI.ES. . folio s"' The price of good Store PRICE Candles in the Retail ShOps is as -,„ t til Candies, per dozen, Cs rid ; inferior, 6... , ii --Moul:Is, m Sixpence per dozen discount for cash. COUNTRY CORN Yom/ e A •tiburn ......---- 47 58 29 31 i 8 2:3 38 44 S Id ingstoke ;34 50 .29 :14 22 .7 4 4P B 410 '42 46 28 32 20 27 3 6 21 i 2 / B•4,lgewater 44 56 122 26 20 25 :32 . 1 .: - B,tol 48 56 23 32 141 20 24 13 `r, C,istertieL4 44 52 28 33 16 22 44 D'rhy ------- 43 45 30 35 25 33 4 1i / D er 4S 540 28 36 17 25 40 ;'; 42 31 22 ; 42 48 26 26 18 2 2 41 4 1 1v 34 44 24 32 241 28 34 01 4ngerford 31 LO 22 34 240 28 .4 41 4 1, 4 5 ' 31 4.3 2 4 Newbury 23 45 24 34 25 29 37 4•' lleinsey :r2. 58 28 34 21 24 38 , / 314,:teshury 54 25 17 /. ibeiron Mallet ..... 40 45 26 34 16 o 3 36 ASV 46 52 26 32 21 _37 38 /4' • 43 29 18 - a. - farrnouth.--..—. 38 40 33 37 240 28 :.4 eovil 40 54 28 30 22 26 ' 6 Per Bushel. 15.44 s. d. s. d. s. d. 4.41. s. 40 5 4,1 ) ; 41' Shrewsbury 59 6 6 44 49 50 68 00 1' ileat Barley iteatis. 1 D,EVIZES CORN MARI:EC—ApriI 16. i 41 1 . d i Per Sack. s. d. s. d Per Quarter. S. A. to , 0 Best Wheat... ... 21 oto 22 0 Barley ...6 7 , S a 00 Second 'l9 0 20 0 Oats . ..• 18 a 5 6 11 I hints , r , 0 964 Sacks of VVheat sold ) Bread (p i er bag).. - .. 0 ---/ 19 4 at the average of. Bread (per gall.) ,L...!......... BIRMINGHAM CORN MARKET, A pr il 16 b s . 441 Wheat, 62 lb. Barley, imperial quarter "*. 32 0 " - s 5 Do. Grinding, 4:1Ib. Oats, 391 b Old Beans, 661 A lb lc. " •16 ~', j 6 g o New ditto New White Boiling Pease, 3 imp. bush. Ditto Grey ditto O C' - - most de - /e, This morning, about one o'cl;:k-,...a16a l ' ' bl tive fire broke out in the shop of Mr. Gregory, ( i n n ' PLeil ington-causeway, which burnt fearfully for some tit, ', l llP,d, the timely exertions of the firemen, it was ultimatev t icip 3 ; t: v with less destruction of property than was at first sil i , ow dli . We are sorry to say that a fireman, named PoPec h ad vouring to check the raging element, broke his th i t , _,./ located his shoulder. d I' _ ' BIRTHS. _ On the 15th inst., at Wear Gifford, Devonshire, thel'a)" o f he Id/ G. Welch, Esq., of a daughter. . On the 15th inst., at Suffolk Lawn, Cheltenham, the 0 James M'Dowell, Esq., Bengal Medical Board, of a danAg. aive On the 16th inst., Mrs. Kingdon, of New, Bank -b `"" ..,t, of a son. a str' On the 16th inst., Mrs. Thornton, of Upper Stamford- a son. .0 0 DIED. 41 , 0 1st e On the 17th inst., aged 85, Mrs. Joyner, relict a ' o, Joyner, Esq., of Denmark-hill, Surrey. fr , CA tijeri On the 6th inst., in Queen-square, Bristol, A.— . t'o t ) 0) Norton. : r of , On the 15th inst., at Chelsea, Maria Frances, vc"e il, 11' Kortz, late of the 92d Highlanders. Ave OP fe On the 16th inst., in Piccadilly Mr. Thomas "• 1 '''," , 1 r. 34th On the ~ei'tree 17th inst., in Tudor-street, Bridewell rt,rs' George Ward, aged 36, youngest son of Mr. Wa rd, of W • t ji and of Carshalton, Surrey. SO On the 17th inst., Miss Eliza pliers, of North-Piece' 1 0 , if Essex. On the 25th ult., Bath, Miss Jane Buxton, AAtb Y i ,oo' i n her •=-.,,yit - On the 15th inst., at Over Norton, Henry Thomas , ' Tv , Lieut.-Colonel Dawkins, aged 11. Mr. On the Bth inst. , at Rockliffe, Margaret, wife of e r' Jackson, innkeeper, in her 82d year. A e dge. Bg: i hil Lately, at Milton, near Brampton, Mr. Thos. iln°' Col c i"ips ' On the 9th inst., at Edinburgh, Miss Flora Ann of c,rti only child of the deceased Patrick CONIIIIOIIII, Esq' rif4ti°, in the Island of Islay. On the 28th ult., in Pitt-street, Edinburgh, Jenli°3 10, f 11° daughter of the late John Campbell, Esq. On the sth inst., at Breconside, parish of Durrisaee7 oil tl' e Harper, farmer, Shankistoun, aged 36. ' 1 he dectetar i li a t i° i ' tended the, bier of his father ten daysago, and on his 'J o e Wa le i house of mourning he fell a victim to the same fatal di oib , i i 3 l, consigned them both to the same lonely and silent to ..1 „ f5. , _ 0 0f 4 his sorrowing widow and.near relatives to lament his 1 i' w ice 13' f At Bunbury, aged 86, Mr. John Stockton. fie `,elfl' a c eo b . ) o lii e ,, ried ; had eleven children by his first wife, and ; t ls , second. He has left two sisters both older than hinis be 0 0 , of them had her coffin made many , years ago, w hich 5 (ile' 9 g for a cupboard. beitat a Hunslet, aged 80, Samuel Thornton, n, and pinder of that place. - ~/ In his 90th year, Francis Bulmer, Esq.,' of York. At North Muskham, aged 86, J h B. bin on Esq ...-, io' 0 n 0 O 1 . . . ' Of 1 (1 Lolnld2o,ns: Strand, at and Published Psuubizlioshildceb,ylsll%ol. U I R I2 D , 0 6trod, of Micidlees. above forty yea' - ING THE v/ssl‘. ( H T r( ere ry 11( Yth self to cc to merit bli3hrrien No. 1, NAT T ll notice, That t' be held o o'clock a e treet, in That Gene r a the hour t he follov For tal inq alters solo: for viz. !...25 Thor e 9Oired by Th e e ' c Deed of th e Office time bet./ 1836 shat — 4ee, by The ,hfor orie Note._ shareitolct tak e an , p .1 ITh ly„ STMT THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL' 18; 1835