The Sun. — London, England, 1848-04-20 00:00:00

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PORTSMOUTH.—The Bellerophon, 78 guns, Captain Richard L. Baynes, C.B is on her way from the Medi terranean to Portsmouth, where she is ordered to com plete her crew, tak e on board her full number of guns, and otherwise equip as a sea-senice line-of-battle ship.. TIM E AST INDIA COMMAND. Rear-Admiral Sir Francis A. Collier, C. 8., K C. 11., will proceed to India on the 20th proximo, in the packet from Southampton, and by that route overland to the seat of his command. T H E WESTERN COMMAND.—Admiral Sir William 11. Gage, K.C.8., was officially appointed to the command in chief of the Plymouth station on Monday night ; he will hoist his blue flag at the main on board the San Josef, in Devonport harbour, in a few days. The steam troop-ship Dee, Mr. Filmer, master, R.N., commanding, has not sailed from Portsmouth yet, as mis-stated last week; she was officially inspected by Flag-Captain Charles Eden, for the Port Admiral yes terday at Spithead, and is expected to sail this day for the Cape of Good Hope, with mails, on which station it is intended she shall be employed in the transport of troops from port to port. TifE CoAiT AFRICA.—Her Majesty's ship Ran ger, 10 guns, Commander Anderson, arrived at the Motherbank from Sierra Leone on Monday evening. She was examined by the quarantine officer, and then she made Spithead. She left Sierra Leone on the 20th of February last, and reports the slave trade as very thriving, and herself not lucky enough to make one prize. She left nGne of her Majesty's ships at Sierra Leone. The Commodore was among the Bights of Benin, in his steam-ship the Penelope, accompanied by the Blazer steamer, dispensing the mails she took out from England, and provisions. The Ranger put in at Teneriffe on March 23, and sailed again on the 25th. She spoke her Majesty's steamer Firefly on the 2d of March, in lat. 10 56 N., long. 17 25, and on the 28th of January she communicated with the emigrant ship Scotia, all well, from Plymouth, bound to the Cape of Good Hope. The Ranger sailed from Plymouth in February, 1845; she is now ordered to Chatham to be paid off. We regret to state that while a boat was coming from the Ranger, yesterday afternoon, she upset in the mouth of the harb our and one man was drowned. The officers very narrowly escaped. It was blowing very fresh at _ the time. The Triton steam-packet, Lieutenant Glinn, RN., commanding, embarked the Lisbon and Gibraltar mails at Southampton yesterday, and sailed to Plymouth to receive advance wages for her crew and further mails. PROMOTION. Lieutenant,Valentine 0. Inglefield, late Flag Lieu tenant to the late Rear-Admiral Inglefield (his father) to the rank of Commander. APPOINTMENTS. Admiral—Sir W. 11. Gage, to be Commander-in-Chien of Plymouth station, vice Sir John West, term of office expired. Lieutenants—Mr. F. Brownrigg (1822), to be Flag- Lieutenant to Sir William Gage; M. Lowther, late of the Champion, to the Gorgon steam-sloop, at Ports mouth; H. B. Eurist, to the Hastings, flag-ship of Sir Thomas Collier, at Portsmouth. Secretary to Sir W. Gage—Paymaster and Purser John Irving (1815). Surgeon—J. T. Jenkins, to the Waterwitch, 8, fitting at Chatham. Mate—G. Serocold, to the Hastings. Assistant-Surgeons—J. D. Cronin, to the Victory flag-ship. at Portsmouth; 11. French, confirmed to the President flag-ship, at the Cape of Good Hope. Clerk—B. W. White, to the Hastings, Chief Engineer—A. Leys (2d class), to the Blenheim steam guard-ship, at Portsmouth. Masters' Assistants—A- Howe, to the Hastings; R. IL Groussell, to the Enterprise discovery-ship, fitting at Woolwich; R. L. Tracy, to the Investigator discovery ship, fitting at Woolwich; P. P. Parks, to the Gorgon steam-sloop, at Portsmouth; T. E. Milne, to the Sharp shooter iron screw sloop, at Portsmouth. Midshipmen—T. Parley, to the Hastings ; H. 11. Beamish, to the Ringdove brig, in the East Indies. Clocks' Assistants—A. Gordon, to the Waterwitch; P. E. P. Thompson, to the Asia flag-ship, in the Pacific. PLYMOUTH, APRIL 17. The Apollo troop-ship, Commander Radcliffe, came in here this morning from Jersey, having on board the deteit of the 35th Royal Sussex Regiment, to join their comrades, who have just returned from the Mauritius. They will be landed to day and march into the garrison. Some of the men who have returned from the Mauritius are now in the hospital, suffering from " the shakes," the result of a change of climate. SIR CHARLES NAPIER'S SQUADRON. The following letter, touching the Cobden attack upon the above squadron, is from a friend on board one of the ships, and will be read with interest by all lovers of matter of tact controversy: — "Thinking it but fair that the public should not be entirely guided by Mr. Cobden's report of the dolce far nienie manner in which the Squadron of Evolution spent their time—' loitering under the orange groves of Lis bon,' I be g l eave to send you an account of the proceed ings of that part of the squadron now lying at Cork, as I think it will tend to show that the exercises which have beeti so much ridiculed by some portions of the press have been the means of enabling men to be ready wken actual service wa s requ i re d , as they were last night, or rather this morning. At one o'clock a.m. the Dragon, Captain Hall, arrived at Cove, with dispatches for Captain Moresby, the senior officer, in Sir Charles Napier's absence at Dublin, which place the steamer had left twenty-four hours before. These dispatches proved to be an order from the Admiral to embark a watch of marines from each ship of the aqua iron on board the Dragon immediately, as she has to return with them without delay. The other watch and supernumerary Marines (the latter of whom were already on board the Medusa) were to ercceed in that vessel to Waterford. In one hoar and a half every man was on board the Dragon, and in two hours the whole were embarked, and the vessels steaming out of the harbour, with 120 rounds of ammunition, heavy marching order, and their hammocks, out of which they had turned so short a time before. Now, what can have a more bene ficial effect than this plan of Sir Charles Napier's? It was only the day before that this fine body of men (close upon seven hundred) were exercising upon Spike Island, and the Dragon lying quietly in Kingstown Harbour; in forty hours from her departure she will have returned with this powerful reinforcement, and men neither have suffered the slightest exposure to weather or discomfort of any kind. Thus the whole coast, or any part of it, may be strengthened with equal ease and rapidity whenever it may be required. it is not a fortnight ago that every man and tirst-class boy was landed from the St. Vincent and Canopus, two of this enervated squadron, in one hour and forty minutes, though the launches and boom- boats were hoisted out in the time; and if playing soldiers is not very congenial to our taste as sailors, still every man should be able to use a musket, and to act a little in concert for mutual de fence. Now from no one being in the least aware at what time or what sort of exercise Sir Charles Napier may order, the ships prepare for everything, and there are few things that would take by surprise these `idle' people from the Tagus. The Amphion gave a fair proof of this, in stripping her mainmast of a set of chain rig ging, unarming the mast-head, beginning at daylight, getting a new set of rope rigging, which they had failed themselves, over the mast-beads, being all and sending down topgallant and royal yards with the rest _ o of the squad ro n a t sunse t." — Trues. WEDNESDAY —ller Majesty's steam yacht Victori a an d Albert, Captain . theßight Honourable Lord Adolphus Firttasclarince, &c., was taken out of dock at Portsmouth yard yesterday, after beiag thoroughly re fi tted in be the master ship% right's depart ment. She will now re-embellished by the painters and gliders, and brought forward for the service of her Majesty. The Cormorant steam-sloop was taken into dock yes terday at Portsmouth, in the room of the royal yacht, to be advanced for commission. The Ranger brig, 10 guns, Commande r Anderson, sailed yesterday morning from PortemouthforTVihatham, where she will be put out of conamission: and the boat's crew who were rescued from drown ing; purser Tuesday were sufficiently restored to health to o ' n the brig. The body of the unfortunate seaman, Smit h, had not been found up to last night. The tide was ehhin: • fast at the time of the upsetting of the boat, and has, it is supposed, carried the body out to sea. A fine schooner of 106 tons, called the Sybil, was launched from the celebrated yacht building establish ment of Messrs. White, East Cowes, on Monday. She has been built for the Royal Yacht Squadron, and is the property of Sir William Oglander, Ba rt. . PLyMOUTH, APRIL 18.--Trer Majesty's troop-ship y . ester- Apollo, Commander William Radcliffe, came in day from Jersey with the depot of the 35th Regiment, which has joined the head-quarters in Plymouth citadel. A court-martial is appointed to be held to-morrow morning on board her Majesty's shi p San Josef, 1 . 10, Commander Charles Hall, for th e purpose o f trying Lieutenant John James Winne, Roy al Marines, for re peated drunkenness, between the 25th of January and the 4th of March, 1848; Mr. James Gordon, A3SiStallt tllgeon, for repeated drunkenness b etween the same •°ds; and Mr. George Dowell, Paymaster and Purser, for disobedience of orders, false reports of amount of sugar and biscuits and contempt to Commander Rad cliffe, of the Apol lo, m allast a gale, with 11.0.1te.4-1 showers. WOOLWICH, blowing half a WOOLWICH, A PR IL kaving been r e fi tted wich to- 19--The Dwarf steam-vesse l andin made ready for sea, left Wool at the latter po day forrt. Port outh, to b e em pl o y e d as a tender The Falmouth, under the charge of Mr. Baker, left yesterday for Portsmouth. The Enterprise, Captain Sir James Clarke Ross, has had her masts put in, a n d a number of wor k men are employed upon her, to have herr at the earliest p os sible period to proceed t o the A rc tic regions in sear c h of Captain Sir John Franklin, an d the officers and crew of the Erebus and Terror. The Investigator, Captain Bird,istobebetarkeetnnredeopwunt the river to Wool w i ch t o - morrow, to have on board, and be made ready to proceed with the Enter ewrielaldy leave forprise on the same e x p edition. The Onyx Dover mail packets a te s aump.plynfcools, is n sea, and after taking in Woolwich for Dover, to resume her duties at that station. The masts of the Niger steam-vessel have been pre pared, and that vessel is now under the shears at the basin to have them to be put in, to be made ready for service. CHATHAM, APRIL 19.--The Waterwitch, 10 guns, Commander Richard R. Quin, was put out Of dock yesterday afternoon, and immediately taken alongside the shears, when her masts were put in their pl a c e . This vessel is to be thoroughly,completed for proceeding to sea by the 27th of this month, as she is to take the mail out on the Ist of the month. She is for service on the Coast of Africa. One sergeant, one corporal, and ten privates of the Royal Marines have embarked on board her. Yesterday ofternoou thirty seamen riggers from this THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING-, APRIL 20, 1848. yard proceeded to Sheerness, and embarked on board the Sphynx steam-sloop to navigate her to Portsmouth, there to join the steam squadron there forming. A detachment of Royal Marines, consithtthg of 71 men, left this division this morning for Vv'oolwieh. ADMIRALTY, APRIL 19. Samuel Cornish, Carpenter of the Illustrious, ad vanced to 2d class. Edward Cooper, Clerk's-Atbistaut, to the Hastings. James W. Husband, 2d class Assistant Engineer, to the Fisgard. John L. Pritchard, Master, to the Chief Officer of the Cost Guard. George Nixon, Master's-Assistant, to the Hastings. Gilbert Elliot, Mate, to the Prince Regent. Walter Spark, Mipshipman, to the Waterwitch. Edward T. Nott, Midshipman, to the Hastings. Edward IL Wilkinson, Naval Cadet, to the Hastings. Rev. W. L. Onslow, Chaplain, to the Hastings. LOSS OF THE BARBARA. , We have been requested by Messrs. D. and C. Myer, the agents for the British and North American Mail steamers, to publish the following letter, which they have received from the Rev. Dr. Scoresby, in reference to the loss of the Barbara, a report of which appeared recently in our publication. That report was, with respect to the conduct of Captain Neil Shannon, quite erroneous, as will be immediately perceived on perusal of Dr. S.'s statement. " Whitby, April 14, 1848. Gentlemen,—l have read in the Times of yesterday an account of the melancholy loss of an emigrant ship, the Omega, and of the subsequent loss of the Barbara, a brig, on board of which about 150 of the Omega's emigrants had sought refuge. Mention is made of the approach to the brig of a steam-packet, and of her bear ing away, without affording relief, in terms calculated to convey a reflection, I think, on the humanity of the cap tain of the steamer. " The steamer referred to was the Hibernia, on board of which I happened to be a passenger. I have felt it due too Captain Shannon to address you on this occa- - sion, lest any misapprehension should be entertained in respect to his conduct; and you are fully at liberty to make any use of this communication you may deem fitting. " Happening to keep a slight journal of occurrences, I find the incident alluded to particularly . recorded. I give you the precise words , merely premising that the weather was stormy, and had been more particularly so the preceding day. " March 2.—The weather moderated a little last night, and the wind veered to N.N.W. This morning we had snow showers and squalls. At three P.M., we saw land to the N.—the land near Cape Race—about 20 miles off. Soon after a brig hove in sight, lying-to, to leeward (head to the S.W.), having a signal of dis tress flying in the rigging. We bore down, and at slow speed passed close under her stern. The master hailed to the effect, we have picked up 150 emigrants, and are short of water. Captain Shannon replied—' the land is elose by to the N.E., which you can easily fetch.' oslsueentnat under running,esnr setting i eh n oceu P rrfs noe s w rd. ( a ib n r d i we g w r bore o away, regretfully, . E „ sh e (i f foresail) idwa:docawotteourhruele:lliieve her, with such a gale an d e j l o te h r n,s in by fi m ve o h rn o i u n r g s : reach St. sb only 70 miles distant. The brig was the Barbara, of , Halifax. " I remain, Gentlemen, yours faithfully, " W. M. SCORESBY. " The Directors of the B. and N. A. Mail Steam-packets." The Rev. Dr. W. Scoresby's opinion is of great weight, he having been for a portion of his life com , mander of a whaler out of this port. - - SPORTINCr INTELLIGENCE. CARLISLE. Acceptances for the Northumberland Plate. Chanticleer, 5 yrs, Bst 91b—Winesour, aged, Sit — Patriot, aged, 7st 111b—Giselle, 5 yrs, 7st 71b—Vanish, 5 yrs, 7st 71b—Sheraton, 5 yrs, 7st 71b—Quadruped, 5 yrs, 7st 31b—Bingham , 4 yrs, 'lst—Maid of Motherwell, 4 yrs, 7st—lliomed, 5 yrs, Est 121b—Executor, 4 yrs, 6st 91b—Vesta, 4 yrs, 6st 91b—Raisthorp, 4 yrs, 6st 81b —Enchanter, 4 yrs, Est 61b—Lady Ilylda, 4 yrs, Gst 6lb —Meaux, 4 yrs, Est 61b—Deloraine, 4 yrs, fist 41b—To® Jolly, 4 yrs, sst 101b—Sir Martin, 4 yrs, sst 101 b Coeltermouth, 3 yrs, sst 10113—Snuff-box. 3 yrs, sst 101 b —l4 . :_agks's Plume, 3 yrs, sst 101b--Astra3 3 yrs, sst 51b —Maid of my Soul, 3 yrs, sst Mb—Swiss Boy, 3 yrs, Sit 51b—Mr. Caudle, 3 yrs, sst. ASCOT. The Emperor's Plate. Sir Tatton Sykes, 5 yrs—The Hero, 5 yrs—Pyrrhus the First, 5 yrs —Saddle, 4 yrs—Conyngham, 4 yrs— Fureclosure, 4 yrs—Ellerdale, 4 yrs—War Eagle, 4 yrs —lnheritress, aged—Distaffina, 3 yrs—Do-it-again, 3 yrs—Flatcatcher, 3 yrs—Sunnyside, 3 yrs. Sir J. Guard and Lord Palmerston did not name. EPSOM. The Grand Stand Plate. For this donation of 200 sovs., added to a 10 sovs Handicap, the Great Metropolitan Stakes Course, two miles and a quarter, there are only 19 subscribers, in consequence of which there will be no deduction fur the second and third in the race. The Swiaby Stakes did not fill. GOODW OOD. The Goodwood Ct;phasclosed with 33 subscriptions. PEDESTRIAN ISM. HOWARD AND 143 EW NAN FOR 151. a-nu - E.—The race of 130 yards between these men, wherein Howard gave his opponent five yards at starting, was run on Tues day, at Gannett corner, near Barnet. The assemblage, considering the showLry weather, was huge. Specula tion ranged from 6t05t0 4 on Howard. Owing to the siturated state of the ground, the eeclosure at Frault Key's was not made use o', and the men ran in a drift) lane which skit t; the ground. Soon after appearing at the scratch they got off at a merry pace, Newnam run ning much better than in his late march with Wiltshire. At 120 yards Howard was still behind; however, he caught his man ten yards from home, and ran in a winner by a bare yard only. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Aprill9. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. PETITIONS. Lord BEAUNIONT presented petitions from several societies of Odd Fellows, praying that their societies might be placed upon the same footing as benefit and friendly societies. CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second read ing of the Crown and Government Security Bill. The Noble and Learned Lord said it frequently happened, when Parliament was called upon to make provision for n the p preservation h materials t t er a peace, a a c n e d , n h f a o t r h a e t i Government on not before the was i public, which it was necessary to communicate to the Legislature, in order to lay the grounds for any applica tion being made for an alteration in the law. It un fortunately happened at the present moment that this was not the case, and that the information before the public sufficient to induce their Lordships to cometowathseacmyopnlclusion that what was now going on ought not to be permitted to continue, and that there ought to be means placed in the hands of the Govern ment for the purpose of preventing those continual attempts at disturbing the peace, which had taken place, mot only in the metropolis, but in every other part of the United Kingdom. When meetings were daily held, not only in London and Dublin, but in most of the manufacturing towns, where inflammatory speeches were made, the professed object of which was to array the people against the constituted authorities of these realms, it was high time if the law was not adequate to repress these evils, that Parliament should interfere to provide means by which their recurrence might be prevented. Beyond all doubt that which was now taking place, being illegal, might be the subject of criminal!pro secution. It happened, however, that the state of the law was not adequate to meet the evil as it was now found to exist, but by one alteration in the law he ap prehended there would be no difficulty in putting an end to scenes which were so disgraceful to the country, which tended to disturb the public peace, and lead to criminal proceedings against those who attended those meetings, for whose welfare the orators seemed to, have very little regard. It generally happened, and certainly it did in this particular case, that where a necessity arose in any degree for enlarging the efficiency of the criminal law, the necessity arose from the acts of those who professed themselves the friends of liberty, and of that license which was permitted by oar constitution within proper bounds—who professed to be the friends of the people, and of that liberty which their acts made it imperative upon Parliament in some degree to restrain. Their Lordships had seen enough in the state of the country to feel an anxious desire that that state should not continue ; and if they concurred in opinion with him that means should be taken to prevent those scenes and repress those harangues which were calculated to promote so much mischief, he might shortly explain the present state of the law, and the remedies proposed to be provided for its defects by the present Bill. According to the old statute of treason, that of Edward 111., there wore two great branches of treason, which were the foundation of all the subsequent statutes. Those great branches were, first, the imagining or con triving the death of the Sovereign, aial the other, levy ing war against the Sovereign. The first of these offences, consisting in the act of the mind, in the in tention or the design entertained, could, of course, only be established by some overt act to show that such a de sign was entertained. In the case of levying war, however, the provisions of the statute were different. It was not the intention of levying war, not having a design for the purpose, but the act of levying war, which constituted the treason. On various occasions, according to the exigencies of the times, and the dangers to be guarded against, particular acts had been passed. Some, now gone by, provided different means of guarding against the dangers of any particular treason. Among other provisions of that sort there was the statute of the 36th of George the Third, passed in the year 1796. It was found that the law which previously existed was not adequate to meet the then state of the country. Accord ingly, that Act was passed, which took_ up a variety ,of acts that might well under the previous law be consi dered overt acts of treason, but which did not of them selves constitute treason. For instance, inciting foreigners to come over to this country, inciting parties to go armed for the purpose of intimidation, attempts to intimidate either the Government or the Parliament — various acts of that sort, which did not constitute treason, but which might, under the former Acts, be considered an act of treason against the person of the Sovereign, were made substantive acts of treason; and a party found guilty of intent to commit those acts, evi denced by an overt act, was subjected to the penalties of high treason. This Act was passed to continue during the reign of George 111. During the regency another Act was passed, the 57th Geo. 111., the object of which was to continue certain provisions of the former Act dur ing the life of the Prince Regent, and to make others permanent. The first Act, the 36th George 111., being passed before the union, and the second subsequently to it, a question might arise whether the 57th George 111., did or did not extend the provisions of the Act 36th George 111. to Ireland. The provisions of the Act 36th George 111. made these offences actual treason. Many of them were of the gravest character ; others, according to the circumstances, either constituted trea son or an offence of a much lighter nature. There Lordships were well aware that great delay occasionally occurred in prosecutions for high treason, that those guilty of that offence had at least the certainty of consi• derable time elapsing before they could be brought to trial. It was proposed by this Bill first to alter the law in so far as those offences were made treason, to make them felony, by which a party would be tried in the ordi nary way in which other parties charged with felony were iried. In that respect it was a mitigation of the law, because it would make them guilty only of the minor offence. Another object of the Bill, which he thought would be considered free from objection, was that it in cluded Ireland—that it would remove any doubt as to whether Ireland was or was not included in the Act 57 George III.—(llear, hear.) It was therefore proposed, first, to make the offences felony which were treason under the former Act, and next to extend the law, so altered, to Ireland. Extended as the law was proposed to be to Ireland, he did not apprehend their Lordships would feel this was the time when such a provision was objectionable.--(Hear, hear.) The alterations from the Act 36 George 111. consisted mainly in the introduc:ion, in the third clause, of the words " open and advised speaking," which would guard against the real evil which Parliament we s'now asked to prevent. —(Hear, hear.) It had been objected that the insertion of these words was introducing a new principle into the law. He was very much astonished at any such opinion, particularly when, as he had been informed, it had been expressed by gentlemen who, if they had taken the trouble to refresh their recollections, must have known it was not the fact. The error must have arisen from the fact that under the Act of Edward 111. it was held that you could not indict a party for treason for mere words, for words simpliciter. If a man said, "I will make my son heir to the Crown," in a certain sense, and coming from a certain quarter, that might be trea son; but if it turned out that the expression was used by the master of the Crown inn, then no such inten tion could be inferred. It must be left to the jury to decide whether the words used were " open and advised speaking;" and it could not be supposed that hasty and loose expressions, used without any deliberate purpose of treason, constituted treason. It was no part of our law, however, that the crime of high treason might not be indicted upon words in connexion with overt acts. He was sorry to say again that very strong language had been used in different parts of the empire, and he was quite satisfied that it the law was not strong enough to prevent it, some law must be made for that purpose. With this view the present Bill was submitted to their Lordships,atnd he believed it would be effectual, because a party guilty of the offences he had referred to would be subjected to transportation for seven years, during which time he would have an opportunity of reflecting upon the fully of the course he had adopted. At all events, it would take away tho means of injuring the public, which he had hitherto been guilty of, and in that way an effectual stop would be put to the present pro ceedings. Lord STANT ET did not intend to offer any opposi tion to the second reading of the Bill, or to throw any impediment in its way. With regard to its object, he had taken the liberty, a short time ago, of directing at tention to the precise defect in the law, which left a wide gap between the treason punishable with death, and the inferior classes of sedition which could only be pro ceeded against as misdemeanours, and punished by fine or imprisonment. He therefore entirely concurred in the principles of the Bill which remedied that defect in the law, and he thought the course taken of establish ing an intermediate offence between treason, partly punishable by death, and partly as a misdemeanour, was a substantial improvement.—(Hear, hear.) Both in this country and in Ireland language had been held, and other measures taken, to excite the people by a class of persons who aspired to the dig nity of being treated as State criminals. They were not the parties, however, to be dealt with as State criminals, guilty of high treason upon the one hand, nor on the other hand ought they to be dealt with as simple misdemeanants. They were, therefore, very pro perly placed by this Bill in the degraded class of com mon felons, they were placed among the burglars and shtiu highway eobanj )catneddA r tt o too l t b ht hheeeer same same a o amm t me eet time, disgraceful sod c r o el ao u coo n efk t f country, rg , op atuaeonnn punishments.—(Hear, ietmohngeernyaat gravity wdt_yoe(uooHl of the evitah h ere !: case, which this aatlttheeraitmioti was portaneperoopfoated in h the cirtcuemlaswta, he nce should have been better pleased if their Lordships had not been . called upo n t o d ec id e, after hardly twenty-four hours' notice, upon a permanent alteration in the law founded upon temporary considerations. If there were any. question that the same law of treason was applicable to England and to Ireland, there could be no doubt but that the same law could be made applicable to all parts of the United Kingdom. Neither could it be doubted, it it were the case, that the law was more stringent in England than in Ireland—but that Ire land was not that portion of the United Kingdom which stood least in need of stringent and effective measures under this head. It might be very wise, though he thought that the present was hardly the precise moment to introduce such clauses, to mitigate the punishment for certain classes of high treason ; yet he should confess that, looking to the circumstances of these times, he should have been better pleased if her Majesty's Government thadhthee takentoffence clause?n ce. the of f course theiaas oß w ni which at their . discretion for the whichdwpe er d or,c f e o wwe r adhs b ii nyl merged erged in the treason, and of minor indeedte ii t ln a lo i rnrei retained, a n: s ne t h cd p e eT o p v f o i alteration of h m p o a r s e e a cgaer of ffu this h a i s c ß u t s l l s o a n t i n di c ting the party for felon y . He confessed te that he h o e f s h ou ld rather see a g eneral should be taken t tt r hh e ea a n s p o rt n eh se ey m n tca could ol dm t the hope t subject aof odr it nhoaf the h a ea power p.wler this Bill by-the Government of proceeding at for felony, though the higher offence of treason might still exist.—(Hear, hear.) He did not understand the dis tinction which was drawn by the Bill between compassing or imagining the restriction or retraint of the sovereign, and compassirg or imagining the destruction of the sove reign. He could understand why compassing the death, or serious injury, or wounding of the sovereign should be still left subject to the punishment of death, and be indicted as high treason; but he could not under the deposition of the compassingaminor offence, compared stand sovereign o n wshould ground he made with the other varieties of treason still retained. He might be speaking in great ignorance of law, but be should be glad to hear some explanation on this point from some of the Noble and Learned Lords present. Another point to which he wished to direct attention was this. He had doubts whether the Crown might not be subjected to difficulty in being obliged in all cases to prosecute for felony instead of for misdemeanour. He apprehended that as felony merged in the higher offence of treason, so misdemeanour merged in felony, and he apprehended that the Crown would often have some diffi culty, especially in Ireland, if they were obliged to pro ceed as for felony in all cases in which, under the present law, they would proceed for misdemeanour. In cases of felony the prisoner had a right of peremptory challenge to a considerable extent, and he apprehended that in the class of offences for which the Crown would be obliged to proceed under this Bill in Ireland, cases might arise where there would be a great difficulty of procur to have the ca se t r i e d by a s pecial jury, ing conviction s from this cause. B y m akin g t he offence felony, they to ok awa y the ri g ht o n the part of the Crown of a ta t il:eP a y alsoi d Y eliag gave the pri soner th e advantage— and advantage it was in th e p resen t state of rv, and gr e Ireland—of peremptory challenge, and of bringing the panel down to a lower class of jurors.—(Hear, hear.) It was not his intention to urge the adoption of any particular course with regard to these points on her Majesty's Government, because on the Government must of such a measure. On d he th p e ri f n a e r i tt l e e r responsibility—one which rest the responsibility .of the details, as well as the re sponsibility rreoegfarteettted—of having b roug ht forward this them,hedeepall deeply also, measure at a time when a disposition was universally entertained, both in that House and in the other House of Parliament, to assist in applying an effective cure for the evils both of this country and of Ireland. He also • regretted that they should be deprived of the power of more practically and more deliberately considering any permanent alteration in so important a subject.—(Hear.) Lord BROUGHAM made some observations in a conversational tone across the table on the wording of some of the clauses. The Noble and Learned Lord was understood to object that a distinction was drawn be tween deposing the Sovereign from her title and de posing her in substance from her dominions. In this Bill the Government took a leaf out of the law of Scot land; but if, as he supposed would be the case, the Act were to be extended to Scotland, he wished to warn them of a serious alteration which it would involve. By the Scottish law a person indicted for felony had a right to a most important document—a list of the wit nesses intended to be called against him; and if this Bill were to be extended to Scotland, it would take away for the first time that important principle of the law of Scotland. This Bill would deprive the prisoner of the list of the jury panel, and also the list of the witnesses and he for one should be inclined to pause before ex tending such a principle to Scotland for the first time. Again, he thought that the statute, the 25th of Edward 111., would clash with the third clause of this Bill. The impression on his mi nd was, that there were old cases in which compassing t o de p ose had been held to be a compassing of the death of the Sovereigu. He also objected to the words, compassing to levy war on the Sovereign, not generally, but for a particular purpose. He thought that compassing to levy war on the King for any purpose was a substantive offence, and ought to be held to be a very grave offence ; whereas by this Bill it was no offence unless the war were levied to make the King change his measures. As an instance of the kind of war that might be levied in Ireland, he would beg to direct their Lordships' attention to a letter which had lately appeared from a reverend clergyman. As the gentleman might not be pleased unless his name were given he would mention it—the letter was signed "James Bermingham, P.P." and contained this passage : " When the day of your struggle shall come, when your liberties as well as your lives shall be invaded, then let it not be a turning out of two or three counties, but let Ireland rise to the contest as one man; and let every man, as ho is about taking his position to perform this most glorious act of his life, make a vow to the fol lowing effect." This reverend clergyman and minister of the Gospel of peace not having, be supposed, read the Tea Commandments re cently—(Laughter)—goes on to give the words of the vow as follows :—" I vow, before God and my country, to lessen, if I can, by one man, at least, the enemies of my native land, and to die."— (Leughter.) The passage then continued—" When be ing thus prepared, and having made the foregoing vow, you are fairly committed to the combat, don't show yourselves to the enemy on the hill-side or on the plain; but take him from the dyke, t the fence, the hedge-row, from the broken bridge, or the obstructed railway. Be sure you do all the mischief in your power—or all the good, I should say, for mischief is good in this case—by all the means within your reach, and think not for one moment of living— to do or die,' or 'to du and die,' be this your motto." He brought this passage forward as an instance of the necessity which existed for such a measure as the pre sent; but he thought that, to be efficient, it should give a power to the Government of imprisonment—tempora rily, or for six months, if they wished—and also a power of searching for papers of the person arrested. By means of such a power alone could they hope to intimidate the wrong-doer, and drive the conspiracy from the land. They might drive them from the field of conspiracy, of sedition, of levying war, of open and advised spe eking; but what signified all that, if they could still go into a certain House of Parliament, and there utter such language as he had alluded to a few evenings ago? And here ho would close his observations by giving a salutary, but not superfluous warning, to the press of this kingdom, and of the sister kingdom, that, though the rules of Parliament protected those who used those seditious words within the walls of the House of Com mons, it did not protect them out of doors; and he who presumed to publish such seditious words became liable to be indicted under the statute of Edward 111., as well as under this Act. There was no doubt but that Parlia ment bad certain privileges by which Members could protect themselves to any extent within doors; but let no newspaper reporter, let no newspaper editor, enter tain that fond notion that whatever was said in Parlia ment he had a right to print—that it was not libellous, that it was not treasonable, that it was not seditious. There was no lawyer who could doubt the truth of what he was now saying. Though a Member was protected when he spoke treason in Parliament, there was no question but that he who, out of Parliament, printed een, was j u st as liable to punish mentlf invented the treason which he and tr uste d th a t those who now pwuhhalti published. ( di ] f. beenoHe hadsi) eshppieomdks printed the grossest slanders on the constitution, and the most treasonable and seditious speeches—some of them encouraging foreigners to invade this country, while others incited those who were treasonably dis posed in these countries to look for assistance from abroad—would recollect, that even though those who uttered such sentiments might not be punishable by l aw , they who promulgated those opinions were liable for them. Lord CAMPBELL said he admitted that this Bill did not meet the case of Mr. Smith O'Brien making a trea sonable s peech in the Commons' House of Parliament, that he also admitted that it would not punish the editors, proprietors, or reporters of the Times, or any other news for t( ) bring to publishing rwa ar forward speech measure so m that would d should have object in view. —(He ar , h ear .) If an y Member suc f h ot ashamed s e phaana l -Pm l c o er u 'l se of Commons spoke treason within the walls of the House of Commons, he should answer for his sentiments within the House, but not elsewhere. One of the most outrageous attempts made by King Charles 1., and which was probably one of the main causes of bringing him to the block, was that of questioning Mem bers of the House of Commons in courts of law for speeches made in the House of Commons, and he hoped that such a law would never be enacted in this country again. He should be the last man to bring for ward any meaeure for punishing those who gave good and faithful reports of what took place in Parliament, for he had himself proposed to their Lordships a clause in a Bill which met with the approbation of their Lord ships' House, as well as of the other House of Parlia ment and of the Sovereign—and which he believed to be a perfectly fair and just clause—that no person but the printer and publisher of the newspaper; that boldly gave an honest report of what occurred in either House of Parliament should be liable to be indicted, and he had the honour of being seconded on that occasion by Lord Brougham and Vaux himself.—(Laughter.) As to the persons who spoke these speeches, perhaps their best punishment was in the contempt and indignation which their treasonable conduct excited. He did not believe that the cause of treason or sedition had gained any advantage by the publication of thsesson es; but, on the contrary, he thought that their p e addr ublicati loyalty and order which ba d been recently manifested. h H a e d t a r u s e strong h a t t e n t hdieenßc Bill to would d e eforward a t l hat s for the pir i p t u o r _ f and pes eswhi treasonable Con vention in London, and made at the meetings of the confederates in Dublin , and it might be at meetings in ch it had speechesi n view, made nanelyinthe National , to restrain seditious Conciliation-hall also.—(Hear.) These were properly be prosecuted.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said elsewhere that there speeches that ought to ber of wascondemn one member. Bill within the scope of p rosecu t ion, and these were the her Majesty' s Government w ho must Lordships; and the foundatiOn Of that opinion was , that he (Lord Campbell) —that member being the h umble individual who had now the hon our to address th eir had expr e s se d a disapprobation of Lord Eldon's Bill of 1796. It was true that he had so expressed himself, and he always would continue to think that that Bill had been an improper encroachment on the liberty of the subject. B ut t h e l aw of treason in England was happily established in the 25th year • of the reign of Edward 111. High treason was the greatest crime known to the law; the penalties were the most severe ; the terms of the sentence he would not shock their Lordships by pronouncing; and, in addition, the forfeiture of lands and goods and the corruption of blood were involved. But there was one great defect in the law with respect to offences against the State, and that was, that there was no intermediate crime between high treason and a misdemeanour. Now, what was a mis demeanour by the law? It was , i n the first place, hail. able de ju re —i t could only be punished by fine and im prisonment; and whilst a man was under prosecution for it, he might set the law at defiance: he might repeat the offence, and commit acts tending to the injury of the State.—(Hear.) The consequence of that defect in the law was, that on various occasions there had been tem porary laws brought in, making high treason acts of a penal nature ; but those were only temporary, and were repealed et the commencement of almost every reign—particularly at the commencement of Queen Mary's reign, when all the the treasons which had been created since the 25th of Edward 111, were repealed. Another bad consequence of there being no interraediate offence was that the law of Edward 111. was often strained. That being the case, very great inconvenience arose, and Lord Eldon, in 1796, introduced a law making it high treason, and punishable in the manner he had described, to compass or imagine the death of the Sovereign, the levying of war, or the inviting of foreign invasion. That appeared to him, however, to be assimilating crimes of a very different amount of gravity. It defeated its own object, and was opposed, and as he thought, justly opposed, by one party in Parliament. Amongst other things, it required all the forms of the Act of Edward to be followed. A copy of the indictment must be delivered to the accused, with a list of witnesses, and of the jury, and all these must be delivered simultaneously. Their Lordships would, no doubt, remember that in the case of Frost an objec tion was taken, because the copy of the indictment had been delivered three days before the list of witnesses, and that that objection was held by a minority of the judges to be fatal.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord op posite had expressed some apprehension that the treason laws might be rendered less efficacious by the adoption of this measure ; but the fact was, that there was an express clause in the Bill, whereby the statute of the 25th of Edward 111. remained intact. Whatever, therefore, was treason from the time of Edward 111. down to 1796, was treason now, and would remain treason.—(Hear.) At the same time ,there was no new offence created by this Bill. What was now treason was reduced to felony, and he was sure it was infinitely better that the offence should be treated as a felony than as a mis demeanour. He had heard it stated by a very high au thority that it would have been infinitely preferable to have treated the whole of these offences as misdemeanours instead of as felonies. If they made those offences mis• demeanours, however, they would gain nothing by this measure—they would still be bailable, and the object which the Government had in view would be frustrated. —(Hear, hear.) He contended that for such grave offences there should be a grave punishment.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) had criticised the language of the 3d section. But that section contained the ipsissirna verbs to be found in the 36th George 111., which in their turn were taken word for word from the statute of Charles 11. The words had: a certain definite and well-defined meaning with which the Judges were acquainted, and really he should think his Noble and Learned Friend could hardly be serious when he stated that they merely applied to deposing the Queen from the " style " of Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The words meant, deposing her Majesty from her royal authority as Sovereign of this realm. That was the meaning they had ever conveyed, and that was the interpretation to be placed upon them now.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble and Learned Friend had spoken about taking a leaf out of the law of Scotland. He could only say that if this Bill were to introduce into England the law which was supposed to exist in Scot land at the trial of Muir and Palmer, he should be the last man to propose it.—(Hear, hear.) But he believed that the trial of Muir and Palmer was not according to the law of Scotland. They were not tried for any specified offence, but generally for sedition, and that sedition consisted in making very temperate speeches in favour of Parliamentary reform.--(hear, hear.) They did no more than make speeches such as his Noble and Learned Friend had often made. He did not say that his Noble and Learne . d Friend had made himself amenable to the law, but certainly he had made more animated speeches in favour of reform than those fur which these men were transported to Botany Bay.— (A laugh.) The only offences punishable by this Bill were compassing the deposition of the Queen, levying war against the Queen, and inviting the invasion of the Queen's dominions by a foreign force; and the judge would ask the jury distinctly whether the prisoner had been proved to be guilty of one of those specific offences. Now those offences might be created either by printing and publishing, or by open and advised speaking; but the open and advised speaking was not the crime—the crime must be, as he had already said, either compassing the death of the Queen, levying war against the Queen, or inviting the invasion of the Queen's dominions by a foreign force.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Justice Foster had laid it down that to make use of language which amounted to counselling the deposition of the Sovereign was an overt act of high treason; and again it was held that if words were merely an expression of opinion, they might be seditious, but not treasonable; but if they counselled an act to be done then they became treason. Now those were words—nothing but words; there was no act done, and yet that was treason. It did seem to him, therefore, a fallacy to say that the expression in the Act, " open and advised speaking," was any invasion of the rights or liberties of the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Ist of Edward VI., c. 12, and various Acts from Eliza beth down to Charles 11., distinctly laid it down that if any person averred by open teaching or by expressed words that the king, his heirs or successors, ought not to reign in England and Ireland, or if any person imagined by open teaching or expressed words, to deprive the king, his:heirs, or successors of their royal sign arid title, that should be deemed high treason. He had only further to add, with reference to this measure, that the mode of trial was not at all altered by it, and that what ever advantage the prisoner previously possessed, he would possess still. He hoped the Bill would meet with the unanimous approbation of their Lordships, and that the country would long continue to enjoy hat peace which had now for so long a time remained undisturbed. The Duke of WELLINGTON said —My Lords, I am one of those who, whilst I advocate the necessity for such a measure as the present, regret that Parlia ment has not been allowed more time for its considera tion.—(Hear, hear.) I conceive it is perfectly necessary that some measure of this nature should be adopted, and that due consideration should be given to it for the purpose of making it quite efficient, in order to oppose some check to those great, those gigantic meetings which this country and the sister kingdom have been disturbed by during the last few years.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, we have at last come to that stage at which the law is defied, and is the contempt of every one of those persons who break it.—(Hear, hear.) When the Government had proceeded against three of those persons for a misdemeanour under the law existing at this moment, after those persons were brought before a magistrate and bail was taken for their appearance on their trial, one of them continued to commit by his speeches and his writings an aggravation of his offence; whilst the two others, when under bail, proceeded on a still more off naive, I don't say treasonous, mission to a foreign country to excite foreigners to in vade her Majesty's dominions. What is that but an aggravation of the offence committed, and a positive contempt of the law?—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, that contempt of the law is growing in this country every day, till at last that want of respect of the law, which has been the characteristic of this country for ages, will grow to such a height that there will be no authority in this country, or means of carrying out the law, or en suring obedience to the law, except by force. My Lords, that is the state of things, and I have observed in a most marked manner the progress which has been made in recent years in that very contempt of the laws of this country. Some years ago it happened, I believe in the year 1831, that there were extraordinary riots at the same moment at Bristol in this country, and at Lyens in France. It is certainly true that great outrages were committed at Bristol—that the bishop's palace was burnt, that the gaol was burnt, and that great injury was done. The riots continued some days, though a military force was employed to give assistance to the civil power. But the officer who commanded that force was considered not to have dune his duty; and certainly, in the presence of the troops and the magistrates, the bishop's; palace was destroyed by fire. The disturbances continued; but the magistrates got the better of it altogether, and saved the city of Bristol from entire conflagration by the assist ance of one single squadron of Light Dragoons, under the command of Colonel Beckwith, who performed his duty; and that was the whole force which put an end to that disturbance in Bristol in 1831, and saved that city from entire destruction. But what was the case at the same period at Lyons? The population of the two towns is, I believe, about the same. One is a port, the other is inland. However, it took an army of 60,00 0 men, under the command of a marshal of France, in order to get the better of that insurrection at Lyons, and to save Lyons from destruction. One squadron of Dragoons did that at Bristol, which required 60,000 men to perform at Lyons. My Lords, I attribute the different suc cess of those two efforts to the respect which prevailed at that time in England for the law—(Hear, hear)—to the feeling which every man had that he was disobey ing the law by joining in that insurrection ; and respect for the law it was which then saved Bristol. We are certainly not now in that happy position.—(Hear, hear.) It is true, that without the exercise of force we saw large bodies of persons who had collected in the vicinity of this town quietly disperse. But that was not out of submission to the law. Was not the whole population of the town, civil as well as military, under arms ? Were there not several hundred thousand persons em ployed as constables? Were they not organized and directed by persons capable of directing them? Were there not thousands of troops under arms? and were there not thousands of police in readiness to act if need be? Can it be said then it was respect for the law which prevented any outrage being committed by these e. r— nesuchhrepetitione hear.) thingr. I fh as respect for th e law under such circumstances. My Lo r d s , I say that o t the a t very sa me expressions, respect fo r persons ?—(Hear, hear.) But what passed on that very night, on the following night, and on nearly every night ihe miagh law nwt since ps to r ? W h expressions, which it is the object of this Act of Par ee,vetnthH Why, , is a oa r this want of respect for the law, whi c h if i t continues must be fatal to the greatness of thi s country, if t to its very existence, is to be a tt r ib u t e d to the transactions no which have taken place in I re l an d w i th i n th last few years. We have seen hundreds of those monster meet ings year after year, week after week, month after month, ringing through that impunity. We country with We have heard of seditiousand treasonable speeches made at those meetings— e have heard of men being put upon their trial for sedition in connexion with those meetings, and we have heard of men who were acquitted of the charge of sedition on some point arising on the trial. Why, my Lords, all this tends, I say, to the same point—to create a contempt for the law.—(Hear.) I therefore, entreat your Lordships to pass this Bill. I am particularly grateful to my Noble and Learned Friend opposite (Lord Campbell) for the manner in which he has explained it. I particularly approve of the Bill, and I hope it may have a tendency to induce some respect for the law.—(Hear h ea r.) But I beg you to observe that you place the L o rd-Lieutenant and the Government of Ireland in an exceedingly awkward 'situation in rela• tion - to the monster meetings if you only allow them to act after having before them evidence on oath of some thing dangerous to the public peace having been done, and do not allow the Lord Lieutenant to proceed upon his own sense of the state of the public peace, and of his power to preserve that peace by means of the civil force placed at his disposal. Ido not want to pretent discus- cussion on any subject. I desiro that the people should have the means of public discussion on every subject on which they desire to have discussion; but, my Lords, let that discussion be when they meet in such numbers so that the question can be discussed, and all who attend the meeting can hear what is addressed to them ; but do not let the meeting, under the pretence of discussion,, be of such a nature as, in the opinion of the magistrate, it is impossible for him to endeavour to put them down loy means of the civil force at his disposal, and render it obvious that such a meeting can have no other object except to create terror and overpower the Government. My Lords, I rejoice that this Bill is likely to pass as a check on such meetings in future—meetings of a character to create terror; and I hope that your Lordships will pass this Bill unanimously in as short a space of time as possible, in order that Government may be able to take advantage of it iu the approaching time. Lord DENMAN—I agree very much in almost all the arguments of the Noble Duke. There are, however, some points to which I should wish to allude. It appears to me that the danger which must result if these meetings are unchecked can hardly be overrated. It is impossible for the mind of the lowest of the people, oppressed by want, to be worked upon without the greatest danger, not only to the peace of the community and the interests of individuals, but the actual safety of the State. I differ from other Noble Lords that these present pro- ceedings are at all dangerous to the State as conspiracies against it; but the spirit of such proceedings, the tole ration of such language, the permission for people to deliberate whether they will take the government into their own hands or not, and declare war not only against the Government, and Parliament, and the laws, but also against the middling classes, does appear to use to be an enormous and intolerable evil ; and I feel that if any severity of law is necessary to put down that evil, the new law ought to bo received with the utmost attention. But the law is not so impotent as it is supposed to be ; and I have no doubt, as the Noble Duke has stated, that these monstrous meetings are to tally incompatible with all discussion, and may possibly lead to a breach of the peace. From the exciting lan guage made use of, so as to turn the force to the destruc tion of any individuals, or of any class, these monstrous meetings are in themselves misdemeanours, and might be put down by the force requisite for that purpose. That this growing contempt for the law in particular classes is much encouraged by what has taken place in Ireland is not likely to be contested by any one. On that subject I beg leave to say that these monstrous meetings were never, as far as I know, proceeded against by the Government of the time, and for some reason or other it was thought more prudent to allow them to pro seed, and:afterwards to proceed against them in the shape of indictment, of which I do not wish to speak in any kind of detail ; but upon which the greatest possible variety of opinions had been and was entertained ; but which indictment might almost be called as monstrous in its description of the offence as the meeting itself. The Noble Duke has alluded to some of the parties charged on that occasion. lam sure the Noble Duke had not the least intention to impute to any of those who thought it their duty, in conformity with the laws, to overturn the proceedings of the Court below—the Noble Duke does not mean to allude to them as having done anything in the least degree inconsistent with their duty. On the contrary, I am quite sure that if the Noble Duke, sit ting as a judge in this House, was, with a view to any consequences whatever, to say that he believed that to be the law which he did not believe to b e the law, and to abstain from giving that judgment which he in his con science thought fit, he would forfeit all respect as a judge, and the law itself would lose that veneration which, as the Noble Duke has said, the country had habitually felt for it. And when the Noble Duke says that these meetings are a proof of the growing con tempt of the law, I admit that the conduct of those parties who have made it necessary to pass this law shows that the law has fallen into contempt with them; but we are hardly doing justice to the public of England, if the whole people of England, who took into their own hands the vindication of their own rights and the protection of the State, are to be accused of having shown any con tempt of the law.— (Hear, hear.) I think, on the con trary, that when these Chartists had proceeded so far towards the disturbance of the public peace as to threaten the safety of all persons who were not of their own political creed, that the exhibition of order which then took place, peaceable men leaving their ordinary occupations of life to expose themselves to probable danger, and to certain inconvenience at a great sacrifice —I think it was one of the finest spectacles ever exhi bited on the part of a people attached to the law, because convinced by long experience of the benefits of the pro tection to be derived from it. lam sure I can never speak without feelings of the utmost admiration, in which all mankind concur, of the conduct of the Noble Duke; but I feel that I should be wanting in some degree in what was due to the real character of the English people if I allowed the expression about " the growing con tempt of the law" to pass without comment. The Duke of WELLINGTON—No one can admire more than I do the general conduct of the people upon the occasion to which I have referred; and I am sorry if I have said anything which could have induced the Noble and Learned Lord, or any person, to believe that I had said they had not shown respect for the law. What I stated was, that the results of that day were to bo attri buted to the formidable array that was made to get the better of those who had arrayed themselves against the law. I said there was no respect of the law on their part, because I said that on that very night, and certainly on the following night, they had over and over again made speeches showing their contempt of the law. I also beg to say that nothing was further from my thoughts than to express one word against the decision of the House as to what passed upon the trial to which I have referred. I confess that I have the greatest re spect for the decision of this House upon that subject. I said that it was owing to circumstances attending these trials—to points which occurred on the trials—that the conviction of the persons who had been concerned in the transaction to which I have referred was set aside. I did not presume to pronounce any opinion upon the subject. I merely mentioned the fact, as one of the many circumstances which have tended to occasion a contempt of the law on the subject of these meetings. Lord DENMAN—I am extremely happy to hear what the Noble Duke has stated. In point of fact, the growing contempt of the law on the part of those who are bidding defiance to it was put down by the growing confidence and attachment in the law by the great mass of the people of England. I take the liberty of adding upon this subject, that I really believe that a vast num ber of the people attending these meetings do so from ignorance that they are offending against the law. Tbey have sumo notion of the lawfulness of public meetings, without considering the circumstances which attend those meetings. The leaders work upon the poor starving population, great numbers of whom are really ignorant of the offence they are committing. These people ought to be informed of the danger they are incurring, and that even without this Bill they may he punished for lending themselves to meetings of such a character. As to one part of this Bill, which has been made the subject of discussion in the other House, that subject is exhausted, and does not require any observations on my part. lam happy to think that.cla a Bill has been fully discussed by able persons, I great deal of jealousy, in another place, and not wri see any difficulty in carrying it into effect. It s very pro bable o bable that it is not perfect, and t he observation may made that it might have been carried furt e imperfections are, in my judgment, no reason for n passing it. I will only observe, in reference to what was said by a Noble Lord opposite, that persons accused of felony are privileged to challenge, whereas they lose the challenge when accused of misdemeanour, that I should be sorry to see persons deprived of this advan tage. On a late occasion, on a special commission in Ireland—whether t he j ur y were of a higher class or more intelligent I know not—but no persons ever did their duty so perfectly as those jurors did; and I am happy to say that the demonstration has been so com plete that I trust there is an end of coercion as to Ireland. Lord BROUGHAM, in reference to what had been said by the Noble Duke, observed that Lyons was a much larger place, and contained a much more danger ous population than Bristol. There were 240,000 persons, of whom 30,000 or 40,000 were workmen in a most wretched state, and the quarrels with their masters on account of wages led to almost perpetual combina tions against the law. He was lately in the place, and spoke from most positive information; 30,000 persons were banded in opposition to the law, and it was deemed advisable, from motives of humanity, to draw in an over whelming military force, to make resistance utterly impossible; and the consequence was, there was hardly any shedding of blood. There was, indeed, nothing which was such false humanity as that' of not putting down insurrections with a strong hand, so as to make resistance utterly impossible. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I contrasted what had passed in Lyons with what had passed in Bristol, as a remarkable instance of the effect of the restraint of the law. The Earl of ST. GERMANS said that the Noble Lord lately the Chancellor of Ireland, with more expe rience of this country than of that, and the Learned Chief Justice of England, had already underrated the objections stated by the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley.) Anybody acquainted with the administration of justice in Ireland must acknowledge that it was extremely diffi cult to get jurors not afraid of doing their duty. This had been the case ins the White Boy offences. If a pe remptory right of challenge were given to the parties arrainged, it would be impossible to restore order. He agreed that upon a late occasion the jurors did their duty, and there was a conviction. It was owing to pecu liar circumstances that the gentry and magistrates all attended, and served on the petty jury. That was hardly to be looked at as a continuing state of things; and he apprehended that by taking the case of a number of persons, and putting them on their trial, you would exhaust the panel, and find it impossible to get jurors to do their duty. At the same time he would oppose no delay in the existing circumstances of the country to the passing of this Bill. Whilst he ad • witted that those who "devised, compassed, or imagined" the death of the king justly deserved punishment, yet the mischievous consequences produced by their speak ing were small in comparison with the mischief done by the publication of those speeches. He did not wish there should be any restraint on the publication of speeches in Parliament; he thought it of paramount im portance that everything which was said in either House of Parliament should be known to the country, for the probability of a treasonable or seditious speech was not great; but the case was different where small bodies of persons met together of the same opinion, and made speeches which, when reported, were read by the meanest peasant. The newspapers exercised a sound discretion in the report of criminal pro ceedings. He could conceive no reason why the editors of newspapers should not be called upon to exercise the same discretion as to the speeches delivered at these meetings, and he thought it consistent with the duty of Government to require editors to omit the pub- PARLIAMENTARYMVISIONS ( From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Comma.) WEDNESDAY, APRIL 19. GAME CERTIFICATES FOR KILLING OF HARES BILL.—(IN THE COMMITTEE.) Amendment proposed, at the end of the fourth Clause (not to authorise the laying of poisons), to add the words "or for any person not having a Game Certificate to use any fire arms or gun of any description for the purpose of killing any game or hares :"—Question put, " That those words be there added." The Committee divided : MAJORITY—AYES, 49. Alexander, N. Dodd, George Lowther, Henry Ansley, Thomas Duncombe, A. M'Naghten, Sir E. Archdall, Captaia Duncombe, O. Mulgrave, Earl Arkwright, G. Da Pre, C G O'Connell, M. J. iialdock, E. H. Edwards, Henry Packe, C. W. Bentinek, Lord H. Fuller, A. E. Pennant, Colonel Berkeley, H. F. Galway„ Viscount Pigott, Francis Bernard, Viscount Goddard, A. L. Plowden, W. 11. Bowles, Admiral Guest, Sir John Pugh, David Bramston, T. W. Hall, Colonel Reid. Colonel Brotherton, Joseph Harris, Hon. Capt. Richards, Richard Chaplin„ W. J. Henley, J. W. Sibthorp, Colonel Christy, Samuel Hornby John Willoughby, sir H Cllflord, 11. M. Hudson, G. Clive, H. B. Ingestre, Visct. Coles, 11. H. Johnstone, Sir J. Davies, D. A. Law, C. E. Deedes, W. Long, W TELLERS. Berkeley, Grantley Ilildyara, It. C. MINORITY-NOES, 44. Armstrong, It. B. Hume, Joseph Stafford, Augustus r,aines, M. T. Jolliffe, Sir l'i G. Strickland, Sir G. Bellew, It. M. Lewis, G. C. Sullivan, Michael Carter, J. B. Littleton, E. B. Thompson, Colonel Clements, Charles Macnamara, Major Turner, E. Crawford, W. S. Mahon, O'Gorman Villiers, Charles Cubittt, William Melgund, Viscount V3se, It. H. East, Sir J. li. Molesworth, Sir W. Wahnsley, Sir J. Ellice, E., jun. - Monsen, William Walsh, Sir J. B. Elliot, J. E. Morris, David Wilson, Matthew Glyn, George Carr Pearson, Charles Wood, Sir Charles Goring, Charles Perfect, Hobert Wyvill, Marmaduke Grenfell, Charles W. Pinney, W. Grey, Sir George Seyiner,:llenry Ker Halford, Sir henry Soinenxt, Captain Hood, Sir A. - Somerville, Sir W. TELLERS. Colvile, C. It. March, Earl of LOYAL ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN.—On Monday morning a numerous meeting of the nobility, gentry and tradesmen, inhabitants of the parishes of bt. George,,Lianover-square, and the out ward of Pimlico, most of wheat acted on the recent occasion as special constables to preserve the peace of the metropolis, was held at the vestry-room, in the workhouse, Mount street, Groavenor-square, to consider the propriety, under present circumstances, of presenting to her Ma jesty an add ress of loyalty and attachment to the British Constitution. Amongst the persons present were the Marquis of Northampton, Field -Marshal Earl Stafford, (who acted as colonel of the special constables on Mon day), Lord Colborne, Lord Ashley, Earl Cadogan, Sir John Boileau, Mr. Sheriff Cnbitt, Admiral Bowles, Colonel Tinkling, Captain Ingle, and Messrs. Arber, Boileau, Dowbigging, Graham, Whiffet', & c . T he Marquis of Northampton was unanimously voted to the c h a ir. The object for which the meeting was convened was then discussed, and after some conversation as to the best means of allowing the parishioners an opportunity of expressing their loyalty and attachment to the throne, the following resolution was carried unanimously , " That the,vestry be requested to assemble as soon at possible, for the purpose of taking into consideratio n t h e propriety of preseonntintghea happy y l iasedadereasfs tthoeheevrenllteoestf Gracious Majest y P v e e n e s se a l n , c w e, h c i o e ns h commu nicating the 10th of tkpri T l. m " E T s te xA m T e o e n ting ro t u h i e L n ix sep s ara TE t A ed m . Bit._ WRECK OF nicating the probable ni ht of Saturday last, near the Land a curred during the l loss of received of thi this from fi n e Letters were on Tuesday h 1 fetv of the thousands whose for t esa , the Legislature, the caprice of masters, restricting End, under circumsta nces which show the importance of lives are entrusted to steam-vessels steaming burden, was worked on the was a vessel about 300 ton s The Senator, which rigged a s screw principle, an d Thames, we understand, on Sa- She left Dublin for the during and a number of pas turday morning, with a full cargo foagthree-masted schooner. sengers. The weather came on, which fogs from the S.S.W. On Sunday night any obstacle being were of such a character as to preven t discernible within a cable's length y et the vessel was very unsettled, with squalls steamed on. The consequence was, tha t of Land's about three o'clock, miscalculated the distance Sinner Cove, light, and ran into Whitsand Bay, close to Cove, and got ashore, striking broadside on. On Sinner her ; the Senator, critical situation being discovered, the Coast Guard service afforded the most effectual aid to the unfortunate persona on board, who were conducted ashore in safety. By the last accounts it was difficult to say if there was any chance of the vessel being got off. She was buried several feet in the sands, and a heavy sea was lashing her broadside fearfully ; and what was worse, there was no appearance of the weather moderating. SPANISH POTATOES. —The vessel Rita, arrived in the St. Katherine's Do c k s, from Bilboa, has brought 150 cwt. in bulk, and thirty-four sacks of potatoes of Spanish production, consigned f t , order: ----- ----- --- He d e" be • an lication of treasonable and seditious specc bee. fessed it did appear to him t o be morn nrous, d believed it was owing to the mo rbid appe, ate for variety, d that the members of these soc ieties met ed to toge ther a uttered these seditious speeches. He appeal es°ol°o feeling of editors of newspapers to exerci se the dir, discretion as to the publication of then e Pr eeee - 0 61 that they exercised as to the proceedings ii r publican ht courts, which they often said were unfit fo s the nriirl o : If this appeal should not be successful, the nh e ti°lig in. the . Government might and ought to interp ° se ' - gaily w e pub s to tatute legal proceedings against those who gi these mischievous proceedings. k f al Lord CAMPBELL —I do not presunato to sPei l t - i e r° in my own experience of the administration G 'f Bill, it Ireland, but I assure the Noble Earl that ; the '`",:,,"'tbaesri now stands, is perfectly approved of by th e DW I '„ - ,4 ad ties in Ireland, by the Lord-Lieutenant 4 belied reieu-F,l: it that they, knowing Ireland thoroughly, I) I " - s will be effebtual. With regard to the put dinst it ; ri t il:d ditious speeches, I am very far from saying : the, t , l 's - D eed visable to take proceedings upon them. J:t wi LL Tthey entirely upon quo animo they ar e public bed. I d the are published to be held up to t he exec w atioll 4 .7 : but public, the intention would rende r the act in n(le eti cec t to if they are published for the purp ose of g ivi e g h : n et is those seditious and treasonable senti me nt s, t 7" ~a wig highly culpable. It is at all events an ag f at c ots demeanour, and might be punished at c " - cir eertaildiships law ; but it may be punished under cumstances by virtue of this Bill, which yt Wr I)° „ r r i Ong are now about to read the second time, or . the makeprinting out of such a speech may be the overt act to i ted i t the felony, and to show that the person wh o Pr r anted compassed l the deposition of the Queen, o, rd war against the Queen, or compasst ti the the sion of the Crown by a foreign force; and tin It being case, I suppose that a person, whether edit. 9r or ',,,h0 priotor of a newspaper, who makes a speech , 'tatty that publishes that speech, and who will not main L fre d; that speech has the tendency to which I have ri- '7, n ted no h doubt, upon the evidence that he made and P. '''sill, te speech, might be rendered amenable under tin e ~,ted that he may be tried for felony, and may be transP beyond the seas for the term of his natural life. s k ing o _T_ he Earl of ST. GERMANS—What I are sPe4 t opt I is the practice of reporting these proceedings / ft . 0 of a th n e yanimus, good or bad—reporting the proceediag,_ 0 National Convention as regularly as the peeehie h er d of eliver in this House of Parliament. got f eu newspapers are thus doing infinite misschin t% , in I O il The LORD CHANCELLOR —My only u tis v ( bi g fe to stop your Lordship's speaking.—(A laugh . ) -- of very little to do with the publishing, and I the`. II put the question that this Bill be read a second 6°:/e. The Bill was then read a second time. ~..itt The LORD CHANCELLOR—AS it is ille is Ti e that o this Bill should pass to-morrow, I propose that; uu l4 n should go into Committee, and have the , reading to- morrow. ELECTION RECOGNIZANCES 131,11T11; On the motion for the third reading of al-is P"" , Lord MONTEAGLE proposed an amendi.nent• Oil. Lord CAMPBELL said that his objection io lb: Oe was considerably mitigated by the ainendn2o;l,lfo hoped the Bill would not be rejected elsewhere. 7 0 she afraid the amendment would now bring the Bill state into which it was rejected on a former oecasi°l ' J O o' if the amendment was acceded to by the other 1:0, e 0 Parliament, he thought the measure would be 0 311° ' objectionable.[,ol4. The Bill was then read a third time, and their' ships adjourned till to-morrow. • SET el. RAILWAY SHARE MAR . LIVERPOOL, APRIL 19 . d y or, STOCK DCIIANOR.—The market has an imp ro ve o o , - . 4 steady appearance, and prices are better. There i'' 0 1 7 business doing, and the market closed steadily. l' e 5 1 " are—Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Shares, 7 1 / 8 c. dis.—East Lancashire, 251. Shares, 7100 —Great Northern, 10 dis.—Lancashire and Yorksbir,;;;o4, (late West Riding Union), 44 dis.—Lancaster andL 4O L 1 2 1 , dis. Loudon and Nor th- Western, 126--D"id. pv : Shares (L. and M.), 8 p.—Ditto, Quarters,. 3351...501,,,."' Midland Stock, 96—Ditto, New Halves, 61/4 cat...,Digw' Eastern and Dover, 22—Ditto, No. 2, 10 1 4 """. ir S% . No. 4 Thirds, PA dis.—York, Newcastle, andl3ergle tension, No. 1, 5 ' A R—Dutch Rhenish, 634 dia. MANCHESTER, APRIL 19. A 1,00 14 ,„1 Junctiot Jo. STOCK EXCUANGE.—The sales are—Birkenhes,,T 0011 shire, and Cheshire Junction, 7 1 4 dis.—Bolton.,. Pt sit &c. No. 1, 12 dis.—Ditto, Preferentials (B) , I° 4 forks o li v i esl Lancashire, New, 7: 3 / 1 c. dis.—Lancasbire an" Fifths, 1% dis.—Ditto, 32/. Shares, 8% dis.- -131 „ i a t ri. Or . Riding Union), 4 1 4 dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, x""d O . Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire (Sheffield 311$01011' colnshire), 8 1 ,4 dis.—North Staffordshire, 3 1 / 4 dis. .o --- d P°ll - and Dover, No 4,3% dis.—Whitehaven ness, 10 1 / 8 dis. BIRMINGHAM, Arun , 6.-- -5 ?-a rtis STocI EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Midlandt...inior Staffordshire, 68s. 6d. dis.—Shrewsbury and '""— (B), 635. 9d. dis. e ath er BRISTOL, APRIL 19. Szocx EXCHANGE.—The Railway Market ws s or y s A " f 1 more active, and prices were somewhat firmer, but ___GreP extra sales have been effected. The sales weriseter, Western, 2%, dis.—Ditto, Fifths, % dis.—Bristol ell D e vel l, New, 9% - iii , mingham and Gloucester, 115--s:lut 22 dis.—Taff Vale, New, lA, dis. • . r 4 of Of SHIPMENT OF COALS.—The Commissione d _ 00 .• Customs Department have issued directions to ,il l 's at lectors and comptrollers, and other principal om ° '; tA the various ports and places throughout the king dol ess prepare and transmit to the inspector general ef l i g', Log and exports, with the least possible delay, the foll ° ,,' de(' account,. so far as the same relates to their reePe-010t ports, viz.:—An account of the number of tons of co d .O culm, and cinders , resp ectivel y , shi pp ed at the sei";.o ports of England, Scotland, and Ireland, to other V o r in the kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in the Y 6 1847. FRENCH PIES. —Among the articles brought fiv e , France, to a considerable extent, of a remarkable net °l o o are pies, or patties, with rais ed crusts, containing verif!s sorts of meat and game, which form so important ei;:b. tura in the extensive Italian and provision estabca meats at the west end of the m e t ro p olis. As an jo st 7o of the great demand whic h must exist for the iniPe`oel tion of these French p ies, we ma y remark that a Ve ,0 just arrived in the dock s, from Bordeaux, has brou r to nearly 200 large cases of them , co nsi g ned to diffe * firms in the metropolis. LIVE OP SCENE IN THE ADELPHI THEATRE, - 0, t . —Last night an extraordinary scene took place 1 ,..., 0 0 Adelphi Theatre, in Christian-street. The perforte7 for were for the benefit of Mr. Cooke, the lessee , I L,I I 0 some reason, after the first piece was finished, thesiluto in the house were all extinguished, and the hot' ; ~e left in Ftotal darkness. In this state the audie ° ive l'e the to mained for about half an hour, during .which addressed by a gentleman in the pit, who asked themol remain quiet for a short time, and probably the 01 ;13 - iti meat would give some explanation of the extraor 'iiper conduct. This app . eased the spectators for soMe t Oto but at last: their patience was exhausted, and the 1 0: 10 16 who were in the g aller y commencedtearing up the bell for and all they could wrench off, which they continue d Al some time to throw on the stage and into the pit. .110 1 0 last they tired, and as the audience was lesideg.„o t h o use they were met by the police, who t hen es"' see " what was the matter."—Liverpool Standard. ~...0 ~ SWALLOWS.—A couple of swallows were 0u..-Aeor in this neighbourhood on Tuesday, which is ° nal' very early.—Lancaster Guardian. T _T a lOr MONEY-MARKET.—By advices from --- In v o ) al r j the price of gold is 439 per mark, which, at th, e a ko , P,' Mint price of 31. 17s. 10id. per ounce for steno% gel ~ gives an exchange of 13.12; and the exchange II " s t V" burgh on London at short being also 13.12, it the price of gold is the same at Hamburgh and i° la° es' he The last advices from St. Petersburgh follow nd o p quote the b' change on London at about 36d. per silve r o o go - 0 . , According to the usual calculation that 60 59 , ~, to F r imperials at St. Petersburgh are equal in "i ° r o te/ St• • of sovereigns, the transmission of gold from r silf , burgh will give an exchange of 38 45-100 d. P e er ee 0: rouble ; showing a gross profit of about 6 . 1 P res s The charges of transfer and difference of late however, to be allowed out of this amount. the w ife al it' BIRTHS- On the 16th inst., at Lee, near Blackheath, Robertson, D.C.L. of a son ' . AO of a son, still-born. , hire, the On the 17th inst., at Oxford-street, Mrs. Edward ICiteb° On the 17th inst , at Crewkerne, Soraersets of John Sparks, Esq• , of a son. 1, 0 ' "c.-, el On the 7th inst., • at Littleton House, Lower WI , caster, the wife of the Rev. Walter Eaton, of a 8( 1 . 0 , $ 644 On the 7th inst., the wife of Richard Thom 4 , Eyhorn, near Maidstone, of a son. On the Bth inst., at Conington House, th e X l4. 014. Dr W, Chafy, Esq., of a daughter. ki• On the sth inst., the wife if the Rev. "•-••• JO Combo Vicarage, Hants, of a son. ar k, the , On the 9th inst., at Sussex-place, Regent's-P ,p• of Isaac Moses, Esq., of a son. iv • On the 9th inst., at Onslow-square, Broraptoe , Fulton, of a ion. On the 9th inst., the wife of Henry 1 ,001) , Rockforry, Cheshire, of a daughter. South On the 10th inst., at Lansdowne-terrace, So Jr w a st . e' Mrs. Alfred . ngelbach, of a son. . , o f p- On the I Ith inst., Mrs. Benjamin BOYIII , / Wandsworth, of a son. h Af fi l Walforclf 94:04 MARRIED. emit- or On the 17th of Janaary, at Port Elisabeth, l o ght , the Rev. George Smith, to Sophia Esther, g r r and nduu . (180 4 : the late William Eland, Esq., of Southwark, ..1„ - ,,te, `-^i• tit On the 11t ult., at S. Botolph's, Al„,i'b rii - illyt, e l, Thomas, son oft he late Lieutenant-Colonelo°,,ter to . Royal Engineers, to Margaret Philip, only clang" Mirrielees, Esq. Ad DIED. On the 27th ult., at Stutt 1 Caroline 19 daughter of Charles C. Barton,.arc, . , .clos ( yll arton, Esq., agen i • , tie , On the Ist ' ' inst., in Minster Ird Lincol, o d a I Si Colonel 'lmage, late of the -Y. ' e- 93. - f° 62d Regiment, ag .„, J o, On the 14th inst at Loughton RectorY, ' 4 elitia, '' of Jane, youngest daughter of the Rey. John Athaiv°' 5i1,j";44.1 On the 14th inst., William Whitelocke Alidereittt, On the 15th inst., in London, George henry'''.- Ice rel of Binfielcl-park. - lei On the 15th inst., in Wyndham-street, BrYanst°"ll Miss M. E. F. Andoe, aged 73. Oh 6134' On the 15th hist., at Leaatington, Elizab . Jo, Erskine, youngest daughter of the late Lord CardreioDe` On the 16th inst., at Upper Cla ,ton ilarriot -0 9 1' relict of the late Jon Wood, Esq. I ' . niaer On the 16th inst., at llomerton, John Christoe 00 M oto man, Esq., age'l 57. On the 16th inst., at Betley-court, Staffordshire, F,,rt,..r Fletcher, eldest daughter of the late Sir T. FletcbVr. sob' On the 17th inst., at Sloane-terrace, chelsea , ies , (7 : e arl) West, aged 80. On the 17th inst., at St. Cross, near Winchester "' . r, eighth son of William Simonds, Fsq. aged 17. r of A l On the 17th inst., Maria, wife of 'James Webste , i street, Quadrant, aged 47. .--- --- a. of ____._ ; b t jS,., f i 1, London : Printed and Published by MURDO2'. plo. l'of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Die Sun Onar c ola - Strand, in the Precinct of the SaVoy) ill tu. faicicilegez, Thursday, April 20, 048.