The Sun. — London, England, 1848-08-23 00:00:00

4 0 " 41 tit ei% f t I- SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. YORK RACES. (THIS DAY-BY EXPRESS.) (Continued from our Third Edition.) The Colt Sapling Stakes of 50 sovs. each. One mile. Velox The Old English Gentleman ... - The Ebor St. Leger Stakes. Canezou Flatcateher Distaffina Won by a length. Seven ran. Match, 100 sovs.—Mysticle beat Snacks. ELECTION COMMITTEES. (THIS 'DAY.) DUBLIN. At the sitting of the Committee thii morning, Mr. JAMES announced that it was not the intention of the parties to proceed with the petition presented against the return of Mr. Grogan, and he bras therefore happy to con gratulate the Committee upon the termination of their labours. The room was then cleared, and the Committee, after a short consultation, agreed to the following string of resolu tion : " That John Reynolds, Esq., was duly elected at the last election to serve as a burgess in the present Barliament for the city and borough of Dublin. " That Edward Grogan, Esq., was duly elected at the last election to serve iu the present Parliament for the city and borough of Dublin. "That the Committee have amended the poll by striking off the names of 200 electors who were not entitled to vote at such election." The Committee further came to the following special report : "The Committee find that the former Dublin Election Com mittee, which sat in 1835-6, made a special report, to the effect That the state of the municipal law of Dublin is so defec tive and unjust, that it precluded many electors from exer cising the franchise; and the Committee, therefore, recom mended the House to take this detect into its consideration, with the view to its amendment.' This Committee entirely concur in that opinion ; and they carnet refrain from expressing their regret that the House has allowed that report to remain unnoticed, since the result has been that on the present occasion several parties in terested in the representation of the city and borough of Dublin have been put to most serious expense in prosecuting the inquiry 'which the defective state of the law has rendered necessary;' and the Committee beg to press upon the House the necessity that exists for their taking this subject into their serious consideration at the earliest possible period, in order to prevent a recurrence of these complaints and annoy ances." . The Committee then broke up after *sitting of no less than 73 days. CHELTENHAM. The rebuttiffg evidence on behalf of the sitting Member having closed, Mr. JAMES slimmed up, after which Mr. Gem;Ey replied on the whole case. The room was.then cleared, and the Committee, after a short consultation, came to the following resolutions:— "That Craven Eitahardinge Berkeley, Esq., was not duly elected at the last election to serve as a burgess in the pre.. sent Parliament for the borough of Cheltenham. _ _ " That the said Craven Fitzhardinge Berkeley, Esq., being a candidate for the said seat at the election held on the 30th of July, 1847, was, through his agents, guilty of treating; and the said Craven Fitzhardinge Berkeley was, in conse quence thereof, disqualified from offering himself as a candi date at the election held in June . , 1848." The CHAIRMAN wished to know what course the parties intended to pursue now? Mr. GURNEY said the petitioners claimed the seat for Mr. Gardner; and he proposed now to put in evidence to prove that notice of Mr. Berkeley's dirqualification was given to the electors- previous to the last election, which, he con tended, would be sufficient to justify the Committee in seat ing Mr. Gardner. Mr. JAMES said he was not prepared to meet that question then, and he had therefore to pray for an adjournment, as the matter involved a point not only of local, but constitutional interest. The Committee acceded to this request, and adjourned til to-morrow, at eleven o'clock. HORSHAM. The Committee was occupied the whole day with the evi dence of Mr. Padwick, the alleged agent of the sitting Mem ber. who was called to prove that he did not act as Mr. Fitz gerald's agent, but only as his friend. All he did at the elec tion was in his capacity of a partizan and not as an agent; but he positively denied having kribed, or attempted to bribe, any of the electors. No doubt treating was resorted to, but it was not, he contended, to influence the votes of the elec tors ; but the refreshments were given to them by himself and others a$ friends, and without the knowledge or cement of Mr. Fitzgerald, the sitting Member. CRIMINAL COURT.-(THIS DAY.) • OLD COURT'. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) In the case of Robert Wynn, a clerk in the Post-office, who was charged with stealing• and secreting two letters, The jury, after an absence of nearly three hours, returned into court with a special verdict, to the effect that they be lieved that the prisoner secreted the letters but did not steal them, and•that he secreted them from the fear that it' they were found upon his person he would be subjected to punishment Mr. Itstron PLATT considered that the verdict would, in fact, amount to one of acquittal. Mr. CLARKSON, for the prosecution, did not take the same view of the ease. In the indictment the prisoner was charged with secreting, as • well as stealing, and the former act as much as the latter was subject to punishment under the statute. Ultunattly, by the consent of the Learned Judge and the Connie( on both side, it was arranged that the nature of the verdict shetdd be brought under the consideration of the Judges. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair sh ortly after Twelve o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the Great Western Rail way (Loop line trom Birmingham and Oxford Junction RailAN ay through Leamington) Bill were considered and agrees. to. - The Lords' amendments to the Great Western Rail way (to confer additional powers on the Company with reference to the purchase of the Birmingham and Oxford J unction 'Railway) Bill were considered and agreed to. Sir 11. 11. INCiLIS presunted two petitions against the Diplomatic Relations. with Rome 13;1., , DUBLIN ELECTION: Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR brought up the report of the Dublin Election Committee, dbclaring Messrs, Reynolds and Grogan to have been duly elected for that city. SUPPLY. were strangers to the land, and many of whom were, by their own industry, placed beyond the want of such assistance. He found by the last report of the Society of the Friends of Poland, that several of the parties who were participators in the proceeds of this vote were actually engaged in thriving trades; for instance, there was one refugee in re ceipt of a pension of 451. per annum who filled the office of teacher to the French schools; another, with an unpro nounceable name, who carried on the business of a fencing and dancing master at 101, Sloane-street ; and a third named Albert, who kept one of the finest tobacconist's shops in London. In fact, there appeared to be a list of about twenty of them. who were all in receipt of pensions, and who were all earning good livings in business. They must be just before they were liberal, and while their own countrymen were suffering so many privations, it was high time that they had abolished this grant of 10,000/. a year, and he should therefore take the liberty of dividing the Committee upon the vote. But, independently of the vote itself, there was an expensive staff kept up to superintend the dis tribution of the fund. The secretary received 275/. a year, his clerk received 601., and these two sums, together with the Polish officers, made up an additional expense of 7001. a year; and as it was high time a stop was put to this spe cies of extravagance, he should certainly give the vote his most decided opposition. Lord DUDLEY STUART had heard the observations of his Hun. Friend with deep regret, because he was convinced, when the question came to be fully and minutely discussed, the vote would not appear to be so objectionable as his Hon. Friend hal represented it.—(Hear, hear.) He knew very well t hat nothing now-a-days was more popular than for Hon. Members to come forward and call for a reduction of the public expenditure either large or small, but be thought he should be able to satisfy the House that they would avert the ends of charity it they refused this vote to parties who were really in distress. He thought, if they stopped this grant to the Polish refugees, it would be a meet uncharitable act, and one which the British Parliament had never been guilty ot before. His Hon. Friend had made statements which he WAS sure he would never have ventured upon, had he been correctly informed upon the facts.—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend seemed to think that he (Lord Dudley Stuart) had a control over this vote, but he could assure his Hon. Friend that he exercised no control over it whatever. There cer tainly was a time when he exercised a control over the grant, but that was only on the first occasion the vote was agreed to. After that, the Treasury took the vote into their own hands. His Honourable Friend complained that an expensive staff was kept up for distributing this fund, but he oould assure his Honourable Friend that when he had the management of the fund there was no such expense connected with it whatever. His Honourable Friend next complained that many of the parties who par ticipated in the benefits of this fund were engaged in carry ing on lucrative business. • That there were persons on the pensiqn list who were engaged in business he could not pretend to deny; but he need hardly appeal to the commercial men of the House to bear him out in the statement, that many parties who managed to sustain a good appearance in business were receiving little or no profits ist return. He was afraid that was the case in reference to several of these pensioners who were engaged in professions or business ; but if the Committee wished it he for one should have no objection to revise the list of pensioners. Hedidnotdeny that the original vote was only granted for one year, but he must remind the Committee that when a question was asked of the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether he had any objection to continue the grant, the answer, that the Right Honourable Gentleman would have great pleasure in doing so, 'was received by the House with cheers. —(Hear, hear.) He admitted that the grant was in the first instance merely temporary, but the House had unanimously assented to its continuance. France had voted 100,0004 for the Poles, and' last year gave 50,000/. for their relief. He was as great an advocate for economy as any one in that House, and with a view to a reduction of the public expenditure, had voted for Mr. Hume's motion for the reduction of the army and navy; but surelyso small a sum as would not give the poor man half a pint of beer more, or the poor woman an additional tea-spoonful of tea. —(Laughter) should not be withheld. Besides, if it were abrogated, England, which had aided other countries, and whose exiled people in the time of Charles the Second had been aided by Poland with money, would become con temptible in the eyes of the other nations of the world. Mr. HENLEY said the Noble Lord had made out as good a case as he could in support of the grant. but he had failed to show that, during all the years these Poles had been here they had been unable to make, a subsistence, and, next, to find thfir way back to their own cuuntry.—(Hear, hear.) It wasmot right they s h ou ld cont i nue a b urden on the people of thi4 country, many of whom, owing to their distresses, would /Joe glad of pensions. He did not think this grant should continue for ever. Ho should vote against the grant, unless the Government told the House that it would not be con tinued.—(Hear.) Mr. BRIGHT said it was surprising that the Poles in four ieen years had not been able to_ provide for themselves. He cnuld not but think th a t the Noble Lord was gratifying a favourite notion at the expense of the people of this country, and at,the sacrifice of bis duty to constituents. The case was much worse than had been stated. Out of the whole time the money had been paid but one Pole had been magnanimous enough to resign. He deprecated John Bull being made a mulch cow by the inhabitants of other countries.—(Great laughter.) In 1834 the House acceded to the grant on the distinct understanding that it would be but temporary.— (Hear, hear.) He trusted this would be the last vote, or at least the last but one, and that the Government would give a pledge to that effect.—(Hear, hear.) It was the saving of small sums that made a large general saving. Mr. HUME said he was one of the Committee to whom the allotment of aid out of the vote to the distressed Poles was granted. The sums, he admitted, were very small, but they were given merely as aid, and in order to support them until they could support themselves. That principle had been altogether contravened. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer would give a pledge that this and other grants would be reviewed and not pressed again if found that they could be dispensed with, he should advise his Hon. Friend not to press his amendment. The Pole and every other foreigner could now return to his own country. Mr. OSBORNE intimated that he could not consent to the suggestion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER reviewed the circumstances under which the money was granted. The vote was one which could not be considered a permanent charge upon the country.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think the House would be disposed to take away this aid from old persons who had been long in the receipt of it—that would be an act of cruelty; but young persons able to earn their own living could not be allowed to receive it. lle assured the House that the list should be carefully reviewed. Sir J. TYRELL did, not wish to act cruelly, but in his t . pinion the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not made out a strong case for its continuance. He thought they would do well to allow 4,0001. this and discontinue it next year, unless the Noble Lord the Member for Marylebone (whom he much complimented) could show a very argent case for its continuance to certain parties. Lord It.GROSVEN OR accounted for the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bright) calling John Bull a milch cow by his having sat seventy- three days on an IriSh Committee. He thought the plan of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was the best. Mr. H. BERKELEY said when they had a heart to feel for the woes of foreigners, he trusted that someshare of their humanity would be given for the distressed people at home. Constituents generally remarked that the House afforded liberal aid to foreigners whilst they neglected the distressed condition ot the people at home. He considered that neither the army or navy could now be reduced with safety. He should support the amendment. Mr. URQUHAR l' said the grant was an annual protest in favour of the nationality of Poland, and was based on the highest grounds of justice. It was remarkable, that when the state of Poland was being discussed that the House treated it with levity. England was much to blame for the fallen condition of Poland. Mr. G. THOMPSON said, the reasons in favourof the vote urged by the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last were the most extraordinary that could be urged in a British House of Commons. Forsooth,because the Czar of Russia had tram pled upon the nationality of Poland, were they to support for years all whom his tyranny had driven from their native land ? lie bore testimony to the merits of the Poles, but con sidering the vote altogether indefensible, he should vote against it, in the hope that it would be abolished for ever. Mr. ROBINSON opposed the Bill. Mr. OSBORNE said if the Chancellor of the Exchequer would state that this should be the last vote, he would not divide the House. Mr. O'CONNOR was opposed to take the grant away without notice to the recipients that it would be discontinued. The CHANCELLOR of the 'EXCHEQUER explained that what lie had said was that it would not be well to take away the grant in a summary manner. He thought that the old, the helpless, and those who were unable to go back to their own country should alone receive the grant. After some further discussion, Mr. OSBORNE said the explanation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was perfectly satisfactory; he should not therefore divide. The vote was therefore agreed to. On the vote for 6,669/. to defray the miscellaneous allow ances of the Civil List not otherwise provided for being pro posed, Mr. C. LUSHINGTON opposed the Regium .Donum part of this vote on the behalf of the Dissenters of the country, as derogatory to them, and moved that the vote should be re duced by the sum of 1,693/. the amount of the Regium Donum ... 1 ... 2 ... 2 .. 3 On the cfnistioiffer - going into Committee of Supply, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he trusted, at this late period of the is, asion, Hon. Member,. would not delay their going into the Committee of Supply by bringing lorwurd qaestions which did not relate to the Estimates. Mr. MULE rr SCROPE said'he bad no objection to withdraw hi4ruolti:Oelating to Ireland, but he should be glad to know iEthe supplementary estimates fur the relief or.thalrish distress would be prefaced by any statement ft-dill tire Government? Lori JOHN RUSSELL replied that his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would make a general statement upon the subject. Sir JOHN WALSH said he had a notice on the paper for calling fur an explanation of the circumstances con nected with the recent appearance of the fleet under the command of Admiral Sir William Parker in the Bay of Naples; : but, perhaps the Noble Lord could make a statement upon that subject which should obviate the necessity of his bringing forward that motion? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the King of Naples had attempted to raise a forced loan contrary to existing treaties with the country, but the King subsequently abandoned that project. A question, however, had arisen nth respect to the use of the British flag by the Neap dian navy in seizing certain Sicilian vessels; but upon that subject also a satisfactory explanation bad been given. A further question had, however, since arisen, as to whether these vessels were taken in the waters of Derfer, and Admiral Sir William Parker had written a letter upon the subject to the Commissioners of the lonian Islands, who had not yet returned an answer. Sir J. WALSH said the statement of the Noble Lord was satisfactory as far as it went, but he wished to put a further question to the Noble Lcrd, relative to the existing state of tlaings. He wanted to understand whether, up to this time, her Majesty's Government had maintained a strict neutrality betweea the two contending parties; or whether Sir Wil liam Parker had committed any act, either towards the King of Naples or the Sicilians, which could in any respect make England a party to the contest? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said ha did not wish any state ment of his own to hamper the future discussion of the Go vernment in this matter, but he could assure the Honourable Baronet that no steps had been taken by Admiral Sir William Parker which could tend in the least to betray hos tilities towards either party. Sir JOHN WALSH said the explanations of the Noble Lord would render it unnecessary for him to bring forward his motion. Mr. HERRIES hoped the Noble Lord at the head of the Government did not contend that the King of Naples had no right to levy_ a forced loan upon his own subjects. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said certainly not; but the King of Naples had no right to make a forced loan upon the British subjects resident within his own dominions.—(Hear.) Mr. HUMEmsaanidnfamfoenw days ago he presented a petition from a clergy tal t , .rose, complaining that one of his parishioners had been on suspicion of felony, but whose trial could not take place up t e or some time to come,'and was treated by his gaolers as a convicted Non. Now he thought if that practice was general i tionable, and he hoped t hi s_ iparticular catsc'st.awsolujilgdbliiyas°-ebitthee attention of the Right flon.Gentleinan the Secretary of State for the Home Department. Sir G. GREY said there was a distinction made between prisoners waiting for trial and prisoners under the sentence of the Court. He was not aware of this case until the Hon. Gentleman had directed his attention to it. The House then went into Cammittee of SUPPLY. part of the vote. After some discussion, in which Colonel Thompson, Lord John Russell. Mr. Fox, r. Kershaw, Mr. George Thompson, Mr. Bright, Mr. flume ' Mr. Muntz, Mr. Wyld, and Mr. Sharman Crawford took part, Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but no division took place. Mr. REYNOLDS, during the time of our exclusion from the gallery having rose, moved the exclusion from the esti- - mat; of the sum set apart for the French Protestant refugees (1,500/.). After a short discussion, the Ilox. MEMBER for Dublin withdrew his amendment, and the Committee divided upon Mr. C. Lushington's amendment, with respect to the Repium Donum, when there appeared, For the vote .. For the amendment Majority for the vote The vote was then agreed to. The House then resumed, The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again at a quarter to six o'clock. I,IILLBANK PRISON BILL. 60 This Bill was read a third time and passed. COMMONS INCLOSURE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. The third reading of this Bill was postponed till after the other orders of the day were disposed of. DUBLIN POLICE BILL. The third reading of this Bill was also postponed until after the other orders of the day were disposed of. NUISANCES AND CONTAGIOUS DISEASES BILL. The report on this Bill was postponed until after the other orders of the day were disposed of. FEVER (IRELAND) BILL. The Committee on this Bill was postponed until after the other orders of the day were disposed of: BANKRUPTS RELEASE BILL. This Bill went through Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow, at twelve o'clock. OFFICERS OF COURTS O1!' JUSTICE (IRELAND) ASSIMILATION OF APPOINTMENTS BILL. On the motion of Lord JOHN' RUSSELL, the order of the day for the second reading of this Bill was discharged, the Noble Lord stating that it would be impossible to proceed with the measure in the course of the present session. The house, then, at a Quarter before Four o'clock, ad , journed to a Quarter before Six o'Clock. to defray th e c h arges 67,000/. was voted to her Ma j e sty an d allowances to superannuated public officers. 440 the expenseso/. was voted to her Ma j est y to defray of the Corsican emigra nts. 2,000/. was voted to defray the expenses of the ,National Vaccine Establishment. 6,0001. was voted to defray the expenses of the Reffige f ur the Destitute. On the question that 8,7001. to defray the expenses of the allowance to the Polish refugees, Mr. OSBORNE said it was high time this vote was put a stop to. At first the grant was only conceded for one year, but although there were thousands of their own fellow-coun trymen absolutely starving, it was still proposed to put the country to an' expense of 10,0001., to support parties who The House resumed at a Quarter to Six o'clock. PETITIONS. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWiolll; . i;resented a petition from an Inclep9ndent Congregation in Belfast against the Regium Donlo n grant. Air. DISRAELI presented a petition from the adventurers and miners of Huristone against the reduction of the duty on copper ore. NOTICE OF MOTION. !llr. TYNTE gave notice that early next session he should House. bring the grand jury sy s t em un d er t h e cons id erat i on o f the TURNS. Mr. BROTHERTON R moved for, and obtained the follow ing returns :—Return of the number of days on whibh the House of Commons sat in the session 1847-8, stating for each day the hour of meeting, and the hour of adjourn ment, and the total number of hours occupied in the sittings of the House, and the average time; and also showing the number of hours on which the House sat each day, and the number of hours after midnight; and the number of entries in each day's votes and proceedings • also the total number o f hours the House sat during the session (in continua tion of Parliamentary Paper, No. 746, of Session 1847). Return of the number of divisions in the session 1847-8; stating the subject of the division, and the number of Mem bers in the majority and _minority, tellers included ; also, the aggregate number in the House on each division; distinguishing, also, the divisions on public Bills from private; and, also, the number of divisions before and after midnight (in continuation of Parliamentary paper No. 746, of session 1847).—Return of an alphabetical list of the public Bills which have been introduced into the House of Commons during the session 1847.8. stating by whom introduced, or which have been brought from the. House of Lords, the date of their several stages in the House, and distinguishing those which have since be • come law (in continuation of Parliamentary paper, No. 756, of session 1847.) Return of the total number of Acts passed in each session since the year 1800; distinguishing the number of public, private, and local personal Acts; and the n um b er re l a ti ng t o G reat Britain, England, Scotland, and Ireland, and those to the United Kingdom. Return of the number of days on which the House of Commons has sat in each session since the year 1800, stating for each day the hour of meeting and the hour of adjournment, and the total number of hours occupied in the sittings of the House, and the average time; and also showing the number of hours on which the House sat each day, and the number of hours after midnight ; and the number of entries in each day's votes and proceed ings; also the total number of hours the House sat during each session. Mr. ROBINSON gave notice that, on Friday, he would put a question to the Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home Department• relative to the convict Mitchel. THE MINT. in reply to a questionfWmSlrK . TYßELL, • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that he had every reason to believe that the labours of the Mint Commission would be brought to a close within a month, when their report would be ready for delivery. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. In reply to a question from Mr. FORBES, Lord J. RUSSELL stated that he proposed to take the Diplomatic Relations with Rome Bill to-morrow, at twelve, and the Sale of Spirits Bill at five o'clock. In reply to a question from Lord G. BENTINCK, Mr. HAWES said he had no objection to lay on the table of the House a copy of the Resolutions of the Jamaica Chamber of Commerce. COLONIAL LIGHT-HOUSES. _ On the question for going into Committee of Supply, Mr. HU NIE drew the attention of the House to the dangers the shipping interest of this country ran from the defective state of our Colonial lighthouses. (LEFT SITTING.) PRP. SUN, LONDON', WEDNESDA Y EVENING A, tlat/Sl l /A, -him. dron, because the greater the number the slower the speed of the vessel, and therefore the greater their danger. The political economists said have the slave traders to themselves, they will not destroy their own slaves; but slaves were not cattle—they would not sub mit to the treatment of slaves, and therefore the slave trader would destroy his own slaves. The Noble and Learned Lord then animadverted severely on the manner in which the Committee bad attended to the evidence of one witness, who admitted that he had been a slave- trader, who stated that he de spaired of the efforts of the squadron .putting down the slave trade. lie should have said that he feared that those efforts would be successful.—(Hear, hear.) He was the more earnest on this subject, because he was de sirous of stemming the under -current of public opinion, which was now setting in on this subject, and which would bring us back to the same state of apathy with re gard to the slave trade which prevailed in 1788. Some judgment ought to be exercised in the selection of offi cers to be employed in the suppression of that trade. It was a very unpopular service, and those officers only ought to be employed in it who were enthusiastic in the cause. The failure of our past efforts for the extinction of this traffic had given rise to an idea now sedulously spread by certain parties, namely, that it war impossible. But he could not believe that it was beyond the power of France and England, united, to-stop the atrocious traffic pursued by Brazilian joint-stock companies. All that was required for this purpose was that their laws should be more strin gent and more rigorously enforced. If they (lid not inter fere; they would give occasion for the surmise that they thought this Brazilian trade should not be interfered with, and that it might be embarked in, by other parties, with im punity. He had intended to have said more to their Lord ships on this irn'portant question, but the atrocities of the traffic were of such a nature that he felt deeply pained in bringing them before the House.—(Hear.) It was a system of the most foul demoralising character; it was fraught with crime and evil of the worst description; and it was time that the evils it created should be repressed by the adoption and enforcement of more stringent measures. The Africans looked to England as the quarter from whence effectual aid for this purpose was to proceed, and he trusted that the people of England and the Government of England would not forego, but rather redouble their efforts for the suppression of this traffic, which, great as they had been, were but a slight atonement for having, as a nation, long persevered in carrying on the slave trade. The Noble Lord concluded with moving, "That an humble address be presented to her Ma jesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to give directions for the enforcement of all treaties with Foreign Powers for the extinction of the slave-trade on the coast of Africa. and for the prosecution of all British subjects directly or indirectly concerned in violating the laws against that crime ; and that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to take into her serious consideration the expediency of concert ing measures with her allies for declaring slave trading piracy, with punishment less severe than that now incurred according to law of nations for that crime. 7 The Marquis of LANsDOWNE was sure the House would feel grateful to his Noble and Learned Friend for the able manner in which he had treated the subject. He felt it, however, his duty to move the previous question, because, looking at the terms of the motion, and the circumstances to which his Noble and Learned Friend had adverted, that this important subject had only recently been before a Committee of the other House, it might be inferred from the terms of this motion that there had been a remissness on the part of the Queen's Government in carrying out the existing treaties on the subject of the slave trade, and also because the motion seemed to prejudge the Committee of the House of Commons. He thought it expedient, before their Lordships pronounced an opinion on the subject so hastily, that they should ex amine the evidence, and, decide on the policy they would adopt, not abating one jot of their determination to bring the infamous slave trade to ultimate extirpation.--(Cheers.) If one man more than another had shown himself to be a constant and firm supporter of existing treaties for the sup pression of the slave trade it was his Noble Friend the Secre tary for Foreign Affairs, and he thought it must be admitted that he had left no means untried to give effect to such treaties, with a view to put an end to this wicked traffic.— (Hear, bear.) With regard to the participation of indivi dual Englishmen who were culpable and criminal enough to be engaged in a traffic which the laws of their country had stamped with ignominy, there was no doubt that such had been the case, and his Noble Friend the S ecre t ar y f or Foreign Affairs had not omitted to notice the subject, which had been referred to the law officers of the Crown, who were of opinion that Englishmen in foreign countries who might be engaged directly or indirectly in the slave trade, or who might take slaves in execution for debt, were guilty of an offence against the law, and were amenable to punish ment. His Noble Friend had instructed British Consuls to proclaim the law of the country on the subject of the slave trade, and its consequences. He thought that to make the slave trade piracy, with a modification of the punishment attached to that crime, would be perhaps the best means of putting an end to it. He was not prepared to pronounce an opinion on the subject twenty-four hours only after the pub lication of the evidence before the Committee of the other House on the subject; but he trusted it might be productive of the object which he believed they all desired, namely, the extinction of the slave-trade; and he hoped the time would never come when any countenance would be given, directly or indirectly, to the statement that it was the intention of the present Government to abandon their determination to put down a traffic which had been the curse of the world, and at one time a stigma on our national character.— (Loud cheers.) For the reasons, however, which he bad before stated, he felt himself bound to move the previous question. Lord BROUGHAM said the statement of the Noble and Learned Lord was most invaluable as a statement of the argu ment ; his demonstration had been complete, convincing, and triumphant of the unfounded nature of the two propositions which be had assailed, namely, that the slave trade bad in creased in spite of our efforts, and that the British Legislature was in reality an accessary before the fact to the horrors of the slave trade. Had any one entertained doubts as to the policy of continuing these efforts, those doubts must have been removed by the argument of the Noble and Learned Lord. No one could read the evidence before their Lordships - without perceiving that the witnesses had been marshalled and examined with a view to support a foregone conclusion —the conclusion which was enunciated in the Committee's report. Ever since 1811, the slave trade had been felony; and he could not but regret, as an instance of the evil arising from the misapplication of words, that the slave trade had not been called all along by its ritiht name, that of " felony " and "man-stealing." The "Noble and Learned Lard then commented at some length on the evidence of Mr. Cliff, who he said had, in effect, declared, " I am a felon and a murderer, and ought to have been hanged by the laws of my own country long ago." Such a man had been the daring and cherished wi:ness of a Committee of one House of Parliament, who, instead of sending him for his trial, professed tenderness for his reputation, and allowed his evi dence to outweigh that of a captain in her Majesty's navy. The Noble and Learned Lord then read copious extracts from the evidence of this witness, and expressed surprise that none of the Committee had ever asked him how long it was since he began to entertain the sentiments which he professed of aversion to the slave trade on account of the loss of human life which it involved. The Committee ought to have in quired by whom the witness was introduced, •whether he had associated with gentlemen in this country, or with any member of the Committee. One of them, he understood, Mr. Jackson, was engaged in what was called the " coast trade" of Africa, which consisted in ship ping ,goods well known as " coast goods " to Africa, for sale to tile purchasers of slaves. This trade might be con• ducted in three ways, one of which was little better than direct participation in the slave trade, inasmuch as the return for the goods was made dependent on the success of the slave-trader's venture. He believed that this species of the trade was little encouraged in this country ; but for the credit of the merchants of London, Liverpool, and Manchester, he hoped that a searching inquiry would be instituted into this trade, with the view of as certaining whether it did or did not amount to an en. couragement of the slave trade. In reply to the argument that the African squadron increased the horrors of the slave trade, his Lordship observed it might as well be contended that highway robbery ought not to be punished lest the robbers should be driven to commit murder in order to escape. He ridiculed the doctrine of the Society of Friends, who were opposed to the infliction of violence in any shape, and said it amounted to this—" Pass as many laws as you choose against the slave trade, make it felony, and attach to it what punishment you like, but take very good care not to inflict any punishmeut, nor even to try to catch the culprits." Could the whole world be converted into a Society of Friends such principles would be applic able, but not otherwise. In conclusion, the Noble Lord expressed a hope thet the declaration just made by the Noble Marquis (Lansdowne) would go forth as a counter poise to the report of that Committee to which allusion had been made. After a few words from the Earl of WALDEGRAVE, Lord DENMAN expressed a hope that the fullest attesta tion of Parliamentary approval would be given to the con duct pursued by the Governm e nt ; and referred to what h taken place in former sessions. he motion was then put and negatived witho ut a de. vision. which all Germany might be proud was a purpose that gave an opportunity of united effort when all was division. Religious zeal had much influence doubtless; but the cathedral literature of the past ten years (for it has a press of its own) proves plainly that German nationality was the most active power. The piety, faith, and earnestness of the old founders of churches and temples cannot be so plainly traced in all that has been said and written by the advocates of the movement as that political " unity" of the empire which the completed cathedral was to embody awl ex press. To carry out the work practically, the people formed committees, unions, and societies all over Ger many, with banners, bsdges, and insignia, and threw into the task much of that spirit which with us creates such bodies as the Odd Fellows, Ancient Druids, and Foresters. They had cathedral bands of music, cathedral singing societies, and unions of the trades employed, all at a time when every kind of association was an object of suspicion to the Government. It would be unjust to assert that the bodies thus organized were turned to a political purpose ; but they fostered and kept alive An idea that could find no other mode of ex pression so open ; there was a worldly object combined with the religious one. The great impulse was given to the movement by the present King of Prussia, who on Easter-day, 1842. laid the first stone of the new works, and " endovven" the undertaking with 50,000 dialers a year. Since that time the works have been carried on as rapidly as the limited funds permitted; and it is understood that they have now almost failed. Without some general contri bution from the people of Germany, prompted by na tional enthusiasm, as their forefathers were animatad by religious zeal, the cathedral will never be completed; the exchequers of the Sovereigns at the present period have nothing to spare. The portion of - the. edifice added since 1842 is soon described. The choir and the tower have been united on the south, by carrying up the stone work to the point where the light shafts are to spring from the plain square buttresses ; the three portals on this side are nearly completed ; and the nave is so far finished, that with a temporary roof it can be used for Divine worship: - It is in this south side that the stained-glass windows, presented by the King of Bavaria, are placed. On the north side nearly the same amount of plain work has been finished; but on both 'all the most expensive labour has yet to be bestowed, in the elaborate carvings and tracery of the pinnacles and shafts, in which . the modern workmen are to imitate and reproduce the triumphs of their ancestors. The old stone-work, dark and worn to roughness by time, contrasts strongly with the smooth white masonry of yesterday; in form, of course, the ancient 'plan has been rigidly ad hered to; time will harmonise the colour, but at present the effect is harsh. The carved work on the front of the south tower is so decayed that large patches of grass are actually growing in the roses and fretted ornaments above the portal; the tracery looks as if it would turn to dust with a touch: when ;the eye .passes from .it the fresh solid masonry, the text that condemns the new piece on the old gar ment''.occurs involuntarily to the mind. The portion of the fete celebrated to-day was not so brilliaht as anticipated. A grand concert was given at the Casino in the morning by the Gesengvet tin, and till late in the afternoon, when a procession was formed and started from the Neumarkte to the cathedral, there was nothing to occupy the citizens who have made up their minds to a three days' holiday. The streets on the line of route were splendidly decorated ; enormous banners waved from every window, from which also de pended at intervals tapestry of brilliant colours; some decorations made of flowers and evergeens, in the form of Gothic windows, were actually works of art. It was four o'clock before the procession reached the cathedral ; it was composed of the Burgher Guard, the chorus of the boys' schools, the orphan children, the masons and carpenters of the works, with their flags, all the building committees, with their badges, the Archbish,p, several Bishops, and the clergy. They wore their full canonicals, and with their attendants formed the only brilliant part of the spectacle. As soon as those who were ad mitted within the .cathedral were placed, the choir chanted Ltetatul sum (the 121st Psalm), on the con clusion of which the master of the works, with a short address, went through the form of delivering the new portion of the edifice to the Archbishop. It will be consecrated to-morrow. The 83d Psalm (Quam delecta tabernacula tua) was then chanted, and the Archbishop dismisaed the congregation with his blessing. The King of • Prussia arrived by the railway at the Deutz station, between seven and eight in the evening. He was received by the Burgher Guard with hearty cheering ; he crossed the Rhine in a small steamer, and proceeded immediately to the apartments prepared for him. He is to be serenaded during the night, and a torchlight procession is to be formed in his honour. The most characteristic event of the day was an acci dental one. Shortly before the arrival of the King a band of peasants going on the annual pilgrimage to the chapel at Cafen entered the city by the bridge of boats. It was composed of very old rapt' and women . in their provincial costume, dusty and footsore with their • day's march. They walked in two long lines, the women first, with folded, hands, chanting the Ave Maria; a priest in full robes followed, breviary in hand and the crucifix borne behind him. Then came the men, aged, bald, and wrin kled, stooping under the weight of years and nil; many of them were the very types of the peasant in the etchings of Holbein's " Dance of Death ;" most of them repeated aloud a prayer as they walked along. Several covered carts closed the procession, carrying the baggage a nd a f ew c hild ren, halt delighte, half-scared by the great floating banners, and the noise and rush of the great city. They »ill rest for the night outside the walls, and regime their march to-morrow, having still three days' jour. ney before them. It was a fragment of the life of the middle ages brought suddenly on the scene ; and it was almost the only event of the day that left au impression of earnestness or depth of feeling. - - THE WEATHER.—A G ALE.—Since our last we have had great variety of weather. On Saturday morning, it was showery, with a high wind early ; tut the day turned out fine. Sunday was a beautiful day, clouded over towards evening. On Monday, much rain fell, and the wind rising, blew at length a strong gale from the S.W., which made some work for the farmers, by scattering the shocks and thraves of both oats and wheat. These were blown down and scattered about ; the oats, being lighter, were more generally thrown about than the wheat. In the neighbourhood of this city various trees were either torn up by the roots, or huge limbs broken off them ; and the smaller trees suffered in pro portion. We saw a pear tree, heavily laden with fruit, of which the stem near the top was broken in two by the force of the gale, aided by the weight of the fruit. The maxi mum temperature of Monday vras only 58 degrees Fah renheit. Yesterday morning the Mersey and the Irwell were in heavy flood. The morning was fine, with slight sprinkling showers, .till about ten o'clock, when a heavy thunder shower came on, and the rain fell in torrents. With occasional gleams of sunshine, the remainder of the day was wet. The telegraphic returns at seven yesterday morning, show the variableness by the vari e ty of the weather at dif ferent places. In the north "much rain ;" at Gosport the same; while at Southampton it was "very fine:"—Edin burgh,; Newcastl e , N.W., muc h ra i n; very fine; Nnrmanton, W. W.N.W., very unsettled; Lincoln, E. N., very tine; y rbko, y NS W ..p w .S ie, 73‘,:e, fine;r3 , much ; il h e ; ra H inuil, Rotherham, s I sv..E, very y fine; Liverpool, Norwich, westward, cloudy; Brandon, W. fine; Yarmouth, V. fine; Lowestoft, vresmard, cloudy; Nottingham, W. fine; Derby, S.W., favourable; Leicester, W., fine; Bir mingham, S.W., slight rain; Rugby, 8.E., moderately fine; London, S.W., cloudy; Chelmsford, S. W., cloudy; Colches ter, S E., fine ; Gosport, S.W., much rain ; Southampton, S. E., fine; Gloucester, S.W., favourable.—Manchester Guardian of Wednesday. COMMITTAL OF A CHARTIST FOR SEDITION,—OH Friday George Webber, a notorious sedition-monger, from Halifax, was committed by the Bradford magistrates to York Castle, under a bench warrant, to take his trial at the next assizes for uttering seditious language at a Chartist meeting held on Toftshaw Moor, near Bradford, on the 12th of June last. The prisoner had for a considerable time been in con cealment, and he was one of the fourteen persons who were apprehended early on Weduesday morning last while in secret conclave at a so-called Temperance coffee-house in Manchester. It is fully anticipated that the works of the High Level Bridge will be so far completed by the end of the present month that rail. ay trains will be enabled to cross and re-cross the Tyne with the most perfect regularity and safety. The arches aver the Manors, leading from the junction of the North Shields Haile/ex to Pilgrim-street, have, during the present week, been tested by several engines and carriages having pastied along that portion of the line The whole of the works are of that strong and substan tial character which is calculated to ensure the safety of the public, and to reflect the highest credit on the con tractors, and it may be stated that the bridge and via ducts will be completed in all their parts in about twelve months from this time.—. Newcastle Journal. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, August 22. SLAVE TRADE. PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORS BILL. Lord BEAUMONT moved the third reading of the Par liamentary Electors Bill.• Lord REDESDALE said his . objections to this Bill had not been removed by the alterations which bad been made in Committee. The measure bad been carried only by a majerity of four in the other House—it involved a material alteration of the Reform Act, which, it was admitted, ought not to be lightly touched—it had come up at too late a period of the session to be fully discussed, and, on these grounds, he moved as an amendment that the Bill be read a third time this day six months. Their Lordships divided, when there appeared : For the third reading 3l Against it 2B Majority for the third reading _ 3 On the motion of Lord BEAUMONT, the substitution of the sth of January for the 11th of October, in reference to the Bill coming into operation was agreed to, and the Bill was passed. CRIMINAL LAW ADMINISTRATION BILL. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, the Commons' amendments on the Criminal Law Administration Bill were, after a few words from Lord DEN mAN and the Earl of DEVON, agreed to. Their Lordships adjourned, at Twenty-five Minutes before Nine o'Clock, till Thursday. Lord DENMAN then rose to move that an address be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty would be graciously pleased to enforce the observance of all treaties for the suppression of the slave trade, and to order the prosecution of all British subjects engaged in the slave trade, lie considered this trade as a great crime, and he regretted to perceive that an opinion was gradually growin g up that it was impossible to put it down, and a Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to in quire into the subject, had reported that the squadron on the African coast bad not only failed, but _ had done more harm than good, and that it would be better that it should be removed. This was calculated to excite an apathy in the public mind on this subject, and to induce a toleration of this most horrible trade. lie was prepared to contend that although the squadron had not succeeded in entirely destroying the trade, yet it had greatly discouraged it. At Gallinas and other places on the coast of Africa, it had been entirely suppressed, and the importation of slaves had been reduced in Cuba to less than one thousand per annum in the year 1845. An unfortunate cir cumstance, which had occurred in this country, had tended to increase the slave trade. A report had been circulated in Africa that a revolution had occurred i n England, that Lord Palmerston had been sacrificed, and that the slave trade was to be revived. The cap tains employed in the suppression of the slave trade bad been subjected to actions at law for their exertions in putting down the slave trade. had the blow which those officers struck been followed up, he believed the trade would have been abolished. Many had quitted it because it had become a losing concern, and he stated that on the authority of the evidence of a person examined before the Committee, who admitted that he bad been engaged in the trade. It had been said that the effect of the blockading squadron had aggravated the horrors of the trade. He did not believe it; be considered it was one of those fallacies which was taken for granted for want of proper reflection. The overloading of the vessels was nut in consequence of the effects of the blockading squa- • HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 22. :THREATENED FAMINE IN IRELA.D. Sir DENHAM NORREYS gave notice that on the House going into a Committee of Ways and Means, he would call th e attention of the House to the present threatened failure o f th e potato crop in Ireland, with a view of ascertaining in time whether the responsibility of that failure was to be thrown on the Government or the Irish landlords. MEMBERS' QUALIFICATION. . , Mr. B. OSBORNE gave notice that he would early in the next session bring forward a Bill for the repeal of the law relating to the qualification of Members of that House. SUGAR TRADE. Lord G. BENTINCK, in moving for returns, showing, in contiguous columns, the importations of British possessions and of foreign sugars, as given respectively in the monthly returns of the Board of Trade, and of those of the Customs, for the months of September, October, November, and De cember of last year; and showing the importations of these various descriptions of sugar, as made up by the Customs in each of the above months, distinguishing the amount of sugar imported into the five ports of London, Liverpool, Bristol, Hull, and Clyde, from the amounts imported in the same periods from the remaining ports of the United King dom, said that there was a discrepancy between the Customs returns and those of the Board of Trade, as regarded the quantity of sugar imported into this country in the months mentioned. This discrepancy amounted to 9,678 tons upon a gross return of 23,727 tons. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that the Noble Lord had found what was c ommon l y called a " mare ' s nest. " The whole thing was thi s , th e returns in the Customs were given from in bills of ladi ng , & c., and thus there was nothing official the returns from the Board of Customs, while the returns from th e B oard of Trade were official, being taken from cor rect data. He must therefore object to the first part of the return ; but if th e N o bl e L or d d es i re d it, he should gi v e him the latter part. teen declared it to be their opinion that the Act of 1544 re° quired amendment, and there were only four distinctly in favour of the Act. But, looking to the character of those witm'sses, it would be found that of all those who were de puted to express tie opinions of conunercial bodies and banking establishments, only four, three of them being bank directors, were against an alteration of the Act of 1844; that three eminent persons connected with the money-market were against the Act; that with re spect to six persons who represented important estab lishments in the provinces, even excluding two, as lie had stared, they were all of opinion that the Bill required amend ment in the sense of relaxation of the restrictions; that one eminent writer was distinctly opposed to the Act; and yet, with such a preponderance of numbers against the Act as 16 to 4 among the witnesses, the Committee said it was "after a careful review of the evidence" that they had come to the conclusion that it was not expedient to make any alteration in the Act. It was by three of numbers that they came to that, conclusion. The evidence received by the Lords' Com mittee was nearly to the same effect, and, with few excre tions, the same wit nesses were examined ; but the Lords,, Committee seemed to have bestowed rather more patience and care than the Commons' Committee had exhibited. There were three elements to be taken into consideration as pointing to the conclusion that some alteration of tire Act of 1844 was necessary. The first was the letter of the Treasury written in October last, which would Hot have been written had not such an einer,,,ency occurred as the Act of 1844 could not meet of itself; the second was the report of the House of Lords' Committee, expressly declaring that the Act re quired amendment ; and the third was the evidence of the twenty witnesses exatnitied on the subject before the House of Commons' Committee, sixteen of whom declared them selves universe to the general principle of the Act of 1844. The reference made to the Committee consisted of two parts; the first relating to commercial distress, and the second to the effect which the Acts then in force for regulating the issue of bank-notes might hare had on that distress. The latter of these was the main subject of reference, for without that he believed the inquiry would not have been instituted. The question, so far as the report of a Committee could decide it, had been decided, as he had already shown, in two opposite ways; and his object in then addressing the House was to call upon them to declare that, after all the events that had led to the inquiry, after the nature of the inquiry itself, after the result of that inquiry in another place, this subject should not be allowed to sleep—(Hear, hear)—that it should not be cushioned—that it should not remain merely as au expression of an opinion of a Com mittee upon the table of the House; but that the House would come to some solemn deliberation upon the subject, so as to satisfy the country, who were looking to them with great anxiety on it, either that the belief which so generally prevailed that the Act of 1841 required some great change, so as to enable them to meet another great crisis, if :such should unfortunately arise was erroneous, or that they were prepared to make such a change in the Act as to give the country confidence in the existing monetary system.—(Hear, hear.) When be proposed in the early part of the session that, pending the inquiry, the House should suspend the restrictive clauses of the Act of 1844, he was met by two ob jections,— first, that there was a Committee of Inquiry into the subject, and that therefore he ought to wait for its re port, and, secondly, that Parliament was then sitting, and would be able to give relief by relaxing the operation of the Act in case of any emergency, But what was he told now? To rely on her _Majesty's Ministers, who were ready to do again what they did in October last, if there should be any necessity for it. His reply to that was that it afforded him no satisfaction. They did not interfere in October last till infinite mischief was done; they had no right to interfere till great mischief was done; and this was not a state of things that mercantile men would be satisfied with..—(Hear, hear.) Was he asking too much, then, when he said that the House ought not to separate before acknow ledging the importance of coming to an early decision on the subject? At this late period, when many Members had left town, wearied of a session which, " like a wounded snake, dragged its slow length along," and which people were beginning to fear would be interminable—at this late period he could not venture to bring forward a specific motion on the subject, but he did not think be was asking too much in calling upon the House to say that early next session they would take this great subject into their serious consideration. He could not ima gine upon what ground this could be objected to. Were they to be told that there was to be no change in the Act of 1844? It so, the country would know at once what to look to. The House might rest assured, however, that what ever might be the majority on the present occasion—what ever means might be taken to stifle further discussion on the subject—there was a majority elsewhere that would not allow the question to rest—(Hear, hear)—and that even in that House there were Members who would consider they were neglecting their duty to this great commercial country, if they did not stand forward to provoke a discussion on it as early as possible next session. The Right Hon, Gentleman concluded by proposing his motion. Mr. DRUMMO NI) said that the Right non. Gentleman who had just sat down had thought it right to serve up to them on that, the 22d day of August, a rechauffe of a bullion debate, a farce which, under the best of circumstances, he (Mr. Drummond) considered to be exceedingly uninviting, and es pecially so at this late period of the session. --(Hear, hear.) One reason which the Right Hon. Gentleman assigned for pressing for an early reconsideration of the question was, that they might come to some final settlement. Now, considering that this was a question which had been in dispute for the last 150 years, he, for one, entirely despaired of ever seeing a final settlement of it.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman, in his analysis of the evidence, had dwelt greatly upon the fact that a majority of bankers and com mercial men had objected to the Act of 1844. This would have formed an equally valid objection to the bullion report of 1810, but he considered that the value of the evidence of bankers and commercial men on this subject was exceed ingly questionable, and was the la s t th at ought to be re• ceived as an auth ority on ft.—Meer, hear.) He thought it would be unwise in the House to pledge itself to what they should do on a future occasion. Sufficient for the session were the debates thereof—(Laughter)—and, for his part, he should certainly not promise that next year he would go into this subject again. Mr. NEWDEGATE hoped the House would not be kg away from the propo s iti on o f hi s Ri g h t H onourable Friend the • Member for Stamford by the flimsy pretences of the Hon. Member for West Surrey. Hon. Members might attempt to laugh this question down, but it was not in their power to do so. He begged the Mouse to consider the present position of the country. It appeared that an alarm ing deficiency had lately taken place in the amount and value of our exports, and he feared that if, unfortunately, this should prove a bad season for the corn and potato crops we should not only have to encounter pressure like that of last winter, but our difficulties would be greatly enhanced. He asked the House, then, whether they would inflict upon the country, debilitated as it was, a recurrence of the dis asters of last year, without holding out the hope which the proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stamford conveyed, that they would he ready to consider this great question early next session?—(Hear, hear.) He found that, from the sth of July, 1844, to the .Sth of July, 1845, the real value of the exports of British and he l o rish manufactures and productions was 59,076,9871, Jul}, tB4 gas to e theci al 5 value til o l f 32 j , :6 13 2 . : 11 1 9 8 1 4 . that the f r r e o a m l v t a h l value o a l r l t . s e a r w: 7i o lol f eut J ,r otethhe - cp a l of the real value being 58,884,40 t front the of 58,691,822 L, and the o ff icial value v . 139 4 , e 2 u n e 1 d 5 3 0t , h-f i t sth u 1846, 133,087,945/. He found also, 1 July, July, 1 8 1 4 8 7 4 , the t 7, t r o e l 1 th value e s _ of our o u_ f_r July,exportslBl:3lB: the official value 128,974,3574 ; that from ts t. i o Bl t l h 6 e 2 e 51 5 4 F 31 0 0. ,ff and was 53,735,0641., an d the official v a l ue the average of th e real value being 55,938,7 641, and the official value 1 30,026,408/ There p t113102,0r7ea81,4y0a911.7 eare d, consequently, a falling off hi ou r exports in t a li p esec - second period below the first of 2,945,6401 real value, and also a diminution of the quantity, or of the o ffi cial value, of only 3,011,037/, instead ot 4,807,3644, which would have been the diminution in the quantity had the price, as indi cated by the real value, remained the same as in the first period. As it was, this showed a depreciation of seven per cent., but if we compared the exports of the two years of the last period with each other, we should find that we exported from the sth of July, 1816, to the sth of July, 1847, 58,112,465/. real value, and 128,974,3571 official value; and from the sth of July, 1847, to the sth of July, 1848, 53,735,0644 real value, and 1 32.078,4594 official value, being a difference of real value of 4,407,4014, and official value of 3,104.1021. This showed a filling off in our exports this year below last year at 4,407,401 i. in real value, while the official value (the test of quantity) showed an increase in this year over last ;year of 3,104,102/. in quantity, indicating A depreciation of 26 per cent., or about 1 3,000,0061.; and if we added to this the'diminution of the real value, or money received far the exports this year below that of last year, we should find a loss upon the export trade of this year alone of 17,000,000/. as compared with last year.— (Hear, hear.) He hoped the House would not be tempted by the Hon. Mem ber for West Surrey to laugh off this question and insult the distress which the country had suffered. The Hon. Gentle man was proceeding, when An HON. MElnnot moved that the House be counted. Strangers were accordingly ordered to withdraw, but forty Members were found to be present, and Mr. NEWDEGATE resumed his argument. The Hon. Gentleman said that he would take the hint which had been given, and sooner than that any abrupt termination of this discussion should take place, he would at once resume his seat, apologising to the House for having so long trespassed on their attention, and trusting that they would not allow themselves to be deterred, by ridicule or by attempts to "count out," from the consideration of a subject their neg lect of which they could not themselves justify, and the people of England would not excuse.—(Cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down need not make any apology for addressing the House on the subject before it, for no independent Member who sat in it had a better right to do so, as none had paid more attention to it, or was more competent to speak upon it.—(Hear, hear.) He could not agree with the lion. Gentleman, however, in the opinion that the comparison of the declared or of the official value of our exports had so much to do with this question as he appeared to think it had. Mr. NEWDEGATE said that he bad only adduced that comparison to show the extent of the depreciation of the value of our exports.—(Hear.) The CHANCELLOR . of the EXCHEQUER—He quite concurred, at the same time, in the great importance of the subject which had been brought under their notice; and he by no means denied the Right Hon. Gentleman's (Mr. Ferries) right to bring on this question early in the next session if he pleased ; but he could not thick that he would gain anything by pledging that House in the present session to take the question into its consideration in the next, inasmuch as he would have it in his power to bring it forward himself in the next session of Parliament as he had in this. He must say that the Right Hon. Gen tleman bad not given ene single reason why the House should assent to his motion, though he had said that it was inconvenient to discuss this subject on the present occasion, so far as any practical results were concerned. Under these circumstances, therefore, he should conclude the few remarks be had to make by moving the previous question—(Hear , hear)—because that motion would best give expression to the opinion which that House had ever entertained, that it was highly inconvenient that they should pledge themselves in one session, as to taking any subject into their considera tion at an early peri , d of another.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had gone into some discussion respecting the formation of the Committee which had sat in that House on this subject, b u t h e ( t h e Ch ancellor of the Exchequer) thoug h t he ought, by that time, to he acquitted of the charge formerly brought against him, that he had formed a Committee Geutlemen notorio us ly p l e d ge d to th e support of the Act of 1841; for if any Hon.. Member would look at th d e:d h i e v i i p s r io in. ns which took place in th a t C omm finit ittee,be would cipal questi on d ec id e d upon to h ave b een only carried _bya majority of two.—( H ear , h ear .) B u t t h e Ri g h t Hon. Ge n . t t o le e n x irt e n re 's is i e de a a n o y t a d Committee or j teeseemed e t n o t be o , t th itz at ow it n w , adopt, however f oo lish they might be, and w ith ou t an y . re gard!)ns of the witnesses examined before it.—(Hear, hear.) But i t abs not to the ground on which they were founded, the opin io ns to t to exercise a judgment appeared to him (Sir t C o . p l p V o o s o e d d ) t t o h t a h t e i t o ' aC p ini o o m ns m o i f tt a ee was not majorityo of its witnesses, it would be useless to appoint a Co cess mm a given the as a deliberative body—(Hear, hear)—and on l y ne ne cessa ry appoint a sh o rt - hand evidence writer to take down Committees had been of any very great of these before it. He (Sir C. Wood) was not of opinion that the ap pointment advantage. He did wish, however, that the evidence taken ) Lord G. BENTINCK said he was not satisfied with the explanation given by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Mr. HUME complained of the mode in which returns were furnished to that House. After a few words from Mr. G. RoniNsos and 3L-. HENLEY, The. CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that. much of the inconvenience arising. from the returns furnished to that House arose from the tact, that departments were asked for returns which they really could not furnish with accuracy. The returns moved for by the Noble Lord would, if granted, only mislead the public. Mr. SPOONER said that the explanation given by the Government on this subject was anything but satisfactory. Mr. WILSON explained the discrepancy in the returns in question to arise from the fact that those which appeared under the head of the Customs were taken from the ship's manifest, while those under the head of the Board of Trade were the result of careful official information of the goods which had gone through all the fOrms incidental to ware housing, &c. Mr. aIACGREGOR said that some new system must be adopted with respect to the entry of ships in the various ports of the kingdom. Mr. DISRAELI said he had in his hands the Custom house return, which was said not to be official, and yet he found that it was stated ()a the face of it that it was published by authority. Now, these Custom -house returns were long looked to by the commercial world as en authority. If it was not official it was authentic. The return from the statistical department of the Board of Trade might be official, but it was not authentic. The. Custom -house return was that which the merchants relied on. Mr. LABOUCHERE said he would not object to the return. Sir ROBERT PEEL raid one of these returns was official, the other not strictly so. The question was, whe ther they could not make such a return as would give the public this information, without stamping it with en official character. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said there could be no objection to the suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet, but the mo tion of the Noble Lord must be put in another form; as it stood it would lead to an impression, that there was error on the part of those who furnished the returns. The fact was, that the Custom-house returns were earlier in point of date, the other more accurate after the sugars were weighed, and their true quantities ascertained. Mr. HERRIES thought it ought to be explained how discrepancies as great had arisen, as a difference between 9,0004 tons and 20,000. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER sad he would make inquiry from the Customs department to ascer tain how the discrepancy arose, and whether the return was correct. ➢lr. BROWN said the sugars on their shipment in the West Indies were not accurately weighed, and that would account for the difference. Lord G. BENTINCK then consented to withdraw his mo tion, which was accordingly withdrawn. COMMERCIAL DISTRESS. • - - Mr. HERRIES rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, on the subject of commercial distress. He did so with reluctance at this period of the session, but he felt himself compelled by a sense of duty to bring the sub ject before the House, and in doing so he hoped to be favoured with their indulgence. The motion he had to submit was as follows :—" That this House resolve early in the next session of Parliament to take into its serious consideration the re ports from the Committee of this House, and from the Com mittee of the House of Lords communicated to this House, ap pointed to inquire into the cause of the recent commercial dis tress, and how far it has been affected by the law for regu lating the issue of bank-notes payable on demand." He felt assured that if it was understood in the country that this sub ject was to remain as it now was, without any fur-her discus. sion during the present session, it would have a most unsatis factory effect upon the public mind. He could not exaggerate the importance of this subject; and he was certain, therefore, that it would receive all due attention from the House. Ihey were all aware that in 1844 the then Government felt themn selves called upon to revise and reconsider the engagements existing between the Bank of England and the public, and that they proposed a most material alteration in the nature of these engagements, and in the regulations that governed the currency of the kingdom. The measure of 1844 was in troduced by gentlemen of the highest influence and autho rity ; it was supported by great eloquence and power, and received the approbation of the House generally, though there were many exceptions. It proceeded on the assumption that it was necessary to introduce some stringent regulation in order to govern the currency of the country, consisting of issues of bank- notes payable on demand, so as to prevent certain evils which were assumed to be at the bottom of the commercial convulsions experienced before that time. It was assumed that to the nature of the issues of the Bank of England those commercial convulsions were mainly owing, and that by certain alterations they might be prevented for the future. The new measure, it was said, would prevent the evils arising from the too frequent fluctuations in the value of money, and would at the same time put an end to undue mercantile speculation ; and, as a climax to the advantages that were to be derived from the measure, it was said that it would effec tually secure the convertibility of the bank-note. There were, however, many who did not concur in these favour able anticipations of the Bill of 1844, and who thought they saw in the machinery of the Bill the cause of- positive dan ger. It was feared by some that the proposal to divide the Bank into two departments, viz., the issue and the banking departments, would not only not answer the purpose for which it was intended, but might lead to great and difficult crisis in the commercial affairs of the country. 'rime had now brought to the test the differ ences of opinion which were then expressed. The course of events within the short period of three years brought the working of that measure completely to the test, and fully proved how well founded were the objections which had been urged against it. It might now be declared beyond all pos sibility of doubt, that that Act had not succeeded in pre venting undue and extravagant speculation, for three such years of extravagance and speculation as those which fol lowed it had never been lumen in the history of the world. Neither had it prevented extraordinary fluctuations in the value of money, for within a period of eight or nine months they had seen the interest of money at three per cent, and at ten percent.—(hear, hear.) Certainly the note had never become inconvertible, and he hoped it never would, but it was impossible for any one to show that its convertibility had been secured by this Act. The experience of the last three years had proved that the dangers anticipated front the machinery of the Act were but too real. The events of the month of October were sufficiently fresh in the minds of all, and would long be remembered by the mercantile community; and it was therefore un necessary for him to go into the details of that period It was sufficient for hint to state that the Government were compelled to step in and suspend time provisions of the Act •of 1844, and that this proceeding was hailed by Parliament with satisfaction.—( Hear.) On the present occasion he would confine himself to the restricting clause of the Act. His object was to impress upon the House the necessity of assuring the public that they would, at the earliest time they could undertake it, deliberately consider this subject with a view to determine whether that Act of 1844, so far as restrictive measures were concerned, ought to be retained, modified, or repealed.—(Hear.) The Government had pro posed and obtained the appointment of a Committee to consider this subject, but the only effect of that step had been to throw off the discussion of the question to a distant period of the session. —(Hear, hear.) One of the most re markable features of that Committee was its composition. Of the twenty-six persons comprising it, eight or ten were opposed to the object of inquiry, and nearly all the others were at the disposal of those who bad the management of the Committee.—( /tear.) The House of Lords also appointed a Committee; and after a long lapse of time they had now two ►epoi ts, and it was to those reports lie wished to call the attention of the House, as affording the strongest possible grounds for his motion. The Committee of the House of Commons reported th a t th e ev id ence wh i ch b a d b een given was very contradi c t or y ; an d h e wou ld s h ow t h a t it was un doubtedly so.. Th ey a l so reporte d t h at t h e beneficial effects of the Act of 1814, as regarded the issues of country banks, banksbad been admitt e d, an d t h at t h oug h some witnesses alteration in sug gested alterations, very f e w had proposed an-v was based. The the general prin c ipl e o n which the measure Committee thought it should be left for the Government for the time being to take such measures as might mlg . tit occur; thought.ur; and best calculated for any such eigency a they did not think it expedient to make any alterations in the Act of 1844. The opinion of the House of Lords' Coin mittee differed very materially from that of the House of Com mons' Committee. The recommendation of the House of Lords' Committee was to the effect that the principle on which the Act of 1844 should be amended was that of a discretionary power to be exercised by the Bank of England in cases of exigency. Here were two Committ ees reporting in opposi the tion ; other t one thinking it tha be t tter to le ave things as they were, thinking the Act of 1844 ought to be amended. He would show on how slender a foundation the report of the Commons' Committee rested; and he roust give credit to the Ch ance ll or of the Exchequer for the great dexterity and indomitable intrepidity of his management. There were six Members intimately connected with com mercial affairs in the Commons' Committee; and it was re markable that of those five voted always with the minority. But what was the character and effect of the evidence? Peo ple out of doors could not be expected te read the evfdence so as to satisfy themselves of its true bearing, and therefore he should give a brief analysis of it. The Committee exa mined twenty-six witnesses on the two subjects of ievestiga tion. Of those two were examined exclusively on the sub ject of the East India trade. Deducting ithem, he would divide the remaining twenty-four into five classes. The first consisted of persons delegated and selected by large commercial bodies to represent them and ex press their opinion before the Committee. Mr. Bevan was selected by the London bankers; Mr. Bitkbeck was selected to convey the opinions of the country bankers; Mr. Kinnear was deputed by the Chamber of 'Commerce, Glasgow; Mr. Macfarlane by the Chamber of Commerce, Edinburgh. These four witnesses were of the same opinion with respect to the Act of 1844, attributing to it the effect of having considerably aggravated the commercial distress of 1847, and stating that it required to be amended by the introduction of some power to abate its restricting regula tions. The second class consisted of persons presiding over large commercial and banking establishments. Ot those there were eight; three represented the Bank of England, including the governor and deputy-governor; one the Bank of Ireland; four others represented different bank ing establishments ; Mr. Anderson, the Union Bank of Scotland; Mr. Bell, the City of Glasgow Bank; Mr. Murray, the Provincial Bank of Ireland ; and Mr. Bristow, the Northern Bank of Ireland. The witnesses who represented the Bank of England steadily supported the Act of 1844. Mr. Anderson, Mr. Bell, Mr. Murray, and Bristow were m os t di s ti nc tly of opinion that the Act required amendment. The third class consisted ofindi viduals of great eminence and experience in the money market of the metropolis—Mr. Gurney, perhaps the greatest money dealer in the world; Mr. Bates, a partner in the great house of Barings'; Mr. Horsley Palmer, who thought it in expedient to continue the provisions made by the Act of 1844 with respect to the Bank of England. The fourth class consisted of persons engaged in banking from pr ov i nc i al towns. There were six gentlemen examined who were con cerned in manufacturing or banking establishments in the provinces. Mr. Pease represented the manufacturing and mining districts of the north in the neighbourhood of Durham; Mr. Hodgson and Mr. Turner, the one a banker and the other a merchant, were examined from Liver pool; Mr. Gardner, from Manchester; Mr. Salt and Mr. Muntz, front Birmingham; they all expressed an opinion adverse to the provisions of the Act of 1844. He should exclude, however, the last two witnesses, as being op posed to the Act of 1819 as well as the Act of 1844. The fifth class consisted of those gentlemen who were de scribed in the report as theoretically acquainted with the subject under the consideration of the Committee, though not practically engaged in business, namely, Mr. Jones Loyd, Mr. Tooke, and Mr. Taylor. It was hardly necessary to state that Mr. Loyd was as strong a supporter of the Act of 1844 and an opponent of alteration as the Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England. Mr. Taylor was opposed to the whole monetary system of the country, to the Act of 1819 as well as the Act of 1844. Of the twenty-four witnesses nineteen were against the Act of 1844; but there was one, Mr. Macdonald, whose evidence be abstained from adducing, and there were three whom he excluded from view, as opposed equally to the Acts of 1819 and 1814; twenty re mained whose testimony was to be weighed. 01 these, six- • FRANCE. Le Siecle states that Colonel LEFLO bad arrived at St. Petersburgh as Envoy Extraordinary of the French Re public, and that the Emperor NIGHOLAS had recognized the new Government of France, and was about to appoint a Minister to represent him in Paris. By order of General CAvAlcrtsc, M. DUBODAN, Representative of the People, General CHARON, Director of the Algerian Department in the Ministry of War, and M. FELLMAN, Under Director in the same Ministry, have been ap pointed members of the Committee charged with divining the means of transportation of the insurgents of June. A Communist procession took place at Avignon on the 14th inst. The Communists were loud in their threats against the rich, and several citizens who were in the streets at the time the procession passed were in sulted and beaten. M. TOMASSCO arrived in Paris on Monday on a special mission from the Republic of Venice to the French Re public. M. LUCIEN MURAT has returned from Italy. SAVOY. The military commander of the Syndics of Savoy has issued the following circular:— " Chambery, August 15. " His Excellency the Governor announced to me that, if the intervention of France ever became necessary, it would be only on a formal request of our Government, and after the expiration of the armistice of six weeks, concluded on the 9th instant, between Italy and Austria, to negotiate the conditions of pence. Now that period must be employed in re- organizing the army by every means already ordered and in progress of execution, for the purpose of making sure of an advantageous peace, and it is with that view that the Extraordinary Commissary of the Government has, by his proclamation, called all the Savoisians under arms, and decreed the mobilization of the district militia; because a people, who wishes to obtain peace on honourable conditions, must above all be prepared for war." LATEST MAN CHESTER BETTING. MANCHESTER, TUESDAY.—The subscribers being about to leave for York by the afternoon trains, mustered in strong numbers at the room, but there was very little business going forward on future events. In fact, Dough and Re membrance were the only horses in request for the Ebor Handicap ; and the only offers on the St. Leger were to back Springy Jack at 3 to 1, and either Justice to Ireland or Flat catcher at 4to 1 each. A few bets were made on the Great Yorkshire Handicap at our quotations. The latest prices are as follow : EBOR HANDICAP. 5 to 2 agst Mr. J. Murphy's Dough—take 3 to 1 5 to 1 agst Captain liareourt'slerdale —take 6 to 1 7 to 1 agst Mr. Sheller's lleinemt)ranee—take 8 to 1 8 to 1 agst Mr. S. L. Pox's Meaux—taken. 10 to 1 Egst Mr. Jaques's Sir Martin. to 1 agst Mr. Drinksld's Pillage. GREAT YORKSHIRE STAKES. 5 to 4 on Springy Jack—offered ; 4 to lag st Springy Jack winning this and Doncaster St. Leger—offered. GREAT YORKSHIRE HANDICAP. 7 to 1 agst Mr. Disney's Cawtoush—take 8 to 1 10 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Lady Wildair—t. 12 to 1 11 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Vampyre-12 to 1 t. 100 to 8 agst Mr. F. Clarke's Reminiscence—taken 100 to 6 agst Mr. Disney's lieleshea—taken 100 to 6 agst Mr. Holmes's Vests—taken THE LEGER. 5 to 2 agst Mr. Bowes's Springy Jack—offered 7to 2 agst Dk of Bedford's Justice to Ireland—t. 4to 1 4 to 1 agst Mr. Green's Flatcatcher—offers to take 11 to 2 agst Mr. Clifden's Surplice—offered 20 to 1 agst Lord StanleY's Canezou—taken, aft. off. DERBY, 1849. 1,000 to 15 agst King of Kildare—taken. STATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER, 'TUESDAY.—The frightful state of the weather, and the consequent appreh ens i ons f or th e sa f ety of the harvest, coupled with the unfavourable nature of the accounts from the East Indies and China, have had a depressing effect upon our market to-day. It is un derstood that orders to some considerable amount are in the hands of the buying agents; but they show very little inclination to give them out until the fate of the grain crops is better ascertained. The business done to-day' has, consequently, been on a very limited scale; but prices, on the whole, have been well maintained, and the market, altogether, exhibits, under the depressing influences which now prevail, a degree of stability which promises well for the future, provided the apprehensions for the safety of the harvest should be removed by the return of seasonable weather. ROCIIDALE, MONDAY.—The annual wakes, which take place this week, have somewhat interfered with the attend ance at the market to-day; but there has been a fair demand for flannels, at the rates of l as t week. In the wool market there has been no change. HUDDERSFIELD, TUESDAY, —The attendance of buyers to day has been good, but we cannot report a brisk market. The untoward state of the weather, and the uncertainty re specting the harvest, cast a gloom on all, which it is hoped a succession of fine days will dispel. HALIFAX, SATUEDAY.--. The trade in our Piece Hall is as inanimate as ever, and the amount of bu s i ness doing in the warehouses is far from extensive, but somewh a t more than it was a few weeks ago, and chiefly in teney goods. Y arn remains pretty much as noticed in our last. Wool is firm, and the spinners purchase rather m ore f reely. There is more inquiry for some description of short wool, and a trifling ad vance is asked, but does not appear to be generally obtained. Limps, TUESDAY.—We have had but a quiet cloth mar ket to-day, and very few goods changed, which may be attributed to the unsettled state of the weather, as well as to the unfavourable accounts from the country respecting the W otato disease. Our manufacturers continue to be prettyell employed.—Manchester Guardian. THE CATHEDRAL FESTIVAL AT COLOGNE. COLOGNE, AUGUST 14.—Six hundred years) hp,,„, elapsed to-day since the foundation stone of the cathe dral of Cologne was laid in the presence of emperors, electors, dukes, bishops, princes, and barons. The wealth of the empire of Charlemagne was almost at the command of its founders ; the genius of the architect and the skill of the workmen have never been excelled, rarely equalled ; the heart and faith of half Europe were in the task ; and yet on this 14th of August, 1848, the cathedral stands half finished, the ancient part of the edifice crumbling in decay visible to the most careless o eye, beside the a dditions finished within the last f ew ofthe hours, p s r te e r s n en es ti t n g prf aoos mostof the inela i ll m c p h o o t ly ence of contrast , hnaat e l n u o purpose ever given to the world. The history the building is inv o l ve d w ith that of th e whole German empire from the 13th century down wards, for the works were first arrested by the quar rels of electors with emperors, and the prince bishops with both, and the conflicts of the unruly burghers with all three. The funds that should have raised the temple of peace were seized by the strongest to defray the expense of wars ; the Refor mation came and dried up many of the sources whence the revenues were derived, and from that period its history is nearly a blank ; in 1620 Cologne did not pos sess even mechanical skill enough to repair one of the chapels—the old traditions of the craft had perished. From the beginning of the 18th century nothing was at tempted but the patching of rotten roofs and decaying walls, with great difficulty even keeping it water tight, till within the last seven years, when a movement, partly religious, partly political, commenced, which re sulted in the present attempt to complete the gigantic design, and atone for the poverty and indifference of ages. idd remember, choir, tn e r w — o l r ' k h s e w o only a p r a r r e t s s t e c d , f w t l e i r e e c a t t h h e e d e r a a s l t e fi rn n is Ie when th e e with the side chapels, and half of on:nott hande western towers. As thousands of tourists, m us t these colossal fragments were connected by a mass of sordid, ignoble buildings, that might have been racks or stables for any character or dignity they bar pos sessed; the companion tower was also commenced, t had been raised but little above the foundation. The ti impression made by the aspect of the whole structure was that of magnificence, incompleteness, and decay combined. It is to tho now triumphant idea of German unity that most of the success of the present effort to realise the gorgeous conception of the founders in all its splen dour is to be ascribed. That idea was proscribed, and accordingly it adopted any method by which it could be, though but indirectly, expressed, without the possibility of the rulers opposing it. The completion of a work of , " T Jour 8 110111, wage rail w i BPeCUi