The Sun. — London, England, 1865-05-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack •t five o'clock. MR. EDMUNDS. Lord ST. LEONARDS entered into some explanations respecting the original appointments so far as it related to the general rule regulating the appointment of clerks to the Patent Commission. The report stated that Mr. Edmunds had been appointed in 1855 to the office of Clerk of the Patents by the then Lord Chancellor (Lord St. Leonard's). This was really not the case, as the appointment was in fact made by the whole of the commissioners. Lord CHELMSFORD made a few remarks, but was not distinctly heard in the reporters' gallery. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Tiverton and North Devon Railway, Bristol and Exeter Railway, Bristol Joint Station, Metropolitan Railway, Whitehaven Junction Railway, Ipswich and Felixston Railway, Caledonian Railway (Bolerno Branch). The HorsforthWater Bill, with amendments, was read a third time and passed. COMPANIES WORKING MEN'S EDUCATION ACT. The Archbishop of YORK, in reply to Earl Granville, said that the law as it at present stood, and which this bill was intended to remedy, 'rendered it necessary that the consent of all the shareholders should be obtained before a company could make provision for the spiritual education of their workmen, instead of leaving it in the hands of those entrusted with the management of the affairs of the company. The bill, with some amendments, went through com mittee. MORTGAGE DEBENTURES BILL. Lord DONOUGHMORE moved th© second reading of this bill. Lord REDESDALE felt bound to oppose the second reading of the bill, which differed materially from the mea sure introduced last year. The Duke of MARLBOROUGH said that the principle of the bill had been assented to last year, and he trusted the noble lora would withdraw his opposition to the bill at this stage. He could oppose the bill when it reached committee, and the grounds of his opposition could be dis cussed then. Lord ST. LEONARDS opposed the bill. The Duke of MARLBOROUGH approved the bill, the principle of which had been carefully considered. It would be of considerable benefit to the landed interest, by giving facilities for raising money for the improvement of estates. Lord ST. LEONARDS did not think the measure would be of such advantage to the landed interest. At present there was no practical difficulty in raising money on the security of land for the purpose of effecting improvements, and to give greater facilities, through such companies as these, might be mischievous. Lord GRANVILLE suggested that some alteration might be made in the bill in committee. The bill was then read a second time. Several bills on the table wore passed through com mittee. The select committee on the Shannon Navigation and Drainage was appointed. Lord WESTMEATH called attention to the papers laid on the table relating to the case of Catherine Gaughan. He again stated the facts, attributing the violence that had been used towards the girl to Catholic influence, and charging the police with gross neglect of duty. Lord CHELMSFORD, in moving for copies of letters and papers relating to the imprisonment of British subjects in Abyssinia, said the sufferings of these persons had, at least, been prolonged by neglect on the part of the Foreign office. He recapitulated the events that had led to the arrest of the persons thus imprisoned, and ascribed the continual ill-treatment to which they were subjected to the irritation of the Emperor of Abyssinia at receiving no answer to his autograph letter expressing his wish to send an embassy to this country. That letter was received at the Foreign-office in February, 1863, but was not answered till June, 1864. In the interval Mr. Cameron, the English Consul, himself one of the prisoners, contrived to inform the Foreign-office that no one would be released till the Emperor's letter was answered. Then the reply, after a delay of 16 months, was at last sent. Ho believed he had made out a case for the production of the papers he asked for, not one of which could compromise any of the unfor tunate prisoners. Lord RUSSELL admitted the probability of much that had been stated as to events in Abyssinia and the character of its Sovereigns, but he denied that the letter of the Em peror had had so much influence as had been attributed to it. Ho did not think the delay in sending the reply had caused Mr. Cameron's imprisonment. He thought also that Mr. Cameron had been to blame in going to the court of the Emperor when he ought to have been at Massorah. Much of the delay complained of had been caused by the long absence of the Emperor on distant expeditions from which his return was uncertain. The Government had sent Mr. Rassan, the Assistant Resident at Aden, accom panied by a military officer, to Gondar, and he hoped, when the Emperor returned, the envoys would have an oppor tunity of presenting the letters with which they were charged. As to the documents the production of which had been moved, though he could not specify any paper likely to cause particular irritation, yet ho thought the effect of the whole of them, if published, accompanied as they pro bably would be by severe comments on the conduct of the Empercr, might be greatly to aggravate the sufferings of the prisoners themselves. Their lordships !then divided, but on the return of the peers to the body of the house, and before the numbers wore declared, it was discovered that no less than three irregu larities had occurred in taking the division. After ordering the bar to be cleared, the Lord Chancellor had not put the question a second time. Ono peer (Lord Ravensworth) had voted who was not in the house when the question was put, and had not hoard it ; another peer (Lord Colchester) had passed out with the contents to vote, but on his return found the Tellers had preceded him into the body of the house, so that his vote was not counted. A long conversation followed, the point being how these mistakes could bo rectified. A proposal to take the divi- Bios over again was overruled. It was finally arranged that the vote of Lord Ravensworth, as he had not heard the question put, must be disallowed, and that Lord Col chester's unrecorded vote must be inserted in the list of the division. During this discussion the peers spoke sitting. With this rectification the numbers were declared to be — Contents 43 Non-contents Majority for Lord Chelmsford's motion —1 Their lordships then adjourned, at a quarter-past eight till Friday next. 110 USE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took tho chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Belfast Water, Bristol Gas, Drighlington and Gilder some Gas, Manchester Corporation Water, and Tyne Im provement. THE ADJOURNMENT.-EPPING FOREST, Sir G. GREY, in moving that the house at its rising do adjourn until Thursday, mentioned the case alluded to by the hon. member for Worcester yesterday, to the effect that there had been a failure of justice with regard to a murder in Epping- Forest. Ho had consulted Mr. Justice Willes, who had tried the case, and ho was prepared to say that there was no pretence for alleging that there had been a failure of justice. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC OATH. Mr. G. W. LESLIE expressed a h9pe that the Govern ment would bring in a bill on this subject, so that a uni form oath might be taken by members of that house. Sir G. GREY thought it would bo very advisable that members should take one oath, one of simple allegiance to her Majesty. At the same time, he could not advise Mr. Monsell to abandon his bill for one about which there might be a difficulty. Mr. MONSELL said that in consequence of what took place in the house yesterday, he should postpone his bill until Tuesday next, at 12 o'clock. Mr. DISRAELI said he had suggested a morning sitting, at which time he should take the opportunity of expressing his views on the subject. THE CASE OF COLONEL DAWKINS. In reply to Mr. D. GRIFFITH, Lord PALMERSTON said it would bo entirely subvtr sive of the discipline of the army if tho Commander-in- Chief were not allowed to determine who was competent to command a regiment. The Government had not thought fit to recommend any delay in the case of Colonel Dawkins. While he was on his legs he might state with regard to the motion of the hon. member for Devonport (Mr. Ferran d), which was on t h e paper for this evening, that the Lord Chancellor courted inquiry, and that there would be no ob jection to the motion. (Hear , hear. ) Mr. isi A _ Gtmr , BAGS. 1, That the position m noved the following resolution : whichtio the British paper trade has been placed by th e ahe n of th e i mpor t d uty on fore i gn paper, leaving the foreign "Port duty on rags in full operation, is on e o f great to the British manu facturer, and calls for promptardshi legislative interference, with the view of placing the home manufacturer on terms of fair and equitable competition facturers." He described the case as one continental manu of great injustice, estlteot ionnlvryhich the and gross hardship, but of grievous in interests of our paper manufacturers had been to the mercy of foreign Governments. insisted, of the assertion that our paper trade was flourishing, spite it was decaying; that the effect of the tax upon ang,tlat essen tial element of the manufacture was to depress the trade, by exposing the British trader to an unequal and hopeless competion with foreigners. He replied to allegations in opposition to his arguments, and exposed what he con sidered to be the illusions of Mr. Gladstone upon this ques tion, to which manufacturers had in several instances been victims, reading communications from paper-makers in England, Ireland, and Scotland testifying to the losses and disasters they had suffered, which they traced to the protectionve nime given to their foreign rivals by the policy of Go t. Forty per cent. of the trade was he asserted, on thebrink of ruin. In order that the British importer of rags may be placed upon 4 level with the foreigner in respect to the raw material, he proposed that the Govern ment should recoup to the importer the tax on the export of rags from foreign countries, the amount to be levied upon the trade on manufactured paper; and tl at a duty should be imposed upon the export of rags to America. Mr. M. GIBSON said that while mAking out a case of wrong, Mr. Maguire had suggested no remedy, for he had not proposed to re-enact the customs duty which had been removed. If there had been a wrong committed it was the deliberate act of Parliament after full consideration and in quiry, for it had accepted the provisions of the French treaty by which the import duty on paper was to be iden tical with the excise duty, and it was in fulfilment of the spirit of that agreement that when the excise duty was abolished the import duty went with it. If Mr. Maguire had made any proposition at all it was that the duty on foreign rags purchased by the trade should be paid by the State, on condition that the amount should be recouped at some convenient time by the manufacturer ; but this could could make no difference in the ultimate result of the ope ration. It was admitted that the trade got 130,000 tons of rags duty free, and only bought 10,000 tons on which duty was paid to the amount of £60,000, so that all the ruin which had been described as having fallen on the paper trade was caused by the payment of -this comparatively small sum. It was also proposed to put an export duty on British rags ; but that would be unjust to the industry which collected that material ; while this would be incon sistent with the representations which had been made to foreign countries to induce them to remove their export duties on rags, in which direction something had been done. He argued that it was impossible to return to protection in favour of the paper trade, which was what was really demanded. Mr. MAGUIRE having briefly replied, The house divided— For the motion 95 Against it 140-45 THE LEEDS COURT OF BANKRUPTCY AND MR. WILDE. Mr. FERRAND rose to move for a select committee to inquire into all the circumstances connected with the re signation of Mr. Henry Sedgwick Wilde as registrar of the Court of Bankruptcy at Leeds ; the granting him a pension ; the appointment of Mr. Welch to the said office ; and whether he was to resign his appointment in favour of the Honourable Richard Bethell, and receive another appoint ment in London. The hon. member said that, as the Government had expressed its intention of granting the committee, it was not his intention to make any lengthened obserVations upon that occasion. He could not, however, avoid referring to some remarks made the other evening by the Attorney-General with respect to Mr. Wilde, and which had given much pain to that gentleman and his family. Mr. Wilde was a member of the bar, a nephew of the late Lord Chancellor Truro, and a relation of Sir James Wilde, judge of the Probate and Divorce Court. The Attorney-General, on the other evening, used the words "personal defalcation " in the same sentence in which he had introduced Mr. Wilde's name. Now, he had been informed by those who had long known Mr. Wilde that there was not a more honourable or upright gentleman in England ; and therefore it was that the statement of the Attorney-General came to be so extraordinary. Ho could not understand how the Attorney-General came to use such an expression towards Mr. Wilde; and, therefore, he desired to know upon what authority the hon. and learned gentleman had given utterance to it. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said no one could call in question the discretion which the hon. member had exer cised in not anticipating the inquiry which the Lord Chan cellor earnestly desired; for although Lord Westbury felt that there had been already given to that house answers on the subject which might be deemed perfectly satisfac tory, yet, as there seemed to be a feeling on the part of a considerable number of the house that the inquiry proposed should be satisfactory, it was impossible for his lordship to come to any other conclusion than that the investigation should take place. Speaking for himself, he must say he should have been glad if the words at the end of the mo tion had been omitted; however, that was a matter for the hon. member to determine. With respect to the inquiry just made by the hon. gentleman, nothing couldibo more sur prising to him than to be informed, as he had been by Mr. Wilde privately, that the words which he (the Attorney- General) used upon a former occasion were thought by anybody to convey, directly or indirectly, the idea of an association of Mr. Wilde's name with pecuniary defalca tion. His statement was that in the report of Mr. Com missioner Ayrton complaint was made of certain irregula rities in the office held by Mr. Wilde ; but his words did not extend to implying personal defalcation, and his reason for adopting that form of expressimn which he used was that the word irregularity was vague and uncertain, and because he had no reason to suppose that anything of a serious nature could be imputed to Mr. Wilde. He regret ted he had not used a more favourable expression, but the reason why he did not was he had not at that time had an opportunity of reading the whole of the papers relating to the case. His desire was to exonerate Mr. Wilde, and therefore it was a matter of very great regret to him that the language which ho had used had caused pain to Mr. Wilde and his friends. The alleged irregularities were simply these, that Mr. Wilde had certified certain ac counts as having been submitted to the commissioner of the district and sanctioned by him, when in fact they had not been seen by him ; that he had been in the habit of taxing the bills of messengers without jcalling for vouchers ; and, lastly, he was said to have borrowed money both of the official assignee and of the messenger. The Lord Chancellor was not dissatisfied with the explanations of Mr. Wilde so far as the borrowing of money was con cerned, as it appeared that he only borrowed £25 from the messenger, and £lOO from the official assignee. An other point raised was that proper care had not been used in checking the accounts, and that formed the charge of irregularity which was imputed to this gentleman, namely, that of certifying accounts which, to the full extent, had not been sanctioned by the commissioners. He should be sorry if anything which fell from him should be supposed to exaggerate these charges. Most assuredly he did not under stand that any pecuniary charge of any kind or sort what ever had been brought against this gentleman. Mr. FERRAND said he thought it was hardly fair of the hon. and learned gentleman to have stated what the Lord Chancellor's opinions were in relation to this matter. Ho (Mr. Ferrand) had refrained from mixing up anything ex parte in this affair. Mr. Wilde distinctly denied that ho had ever done anything improper. He (Mr. Ferrand) had gone fully into the matter with Mr. Wilde, and believed he was perfectly innocent of the charge brought against him. Mr. Wilde was quite ready to go before a committee, and his only anxiety was to clear himself from .the charges which had been brought against him. Mr. DISRAELI—I think my hon. friend the member for Devonport has acted quite right in not making any state ment. Whatever that statement might have boon, it must have been an ex parte one; and I think it would have been an act of great impropriety to make an ex parte statement. I see nothing in the case of Mr. Wilds. I know nothing of the question relating to him ; but it is due to an absent man to say that, from the admission of the Attorney-General and from what has transpired, I believe the charges made against him are of a frivolous character. What the house and the country are interested- in Is, that the inquiry should be a real and bona fide inquiry—`(cheers) —and that it should be, as far as our firms an powers admit of, an inquiry of a judicial nature. What I would suggest to the Govern ment for their consideration is—and I hope they will adopt it—that it should be referred to a mere select committee in which both sides of the house are represented. In a question of this kind the existence of party ought not to be admitted ; and I think we ought to leave it to the com mittee of selection. Let the appointment of a committee be left to the committee of selection, and let it be composed of not less than seven and not more than nine members. Lot these affairs be referred to the committee of inquiry appointed by the committee of selection. The house, lam sure, will accept the judgment of such a committee with confidence, and trust, and satisfaction, and, what is of more importance, it will act upon the public mind in the same spirit. I trust, therefore, we shall understand that these matters will not be left to the mere routine method, and be referred to a committee in the usual manner, but that they will be referred to a committee appcinted by the committee of selection—the only course, lam confident, that will give satisfaction to the house and the country. (Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK was quiet sure that this ought to be a judicial inquiry. The feelings of tho country would not be satisfied if it were made a party question ; therefore, in order to withdraw it entirely from party considerations, he believed the safest way would be to ask the leader of the house, who was now present, to make some remarks by which he would mark his acceptance of the proposition of the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckingham shire. Sir G. GREY—The Government entirely agree with the right honourable gentleman that this inquiry should be a thorough, a searching, and an impartial one ; and if the house think it can be best conducted by a limited number of members chosen by the committee of selection, the Government would not feel disposed to offer any objec tion. I think, however, it would be more satisfactory if this matter was referred to a committee of fifteen mem bers, but 1 apprehend that this cannot be done without notice. I would suggest therefore, that the proper notice should be given, and if the house concur the Govern ment will offer no objection. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HEYG.ATE was understood to say that another similar case was reported to have occurred in his part of the country, and ho thought it desirable that that case should also be investigated. Ho was decidedly of opinion that the inquiry ought to be of a most searching kind. Mr. MALINS said that as a member of the profession he might, perhaps, be permitted to express his hearty concur rence in the suggestion of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), and his great satisfaction that the Government had acceded to his proposal. It was not a light matter that imputations Ilie tations should be cast up on th e h ea d o f th e pro f ess i on law. (Ilear, hear.) It was a quest i on so i mportant that believed the suspicions againstt the noble lord were un founded, bads yh'ruhsted he would come clear out founded, and he sincerely of the in miscellaneousso great importance as f admiration of the noble lord, and he thought that an inquiry this should not be confined to a°bypartyco committee, which might possibly be influenced considerations. He would suggest that, whatever committee should con duct the inquiry, none of its members Should belong to the THE SUIN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EV ENIN G, MAY 24, 1865. legal profession. He was satisfied that before a committee appointed by the committee of selection an impartial in quiry would take place, and he sincerely hoped the result would be that the suspicions so long attached to the name of the noble lord would be removed. He was, however, bound to say that if the charges against him wore proved, no one would rejoice more than he (Mr. Malins) in the condemnation of the practices alleged to have been carried on by the noble lord. Lord R. CECIL--I shall not offer any opposition to the proposal that this matter should be referred to a committee chosen by the committee of selection, although I am not sure that I share altogether in the general opinion as to the absolute impartiality of the latter tribunal ; but 1 know that that opinion is cherished in this house with as much fondness as if it were a matter of religious belief. I shall be very glad, however, to see the impartial committee when it is nominated, but I will indulge in the charitable hope that all these charges will prove untrue. 1 confess I was alarmed at the proposition of the hon. and learned gentleman who has just sat down, that all members of the legal profession should be excluded. Now, as I am not a member of that profession, nevertheless I think that would be simply braining the committee. (Laughter.) At all events, it would be taking out the brains which would be available for this purpose. What idea, I want to know, can a man form of a judicial inquiry from which lawyers are to be studiously excluded ? Who was to conduct the case and cross-examine the witnesses ? Who was to have the talent to perform those important duties which did not come to a man instinctively, but which could only be acquired by long study and experience ? Now, on the contrary, I was going to impress upon the Government that this shouldnot onlybe a committee chosen by the committee of selection, but that an addition should be made to it of two thoroughly impartial lawyers, whose duty it should be to conduct the case on either side, for otherwise I do not see how the different charges against the Lord Chancellor could be properly laid before the com mittee, unless they were thrown before the seven gentle men who would be told to make the best of them. Then there is another point which I would suggest. As an hon. gentleman has observed, there are several other cases of the Lord Chancellor's bankruptcy appointments which have been subjected to imputationsprecisely similar to that which will form the subject of inquiry by this committee. I do not say that they are true, but at all events there is a strong prinui facie case, and I do not think the public will be satis fied unless all these imputations, which assume so palpable a form against the Lord Chancellor, shall have been sub mitted to this tribunal. The issue which will be raised is whether the Lord Chancellor is to be believed, or whether the Hon. Richard Bothell is to ba believed. That, I am told, is the issue which is to be presented to the committee. In that event they will have to go to the previous charac ter of the witnesses who are opposed to each other, and therefore it will be necessary that the committee should have the power of examining into the mode in which other bankruptcy appointments have been mado. If it turn out that the Lord Chancellor's general appointments have been pure it will raise a strong presumption in his favour ; on the contrary,if it be proved that a general system of nepotism and corruption has prevailed, the presumption against him would be sound and reliable. I hope therefore that the Government will so far extend the basis of this inquiry as to include one or two of the other more prominent cases, and I trust that the case will be impartially judged and thoroughly folloWed through. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HORSMAN thought hon. members had not placed the matter in a more satisfactory position by the numerous suggestions they had made. Nothing could be more fair than the manner in which the Lord Chancellor had courted inquiry, and the hon. member for Devonport (Mr. Ferrand) had acted with great propriety in refraining from making any statement. When the Government had assented to the proposition of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), the discussion surely ought to have ended. If the inquiry were extended in the manner suggested by the last speaker, it would probably not close before the end of the session. If the inquiry before the committee were limited to the case now before the house, the other cases might be considered when the report of the committee was brought up. Mr. HADFIELD said that from the time of Lord Bacon to the present day it had been the custom of Lord Chan cellors to exercise great patrontage, and to give the prefer ence to their own relations. (Laughter.) He must, indeed, be very innocent who thought otherwise. He should like the inquiry to have a wider scope, so as to include the sine cures now in existence of £B,OOO apiece, two of which had been enjoyed for more than half a century, and the remain ing one for nearly a century. in conclusion, he expressed his belief that this was simply an attack upon an individual —an attack from politics, and not from justice. (Hear.) Mr. DUNCOMBE, in reply to the last speaker, pointed out that there was a vast difference between a Lord Chan cellor Who exercised patronage even for the benefit of his own relatives, and a Lord Chancellor who took a course by which offices became vacant in order that they might be filled by his relatives. He maintained that such conduct was a slur upon the high profession to which the noble and learned lord belonged, and he hoped that an impartial in 'quiry would take place. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought it was unde sirable to prolong the discussion. Mr. AYRTON said that if the committee proceeded beyond the question immediately submitted for their con sideration they would be carried away into all kinds of irrelevant matters. The motion was then put and agreed to. CERTIFICATES OF MARRIAGE, &c. Sir J. FERGUSSON obtained leavo to bring in a bill to repeal so much of the Act 55 Goo. 111., cap. 184, as imposed a stamp duty of ss. on certificates of marriagos and of any persons having received the holy sacrament. PIER AND HARBOUR ORDERS CONFIRMATION THE DANTE FESTIVAL, (From the Times Correspondent.) FLORENCE, May 18. The Danto Festival has been brought to a close with an unabated spirit, that never for an instant flagged, and with a uniform success in all its phases and scenes. Not a single accident or mistake, not the slightest disorder or brawl, so far as I have ob served or heard, has saddened or troubled any por tion of the festivities, which, although limited to three days, have been prolonged to four. The weather has been favourable throughout. On Tuesday evening there was a storm and heavy rain within 20 miles of Florence, which explained a fall in the barometer that had caused some anxiety in the morning ; but scarcely a drop fell here, and the evening was find and calm for the great ball in the Ufizi. That vast quadrangle had been gorgeously decked out for the occasion. In the centre was an illuminated fountain, with flames issuing from the centre of large coloured flowers ; above the open part of the square, which is narrow in proportion to its length, hundreds of Chinese lanterns were suspended ; the spacious covered walks that run the whole length of the two longer sides were rendered as light as day by lustres and chandeliers reflected in numerous mirrors ; and garlands, tapestry, and draperies of the Italian colours concealed the dark stonework of the walls. The entrance was exclu sively from the side of the Piazza della Signoria, and such was the crowd of people that the gendarmes who acted as doorkeepers were repeatedly almost carried off their legs by the eager, good-humoured throng. It was rather a great popular meeting and promenade than a ball ; there was an excellent band which played dance music all the evening, but the only dancers I saw were lads, who were not particu lar about being crowded upon, and who managed to find space for gyration in the centre of the prodi gious throng. It appears not to be the custom here for women, even of the lowest class, to dance at pub lic balls of this character. Nothing, however, could be gayer than the whole affair ; there was a most complete mixture of classes ; the announcement of the entertainment had said that only decently dressed persons would be admitted, but that is rather a vague definition, and leaves a good dealof latitude to the ball-goers who present themselves, while it also im poses an odious responsibility on doorkeepers. It is quite possible that some merchant sailors who had come up from Leghorn for a lark, and whose costume was decidedly better adapted to the forecastle than to a ball-room even in the open air, would have been as much surprised as offended had any one questioned the propriety of their attire; eccentricity in respect of head gear, displayed by one or two individuals whose hats had the appearance of having lately been involved in the humours of Donnybrook, - might be overlooked at a ball, where it is usual to appear hat in hand, and where the agility of heels is so much more important than the covering of heads. In short, the gathering was a striking example of a principle of equality practically carried out, and well befitting a province so noted as Tuscany for its democratic tendencies. All classes were there not only brought together, but pressed, wedged, and at times and in places almost crushed together. I observed more than a few elegant ladies who did not fear the contact of the grisette and the artisan, who on their part were as well behaved as their betters. The temperature was high, and Piver and Houbigant had evidently not very largely contri buted to the fragrance of the assembly; but squeam ishness would have been out of place, and as a gene ral rule persons troubled with tender feet and fastidious olfactories had better not risk themselves in mobs of 20,000 people, especially when these are gathered together on a sultry evening in May under the porticoes of the Ufizi. The multitude continued to amuse themselves for some hours after midnight. On Tuesday evening entertainment was also pro vided for the more intellectual classes in the shape of tableaux vivants of groups from Dante. At the same time and place (Pagliano Theatre) passages from his poems were declaimed by Ristori, Salvini, and other distinguished artists. The King was present, and at a passage from the Inferno having a strong reference to Rome, in a sense decidedlyunfavourable to the maintenance of the present regimen, an at tempt was made, by vehement applause, to win a sign from him, but his Majesty would not be moved to a demonstration which, at the present moment, might have been ill-advised. On Tuesday morning there was a solemn and extraordinary sitting of the Della Cruscan Academy. After a few words from the Arch-Consul Marquis Gino Capponi, Senator Centofanti, Rector of the University of Pisa, read a speech, which was enthusiastically received, and in which, with great eloquence and elevation of ideas, he dwelt upon Dante as the founder of a new litera ture, and declared that his virtues, his generous heart, his great intellect, and his patriotism rendered him worthy to be considered the father of that united Italy by him invoked, and which at last has arisen as the result of fortunate- events and of a con cord at one time seemingly hopeless of attainment. The discourse of the learned Centofanti, which said a great deal in very moderate compass, is praised as a masterpiece by those best qualified to judge. High praise is also awarded to a eulogium of Nicco lini, spoken afterwards by Professor Vannucci. Although not a few persons departed on Tuesday night, and the hotel-keepers were yesterday fain unwillingly to replace by the usual tariff the ex orbitant prices they have been asking and obtain ing for their apartments since the early part of last week, Florence continues very full of strangers lingering on the scene of past pleasures, and, as the flags and decorations of the streets and houses have not been removed, the city still wears a festive air. The second day's racing, which came off in the afternoon, showed a far smaller attendance than on Monday. People went late, and were still arriving after the third race was over. The running began an hour earlier than usual, at 3 o'clock. Now, at this particular season many of the Florentines take to dining at 3, in order to go to the Cascine in the evening, and. they naturally preferred losing the sight of a race to going without their macaroni. Towards 4 o'clock, however, there was a fair show of carriages and not a few pretty women —ltalian, English, and American. The running was fair, the dust tremendous. The late inunda tions swept a great deal of sand over the race-coarse, and horses and jockeys were enveloped in clouds of dust. The King came, with two carriages and four, and was well received and looked pleased. Judging from the manner in which I have seen him greeted on several occasions during these fetes, he is de cidedly popular here ; and in estimating the value of the demonstrations his presence elicits it must be remembered that Florence is the headquarters of a great many of the disaffected, friends of the old dynasty, clericals and democrats. • A great dinner was given yesterday evening in the magnificent banqueting-hall of the Serristori Palace, the owner of which, Count Serristori, kindly lent it for the occasion. One hundred Italian noblemen and gentlemen gave it, and invited 30 of the foreigners whom the Dante Festival had brought to Florence. Some few persons were hindered at the last moment, but nearly the whole number of in viters and invited sat down at 7 o'clock. The spa cious square hall would with ease have held thrice the number. The tables extended along one side and part of two others. Ccnint Mamiani, the emi nent scholar and orator, the Senator and ex - Minister, presided. The Prefect and G onfaloniere of Florence, Counts Cantelli and Digny, General Cucchiari, commanding the military division of Italy, and a number of senators, deputies, professors, and men of letters, including Aleardi, Dall'Ongaro, Gen. Bixio, Pazzi the sculptor, and other well-known persons, were present. A military band attended ; the dinner did the highest honour to the accomplished cordon bleu who presided at its confection. The King's health was proposed in a ferw words by Mamiani, and was drunk with h ear ty good will. The toast to the foreigners present b roug ht on good deal of speechifying, but most of the' o rators had the good taste to be brief. For the Entglish Dr. Barlow re turned thanks in Italian. Th. ree Frenchmen found more or less to say upon the occasion, and two Ger mans made vehement haran gnu, declaring that nowhere had Italian unity and i udependencewaxmer sympathisers and well- w i s hers than in Germany. In the course of the even i ng gamiani made an ex cellent speech. Pulszky s p o k :e for the Hungarians, shortly and to the purpo s e, and, at later hour, when the guests had left the table, and were stand ing in groups about the great hall taking coffee, a Russian got upon a chair with the evident desire of saying something in harmony with the tone of the evening, which had been one of very decided political liberalism, such as may, at times, have rather transcended the views of some who sat there. But whether it was a consequence of want of words, or of the habitual caution which in such matters marks most of the Czar's subjects, he descended from his elevation after- merely expressing his best wishes for the spread of civilisation and liberty. Poland and America had representatives at the feast, who each spoke in turn, and the occasion narrowly missed being graced by the presence of Spain's most distinguished orator, Don Salustiano de Olazaga, who arrived here at 11 last night, on his way to Naples. At that hour the dinner company were dis persing, some to the Pergola Theatre, where there was a performance, lighted a giorno, which the King attended. The weather is unsettled to-day, and the streets are thin of people, and although flags still hang from many houses, and the faded and dusty garlands of flowers and laurel still festoon the streets, it is evi dent that the festival is at an end. It will have cost Florence, a member of the municipality informs me, fully 400,000 f., and the city will be fortunate if it gets off with that, when all comes to be paid. The money has been well spent, if, as there is reason to believe,ithis Dante Festival has contributed to spread goodwill among Italians of all provinces, and to bury old jealousies and rivalries. In case it should not have reached you through some nearer channel, I translate the excellent order of the day voted by the Italian Senate two days be fore it broke up : " The Senate, in the act of terminating its sittings in this hall, in which the constitution was first proclaimed, and where wore pronounced the magnanimous words subse quently realised by the splendid deeds that led to the for mation of the kingdom of Italy, declares the lot of this well deserving city of Turin to be even more indissolubly bound up and confounded in that of the united Italy of whose liberty it was the cradle, and of whose present glory it is the standard-bearer. The Senate makes this declaration as the sincerest attestation that can possibly be given of the grati tude of all Italians towards Turin, and orders that an ex tract of the prods-verbal in which the present order of the day is comprised be sent to the municipality of that city." Similar sentiments wore expressed by the Deputies before they broke up. They were proclaimed again by the many thousands of voices that greeted the banners of Turin on their passage through the streets and entrance into the square of Santa Croce on Sunday last. " The whole Italian nation," said the Nazione yesterday, _ " Knows how much it owes to the noble sacrifices and lofty patriotism of Turin, and there is not a corner of Italy where her name is not surrounded by veneration and affec tion." We will hope, and confidently, that if this declara tion be at the present moment a slight exaggeration as regards one or two of those corners that might be mentioned, it will very soon become an exact and literal truth. (No. 2.) In committee of the whole house, leave was given to Mr. M. Gibson to bring in a bill for confirming certain pro visional orders made by tho Board of Trade, under " The General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861," relating to East bourne, Clovedon, Herne Bay, Llandrillo, and Pensarn. SHANNON RIVER. On the motion of Mr. PEEL, the following members were added to the select committee on the Shannon River —Sir W. Jolliffo, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Cave, Mr. Acland, and Mr. Hennessy. LIBEL BILL. Sir C. O'LOGHLEN, in moving the second reading of this bill, said it would be necessary for him to explain at greater length than ho otherwise would the provisions of the measure, as the hon. and learned member for Youghal had an amendment to propose. Before he sat down ho hoped he would be able to show that the bill was worthy of acceptance, and that it introduced beneficial changes in the law of libel without causing any injury to society. In 1556 a case occurred which had caused a groat deal of ex citement in the country. It was a case in which an action was brought against a Durham newspaper for publishing a speech delivered at a public meeting, and the question was raised whether a bona fido report of a speech at a public meeting constituted a libel, and it was decided that an action could be brought against a newspaper for publishing the report of a speech at a public meeting. Another great hardship connected with the present law of libel was that of sending up an indictment and keep it hanging over the head of the defendant, by which ho was put to great in convenience, and not unfrequently to heavy costs. Mr. AYRT ON called attention to the fact that 40 members wore not present. On the Speaker counting, there were only 27 members in the house. The house adjourned at 20 minutes to 10 o'clock. PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND SIR F. BRUCE.—The Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette gives the following account of the first interview of the now British Minister with the new President :—" SirF. Bruce's interview with President Johnson was as informal and un diplomatic as President Lincoln himself could have made it. The new Minister made his appearance with all his stars and decorations on, presented his credentials, and formally read his speech. Mr. Johnson replied, saying that he was glad to see him, and to welcome to the capital a representa tive of Great Britain, and then added But, Sir, lam not much used to the diplomatic formalities customary on such occasions. My idea is simply that two great nations ought to conduot their relations very much as two neighbours who sincerely desire peace and good fellow ship between themselves would do, and that the loss mere formalities about it the better.' `I assure you, Mr. Pre sident,' interrupted Sir Frederick, pointing to his uniform and decorations, that I should feel very much more at ease without these things than with them.' The remark was so thoroughly English, and at the same time so con sonant to American prejudices against fuss and feathers, that the President and Minister became friends at once, and sat down for a chat. Sir Frederick asked about Sherman. President Johnson explained tho position. What chance is there for Mr. Davis, then ?' asked Sir Frederick. Oh, a small particle still ; doubtless his escape across the country,' said the President. Well,' replied the Minister in an inquiring tone, I should think that Mr. Davis and a few members of his Cabinet would probably find it well to start pretty soon.' If they know what is for their own interest,' responded the Pre sident rather grimly, they had better lose no time about it. Tho time has come,' ho added, 'when traitors must be taught that they are criminals. The country has made up its mind on that point, and it can find no more earnest agent of its will than myself.' There was then a renewal of the mutual promise to talk over any difficulties that might arise between Great Britain and the United States like two neighbours sincerely desirous of good terms with each other, and so.the interview ended." [ADVERTISEMENT.] Holloway's Pills.—Protectors of Health.—ln tho hand-to hand struggle for existence in the present day good health is everything. Holloway's purify ing, digestive, and gently laxative pills are admirably adapted for restoring soundness to invalids whose func tions are so feebly performed that life itself seems most precarious. The stomach has its many maladies removed by a judicious use of these pills; the torpid liver is roused by them to active secretion, and every other organ sub serving digestion is placed at its natural standard, and better fitted for its duties. It is impossible to have a doc tor at our elbow at all seasons and places; but these pills will supplant that loss, for they universally act beneficially in every ailment. Anglo-French Working Class Exhibition. Last evening, by permission of the council, a meeting, convened at the request of the committee who are organis ing this laudable movement, was held in the great room of the Society of Arts, John-street, Adelphi, to discuss the steps that should be taken to give effect to the desire of the workmen of France and England to meet in friendly com petition. Mr. Hawes, the president of the society, occu pied the chair, and expressed the gratification he felt at doing so. There must ever bo a rivalry between the opera tives and workpeople of the two nations ; but it was im portant that the rivalry should be a friendly one, and nothing was more calculated to promote this end than this movement. This was the 50th year of the peace, and after the great results obtained from trade there could be no doubt that such an exhibition as that which was now pro posed must be productive of vast advantages both to France and England. The Society of Arts was therefore dis posed to offer it every encouragement.—Mr. Coningsby l the secretary of the committee, gave a brief history of the movement as far as it had gone. A committee of 40 work men who were dissatisfied with the results of the Amateur Exhibition at the Agricultural-hall had conceived the idea of having such au exhibition as that now:suggested and five of their body had been deputed to go over to Paris to invite the co-operation of the workmen of that capital. They were most favourably received by the members of the society of Credit et Travail, who represented the working men of France. That society heartily entered into the proposal and appointed a committee of co-operation, with M. Potonier for secre tary, and several Parisian editors amongst its personnel. That committee was now engaged in making the necessary preparations in Franco, while the committee of 40 at home wore busy in canvassing the British , workmen and the press to insure the success of the exhibition which it was intended to hold in the course of the ensuing summer. Mr. Whiting moved the following resolution—" That this mooting, having heard the statement of Mr. Coningsby in reference to the proposed Anglo-French exhibition, recog nises in this movement an evidence of the gradual extinc tion of national prejudices, and of the groat advance which has been made by the workmen of both countries in the knowledge and application of the true principles on which the material prosperity and moral progress of nations de pend." Mr. Willis having seconded the motion, Mr. Lucraft offered some objection to the movement on the score of time. It was much too short, and ho was afraid England would suffer from the competition-2 view which was con troverted by Mr. Anson, Mr. Buck, a workman, and Mr. Pearson, secretary to the London Mechanics' Institution — who pointed out that if the exhibition were delayed be yond the present year it would lose the.poetical idea of the peace jubilee involved in it ; and Mr. Winkworth, who approved the principle of the resolution, but reserved his opinion as to what would be the proper period for holding the exhibition. The resolution was then put and carried; after which Mr. Lock proposed a second resolution, approv ing of the object of the proposed undertaking, and pledging the meeting to do all in its power to support it, which was seconded by Mr. Maynard, and, like the former, was unani mously assented to. A vote of thanks was passed to the society and the chairman for the assistance they had ren dered the committee, and in acknowledging the compli ment Mr. Hawes, believing the exhibition would bo a great success, renewed his promises of support. Working Men's Club and Institute Union, 4-- The second meeting suggested by this institution for the purpose of affording working men and persons of higher social position, or eminent in various ways, an op portunity of friendly intercourse upon subjects of national interest, took place last evening at Exeter-hall, Strand — Lord Lyttolton in the chair. The subject for discussion was "Co-operation and Partnership between Masters and Men in a Yorkshire Colliery and Factory ;" and this was brought 'forward by the Rev. Mr. Solly, the secretary, who read a series of letters and documents which had been received from various quarters, with a view to show tht present condition of affairs between the employer and the employed, and he proceeded to state that the number of strikes and lock-outs which now existed, or had just been concluded, proved that the civil war between masters and workmen had been on the increase of late years. He argued, upon the authority of Mr. John Stuart Mill, and other writers on political eco nomy—French and English—that the cause was as im portant to the employer as to the employed, and that the admission of workmen to a reasonable share in the profits of their labour was calculated to be advantageous to all parties concerned. Professor Fawcett had also expressed himself to a similar effect, saying that, according to his opinion, as published in the Westminster Review four years ago, the only remedy for the differences arising from the present state of affairs, in regard to masters and workmen, was the establishment of a co-partnership between capital and labour. 11. Louis Blanc had given utterance to a corresponding opinion, and many other high authorities upon the subject had declared themselves to be supporters of the principle. Tho majority of these opinions were based upon a prospectus which had been issued by Messrs. Briggs, the proprietors of the Whit wood and Methley Colliery, near Normanton, Yorkshire. These gentlemen had made their plant into a limited com pany, reserving to themselves two-thirds of the shares, and allowing their own workmen the preference in the re mainder, and providing that, whenever the profits should exceed ten per cent. on the capital embarked, all those employed by the company, whether as managers or agents, at fixed salaries, or as workpeople, should receive one-half of such excess profit, as a bonus, to be distributed amongst them in proportion to their respective earnings during the year. A similar proposal has been put forward by the Messrs. Crossley of Halifax ; but in the instance of that eminent firm it was not suggested that a bonus should be given, as in the case of the Messrs. Briggs, the former gentlemen being restrained in that particular by the want of that partnership law which it was now sought to bring into operation. . There were many other existing proofs that a very strong feeling was beginning to prevail in favour of Messrs. Briggs's view of the subject; and the most satisfac tory argument in support of it was that, if properly carried out, it would be proportionately beneficial to both the em ployers and the employed. Mr. Bainbridge. Mr. Holyoako, Mr. Mitchell, and others, chiefly working men, addressed the meeting, and the general opinion gathered from their observations was to the effect that the establishment of the new doctrine would, by producing a community of interest, be much more profitable than was the existing state of things, as it would give to the labourer substantial reasons for economising time and labour, and thus by causing hirr. to study his OYU benefit enable him to promote that of the employer. Mr. John Abel Smith, M.P., expressed himself strongly in favour of the principle of co-operation, and he trusted that it would ere long spread and prosper through out the country. After some further discussion, the result of which indicated that upon the main point in view the various speakers were of ono accord—viz., that co-opera was the great moral and characteristic principle of the pre sent age—Mr. Wilfrid Lawson, M.P., proposed a vote of thanks to the chairman and Mr. Solly. The compliment having been duly acknowledged, the business terminated. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS -~►- TimEs.--,From the United States we continue to receive much news as may be expected when a coun try is passing through the last throes of a great con vulsion. There is no very striking or important event, ba everywhere there are agitation, uncer tainty, and change. The whole fabric of Southern society has been broken up, and is being recon structed under the iron rule of the new President and his military subordinates. Military power, in deed, is everywhere, for it is to this cogent instru ment that the Government trusts not only for the final suppression of resistance, but for the mainte nance of civil order for some time to come, and the carrying out of the great social changes connected with emancipation. In the opinion of the President the war is now so completely at an end that he may look upon those who continue it as rebels and trai tors in a stricter sense than that in which the words have been hitherto used. The Confederates will no longer be belligerents either by land or sea ; they will not receive the rights or courtesies of war when found in arms within the limits of the States; they must expect the harshest treatment if they perse vere in their depredations on the ocean. - For this new resolve there is, of course, justification. The war has virtually ceased in the country east of the Mississippi ; the Confederate Government has aban doned its capital and is fugitive, without any of the attributes of authority. Since the surrender of Lee's army it has issued no proclamation, nor performed, as far as can be learned, any of the functions of sove reignty. The Confederacy may therefore be looked upon as at an end. The great Generals who fought so bravely and skilfully for four years having been compelled to yield, the not less energetic and astute politicians who led the South politically have been obliged to abdicate their functions. There is no longer a Southern Government; and President Joh nson, in his Executive order to the Government of the State of Virginia, intimates to the Southern people the methods by which the States are to be brought one by one under the full authority of the 'Federal power. To set at naught not only the authority of the late Confederate Government, but all the acts of the State Governments performed during the time the respective States were in resistance to Federal power ; to treat their Governors as usurpers and their legislatures as illegal; to make, in fact, the period from' 1861 to 1865 a perfect interregnum, much as the Restoration made the Commonwealth in England, is the purpose of the new President. Where there is a loyal Governor he will be sup ported by the military force ; where there is none one will be appointed, or the General of the district will combine to a certain extent military and civil attributes. The President seems to apprehend some thing like a continued resistance on the part of the vanquished population of the South—a sullen and secret opposition, if not an open warfare. We hope there is no ground for such an expectation. - The Southern people have suffered so much from four years of conscription, their numbers are so reduced by incessant warfare, that there are simply not men enough within their borders to make any efficient resistance. Knowing the utter futility and folly of what is called a guerilla warfare, they will, we trust, submit to the arbitrament of the great contest which has nalv virtually closed, and accept with frank ness, if not with goodwill, the re-establishment of the Federal authority. To this result the chief leaders throughout the Southern States have, with the assent of their respective forces, reconciled themselves. Though they might, doubtless, have continued the contest a few months longer, they have felt that after the surrender of General Lee it would be a useless shedding of blood and a politi cal crime to continue the war. General Johnston surrendered to Sherman on the same terms as Lee, because he and his officers felt that all they could claim would be the right to live in peace under the restored Government. With the surrender of General Dick Taylor, which is now announced, opposition to the Federal Government ceases to the east of the Mississippi, so far as depends on armies in the field. This general commanded in the neighbourhood of Mobile, and by his capitulation the authority of the Union - is fully re-established in the Gulf States. It is difficult to speak of the threatened resistance to the west of the Mississippi. While the United States' generals east of the Mis sippi are notifying to the Confederate soldiers who remain in arms that they must surrender, or be treated as outlaws ; while preparations are made for a review on the vast scale of those by which the Allies celebrated their final triumph over Napoleon, it is announced that the army of Texas, with the support of the people, declares its determination not to lay down its arms. It may, indeed, be that a population which has been as yet untouched by the war, and has felt none of its evils, may conceive the idea of resisting the power of the United States. But the utter useldsness of such an enterprise, the misery it must bring on themselves, and the cer tainty that it must speedily end in complete failure, should be enough to deter them. It is to be hoped that the reported proclamation of Gen. Smith does not point to anything more than obtaining fair terms of surrender. If this be so the contest is not likely to last long. " The terms due to a brave people" will hardly be refused to the armies of Texas and Arkan sas, after being granted to the soldiers of Virginia and Georgia. It may, we think, be expected that by the end of the present year the Federal authority will be restored throughout the whole country, and that the attention of the world will be directed, not to the means used by the government for maintain ing its power, but to the use which it makes of it when established. The chief subjects of speculation at present are the treatment which the Confederate leaders are likely to receive if taken, and the rela tions which the American government will form with the Mexican monarchy. As to the first, we will not discuss it, simply because we do not believe that any civilised and Christian administration will put to death men who were called by millions of their countrymen to exercise the functions of a regularly established Government. The legal ques tion as to the right of Secession has always been doubtful, the majority of American lawyers inclining to the belief that if not allowed it was not prohi bited by the .Constitutional Compact. It would, therefore, be the most glaring injustice to treat this. Secession as an ordinary uprising against authority. The good sense of the American people will, no doubt, restrain them from the mistaken policy of vengeance in such a case. The question of Mexico is more serious. France has undertaken a difficult and delicate task in planting a monarchy on Mexican soil. The party of Juarez will probably be rein forced by a considerable number of the disbanded soldiers of both North and South. The Washington Government, we can well imagine, is honestly op posed to any scheme of " armed emigration," or, in other words, enlistment for the army of the deposed President. The United States have had enough of war for the present. They require repose to recruit their diminished population, to till their devastated fields, to restore their shattered towns, and, more than all, to carry out a great social and economical change. The President and his Cabinet will pro bably give all the discouragement in their power to filibustering schemes. Yet there is too much attrac tion in a Mexican campaign for the army of Juarez to want recruits. DAILY NEWS.—As to the fitness or unfitness of Colonel Dawkins to command a battalion of the Guards we do not presume to give any opinion, thee being no available means of forming ,any opinion on the subject. But unless there be one sort of justice for soldiers and another for civilians, it is tolerably clear that the treatment which Colonel Dawkins has experienced at the hands of the Com mander-in-Chief and the Secretary of War is with out justification and almost without precedent. An officer, whose character so far as the public records go is unstained, is compelled by the Commander in-Chief to go upon half-pay. He demands to know the ground upon which he is compelled to take this step. He is told that a court of inquiry has sat upon him, and has pronounced him unfit to com mand a battalion. But, replies the Colonel, " this court of inquiry is a secret tribunal ; it sits with closed doors, the evidence of the witnesses is not given upon oath, and, after all, the officers selected to sit upon it were not unanimous in their verdict. I object to have my conduct investigated in the dark. I protest against my professional character being blasted by evidence which shuns the light, and I insist upon my right to be tried by a court martial. Let my delinquencies or infirmities of temper be stated in public ; let me be tried by my peers, not by a clique of officers who . may be my private enemies, and I will submit willingly to their verdict." It is difficult to anticipate what answer can be made to such a remonstrance as this. Most certainly no answer has been made by the Under Secretary of War, or indeed by the Prime Minister himself. The House of Commons has been told that the discipline of -the army is not a fit subject to be discussed in Parliament, and that the Com mander-in-Chief must be alio-Ad to determine, without appeal, when it is fit that an officer should be tried by a court of inquiry, and when he ought to be tried by a court-martial. But this is not the theory which has been hitherto adopted by the Secretary of War or by the Commander-in-Chief himself. The Secretary of War in the person of the late Mr. Sidney Herbert declared that he was re sponsible for the acts of the Commander-in-Chief , nor has it ever been contended that the Minister of War is not responsible to Parliament and the country. -If any officer in her Majesty's service thinks himself wronged by the act of the Com mander-in-Chief or of the Secretary of War he is entitled to appeal to the Home of Commons for re dress. And, therefore, we cordially concur. with what was said by Mr. Bright, that " the House of Commons ought to be by all its members, and in all times, a court to which the highest and the humblest in this country can come for redress of grievances." Fortunately, the Duke of Cam bridge delivered his opinion some years ago on this very question, in the year 1857 ; unfor tunately, his conduct, in the case of Colonel Daw kins, is singularly inconsistent with his own Ow ciples. Upon that occasion he stated that there were cases of officers who were unfit to command regiments, and who therefore ought not to b e , allowed to occupy such a position. And how di a. his Royal Highness propose to prevent such officers being promoted ? In 1857 the power of stopping an officer's promotion for unfitness existed, but was not exercised. Theoretically there was such 3 power, practically there was not ; indeed, the Doke of Cambridge distinctly stated that neither in his own time nor in that of Lord Hardinge had 09 instance of interfering with an officer's promotion occurred. Thus, in 1857, the Duke of Cambridge thought that such a power could not practically be exercised except upon one condition—that should be backed up by public opinion." " an in hopes," said the Duke, " that the Commander - in' Chief will be informed by the Inspecting-Genera l, as I think it his duty to inform him, when a man is from his temperament unsuitable for the comman d of a regiment, and if such a report came to me a s Commander-in-Chief, I should have no hesitation in saying, ' There is nothing against your character, but you are unfit from natural defects, and there fore you cannot be promoted.' " Being still further questioned as to whether "if the Inspectors' re turns were satisfactorily made there would be ne difficulty in knowing whether an officer ought to be stopped in his promotion or not," he answered, ~ see no difficulty whatever, but, as I said before, 11 ) must be backed by public opinion, otherwise no„ man, in my opinion, could exercise this power. According to the Duke of Cambridge, therefore, Colonel Dawkins could not have been treated in th e year 1857 as he has been treated in the year 1865; The Commander-in-Chief would not have ventured to compel any officer to go upon half-pay simply because he was considered unfit to command a bat talion. Nor, indeed; would he even now venture to do so unless he was backed by public ()pink° And how is public opinion to be brought to best in the case of Colonel Dawkins ? Officers at the . Horse Guards have singular notions on the subje ct of popular rights ; but they must be even more oc‘ travagant than we imagined them to be, if they suppose that " public opinion" will support such a system as that of courts of inquiry. The Brit° public have their own notions about justice and hi' justice which they will not easily unlearn. If t/ citizen—soldier or civilian—is to be punished, or even deprived of any ordinary privilege, the pro" ceedings against . him must be conducted i n the facv of day. If Colonel Dawkins's unfitness for Con y mand is proved by the reports of inspecting officer s, let these reports be published, if the Colonel requin, their publication ; if his unfitness for command is proved by the evidence produced before the cow of inquiry, let the proceedings of the court of ill: quiry be published also. For let it be observed that even the Commander-in-Chief does not claim O o right to stop the promotion of Colonel Dawkios.S r e any other officer upon his own responsibility. P e declares that he is bound to inform himself by s°, l . l 'd evidence ; and he adds that he cannot be expeel• e to act upon any opinion which he may have foron d without the support of " public opinion." Aceoluo ing to the Commander-in-Chief, " public opinie ll must be consulted in such a case as that of Colcs!e', Dawkins. And unless the Commander-in-Ch i has abandoned those principles which he professe't before the Purchase Commission in 1857, he ° lus t grant Colonel Dawkins the p u bli c i nqu i r y w hich th: 10 officer demands. It may be that publicity wil l , 0 the Colonel no sort of good. It may simply pro ,i s that the Colonel was unfit f or c omman d. But tu lu is beside the question. C o l one l D aw ki ns denaa°' publicity, and he is entitled to have it. COUNTRY MARKETS BRIS T OL—TUESDAY. Our market to-day was thinly attended, tho Bath Iscf! apparently offering greater attraction to men of busin e l o r Little or nothing was therefore doing,. though prices good wheats were unchasiged . Barley and oats were °ar m ', to buy. Flour a slow sale at last week's prices. weather everything that can be wished. LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. At this day's market there was a fair attendance of tli c l town and country trade, but the weather being fine 11 , warm little business was done. Wheat same as on Tao s day last. Flour difficult to move, a lth oug h o ff e red at 1 0 money. Oats and oatmeal neglected, and easier to b 11 ,‘,.. Barley, beans, and peas were in limited request, and iv' a out change in value. Indian corn was in fair request, an prime Danube brought 29s Gd per 4801 b. pretty readily. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. • t' The supply of grain was smaller than usual, an d the -fa tendance was thin. Business was less buoyant than ~a several weeks past. Wheat sold slowly at last no rates. Beans and oats barely maintained late prices; change in other articles. 6 1 Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....l6s Gd to av 3 0 ,1 White do • do ....16s 6 i 1 2 0 ; New red do do ....15s Od 3 , v Q: od New white do do ....16s Oct . 1 c: al Beans do do ....15s ( d A . ' Oa Peas, per qr. . Grinding ba. ley, per qr 30s Od 3213 Od c Malting barley, do 32s Oct • • , u ,3 .., o i Oats, do 23s Oct 278 Flour... as 5d to 1.8 9d per 141 b. LEEDS—TUESDAY. We have had moderate arrivals of grain to this - 3 0 market. The wheat trade has ruled extremely dul l, A a to. to effect • sales rather lower prices must b e submitte d In barley, oats, and beans we note no alteration. The average prices for the week ending May 22 sv° l ; n :to, Wheat, 45s lid per qr. ; barley, 82s Bid; and 25s Old. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TuEsDAY. 11°. White wheat, 40s to 44s ; re d, 37 s t o 40 s per ve Barley for malting, 32s t o —s per qr ; f ee d , 25 s to 3° jof, 30 stone. Oats, 188 to 255. Beans, old, 41s to 4 4 5; 11 36s to 48s per qr. Foreign Mail Packet List. • ne 18 ' Australia and New Zcaland, via Southampton.....- T 11 l g. Ditto; via Marseilles Jane f• Brazil and Cape Verds, by British pao.et Jan c , 2o , , Ditto, by French packet .. MAY , Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St . Helena.. • •.v• 2 6. •,--‘, 0 , China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton..Jan' 0 7, Ditto, via Marseilles BOY " Falkland Islands ' Gibraltar, via Southampton ga Jun 2,1 o -. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, yia So u th amp t on .. • • a. Ditto, via Marseilles .. Dial /, India (Bombay), via Southampton. 3laY Ditto, via Marseilles ... tilaY 1 . Mauritius, via Southampt on Ditto, via Marseilles. jua° . Newfoundland gaY 21 6, Portugal 1 e Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon United States and British North America, by Brl- gi DOI . tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork tt v 2 0 Ili ay by Canadian packet, via Lo n d on d e rry. • --'„ 10. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerife Jan' West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, aY. 29, g , and Mexico one 1. Bahamas, via New York. J Juli e Bermuda, ditto Cuba and Mexico .... ... Births. T WO" BARTON.—On the 22d inst., at 51, Adelaide-roa d ' stock-hill, Mrs. Vincen J. Barton, of a so- 11 1 MASSY.—On he 21st inst., t at South Lodge, n Leali ll° A 0 the Lady Lucy Massy, of a daughter. de° 6 SANDERS.—On the 22d inst., at 34, Brunswick-gar Kensington. Mrs. James Sanders, of a son. „ A del WITTEN.—On the 23d inst., at Blyth Catford-w -the wife of Henry Witten, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. DAY—BANCROFT.—On the 23d inst., at StOplaql,„„" 1 ,0 ton, fourth surviving son of the late George ,„bet Esq., of Gloucester-gardens, Hyde-park, to Da - 94 4 only daughter of the late William Swann Bancroft,' Manchester. PRICE—FALKNER.—On the 22d inst. at at St. Jaute6,64 dfof'` John Edward, the eldest son of the. l a t e Edward PeAta Price, F.S.A., London, to Frances Susan, onlY (131.1° of Thomas Falkner, Bath. CARR.----On the 22d ins p t., e4 a 4 t tlis The Warren, 01c1 cL ' griioll' James Joshua Carr, Esq., aged 67. COLLINS.—On the 22d inst., at 5, Euston-squaro, Willi° cu C m o ß ll E i ßL ns, A E ND sq ._ ., o ag n ed th s e 9. yal Highlanders, An' he dower, Major George Burrell Cumberland, late of t Ro th E e N. B —f o n n t K he en 2 n O e th th in A s i t e ., x a a t n O ci vi e ' i n i st o oni o sc i v u e a n r :lge d o 6 c -1 5.5 * z , Droll' DE Kov ton, ag 2 e 2 d d inst. at at Wolver's Dean, 424 EDMONSTON.—OIL the 21st i t at Edinburgh, ff' Edmonston, aged 66. 118 " N T,, N ,,, 10 114 Ilmax.—On the 20th inst., at his residence, -'-''-' '... Hey, Rawenstall, Henry Hoyle, Esq., aged 86 " - - fai t ' IvEs.—On the 21st inst., at 41, Ilertford-street, I ,„ fl ia 53' I. Robert Ives, Esq., of Bentworth Ilall, liante , 'Lb N o of e , London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ii-- I ) pp 11 2 1 M of No. 112, Strand, inter, at TUE SUN 000. _„s), 0 1 Strand, in the Precinct of the S avo y , in the CO 1 '" Middlesex,—Wednesday, May 24, 1805. ____--- - ,l o ' - __ _----- , 2. 1 n01 issue XlO lier X 2,4 ~ ,...../C The I Per ,1 issu e and th e I, Fa T4e Ile s Ti fist give ltap e'olll coin Pay thirc retu Cons Deb S C Si AS For to t liai l'o t , Ino Drc