The Sun. — London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

es.• us •••••• absolut e l y a b surd, and more than absurd, most noxie .' the eyes of E nrope, w i en, by the same post they read in the journals the Lord President of the Council ex reuing an opinion so as to call cn the Spanish Secre tary for Foreign Affairs to produce a dispatch expressing, That entire approval of his own Government at hones is th e pos i tion in which Sir denry Bulner was I ) ,!fteed• an it is the po s iti on w hi c h i s the key to all these unfortunate circumstances; and now I come to in quire, and that is the important business of the night, by this misunderstanding took place between members cf the same Cabinet. Th a t b r i n e s me t o t h e policy of the Noble L or d . It has been shown to-night, frankly ! t eowed by the Master of the Mint, who seemed to glory in the c ircumstance, that all this is the necessary conss- Vence of the quadruple treaty. The Master of the Mint ~,° 4lll tip the quadruple treaty as a tangos charts of di r'c'taacY• Ile says it is the quadruple treaty by which R i bound the crown on the brows of the Queen of Spain. A t a . W as flattering, to go by the next post to Madrid. raltimes we were told that the Spaniards had that natu told hi g h b orn sensitiveness that they cou ld not b ear slightest allusion to the Peninsular war—and a considerable time had elapsed since then—that they "uld not b ear a l lusion to victories which redeemed their sot d °w• How muc h more agreea ble is it to be told, that they owed their freedom to the British nation, b ut that th e Sovereign owed her crown to an E ngl i sli ?' sec retary of St ate ? Thi s i s w h at t h e y h ave t o ld to us. What treaty has produced all this important mischief ? hlember wh en I fi rst entere d t hi s A sse mbly that any one made an allusion to the subject, it was - ,„▪ • w aYs received with unanimous derision. It was not e"e of the most magnificent monuments, not only of of fnglish diplomacy but of the march of Liberalism, and t the spirit of Liberal opinions. What was this quad 41..p_ie., treaty? The Noble Lord who became Lord 1,11 Secretary of State, necessarily, from his position, al not only the organ and expounder, but, fortunately, iliolost abl e expounder, of this great diplomatic talis 1°- was supported by the Liberal party. He was Peciall b' Y supported by the Liberal Members of the Ca tatre There was not an occasion on which we were not see when subjects connected with external relations weretebkrought before the House, that whatever course libyp, o ( '`` , England was to 'dent' y herself with . a e ore y course, to be the patron of liberal institutions in te e e,e,°, countries, and the Noble Lord accepted and Ti7Lamedfinasell in power by advocating these opinions. ey w of rh ere ntroduced into this House by a great master • eat oh et4 ric• and the House was persuaded that the N ef foreign liberalism would never lead to bleu misconception or foreign war. According to the t e Lord, .‘ p eace, re f orm , an d retrenc h men t," were r al Otto of th e G overnmen t, an d w h en m y Hon. Friend e d 7 ot i %likes) reminded the Noble Lord that non-int r eve Was one of the grounds upon which the new .. . el ord 'unient was to rest, th e Noble Lord repudiated the A in • telling him the word used was not intervention, to e„ Nite e s • There was not the slightest reason, however,. lea"uut that th e wor d i n th e mo uths of the Whigs of . sad 'h a nd and 1832 meant non -i n t erven tion—(Hear, hear)— 144,. th e Nobl e L or d i s not correc t in stating that non the ' n ve ation did not form one of the pleas put forth by tve tt r a reY Ministry for the purpose of attracting te tetell- L i L t Popular support, and indicating the policy . it to pursue. I find in a book, which contains of t tee h: l ; u of the declarations made by the Members Whigla Government in 1830 and 1831, a speech, to 41 " : "ICh it is sa id, " ou r true principles are Pat ec t i l ' i l t ,"in universal peace." So the speaker antici the e w ' "to House will observe, the Hon. Member for •I, th Tr est Riding of Yorkshire—(Laughter)—and here id t o definition of the peace policy :-- Our true policy fe te - 4 nnotintain universal peace, and therefore non-inter to Our principle, the great principle which ought and will be h e artily a d o pted by the present Ivi i We r e: Now, that statement perfectly justifies the Pu c ii•"lam) use of by my Hon. Friend, but which was re there ated somewhat abruptly by the Noble Lord, and 01 i s no doubt that they did, by meddling in the 01e.7.0f other countries, secure universe' peace. y seen° . tir o to liberalism is this, that it is the introduc hither° the practical business of life, and . of the ti ne 0 , mode of life—political life—it is the introduc . - Nos Philosophical ideas, instead of political princi ?lot t hat, in fact, when a man goes to Madrid, he . is te ts t : consider his operations with reference to the in ane 4 , ° , t England, but to set aside all practical rules,. Priej' u se in their stead certain abstract philosophical 4%4'1,1e5, and the promulgation of these principles be tieo, the bond o f brotherhood of some m i sera ble fac holid w hich w ou ld h ave b een ext i ngu i s h e d b u t for such y ou tdi er br ot h erhood. A small party in this H ouse to ld to o ivat this line of policy would never do ; that you that tt et cond uct E ng li s h a ff a i rs o n this foundation ; that ` .15 Practi ca l a d vantage cou ld b e o b ta i ne d f ro m it ; ( Reit it w ould never yield you commercial treaties. -- 0 14' hear.) By lending, however, all the moral aid goe s : h a °urftry to some miserable faction, you did pro -11-,,,a°ges ; but in every country and state in which 41 11a4 1 : — L a interfered, from Athens to Madrid, you have and s st i :ued the substantial prosperity of such nations teS l have deteriorated the condition or the people, Lorin t w o the seeds of infinite confusion. The No 141 „„ et o r ir ce „eetled in this course, he became the great pFo "herelism in the management of the foreign to et ; of this countr • and I must do him the justice kWh. that it was impossible fur any one entertaining l elop" op r detis and dangerous ideas to conduct their de 's...V4:lkt in a more business-like manner than he did. t red y h t "-) The Noble Lard was certainly edu trtt see— ono of the best schools, and of 11 1• .114 C a " l he became one of the most dis t-reu Pupils; but, notwithstanding the quad ia-litatit;a-eatttY notwithstanding the fostering of con v,4/teith- tr i Greece, in Portugal, and in Spain -4 4 p 4t ailding he was forced by his party to con % lib, ?ace with England, in this great work e°0 41 11 , 4811 : 1 , under the idea that France and England Wald 4 ' ° oe form the alliance by which the new policy t * otini efi ectUall Y be pursued, he found that the system : 4 asr.) 11- ' Work. And ho uld it work ?—(Elear, I , ll ,.eteed I L°P have, of w c 49 late years, introduced a sentimental "aati a an co d ns e it e u e t r i s onal principle in foreign affaire.— few l o mter h ) You wish to abolish slavery, t iliee t i a tt want all the world to join you, without any t ake 11 as to Ite m whether or not you are, by the course you tideei a eating the horrors of slavery, and laying the 'Res n s of endless dispute between us and foreign n . eop li ti ° - o wever . , the Noble Lord, when he saw his di a ,! l N e et 2e• di such business like a man; and no man, 04 ` a tly o : . ` . ' upon misconceptions, could have more 6 slic e , ofluenced extricating himself from the conse conduct—(Laughier and cheers from the eth t .. he . ta4 ., ,What have they done ? They have talked 1 44' 4 % 4'u Constitution as if it were the model con ethtees the world—like a model farm—(Cheers and air e tl i oi blit i n carrying out their views of foreign k r lelis ol, Y °llly looked to a great general system of te o teet er i w hieh had nothing whatever to do with the at ,Op post jinterests of England .—(" Hear, hear," from 41 7,.; n.) In 1839-40, things began to get very Of no," the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) —than owegia„,,e be tterunderstands or regards the interests heleee t lne or has more ability to sustain them—was N T 7 i filli s :_ sacrifice the interests of England because of tZa,with France, and what then happsned? The opt s tvi th n_.ound that he could not manage foreign of- A the wa ';'," alliance with French liberalism through 4°N.Ti 4 % r. bi sa tat nEß—Question. • • te r not a AELI—The gentleman who calls question he i ;;# ea g t e l er to understand the question.—(Laugh -11441 at in 1840 the Noble Lord set about his e t ,. 'en an, w orkman-like manner, like a great f did all that he could to extricate her o with fro did the difficulties which he had get rem the to the affairs of the Levant years • e( '• 1 t bea arose the misconceptions . with 11 /11 ° by an 8 46, when the Noble Lord and his friends itt the i,,accident called to power, what occurred ? jot".‘:nded colleagues of the Noble Lord entered 4 iti o ti ° tit o r l r l e-- a disgraceful cabal—to keep the Noble tt„O.) ape P e ak Cabinet. —(Hear, hear, from the bi.pod 6Pot sp : l3 ,ak of that With which I am acquamte . 'th e ear, h,:,',from mere rumour, as others have done. se,,i l leae tet r•e And what was the ground upon which k ed ill te a t ° Prevent the" Noble Lord from having a •h i jili ng ipabinet ? Why, upon the ground of his de t ::lY l eY--tho policy which years before they so ael t " °F ed °FI have alr ea dy alluded to the con- N o whet- effect Lo r d with respect to France ; but .1. ti ell must it have. had upon his ivflu- W e est re t o e T tlrePe when hi s o wn co ll eagu es exhibited • not es 0 all they could to cross him in every way? e ald re or u ci at enough alone to lead to a misconception dew t° the relations between France and Eng 14,karii,g th at', hear.) Here let me observe that while tee„ Upon 11 3 .. ei rctimatances which caused his fall, I fo . ,abl e 1 ,,,1r0 who ruled France at that time as a Pre,"",ott i i ,„` 4 ., n ee•--(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord has t hat !pie of the result of endeavouring to carry out the ate it i s a`dlberalism in other countries—he has found of r . 're to.aegerous course, and that it is not wise to s ki her nano uch with regard to the internal concerns k s ilire ot ;or to attempt to select their Ministers o ae Lordmeir administrations. It is easy for the • t, not , say that the calm expression of opinion say u e so, ° b y a matter' of censure.-:—(Laughter.) It e lite _cen sar „ 11 it is not wise to take that course; for te c uet tl_with respect to that expression of opinion, IcreeXisteuer° any serious harm—it will not terminate opi„enre e ~:e ---. (Cheers and l aug ht er )— an d we a re by phi circ umstances obliged to express our eve r o ne of th e most remarka b le c i rcumstances ef i _eou otp "ePpened with regard to the interference of foreign affairs. This dismissal of our endue which a result of the policy with regard to foreign have "Itteeer"B too long characterised this country, pataright may be said to the contrary, we the I _;lect t ° complain of the gross and un cou nt Roily which has been committed against 4 t 0try . ......-Y ( ot the Sovereign and the honour of the epo l afee tti s l d cheers. We ought not to allow our b m ieh h as i iee made the )cape -goat of the foreign policy lii s ,Y Of te,een a dopted. In alluding to the foreign e a Tat er h,:tus country I do not attack the individual O m eeel o ,,:‘ the policy which he has been too long forced n e i so fe's.• f or in following his ministerial career I re ,;lttive trztetttiervices and historic achievements, and I e°llntr defend e d t h e honour an d i n d epen d ence te e - 11, v s Y• and the power of the empire.—(Cheers.) r ** I NGLIS • the s a ntaii ye said that such an insult to the 11 0 ,,,7 1 %t0p y of °I England was an unparalleled fact in tvite"ee, % v i tt , El trope.—(llear, hear.) The complaint, o b i resp ect ", regard to the interference was as much a oi p L ord " I 0 the manner as to the matter, for the ttlr sz tibuilt ttsheeir Stencretary for Foreign Affairs had not communications with the Court of k i ,. (44 550 t old our Minister at Madrid to apply to to the a lter - -(Laughter)—one of all her sex in ire a - tain t h e ° most unhappy notoriety, and least likely tri ea hlar p t ,, "Patience of this country. It was a most Kn a pe " ee cling, and it was still more so from the Si t e a which • t li on 11. ? EEL • 1 was conveyed. h. the "Sir, I have heard with Crest satisfac laeL4Neet Lord declare that it was the intention of -sseo o s )1 a Government to avow their public appro-• 4 at COndllet of Sir Henry Bulger, and to adopt THE StJN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, J UNE 6, 1848. the responsibility for themselves of that conduct. — (Hear, hear.) I can assure the Noble Lord, however, that in the speech he delivered he did qualify the appro bation of Sir 11. Belwer's conduct, by stating. as he le represented to have said by the lion. Member for 13ink ingeateseire, that the Government would assume the greater part of the responsibility for the conduct of Sir n. Bulwer. 'lnc Noble Lord's subsequent exclamation led me to think that he would adopt the snore manly and more just course in this case, of adopting fur the Go vernment the whole of the responsibility, and identify themselves with Sir Henry Bulwer. Sin I think it but just that they should do so. I think it the more incum bent on the Government now to adopt that respoeibility, and to give their sanction, because it appears recorded in these papers which have been laid before Parliament, that one of the causes assigned by the Spanish Govern ment for removing Sir Henry Bulwer was this, that public opinion was adverse to him in Spain— Several Hon. MEMBERS—In England. Sir It. PEEL—In Spain! The public mind in Spain was excited, and the papers say, " How can wo reconcile Spaniards to your maintenance as Minister here, when, in your own country, the Government gives you up?" Sir Henry Bulwer was placed in Spain not by the Noble Lord, but by my Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen, who preceded him. He was sent there by my Noble Friend; not from political connexion between them, but because my Noble Friend thought Sir H. Bulwer's past conduct iu the profession he had chosen entitled him to the fa vour and confidence of the Government, even though he differed in politics with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend thought, and thought most justly, that the diplomatic profession should not, be made subser vient to the commotions of party politics.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend thought that the diplomatic profes sion partook of the character of the naval and military professions, and that it would be most unjust that a man who had entered into the profession and had proved himself worthy the confidence of any Govern ment should be removed from the position to which his abilities entitled him merely because he differed on politics with the Government.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend has been blamed by acting upon that sentiment; but I am sure the true way to encourage diplomatic ex ertions is to show that, provided there was no such dif ference of opinion as to disentitle a man to the confi dence of those who employed him, those who engaged in that profession and served their country faithfully and honestly should not lose the prospect of reward because the party entertaining different political views came into power.---(Hear, hear.) It was on these grounds that my Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen advised her Majesty , to place Sir H. Bulwer in tho responsible and difficult posi tion of British Minister at the Court of Spain, and 'must say that during the whole period Sir H. Bulwer acted in , communication with us, his conduct was such as fully to justify the confidence we had reposed in him.—(Hear, hear.) I confess that looking at these dispatches now before the House I do not see te shadow of any grounds for imputing blame to him in these recent transactions. The instructions sent to Sir H. Bulwer by the Noble Lord opposite were such as to defy any man to draw any other conclusion from them than that it was meant to instruct Sir H. Bulwer to make the communi cation to the Spanish Government, and also at a fitting opportunity to the Queen Mother.—(Hear, hear.) Such was Sir H. Bulwer's construction of the Noble Lord's dispatch, and accordingly, as he tells us, he took an op portunity, and made the communication to the Queen Mother. Whatever might have been the intention of the Noble Lord opposite, I think that Sir H. Bulwer was justified by the circumstances under which he made the communication, in communicating the letter of the Noble Lord in eztenso. Let it be remembered that Sir H. Bulwer had seen the fall of thrones around him—he had found that his own representations and remon strances to the Spanish Government were of no avail— that since lie had received those instructions there had been an insurrection in Madrid; and under these com bined circumstances he felt it necessary to make a strong appeal to the Spanish Government, but he doubted his own powers of remonstrance, and thought they would be made in vain unless he could show that he was armed with higher authority than his own fi ars, and therefore he communicated to the Spanish Government the opinion of the Government of England as stated in the letter of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palmerston.) I think Sir H. Bulwer exercised a wise and just discretion in the peculiar circumstances in which he was placed, and I further think that if the Government had abandoned him, they would have set an example which would have warned every honest and faithful servant of the Crown against incurring a similar responeibility.—(Hear, hear.) Hence it is that I heard with satisfaction the declaration of the Noble Lord at the head of the Administration, that the acts of Sir 11. Bulwer are adopted and defended by the Government. But the immediate, matter for us now to decide is,how we shall dispose of the motion brought forward by the Hon. and Learned Member for the county of Dorset (Mr. Bankes). The Hon. Member for Buckingham shire says that we have three duties to perform on this occasion: first, to manifest our determination to exempt Sir H. Bulwer from all blame or censure; secondly, we are to manifest our determination to support the British Government in maintaining the honour of England, which has been outraged by the Court of Spain; and, thirdly, we are not to condemn the Noble Lard the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, but the system of liberal ism which has influenced our diplomatic proceedings with all foreign nations. Now, I confess that I cannot see how we shall fulfil any one of these duties by voting for the resolution which has been moved by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dorsetshire. First of all, I see in it no recognition of the good conduct of Sir H. Bulwer, but I do see a resolution which, if adopted by the House, would imply that he had acted improperly. At least there is no distinction made between his con duct and that of the Government ; but we are called upon to vote that " a proposed interference with the internal concerns of the Spanish Government, as con ducted under the authority and with the entire approval of her Majesty's Ministers, has placed the British Go vernment and our representative at the Court of Madrid in a position humiliating in its character." If we really wish to exempt Sir H. Bulwer from any share of the responsibility, we ought, if we are to vote any reso lution, distinctly to declare that we do not disapprove of his conduct.—(Hear, and cheers.) Another of our duties is to manifest on the part of the House a desire to support the Crown in vindicating the insulted honour of the country. If so, we certainly ought to convey the expression of our opinion in some less equivocal form, if we wish to put on record that Spain has com mitted an outrage by her abrupt dismissal of our Minister, and the assurance that the House of Commons will sup port the Crown in vindication of its honour.—(Hear, hear.) Instead of that, if we vote " that a proposed in terference with the internal affairs of the Spanish Go vernment has placed the British Government in a posi tion humiliating in its character, " so far from aiding the Government in vindicating the honour of England, you eend the British Government to conduct this negotiation with disgrace round its neck by a vote of this House, and you incapacitate them from making the vindication you wish.—(Hear, hear.) How is a Government, branded with this vote of censure, to take a high tone towards the Spanish Government? The Spanish Government will reply, "We cannot defend Sir 11. Bulwer, if you will not defend him; we will pay no attention to your representation; for the House of Commons has told you that you have placed the Government of England in a humiliating position. Had you approached us armed with the express authority of that House, we must have deferred to it; but, as you have been cen sured by the House of Commons, and have consented to remain in office after that, it is utterly impossible for us to attach any weight whatever to your represen tations."—(llear.) Therefore, I think this second duty would be mast ineffectually discharged by affirming his resolution. With respect to the third duty, of condemn ing the system, and not the Noble Lord (Palmerston), I know not what the Noble Lord's feelings might be alter this vote; but as it distinctly recognises him as the author of the interference, which it says has placed this country in a humiliating position, I think the Noble Lord would not bo able to maintain his post, notwith standing the construction put on the tenor of the resolu tion by the Hon. Member for Bucks—that it goes to con demn the system, not to inflict punishment on the indi vidual.—(Hear.) Therefore it appears to me that no one of these three objects will be accomplished. Now, although I cannot concur in this resolution, yet I must not have my refusal to concur in it to imply approbation of the course the Noble Lerd has pursued.—(Hear.) I think the Noble Lord was fully entitled to give warning and advice to the Spanish Government. I don't object to the thing; I do object to the manner in which it was done.—(Bear.) After all our relations with Spain, seeing the peculiar position in which Europe is placed—seeing the tremendous events that have been and still are of daily occurrence, I do not think it was an illegitimate or an unfriendly act of the Noble Lord to say to Spain and the Spanish Government, "Beware—be cautious — watch the events that aro passing—place not your reli ance on armies, however numerous or however disci plined—conciliate the general good will of the people, on whose support alone you can safely rely."—(dear.) Ido not find fault with that. But, adverting to the true description of the Spanish people and of our relations with them, which has been given by the Noble Lord— remembering that they are a people inferior to us in power—a people under deep obligations to this country, not only for advice tendered, but for exertions made, for vast sums expended, for noble blood shed in the defence and vindication of their liberties—remembering, above all, that they arc a gallant nation, peculiarly jealous of their independence, sensitive upon the point of honour— (Hear, hear) —it is because I believe that the Noble Lord has correctly described our relations with them, has formed a just estimate of the Spanish Government, and has justly dwelt upon its pride, its gallantry, its sensitiveness, its jealousy, if you will—that I do think, if the Noble Lord wished to make an impression upon the minds of that people, it would have been wiser to have held different language, and to have presented it in a different manner to what he has done.—(Hear, hear.) Of course, the object of the Noble Lord was that the friendly advice tendered by him should be adopted and followed in a cordial spirit ; but I think there is an abruptness in the original letter that was presented— (Hear, hear)—there is the assumption of a tone of supe riority which I think was calculated to offend the Spanish Government—there is that recordatio of past assistance which has very much the air of exprobatio, which I think might as well have been avoided towards apeople se ns ibl e, no doubt, o f t h e i r o bli ga tions to us, but not very fond s perhap of being reminded of them.— (Hear.) But the first letter, I think, might be excused ; it twhre iustefirst perhaps iet n t hastily, e anda o s vt I I d e r o r e yawll really surprising with d the not seeo findthatnd . s the o much( ae a N r f o )a b u l eL l t w o i r t b d There is that reminisc ence o f the great obligations which Spainheer is under to us which is caicidated to give offence. That personal appeal to the s Sp ani h Ministers,ln which the Noble .Lord reminds themthet but for from theirßritish assistance they might then have b een z coun try, , 11 s or certainly conciliate tnhoetm calculatediescowl to win thou' eon fineintothe adoption of the ad :tendering.—(Eteer,hear.) vice he was Now the Noble Lord the Prime Minister vindicates the Noble Lord (Palmerston) by reciting a story which he hiel froni Lord Holland, which did not appear to me to be very germane to the matter. Lord Archibald Hamilton had the alter native in that case of laughing- at the offender or kneels ing him down, and it might do very well to do either one or the other.—(Laughter.) But here the Noble L Ord had done both.—(Hear.) If Lord A. 1 lanalton, after adopting the milder alternative. had addressed the of fender in the longest sentence that was ever writt'ti in the English language—(Laughter)—and had ended by saying, " Sir, if it had nut beep for me, you would now have been a beggar in the streets," Lord Holland would certainly not have admired him fur choosing the mildest of the two alternatives. Look at the sen tence of the Noble Lord (Palmerston), in which, after declaring that he was not in the slightest degree offended, he proceeds to administer punish ment in twenty-nine consecutive lines—he was so im patient that he did not take breath till he hail penned the whole.—(Laughter.) I think he is much more like Sir Fretful Plagiary than Lord A. Hamilton ; for he winds up v. ith that reminiscence so painful to these Dukes and distinguished Generals—" If it had not been for me and my Liberal policy, you would have been at this time exiles from your country." That is ungracious; and I think that is the part of the transaction which is most to blame.—(Hear.) At the same time, I apprehend it is very difficult to conduct the diplomatic transactions of this country without occasionally making errors, and even grave errors. The error in this instance, in my opinion, is not an error of act, but an error in the mode in which the Noble Lord has exercised his authority, which is much to be regretted. I regret the more, be cause I feel that he has defeated his own end. Instead of conciliating the Spanish Government, and establish ing the legitimate influence of England, by making them feel that we were a friendly power, amidst all these storms and convulsions, animated by a sin cere desire for Spanish welfare, the Noble Lord has alienated the Spanish Goverment and a part of the Spanish nation entirely by the mode in which good advice has been tendered to them. On that account I deeply regret it.—(Hear.) I do not think the terms of this motion well chosen. On the very second letter that I was presented it appears that the Duke of Sotomayor invited Sir 11. Bulwer to an interview, when Sir H. Bulwer gave his advice very cordially, and it was well received; and even Narvaez himself admitted the justice of Sir Henry's views, and was ready to conform to them as far as he could. It seems that when advice was pre sented to him in a proper form he went so far as to say that he would abandon office, and let the Progresistas come into power, with the provision, I think, that they should adopt Moderado opinions.—(G rest laughter.) Still it is quite clear that Sir H. Bulwer had the oppor tunity of offering advice to the Spanish Government, and that it was taken in a kindly spirit when offered in the manner that wisdom and true policy dictated—as a friend speaking confidentially on affairs of state. Sir, I object to this resolution, because I do not think it con sistent with justice. If there has been an error in the mode of conducting this transaction, I do not think it would be just to visit in so heavy a manner, with the censure of the House of Commons, the Minister by whom these transactions have been con ducted under such difficult circumstances. I alto object to it, because the question is still pending as to the reason of the dismissal of Sir Henry Bulwer in a mariner which, judging, from these papers, appears to me to be wholly unjustified.—(Hear, hear.) The passing of this resolution would tend to weaken the authority of the Government ; it would make us appear as partisans of the Spanish Government, and assailants of our own ; and it would prejudice the chance of a perfectly amicable and satisfactory settlement by showing, at an eventful time, that there was a material difference of opinion be tween the Ministers of the Crown and the House of Commons.—(Hear.) Sir, I will not put upon record, that my country is in a humiliating position.—(Hear.) I will not take the first part of a transaction, and visit the conduct of those who have beer and still are engaged in it with censure. The period at which the resolution is proposed is altogether premature.—(Hear.) It the House is to express au opinion on this matter, it would have been much better to wait for the whole of the reports and transactions, than to select the first act of a. complicated and unperformed drama, and take one particular scene in that act, and visit it with censure, unmindful of the effect it may have upon the denouement of the drama.—(Hear, hear.) Upon these various grounds—because I think the motion premature—be cause I think the conduct of the Noble Lord, the act of giving advice, as distinguished from the tone and manner of certain dispatches, was justifiable—(Hear,Shear)— because I think the penalty would be far too severe for the thence, for the heaviest penalty that can be inflicted on a Minister is the censure of the House of Commons —because I think it unwise for this House to place upon record that the country is in a humiliating position— (Hear, hear)—because I believe that such a record of,our opinion would paralyse the Executive Government, lead the Spanish Government to entertain false expectations, and place us in the situation of partisans of that Govern ment, instead of impartial arbiters, with a natural lean ing in favour of our own—because I think that the public interest will be affected by our affirming this re resolution, I shall, instead of staying away from the House (which would perhaps have been justifiable, as I have hardly read the second delivery of papers pre sented this day), give that vote which certainly will not imply entire approbation of the manner in which this corresponaence has been conducted,—l shall vote fer passing to the Committee of Supply, instead of affirm ing the resolution of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dorsetshire.—(Cheers). Viscount PALMERSTON—Sir, I certainly concur in what appears to me to be almost the general opinions even in the view of the Hon. and Learned Member who has made this motion, that the motion itself is prema ture and inexpedient.—(Hear, hear.) For while the Hon. and Learned Member expressed a wish to vindi cate the honour of the country, if it should turn out to require vindication, he begins by proposing to us to affirm that the country is in a state of humiliation. That certainly is not the mode in which his object can best be accomplished. If he finds fault with the first part of the transaction—thedispatch which I wrote, and which was communicated by Sir. H. Bulwer to the Duke of Soto mayor—to that his motion ought to have been directed, and upon that ground I should have been prepared to defend myself, as I now am. First of all, I will answer the question ,he put, as to who was responsible for the approval of Sir Henry's conduct. Sir, I have no hesita tion in saying that I and I alone am responsible for every aot of that kind, for the signification of approval communicated from that department over which I pre side; and if the House be of opinion that that approba tion was improperly conveyed, and that Sir H. Bulwer's conduct ought to be censured, it:is upon me, and me alone, that that censure ought to fall.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think no censure is due for that approval; because, in my opinion, Sir. H. Bulwer acted according to the best of his judgment, and exercised a proper discretion; and I think I was borne out in giving him the approval which that dispatch conveyed.—(Hear, hear.) But I must add, that that dispatch of mine of the 16th of March was not for the purpose of being commui cated in writing to the Spanish Government. Any man who reads it will see that it was not so intended. —(Hear, hear.) First of all, the form is not that of the draft of a note to be presented to the Spanish Govern ment ; had it been so there would have been a greater development of views, and it would have been written in t e nc e a s n nmeary. app .—(H ear e e a a rr, to h t e h a e r . 11 ) h . However L a i v v o e Li r i y a n thedifferent ff e r s e e n n t mannerear, opposite, undoubtedly if I hail been writing a note to be sent to a foreign Government it would have been written in a very different manner. It was a text upon which Sir Henry Bulwer was to speak, not intended to be presented in the shape in which it stood. After what has fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, it is hardly necessary for me to justify myself fur having writtekt that dispatch, instructing Sir Henry Bulwer to give advice upon those matters to the Government of Spain. Those gentlemen who have looked at the papers will see that, some days before I wrote the dispatch, I had received information from Sir henry that the Spanish Government was meditating a course which, in his opinion, was likely to produce great opposition in Parliament, if Parliament continued to sit; that the opposition was likely to induce the Government to prorogue and get rid of the Parliament; and that if that course were pursued there was the greatest danger of insurrection in the different parts of the country, more especially where the Carlist party was in force. The state of Europe at the time, the mighty and disastrous events which came to our knowledge trom day to day, and the representations of the course likely to be pursued by the Spanish Government, and its probable conse quences—l thought a full justification for instructing Sir H. Bulwer to bring under the consideration of the Government of Spain those matters which pointed out danger on the one hand, and .on the other the means by which that danger might be averted. I had no reason to think that such a course would give offenses to the Spanish Government,. because it will be seen that on a recent occasion the Duke of Sotomayor had had a conversation with Sir H. Bulwer on other matters, and of his own accord, had turned the con versation towards the internal condition of Spain; he spoke to Sir Henry of the intentions of the Spanish Government; Sir Henry's opinion being invited, ho gave it, and they discussed in a very friendly and animated spirit the opinions and the reasons by which they were supported.—(Hear.) Now, I have been asked about the asterisks in one of the dispatches with all that curiosity which attaches to something unknown; it is supposed the passage contained some grave and important matter bearing on the question we aro now discussing. I have here the dispatch from which the extract is given, and I can read to the House the passage omitted, bat perhaps it will not ask mo to do so when I state the nature of the passage, which is this:—That the Duke of Soto mayor n t with It regardhad England h o t t o and h g e r Spain, o d rela tions mayor stated to Sir H. Bulwer what were t h o v i ews and intentions th o iio f rnds S p p a h o i e w h t e w r e w . i w t th r a e 1 a t with e but with the relations between Spain and a third power; and I think the House will agree with me that it would not be fair to publish that.—(Hear, hear.) So much with regard to the asterisks. Both the Duke of Sotomayor and General Narvaez permitted Sir Henry Bulwer to talk freely to them on the internal affairs of Spain, and I had no reason to think that the instruc tions which I gave Sir H. Bulwer were calculated to produce irritation or unpleasant feeliegs. Li point of fact, the instructions of the 16th of March only stated that which Sir H. Bulwer had before stated verbally, thus anticipating the instructions which inc afterwards received. Then the question is, was Sir 11. Bulwer, having received that dispatch which was meant to be only personally and verbally communicated, justified or not in applying that dispatch to a different purpose ? and in communicating it to the Government of Spain I think he was, and the reasons he has given for pursuing that course were sufficient to justify him in exercising his discretion.—(Hear, hear.) He had exhausted all means of personal and verbal exhortation; he represented the facts and arguments to the Duke of Sotomsyor and the Duke of Valencia, but he found that his - tepreset:- . tations were unavailing. Under these circumstances, he was naturally desirous of giving to those l'epresen teasels that weight which they would derive/from its bring manifest that they came not from himself, but from his Government. Another motive for patting his representations in writing was, that by so d4oes they J. -. I w %%ere likely to Caine to the knowledge o f person 3 t o w h ose knowled ge th ey would not come if c ommunicated per sonall as of opi n i on , an d I s till am of opinion, that Sir 11. 13ulwer was borne out in the course he pur sued, and, therefore, I gave him that approbation, for which lam responsible.—(llear, hear.) If I had even doubts, which I have not, as to the discretion which he exercised, I think that when the dispatch and letter were rejected as they had been, it would be a shabby abandonment of a public officer, if I did not arm him against the Government from which that rejection pro ceeded, by giving him the full and entire approval of the head of the department under which he served. His letter was not calculated to produce the irritation which it seems to have excited. It was not transmitted in that formal manner in which diplomatic documents are usually communicated. It did not say, " the under signed is instructed to inform you," but he says; " I beg to transmit to you some remarks which I lately received from the Secretary of State," qualifying the dispatch which he communicated not as advice to be given, but as remarks communicated to him on the state of affairs in Spain. With regard to the right to give friendly ad vice, I do not put that simply on the ground of obliga tions which we have conferred, not on the ground of gra titude due from the Spanish nation and Government for services rendered by England, though even upon that ground I ,think we might establish a claim to give friendly advice for the interest of Spain itself; but I put it on the higher and more indisputable ground, that we were liable under treaty to be called on for assistance by Spain in cases that may arise. The quadruple treaty was nut an engagement voluteered by this country.. It was urgently sought forby the Spanish Envoy, who was sent to this country for the express purpose of entreating the English Government to step forward and assist Spain. It was said we gave that assistance because we thought the Queen of Spain had the best right of the two claimants. That only formed a part in the decision to which the Government came. Undoubtedly if we did not think the Queen of Spain had the best right, we would not have given her the support asked for; but we would not have given it merely on that ground,' but be cause we believed that her cause was identical with the liberties area independence of the Spanish nation; and that the people of Spain were almost universally enlisted on her side, and that the banner under which they fought was not the banner of Isabella, but the banner of the constitution ; and that, therefore, we would be backed by the approval and support of this country.— (Hear, hear.) It was upon that ground that -support was asked for when the first act of that transaction was complete, and when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were expelled from Portugal and Spain, and when applica tion was made to complete the additional articles, which applied more specifically to Spain, the ground on which additional assistance was asked for is thus stated by M. Martinez de la Rosa:—He dwelt on the manifold evils which were to be apprehended from a return of the Pretenders to the Peninsula. Ho said that the question was not only one relating to the suc cession of the thrones of Portugal and Spain, but to those constitutional principles which agitated Europe, and which sooner or later would disturb England and France. It was on that ground that the support of England was asked for. if that were so, into what position Would this country be put if we were appealed to under the conditions of the quadruple treaty, not to assist the Spanish nation in establishing the constitu tion, but for the purpose of enabling the Government to overturn that constitution, and to establish in Spain that very despotism against which the treaty was originally made.—(Hear, hear.) It has been said that it is a boastful assertion to say that the Queen of Spain owes her throne to the support of England. It may be boast ful, but it is founded on fact. And it has been matter of reproach to me in this House by gentlemen who were in favour of the contending Prince. There was on the one hand the great bulk of the Spanish nation con tending for Isabella and the constitution, and on the other a small party, but a party supported by foreign influence, whose expenses, as is now well ascertained, were supplied by large contributions of money from without.—(Hear, hear.) It was not, therefore, a mere contest hetween two parties in Spain, but one of a larger and inure comprehensive description.—(Hear, hear.) We have been told that non-intervention, in addition to peace, retrenchment, and reform, was the creed of Lord Grey's Government. But what did that non-interven tion apply to? It was to what was going on in Belgium where a revolution had taken place, in which it was ap prehended that England and other powers would inter fere by force of arms to compel the people of Belgium to acknowledge the authority of the King of the Nether lands. But so far was Lord Grey's Government from be ing founded on the principle of non-intervention, that one of the first proceedings they were obliged to adopt was the joint interference of the Five Powers in the dispute between Belgium and Holland.—(Hear, hear.) I contend that iu writing the dispatch of the 16th of March I did no more than on point of principle the Government was entitled to do; and when the Right Hon. Baronet thinks there were words in that dispatch which were not calcu lated to conciliate or persuade, my answer is, that it was not intended to be communicated. Tho Right Hon. Baronet thinks that there was no allusion to benefits conferred; but he will find that it is not' so, the allusion to past benefits being in the subsequent dispatch.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet says that I both laughed at and knocked down the Government of Spain; but some Gentlemen think that in that dispatch I was not spirited enough, and that I ought to have been more offended than I stated mysolf to be; whilst others think that I showed too much irritation. I leave those who entertain these different opinions t o discuss them amongst themselves. It appears to me that this is a case in which the British Government need not be offended; and I belive any person who reads the note of the Duke of Sotomayor, in which the dispatch was returned, will say that it is not calculated to raise any feeling of anger or indignation in the mind, but that it is calculated to raise a far different feeling.—(Hear, and laughter.) If I erred in showing too much forbearance to the Government of Spain, I can only say that I would rather be blamed for being too slow in taking offence than for being too prone or too prompt to resent it.—(Hear, commun ications are hear.) With regard to the other stage of the matter, going on with the Mini s t er of S pa i n o n the subject. When these communi cat i ons are co mpleted, and when her Majesty' s G overnment s h a ll be able to come to a decisi on , I s h al l b o prepared to communicate to Parliament the correspondence that has passed. Whil e th ese commun ications —I will not now call them negoti a ti ons — are pas sing, I am sure the House will feel that it would bo highly improper in me to state the precise nature of what is passing, or that I am prepared to lay the papers on the table of the House.—(Hear, hear.) Th oug h I de c lined to have any direct communication with C ount Mi raso l, as having no official capacity and no dipl omat i c c h ar acter, and whose assurances therefore could have no official value, and whose statements could have no official authenticity, I nevertheless expressed to M. Isturitz, the Minister of the Queen of Spain, that her Majesty's Government were ready to receive any statements which he might think fit to communicate. I shall only say that, in a country like Spain, which had been subject to such multiplied changes, it is difficult for an Ambassador who represents a foreign court not to hold communications xvith men of all parties.—(Hear.) In a country where, between 1532 and 1847, there have been 30 Presidents of the Council —(Laughter)—and 38 Ministers of Foreign Affairs— (Laughter)—l think it muse have been difficult indeed for any man having to deal . with those various and suc cessive Ministers not to hold social and personal inter course with those who for the six months may be in office, and that it cannot be considered surprising if he keeps up habits of intimacy with the 'thirty-seven Ministers of Foreign Affairs besides the one in office, or the twenty-nine ex-Presideats of the Council, which were in habits of personal intercourse with him.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I really feel, after the manner in which this question has been discussed, and after the small difference of opinion on the material points which has prevailed, that I easy leave the matter in the hands of the House, little doubting how it will dispose of the question.—(Hear, hear.) But, if any re sponsibility attaches to any person, I am ready to take on myself that responsibility which it is my duty and my desire to take on myself.—(Hear, bear.) It seems to be the opinion of all that no blame attaches to Sir H. Bulwer for his conduct on this occaeion. If that be so I was right in approving of it also; but if any censure is due, if any error was committed, ou me let the judg rest.—(llear, hear.) judg ment of the House fall, and on m e let the res p ons ibility Mr. HUME said he hoped, a fter the debate whi c h they had heard, that the motio n would a pproved of the conduct of be withdrawn.— ( B l i l r e l a l r . , E h n ea lw r. e ) r, Spanishne toward Grnment towards the. coun aHsefaernatisreallye documents enabled them to s judge, and he considered th at t were guilty of the greatest ingratitudetake warning from this, and would not interfere an y more in the affairs of in Spain had Mr. URQUHART (who rose amidst strong t s.— his foreignry . l I c e o h u o n p t e r i d e Nobly Lord ord would mani festations of impatience) said he would only as k the attention of the House for five En m a i u n d ute . s, while he Minister Tre e country ever since she o p h ae r m o e n v m e t d ehnec t eh h da a n t n He e xpressedhis intention of sup ncounrsdennotf of this as g t i o. attehnredmeddling in the affairs of that coun try. (The Honourable Gentleman, as . he ,proceeded, the d sueh was met by such general shouts of disapprobation, renderobser vations inaudible.) porting the motion of the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire, copse ' quences of conduct for which all the Cabinet were as a means of bringing c ons h ta o n m t e F t r o m o s ne of responsible, satisfied that the circumstance of that Noble Lord being: Foreign Minister, rendered friendly rela tions with foreign powers impossible.—(Criee of " Oh.") Mr. BANKES said he did not wish to divide the House. Lord J. RUSSELL—If the Hon. Member does not divide he must allow the motion to be ne gat i ved. The motion was then put, and negatived without a division. The House then went into Committee of Supply, but immediately resumed. LAW OF ENTAIL (SCOTLAND) BILL. Mr. SCOTT hoped that the further consideration of the report would be postponed. The Bill had been very briefly discussed in its various stages. The LORD ADVOCATE had no objection to post pone the Bill until the following evening. Mr, F. MAULE hoped his Right Hon. Friend would press the Bill through the present stage, Any discus sien could be taken on the third reading. The further consideration of the report was then post poned until to-morrow (this day). The other orders of the day were then read, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the Rouse of Commons. 310NDAY, JUNE 5. STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee : 1. That in the case of the Farmers' Estate Society (Ireland) petition, for leave to deposit a petition for a Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:— That the parties ,be permitted to deposit a petition for a Bill within three clear days after the presentation of this report. 2. That in the case of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (Amendment of Acts and Regulation of Capital) petition, for leave to deposit a petition for a the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:— That the parties be permitted to deposit a petition for a Bill within three clear days after the presentation of this re port.—Resolutions agreed to. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. The follo w i ng Bills are ordered to b e read a third time on W e d nes d ay, June 7 : London an d B lackwall Railway (I m provement and Branches to th e St. Katharine ' s and Lon d on D oc k s ). Bristol and E xeter Railway (Branch from Blan d on to Wells, Gl aston b ury, and Street). Bristol an d E xeter Railway (Taunton and Castle Cary Branch). Strathtay and Bre a d a lb ane Extension Railway. Great Northern Railway (Isle of Axholme Extension . Drumpeller Railway. Low's Patent. North and South-Western Railway (Harrow to Brant ford). Oxford, Worcester, and Wol ver h ampton Railway (No. 2—Deviation ofLine, and Power to Shrewsbury and Birmingham, and Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Railway Companies, to contribute and make Arrangements). PARLIAMEN TARYDIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) MONDAY, JUNE 5. HORSHAM WRIT. Motion made, and Qaestion put, " That Mr. Speaker o issue his Warrant t o th e Clerk of the Crown to make out a New Writ for the electing of a Burgess to serve in this pre sent Parliament for the Borough of Horsham, in the room of John Jervis, Esquire, whose Election has been determined to be void.." The House divided : 31INORITy_AyEs, 117. Adderley, C. B. Fame; James Neeld, John Anstey, T. C. Floyer, John Newdegate, N. Archdall, Captain Forbes, William Newport, Viscount Bailey, Joseph Fox, S. L. Noel, G. J. Baillie, H. J. Fuller, A. E. O'Brien, Sir Lucius Baldock, E. H. Galway, Viscount O'Connell, M. J. Baukes, G. Godson, Richard Oswald, A. Baring, Thomas Goulburn, Henry reel, Colonel Barrington, Lord Greene, Thomas Powlett, Lord W. Benbow, John Grogan, Edward Reid. Colonel Bentinck, Lord G. kale, It. B. Repton, G. W. Bentinck, Lord 11. Hall, Colonel Robinson, George Beresford, William Hamilton, G. A. Rushout, Captain Blackall, S. W. Harris, Hon. Capt. Scott, F. Blaudlord, Marquis Henley, J. W. Seaham, Viscount Bolling, William Berries, J. C. Seymer, Henry tier Bourke, Richard S. Hodgson, W. N. Shirley, E. J. Bowles, Admiral Ilogg, Sir J. W. Sibthorp, Colonel Boyd, John Hope, Sir J. Sidney, Alderman Brarnston, T. W. Ilornby, John Sotheron, T. Bremridge, Richard Houldsworth, T. Spooner, Richard Bruce, C. L. Ingestre, Visa.. Stanley, E. Buck, L. W. Inglis, Sir R. H. Stuart, J. Buller, Sir V. Jones, Captain Taylor, Thomas E. Burrell, Sir C. Keogh, William Thompson, Alderman Chichester, Lord J. Kerrison, Sir E. Thornhill, G. Christopher, it. Knox, Colonel Tollemache, F. J. Cobbold, J. C. Lucelles, E. Trollope, Sir J. Cocks, T. S. Law, Hon. E. C. Tyrrell, Sir J. T. Colvile, C. R. Lennox, Lord G. IL Urquhart, David Darner, Colonel Lowther, lion. Col. Vyvyan, Sir R. Deedes, W. Lygon, General Vyse, it. H. Disraeli, B. Mackeazie, W. F. Waddington, H. S. Drun,mond, Henry Mahon, Lord Walsh, Sir J. Duncombe, 0. Mandeville ' Viscount Welby, G. E. Duudas, George Manners, Lord G. Willoughby, Sir H. Du Pre, C. G. Meux, Sir Henry Wodehouse,E. East, Sir J. B. : Miles, W. Ts:Lulu. Euston, Earl Muthugs, J. R. Goring, C. Farnham, E. B. Mure, Colonel . Stafford, Augustus A land, Sir T. D. Adair, Hugh E. Adair, It. Shafto Aglionhy, H. A. Anson, Colonel Armstrong, It. B. Armstrong, R. B. Ashley, Lord MAJORITY—NOES, 231. Fitzroy, Henry Slorreys, Lord Fitswilliam, G. W Norreys, Sir D. Fortescue, Chichester Nugent, Lord Fortescue, J. W. O'Brien, J. Fr x, W. J. O'Brien, Timothy Gibson, T. M. O'Flaberty, Anthony Gladstone, W. E. Ogle, S. C. Glyn, George Carr Packe, C. W. Graham, Sir J. Paget, Lord Clarence Granger, T. C. I'akington, Sir J. S. Crawl], Henry Palmerston, Viscount z - eentill, Gilbert Parker, John Greene, John Patten, J. W. Grenfell, C. Pascoe Pattlson, J. Grey, ltalph W. Pearson, CharleS Grosvenor, Lord R. Pechell, Captain Guest, Sir J. Peel,;Sir Robert Halterd, Sir Henry Pendarves, E. W. liallyburton, Lord Perfect, Robert Hastie, Alexander Pilkington, James Hastie, Archibald Power, Dr. Hawes, B. Posey, P. Hay, Lord John Raphael, Alexander Mayes, Sir E. Rawdon, Colonel Hayter, W. G. Ricardo, J. L. Headlam, T. E. Ricardo, Osman Heatheoat, John Rice, E. It. lieneage, G. li. Rich, Henry Herbert, Sidney Richards, Richard Hervey, Lord A. Itobartes, Heywood, James Roche, E. B. Hill, Lord Marcus Wrathy, Sir John Hodges, T. L. Russell, Lord John Hood, Sir A. Russell, F. C. Horsman, Edward Rutherford, A. Howard, C. W. Sadleir, John Howard, E. G. &away, Colonel Humphery, Ald. Sandars, George Johnstone, Sir J. Scholetield, William Keating, Robert Shell, R. L. Keppel, George T. Simeon, John Kershaw, James Smith, R. V. Kildare, Marquis Smith, John A. King, Peter John Smith, J. Benjamin Langston, J. H. Somerville, Sir W. Lascelles, W. S. Stanstield, W. R. Lemon, Sir C. Stanton, W. 11. Lewis, Sir T. Strickland, Sir G. Lewis, George C: Stuart, Lord D. Lincoln, Earl of Sullivan, Michael Lindsay, Colonel Talbot, J. H. Littleton, E. It. Tancred, li. W. Loch, James Tculson, E. K. Locke, Joseph Thicknesse, R. A. Lockhart, A. E. Thompson, Colonel Lushington, C. Towneley, Charles 31acnamars,',Major Towneley, John M'Cullagh, W. T. Townley, R..G. 3t'Gregor, John Trelawny, J. S. M'Taggart, Sir J. Turner, Edmund Mahon, O'Gorman Vane, Lord H. Maitland, T. Verney, Sir H. Mangles, R. D. Villiers, CharleS Marshall, J. IG. Vivian, J. H. Marshall, William Ward, H. G. Martin, J. Watkins, Colonel Matheson, A."' Westheud, J. P. Matheson, Colonel Willcox, Brodie 3taule, Fox Williams, John Willies, B. Monckton Williamson, Sir H. Mitchell, A. T. Wilson, James Mafiatt, George Wood, W. P. Morgan, H. K. 'Wrightson, W. B. Monis, David Wyvill, Marmaduke 3fostyn, E. M. L. 'Young, Sir John Mowatt, Francis TELLERS. Mulgrave, Earl Hume, Joseph Muntz, G F. Bonnier, Sir J. ;allies, 31. I', Baring, tir F. T. Barnard, B. G. Bellew, R. ➢I. Benett, J. Berkeley, Grantley Bernal, Ralph Birch, Mr Thomas Blackstone, W. Blake, M. J. Bowring, Dr. Boyle, Colonel Brackley, Vlsmunt Brand, Thomas Bright, John Brotherton, J. Brown, W. Bulkeley, Sir R. Bunbury. E. H. Burke, Sir Thomas Buxton, Sir E. Callaghan, D. Campbell, W. F. Cardwell, Edward Carter, J. B. Caulfield, Colonel Cavendish, C. C. Cavendish, G. H. Crtyley, Edward S. Charteris, Francis Childers, J. W. Chohneley, Sir I . Clay, James Clerk Slr.George Cllflord, 11. M. Cobden, It. Cochrane, A. Cockburn, Alex. Colebrooke, Sir T. Corbally, M. E. Cowper, W F. Craig, W. G. Currie, Henry Dalrymplealaptain Davie, Sir Henry Dawson, T. V. Denison, W. J. Devereux, J. T. D'Eyncourt, T. Divett, Edward Douglas, Sir C. Drumlaurig, yis. Drummond, Home Duncan, George Duncombe, A. Duncuft, John Dundas, Admiral Dunße, F. P. Ebrington, Lord Egerton, W. T. Ellice, Edward Elliot, John E. Estcourt, .J. B. B. Evans, Sir De Lucy Evans, John Evans, William Ewart, William ragan, William Feßowes, E. Fergus, John SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S.—YESTERD AY . THE ASCOT STAKES. 6 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Vampyre, 4 yrs, 6st Sib—taken 6 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Lady Wildair, 6 yrs, Bst 41b 10 to 1 agst Sir G. Ileathcote's Nestor, 4 yrs, Est 31b 10 to 1 agst Lord Glasgow's Miss Whip filly, 4 yrs, 6st 111 b 12 to 1 agst Sir R. Bulkeley's Montpensier, 4 yrs, 7st 61b—taken 12 to 1 agst Mr. Merry's Chanticleer, 5 yrs, :Bst 7lb —taken 12 to 1 agst Sir R. Bulkeley's Miss Orbell, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b—taken 12 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Plaudit, 6 yrs, 7st 91b 12 to 1 agst Mr. Shelley's Tarella, 4 yrs, Est 51b 12 to 1 agst Lord Stradbroke's Marpesus, 4 yrs, Est The only horses backed with anything like spirit wore Vampyre, Lady Wildair (both in force), Nestor, and the Miss Whip filly; business, generally was very dull. It is thought that there will be upwards of twenty runners. THE QUEEN'S VASE. 5 to 2 agst Captain Harcourt's Ellerdale 3 to 1 agst Sir J. B. Mill's Cymba 4 to 1 agst Lord Lonsdale's Jericho It will be seen that Cymba has changed owners. THE EMPEROR'S PLATE. 5 to 4 on Mr. J. B. Day's The Hero 2 to 1 agst Mr. Bouverie's War Eagle—nominal 4 to 1 agst Mr. B. Green's Flateateher—taken War Eagle was altogether friendless. ST. LEGER. Offers to take 2 to 1 about Surplice DERBY. 3,000 to 90 agst Mr. Payne's Crucible —taken 3,000 to 60 agst Mr. Holmes's Montague —taken. The Ascot Heath Races commence this day at half past one o'clock. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen visited the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. Her Majesty was attended by Lady Portman and Colonel Buckley. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode out on horse back yesterday, attended by his Equerry in Waiting. Lord John Russell had an audience of the Queen yes terday at Buckingham Palace. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty and Prince Albert yesterday. The Royal Children took their accustomed walks and rides yesterday. The Queen and Prince Albert inspected yesterday the Emperor of Russia's prize for Ascot, which was sub mitted by Messrs. Hunt and Roskell. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness also inspected the Royal Hunt Cup. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House. A deputation, consisting of Messrs. George F. Young, William Hutton, and George C. Redman, had an inter view with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing -street. Mr. Hume, M.P., had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday, at the Colonial -office. The Earl of Strafford had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday, at the Home-effice. Colonel Tempest had also an interview yesterday with the Right Hon. Baronet. A deputation from Scottish Railways, consisting of Mr. Anstruther, Chairman of tho Stirling and Dun fermline Railway; Captain Steuart, of Binny, Chairman of the Edinburgh and Bathgato Railway; Hon. Colonel Cathcart and Mr. John Miller, two of tho Directors of the Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway; the same for the Dumfries and Carlisle Railway; Mr. R. Bruce, of Kennet, Deputy-Chairman of the Scottish Central Rail way; Mr. T. Grainger, representing tho Edinburgh and Northern Railway; and Messrs. Forbes and Deans, so licitors, had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial office, from the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope. DISTRICT REFORM MEETINGS. Mr. Cobden has hit upon ian admirable mo d e o f pre venting the Chartists from interfering with pu bli c meet ings during the agitation, which we are glad to find is about to be carried on for the promotion of further re form in the State, in the mariner which they were ac2us tamed to duriag the meeting: and agitation of the Anti- Corn-law League. The Reformers of Lambeth, it appears, have resolved to hold a Reform meeting on the 6th of June. To this meeting Mr. Cobden was invited, but, fOr the reasons contained in the following excellent letter, he has declind to attend:— " Sir,—l have to thank the committee for inviting me to take a part at the public meeting of the borough of Lambeth, on the 6th of Jane. It has long been a rule with me to decline all invitations to attend local meet ings, because I am of opinion that the less they are in terfered with by strangers the mere powerful and in fluential are they considered by Parliament and the Government, as an expression of public opinion. It; therefore, you would wish to give the best possible support to Mr. Hume's motion, let all your speakers be local men. There is one class of men which will be opposed to this rule. I mean those who run from meeting to meeting, with a handful of followers, many of them, I suspect with the wages of despotism in their pockets, creating confusion, under tho pretence of advocating the six points of the Charter. These dis turbers will be thrown out of employ by the adoption of the good old Saxon rule of meeting in parishes and dis triets, and therefore they will resist it until they be brought to reason by the good sense of the public. " I am, sir, your obedient servant, " RICHARD COBDEN." The good old Saxon rule of meeting in parishes and districts is certainly the most effective plan that has been yet devised for putting down and frustrating the mischievous designs of the Chartists, or at least that portion of the Chartists who, there is some ground for suspecting, " with the wages of despotism in their pockets," were accustomed, under the pretext of advo cating the Charter, to intrude themselves upon all public meetings, and interrupt and disturb the harmony of the proceedings. The plan proposed by Mr. Cobden will prevent disunion from being sown amongst the ranks of Reformers; it will enable all classes of Reformers throughout the country to speak out their opinions without fear of hinderance or interruption, and, as such, by or ganising public opinion, and bringing it to bear in a proper manner upon the Legislature, it will do more to attain the object which Reformers now have in view than could ever be achieved by noise and violence and Uproar.—Sunday Times. TH .E REFORM MOVEMENT AND HE . On Saturday, the 27th uIt BALLOT ., a meeting of Members of Par liament assembled at the F ree T ra d e Cl u b , a t w hi c h a work ing model of a ballot-box was presented by Mr. Edward Gibbon Swann. This box is the invention of Mr. Samuel Kingsford, of Canterbur and some years ago, when in a had far less pe r f ect stage, it attracted the attention of Mr. Grote. The contrivance is, perhaps, the most ingenious which mechanical t act could devise ; and, although a casual observer would discover no possible alteration to complete the instrument, Mr. Kingsford is actually occupied in making another model, in which some very trivial obje c tions will be entirely obviated. The ballot is now undoubtedly a sine qua non in the pro gress of popular reform ; inasmuch as without the means of asserting their righp, protecting their interests, and re dressing their wrongs. the people will never obtain a just system of government. They are nominally represented in a Parliament whichand unscrupulously sacrifices th e i r most re mercilessly feeds and fattens upon their spoil. The people have selected, or are supposed to have selected, members of their own body, to defend them against the encroachments of privilege or the presumption and oppression of power and fortune ; yet are those members chosen by the very exercise of that very power and fortune, and through the influence of the dangerous privilege. And, withal, when the people are told that electoral reforms are what they require, they deceive themselves too often into the idea that such reforms are the end and not the means; and thus, without considering the connexion of political alterations, calmly reply that they require a reduced taxa tion. But it is time to impresss upon the people of this country—to repeat and repeat again, that all they suffer has its first origin iu the radical error of the system, by which the mischievous exclusiveness of a class is maintained, and flourishes upon the reduction and subjection of the industri ous masses. And how are these mischievous tendencies to be obviited ? By extending the franchise, and giving the p..oph! a iat g . er share in that part of the Legislature which prulesies to be composed of burgesses or commons? By making that as sembly more subject to the inclination of the constituencies? Yes, undoubtedly. But if the extension of the suffrage is essential, there is one thing which must accompany it, in order to render it available—it must be protected—its free exercise must be shielded and guaranteed. And by what? BY SECRET VOTING. We have heard many methods of attaining this object up held as the best—the American, the French, or our own Club-house fashion; but, although we ourselves have no po sitive cbjectiou to the registration ticket system, or to any of those in common use, we know that thousands entertain an aversion to them, because they suppose that violence and fraud are to sway them, and the interest of the candidate, or of the moderate and peaceable portion of the community, is to be sacrificed to the mob. It is for this reason that we look upon Mr. Kingsford's exquisite invention as a kind of god-send at this crisis. For the most timid politician, if he he sincere, will be compelled to admit that by means of this ballot-box all fraud and violence are thwarted, whilst the most profound secresy protects the innocent and conscientious, but helpless voter. ' It is impossible to tamper with the poll without detection, though no one is present to observe the dishonest voter,whose object may be to vitiate the election in favour of his own favourite, or in favour of his suborners. It is impossible alike to violate the secresy or the integrity of the election. Another very important point, for large constituencies, is that all the trouble and confusion of an immense scrutiny and calculation (such as occurred recently at Paris) are avoided by the spontaneous operation of the instrument. The Members to whom this production was exhibited were, as we understand, one and all, particularly struck with the remarkable ingenuity of the contrivance ; and, if a differ ence of opinion prevailed concerning its usefulness in the pre sent emergency, it was altogether one of method. And, as we have before stated, it is by proving the security of the method that the arguments against secret voting are to be combated. At least that is the opinion deduced from our own experience. We are extremely glad that Mr. Swann sh ou ld at this moment have interested himself actively in behalf of Mr. Kingsford's invention, for this very reason ; because, appa rently Mr. Swann possesses sonic influence in his own neigh bourhood, and may attract the attention of many to the con sideration of the subject who would otherwise have let it pass unnoticed. We are informed, moreover, that the exhi bition of this instrument has effected more than one conver tion amongst those who dreaded only the operation of the ballot, which they had ever looked upon as the engine of a party rather than as the safeguard of a community. It is as the advocates of peace and order, and as the par tizans of a regular but equitable Government, that we take up these questions ; because we foresee the imminent peril incurred by society in the protraction of inequality in legis lation, and the indefinite postponement of what should be timely reforms. Perhaps, therefore, we miry hope to be listened to by the impartial trib una l of Public Reason, and trust to au impartial adjudication of the people's wrongs, which we too clearly see, and whose effect we daily more seriously dread. THE 29TH OF MAY ! TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUM Sir.,—A second speech in the house of Peers, from Lord Brougham, on the subject of the placards of the 29th of May ;" and the rejoinder of the Marquis of Lansdowne, to the effect that he believed their ominous publicity was in tended to indicate "the opening of Cremorne Gardens," has given a notoriety to a very humble expedient, which it was never intended to attain, and led their Lordships into a couple of errors, which I hasten respectfully to correct. The authoress of the placard of " the 29th of May," was no other than the inoffensive gentlewoman who has the honour to subscribe her signature to this epistle. "The 29th of May !"—lt was a simple line, and indeed I intended it to be big with no other destiny than that which might await the attendance of the members of my Fine Art Club Subscription, at Exeter Hall, to receive the distribution of their allotments according to au appointment, of which many thousands of them had still to be made cognizant. The harmless ruse cf exciting' a little extra curiosity over a great event of publication, had, 1 thought, becercie already familiar to the public. Mr. Murray's Omoo" and " TN-pee," and the yet more terrible question of " Where's Eliza ?" eventually answered by the intormation that she was to be found at a popular theatre, were recent examples of the inno cent kind of banter which had stimulated public curiosity on the metropolitan walls. And in adopting them, with re ference to " the 29th of May," I had no objectior, that the public should ask, what that meant?—and learn •that it did mean " The Distribution of Mrs. Parke's S abscription Club." No solemn warning ever whispered its prophet-voice to me. No " Ides " did I seek to forte]. My fa ithfnl and loving loyalty would have more revolted than even the Chartists themselves, at the idea of a constructi' re associa tion with their destinies. I never dreamt of the I,onour of a notice from Lord Brougham (except, perhaps, some distin guished patronage for those beautiful engravin; ;s which I have published from the stirring and romantic history of his country), and I would not for worlds have c reated even the mistake of the Noble Marquis et Lansdown e—that the " line of . " mystery " was intended for " the opening of Crernorne No! " Exeter Hall " was the locality —my " Club Dis tribution " was the event. And to prevent all farther mis apprehension in the matter, I have the honour t,) state, that I have postponed the said event to the 19th of J nue instant, in the same locality, and to the same end. This all the difference in my lay— The variance in my tune ; That what was " 29th of May," Will be " 19th of June." Your obedient servant, MARY TARKES. 22, Golden -square. THE NELSON CoLumN.—Mr.Woodington has nom.. pleted his model for one of the compartments of the base of the Nelson column in Trafalgar-sqaaab.. The inci dent the artist has chosen for the represent Won. is one that occurred at the battle of the Nile, wh ere Nelson, being wounded in the forehead by a musket I gall aad car ried down into the cockpit, declined the imn lediate care of the surgeon, directing that officer to attent I to the rest of the wounded and to take him in his turn. .Mr.. Wood ington has grouped his figures in a very impressi ve man ner, and told the interesting story as well, pen) laps, as such an incident could be told through the me dium of sculpture. The style is broad and simple, and i ;he prin ed, both cipal figure—that of Nelson—is finely conc e i v in attitude and expression. Mr. Career's cot a p os iti on for another of the compartments, representingih, death of Nelson, was completed some time since ; a nti. when the other two subjects are finished the whole wi.!.l be cast in bronze and placed upon the column. LAuNou.—On Saturday, at noon, a most splendid new ship, built for the East India trade, was lat .nched from the building-yard of Mr. Joseph Steel, Baffin- street. The day being remarkably fine, an immense con course of people assembled to witness her introduction to her future element. On the signals being given she glided most gracefully on to the bosom of the old 3 lersey, amidst the plaudits of the assembled multitude, t xeiving her name, Helen Wallace, from Miss Brice, th e accom plished daughter of Mr. Brice of this town. ;5l to will measure about 650 tons, is a most beautiful mo d el, and a fine specimen of the perfection of British nor archi tectue.—Liverpool ‘• = N THE ARMY.7--;. -- ' A I LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR C. NAPIER.--.m burcaJgrit ago, and more, we announced the arrival ip -this country of the very distinguished soldirr who4;great skill and indomitable gallantry achieved the, rollqtral of , Sinde with a handful of men opposed tti - Of ' military barbarians. Nevertheless, it has not fallen to us to communicate the fact of there being any Ntes in preparation to celebrate the return of Sir Charles Napier. Neither clubs nor corporations appear to be on the alert, though there is not, perhaps, a single British General to whom the highest amount of public gratitude and admiration are so peculiarly due. We hope that this has arisen from accidental circum stances—from a desire to let the Hardinge testimonials subside —or from a recent calamity which has thrown society into mourning. On no other grounds, excepting his own disinclination to receive homage, can the ap parent neglect of Sir Charles be comprehended or justi fied.—United Service Gazette. Major-General Thorn, C. 8., commanding in the north-east counties, has established his head-quar ters at Bradford, in consequence of the riotous pro ceedings of the Chartists in the town and neighbourhood. The following force is now stationed there:-1 troop of Royal Horse Artillery, under the command of Captain Lake; 2 troops of the sth Dragoon Guards, under Captain Yorke; 3 companies of the 39th Regi ment, under Major Nixon; 5 companies of the 52d Light Infantry, under the command of Major Davis ; 100 men of the 81st Regiment, under Captain Stewart ; 70 Enrolled Pensioners, under Major Orange ; the staff, officers, and two troops of Yeomanry Cavalry. On Thursday last an accident occurred on Woolwich common to Lieutenant Oldershaw, of the Royal Ar tillery. Lieutenant Oldershaw was at exercise with the field batteries, when his horse stumbled, fell, and rolled heavily en him, breaking his sword, and inflicting serious injuries upon him. The ship Ellenborough, with a division of the 28th Regiment on board, from India, arrived at Gravesend yesterday. The troops will debark this day, and march to Canterbury to join the other portion of the regiment. The Blenheim, transport, with the 82d Regiment on board, bound to Plymouth, still remains at Spitbead. Major-General Sir Charles F. Smith, K.C.8., has been appointed. to the command of the Royal Engineers in Ireland, in succession to General Vavasour. KIIELAT PRIZE MONEY.—We are happy to announce that the East India Company is prepared to pay over to the Paymaster General of the Forces the sum of 515/. 16s. 11d., being the unclaimed shares of the KheLst prise -money of the two regiments of the line, the 2d and 17th, which were engaged upon that expedition. The nominal lists have been forwarded to the Commissioners of Chelsea Hospital, and the distribution will take place in about three months.—United Service Gazette. Paymaster Grimes, of the Invalid Depot, Chatham, after a most honourable service of 50 years, civil and military, in all parts of the world, is about to retire from the service. Paymaster Leech, of the 9th Lancers, is named as his successor. The Stebon Heath. freight-ship, sailed from Graves end on the 26th of May, fur the Cove of Cork, to receive on board the drafts of the following regiments, to join the head-quarters at Halifax, Nova Scotia :—Captain Wynn, Lieut. Hoare, 2 sergeants, and 80 rank and file, of the 7th Fusiliers ; and Lieut. Layard, Ensigns Fisher and Watkins, of the 38th Regiment. 44th Regiment, 2d Battalion—Under orders to embark at Cork for Malta to replace the Ist battalion 97th Re giment, ordered to Canada to relieve the 23d Fusiliers, returning home. Capt. Massey's company, with Lieut. Parker, embarked at Spike Island, Cove, 23d of May, and joined head-quarters, on being relieved. Captain M‘Mahon is on leave of absence to 31st of May, and Ensigns Baker and Pye to 28th of July. Lieut.-Col. Clunie, C. 8., is commanding. The 49th and 59th Regiments are ordered to recruit to 1,000 rank and file each. ATTEMPTED CHARTIST MEET ING AT CLERKENWELL-GREEN. Last night, about six o'clock, a body of Chartist speakers arrived on Clerkenwell-green, for the purpose of ende avour i ng to get up a meeting. There were at that time a f ew police of the G division, whose appear ance tended to prevent the object in view. A crowd, however, began to collect, when, as it was evident that arrangements were being made by them to deliver some speeches, information was sent to the station-house of the G division for a reinforcement of police. Before their arrival a set of disorderly fellows commenced flinging stones at the policemen on the green. One of the fellows was observed by Mr. Child, High Constable of the Borough of Finsbury, to be most active, when he forced himself among the crowd and seix3d hold of bite. Just then, a number of policemen, under the orders of Inspector Julien, came on the green, and the man was secured, but unfortunately Mr. Child had pre viously received a blow on his head from a policeman's truncheon, who thought he was about to rescue him, but which did not inflict any serious injury, The arrival of this additional body of police put an end to the intended meeting, and the Chartist delegates soon after disappeared. It was expected that a further attempt would be made in order to obviate which, about half-past eight o'clock, Inspectors Penny and Gibbs brought a further reinforce ment to the spot, at which time there were about 200 men of the division on the green. In a few minutes after they arrived, information was received by the Inspectors that there was a disturbance in Turnmill street. A serjeant, with six men, were accordingly sent there, but they were assailed with such a shower of bricks and stones, that they were compelled to make a precipitate retreat. Inspectors Penny and Julien in stantly, with forty men, hastened to that locality. Their appearance at once cleared the street, the mob running into the numerous courts abutting into it. Brickbats and stones were burled at them from the houses, scarcely one of the body having escaped without being struck. Inspector Penny was knocked down by a blow on kis neck, and he was compelled to be assisted up; and In spector Julien also received a blow in his side by a brick bat. This neighbourhood is inhabited by costermougers, Irish labourers, &c. The police were expected to be on duty there till twelve o'clock at night. The effect of these Chartist demonstrations is most disastrous to the trade of the district, and loud complaints are made by the inhabitants, many of whom yesterday had their shops closed at four o'clock in the afternoon. AILWAy SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JUNE 5. STOCK EXCHANGE.—Very little business has been dons o-day, and the tendency of prices is downwards. Great Western, Quarters, 2 dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, New 501 Shares, 20 3 / 4 dis.—London and North—Western, Quarters 1 p.—Ditto, Quarters (A and B), 114 p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Eighths, 5% dis —Ditto, 101. Preference, par—Ditto, Quarters, 5% dis—Midland Stock, New Halves, 6% dis.—Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester, 7% dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 3,8% dis.—Ditt o , No. 4, Thirds, 3 dis.—York, Newcastle, and Ber w i c k (N . and B. Extension), No. 2,1% p.—Ditto (G. N. E. Purchase) ' 3 p.—York and North Midland, 140 c. MANCHESTER, JUNE 5. _ _ STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Lancashire and York shire (West Itiding Union), 3'34 dis.—Ditto, Preference, 5-16 p.—London and North-Western, M. and B. Quarters (A and B), 1 3 4 c. p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln shire, Preference, par—North Staffordshire. 2 9-16 a. dig. — South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, 2 15-16 c. dis. 'WHOLESALE HORRIBLE MURDERS.—Advices re ceived on Saturday at the Home Office, from his Excel lency the Governor of New South Wales (Sir Charles Fitzroy), communicate the particulars of several revolt ing murders, alleged to have been perpetrated by Mr. Thomas Coutts, one of the most wealthy settlers in the colony. The shocking transactions took place at Graf ton, in the district of the Crown lands. Early in the year 1840 Mr. Coutts arrived in the country, and entered into an agreement with the commissioners of Crown lands for a very large allotment of ground. On taking possession he stocked it with from eight to nine hundred head of cattle, and upwards of five thousand sheep. For the first two years the natives evinced the most sincere feeling towards Mr. Coutts, bat subsequently became discontented. Two of Mr. Coutts's agents were waylaid and murdered, and also a fine inteliievnt boy. The stock was either missing, sold, or killed and boiled down. Other settlers suffered proportionately to the extent of their stock. These losses, coupled with the horrible. atrocities previously alluded to, led to a feeling amount ing to revenge against the aborigines on the part of the English settlers, and it is stated, though not clearly sub stantiated in evidence, that, all means to detect the ringleaders having failed, secret poisoning was had re course to, and a great many particularly on Mr. Coutts's estate have fallen a sacrifice. Numerous suspicious deaths coming to the knowledge of the commissioners of Crown lands, they, in company with the chief constable and a party of policemen, proceeded to the district, and entered on a searching investigation, the result of which led to the immediate apprehension of Mr. Coutts on the charge of being implicated in the wholesale murders. In Justice, bru a ass. a camp on Mr. Coatts's land were discovered eight dead bodies, whose deaths, it was ascertained , were the result of poison—arsenic, it was supposed. S everal o ther bo diesrethtehe7thCheiterf February prisoner Manning, and admitted to bail i n very foundwasborthoeurghptar up ts. before t e were in heavy securities—himself in 1,000/. and two securities o f 500/. each. [ADvEnTisEMENT.]—A Diseased Elbow Cured by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Mrs. Dunham of Scrubby, near Alford, was dreadfully afflicted with an enlargement of the elbow joint; for several months she lost the use of gel arm, during which period she was ander the treatment of the faculty in Lincoln, Notting ham, and other places, but obtained no relief, and from the intense pain she constantly endured, it was decided that nothing but amputation or death could relieve her sufferings. In this state, Holloway's Ointment and Pills were resorted to, and these truly valuable medicines aeon effected a permanent cure, and restored the complete use of her arm. Mr. Hurton, bookseller, Louth, will testify to this. Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Hollo way's Establishment, 244, Strand London. WOOLWICH, JUNE s.—An accident of a very se rious nature occurred this morning, between seven and eight o'clock, which, it is feared, will prove fatal to Commander Chads, of the Styx steam-vessel, recently returned from the coast of Africa, and ordered to be paid off on Wednesday next. The gallant officer was at that early hour superin tending the lowering of the large guns from the deck of the Styx into a boat lying alongside, for the purpose of convey ing them on shore to be placed amongst the stores until the vessel is re-commissioned. When one of the guns was lowered, he leaned over the taffrail, to ascertain if the boat would hold any more stores, and the taffrail, being insecurely fastened, gave Way with him, and he fell across the gun wale of the boat, fracturing his left arm in two places, and receiving severe internal injuries. At the moment of his falling from the deck of the Stvx, be caught hold of two of the men of the vessel, one of whom succeeded in holding on, and the other, named Robert Shearman, was precipitated into the boat with the commander, and was severely hurt its the face and on several parts of his body. Up to three o'clock in the afternoon slight hopes were entertained of the recovery of Commander Chads, the severe injuries having brought on a .state of collapse, which required the use of stimulants. . e