The Sun. — London, England, 1848-07-17 00:00:00

NOVEL, BY THE AUTHOR OF " TIIE ..NEIGHBOURS,'' SEW " TEE HOME," &c. Now ready at all the Libraries, in 3 vols. , F REDRIIiA. BREMERS' NEW NOVEL, "BROTHERS AND SISTERS." Translated by MARY lIOWITT. "A picture of domestic life that is no less sweet and touching than !tie powerful and true. profitll be universally read, and none will read it without deriving pas well as pleasure from the perusal." --Sunday Times. Henry Colburn, publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. ~.---1 - ------ --- ITOW BEADY AT ALL THE LIBRARIES. In 3 vols., post Bvo., SIR E. BULWEIt LYTTON'S New Historical Romance, nAR 0 L THE LAST OF THE SON KINGS. D ; Richard Bentley, New BuAXrlington-street, _____------------- ,--------_ nER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. lidlle. JENNY LIND. The Nobility, Patrons to the Opera, and the Public are respectfully Infornted, that a Grand EXTRA NIGIIT will take place an THURS DAY next, when Itidlle. JENNY LIND will appear as AMINA, Dallas Opera of LA SONNAMBULA. Mdlle. Jenny Lind ; Lisa, Mdlle. Vera ; Count Rodolpho, jitig. F. Lablache ; Elvino, Sig. Gardoni. With various novelties in the Ballet Department, combining the Wants of MdLle. Carlotta Grist, Mille. Carolina Rosati, Mdlle. M. Taglioni, Cerito, &c. &c. The Frac% List is suspended, the public Press excepted. pit Tickets may be obtained as usual at the Box-otflce of the theatre, price 101.6 d. each, where applications for Boxes, Pit Stalls, sad Tickets are to be made. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. By Special Desire. Mdlle. JENNY LEND. TO-MORROW EVENING will be performed Donizetti's Opera of LA FIGLIA DEL REGGIMENTO. Maria, Mdlle. Jenny Lind ; Suplizio Sergente, Sig. F. Lablache ; Tonto, Sig. Gardoni. To conclude with the grand Ballet re-arranged by M. Perrot, en. titled LE ESMERALDA, Applications for Boxes, Stalls, and Tickets, to be made at the 111 oz-office of the Theatre. Doors opts at half-past Seven. and commence at Eight o'clock. • THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. TYisder the Management et Mr. B. Webster, sole Lessee. THIS EVENING, Will be presented the celebrated Drama, entitled THE GREEN ; or, A Hundred Years Age. Murtogh, Mr. 0. Smith Dennis, Mr. Cullenford ; Jack Gong, Mr. Paul Bedford; Grinnidge; Mr. Wright ; Captain Dartois, Mr. Worrell ; Madame St. Aubert, Madame Celeste; Geraldine, Mrs. Yates; Nelly O'Neil, Miss Wool, gar After which the Burlesque of NORMA. Norma, Mr. P. Bedford. To cenciade with DID YOU BITER SEND YOUZ WIFE TO CAMBERWELL. noTAL LYCEUM TIIEATE.E. Under the Management of Madame Vestris. bole Lessee. Mr. Charles Mathews. THIS EVENING, Will be performed a new comic Drama, entitled THE TUTOR'S . LSSISTI.NT. Characters by Mess rs. Selb y , C. Mathews, F. Cooke, B:ozby, Granby, Kerridge ; Mrs. C. Jones, Miss Howard, and Miss Jazie Coleman. After which, BLUE BEARD. To conclude with a ROW Farce, entitled POOR PILLICODDY. Drabs Boxes, bs. Upper Boxes, 4s. ; Pit, 2s. Gallery, Is. No pelt-price to any part of the house. The liew I3ox-ofilce, No. 2, Wellington-street, is open to the Public every day, from Ten till Six. PRINCESS'S THEATRE. J.M. Maddox, sole Lessee and M a nager, Duchess-street, Portland-place. THIS EVENING, Will be performed THE DAUGHTER OF THE REGIMENT. Tonlo, Mr. Allen ; Sulpice, gr. Weiss ; Corporal Mr. Wynn ; Marie, Maame Anna Thillen. After which, PAY ME OR IF YOU DON'T. fro conclude with the comic Ballet of UN JOUR DE NOCE. Dress Circle, 51. : Boxes, as.; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, is. FRENCH PLAYS.—ST. JAMES'S THEATRE. Lessee, Mr. John Mitchell. 33, Old Bond-street. THIS EVENING Tho Performances will commence at Eight o'clock, when Will be performed LE DOCTEUR ROBIN. Alter which, HINEIETTE ET CHARLOT. To be followed by LE LAIT D'ANESSE. To conclude with EGAREMENTS D'UbTE CANNE ET D'UN riaLPLuiz. notes, 6s. • Pit, 35. 6d.; Amphitheatre, 3e. • Gallery, 25 Bores and Stsals may be obtained at Mr. Mitchell's Royal Library, P. Old Bond-street. ST. JAMES'S THEATRE. ROBERT HOUDIN continues to attract crowded and fashionable itadlences at the St. James's Theatre, to witness his extraordinary and original SOIREES- MORROW EVEES FANTASTIQUES, which he will repeat NING and every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday Evenings, commencing at Half-past Eight. In consequence of the great demand for places, he will repeat his MATINEES FANTASTIQIJES en FRIDAY MORNING, July 21 Doors_open at Two o'clock. Boxes and Stalls may be secured at Mr. Mitchell's Royal Library, 33, Old Bond-street. ROYAL SURREY THEATRE. Under the direction efMr. Kerschner. Re-engagement of Mr. T. P. COOKE. THIS EVENING, Will be performed a new and original Drama, in Eight Tableaux, pourtraying by living characters George CruikAharik's celebrated De signs, entitled THE DRUNKARD'S CHILDREN. Edward arid Emma Roy (the Drunkard's Children) by Mr. N. T. Hicks and Mrs. E. Honner, supported by this talented company. After which, THE TRAFALGAR • MEDAL. To conclude with the new Ballet, entitled LES CONSCRIPTIONS DE BASIL, in Mr. Flexmore, lil. Dculin, Mdlles• Theodore, Adele, and Louise, and. a numerous Corps de Ballet from her Majesty's Theatre will appear. Manager ant Treasurer, Mr. B. S. Fairbrother. ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Proprietor, Mr. W. Batty, SU* Week of Fitzball's new and completely successful Spectacle. Unparalleled Equestrlan Feats. THIS EVENINtI, Will be performed, the new brilliant Spectacle, founded on Sir Walter Scott's celebrated poetical Romance, and entitled MAR ION; or, The Rattle of Flodden To be followed by the inimitable EQUESTRIAN and GYMNAS• TIC EXERCISES in the ARENA. To conclude with a favourite FARCE. Boa-Office open iTorn Eleven till Five. Stags Manager, Mr. W. West. ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. Att.-action unprecedented. JULLIEN and his UNRIVALLED BAND. New Quadrille, composed expressly for the Gardens. Engagement of Miss HUDDART. Continuation of the Eitgagement of Mdlle. LOVARNY. The DAYLIGHT "YIEW of ROME, by Damson. Superb and U. nique MENAGERIE. Grand Display of FIREWORKS, by the Messrs. Southby. No Extra f barge. MONDAY, TUESDAY, WI'DNESDAY, THURSDAY, arid FR I.' )AY. View of Rome —Promenade Concerts, Vocal and Instrumental, Conducted by Mons. JULLIEN, w hose splendid Band of Solo Per formers includes Messrs. Baker, Bart ett, Bauman, George and Viotti Collins, Ciotti, Collinet, Kccnig, Lan ru., Richardson, Sonnenberg, Ilsc.—Two Solos each Evening. --Mdl'e. Lovarny will sing two fa vourite Songs, Miss Huddaft will sing a favourite Song, and with Madlle. Lovarny will execute an adiuL - ei Duet.—Also to be seen, during the day, the beautiful Menagerie —Shakspere's House—The Magid Bridge—and other novelties wilt be exhibited, the whole concluding with a most magnificent and not to be rivalled display of Fireworks, by the Messrs. Southby, representing the Girandola during the Holy Week at Rome. Gates open at Ten A.m., Feeding Time Five—Jullien's Concert at a Quarter past Six—Fireworks at Mali'-past Nine. Adnaission. as usual, One Shilling. TO-MORROW, July 18, the Third and Last but One Grand Miscel laneous Flower Show of the Royal South London Floricultural So ciety, on which occasion an extra Brass Band will be in attendance. - TO CORRESPONDENTS. No communication can be attended to unless authenti. cated by the name and address of the writer. Rejected communications cannot be returned. THE WEATHER—SUN OFFICE, JULY 16. TUERIdoDIETEIt, Lowest, 50; Highest. 67 ; Noon, 70. autosizTED, 29.34.—W1ND, N., cloudy. JULY 17. THERMOMZTEB, Lowest, 58; Highest, 74; Noon, 76. BAROMETER, 30.25.—W1ND W.; fine. WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY. Morning .. 35 min. after 2 I Evening .. 16 min. attar 2 AL.," c t * 4 . , Z ),-7 4 )k-- 4 . au • • • . 1 •-• Ar. ,iltrielting ~int LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 17, 1848. If we were asked to designate the French character in a single word, we should call them a nation of Iconoclasts —people raising up idols for themselves, bowing down before them, grovelling into the dust in.the excess of their adoration, and the next moment bounding to their feet and shivering these self created idols into fragments with the bludgeon of insurrection. Sach is France—such are the French men of to-day. Just before the outbreak of the Third Revolution, ODILLON BARROT was the leader of the multitude; but hardly were the arrangements made for the attendance of the great Reform banquet in the Champs Elysees, when ODILLON BARROT was tumbled down from his momentary elevation, and splintered like a worthless image of crockery. On the morning of the 23d of February, ADOLPHE TRIERS was recognised and cheered at the corner of a barri cade, while wending his way on foot towards the Tuileries for the purpose of replacing the momentary counsels of MOLE ; but scarcely was the afternoon of that memorable day passed by when ADOLPHE TRIERS was flung back again into obscurity and powerlessness. Then came the ovation of an hour in the last sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, and the object of that ephemeral ovation was the arrogant and democratic LEDRU ROLLIN. Last of all, inaugu rative of the young Republic, and declaratory of the policy of moderation, came the great statesman, who seemed in the majestic calmness of his career—a career of nearly four months of legis lative supremacy —to put a term to this passion for hero-worship among the Parisians. From the 24th of February down to the 24th of June, ALPHONSE DE LADIARTINE appeared to be the last in the series of statesmen who had besn blown up to the dizzy alti tude of Government by the breath of popularity— he seemed to be the consummation of their visions of po liti ca l enthusiasm. It is true that S oc i a li sm ap peared to cause his august authority to quiver in the balance for an instant on the 17th of March ; that \ Terrorism repeated the same blow on the 16th of April; and that Communism aimed the barbed and poisoned arrow of slander at the very heart of the hero-poet on the 15th of May ;it is true that during the paroxysm of a few turbulent hours ' the. idols of the dominant party in Paris were suc cessively Citizen BLANQUI, Citizen BARBES, Citizen . r 1 HunzeT,Citizen PROUDHON, Citizen ALBERT, and Citi zen Louis BLAric it is true that the progress of ad- , m inistration under the Provisional Government and ui Ider the Executive Commission. was chequered by in tervals of hesitation and suspicion, directed at one m patent against ARAGO, at another against MARIE, at another against GARNIER PAGES, at another against LEDRU RomaN, but most frequently against . LAMARTINE himself—yet we do not exaggerate events in saying that for nearly four months, four of the most momentous months in the history, of France, the power of government was mainly concentrated in the hands of LAMARTINE. We shall not now trouble our selves to indicate the manner in which M. DE LAMAR TINE employed that vast and almost irresponsible power. History will record the acts of his adminis tration in golden characters. She will aver, and aver truly, that liberty was never more secure to the French population than then—and she will proclaim, moreover, that LAMARTINE was never tempted into proceedings of severity by any of those low personal passions which had influenced his predecessors, but which his noble heart felt at once to be incompatible with the austere virtues of statesmanship. Calumniated as he was, day after day, in the journals of the French capital, Llittla- TINE never once put a sacrilegious finger on that liberty of the Press which he knew to be one of the palladiums of the Republic. It was only after the dissolution of the Executive Commission, and on the concentration of authority in the hands of a military dictator, that the old lettres de cachets were revived against the gerants and the redacteurs of the news papers—it was only then that M. EMILE DE Gmat- DIN was placed in the custody of M. HELVIN, and incarcerated for four or five days in a subterranean dungeon. Of itself this circumstance is sufficient to convince any rational Frenchman that the recent exhibition of fickleness on the part of the Parisians has proved, to say the least of it, impolitic. We pray GOD they may be warned in time from the continuance of their mad saturnalia of indiscri minate hero-raising, hero-worshipping, and hero breaking. They have distinguished themselve quite long enough as political Iconoclasts—let them change the forms of that political religion betimes, or the consequences may prove disastrous. More precau tion should be evinced by them both in the selection and in the destruction of their statesmen. There is danger in abandoning the direction of the national fortunes at one moment to BARROT, at the next to TRIERS, at the next to ROLLIN, and so on— but, above all, there is not only danger, but disgrace and infamy in overthrowing a patriot like LAMARTINE, in a sudden explosion of ingratitude. In the hope of seeing an end put to this calamitous system of building up merely for the sake, apparently, of pulling down, the attention is naturally directed to the nine hundred representatives of the ...National Assembly. And that great legislative body we find to be separated into three important divisions—the Club of the Rue de Poictiers, the Club of the Palais Royal, and the Club of the Rue des Pyramides. The first club (that in the Rue Poictiers), in cluding every one of those ex-Deputies of the gauche and the centre-gauche who have been returned under the Republican regime, is influenced by such men as TRIERS, °DILLON BARROT, BERRYER, and DUVERGIER D'HAURANNE. The second club (that of the Palais Royal), com prising most of the ex-members of the Provisional Government and their friends, is influenced by men like MARRAST, ARAGO, DUPONT (de l'Eure), GAR NIER PAGES, PAGNERRE, CO RMENIN, and BUCTIEZ. While the third club (that of the Rue des Pyramides), consisting of the ultra- Republicans, Fourierists Communists, and the like, is influenced by the voices of PROUDRON, LOUIS BLANC, LEGRANGE, PIERRE LEROUX, and CAusIDIERRE. Some idea may be formed of the relative strength of these three remarkable divisions of the National Assembly from the most prevalent calculation, that somewhere about 500 representatives attend the reunions in the Rue de Poictiers, about 200 those in the Palais Royal, and about 100 those in the Rue des Pyramides. Such are the materials out of which the Republican Constitution is being fabricated—and that solemn act of fabrication is pro ceeding in the heart of the capital of a nation of Iconoclasts. Does not everything show that now, more than ever, there is a necessity for the acceptance of a ' Master-Mind--and for the strengthening of the au thority of that Master-Mind by the implicit con fidence of the People? Unless a statesman of un impeachable honesty, of confirmed courage, a true Republican, and an unmistakable Moderate, be dis covered, and accepted, and obeyed—there will he little chance of stability to the French Government. It requires the exercise of a peculiar genius to weld together into one compact and solid mass the incon gruous parties of the National Assembly. Where shall France look for this genius, for this honesty, for this courage, for this true Republicanism, for this con spicuous Moderation ? We are guided to the answer by the brilliant oration, or, as it has been termed by one writing from the thick of events in Paris, " the grandly-worded discourse" delivered towards the end of last week in the Committee on Foreign Affairs. That discourse revealed the veritable statesman re-, quired by France in the present crisis of her affairs and the selection is enforced by a necessity which is every day becoming more powerful—the necessity of expiating a monster ingratitude to the patriotic LA MARTINE. The Public Works (Ireland, No. 2) Bill was on Friday evening read a second time, the amendment which had been moved by the Hon. Member for Nor thamptonshire, that it be read a second time that day six months, having been negatived without a division. The objects of the Bill are threefold—first, to enable the Government to re-advance, for the purpose of completing those works which at the end of last year remained unfinished, such sums of money as had been paid by different localities ; secondly, to post pone for six months the payment of the first instal ment; and, thirdly, to enable the Government, look ing to the different circumstances in different parts of Ireland, to increase or diminish the number of in stalments by which the loans were to be repaid, and which were spread over a period of ten years. ,J The circumstances under which these works were originally instituted, and the enormous advances made from the national Exchequer on account thereof, were of a very peculiar and most distressing character. The ordinary financial rules applicable to the ad vances of public money for the construction of works of public utility] could not, in almost any in stance, be rigidly adhered to. The greater portion of the working population of the entire nation had, with their families, and all those dependent upon them for support and maintenance, been reduced to the last extremity of misery and destitution, in consequence of the mysterious visitation by which the esculent, which constituted their chief, if not their only article of food, had become a tainted and putrefying mass, unfit even for the consumption of swine. The wail of agony resounded throughout the length and breadth of the land, and was only raised by the more frightful silence of hopeless despair. Famine, with her twin-sister pestilence, reigned supreme, and more than decimated the population. Husbands and fathers beheld the partners of their cares and miseries, the wives of their bosoms, and the helpless pledges of their mutual affection perishing for lack of the commonest necessaries of life, and in vain appealing to their equally destitute parents for the food and nourishment which they were unable to supply. It became too painfully apparent, that un less gigantic exertions were made by this more fa voured nation, and assistance afforded with the most liberal, aye the most lavish hand, that the work of destruction would be completed, and that Ireland would cease to be either a burden upon, or a contd. butor to the Imperial resources. In such a state of affairs the rules of economical science were necessarily infringed upon. The great problem was in what manner and through what agencies could food be supplied to the starving mul titudes. Much time was not afforded for consideration. The delay of even a single day could only be obtained at the cost of thousands of human lives, and of the protracted sufferings of millions. The means resorted to could not therefore be regardei with too curious a scrutiny, or criticised with too much rigour. The English nation acted in a manner worthy of its well-established reputation. It obeyed the di vine precepts of . Neligion, by feeding the bth'irY and clothing' the naked. It - assumed the enormous res p ons ibili ty o f providing - food for ' three millions of persons, and that at a period when there had been a general failure of bread-stuffs throughout three-quarters of the globe—through the whole of the Eastern hemisphere. The granaries of the world were ransacked, and corn was obtained for the supply of Irish destitution at an expenditure of English gold which afterwards occasioned deep dis tress to the generous donors themselves. The won derful sacrifices thus made, the tremendous exertions thus rendered necessary, were not duly appreciated. In place of the deepest devotion and unceasing grati tude, reproaches and vituperations were returned. Extraordinary efforts were made to induce the Irish nation to sever the ties by which they were con nected with their munificent benefactors; Eng land and the English were sneered at and calumniated. The name of " Saxon," in place of be ing greeted with blessings, was used as a term of re proach and contumely, and money supplied from the English Exchequer was too often expended in the pur chase of arms, to be pointed at the bosoms of English men. But, nevertheless, we are not without our re ward, nor do we repent of the manner in which we then acted. The brightest page in our national history, eclipsing the most brilliant achievements of our navies or our armies—the most sanguinary triumphs by flood and field—will be that on which is recorded the aid and assistance afforded with such bounteous profusion to our helpless brethren in the dark hour of their misery and distress. It will more than counterbalance the former records of misgovernment and oppression which we would, if possible, rejoice to see blotted out from the volume. It might, perhaps, have been a wiser and more politic course, as the Premier on Friday most justly remarked, to have provided food by the cheapest mode, and without exacting any return whatsoever therefor, rather than to look to the mixed purpose of affording food and at the same time of executing works of public utility. The recent experience we have had, perhaps, establishes the proposition, that it is more economical to feed those who are in a state of starva tion, and, if public works are required, to have them constructed by the most skilful labourers, receiving an adequate remuneration for the work they are called upon to perform. But such was not the opinion generally entertained in 1846; and no person can be found with sufficient hardihood to assert that the Government were not fully justified in the attempt which they made to combine the exe cution of such works with the object of affording food to the people. Such was the purpose of the Labour Rate Act," and no censure or reproach can justly be cast upon the Ministry therefor. It was not merely because such works were the most beneficial that could be selected, or be cause they would yield an ample return for the estimated outlay, that they were to be undertaken, but because employment should be provided at the very thresholds of those to whom re. lief was to be administered. The ratepayers in the several districts were constituted the judges of the wants and exigencies of the people in their respective localities, and no work could be commenced until it had been previously sanctioned by a presentment passed at special sessions, duly convened in accordance with the provisions of the statute. A veto only was permitted to the Board of Works, who were autho rised to select, from the projects thus sanctioned, the undertakings which appeared best calculated to attain the idesired object of affording full employment to every destitute person, by which he might be enabled to support himself and family, and also (but as a matter of very secondary importance) which should appear to be most likely to be of permanent advantage to the country. The manner in which they dis charged the arduous duties thus imposed has been the themetof universal admiration ; and, although abuses sprung up which were inseparable from an un dertaking of such magnitude, these abuses could not fairly be imputed either to the Go vernment or to the subordinate officers, under whose inspection their intentions were carried into execu tion. All that was practicable was achieved. The people were fed, and the difficulties in which the nation was involved were surmounted, without any greater suffering to individuals than was inevitable under the circumstances. Many of the works so commenced were unavoidably abandoned before they were fully completed. Although they might not now be undertaken if no portion had been executed, it might nevertheless be a very unwise economy to permit them to remain in their present condition. Their completion might be productive of advantages more than equivalent to the expenditure that would still be required. The state of the na tional Exchequer, the deficiency of income to provide for the national exigencies, however, forbad new grants. But there was a fund from which it might be provided without impropriety, and without any new burden being imposed upon the people— namely, the sums that might be obtained from the more solvent districts in repayment of the advances that had been made. These sums the Government have decided on thus applying, and it ap pears to us to be a most fair and reasonable appropria tion. According to the present project, the parties who have exhibited evidence of their probity by re paying the amounts with which they were chargeable will most properly be considered entitled to a priority of claim respecting the application of these funds, although it is not rendered imperative that such should be the case—and where it appears that there are new works, such as drainage, which would be more beneficial to the district, and which could be made better available for the employment of the people than the completion of the former works, the money may be expended in such a manner. Such is the first and principal object of the present Bill, and believing it to be a prudent and judicious measure, deserving of unqualified approbation, we yield it a cordial support. The remaining objects of the Bill are of less im portance. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his very able speech, adduced abundant and most satisfactory reasons for their adoption. We, there fore trust that the measure may receive the Legisla tive sanction, and that it will pass through both Houses of Parliament without any material alteration by which its efficiency may be impeded or its utility diminished. ,~IE"~~ THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 17, MO SPAIN. The Madrid mail did not arrive in Path on Sun- day. Very possibly the communications between Madrid and Bordeaux are cut of by the Montemo- Hoists. In addition to Catalonia, Biscay. G u ip uzcoa, Alava, and Navarre, it is now announced from Ba yonne, that Lower Arragon and Valencia are in full insurrection. Several skirmishes have taken place in the mountains of Guipuzcoa, and Biscay. CABRERA, since his entry into Spain, has been joined by up wards of 3,000 men. PORTUGAL. We have received intelligence from Lisbon of the 9th instant. The country was perfectly tranquil. Marshal SALDANHA. has promised to press forward the new electoral law, as he acknowledges that the existing law is very defective. The Peers have affirmed the principle of the forced circulation of Bank of Lisbon notes in all payments to and by the State. The Bill, as it left the Lower House, will be passed by the Peers. The Govern ment had a majority of only five on the first read ing. The first of " the national lotteries" for the amortization of Bank of Lisbon notes commenced on the sth. It removed 230 contos (46,000/.) of that depreciated paper from the mar•• ket. The lotteries are to continue until 2,400 contos (480,0001,) are destroyed. The premiums are 5 per cent. inscriptions, deposited in the Bank as security for money lent to Government. The dis count fell for a few days after the lottery and dis- ' cussion in the House of Peers, and then sprung up again to over 50 per cent. A law was passing in the Cortes for the improve ment:of the bar of Oporto. The very abundant har vest had brought down the prices of all sorts of grain. _ _ _ - It is said that the Ministry will be modified by the appointment of the Conde de Thoroar (COSTA CABAL) to the Ministry of the Interior, and of TOJAL to the Ministry of Finance. THE WEATHER AND THE CROPS. - Should the present fine weather continue, the wheat crops in this neighbourhood will be ready for reaping within a fort night. The beautiful weather we have experienced for the past few days has done much to facilitate the hay harvest, which is now general in this locality.— Hull Advertiser. THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. M. LAMARTINE'S DEFENCE OF HIS 1 FOREIGN POLICY. We have received the Paris papers of Saturday and yesterday, and we are consequently enabled to present our readers with the speech on foreign affairs delivered by M. LAMARTINE in the bureaux of the Assembly, in reply to General OUDINOT, who re commended immediate intervention in Italy, and to MM. BONAPARTE and MauGuiN, who lauded the foreign policy of NAPOLEON. It is the • speech not only of an eloquent and a good man but of a pro found statesman. M. de Lamartine—Gentlemen, there is "nothing more charming, and at the same time more difficult, than to reply to a speech from M. MaugUn en foreign affairs: he has benevolent forms of controversy; he elevates and enlarges the discussion to the height of his intelligence, and to the horizon of the map of the world; but at the same time he has points of view so eccentric and so per sonal, he makes assertions so hazardous that one fears, in repelling an error, to oppose at the same time a truth. He borrows, to use an expression of his own, my poetry for his politics. I shall endeavour to borrow a little of his good sense, his science, and his language to refute him. Ho has frankly attacked the position taken by French diplomacy, and my manifesto of the month of February. It is, he says, a coptradictory policy, comforting and threatening at one and the same time the' Courts of foreign countries. Let M. Mauguin read once more that political declaration of the 24th of February, and he will acknowledge hiterror. Did that manifesto say that France ought at all haiiide to fan the flame of republi canism, and support all democratic tendencies through out the universe? Nothing of the kind; it said the con trary. It said that liberty, in order to be durable, ought to be an indigenousplant of the soil; that before being proclaimed in the institutions, which are only the last expression of the manners of nations, it ought to exist, in the first place, in their manners—that France would not make any incendiary or agitating, and far less a per fidious propagandism ; of order, of peace, and of frater nity with nations. What was necessary to it? Time, to make its nature bb known to Europe, in order to pre vent the irritations and the misunderstandings of all Cabinets against it, in ,its weakness and in its cradle— Cabinets which would at once have recombined against it, and in the name of the terror which it inspires, the league of 1813. And is it true, as pretended by M. Mauguin, who in that is faithful to his recollections of 1831, that that policy would have been a dupery for France. That an armed propaganda would have been more sure, and that we are more threatened with a coa lition against us to-day than we were the day after the revolution of February. I shall go on with him, king dom by kingdom, the map that she recognised, the com patibility of all the advanced and backward Governments of the world; that she would not advance the hour of any one. It added only, that after nationalities or de mocracies had been produced, reconquered, or organized around her, within the reach of her arm or her influ ence, if these democracies, or these nationalities, made an appeal to her support in virtue of the conformity of their principles, she would consider herself entitled to lend her assistance. This is what the manifesto said, and this is what the Minister did for the last four months. I sustain that the manifesto could not say, and that the Governnient could not do, anything else in the name of the Republic. • In fact, was that Re public a republic of disorganization and conquest ? No, it was a Republic of the sea and the continent, and showed to him by facts that that policy has borne its fruits, has saved us from universal war, and has placed the Republic :in one of the freest and most beautiful ADOlitical situations thst France has ever known. Ido not attribute this honour to my miserable ability; I give the honour to that power to which it is due, to events—and I repeat the word which I said yes terday—it is Providence that for the last four months has been minister of the foreign affairs of the Republic. Let us commence with England, the powerful mover of all wars, the knot of all continental coalitions. Since the last fifty-four years, what should the Republic de sire, if properly directed and enlightened ? A continued good understanding with England, since it is upon such a good understanding that the harmony of the continent principally depends. France and England, wero they to separato, would inevitably entwine the world in their divisions. Permit me then, gentlemen, to tell you at what price an intelligent and honest policy on the part of France may maintain, notwithstanding anti national prejudices, and by overcoming those prejudices, concord between England and France, It is as follows:—When it is desired to treat with Eng land, or to enter into some common undertaking with her, it is not only, it is not, above all, with the English Government that one must negotiate; there is some thing in England still more powerful than Govern ments and Ministers—it is public opinion. But there are in England two organic, secular, traditional opinions —the Whigs and the Tories ; the aristocratical opinion exists in the Tories, and in the Whigs the democratical opinion, such at least as the . institutions and customs of England allow its development. Each of these opinions constantly counterbalances the other ; and according as the one sinks and the other rises, the power falls into the hands of the Whigs or of the Tories. Now the groat good fortune of the revolution of February was to meet with a Whig Ministry in England. For the opinions even which this Ministry represents would not have per mitted it, without proving false to its nature, to declare itself hostile,ipso . facto, to the French Republic, just as in 1792.Erietuid did not contest our first Republic. It was the . eribestel of the Reptiblic, after 1792," that forced England 'to forth' te: "ehaiition against France. I hope ancLl' trust that the wisdom; the moderation the loyalty of the - Retitiblic of 18487 • 'Will not for long bring about a like -:schism between these two great people This inoffensive and even kindly attitude of Eng -hind towards the Republic of 1848;'`disolved from the first all possibility of a continental coalition against us. This gave time for reflection to Europe, it gave time for reflection to France itself. Let us see how this time has been employed, and whether it be true, as M. Mauguin and M. Napoleon Bonaparte pretend, that the coalition surrounds us, that we have no appreciable policy, and that every day but adds to our dangers. I shall say no thing of Russia, our new relations with her not being as yet defined; but nothing indicates the necessity of a shock between these two powers, destined rather to act as counterbalances than to contend with each other at the two extremities of the continent. What is the power which could more alarm us, after the revolution of February, and serve as advanced guard to Russia, and as expeditionary corps to Germany?—it was Prussia. With her immense military power always on foot, she could have undertaken an invasion, and attacked our left flank, while Austria invaded us on the right. Her 400,000 men, increased by Russian auxiliary corps, were a terrible weight to resist in case of a war. The generous conduct of the King of Prussia did not long allow us to fear such a thing ; our relations with him, instituted by a French agent, su premely clever ' and unjustly calumniated, M. de Cir court, re-assured us from the first moment ; the events in Berlin, the first conire• coup of the policy of the 24th February, still more reassured us on that side. What could a Prussian intervention effect to-day ? Let M. Mauguin reply, if he can, to the dilemma which I am going to put to him. "Ile King of Prussia almost obliged to exile himself from his capital to Potsdam in the midst of his troops, is no longer, so to say, but the King of his army. Well, one of two things ; either the King of Prussire'avili 'again throw himself into the bosom of his people, and will ally himself with the most liberal and most democratic people of Germany, or he will separate himself from his people, will remain sur rounded by his army, and will ally himself with Russia.' Should the Kingeof Prussia return to the bosom of his people, the democratie , z - sympathies of his subjects will forcibly drag ' 'him towards us, and our natural alliance is consummated. Or, should the King of Prussia remain in the midst of his army, ho will be obliged to ally himself with the Russians in order teteconquer his own country; and then what can a sovereign do who is obliged to take the Russians for aids, and to reconquer his throne and his nation by the help of foreign arms?. We have nothing then to fear in either case un the side of Prussia. The twelve or fifteen democratic revolutions which took k place in tie centre and north of Germany everywhere produced the same result. Everywhere, by a natural attraction, and of which the pacific attitude of France was the signal, nations detached themselves from the absolute principles of their Governments, to cast them selves, with all the weight of that attraction towards the French people, and thence towards a natural alliance with France. M. Guizot took as his formula peace at all price. I took for mine, and would wish to give it to my country, the union of France and Germany at any price. But this is not all. Look to the very citadel of the old absolutist principle in Europe—to Vienna, and tell me what you have to hope or fear, relative to the Rhine and relative to Italy, from the court of Austria. What can a court do at =this this moment whose Sove reign has been obliged to fly from his capital, and to go and seek an asylum at Innspruck, in the fast nesses of the Tyrol? What can a Court do from whom Italy detaches herself in repelling from Milan, from Venice, from the whole Italian soil, the Austrign army? What can a Court do whose nominal sovereignty Hun gary scarcely recognises any longer, so much so as even to create for itself a separate army and a Minister for Foreign Affairs, in order the better to watch over its interests distinct from those. of Austria?--a Hungary which, at the moment evedwhest I am addressing you, has /proclaimed a levy of 200,000 men, not to cast them at the mercy of Austria, but to make them the rampart of its own independence?—a Hungary which has de clared—it was this mornieigounly that I learned it—that not a single Hungarian soldierehall pass the frontier to go and serve against ;the Italians? Lastly, what can that Court do whilst Bohemia is torn asunder into a Selavonian and Teutonic race, and whilst the general of the empire is obliged to bombard Prague, one of the capitals of the empire? go further, and say— what can a Court do from svikrit the Diet of Frankfort has just torn from the brow'bf the Emperor of Austria the imperial crown, to' place it on that of the Archduke John as Emperor of Germany? That the foreign policy of France will still be con ducted according to the principles laid down by M. DE LAMARTINE is evident from the reply of M. BAS. TIDE, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, to M. SARR4NS, on the:subject of the Maronites of Syria, who lad petitioned for French protection. On the presertation of the petition, M. SARRANS expatiated on the necessity which devolved upon the Republic of extending its influence in that country, in order to prtvent England, " . the implacable enemy " o f France, from seizing upon that country, as it fully intents some time to do. M. BASTIDE, in his reply eatisid himself with declaring that he fully app proved of the policy followed out by M. GUIZOT in Syria, and that he had no intention to change any- thing in the relations between France and the Porte. The Bien Public thus defends M. DE LAMARTINE from the attacks which have been made on his foreign policy : " He who contended with so much patriotic firmness against anarchy at home, he who put down the red flag, triumphantly raised over thousands of bayonets, has not to reproach himself with having for a single moment tolerated anarchy abroad. Are any proofs wanted from other countries? Let reference be made to the impre cations of the German, the Belgian, the Polish demo., cratic clubs in Paris,'and to those placards issued by these different assemblies with which the walls of Paris were hung, dooming M. de Lamartine to the hatred and vengeance of these foreign demagogues. If any other proof were necessary, they would be found in the daily correspondence of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government with the Minister of the Inte rior, and in the correspondence of the Minister of the Interior with the commissaries and prefects. Foreigners are more just to AI. de Lamartine than France. We have been able to judge of this by the testimonies of con sideration and confidence which these Governments incessantly lavished upon him while he was in power. We can judge of this again by the daily appreciatioas of the German, English, and Belgian press, and by the striking homage rendered to him by all the Legislative Assemblies from London to Turin. and from Turin to Frankfort and Berlin. Let it not be said that ingrati tude is the indigenous fruit of our soil, and that France, preserved by M. de Lamartine from a general conflagra tion, accuses him, while all Europe defends him." In the sitting of the National Assembly on Satur day, the President read the following letter from the Abbe LAMENNAIS " Citizen President,—A few days before the journal the Peuple Constituent ceased to appear, the signature of a responsible editor (gerant) being required, in virtue of the laws on the press, one of the ;persons employed on that journal consented to sign it temporarily, in that quality. " Soon after, the last number of the Peuple Constituant was seized, and the responsible editor is at present cited to appear before the Juge d'lnstruction. " As the incriminated article was written by me, and signed by me, it would be sovereignly unjust that any other person than I should answer for it. " In consequence, I demand earnestly from the Na tional Assembly to authorise against me the prosecution which could not be directed against any other without an evident injustice. Health and prosperity. " LAMENNAIS, " Representative of the People." This epistle gave rise to some discussion, but even tually the Assembly passed to the order of the day, as it could not authorise a prosecution until a demand to that effect had been made by the Law Officers of the Republic. In the course of the sitting M. GOUDCHAUX intro duced a modified Bill with respect to the tax to be laid on mortgages. The tax is to be 5 per cent. on the interest, and is to be paid by the creditor. The remainder of the sitting was occupied with a discus sion on the project for the association of ouvriers for the completion of public works, but it did not lead to any result of interest. M. BETHMONT has resigned the office of Minister of Justice on the ground of ill health. He will, it is said, be succeeded by M. SENARD, whose present office, that of Minister of the Interior, will be con ferred on M. DUCLERC. General BEDEAU has defi nitively declined to accept the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs, and M. BASTIDE, therefore, retains the portfolio of that office, but will be succeeded as Minister of Marine by M. VERNINHAC‘ The National announces that the indemnity claimed for the losses sustained by the French residents at Naples in the affair of May 15, has been paid in full, and that Admiral BAUDIN and M. Bois LE COMTE had orders not to leave their respective stations until, by their efforts, they had obtained the performance of this act of justice. The lifoniteur publishes the following table of the receipts of indirect taxation for the first six months of the present year : 1848. 1847. Registration dues, Etc. 90,910,000f. 100,154,000 f Stamps Customs Navigation 1,094,000 1,316,000 Customs' Duties (Sundries) 912,000 1,387,000 .Salt Dues Potable Liquors Salt Duties (without Cus toms' limits) Indigenous Sugars Various 14,584,000 19,055,000 Tobacco Sales Gunpowder Sales 2.559,000 2,682,000 Letters and duty ou send ing money 25,045,000 24,234,000 For Passengers by the Mal les- Postes Ditto by Mails and Packets 595,000 548,000 Total Showing a decrease of 61,818,000 f. Compared with 1846 there is a decrease of 67,652,0001. The Committee of Finance examined on Friday the proposition of M. J. FAYRE, to authorise the State to seize on the private domain of Louis PHI LIPPE, on the ground that the donation made by that monarch, when on the point of ascending the throne, was an act null and void. The author of the pro position maintained that, previously to 1789, it had always been the custom in France for the property of the reigning prince to merge into that of the throne ; he denied that the decree by which NAPOLEON had constituted a private domain could have any value in 1830 ; he declared that LOUIS PHILIPPE, in making over his property to his family, had done nothing else than defraud the State. M. JULES PAYEE admitted that a law had been passed in 1832, recognizing the donation so made; but he argued that such law could now be declared of no avail, since LOUIS PHILIPPE had lost his crown by his own faults and crimes. M. THIERS, on hearing this language, said : "I am accustomed to the language of victorious par ties, and, as far as I am personally concerned, I never Lad allow ou l wi e s v tpo e r h birleiepply.p e said withoutß u t t h e p r r e o t e are s ti n t g h i a n g g a s allow myself to be e ith er as t on i s h e d a t w h a t I h e ar, nor w s t h t i h c he them. c n o g t , no doubt, committed faults, and grave ones, which led to his downfal—faults which I de plored and opposed for eight years ; but he has never committed crimes. He was in his own person often the object of crimes; but it is false to say that any can be laid to his charge. I appeal on this head to every honest man. I appeal to history. As to the confisca tion of the privata property of the late royal family, I shall oppose such an act as an odious injustice. I admit the Republic, and desire to see it firmly and peace ably established; but I do not wish to see it dis honoured by such acts of iniquity as this. The principles of the old monarchy cannot apply here. It is true that before 1789 the property of the King and that of the State were confounded together; but at that time it was not the custom to dethrone kings; they were sent neither to the scaffold nor into exile. Napoleon laid down new principles with respect to the monarchy, and ho laid them down in the interest of the state, allowing the occupier of the throne to dispose of ina privateall s p e r s o pinertatyci in . is ascending the throne, made over his p ro p ert y to his l o n r d e l r o t o o , I L e o a u v t r h a h t i i o p f p e b e s f t o a r t e e children. Nothing :was more strictly legal and permis sible than such an act; it was a proof of paternal pru dence, which some persons (and I was of the number) regretted, thinking that he would have done better to trust to the generosity o f the nation f or the future position of his children. But this Prince was of opi nion that, in times of revolution like ours, he was bound to assure the fortune of his children indepen. dently of his station as King, which he might either retain or lose. At present it must be allowed that what has taken place has justified his fears, and that his paternal solicitude was perfectly well founded. At all events, the sentiment which prompted him to that course was not in any way con demnable, or such as to merit insult or abuse. Sin ce then, a law was passed in 1832—was voted by the oppo tion itself—confirming all that he had done. It is now, it is true, asserted that this law ought not to be re spected; and why not, I ask? Were not the two Cham bers which voted it fully invested with power to make laws? If we do not respect the laws made by our pre decessors, the whole of our legal system is shaken to its base—we fall back into barbarism. All laws, and particularly those affecting property, are contracts on which it is impossible to go back. The present As sembly is all powerful; it represents the national sove reignty more than any constituted power ever did—it can do everything, except act in a retroactive manner with regard to laws which have regulated questions of property. I trust that this great Assembly will respect itself sufficiently not to commit an injustice. I trust that it will act justly, and restore to the members of the de throned family the property which belongs to them. I trust that the Republican form which is at present that of France, will not have weakened in her sentiments of justice, delicacy, and honour." Some of the Bureaux on Friday examined the Bills relating to the press and to the clubs. On the former, a sharp discussion arose, some Members seeming to think that, in place of caution-money, the severity of the punishment against the person should be aug mented, and that the responsibility of the printers should be increased, in order to attain more certainly the authors of incriminated articles. Other Mem bers suggested that every article should bear the sig nature of the writer. The supporters of the Bill dwelt on the necessity, in present circumstances, of strengthening the Government as much as possible, arguing that it could never be consolidated in pre sence of the incessant appeals to anarchy, and to the destruction of all social principles, which were now unremittingly put forth. M.Tuiaus admitted the part which he had taken in the laws of September, which did not appear to him, he observed, to differ from the measures now brought forward. Tie denied that the journals had any right to discuss the principle of the established Government. As, under the monarchy, it was not lawful to avow oneself a republican, so now it was not permissible to declare oneself a roy alist. The caution-money for journals had the effect of favouring a serious and more respectable press, and of killing, in their very commencement, all those in famous publications which, if permitted to exist, would be a dishonour to French morals and literature. M. Duints, sen., M. LEON FAUCHE, ili. AVOND, M. ISAMBERT, and M. COMBAREL LEYVAL, spoke, strongly on the same side; whilst M. DUCLERC, N. PASCAL DUPRAT, M. BERRYER, M. GERMAN SAR RUT, opposed the Bill. The committee is composed pretty equally of Members of both parties. The Bill relative to the clubs also called forth some -discussion. The most of the Members who expressed an ()pinion admitted the principle of clubs being allowed to exist, as such a state of things would, they in the end, thought, take away all pretexts for secret societies ; but they considered that they ought to be subjected to certain regulations, and that the Government should exercise over them an active surveillance. Some Members, however, expressed strong doubts of the possibility of clubs being ever implanted in France without troubling society. M. DUPIN, sen., looking on the right of clubs, not as a simple right, like that of the press, but a mode of organization and government in opposition to the established Go vernment, came to the conclusion that such assem blages ought not to be permitted in any case. He pointed to the share which the clubs had taken in the affair of May 15 and in the late struggles, and then asked, was what they did the exercise of a political right? He would reply, certainly not—it was the most shameful misuse of individual liberty, As to the right of meeting for the purpose of deciding about pe titions, or for a determinate purpose, that was per fectly legal. M. ISAMBERT thought that clubs were so dangerous in their tendencies, that the very name ought to be banished from the code, and that provi sions should be made for the right of meeting only. If, however, clubs were to be permitted, it ought to be, he thought, under most severe police regula tions. M. DENJOY presented two principal obser vations—the first, on the proclamations which might be.made by the clubs, a faculty which he would not grant them, and on which the Bill said nothing; the second, relative to the presence of a Government agent at each sitting. Thus constrained by the presence of an agent, would not the clubs, he asked, have two kinds of sittings, one public and the other secret ? The authorities ought certainly to have agents in the clubs but would not their action be so much the more efficacious that it was the less apparent ? The. Members appointed to the Com mittee are MM. LEBLOND, COQUEREL, POUJOLAT, BECHARD, DENJOY, BOUSQUET, NOGUE, BARE, J. DE LASTEYRIE, ISAMBERT, DUPIN, sc a n., BIDAULT, EVARISTE BABOUX, CRETON, and BILIN. The discussion in the bureaux on the Constitution is nearly closed. In many of them amendments have been adopted to the effect that no member of any family which has ever reigned in France shall be eligible to be elected President of the Republic; in others an amendment has been adopted to the effect that no citizen who has not been resident in France for ten years can be eligible even to become a candi date for the Presidentship. These two amendments were aimed at Prince Louts NAPOLEON. The 45th article of the project of the Constitution, which sets forth that the President shall be elected by direct and universal suffrage and by secret ballot, and that an absolute majority of the whole of the votes given must be in his favour, was originally pro posed in the committee by M. DE CORMENIN, and has been strenuously defended by that gentleman and by M. GUSTAVE DE BEAUMONT in the bureaux from the attacks make upon upon it. M. GUSTAVE DE BEAUMONT contended that with a single legislative Assembly the strength of the head of the Govern ment depended upon his having the same origin with that body, and proceeding, like it, from the direct and universal suffrage of his fellow-citizens; Some people appeared to think that the power of the President would be too great, but M. G. DE BEAUMONT was apprehensive rather of an opposite danger. As regarded the antagonism which some people feared would be produced between the Presi dent of the Republic and the Assembly, if they were both of one origin, he thought it a chimera at which it was ridiculous to be alarmed. It might indeed take place if the President of the Republic were invested as the King formerly was, at the same time with legislative and with executive power. It was evident that in that case, in appointing two agents invested with similar functions, the people would be organizing the elements of an almost inevitable struggle. But by the plan proposed by the constitution, this strug gle could not exist, because the Assembly would have itself the whole of the legislative power, and the President of the Republic would have abso lutely nothing but the executive power. This, he contended, put an end to the argument of those who maintained that it was necessary to establish an equilibrium between these two powers, of which the one, they said, was more powerful th an th e other; for there could be no paint of ponderation between two powers who had each a distinct mission to fulfil. Ile further contended that the limits of the powers of the Assembly being to legislate, and those of the President being toexecute and administer, according to the laws passed by the Assembly, the clearness of the line of demarcation laid down as to the attributes of each did away with all danger that might be apprehended from either of them. M. DE CORMENIN spoke at great length on the subject, con tending that unity was the only form which suited the genius of France, and that, excepting by the adoption of the system of an absolute majority, there could be no unity. Several Representatives (says the Democratic Pa cifique) have received letters from their departments, showing the prevalence of a wish there, as in Paris, for the appointment of General CAVAIGNAC to be President of the Republic far a limited period, as the only means of restoring France to that degree of sta bility of which she stands so much in need. It is expected that the four military commissions appointed for the trial of the insurgents will com mence their labours this day. Arrests still continue. It was rumoured on Friday that M. DE PONTECOULANT had been arrested. We find the following on this subject in the Constitution- ned of Saturday :---- " It was by mistake that we yesterday announced the arrest of M. de Pontecoulant, ex-peer of France. M. do Pontecoulant, his son, has alone been called on to give information to M. Desnoyer, juge d'instruction, with re spect to an interview which he had in March last with the Prince de Joinville in England. This interview, quite honourable on his part, took place to enable him to remit to the ex-Prince all the: papers, deeds, and do. cuments relative to his property in Brazil. As soon as these explanations were given, M. Adolphe de Ponte content was set at liberty. It is to M. de Pont e:oulant that the Prince owes the preservation of his library, of his numerous scientific collections, and of his large charts, the estimated value of which exceeds 80,000 f. An album belonging to the Princess de Joinville, stained with mud and filth, and leaving traces of having been trampled on, was given up to the Prince by M. de Pontemulant, and has just been sold by her in London for 25,0001." In the same journal we find the following :-- " We find in a journal of the Pas-de-Calais, the Li berte, the following fact, which is somewhat curious:— On the 17th ult. the letter-carrier, deceived by a resem blance of name, remitted to M. Pays, a respectable person of Lille, a letter giving precise details on the dmeute which broke out on the 23d ultimo. This letter demanded that a centre-coup should be pre pared at Lille, and said—' My brother, in passing, will remit you the funds which you will require.' The letter was immediately carried to M. Durand Saint-Amand, Prefect du Nord, who contented himself with sending it to the Minister of the Interior, without taking any precaution at Lille, without causing the person who was to have received the letter, or the individual who brought the funds destined to such a guilty use, to be arrested. We must add that the per son for whom this strange letter was destined was a functionary of the prefecture of Lille, placed in this post by the celebrated M. Delescluze, whose conduct in the affair of Risquons-Tout was so inexplicable. We read in the same journal a letter from M. Durand Saint- , Arnaud, who admits having had the letter referred to in his hands, and having sent it to the Minister of the In terior. We regret that the Prefect du Nord bad not ex plain why he took no measures at Lille which the state of the public mind appeared to call for, and which might have led to the discovery of the truth. However, that may be, the letter of M. Durand Saint-Amand shows that the Minister of the Interior received this instructive do cument in good time. We thus establish the arrival in the hands of the Executive Commission of an additional warning before the insurrection." We read in the Droit : "On Lecomte, the second husband of the widow of Pepin, whose arrest we have mentioned, was found a sum of 5,600 f., a card of the Barbes club, and a paper on which is written—, We must have ammunition at any price, to support our old doctrines.' On being asked how he became possessed of this money, he said that it came through his wife, who received it from a banker near Saint 1146:y, in the Quartier Saint Martin. Being called upon to explain his motives for going from Paris into the department of the Seine et Marne, he declared that be wished to avoid being compromised in the affair of June. But the circumstances under which he was arrested create a belief that his object was to raise the adjoining departments. He will be tried before the second per manent court-martial." We read in the Union The negotiation for the purchase by the Govern ment of the Lyons Railroad, which two days ago was so advanced that we believed we might safely announce was concluded, is for the moment entirely at a stop. M. Goudchaux, after having lowered his offers to 7f. 60c. of Rentes in the Five per Cents, for each payment of 250 f. already made, has almost finally declared that the purchase cannot be made on any terms." By order of the Government the Prefect of the Rhone has ordered the dissolution and disarmament of the National Guards of Lyons and its f au b ourgs , with a view to a re -organization on principles more consistent with order and public security. BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, Jurx 15. Boulogne and Amieus, 7 1 / B —Dutch Rhenish, N,—ltalian and Austrian, 1 / 2 —Northern of France, s%—Orleans and J3ourdeatts, 2..Parie and Lyons, 1%; GERMANY AND THE NORTHERN STATES. ---. •4;).---- FRANKFORT: INVESTITURE OF THi'.; VICAR OF THE EMPIRE. FRANKFORT, JULY 12.—The Archduke Vicar of the Empire arrived here last night in great state. The mounted Burgher Guard had proceeded t o the frontiers of Frankfort to receive him. -The streets were lined with people, and the windows were filled with gaily dressed ladies. All the bells of the city rang a merry peal, and the guns were fired in honour of the illustrious visitor. His Imperial Highness was seated on a carriage drawn by six horses ; he was conducted with pomp to the Hotel de Russia, w here he was received by the President of the National Diet. He appeared almost immediately on the bal cony, and made an address to the assembled throng, which was received with tremendous cheers. 31. VON GAGERN, the President, then delivered the fol lowing address : "Illustrious Archduke and Vicar of the Empire,--- The National Diet bid me respectfully to greet your Imperial Highness on your arrival et the head of this deputation. I must express the general gratitude at the prompt readiness with which your Imperial Highness was pleased to re spond to the wishes of the Diet, and to take u pon yourself the central provisional power of:Germany confided to you. All Germany unites in this senti ment of gratitude, and recognizes i n th e ' gener al resolution of your Imperial Highness the immediate guarantee of a happy and a glorious future. " We suppose that it is the intention of your Imperial Highness to appear at the National Diet, to be there invested, in due form, with the high dignity of Vicar of the Empire. It is the object of our 'ills' sion respectfully to receive the commands of your Imperial Highness on this subject." The Vicar of the Empire replied " I thank you, gentlemen, for the reception which you have given me. " When I received the intelligence that the choice of the people had fallen upon me, I was astonished that my large native land, wide-spread 'Germany, should think of me in my old age. "Man has important duties to discharge, from which he dare not shrink in whatever position he may be placed. If his country calls upon him, it is his duty to consecrate to-it his utmost energies, his remaining years. This it was which induced me to respond to your call, to accomplish, with you, our important task. Behold, lam yours. I belong to you. " A torch-light serenade, such as Frankfort hits never witnessed, terminated yesterday's festivities. Between eight and nine o'clock the cortege, corn' posed of all the musical societies and public singers of the city, set out, accompanied by a crowd of per sons carrying torches. All the houses were b ea uty fully illuminated, and the windows filled with ele' gantly-dressed persons. The Archduke again appeared, and addressed .± few words to the crowd, w hi c h h e concluded wit° the words, " All hail Germany ! " FRANKFORT, JULY 12, Nom—The Vicar of the Empire has just appeared in the National Diet, where he was received by the President, M. VoN GAGEIat who addressed him in the following words : " Illustrious Archduke, Vicar of the Empire,.° We cordially welcome you here in the bosom o f the National Diet, which has bound itself and has sworn to the country to support you with all its powers." The Secretary then read the law on the centre' authority vested in the Vicar; upon which M. V° lll GAGERN spoke as follows : • " I pray your Imperial Highness to make 'a declars' tion to the National Diet :now assembled that 7° will maintain this law, and cause it to be maintaineut for the good of the country." To this the Vicar replied : " Gentlemen,—The eagerness with which I hotel to appear in the midst of you gives you the iI decisive proof of th e va l ue w hi c h I attac h to the exalted dignity to which you had called me, an d the confidence reposed in me. " In receiving the solemn investiture of the l ri i cariate of the Empire, I renew th e d ec l arat i on , tbs I will maintain, and cause to be maintained, for th e glory and prosperity of our country, the law of the central authority. I declare at the same time the j still devote myself exclusively to this charge, os, that I shall not delay to recommend to the Empet of AUSTRIA that he will appoint another represent s ' tive of his sacred person in my stead." These words were received with long and continue d shouts of approbation. The Vicar of th e Empire tbe. again addressed M. VON GAGERN, reiterating t; declaration, that it was his determination to do" himself exclusively to the cause of Germany. The next measure of importance will be the forms' tion of a responsible Mi n i s t ry f or th e G erman en Wir ej It is said that the Archduke JOHN has appoint j M. CAMPIIAUSEN _Prime Ministe r o f Germany, 1113 the Prince of PRUSSIA. Commander-in -Chief. AUSTRIA. THE NEW MINISTRY. VIENNA', JULY Io.—Nothing is yet positivell known respecting the new Ministry. The following' however, is given as th e new com bi na ti on :—Doblh°,, Interior and Preside n t ; W essen b erg , F ore i gn A' fairs; Baron Stiffie (formerly banker), Financ. Count Anersperg, War ; Dr. Al exan d er B ac k, . 1116 ' tice; Van Bruck, Trade. Thi s construction, h°lll' ever, appears problematical. RUSSIA. THE CHOLERA. ST. PETERSBUAG H JULY 7.—On the sth th er g : were still 2,983 cholera patients • on the 4th 111, 3 persons were seized by it, of whom 553 died. Moscow it appears to be on the decline ; it has, 11 %, ever, broken out in th e v i c i n i ty of Warsaw, 00 frontiers between Lithuania and Poland, in the er") rons of Cowno. It i s o f a spasmod i c nature, has not as yet shown any virulent character. The St. Petersburgh j ourna l s state that an unusli4l number of fires, viz., above 150, have lately ts l place ; six of them were caused by thunder-storel all the rest wer e occas i one d b y carelessness an d f° chimnies. Am ong th e b u il d i ngs which have beef consumed were ch urc h es an d 19 manufactories ne Arif o ' s all connect e d w ith ma ki ng brandy, and nine: pert. either perished in the flames or were mortally P" jured. A four days' quarantine has been estalifished, Swinemunde for all vessels coming from St. Pete;l 3o burgh, in consequence of the appearance of „;es Cholera. It i s affirmed by the medi ca l a utholl re that three pers ons on b oar d t h e Wi a di mer supposed to be infected with cholera were labs:flirt * under another disease. SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. to The latest acc oun t s f rom N ort h Schleswig e_.% that the armistic e b e t ween Germany and Deno", f i which has been so muc h ta lk ed of for the last Je • days, is not to be concluded at Berlin and Coe hagen, but b e t ween t h e two commanders of the °Poi posing armies, and that, as authentic information • the Government states, the ratification may be e$ petted in the course of a few days. th n e Accounts from Lond on o f t h e 10t h state, 0 that ) Russian Consul-G enera l , H EBELAR, has notified " the German vessels lying at Cowes that they n 3 °Y. g o , without molestati on t o th e i r p l aces of dest i na tl° According to the Italian Republianco Tissine.+. public demonstration of the p eo pl e t oo k p l ace a t MiT t on the 6th July, in order t o com p e l th e Governine to call in the assistance of France for terminett the war with Austria, if CHARLES ALBERT should unable to carry it out. The demonstration was suP,j lw pressed, and for the present, at least, the P rov i s io Government of Lombardy will not call in the assist' ante of France.—Hamburgh Borsenhalle, July 14. PRUSSIA. Dr. JAcony's motion, censuring the Frank/ 10 , e Parliament for app o i n ti ng a central irrespons it power, and also censuring the Prussian Ministu,,' was rejected on th e 13th , i n the Prussian Assembh" by a majority of 262 to 53. The receipt of a telegraphic dispatch from Frani‘; fort announcing the appointment of M. CempuA. os es to the Pre s id ency o f the Archduke JoßN ' s Ca bin caused the Prussian funds to rise 2 per cent. CROATIA. AGRAM. - -Letters from Vienna of the 10th, 0 1 that the differences between Hungary and Crest t he are becomi ng more an d more compl i cate d . I n last sitting of the Diet of Agram, when the questO cis was started that th e r e was a wan t o f adequate fun d for sendi ng t roops to t h e t h reatene d quart ers, all tbe deputies, and even the auditors, rose to offer volu li c i tary contributions, several giving 500, 1,000, s ti c i 2,000 florins ; the ladies followed the example, 8 . 13 ,,, gave watches, chains, rings, and other pr e cious tr fr tg kets, so that in a few minutes, besid e s other objec ts of value, no less than 15,356 florins were collected. ot The Hungarian Ministry, on its s id e , does a ct appear inclined to make any concession. To-day there was to be a grand b a ttl e between t be , Hungarians and the Illyrians. The f o rmer are es‘' ot mated at 35,000 men ; the force of the latter is ° known. The Ministry this day at noon received an . exPr ess io, from the Royal Commissary VARY in Transylvs% bringing the authentic information that the Rumo', had not only crossed the Pruth, but were rnarebi% onward. All the rich Boya r d s qu itt e d their estio e and fled to Cronstadt. el EARLY HARVESTI NG .—A sa m pl e o f new hArI d was exhibited at Truro market on Wednesday last, I, a field of oats has been cut near lienwyn Church, longivg to Mr. Cradock.— West Briton.