The Sun. — London, England, 1852-03-30 00:00:00

I the subject—as, for instance, in fancying that only 25,000 of our troops would be disposable for the defence of the metropolis. He believed this to be a great mis take, and would undertake to prove that there were far more available for the purpose. Mr. WALPOLE—In this country? Sir DE LACY EVANS—Yes, in this country. Another mistake the Right Honourable Gentleman had committed was in imagining that the position of this country, in the event of invasion, would be worse on account of its being defensive. If that were so, the weaker force would not always choose the defensive position. - Ile was persuaded that in case of invasion this country would be found to have by far the most favourable position, and would make any invaders rue the attempt.—(Hear, hear.) The measure of the Government, with its mixture of the voluntary and com pulsive, reminded him of the officer who, having invited his regiment to volunteer for a dangerous service, not a man stepping from the ranks, exclaimed in a rage, " You rascals, as you won't volunteer, you shall go neverthe less."—(A laugh.) He would wish the Right Hon. Gen tleman to consider two questions—How many men he could get to volunteer for his bounty; and how many could be relied on to come up at the time of emergency? _(Hear, hear.) The fact was, the people considered the distribution of the regular forces of the country most unsatisfactory. The Right Hon. Gentlemen's threat, that if they did not accept the militia, foreign troops must he engaged for their defence, was an insult to the nation — utterly unnecessary; for they were never in a better or more powerful condition for the resistance of invasion. .• —(Hear, hear.) What there was need to provide against was some rash and unforeseen attemps, with a force of from thirty to fifty thousand men—not a great armament, which could not be prepared without our having full notice of it and time to provide against it.—(Hear.) Now for such a sudden emergency he doubted if this measure would effectually provide—(Hear) —and for any other purpose it was useless and unnecessary.— (Hear.) He agreed that a consolidation and amend ment of the militia laws was necessary, for at present the force could not be embodied under twenty weeks. So that it would, of course, be quite useless for the re pelling of a sudden invasion; for which, likewise, he believed that the present measure would be practically inefficient. And he believed it would be far better to resort rather to volunteer corps than to a general militia. The Home Secretary had not stated whether the militia under this measure were to be clothed? • Mr. WALPOLE—Yes. Sir DE LACY EVANS—And is that included in the estimate of 400,0001.? Mr. WALPOLE—Yes. Sir DE LACY EVANS thought that it would be well for the Government tr. see, Lea se e eieeu a. use onicers of the volunteer corps. • Mr. GIBSON suggested that the Government should • defer the settlement of the subject until after that ap t peal to the country which was to take place before long. —(Hear, and a laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had declared that he did not propose the measure in consequence of any peculiar urgency at the present mo ment, nor as a temporary measure, but rather as part of a permanent policy. That, therefore, was a subject which should be most maturely considered; and it was ' one on which it was reasonable to await the verdict of the constituencies—(Hear, hear) —especially as that was the course the Government themselves proposed to pursue upon other subjects.—(Hear.) The measure did not extend either to Ireland or Scotland, and could scarcely, therefore, satisfy the Noble Lord (Palmerston), who had objected to a local militia, and who would probably ask now, as he had before, were Scotchmen traitors and Irishmen not to • be trusted ?—(Hear.) The Noble Lord had already 2 , turned put one Government upon this question, and the best amends he could make would be by turning out , • another.—(Hear, and a laugh.) Certainly the present measure was as defective as that of the late Govern , runt. What security was there, for instance, that the substitutes would be forthcoming at the hour of service? —(Hear, hear.) An enormous expense was to be in curred in procuring them, when at the critical hour, time would be consumed in running about after them • and trying to catch them.—(A laugh.) It was obvious that the militia would be of no use unless always em : •, bodied, and then what would be the effect of assembling 80,000 young men together for nearly a month?—(Hear, hear.) What was to be done then? Were they to be billeted about in public-houses and beer-shops?—(Hear, • hear.) Would that bo likely to b© acceptable to the moral and religious feelings of the country?—(Hear, hear.) The fact was that the militia system, however L.. applicable it might have been to the time of George 111., was not suited to the present age.—(Hear.) It was far better in a country in which arts and industry had made such great progress rather to increase the standing army than to interrupt the avocations of the people by calling them to follow the occupation of a soldier,—(llear.) Paley said, "The profession of a soldier almost always • unfits a man for the following of other occupations. Of 'three inhabitants of a village, it is better that one should addict himself entirely to arms and the other two stay • constantly at home to cultivate the ground, than that all • three should mix the avocations of the camp with the badness of husbandry. By the former arrangement the 'country gains one complete soldier and two industrious • • husbandmen; from the latter it receives three raw militia men and three idle and profligate peasants"—(Hear, hear.) He agreed in that opinion entirely; and although . quite concurring with the Right Honourable the Home . Secretary, that a Minister who shrunk from proposing such an augmentation of our force as ho believed to be necessary did not deserve the position he occupied, he could not admit that our forces were now inadequate to the, defence of the country. The people were not indif ferent to our national defences, and would be uneasy if they thought there was any danger. But they did not believe that there was any danger; and ho was persuaded they would deem that no case had been made out for such a measure as the present. There had been many attempts to re-introduce the militia system. The Noble Lord (Palmerston) had avowed that for years he had • been trying to induce the late Administration to adopt it. Irk 1831 the Government had endeavoured to revive it, and had been frightened into the abandonment of it. In 1846 a measure was proposed, but the Ministers were frightened out of it; and in 1848 another attempt was made with a similar result, and the present measure would meet the same fate. Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I am not going to re spond to the call of my Right Honourable Friend, for, - so far from opposing the measure, it is my intention to give to the Government my support in favour of it. — (Hear, hear.) And I must compliment the Right Hon. • Gentleman the Home Secretary on the very able and forcible manner in which he made his statement. — • <Cheers from all sides of the House.) Sir, it is impos sible, I think, to overstate the necessity of some perma nent arrangement of this kind.—(Hear, hear.) It is all Very well for Gentlemen to talk of the amount of the army, including in their estimates the forces in India, or Canada, or other distant colonies—and then to tell us we have an army available for cur defence; but, Sir, it is absurd to make use of such an argument—(Loud cries of " Hear, bear")—for every one knows that a large portion of our army is cot available for our defence at home. Sir, my Gallant Friend (Sir De Lacy Evans) spoke of the number of troops that could be assembled for the defence of the capital. I have seen calculations on that subject., and I am convinced that the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman as to the amount of force which could so be made available is by no means understated.—(Hear, hear.) I should doubt whether that amount of force could be got together within the space of a few days if it was required. It is true, we have a large amount of ships; but, as was stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman, these ships cannot be put to sea at a moment's notice, because you have not the men by whom they are to be worked.—(Elear, hear.) I will go further, and say, that if these ships were manned and tit to go to sea, it is physically impossible that a naval force could effectually prevent the arrival of a very largo invading force, if opportunities are taken advantage of and pro perly seized.—(H ear, hear.) My Hon. and Gallant Friend has stated that in order to collect a large force for the purpose of crossing the Channel and coming to this country preparations must be made, and ample notice would bo had of its intended approach to this country. I think my Hon. and Gallant Friend is much mistaken as to the facilities of foreign countries for col lecting a formidable force and bringing it to this country. —(Hear.) The very watching ships bearing and, naval means at oiunrdidsipsepiolssaal. information that an expedition had sailed tse would not reach this coast much before the expeditioncon tendl at home available to meet t he enemy that, in addition to the for preventing invas ion, it is absolutely and should have a force • bly necessary that we if he should succeed in landing on our coast. I do not Lost this opinion upon any danger existing at tho present rno _ " Hear, hear," f ro m the Opposition.) I am w i ll _ nleat.—( , rig to admit to any extent that in our r elations with th e ' -different nations of the world there is no present ground for danger. If there were present danger the measure of the Government would bo i n sufficient to meet it, as it does not provide for an imm ediate augmentation of force, but simply lays the foundatio n of a prospective and per , manent arrangement, applicab le for the time to come as a measure of defence. Now, Sir, it is said that if we want to defend this country we must increase our army and navy. I think the Right Hon G e ntleman has fully explained, and I think also chat I had an opportunity on a f o rmer occasion of explaining, that you could not maintain any permanent addition to your regular army that would answer the purpose for which you require this augmentation of force. This force of 80,000 men, which the Government propose to organize, could bo periodically drilled at the same expense that would be incurred for the 8,000 men added to the regular army. And does any man mean to tell me that it is not better to be able to organize, drill, and equip such a force in a fortnight, than to have a force of 8,000 men, however good may be their discipline and their equip- Silent? You have also this advantage, as was sated by the Right Honourable Gentleman. Any change in Public opinion—any alteration in the finances of the country—might at the end of two years deprive you ot the addition you had made to the regular army, and then you would find you had derived no benefit from the expense incurred. When the men were disbanded, you would be in the same position as when you commenced the augmentation; whereas if, at the end of two years, from motives of economy or financial embarrassment, it Was resolved to discontinue this training army, sr army of militia, you would still have them enrolled and liable e -to serve in the moment of danger.—(Hear, hear.) In • the one case, therefore, you would have an opportunity of adding 80,000 men to the effective force of the coun try, but in the other you could only resort to the ordi nary means of common enlistment.—(Hear, hear.) I must say, speaking generally, that the plan the Govern ment have proposed appears to me to be a very good one. --(Hear. bear.) I have always thoug t h that, to a great degr ee , vo luntary enlistment might be taken advantage of as a substitute for the ballot. I think it might be worth consideration whether the ingenious arrangement of " dividing the bounty into monthly payments should be adopted as the only mode. Perhaps if it were left to the °Pilch efmert whether they %mid ;eoviaYe a largeloalil - • THE SUN;': LONDON, at once or a sum monthly, the majority might choose to have the larger sum immediately—(Hear, hear) — although a monthly pa) meat might off ird a bettor secu rity fog the attend sone of the men. But this is a matter of detail, and with the exception of these matters of de tail, with which we can deal when the Bill is in a proper shape, I am bound to say that the plan proposed by the Government is one highly deserving of the favour and sanction of the House.—(Cheers.) My Right Hon. Friend says that I shall find fault with the 13i11 because it does not provide for the defence of Scotland and Ire land. I did not exactly hear what fell from the Right Hon. Gentleman on that point, but I apprehend the pro posed force will be liable to all the obligitions of the militia law, and that the militia so raised will be liable to servo in any pert of the United Kingdom.—(Hear, hear, from Lord J. R uss ell.) I apprehend it is to be a militia or reserve of 80,000, raised chiefly by voluntary enlistment, trained during time of peace, embodied on the approach of war; and when embodied, liable to serve in any part of the United Kingdom. So, far, therefore, from taking advantage of this measure to turn out the Government, I think it is one which should claim from us every possible assistance, as I think it is of the ut most importance to the country.—(Hear.) Colonel THOMPSON contended that the warlike es tabli,h mews of other countries ought not to be made the measure of our own. On the contrary, if the whole continent were one network of fortresses, it was no reason why we should add a single man to our army or navy. Gentlemen on his side of the House felt the pressure from without, and their constituents demanded some reason for the:e augmentations of military force. For his own part, he thought them unnecessary. If France excited alarm, it should be remembered that the star of its present ruler was not rising. On the con trary, it was falling, and that, too, in spite of the cheers of corporals and the embraces of demoiselles de l'llalle.—(Loud laughter.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, I am ono of those who think that the defences of this country ought to be increased —(Llear, hear)—and I confess that it never appeared to me to be a satisfactory reason against such an in-' crease to say that at the present moment we are at peace with all the world, and there is no im mediate prospect of hostilities.—(Hear.) For Sir, we know perfectly well, from former experience, that although there may be no cause of hostilities existing, yet that in the course of any two or three months, or in any one year, there may arise causes of hostility which it may be very difficalt for Government and Parliament so to arrange as to prevent the calamity of war. —(Bear, hear.) And these are questions which very often do not depend upon the disposition of any particular Govern ment.—(llear, hear.) I certainly would no r e st site ..p. noels aerence upon the Government of France or any other country. I think, on the contrary, we should consider the present ruler of France to be as well dis posed to peace as any person who might be at the head of the Government of that country. As is the case with this country, he governs France with a high feel ing of honour and of susceptibility to indignity. Between two such nations, putting aside the United States and other countries, it is impossible to say that causes of hostility may not at any time arise. —(Hear.) Five or six years ago, for instance, when no one was dreaming of war or hostilities, we heard that au injury had been inflicted on a consul of this country in the South Seas. Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, came down to this House and de clared the injury to be wanton, and that reparation must be demanded and obtained. Now, suppose the Govern ment of France had said that no injury had been in flicted, and no reparation was due or would be given, would not a great cause of hostility have sprung up?— (Hear.) The Government of France, however, was more wisely, disposed to pacific councils, and the matter was arranged. But I believe that at the time the Mi nister of France would have been very popular if he had said that no indemnity was due to Mr. Pritchard, and that reparation should be withheld. You can never say, therefore, that war may not arise from causes to tally unforeseen.—(Hear, hear.) Agreeing, therefore, that our means of defence ought to bo increased, I con fess I have heard with great pleasure the very able state ment of the Right Hon. Gentleman. At the same time I must say, that although I thought him very clear and explicit with respect to great portions of the measure he proposed to introduce, there were other portions not so agreeable, perhaps, to touch upon, and which therefore, following the rule of Horace, he seemed anxious to avoid. For, Sir, the great difficulty experienced in proposing a militia is the question of the ballot. If you cannot get 80,000 volunteers you must have recourse to the ballot. Now, I think we ought to have some explanation on the this head—whether the ballot is to take place in the unions, whether districts are to be formed, and what class of persons are to be subject to the ballot; whether, also, substitutes are to be allowed, and whether all the per sons enrolled will be subject to five years service in case of there being danger of invasion. I think these ques tions ought to be 'answered, in order that we may know -what the proposed law is to be; because, although the Right Hon. Gentleman seems confident as to the volun teers being forthcoming, I do not feel so certain that the inducement of the first year will bo as effectual in the second. I think the Right Hon. Gentleman spoke of an option with regard to taking the whole 41. I in cline to believe that whereas the 4/. would be found generally acceptable, the monthly payment would not prove so great a temptation. Two shillings and six pence a month, or one penny a day, although it may be a fee for a voluntary militiaman, would not, I think, be considered a fee at all in the Court of Chancery.—(llear, hear, and a laugh.) Now if you do not obtain these volunteers, or even if you obtain 50,000 in the first year, but do not succeed in procuring the remaining 20.000 or 30,000 in the second, you must then have recourse to the ballot; and I confess I do not know under what Act of Parliament there is any satisfactory mode of pro curing this large number of men under the ballot. It is also desirable that we should know for what time the ballot is to extend, whether it is to apply to the inha bitants of particular districts, and at what ages it is to apply . Notwithstanding the clear and able statement ot' the Right Hon. Gentleman, I confess that in this re spect my notion of the measure is very imperfect, but I think it quite clear that the Bill should be brought in.— ( Hear, hear.) For my own part, for the reasons which I have before given, and for the reasons stated by the Right Lion. Gentleman to-night, I should prefer a large military force of this kind to an increase of the regular army. This, however, is a matter not only for us but the country to judge of—(Hear, hear)—and if there should appear so great a repugnanc, to the militia force as s ome people suppose, we may be obliged, not perhaps wholly to abandon such a means of defence, but to have recourse to an increase of our military force in prefer epee. lam very glad to fiud tho Noble Lord the Mem her for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) quite ready to agree to this Bill. I had the misfortune to differ from him— (A laugh)—and because my Bill only applied to England he asked if Seotchmen were cowards and Irishmen trai tors? As it is now proposed that the militia when em bodied shall be liable to sent to any part of the United Kingdom, the same objection will not apply. With regard generally to this proposal, I trust the Right Hon. G ent l e men will also furnish us with a satisfactory statement w c il o l n b n et t o ed th w e i c t o h u a n n ' here of is the- try. Tanother expense this subject,force o rce too, ec 'ncr eas e of expense , on which I hope soon to hear the determination of the Government. It is the question of ways and means, and how the expenses of the country are to be met. I trust also that the Chancellor of the Exchequer will very soon infor m the House what ho means to do with respect to the renewal of the income tax. The income-tax expires on the sth April next, and unless that Act be renewed the dividends duo in July will be paid without any deduction. Not pressing for a premature statement on this subject, I hope that no length of time may be suffered to elapse without the Right Hon. Gentleman acquainting us with his in. tentions.—(Hear.) Mr. WALPOLE, in reply to the questions of the Noble Lord, said it was proposed to take the men required from the Re g i s trar General's districts, as superior facilities were afforded by the census of 1851. It was also proposed to fall back upon the ballot in the event of the failure of the volunteer system, and to allow substitutes. With regard to the expense of such a force, if 31. a man was paid as bounty, the sum required for the first 50,000 men would be 150,000/. ; and the 30,000 men to be raised next year would cost 90,000/. Of course, ,if the bounty was 4/., the expenditure would be somewhat ;more. The pay and allowances to 50.000 men and officers would be for twenty-one days, 87,129/. ; marching money for men joining and returning, 6,250/.; carriage of baggage, 5,000/. ; clothing, 11. 15s. a man, i.):3,663/.; extra allowance to innkeepers, 15,000/. ; making a total for 1852 of 207,042/. The 30,000 men pro posed to be enrolled for 1853 would entail an iadditional ex. " 2,180/. innkeepers' allow pense 38,027/. 10 s. f or the twenty-one for days' training, with 3,82 a/ for marching mone y , for medecine, &c., a total expenditure with some allowances anus; clothing (at 1/. 15s. per man), 53,5501. ; making,. for the two in g provided in 1852 (93,030, the total cost of 80,000 veers of 311,9521., deducting the cost of cloth men for 1853 would be 218,288 n ; and again deducting the coat of clothing e in a cost for five years, he be lieved , might b o e l i t 6 a l4 kl 33B t (l o .s3 stand el t )' hu s :—For 1852, 200,000/. ; for 1853, 210,00 Ages of 18 and whether for 1854, 160,000/. ; theßß BRIGHT asked e t g h ular army. for 1855, 160,0001.; for the ballot Would apply be tween A l r. e understood eteti ' ee in tt the e o Mr. WALPOLE_V e d s 35? com M m r. e D nd U a i n F atZt 3 n Mr. COBDEN said that as there PP ose the Bill, and to wasre to be no division on interest in the the motion for bringing in t fi b o e m ßi t l h l r , e Then all discus sion had ceased.—(" No," he could say was, that if there was a division against the introduction of the measure. sio , p he he should vote experienced in these discussions had become difficulty he greater; for the more he heard of the necessity o increasedand greater armaments urged in both Houses of Parliament, the more was at a loss to conceive the ground on which the necessity was founded. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Walpole)s had admitted that the country was never freer from a state of hostilities than now; and the Hon. and Gallant Member for Westminster—that city which was to have been pillaged by the invader—had said it was impossible ter a foreign force to be landed in this country without our being fully forewar ne d. Lord PALMERSTON expressed dissent. Mr. COBDEN continued—The Noble Lord contradicted him, and thought it was possible for a sudden attack to be made. Lord PALMERSTON—Hear' hear. Mr. COBDEN—Th e N o bl e Lord cheered; but he (Mr. Cobden) not pinning his faith to any n o ble lord's, would appeal to histori ca l f acts. I t was s aid that the elder Napo leon contemplated an invasion of England; but were his preparations sudden or the work of a day? But Napoleon was preparing his military armaments for a period of twelve months. There were not 40,000 men in that expedition, and it took 400 or 500 transports to carry those armaments after wards to Egypt. He thought it was admitted that it would be impossible for any su dd en descent to b e made upon the English coast by a regu l ar army and navy . Then he sup posed that these p re p ara ti ons were i nten d e d to prevent surprising u . 10,000. or 15,009 desperadoes • • s Surely the establishment of a militia would not prevent such charac ters surprising us, if they had ever formed the notion. Such men must be those who were determined to sacrifice themselves. If there was a body of Thugs in France who were determined to do mischief in this country, and to show their invulnerability, how could We prevent TUESDAY ably fine police force in Ireland; and we had put arms into the hands of Irishmen drawn from the very class of persons from whom the militia force would be drawn in England.— ( Hear.) The Irish people were always good and loyal sub jects, and made the best of soldiers.—(Hear.) The House had heard of the expense consequent upon the enrolment of the militia. He would ask the House what was the part of England which was most exposed to invasion? It was the southern portion of the coast; and the Bill limited the en rolment of the militia to England in the first instance, con ceiving that it was in England we were the most exposed to invasion. The Hon. Member for Manchester spoke of the demoralization of the people, and the evils that would arise to the trade of the country, in the event of the militia being called out. He (Major Beresford) could not believe that such an injury to trade would arise; but if it did, what would that be in comparison with the consequences which would follow the invasion of our shores by a large foreign force ?—( Hear, hear.) And as to the demoralization, they had no right to suppose there would be a greater amount of it as the result of calling out the militia than of increasing the regular army. Again, the militia was only called out for a limited period, and in that limited period they would have so much work assigned them that they would have no time for idleness. If they had plenty given them to do they would find no opportunity for that demoralization apprehended by the lion. Member for Manchester. For his (Major Beres• ford's) part, he thought this a measure of protection.—(lron ical cheers and laughter from the Opposition, answered by counter cheers ) lie repeated that it was a measure of pro tection—of protection to the interests, the virtue, the industry, and the chastity of Great Britain.—(oh, oh, and laughter.) Admiral BERKELEY said the lion. Gentleman the Mem ber for the West Riding appeared to have recovered his courage, for some months ago he was the first among the panic-stricken to condemn and execrate the Admiralty for the way in which it conducted its business, and for leaving the country totally unguarded. That showed the Honourable Gentleman meddled with subjects he did not understand. — (Hear, hear.) Let it be " soldier, sailor—tinker, tailor," it was all the same thing to the lion. Gentleman.—(A laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman stated that he (Admiral Berkeley) had said he could cover the Channel with vessels within hail of one another. Did the Honourable Member know how many ships it would take to cover the space between the North Foreland and the Channel Islands? So much for the Hon. Gentleman's seamanship. The Hon. Gentleman had also stated that if we made all this demonstration it would elicit a similar manifestation on the part of France; and he (Admiral Berkeley) had been found fault with both in and out of that House for making the statement to which he had already referred. But he told the Honourable Gentleman and the House, and he pledged his character for it as a naval officer, that in twenty-four hours after the Government had given the orders, there would be, not a force to resist, but there would be a force on the look-out of armed steamers reaching from the North Foreland to the Channel Islands.—( Hear, hear.) Did the Hon. Gentleman know how many ships it would take to cover that space? Did he know the distance?—(Some Hon. Member said " No.") Then he did not know what he was talking about.— , t f h is c au ti n o l n t . er z i eni ti o e ei cAtilial i lle n y n ) r,, c n o ,.. . e ld of al h m is os ( t A f d o ni rg i i r v a e l Berkeley's) profession, for the Hon. Member was backea up by one of the greatest officers in the navy, though he was rather too fond of writing in newspapers. That Gallant Officer had stated that if his (Admiral Berkeley's) state ment, that he could cover the Channel with armed steamers twenty-four hours after the Government had given the order, could be realized, " all the old ladies in England might nut on their nightcaps and go to bed."—(Laughter.) He (Admiral Berkeley) had thought that Gallant Admiral was famous for his energy and resource ; but of late he (Admiral Berkeley) had been inclined to change that opinion, and to believe the Gallant Admiral's energy and resource were failing him. That being his impression he thought he might apply the words of the old song to the Gallant Admiral, and say— " The bullets and the gout Have so knock'd his hull about That he'll never more be fit for sea." (Great laughter.) He (Admiral Berkeley) would tell the House how the thing was to be done.—(" Ay, let's have it," and a laugh.) We had before the Lisbon squadron returned three steamers in commission in our ports ; we had also three ordinary ships in commission ; and we had fifteen first-class reserve steam-vessels in every point ready for sea, wanting the men.—(hear, hear, and a laugh.) Then how were the men to be raised ? The marines, the officers, the seamen engineers, and the seamen riggers, were in the dockyards or on the spot, and the principal of the coast-guard had orders to get 1,500 men ready to join at Davenport, Portsmouth, or Sheerness, at which place soever they might be wanted. In 1827, before railroads and electric telegraphs were in vogue, in forty-eight hours a squadron manned in an efficient manner sailed for Lisbon, and Mr. Canning boasted of the circumstance in that House. If such a thing could be done in those days he should be sorry to think that the navy of this country had so completely lost the energy for which they were distinguished as not to be able to repeat it at this day with all the appliances they now had.—(Hear, hear.) But he (Admiral Berkeley) was not at all satisfied that we had men enough for the navy. He had said it over and over again, and he repeated it now, that we ought not to be content with less than one-third of the men in peace that we required hi time of war. With regard to the efficiency of the navy, he maintained that it was as efficient as the means placed at the disposal of the Admiralty would allow it to be.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. F. MAULE agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman who had introduced the measure that it was the duty of citizens to contribute to the internal defence of the country. He also agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman that the pre sent was a fitting time, inasmuch as there were no parti cular threatenings of danger, calmly to consider the manner in which such a duty should be discharged. The late Go vernment, only about a month ago, proposed to introduce a specific measure for that purpose. He would not attempt to disguise his opinion that, in these times, any militia established by the ballot, would be most unpopular. The object he had had in view was to make the duty as little bur densome and as little expensive as possible to those called on to serve. It was true that the late Government had pro posed that a certain number should be chosen by ballot, but they gave an opportunity to volunteers to serve if they chose. They proposed that the number chosen should be drilled and trained in their own locality, and that they should not be liable to removal from their own localities except in case of actual or threatened invasion, and only for the period mentioned in the Bill. That seemed to him to be the extent to which they were entitled to call on the people for a local defence. Any further defence he thought would be better effected by an addition to the regular army. As to expense, the militia, once embodied and efficient, would be as costly as any other force. The present Bill, however, proposed to go a great deal further than the measure which he wished to introduce. He should not oppose the introduction of the present measure, but he thought it clearly intended the revival of the regular militia. It extended only to England, and he was glad of that ; it implied that the party called on to serve was not necessarily to be drilled in his own neighbourhood, but might be sent at any time during the five years' service to be drilled at a distance, either on actual or threatened invasion, or insurrection or tumult. The persons serving would be liable to be re moved by order in Council from their own localities, and be sent to serve either in Scotland or Ireland. That was a far more burthensome service than that which he had pro posed in the Bill be had sought to introduce. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of War stated that it was meant to get rid of the unpopularity of the ballot, and that to do so the system of volunteers would first be tried. His own impression was, that if there was a regular militia, few volunteers would be found. He admitted that one volunteer was worth many pressed men. A bounty was to be offered of 31. or 41., and the Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that it would be paid either all at once or by small monthly pay ments, subject to the regulations of the Secretary at War. He did not understand what regulations could be established if the money was paid on service being taken. If it were paid all at once, they might rest assured that few such bounty-men would niake their appearance at the second training.—(A laugh.) He shoifid say that he did not believe they would find any man willing to take upon him self the liability of being removed from his own district for a paltry payment of half-a-crown a month, or one penny per day. He was persuaded that, under the proposed sys tem, they should come at l as t to the ballot, : b ec ause they could not get a sufficient number of vo l un t eers . A length of time must elapse before the machinery for the ballot could be got up; and he wished to know whether the Right Hon. Gen tleman had included in his estimate the expense of that machinery ? Mr. WALPOLE was understood to say that that expense would fall on the district. Mr. F. MAULE continued—Then there was to be a county rate for that purpose, and a new charge was to be thrown on the country gentlemen.— (Hear, hear.) Now, it certainly seemed somewhat strange that a Ministry which professed an earnest desire to alleviate the burdens of the country gentlemen should thus propose to add to those burdens. But, after all, he would answer for it that the new force could not be brought into the field in less than ten months. The object or the late Government had been to raise a force which could be brought together in ten weeks, and to have that force as well drilled as any that could be raised under the measure then under the consideration of the House. If they were to have recourse t o t h e o ld an d regular militia, he warned them that in time of peace their plan would utterly fail. He warned them th at un til they drew their militia into barracks they wo u ld fi n d it u tt er ly impossible to maintain them in anything like the shape they contem plated, as it would be to uphold the efficiency of a regiment which, after having been kept together for ten weeks, should be allowed to disperse for the remainder of the year. If they were to have a militia force at all, it ought to be a very large force. They ought to have at least 150,000 of their youth, who would leave no wi ves or children behind them, and they ought to allow the members of the force to pass out of it long before the age of 30. They ought to take young men at 20, and they ought not to require them to serve after they had attained the age of 23. Those were the main provisions of the measure proposed by the late Government; and the adoption of that measure would, he felt persuaded, cause the burden of defending the country to fall as lightly as possible on its citizens. But the present proposal would, he believed, be very unpopular ,• and although he would not oppose the introduction of the Bill, he could not pledge himself to vote for it on a future occasion if its principle were the exact adoption of the old system of a regular militia.—.(Hear.) Mr. HOBHOUSE said, until the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Fox Maule) had advanced the very p ower ful argu ments he had addressed to the H ouse , he (Dr, Hobhouse) was inclined to think that all the authority was on the Opposi tion side of the House, and all the argument on the other. He hoped he should be the last man to vote for our shores being left exposed to invasion ; but there was one thing he must claim for a measure of that kind, and that was that at least the precaution to be taken should bear some propor tion to the danger.—(Hear, hear.) It was not so in the pre sent case. They had danger which was infinitesimally small provided for by a security which was proportionably large.—(Hear, hear.) That was the reason why, if Hon. Gentlemen on the Opposition side of the House would support him, he would take a division even at this stage of the Bill. He was convinced the danger had been greatly magnified. While all foreign powers were at peace with us, he thought there was no reason for a Bill which put the country to so much expense, and called men from the plough and the loom to become soldiers; and if the House would listen to reason, and not to its prejudices, he believed they would utterly reject such a Bill. He beseeched Honourable Gentlemen, before they gave their votes, to consider the re lation between France and England. He was quite sure the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton would not say that the danger of war was greater at the present moment i n F ran ce, under the regime of Louis Napoleon than it was un der the dynasty of Louis ;Philippe. The house would remember the Syrian campaign, and that when the time the French might have struck the blow, she came when withdrew rom danger. He did not say that France in so withdrawing was actuated by pusillanimity. t r arbe believed she was actuated by prudence and by a On the con trary, to maintain her commercial interests, and prevent her subjects being involved in the calamities of war. Again, in the Pritchard affair we h a d the same me nace and the same language of remonstrance addressed to us • b u t when the time for action came, France receded , and peace was most happily maintain e d b etween that country and this. Again , i n the time of the French Repu blic it would be in the recollection of the Hose w i t h what accia. them indulging themselves? Did not the House think that if there be such characters, that they would take 1 the wiser course of coming over individually and dis persing themselves through the country, when they would be able to do ten times more mischief than if they attacked us in a body ? He did not believe that anybody in this country seriously entertained the slightest apprehension of danger front France. Was there not evidence that the French Government contemplated anything but an attack upon us? Did they think that that Government would have converted their Five per Cents. into Four-and-a-Half per Cents. if they contemplated any such thing? He saw around him capitalists who were engaged in snaking rail ways through France. Was there ever such an amount of capital going there as at the present moment? Well, then, he asked them whether they thought that they would send money into a country which was inhabited by armed bandits? Why, the Government must ask them to get rid of their reason and common sense before they could be induced to assent to this measure. Why, they were legislating against France is if she were in the position of ancient Scandinavia, who, without the slightest cause or pretext, was determined to make war upon us for the mere hope of plunder, feeling that they had nothing upon which we could retal'ate. Had they not rich cities in France? Had they not more silver than we had in this country? Was there not inure bullion in the Bank of Paris than in that of London ? (Hear, hear.) Why, they appeared to think that the French people were wholly bereft of common sense, and did not look two inches beyond their nose. But what was really the fact? Why they were second only to ourselves as a manufacturing country. With the exception of England, no country depended so largely on raw materials from abroad to carry on their ma. nufactures as France did. Paris herself manufactured more for exportation than any three capitals in Europe. All the chances were against this apprehended attack being made upon us. He saw his Right Hon. Friend near him who was endeavouring to persuade the House to abolish a tax that pressed severely upon the people in the way of preventing the spread of knowledge and education amongst them ; yet the Right honourable Gentleman opposite made a motion that night that would absorb the whole of the money that was produced by this impost. Another Honourable Gentle man was seeking for the abolition of the duty upon hops; but here was a proposition which would involve precisely the expenditure of that amount. If they could play at sol diers without making the people pay for their amusement he would not of course complain; but, when they asked him to consent to a measure which would press severely upon the industry of the people, then he had a right to de mand their reasons for this expenditure. The Noble Lord the Member for London, in reply, said, that because they happened to be enjoying the blessings of peace, they should take measures to prepare for war. Now, was that a good reason for such a Bill as this? He was, on the contrary, of opinion that every year they passed in this condition of peace the better grounds had they for expecting a continuance of peace. Would the Noble Lord tell him when this was to end? :He recollected that the Noble Lord, in his speech upon TIM in complained of the boroughmongers so long resisting the reductions Or ta.. eeers. The Noble Lord and his party, however, had aided in grauuumiy ;- creasing that army since, by adding to the supplanientary forces. They had their dockyard battalions, amounting to 10,000 men. They had also their veteran battalions, amount ing to 15,000 men, as good soldiers as any in England. They had, however, now nearly doubled the uniform th a t was supplied for their army since 1822. He recollected at the end o f the year of 1830 there was as much unform provided for their armed men as they had in France. Was that necessarily or properly the fruit of peace? He thought that we should naturally enjoy the ad vantage of peace in a time of peace. The Government were not acting in the way to promote good feeling between this country and France. Nothing had been done in France; not one overt act had been committed by the French Go vernment during the last four years to warrant this outcry. On the contrary, there was every reason to suppose it was the wish of France to remain at peace with us. W hat was said in 1848, when the revolution broke out? He (Mr. Cobden) was taunted at that time with permitting himself to be deceived; for the French people, it was then said, were preparing to make an onslaught upon us. Well, what took place? Every one now sees that the last four years have de monstrated that the French people were pacifically disposed. But within the last three months an individual had obtained a supreme power there—this individual, no doubt, bore an ominous name, which was calculated to renew old antago nisms and alarm here; and it is alleged that in consequence of his having shown a disposition for war we were to arm ourselves. But has his conduct been such as to warrant such apprehensions? Has not the Noble Earl at the head of the Government declared his belief in his pacific inten tions, and has not the Noble Lord the Member for London said the same thing? This country was standing in an un. worthy position. He thought it was both cowardly and im proper to take these unnecessary precautions against ima ginary dangers. He was speaking now in the name of a large portion of the people of this country. The people denounce this force, and declare they do not want it. Ex clusive of the 15,000 veteran pensioners, he would under take to point out 40,000 men who could be transported to the coast of Sussex by railway, fresh and in good condition, in one-tenth of the time it took when they were obliged to march on a most irksome and fatiguing journey. But it was invariably the rule in that House, on the Treasury benches, to adopt the plea of destitution of the forces when they were asking for an increase of them. The Gallant Admiral who represented Gloucester, when sitting on the Treasury bench, had stated that we had not a ship of war fit to send to sea on an emergency; but no sooner was he seated on the Opposition benches than he made a speech to show that we were completely hoaxed in regard to the navy ; for that we had steamers ready in the Channel which could take up their position in such a way as to be within hailing distance from the North Foreland to the Channel Islands. Now, he (Mr. Cobden) should like to have a Committee to inquire into the actual number of armed men in the country. He thought it would be a good addition to make to the army and navy estimates if they had a statement of the exact disposition of these troops. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite shakes his head at this, as if there was some mystery about it which we should not tell the French. Now this was the old pedantic excuse for withholding this information. The Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton referred to our vast colonial em pire, which, he said, covered one-eighth of the surface of the habitable globe, and that we were to send our army and navy to defend this vast territory. But he (dir. Cobden) would ask whether it had ever occurred to those who indulge in such observations, that the taxation by which this large force was maintained for this vast colonial empire was paid by the little specks of islands called Great Britain and Ire land?—(Hear, hear.) Why should not Canada, for instance, which contained 2,000,000 of inhabitant?, who were infinitely superior to our people, and who paid no tax into our Exchequer, pay for the support of the army which she required for her protection? Canada did no such thing; but she had actually put a prohibitive duty upon the pau pers from Ireland entering her borders. His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester as well as himself urged the bring ing home of their soldiers from the colonies, with a view of disbanding them. The Right Hon. Gentleman the late First Lord of the Admiralty said that if we brought our great line of-battle ships from the Mediterranean, and placed them in the Channel, we would only induce the French to do the same, in order that they might meet us in the Channel. Why what did that mean but that we kept our fleet in the Mediterranean because the French did the same? It was suggested by Arthur Young, some eighty years since, that if we could induce France to bring their ships along side ours in the Channel. and then burn them, it would be good policy to do so. But then comes the argument, that since the introduction of steam we were not as safe as we were before. This steam, it was said, had bridged the Channel; but the bridge was in our possession, and not in that of the enemy. When it becomes a question of steam we have an infinite advantage over the rest of Europe. Why, the coals of England supply the French steamers in Mediterranean ; and there was hardly a city in France that was not lighted with British coal. As the Hon. Member for Tyrone truly said the other night, for every steamer which the French could fit out, England could fit out ten, and in the course of two or three months an immense number of our steamers could be converted into privateers, and our mer chant vessels might be diverted to warlike purposes of suffi cient power to command the ocean. Did they not think that the French Government were perfectly well aware of our immense force and our powers of destruction in the event of war? Upon all these grounds he maintained that the measure was wholly uncalled for—that the expense it in volved was most wanton, and, thinking so, he was deter mined to give to every stage of the Bill every opposition in his power.—(Hear, hear.) . _ _ Mr. BERIiSFOR.D said the Hon Member for the West Riding was only following hisvocation in abusing everybody who wore a red coat.—(Oh, oh.) But the Hon. Gentleman was not the best authority on these subjects. The lion. Gentleman lately made a tour of peace and goodwill on the continent, and on his return he prophesied a universal reign of loving kindness and goodwill. But hardly had the Hon. Gentleman made his prophecy when they heard from all sides wars and rumours of wars—the citizens of every capital in Europe cutting the throats of their neighbours, and civil war raging all over the continent.—(Oh, oh, and cheers.) He was therefore not disposed to place implicit confidence in the opinions of the Hon. Member, because he had already been tried and found decidedly wanting. The llon. Member said that in 1802 the French prepared to invade this country, and that many months were wasted in these preparations. But the Hon. Member did not advert to what he stated when he reckoned up the means of our defence—the faci lities which the railways now afforded for concentrating a force on a given point. The Honourable Member ought, to have remembered that railways did not exist only in Eng land, but that by means of them it was in the power of France to concentrate a much larger force for attack than we could do for defence. But the measure had never been defended on this side of the House, merely because they dreaded an attack from France. Their doctrine had always been that a country rich and powerful like England ought to have a sufficiont amount of force to preserve her, in case she should be forced into war, in that amount o f peace an d se curity at home which she had always hitherto enjoyed. The Hon. Member for Montrose and the Hon. Member for the West Riding told them that all the danger was imaginary, and that fear existed only in the minds of old women. Weil, he was glad to see that the Hon. Member for Montrose retained not only so much strength of body, but so much vigour of mind as to show that he at least was superior to all danger.—(Laughter.) But younger men, and me who knew more about the matter, were not of his mind. With except h io e n d o n f n a ge fe r w wa G e e n n o tl t em im en ag o in p a p r o y s . ite, T e h v e er N y o o h n le e as wel as isßight h . Hon. Friend the Chan- Member fo i r London the Noble Lord the Member forgivettoll, c hequer, had all agreed that some such this was n re masa as d its preference for a genera te l over a local ecessary. Nay, e House had in consequence of that decision of the militia; Lord and it was admitted that that t souant with their own convictions, at the same time it was con Bill. The real question was—Had the c ia l or leuoarsdeyotfndtaehtceltanree present I to being forward this Government felt compelled, though • burdensome and oppress ive to the people? which was that th e y had. They b a d brought in a measure regard to the free from the objections of the ballot. Now, with measure; Government brought in a Bill which wou i ld ie beni maintained e ta l i e n a e s d t • ballot, h e was bound to say it was an obnoxious though wh en called upon to fig ht for their hearths and homes he felt su re no Englishman would rfuse to serve. The and Gallant M em b er for Westminster thoug ht there would ; be an objection on t h e part of the people to volunteer . The Hon. and Gallant G ent l eman ought to be the last person t o raise such an objection, f or h e had without much difficulty raise o d id a corps England, of o t volunteers, for not warfareon a for th e purposeforeign shore o d r eel,f andn° nd lug that too in the face of difficulties thrown in the way by the laws of this country. He thought, therefore, it was ungrately, to say the least of it, on the part of the ; lion, and Gallant Gentleman to raise this objection. Was ; English feeling dead? Were high-minded and noble senti . merits altogether extinct? Far be it from them to say so. Then the Right Hon. Member for Manchester said that this Bill ought to be thrown out because it did not include . Ireland and Scotland, and he called upon the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton to defeat it on that ground. Now, ; he maintained that her Majesty's Government had acted en . tirely in accordance with precedent on this subject. The L Militia Bills for England never were the same as the Mi litia Bills for the other two parts of the kingdom. There ; never had been a ballot in Ireland ; the militia there were , always raised by beat of the drum; the plan had never failed yet. What had been done in Ireland ? They had a remark- EVENING, MARCH 30, mation the warlike message of General La Hitte was re ceived when there appeared to be a prospect of violating the principle of peace with England. The people of the country heard of that message for a time, but like all the other threats that proceeded from the same power, it evaporated, and ceased to possess any significance. The best security for the preservation of peace between France and England was the knowledge that in any such emer gency the rest of Europe would, for its own sake, take anus against France, and revenge the cause of England.—(Hear, hear.) It was precisely the case of a private individual. The individual was deterred from the commission of crime by a fear of the consequences; and so in this case would France be deterred from commencing a war. But was there no security whatever in diplomacy? If, in spite of all oar treaties, we were still required to take such means for re pelling sudden aggression, our embassies were maintained at a great cost and to no purpose, and diplomacy had become a mockery and a delusion.—(Hear, hear.) But wars very seldom took place with the suddenness which was now talked of. Negotiations took place, correspondence was ex changed, explanations were offered, recriminations perhaps followed, and at the end of several months war might take place ; but in the meantime the several powers had time to look after their armies. At all events, if a sudden attack were meditated, the precautions we were taking against it were quite ineffective to the purpose and disproportionate to tke danger. If any precautions should be taken, he held that our navy was amply sufficient to repel all possible aggres sion. —(Hear.) He would give the House the same advice which the Delphic oracle gave to the Athenians, and tell them to betake themselves to their wooden walls. At all events, do not try to raise a militia force. It always had been, and always would be, an unpopular force in this country, because it might be directed against the liberties of this country itself. Suppose a sudden attack should be made upon the country, there was spirit enough in the people, and strength enough in oar regular force, to keep the French army from reaching London, and to place it, between our army and navy, in a very uncomfortable predicament. He (Mr. Hobhouse) was not disposed to embarrass the Honourable Gentlemen opposite, but at the same time he was not disposed to trust them, and he intended therefore to move the reading of the Bill that day six months. A danger which we had escaped for so many years could not now be so imminent that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite could not delay this measure till July or August. The new Parliament ought to settle this Bill.—(Hear.) It should be discussed upon the hustings, for it was a question in which the people were deeply interested.—(Hear.) The militia system would be a fertile source of jobbing. The land would swarm with colonels—(Laughter)—and we should see nothing but red coats. Men would be distracted alike from their business and their pleasures, and all upon no earthly pretence that could be justified by argument. If introduced, these levies would be utterly useless in a time of war, for a slight glance at history would show that raw levies had always Red before the fire of disciplined troops. That being the case, and a number of his friends agreeing with him that the measure was an inexpedient, one, he should move that the Bill be read that day six months. Mr. NEWDEGATE was proceeding to address the House, but - -arr. /1013110 USE rose toorder, and reminded the Speaker that his amendment had not been put The SPEAKER said, the motion before the House was, that the Bill for calling out the militia be introduced by cer tain Members, and the only amendment which could be moved was, either the direct negative to this, or that some other Members be ordered to bring in the Bill.—(Ministe rial cheers.) Mr. NEWDEGATE was sorry the Hon. Member for Lin coln would not find his name entered upon the journals of the House, for he really believed that could have been his only motive in bringing forward the amendment.—(A laugh.) There appeared a great discrepancy between the statements made by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, for the Hon. Member for the West Riding advised us to send Commis missioners to France and ask that power to burn their fleet, while the Honourable Member for Lincoln (Mr. Hob house) suggested that the force of the navy should be doubled.—(Hear, hear.) As to the demand that the Bill should be left unpassed until the constituencies had pronounced upon it, he supposed Hon. Gentlemen opposite wanted a cry with which to go to the country, feeling sure that the measure would be unpopular when viewed in the light in which they were going to put it at the hustings. He almost began to regret that the Noble Lord lately at the head of the Government and Lord Derby had repressed the warnings which had been addressed by the press to the people on the possibility of a sudden invasion. He fully appreciated the motives which had dictated this course on the part of the late and the present Premier. The language held by the press must have been irritating to the people of France, but the Noble Lord, as well as Lerd Derby, forgot that there was a faction in this country who would only be controlled by popular clamour • and the press therefore, perhaps rightly, believed that this House would not have strength enough to carry any measure for the protection of our shores unless they excited the alarm of the people. He feared that the democratic principle was working so strongly that, without a popular cry, as it was called, we should scarcely be able to adopt any measure of defence. He hoped, however, the Government would not be deterred by any feeling of this sort, and by what had been said by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, from bringing for ward a measure of such importance as that before the House. Mr. HORSMAN felt strongly the responsibility resting upon the Right Hon. Gentleman who had brought forward the present measure, but a great responsibility rested also upon every Member of that House in regard to it.—(Hear.) One of the difficulties which presented themselves to his mind with reference to the scheme was, that he was unaware of any precedent for demanding so large a military esta blishment as was now proposed without some pressing neces sity was apparent. He believed that the means of defence which had failed in the country during the last war, and which after 40 years of peace had become so unsuited to the feelings of the people, would, it was not difficult to fore see, fail again on any emergency. Our safety should not rest on the forbearance of an enemy, but on our own strength—(Hear)—and it was the opinion of military men that the fate of England would be sealed for ever if her defence was left to a militia instead of a regular army. Indeed, it would be a folly and madness no one could be guilty of to expose a militia to the trained troops of France. If, then, there was any reason to apprehend an invasion, suclia force would not constitute an adequate de fence, and it would be costly without being efficient. There was no difficulty in inducing the House to increase our forces when cause was shown for it. On looking back to the acts of the late Government, he found that from 1846 there had never been a proposition to increase the estimates which had not been carried by a majority of 4 to 1, while in Sir Robert Peel's Government similar motions were carried by a still larger majority. It was the practice of successive Administrations to say they were obliged to reduce our ,establishments, while the fact was that this very question of maintaining or increasing them was one on which every Administration had maintained the support of Parliament. If there really was a necessity for this increase to our de fences let Government come down to the House and lay the case before them, and he would venture to say there was no increase the House of Commons would not sanction.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part he did not attach much weight to the rumour of war, but at the same time, whenever the Go vernment measure was discussed, it should be approached by him in no hostile spirit.—(Hear, hear.) Captain BOLDERO said it was the duty of the Govern ment to keep the country in a state of security, and it was not in that state at present. Though he believed that the present Prince President of France had no disposition to attack this country, where he had so long resided, yet who could foretell what might take place during the next twelve months? Another dictator might then be placed at the head of the French army with less amicable feelings. He referred to the good service which the militia had, in past days, done the country, and stated that he should have no objection to place the regular army on the same footing as in 1848, and have the militia besides. He trusted never to see the day when a foreign army should be found on the soil of this country, but, should such an event occur, he had no fear that that army, however numerous, could make any impression on so great and powerful a nation as Great Britain. Colonel SIBTHORP had the honour of holding an im portant commission in that most valuable force, the old re gular militia, and he expressed his opinion that there was a great superiority in the measure of the present Government as compared with that of the last Government. He placed confidence in the present Government, and therefore he should support the introduction of the Bill ; but he would not be bound by all the details, as he preferred the system of the old militia without alteration. The O'GORMAN MAHON, without going into the details of the proposed measure, desired to express his ex treme regret at the speech delivered by the lion. Member for the West Riding, and, on the part of his countrymen, he begged to tender to the Secretary at War thanks for the manner in which he bore testimony to their fidelity and loyalty, whenever they were called to the defence of their country, and to the maintenance of the honour and dignity of the Crown. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he merely rose to express his hope that Hon. Gentlemen opposite would not call on the House to divide. The Government were, in fact, only obeying the order of the House, and all they asked for was permission to lay on the table of the House that Bill which the majority of the House had decided should be prepared ; and this was his answer to the Hon. and Gallant Member for Lincoln; and he assured that Hon. and Gallant Member that by his vote that night he was pledged to nothing, but to permit the Government to comply with the order of the House.— (Hear, hear.) It was for these reasons that he should, only for a few moments, trespass on -the attention of the House. He should not be induced to attempt to answer the Hon. Member for the West Riding, who had made one of those able and agreeable speeches which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) always listened tQ with pleasure, though he: entirely , disagreed with them.—(Hear, and laughter.) The Hon. Member was not merely against the militia, but against all defence.—(Hear, hear.) His argument was an argument against the line, against the household troops, the artillery, and the cavalry; and it proceeded on the assumption that, in the present state of the world, no country need defend itself.—(Renewed laughter.) He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) could not give his adhesion to those opinions. He could not agree with the Hon. Gentle man that the events of the last few years, to which he had appealed, had in any way authorised his adopting those opinions, t h oug h he had triumphantly d..4 refe u rred t h o them ) as auth or ity for what he had state ear, ear and when he recollected, since the date to which he had referred, when the convulsions of Europe commenced, that in the course of eight weeks four pitched battles had been fought, and that the Baltic and Adriatic had been both blockaded, he really could not agree with the Hon. Gentleman that those were the evidences of that halcyon period the approach of which the Hon. Gentleman seemed to anticipate.— (Hear, hear.) He had said before, and he must repeat it, that, totally irrespective of the disturbances we had of late years unfortunately witnessed, there were features in the present 'political arrangements of the world, of long en durance, which forbade him to believe that we had arrived at th a t period of permanent an d endurin g tran q uillit y of w hich we heard so often.—(Hear, hear.) He must repeat that, so long as he found the strongest places in the possession of the weakest powers, so long as he observed that throughout Europe and Asia the richest countries were under the do minion of the poorest sovereigns, he felt that that was a state of things which would lead no doubt hereafter, he hoped not in our times, to very great changes, which he could not believe would be effected by any other agency than war.—(Hear , hear . ) U p on the measure which hi s Right Hon. Friend had explained to to the House he would, as be hoped no division would take place, scarcely touch; but in answer to the Sight Hon. Gentleman the Alember for Perth, he must say that from him he collected that his chief opposition to the measure was the contingent ballot; but he m ight remind the Right Hon. Gentleman that in the mea sure which he had himself proposed that offensive arrange' went was introduced absolutely. Mr. F. MAULE—The Right Hon. Gentleman quite w acie ig" un derstood me. I maintained that th ere could be no ef nt militia system without the ballot. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER contihh --He was glad to perceive th a t t h e e l ements of oppositi ed on were already diminishing.—(" Hear, hear," 4and " No, no.") At all events, he would remi n d th e Right waslion. Gen tlemana that in this cas e th e quest i on of t he ballot Matter of opinion.. It w f or the Bight Hon.as impossible any data on Gentleman or for the Gove rnment to re fer W 1852. such a point which could influence the opinion of the House. He could say the Government had given this sub ject the most painful investigation, that they had consulted the highest military authorities, that they had weighed all the evidence before them with the utmost attention they could command, and that the result of their inquiries was, that they had arrived at a different conclusion from the Right Hon. Gentleman.-( Hear, hear.) In case this measure should be adopted by Parliamhnt, of•course the future must determine which had formed the correct judgment, but he begged the Right Hon. Gentleman to understand that there was, upon the put of the Government, a conviction that voluntary enlistment might be appealed to in raising a mi litia with great and even complete success- (Hear, hear).- and this was a measure which he agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman the future alone could decide. With these few observations he would again express the hope which be had already ventured to express, that notwithstanding some what of fiery addresses from some Hon. Gentlemen opposite, the House would see that it would be the fairest and most friendly course, in the present position of the question, to allow the Bill to be brought in. There would be many op portunities when it could be most amply discussed hereafter, and they must all feel that no general discussion could be satisfactory until they had the provisions of the Bill before them. He trusted, therefore, that no division would take place at the present stage. Mr. BRIGHT thought that the appeal which they had just heard from the Right Hon. Gentleman was somewhat singular, seeing that the Right Hon. Gentleman sat where he did through a violation of the very rule which he wished them now to observe; but really, after a fortnight upon the benches opposite, Hon. Gentlemen acquired a gravity of face which enabled them to ask anything from the other side of the House.-(Hear, hear.) The order of the House, also, to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had so pathetically I referred, had passed before the Right [ion. Gentleman enlisted under the banners of the vindictive Noble Lord who sat below the gangway.-(" Oh, oh," and laughter.) He hoped, now that the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton had played tit for tat with the Noble Lord the Member for London, that they should hear no more of the differences between thens.-(Hear i hear.) The Right Hon. Gen tleman stated that his • Hon. Friend the Member for the West Riding had argued against any defence whatever, on the assumption that the time had arrived when no such defence was necessary ; but that was not a correct repre sentation of the case, for his Hon. Friend did not lose sight of the fact, that at this moment they were voting for that very defence three times the sum which the General Go vernment of the United States required for its military purposes, and for the whole services of its general govern ment, and that they were voting 15,000,0001. annually for the very purposes which the Right Hon. Gentleman took upon him coolly to suppose they were altogether neglecting. -(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had spoken of the responsibility he felt with reference to this measure as a member of the Government. He could only say that the Government had no responsibility whatever upon the sub ject, provided the opinion of the country were adverse to the proposition.-(Oh, oh.) He would not argue the case, be cause he took it for granted that a representative Govern ment was not bound to raise taxes and establish new sys tems of defence, if the public were opposed to it ; and there -was another kind of protection which they were going to abandon upon that very ground.-(hear.) He would not refer to the military part of the case, lest he should rouse some belligerent major or pugnacious admiral, but he asked, if we had been now 37 years without a militia force, if no evil had resulted from the abandonment of the Bill of 1848, and if this measure were not the result of panic, that they should postpone it for some little time longer, in order to take the opinion of the country upon it. The first cost of this force was estimated at 400,0001., but when the arms were in cluded he took it for granted that the question was, whether they should involve themselves in an expenditure of at least 1,500,0001. in the next five years. To come to the working of the measure. Of course they will find it much more easy to raise volunteers where work was scarce and wages ranged at from Is. to is. 6d. a-day, as in the south-western counties, than in Lancashire or Yorkshire, where work was abundant, and the wages averaged from 2s. 6d. to ss. He assumed that in these latter districts the voluntary system would fail, and that recourse must be had to the ballot. Did the Right Hon. Gentleman know the system on which capital and labour were connected there? Let the Hon. Gentlemen enter a woollen or cotton manufactory, where there were some hundreds or might be a thousand persons employed, and he would see the raw material going on through a succession of processes, and being worked up in machinery of the most costly haracter until the whole manufacture was completed. The employment in all those mills was by a succession of links. The chain of industry was of a most ingenious and wonderfully arranged character. It was the most important and most productive industry in the country ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed to take , by ballot the men between the ages of 18 and 35 who were engaged in those delicate, difficult, and skilled operations. He should like to know how the Right Hon. Gentleman's project would work in those manufactories; because that was a question which they would have to meet, and from the difficulties of which they would find it impossible to escape.- (Hear, hear.) It was all very well for the Government to I take an airing on the British lion, as was said of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton, the other night-(Laughter) -but when they came to work the question, and when the balloting system was put in operation, they,would find that it was not the great capitalist alone, but the workmen whom they were about to withdraw from their regular and well paid industry who would be the steady and implacable ene mies to the measure now proposed. And it was not merely because they would take away men from their work who were earning 3s. or 4s. per day, and subject them to the evil 'influences of the militia drill, that this opposition would be excited. It was because it would break a link in the chain of which he had spoken, and would con sequently do twenty times the mischief that it would do if unskilled and agricultural labourers merely were taken away from the employment in which they were engaged. lie entreated the Government to examine this argument before bringing in their measure, and see whether they did not thiiik it entitled to some weight. There was ,only one ob servation he was desirous of making with regard to the general principle. He was afraid that by the establish ment of a militia system and bringing 80,000 men through a military training as proposed, they would be laying the foun dation of two great evils in this country. One was, that in times of great suffering and political discontent the people would be taught to refer to conflicts in the street for a re medy to political grievances, rather than to debates and di visions in that House.-( Hear, hear.) The other was, that in consequence of the military spirit thus cultivated, the people would gradually be led to the toleration of great armies ; and great armies, as they all knew, were of all in stitutions those which were most hostile to the security and permanent freedom of nations.-(Hear, hear.) He begged, in conclusion, to put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer-seeing that, as the Government them selves had confessed, there was no urgency with respect to the Bill-seeing, as he (Mr. Bright) had shown, that it would interfere materially with the industry of a large class of the people-seeing that it would cause a great additional taxation, and lay the foundation of something new in this country, at least in modern times-whether he ought not to postpone the measure until the meeting of the next Parlia ment, when the opinion of the country would be ascertained respecting it.- (Hear, hear.) There was an admirable pre cedent for this in the conduct of the Government with re ference to the question of protection. He confessed he did not anticipate that if he should have the honour of being re turned again to that House, there would be any change in his views on this subject; because he felt that he was backed in his opposition to it by the universal opinion of the consti tuency which he represented. He had also heard that at Sheffield a petition against the measure had been signed by 2,500 electors out of 4,000, the highest number which had ever polled in that borough. Surely the Government would not proceed with the measure in the face of a remonstrance so important.-(Hear, hear.) Mr. WHITESIDE had had R 0 intention of addressing the House, but some opinions which had been expressed by the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down induced him to trespass for a few moments on the attention of the House. The Hon. Gentleman had talked of the gravity with which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had asked him and those who thought with him to permit the Bill to be introduced to the House; and perhaps the Right Hon. Gentleman had erred in expecting that the Hon. Gentleman, who was so sensitive with respect to a " pugnacious i t miral, and bel ligerent major-generals"-(Hear, hear) -would exercise so much forbearance as to permit a measure the principle of which had been approved by the House, to be laid on the table.-(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had also se verely censured the conduct of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton; but he was hardly so charitable as might have been expected of him with regard to the motives which actuated public men in the course they took on great and important questions. Notwithstanding, however, the weight of the Hon. Gentleman's censure-and he admitted that the censure must be estimated by its weight and the height from which it fell-(Hear, hear)-he (Mr. Whiteside) was still of opinion that the public would have little difficulty in deciding whether the Noble Lord, in the course he had taken on this question, had been actuated by unworthy motives or by a patriotic desire to serve the best interests of his country.-(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had urged them to leave the question of a militia to the decision of the hustings. Was this the Constitution of England ?- ( Hear, hear.) Was every question to be submitted to the hustings?-(Hear, hear.) Were Members of that House mere delegates, bound to act according to the instructions of their constituents? or were they to give their constituents the benefit of their judgment, their knowledge, their reason, and their experience upon the questions which were sub mitted to them ?-(Hear, hear.) The Hon Gentleman had said he would not argue the question with them, and he musts do him the justice to say that he had not argued the ques tion.-(A laugh.) Whenever the Hon. Gentleman spoke on questions connected with the manufacturers he always listened to him with interest, because he was sure thohitdeeesrwidiveae instruction and profit from him ; b u t h e must f rankly saes) ramr e lay ll a g ct o ga r ul o ka ll ei s intellect ndtepo-n( w acquainted.-(H ea r.) questionsea r as ) n o Het with apparent riwre.hni when the H. that the same ask the lion. Membe r f or th e West Riding nliwoiostnhp'eaGreinct o t u i for whom he entertained a strong personal who, he admitted, was entitl e d t o kthe respect respect, and t of Member of the House on account o f th e co whetherhis own w great hen hability-he ap e e :a the nstii!eve re presentedrHon. and Membe r peace on earth established, h e really belieovfesdiethingatutaiheversaPre: sent condition of the world afforded any evidence of the near approfch of that happy state of things aDid be really sr rational liberty umphant ?-(Hmea"rr.virt ht b e did not. And when the Holt. Member talked making progress, rather tahnodu-g virtue: and justice tri umphant the French Government to disband of their their if h would their ships, he wished to Membere ask the Ha' that embassy. - undertake to be the on which this mea n. Member, ambassador (Laughter.) An n o had spoken of that danger and get rid of sure was intend finitesilnal ; but with t grea . sce -pea or against as in ;lance of a danger was .. to be he begged to say that the unPe • ea that Hon. Member he of the assailing estimated not so much by the grea • of the object threatened. force as by the inestimable ' soralcahred t j one of importance to pro curity of the empire. small d an ger, if it were only for the Now, in the present case, tbiasacVect threatened was the se this even from a h happiness and just for the preservation a wise economy tl e l f eententmeneTtwwhahticwasit would secure. It was P eegand to France, he rejoiced to hear of the people. o t danger to be apprehended from that that there country ssu overof that country were to be wielded by andelrrasnt circumstances.supposing the vast militees hand, OIL there be no danger then to this kingdom ? That 'a w r would in itself furnish just ground of caution. sus'. object all government was to give protection to all The oe s -- c l a sses of persons, in the kingdom, and this measure was to a fford that protection. Mr. ROEBUCK understood that the object of the Govern ment at present was to introduce a Bill upon the subject of the militia. He was himself extremely anxious that that s hould be done, for the reasons which had been given by the Hon. Member for Manchester. He believed that it was not desirable that there should be any division on the , subject at present, but that the Bill should be laid on the table, with the understanding that the Government should go to the country upon the Bill-(Hear, hear.) He could understand that it was not the wish of the present Govern ment to go to the country upon one isolated measure, but that they should propound what was the general tone and tenour of their policy. Now, he considered the present clues- tion was one of the most important upon which they could go to the country. It was one which would affect the whole tone, tenour, and character of the Administration. Before Parliament could ask the people to assent to such a mea sure, it was incumbent thoroughly to sit the mode in which the present resources of the country were used. The prin ciple which guided him on this question was expressed in this avowal, that he would rather see 10,000 efficient regulars added to the army, than that 100,000 in dustrious artisans should be converted into a militia force. He therefore appealed to the Right Hon. Gentleman whe ther it was his intention to decide upon this matter without going to the country? Having determined 'not to decide upon one important question, concerning which it was well known the country had come to a thoroughly unanimous opinion, without referring it to the people, and this notwith standing the subject had been sifted for many years, he ear nEstly asked the Government whether they considered it wise or politic to cail upon the House of Commons imme diately to decide upon a question which had not been sifted. and which was not thoroughly well known and understood by the country.—(" Question, question !") Mr. OSBORNE wished the Bill to be laid on the table that the opinion of the country might be taken upon it. Mr. WALPOLE reminded the House that the motion for leave to bring in the Bill had already been agreed to; and the object of the present motion was to authorise certstin in dividuals o bring in the Bill in obedience to that decision. Should the House accede to the motion, it was not his inten tion to propose the second reading till after Easter. • The motion was then agreed to. The report of the Committee of Supply was brought up, and the resolutions were agreed to. EXCHEQUER-BILLS. Upon the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, being a vote for 17,742,8001. Exchequer-bills, Mr. W. WILLIAMS asked when these bills would be re deemed, and what was the rate of interest? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said they would be redeemed next June, and until next June it was not possible to say the amount of interest. possible ty to bargainwatc f h or the Mr. HUME said that the Chan ce ll or of the Exc h equer should take the opinion of the Ho use b efore settling t h e market,pric eof an E d xe t h o e m qu ak er e -b th il e ls. ch l e t ap w e a st s his public. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the present object was merely to complete an arrangement which had been commenced in January last.. The rate of interest was settled then, and it was not m the power of th e H o or the Minister to alter the contract. Next Jane it would be open to them to propose a new arrangement. Mr. GLYN thought that the Right Hon. Gentleman was under some mistake. as the bills of January had to be re newed in March. What they were now voting would apply to June. He believed there was no instance within the last century in which the interest on Exchequer-bills had been lower than at present, but there never was a time when there was so much money lying unemployed in the Bank of Eng land as at the present time.. He thought it was the bounden duty of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to go into the money-market and make the best arrangement he could, always taking care that the rate he fixed on was not so low as to bring the bills into disrepute. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER assured the Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House that he en tirely agreed with the principles which he had laid down respecting Exchequer-bills. He was perfectly aware that any rate which had been paid in former times did not apply to the time in which we live. Bat he only rose to correct the Hon. Gentleman in saying that the rate of interest on Exchequer-bills had not rested with the present Government, since they had been in office, but that the arrangement was made by their predecessors. Mr. WILLIAMS said the rate was settled in March, and the Exchequer-bills were exchanged in June. He thought they ought not to allow the Chancellor of the Exchequer to have this vote without a distinct understanding what the rate of interest was to be. The present rate of interest was 21. Os. 7id. per annum, which was more than n per cent. The Bank of England was now lending money at 2 per cent., and he was informed that bills were now dis counted in the City at as low a rate as 1 per cent. • and bills which had even s i x mon ths to run at 2 percent He did not see why Government Bills should not be consi sidered as good as private bills; and, indeed, it was, for the premium on Exchequer Bills amounted to a year and a half's interest. He thought that interest at the rate of Id. per day would be quite sufficient. He considered that the late Chancellor of the Exchequer was guilty of a great job in giving so much more interest than was requisite. Mr. MASTERMAN said, what they were now doing was merely to authorise the substitution of one set of Exche quer Bills for another. It had nothing to do with the rate of interest. Mr. HUME said this was a vote to renew the Bills, but he was not aware whether it was to renew the Bills due in March or June, and he thought this was the time to fix the rate of interest. Alderman THOMPSON said he supposed the Chancellor of the Exchequer would advertise, at the proper time, to renew the Bills, and he would then fix the rate of interest, and he had no doubt he would exercise a proper discretion upon it. The motion was then agreed to. MUTINY BILL. The House then went into Committee on the Mutiny Bill In reply to Mr. HUME, Mr. BERESFORD stated that the vote for the Kafir war would be taken on Friday. Mr. A. HASTIE moved an amendment on the 61th clause of the Bill, to relieve private families in Scotland from the billeting of Soldiers. Mr. BERESFORD said that in England there was a large number of licensed victuallers, who were required to receive soldiers upon billets. In Scotland, however, the number of licensed victuallers was small ; and the practice for 140 years had been to billet soldiers, when necessary, upon the inhabitants. The subject had been referred to the Judge Advocate, who expressed his opinion that any altera tion of the law would be a great hardship upon the licensed victuallers, and that under the present system the grievance of which the inhabitants complained was very slight. Mr. HUME asked how private families in England would like to have soldiers sent into their houses at any hour of the day, some of them having female servants and little accom modation ?—(A laugh.) After a few words from Mr. COWAN and Mr. DUNCAN, the Committee were about to divide, but Mr. P. HOWARD expressed a hope that the Government would consent to consider the grievance complained of. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Go vernment was perfectly willing to consider every grievance, but he could not think that at one o'clock in the morning the Committee would be asked to divide upon this Bill. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought it would be better not to press the case now. The amendment was then withdrawn, and the Bill passed through Committee. The Marine Mutiny Bill also passed through Committee. The - House having resumed, leave was given to Mr. Bouverie to bring in a Bill to abolish the criminal jurisdic- tion of the Ecclesiastical Courts in certain cases (the Hon. Member referred to cases of brawling and defamation); to Sir W. Jolliffe, to bring in a Bill to continue an Act of the 12th year of her present Majesty, to prevent the spread ing of contagious or infectious disorders among sheep, cattle, and other animals; to Lord Naas, to bring in a Bill to con tinue certain Acts relating to linen, hempen, and other ma nufactures in Ireland. Mr. KERSHAW moved that the Select Committee on Blanchester end Salford Education do consist of sixteen Members, and that Mr. Pilkington be added to the Committee. Mr. WALPOLE objected to the constitution of the Com mittee being altered; it would prevent the report from being satisfactory. Sir W. CLAY said, that the Nonconformist party, who had been such friends to popular education, were certainly entitled to have more than one representative upon the Committee. The Committee, as at present constituted, could not give satisfaction to that body. Mr. W. PATTEN agreed that the friends of the volun tary principle ought to have a voice in the Committee. There was a majority t:thvhi o einenm f g l n.o o urh seufbr resolution, number o rhh f eao tf l H s tlo neerm.there hb iMember rMembersssgmhhuobptueeoblrfidiet otortheahrnoeevcemomar Stock ports; ,nnotothllatsthe there littlewas Com mittee who were hostile to the merits of the Bill that was promoters of the a nit b at emepesubmitted e t amendment, thatteoen moving chance Member w t a o s dot there justice in tot th t e h eB opinioni ll beforeef the e e everyßil lt that inclination ustice wouldo w i thdr a w be d o it.n to H e t d h i e d m pos sible that the Bill, with a select committee containing so many decided opponents, could have a fair chance in its future KERSHAW would not o bj ect to the committee progress. Mr . being increased to 17. Arr . . M. GIBSON said that the friends of secular instruc tion complained of not being quite fairly represented in the committee. He agreed w ith h is lion. Friend tkat thossicho represented voluntary vi ews ought to have a fair number in this committee. He was not, therefore, a dverse to t he no mination of another G ent l eman of their views; but, having agreed agreed with the H ome Secretary as to the committee suited by not di s t ur bi ng the present arrang ement' as The House the n di v i ded, ▪ 24 now proposed, the i n t erests of all part i es would be beat con when there aPP For Mr. Kershaw's motion... *"" ▪ 53 Agaiust it „.. „.. —29 Majority aBl 1 o'clock. The House adjourned at 20 mint' P PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. elect (From the the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) proposed,F 0 R D ~ EDUCATION . That thes MONDAY, stAncn 29. Motion made, AND D sti S o Al n Committee do consist of sixteen Members :"—Amendment propose, to leave out " sixteen," and insert " seventeen,' instead o f :—Question put, " That the Select Committee do con sist of sixteen Members." The House divided : MANCHESTanERd MINORITY—AYES, 24. Amster, Thomas Heywood, James Thichnesse, R. A. Ben, Jacob Ilindley, C. Thompson, Colonel Butler, P. S. Hobhonse, T. B. Thornely, Thomas Cont h, Charles Milligan, Robert Wawn, J. T. Duncan. George Milner, W.:M. Williams, John Ellis, John Nugent, Sir Percy Wyld, James Swart, William Scholefield4Wlillain TIMM. Greene, John Sullivan Michael Kershaw, James Bantle, Alexander Tennant, R. J. Clay, Sir W. MAJORITY-NOES, 53. Adderley, C. E. Dunne, Colonel Mullings, J. R. Henry Naas, Lord Forbes, W. George Edwards, Napier, Joseph Bagot, Ark wri William ght' Bankes, George Froestun, Colonel Patten, J. W. Barrington, Lord Gaskell, J. M. Scott, F. Beresford, William Gibson, Thomas M. SomertonNiscottlat Booth, Sir R. 43: Greene, Thomas Spooner, R. Bouverie, E. P. Gwyn, Howel Stafford, Attgustns Bridges, Sir B. Hamilton, G. A. Trollope, Sir J. Burghley, Lord Henley, .W. Vyse, R. H. Cardwell, E. Hope, Sir J. Walpole, Spence r Carew, W. H. P. Howard, P. H. Whiteside, Jamaa Carter, J. B. Jolliffe, Sir W. H. Wynn, H. W. Chichester, Lord J. Knox, W. S. Yorke, E. T. Christy, S. Langton, W. H. P. Young, Sir John Cobbold, John C. Lennox, Lord H G. Cotton, W. S. Manners, Lord J. Truxxs. Disraeli, B. March, Earl of Mackenzie, W. F. Duckworth, Sir J. Masterman, John Bateson, Thomas The Notts Guardian states tbat Mr. Roger O'Connor, the nephew of Mr. Feargus O'Connor, M. l has appealed to the English Chartists to raise funds for his " un fortunate relative." The Earl of Derby has acce p ted, says the Preston Chronicle, the office of President of the Royal North Lanca shire Agricultural Society, and has promised to attend the annual meeting at Preston, in September. rADVERTISEMENT.i — THE EARL OF ALDBOROUG AND HOLLOWAY'S raxs.— Au a e oun ding cure by this miraculoull medicine, alter every other me ans had failed. See extract from his Lordship's letter, dated .. villa , fea sina, Leghorn, Feb 21, 1845. 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