The Sun. — London, England, 1835-01-12 00:00:00

repetition either necessary or desirable. It will be sufficient here to remark that there has for many years been scarcely a single aaministration of the French Government by whom the justice and legality of the claims of our citizens to indemnity were not, to a very considerable extent, admitted, ana yet near a euarter of a century has been wasted in ineffectual negotia tions to secure it. Deeply sensible of the injurious effects resulting from this state of things upon the interests and character of both na• tions, I regarded it as among my first duties to cause one more effort to be made to satisfy France that a just and liberal set tlement of our claims was as well due to her own honour as to their iscontestible validity. The negotiation for this purpose was commenced with the late Government of France, and was prosecuted with such success as to leave no reasonable ground 'cdoubt that a settlement of a character quite as liberal as that hich was subsequently made would have been effected, had mot the revolution, by which the negotiation was cut off, taken place. The discussions were resumed with the present Go vernment, and the result showed that we were not wrong in supposing that an event by which the two Governments were made to approach each other so much nearer in heir political principles, and by which the motives for the most' liberal and friendly intercourse were so greatly multiplied, could exercise no other than a salutary - nfluence upon the negotiation. After the most deliberate and thorough examination of the whole subject, a treaty be tween the two Governmentswas concluded and signed at Paris on the 4th of July, 1831, by which it was stipulated that." the French Government, in order to liberate itself from all the reclamations preferred against it by the citizens of the United States for unlawful seizures, captures, sequestrations, confis cations, or destruction of their vessels, cargoes, or other pro perty, engages to pay a sum of twenty-five millions of francs to the United States, who shall distribute it among those en titled in the manner and according to the rules it shall deter mine;" and it was also stipulated on the part of the French Government that this twentv-five millions of francs should "be paid at Paris in six annual instalments of four millions one hundred and sixty-six thousand and six hundred and sixty-six francs and sixty-six centimes each, into the hands of such per son or persons as shall be authorised by the Government of the United States to receive it." The first instalment to be paid "at the expiration of one year next following the exchange of the ratifications of this convention, and the others at successive intervals of a year, one after another, till the whole shall be paid. To the amount of each of the said instalments shall be added interest at four per centum thereupon, as upon the other instalments then remaining unpaid, the said interest to be computed from the day of the exchange of the present con vention." It was also stinulated on the part of the United States for the purpose of being completely liberated from all the recla mations presented by France on behalf of its citizens, that the sum of one million five hundred thousand francs should be paid to the Government of France, in six annual instalments, to be deducted out of the annual instalments, which France had agreed to pay, interest thereupon being in like manner com puted from the day of the exchange of the ratifications. In addition to this stipulation important advantages were secured to. France by the following article, viz. :—" The wines of France, from and after the exchange of the ratifications of the present Convention, shall be admitted to consumption in the States of the Union at duties which shall not exceed the following rates by the gallon (such as it is used at present for wines in the United States), to wit : six cents for red wines in casks; ten cents for white wines in casks; and twenty-two cents for wines of all sorts in bottles. The proportions exist ing between the duties on French wines thus reducedand the general rates of the tariff which went into operation on the Ist of January, 1829, shall be maintained, in case the Go vernment of the United States should think proper to diminish those general rates in a new tariff. " In consideration of this stipulation, which shall be binding on the United States for ten years, the French Government abandons the reclamations which it had formed in relation to the Bth Article of the Treaty of Cessation of Louisiana. It engages, moreover, to establish on the long staple cottons of the United States, which, after the exchange of the ratifica tions of the present Convention shall be brought directly thence to France by the vessels of the United States, or by French vessels,' the same duties as on short staple cottons." The Treaty was duly ratified in the manner prescribed by the Constitutions of both countries, and the ratification was exchanged at the city of Washington on the 2d of February, 1832. On account of its commercial stipulations, it was in five days thereafter laid before the C o n gress o f the United States, which proceeded to enact such laws favourable to the commerce of France as were necessary to carry it into full execution ; and France has from that period to the present been in the unrestricted enjoyment of the valuable privileges that were thus secured to her. The faith of the French nation having been thus solemnly pledged, through its constitutional orpin, for the liquidation and ultimate payment of the long deferred claims of our citizens, as also th e a dj ustment o f other points of great and reciprocal benefits to both countries ; and the United States having, with a fidelity and promptitude by which their conduct will, I trust, be always characterised, done everything that was necessary to carry the treaty into a full and fair effect on their part, counted with the most perfect confidence on equal fidelity and promptitude on the part of the French Government. In this reasonable expectation we have been, I regret to inform you, wholly disappointed. No legis lative provision has been made by France for the execution of the treaty, either as it respects the indemnity to be paid or the commercial benefit to he secured to the United States ; and the relations between the United States and that Power, in consequence thereof, are placed in a situation threatening to interrupt the good understanding which has so long and so happily existed between the two nations. Not only has the French government been thus wanting in the performance of the stipulations it has so solemly entered into with the United States, but its omissions have been marked by circumstances which would seem to leave us without satis factory evidence that such performance will certainly take place at a future period. Advice of the exchange of ratifica tions reached Paris prior to the Bth of April, 1832. The French chambers were then sitting, and continued in Ses sion until the 21st of that month, and although one of the instalments of the indemnity was payable on the 2d of February, 1833, one year after the exchange of ratifications, no application was made to the Chambers for the required appropriation, and in consequence of no appropriation having then been made, the draft of the United States Government for that instalment was dishonoured by the Minister of Fi nance, and the United States thereby involved in much con troversy. The next Session of the Chambers commenced on the 19th of November, 1832, and continued until th e 25th of April, 1833. Notwithstanding the omission to pay the first instalment had been made the subject of earnest remonstrance on our part, the Treaty with the United States, end a Bill making the necessary appropriations to execute it, were not laid before the Chamber of Deputies until the 6th of April, nearly five months after its meeting, and only nineteen days before the close of the Session. The Bill was read and referred to a Committee, but there was no further action upon it. The next Session of the Chambers commenced on the 26th of April, 1833, and continued until the 26th of June fol lowing. A new Bill was introduced on the 11th of June, but nothing important was done in relation to it during the session. In the month. of April, 1834, nearly three years after the sig nature of the Treaty, the final action of the French Cham bers upon the Bill to carry the Treaty into effect was obtained, and resulted in a refusal of the necessary appropriations. The avowed grounds upon which the Bill was rejected are to be found in the published debates of that body, and no observa tions of mine can be necessary to satisfy Congress of their utter insufficiency. Although the gross amount of the claims of our citizens is probably greater than will be ultimately al lowed by the Commissioners, sufficient is nevertheless shown to render it absolutely certain that the indemnity falls far short of the. actua /amount of our just claims, independently of the question of damages and interest for the detention. That the settlement involved a sacrifice in this respect was well known at the time, a sacrifice which was cheerfully acquiesced in by the different branches of the Federal Government, whose ac tion upon the Treaty was required from a sincere desire to avoid further collision upon this old and disturbing subject,— and in the confident expectation that the general relations be tween the two countries would be improved thereby. The refusal to vote the appropriation, the news of which was received from our Minister in Paris about the 15th day of May last, might have been considered the final determination of the French Government not to execute the stipulations of the treaty, and would have.,justified an immediate communica tion of the fact to Congress, with a recommendation of such ultimate measures as the interest and honour of the United States might seem to require. But with the news of the re fusal of the Chambers to make the appropriation were con veyed the regrets of the King, and a declaration that a na tional vessel should be forthwith sent out, with instructions to the French Minister to give the most ample explanations of the past, and the strongest assurances for the future. After a long passage, the promised dispatch vessel arrived. The pledges given by the French Minister upon receipt of his in structions were, that, as soon after the election of the new Members as the charter would permit, the Legislative Cham bers of France should be called together, and the proposition for an appropriation laid before them ; and all the constitu tional powers of the King and his Cabinet should be exerted to accomplish the object ; and that the result should be made known early enough to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of the present session. Relying upon these pledges, and not doubting that the acknowledged justice of our claims, the promised exertions of the King and his Cabi net, and, above all, that sacred regard for the national faith and honour for which the French character has been so dis tinguished would secure an early executiou of the treaty in all its parts, I did not deem it necessary to call the attention of Congress to the subject at the last session. I regret to say that the pledges made through the Minister of France have not been redeemed. The new Chambers met on the 3lzt of July last, and although the subject of fulfilling treaties, Was alluded to in the speech from the throne, no attempt was made by the King or his Cabinet to procure an appropriation to carry it into execution. The reasons given for this omission, although they might be considered sufficient in an ordinary case, are not consistent with the expectations founded upon the assurances given here, for there is no con stitutional obstacle to entering into legislative business at the first meeting of the Chambers. This point, however, might have been overlooked had not the Chambers, instead of be ing called to meet at so early a day, that the result of their deliberations might be communicated to me before the meet ing of Congress, been prorogued to the 29th of the pre sent month, a period so late that their decision can scarcely be known to the present Congress prior to its dissolution. To avoid this delay, out- Minister in Paris, in virtue of the assurance given by the French Minister in the United States, strongly urg(•d the Convocation of the Chambers at an earlier day, but without success. It is proper to remark, however, o 'i'` that this refusal has been accompanied with the mcst positive " -.7. "-,''''-=' - - - assurances on the part of the Executive Government of Prance 0 .P - ..1-,..- , -• -,--- p(-- ~ i_ of their intention to press the topftpfiation at the ensuing • Session of the Chattihart. The Executive branch of this Government has, as matters stand, exhausted all the authority upon the subject with which it is invested, and which it had any reason to believe could be beneficially employed. The idea of acquiescing in the refusal to execttte tilt Treaty will not, I am confident, but be fora li - tit:bill entertained by any branch of this GoverniniSnt ; and further negotiation is equally out of the question. If it shall be the pleasure of Congress to await the further action of the French Chambers no further consideration of the subject will, at this season, probably be required at your hands. But if, from the original delay in asking for an appropriation, from the refusal of the Chambers to grant it when asked, from the omission to bring the subject before the chambers at their last Session, from the fact that including the Session there have been five different occasions when the appropriation might have been made, and from the delay in convoking of the Cham bers until some weeks after the meeting of Congress, it was well knows, that a communication of the whole subject to Con gress at the last Session was prevented by assurances that it should be disposed of before its present meeting, you should feel yourselves constrained to doubt whether it be the inten tion of the French Government in all its branches to carry the treaty into effect, and think that such measures as the occasion may be deemed to call for, should be now adopted, the impor tant question arises what those measures shall be. Our institutions are essentially pacific. Peace and friendly intercourse with all nations are as much the desire of our Go vernment as they are the interests of our people. But these objects are not to be permanently secured by surrendering the rights of our citizens, or permitting solemn treaties for their indemnity in cases of flagrant wrong to be abrogated or set aside. It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress seriously to affect the agricultural and manufacturing interests of France by the passage of laws relating to her trade with the United States. Her products, manufactures, and tonnage may be subjected to heavy duties in our ports, or all commercial inter course with her may be suspended. But there are powerful, and, to my mind, conclusive objections to this mode of pro ceeding. We cannot embarrass or cut off the trade of France without at the same time, in some degree, embarrassing or cut ting off our own trade. The injury of such a warfare must fall, though unequally, upon our own citizens, and could not but impair the means of the Government, and weaken that united sentiment in support of the rights and honour of the nation which must now pervade every bosom. Nor is it impossible that such a course of legislation would introduce once more into our national Councils those disturb ing questions in relation to the tariff of duties which have been so recently put to rest. Besides, by every measure adopted by the Government of the United States with the view of injuring France, the clear percepticn of right which will induce cur own people, and the rulers of the people of all other nations, even of France herself, to pronounce our quarrel just, will be obscured, and the support rendered to us in a final resort to more decisive measures will be more li mited and equivocal. There is but one point in the contro versy, and upon that the whole civilized world must pronounce France to be in the wrong. We insist that she shall pay a sum of money which she has acknowledged to be due ; and of the justice of this demand there can be but one opinion among mankind. True policy seems to dictate that the question at issue should be kept thus disencumbered, and that not the slightest pretence should be given to France to persist in her refusal to make payment by any act on our part affecting . the interest of her people. The question should be left as it is now, in such an attitude that when France fulfils her. Treaty stipulations, all controversy will be at end. It is my conviction that the United States ought to insist on a prompt execution of the Treaty, and in case it be refused, or longer delayed, take redress into their own hands. After the delay on the part of France of a quarter of a centery in ac taloa ledgieg these claims by Treaty, it is not to be tolerated that another quarter of a century is to be wasted in negotiating about the payment. The laws of nations provide a remedy for such occasions.- It is a well-settled principle of the inter national code that where one nation owes another a unliquidated debt, which it refuses or neglects to pay, the aggrieved party may seize on the property belonging to the other, its citizens or subjects, sufficient to pay the debt, without giving just cause of war. This remedy has been repeatedly resorted to, and recently by France herself towards Portugal, under circum stances less unquestionable. The time at which resort should be had to this, or any other mode of redress, is a point to be decided by Congress. If an appropriation shall not be made by the French Chambers at their next Session it may justly be concluded that the Govern ment of France has finally determined to disregard its own solemn undertaking, and refuse to pay an acknowledged debt. In that event, every day's delay on our part will be a stain upon our national honour, as well as a denial of justice to our in jured citizens. Prompt measures, when the refusal of France shall be complete, will not only be most honourable and just, but will have the best effect upon our national character. Since France, in violation of the pledges given through her Minister here, has delayed her final action-so long that her decision will not probably be known in time to be communi cated to this Congress, I recommend that a law be passed authorising reprisals upon French property, in case provision shall not be made for the payment of the debt at the ap proaching Session of the French Chambers. Such a measure , ought not to be considered by France as a menace. Her pride and power are too well known to expect anything from liar fears, and preclude the necessity of a declaration that no thing partaking of the character of intimidation is intended by us. She ought to look upon it as the evidence only of an inflexible determination on the part of the United States to ' insist on their rights. That Government, by doing only what it !tas acknowledged to be just, will be able to spare the United Ssates the necesstiy of taking . redress..in their own hands, and save the property of French citizens from that seizure and se questration which American citizens so long endured without retaliation or redress. If she should continue to refuse that act of acknowledged justice, and in violation of the laws of na tions make reprisals on our part the occasion of hostilities against the United States, she would but add violence to in. justice, and could not fail to expose herself to the just censure of civilized nations and the retributive judgments of Heaven. Collision with France is the more to be regretted on ac count of the position she occupies in Europe in relation to the liberal institutions. But in maintaining our national right and honour all Governments are alike to us. If by a colli sion with France, in a case where she is clearly in the wrong, the march of liberal principles shall be impeded, the respon sibility for that result, as well as every other, will rest on her own head. Having submitted these considerations, it belongs to the Congress to decide, whether, after what has taken place, it will still await the further action of the French Chambers, or now adopt such provisional measures as it may deem necessary and best adapted to protect the rights and maintain the honour of the country. Whatever that decision may be it will be faithfully enforced by the Executive, as far as he is autho rised so to do. According to the estimate of the Treasury Department the revenue accruing from all sources during the present year will amount to twenty millions six hundred and twenty-four thou sand seven hundred and seventeen dollars, which, with the ba lance remaining in the Treasury on the Ist of January last, of eleven millions seven hundred and two thousand nine hundred and five dollars, produces an aggregate of thirty-two millions three hundred and twenty-seven thousand six hundred and twenty-three dollars. The total expenditure during the year for all objects, including the public debt, is estimated at twenty five millions five hundred and ninety-one thousand three hun dred and ninety dollars, which will leave a balance in the Trea sury on the Ist of January, 1835, of six millions seven hundred and thirty-six thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars. In this balance, however, will be included about one million one hundred and fifty thousand dollars of what was heretofore re ported by the departments as not effective. Of former appropriations it is estimated that there will re main unexpended at the close of the year eight millions two thousand nine hundred and twenty-five dollars, and that of this sum there will not be required more than five millions one hundred and forty-one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four dollars to accomplish the objects of the current appropria tions. Thus it appears that after satisfying all those appro priations, and after discharging the last item of our public debt, which will be done on the Ist of January next, there will remain unexpended in the Treasury an effective balance of four hundred and forty thousand dollars. That such should be the aspect of our finances is highly flattering to the industry and enterprise of our population, and auspicious of the wealth and prosperity which await the future cultivation of their growing resources. It is not deemed prudent, however, to recommend any change for the present in our impost rates, the effect of the gradual reduction now in progress in many of them not being sufficiently tested to guide us in determining the precise amount of revenue which they will produce. Free from public debt, at peace with all the world, and with no complicated interests to consult in our intercourse with fo reign powers, the present may be hailed as that epoch in our history the most favourable for the settlement of those princi ples in our domestic policy which shall be best calculated to give stability to our Republic and secure the blessings of free dom to our citizens. Among these principles from our past ex perience it cannot be doubted that simplicity in the character of the Federal Government, and a rigid economy in its administra tion, should be regarded as fundamental and sacred. All must be sensible that the existence of the public debt, by rendering taxa tion necessary for its extinguishment, has increased the difficulties which are inseparable from every exercise of the taxing power; and that it was, in this respect, a remote agent in producing those disturbing questions which grew out of the dissensions re lating to the tariff. If such has been the tendency of a debt incurred in the acquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties, the obligations of which all portions of the Union cheerfully acknowledged, it must be obvious that what ever is calculated to increase the 'burdens of Government without necessity must be fatal to all our hopes of preserving its true character. While we are felicitating ourselves, there fore, upon the extinguishment of the national debt, and the prosperous state of cur finances, let us not be tempted to de part from those sound maxims of public policy which enjoin a just adaptation" of the revenue to the expenditure that is con sistent with a rigid economy, and an entire abstinence from all topics of legislation that are not cleaaly within the constitu tional powers of the Government, and suggested by the wants of the country. Properly regarded under such a policy every diminution of the public burdens arising from taxation gives individual enterprise increased power, and furnishes to all the members of our happy Confederacy new motives for patriotic affection and support. But, above all, its most important effect will be found in its influence upon the character of the Government, by confining its action to those objects which will be sure to secure to it the attachment and support of our fellow.. citizens. Circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of Congress to the Bank of the United States. Created for the convenience of the Government, that institution has become the scourge of the people. Its interference to Postpone the THE SUN; LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 12, 183 payment of a portion of the national debt, that it might retain the public money appropriated for that purpose to strengthen it in a political contest ;_ the extraordinary extension and con traction of its accommodations to the community; its corrupt and partisan loans t its liclusititi tit tilt ptiOic Directors from a knowledge '6! ids inoa important proceedings; the unlimited authority conferred on the President to expend its funds in hiring writers, and procuring the execution of printing, and the use made of that authority ; the retention of the pension money and books after the selection of new agents ; the ground less claims to heavy damages in consequence of the protest of the Bill drawn on the French Cthiernment, have through various channels been laid before Congress. Immediately after the close of last Session the Bank, through its President, an nounced its ability and readiness to abandon the system of unparalleled curtailment and the interruption of domestic exchanges which it had practised upon from August 1. 1833, to June 1834, and to extend its accommodations to the community. The grounds assumed in this annuncia tion amounted to an acknowledgment that the curtailment in the extent to which it had been carried was not necessary to the safety of the Bank, and had been persisted in merely to induce Congress to grant the prayer of the Bank in its memo rial relative to the removal of the deposits, and to give it a new Charter. They were substantially a confession that all the real distresses which individuals and the country had en dured for the preceding six or eight months had been need lessly produced by it, with the view of effecting through the sufferings of the people the legislative action of Congress. It is a subject of congratulation that Congress and the country had the virtue and firmness to bear the infliction ; that the energies of our people soon found relief from this wanten ty ranny in vast importations of the precious metals from almost every part of the world ; and at the close of this tremendous effort to controul our Government, the Bank found itself powerless and no longer able to loan out its surplus means. The community had learned to manage its affairs without as sistance, and trade had already found new auxiliaries ; so that on the Ist of Oz..tober last the extraordinary spectacle was pre sented of a National Bank, more than one half of whose capital was either lying unproductive in its vaults or in the hands of foreign bankers. To the needless distress brought on the country during the last Session of Congress has been added the open seizure of the dividends of the public stock, to the amount of one hun dred and twenty thousand and forty-one dollars, under pre tence of paying damages, costs, and interest upon the pro tested French Bill. This sum constituted a portion of the estimated revenues for the year 1834, upon which the appro priations made by Congress were based. It would as soon have been expeetel that our collectors would seize on the customs, or the re-eivers of our land officers on the money arising from the sale of public lands, under pretences of claims against the United States, as that the Bank would have re tained the dividends. Indeed, if the principle be established, that any one who chooses to set up a claim against the United States may, without authority of law, seize on the public property or money wherever he can find it to pay the claim, there will remain no assurance that our revenue will reach the Treasury, or that it will be applied, after the appropriation, to the purposes designatea in the law. The paymasters of our army and the pursers of our navy may, under like pretences, apply to their own use monies appropriated to set in motion the public force, and in time of war leave the country with out defence. This measure resorted to by the Bank is disor ganising and revolutionary, and if generally resorted to by private citizens in like cases, would fill the land with anarchy and violence. It is a constitutional provision that "no money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appropria tions made by law." The palpable object of this provision is to prevent the expenditure of the public money for any purpose whatsoever which shall not have been first approved by the Representatives of the people and the States in Con gress assembled. It vests the power of declaring for what purposes the public money shall be expended in the Legisla tive Department of the Government, to the exclusion of the executive and judicial, and it is not within the Constitutional authority of either of those departments to pay it away with out law, or to sanction its payment. According to this plan of Constitutional provision the claim of the Bank can never be paid without an appropriation by Act of Congress. But the Bank has never asked for an appropriation. It attempts to defeat the provision of the Constitution, and obtain pay ment without an Act of Congress. Instead of awaiting an appropriation passed by both Houses, and approved by the President, it makes an appropriation for itself, and invites an appeal to the judicatory to sanction it. That the money had not technically been paid into the Treasury does net afil•ct the principle intended to be established by the Con stitution. The Executive and Judicatory have as little right to appropriate and expend the public money without the au thority of law before it is placed to the credit of the Treasurer as to take it from the Treasury.• In the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and in his correspondence with the President of the Bank, and the opinion of the Attorney- General accompanying it, you will fin•l a further examination of the claims of the Bank and the course it has pursued. It seems due to the safety of the public funds remaining in th it Bank, and to the honour of the American people, that m:asures be taken to separate the Government entirely from an institution so mischievous to the public prosperity, and so regardless to the Constitution and laws. By transferring the public deposits, by appointing other pension agents as far as it had the power, by ordering the discontinuance of the receipt of B Ink checks in payment of the public dues after the Ist day of January next, the Executive has exerted all its lawful au thority to sever the connections between the Government and this faithless Corporation. The high-handed career of this institution imposes upon the Constitutional functionaries of this Government duties of the gravest and most imperative character, duties which they cannot avoid, and from which I trust there will be incline tion on the part of any of them to shrink. My own sense of them is most clear, as is also my readiness to discharge those which may rightfully fall on me. To continue any business relations with the Bank of the United States that may be avoided without a violation of the national faith, after that institution has set at open defiance the conceded right of the Government to examine its affairs, after it has done all in in its power to deride the public authority in other respects, and to bring it into disrepute at home and abroad ; after it has attempted to defeat the clearly expressed will of the people by turning against them them the immense power entrusted to its hands, and by involving a country otherwise peaceful, flourishing, and happy, in dissension, embarrassment, and distress ; would make the nation itself a party to the degradation so sedulously prepared for its public agents, and do much to destroy the confidence of man kind in popular governments, and to bring into contempt their authority and efficiency. In guarding against an evil of such magnitude considerations of temporary convenience should be thrown out of the question, and we should be influenced by such motives only as look t o th e h onour and preservation of the Republican system. De e ply an d sol e mnly impressed with the justice of these views I fe e l it t o be my duty to recom mend to you that a law be passed authorizing the sale of the public stock; that the provision of the charter requiring the receipt of notes of the Bank in payment of public dues shall, in accordance with the power reserved to Congress in the 14th section of the charter, be suspended until the the Bank pays to the Treasury the dividends withheld ; and that all laws connecting the Government or its officers with the Bank, directly or indirectly, be repealed ; and that the institution be left hereafter to its own resources and means. Events hare satisfied my mind, and I think the minds of the American people, that the mischiefs and dangers which flow from a national bank far overbalance all its advantages. The bold effort the present Bank has made to control the Govern ment, the distresses it has wantonly produced, the violence of which it has been the occasion in one of our cities famed for its observance of law and order, are but premonitions of the fate which awaits the American people, should they be deluded into a perpetuation of this institution, or the establishment of another like it. It is fervently hoped that, thus admonished, those who have heretofore favoured the establishment of a substitute for the present Bank will be induced to abandon it, as it is evidently better to incur any inconvenience that may be reasonably expected than to concentrate the whole monied power of the Republic in any form whatsoever, or under any restrictions. Happily it is already illustrated that the agency of such an institution is not necessary to the fiscal operations of the Go vernment. The State banks are found fully adequate to the performance of all services which were required of the Bank of the United States, quite as promptly and with the same cheapness. They have maintained themselves and discharged all these duties while the Bank of the United States was still powerful, and in the field was an open enemy ; and it i; not possible to conceive that they will find greater difficulties in their operations when that enemy shall cease to exist. The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the regu lation of the deposits in the State Banks by law. Although the power not exercised by the Executive Department in this behalf is only such as was uniformly exerted through every Administration from the origin of the Government up to the establishment of the present Bank, yet it is one which is sus ceptible of regulation by law, and therefore ought so to be re gulated. The power of Congress -to direct in what places the treasurer shall keep the monies of the Treasury, and to impose restrictions upon the Executive authority in relation to their custody and removal, is unlimited, and its exercise will rather be courted than discouraged by public officers and agents, on whom rests the responsi bility for their safety. It is desirable that as little power as possible should be left to the President or Secretary of the Treasury over those institutions, which, being thus freed from Executive influence, and without a common head to direct their operations, would have neither the temptation nor the ability to interfere in the political conflicts of the country. Not deriving their charters from the national autho rities, they would never have those inducements to meddle in general elections, which have led the Bank of the United States to agitate and convulse the country for upwards of two years. The progress of our gold coinage is creditable to the officers of the mint, and promises in a short period to furnish the country with a sound and portable currency, should the State banks not be capable of furnishing it. Those institutions have already shewn themselves competent to purchase and furnish domestic exchange for the convenience of trade at reasonable rates, and not a doubt is entertained that in a short period all the wants of the country, in bank accommodation and exchange, will be supplied as promptly and cheaply as they have hereto fore been by the Bank of the United States. If the several States shall be induced gradually to reform their banking sys tems, and prohibit the issue of all small notes, we shall in a few years have a currency as sound and as little liable to fluc tuations as any other commercial country. The r eport of the Secretary of War, together with the ac compayiilg documents from the several bureaux of that Depart ment, will exhibit the situation of the various objects commit ted to the: Administration. _ Pio ev ant has occurred since your last Session rendering necessary / the movellicats of the army, with the exception of the expedition of the regiment of dragoons into the territory of the wandering and predatory tribes inhabiting the western frontier, and living adjacent to the Mexican boundary. These tribes have bepq litifetttto . Icyloti 4 it4o44ipilly , liy their attacks upon our own citizens , and upun other Indians entitled to the protection of the United States. It became necessary for the peace of the frontiers to check these habitual inroads, and I am happy to inform you that the object has been effected without the commission of any act of hostility. Colonel Dodge, and the troops ender his comic and haw! acted with equal firmness, and an arrangement has been made with those Indians which it is hoped will assure their permanent pacific relations with the United States and the other tribes of In dians upon that border. It is to be regretted that the preva lence of sickness in that quarter has deprived the country of a number of valuable lilies and partieulafly that General Lea venworth, an officer well ' known and egteriffied tor his gallant services in the late war, and for his subsequent good conduct, has fallen a victim to his zeal and exertions in the discharge of his duty. The army is in a high state of discipline. Its moral con dition, so far as that is known here, is good, and the various branches of the public service are carefully attended to. It i§ amply sufficient, under its present organization, for providing the necessary garrisons for the sea-board and for the defence of the internal frontier, and also for preserving the elements of military knowledge, for keeping pace with those improvements which modern experience is continually making. And these objects appear to me to embrace all the legitimate purposes for which a permanent military force should be maintained in our country. The lessons of history teach us its danger, and the tendency which exists to an increase. This can be best met and averted by a just caution on the part of the public itself, and of those who represent them in Congress. From the duties which devolve on the Engineer Department, and upon the Topographical Engineers, a different organiza tion seems to be demanded by the public interest, and I re commend the subject to your consideration. No import ant change has, during this season, taken place in the condition of the Indians. Arrangements are in pro grass for the removal of the Creeks, and will be soon for the removal of the Seminoles. I regret that the Cherokees east of the Mississippi have not yet determined, as a community, to remove. How long the personal causes which have here tofore retarded that ultimately inevitable measure will continue to operate, lam unable to conjecture. It iecertain, however, that delay will bring with it accumumulated evils, which will render their condition more and more unpleasant. The expe rience of every year adds to the conviction that emigration, and that alon', can preserve fi ova destruction the remnant of the tribes yet living among us. The facility with which the necessaries of life are procured, and the treaty stipulations providing aid for the emigrant Indians in their agricultural pursuits, and in the important concern of education, and their removal from those causes which heretofore depressed all and destroyed many of the tribes, cannot fail to stimulate their ex ertions and to reward their industry. The two laws passed at the last Session of Congress on the subject of the Indian affairs have been carried into effect, and detailed instructions for their administration have been given. It will be seen by the estimates for the present Ses sion that a great reduction will take place in the expendi tures of the department in consequence of these laws. And there is reason to believe that their operation will be salutary, and that the colonisation of the Indians on the western fron tier, together with a judicious system of administration, will still further reduce the expenses of this branch of the public service, and at the same time promote its usefulness and efficiency. Circumstances have been developed showing the existence of extensive frauds under the various laws granting pensions and gratuities for Revolutionary services. It is impossible to estimate the amount which may have been thus fraudulently obtained from the national Treasury. I am satisfied, how ever, it has been such as to justify a re-examination of the system, and the adoption of the necessary checks in its admi nistration. All will agree that the services and sufferings of the remnant of our Revolutionary band should be fully com pensated. But while this is done every proper precaution should be taken to prevent the admission of fabricated and fraudulent claims. In the present mode of proceeding the attestations and certificates of judicial officers of the various States form a considerable portion of the checks which are in terposed against the commission of frauds. These, however, have been and may be fabricated, and in such a way as to elude detection at the examining offices. And independently of this practical difficulty, it is ascertained that these docu ments are often loosely granted ; sometimes even bank certi ficates have been issued ; sometimes prepared papers have been signed without inquiry ; and in one instance at least the seal of the Court has been within reach of a person most in terested in its improper application. It is obvious that under such circumstances no severity of administration can check the abuse of the law ; and informa tion has, from time to time, been communicated to the Pension Office questioning or denying the right of persons placed upon the pension-list to the bounty of the country. Such cautions are always attended to and examined. But a far more general investigation is called for ; and I therefore recommend, in conformity with the suggestion of the Secretary at War, that an actual inspection should be made in each State into the cir cumstances and claims of every person now drawing a pension. The honest veteran has nothing to fear from such a scrutiny, while the fraudulent claimant will be detected, and the public Treasury relieved to an amount, I have reason to believe, far greater than has heretofore been suspected. The details of such a plan could be so regulated as to interpose the neces sary checks ssithout any burthensome operation upon the pen sioners. The object should be twofold. 1. To look into the original justice of the claims, so far as this can be done tinder a proper system of regulations, by an examina tion of the claimants themselves, and by inquiring in the vicinity4of their residence into their history and into the opinion entertained of their revolutionary services. 2. To ascertain in all cases whether the original claimant is living, and this by actual personal inspection. his measure will, if adopted, he productive, I think, of the desired results, and I therefore recommend it to your consideration, with the further suggestion that all payments should be suspended till the necessary reports are received. It will be seen by a tabular statement annexed to the docu ments transmitted to Congress that the appropriations for objects connected with the War Department made at the last Session for the service of the year 1834, excluding the per manent appropriations for the payment of military gratuities under the act of June 8, 1832, the appropriation of two hun dred thousand dollars for arming and equipping the militia, and the appropriation of ten thousand dollars for the civili zation of the Indians, which are not annually renewed, amounted to the sum of nine millions three thousand two hun dred and sixty-one dollars, and that the estimate of appro priations necessary for the same branches of service for the year 1835 amount to the sum of five millions seven hundred and seventy-eight thousand nine hundred and sixty-four dol lars, making a difference in the appropriations of the current year over the estimates of appropriation for the next of three millions two hundred and twenty-four thousand two hundred and ninety-seven dollars. The principal causes which have operated at this time to produce this great difference are shown in the reports and documents, and in the detailed estimates. Some of these causes are accidental and temporary, while others are permanent, and, aided by a just course of administration, may continue to ope rate beneficially upon the public expenditures. A just economy, expending where the public service requires and withholding where it does not, is among the indispensable duties of the Government. I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy, and the documents with it, for a full view of the operations of that important branch of our service during the present year. It will be seen that the wisdom and liberality with which Congress have provided for the gradual increase of our navy materiel have been seconded by a corresponding zeal and fidelity on the part of those to whom has been con fided the execution of the laws on the subject, and that but a short period would be now required to put in commission a force large enough for any exigency into which the country may be thrown. When we reflect upon our position in relation tc other na tions, it must be apparent that in the event of conflicts with them we must look chiefly to our navy for the protection of our national rights. The wide seas which separate us from other Governments must of necessity be the theatre on which an enemy will aim to assail us, and unless we are prepared to meet him on this clement, we cannut be said to possess the power requisite to repel or prevent aggressions. We cannot there fore watch with too much attention this arm of our defence, or cherish with too much care the means by which it can pos sess the necessary efficiency and extension. To this end our policy has been hitherto wisely directed to the constant employ ment of a force sufficient to guard our commerce, and to the rapid accumulation of the materials which are necessary to re pair our vessels, and construct with ease such new ones as may be required in a state of war. In accordance with this policy I recommend to your conside ration the erection of the additional dry dock described by the Secretary of the Navy, and also the construction of the steam batteries to which he has referred, for the purpose of testing their efficacy as auxiliaries to the system of defence sow in use. The report of the Postmaster-General, herewith submitted, exhibits the condition and prospects of that Department. From that document it appears there was a deficit in the funds of the Department at the commencement of the present year beyond its available means of three hundred and fifteen thou sand five hundred and ninety-nine dollars and ninety-eight cents, which on the Ist of July last had been reduced to two hundred and sixty-eight thousand ninety-two dollars and seventy-four cents. It appears also that the revenues for the coming year will exceed the expenditure about two hundred and seventy thousand dollars, which, with the excess of revenue which will result from the operations of the current half-year, may be expected, independently of any increase in the gross amount of postages, to supply the entire deficit before the end of 1835. But as this calculation is based on the gross amount of postages which had accrued within the period embraced by the times of striking the balances, it is obvious that without a progressive increase in the amount of postages th 4 existing retrenchments must be persevered in through the year 1836, that the Department may accumulate a surplus fund sufficient to place it in a condition of perfect ease. It will be observed that the revenues of the Post-office De- partment, though they have increased, and their amount is above that of any former year, have not fallen short of the es timates more than a hundred thousand dollars. This is attri buted in a great degree to the increase of free letters, grow ing out of the extension and abuse of the franking privilege. There has been a gradual increase in the number of executive offices to which it has been granted; and by an Act passed in March, 1833, it was extended to Members of Congress throughout the whole year. It is believed that a revision of the laws relative to the franking privilege, with some enact ments to enforce more rigidly the restrictions under which it i s granted, would operate beneficially to the country, by en abling the department at an earlier period to restore the ma il facilities that have been withdrawn, and to extend them more widely as the growing settlement§ 6T thh country may require. 'To a measure so important to the Government, and so just to but' Constituents, who ask no exclusive privileges for them tir€ htit fo concede them to others, I ear nestly recommend the serioug atiefitieti Of.Pontfres§. The importance of the Post Office Departttitiiit, Mid the magnitude to which it has grown, both in its revenues and its operations, seem to demand its re-organization by law. The whole of its receipts and disbursements have hitherto been left entirely to executive eCtitrOttl and individual discretion. The principle is as sound in relation to this As to any other department of the Government, that as little discretion should be eonfided to the executive officer who controuls it as is com patible With its efficiency. It is, therefore, earnestly recom mended that it be organised with an auditor and treasurer of its own, appointed by the President and Senate, who shall be aii LI fit the Treasury. Department. , . Your attention is agaiii it:l/lent:fully invited to the defect which exists in the judicial system of the Unheti states. No thing can be more desirable than the uniform operation of the Federal Judiciary throughout the several States, all of which, standing tin the same footing as members of the Union, have equal rights to the advantage§ and benefits resulting from its laws. This object is not attained by the judicial acts now in force, because they leave one-fourth of the States without Circuit Courts. It is undoubtedly the duty of Congress to place all the States on the same footing in this respect, either by the creation of an additional number of associate Judges, or by an enlarge ment of the Circuits assigned to those already appointed, so as to include the new States. Whatever may be the difficulty in a proper organization of the judicial system so as to secure its efficiency and uniformity in all parts of the Union, and at the same time to avoid such an increase of Judges as would en dumber the supreme appellate tribunal, it should not be allowed to weigh against the great Ifijustine which the present opera tion of the system produces. I trust that I may be also pardoned for renewing the reran. mendation I have so often submitted to your attention, in regard to the mode of electing the President and Vice President of the United States. All the reflection I have been able to be stow upon the subject increases my conviction that the best interests of the country will be promoted by the adoption of some plan which will secure in all contingencies that impor tant right of sovereignty to the direct control of the people. Could this be attained, and the terms of those bfficers be limited to a single period of either four or six years, I think our liberties would possess an additional safeguard. At your last Session I called the attention of Congress to the destruction of the public building occupied by the Trea sury Department. As the public interest requires that another building should be erected with as little delay as possible it is hoped that the means will be seasonably provided, and that they will be ample enough to authorise such an enlargement and, improvement in the plan of the building as will more ef fectually accommodate the public officers, and secure the pub lic documents deposited in it from the casualties of fire. I have not been able to satisfy myself that the Bill entitled " An Act to improve the navigation of the Wabash river," which was sent to me at the close of your last Session, ought to pass, and I have therefore withheld from it my approval, and now return it to the Senate, the body in which it originated. . . . . , There can be no question connected with the administration of public affairs more important or more difficult to be satisfac torily dealt with than - that which relates to therightful authority and proper action of the Federal Governments upon the sub ject of internal improvements. To inherent embarrassments have been added others resulting from the course of our legis lation concerning it. I have heretofore communicated freely with Congress upon this subject, and in adverting to it again I cannot refrain from expressing my increased conviction of its extreme importance, as well in regard to its bearing upon the maintenance of the Constitution and the prudent management of the public reve nue, as on account of its disturbing effect upon the harmony of the Union. We are in no danger from violations of the Constitution by which encrochments are made upon the rights of the citizen. The sentence of condemnation long since pronounced_by the American people upon acts of that character will, I 'doubt not, continue to' prove as salutary in its effects as it is irrever sible in its nature. But against the dangers of unconstitu tional acts, which, instead of menacing the vengeance of offended authority, proffer local advantages, and bring in their train the patronage of the Government, we are, I fear, not safe. To suppose that because our Government has been instituted for the benefit of the people it must therefore have the power to do whatever may seem to conduce to the public good is an error into which even honest minds are too apt to fall. In yielding themselves to this fallacy they overlook the great considerations in which the Federal Constitution was founded. They forget that in consequence of the conceded diversities in the interest and condition of the different States, it was fore seen at the period of its adoption that although a particular measure of the Government might be beneficial and proper in one State it might be the reverse in another ; that it was for this reason the States would not consent to make a grant to the Federal Government of the general and usual powers of Government, but of such only as were specifically enumerated, and the probable effects of which they could, as they thought, safely anticipate; and they forget also the paramount obliga tion upon all to abide by the compact then so solemnly, and, as it was hoped, so firmly, established. In addition to the dangers to the Constitution springing from the sources I have stated there has been one which was, perhaps, greater than all. I allude to the materials which this subject has afforded for sinister appeals to selfish feelings, and the opinion heretofore so extensively entertained of its adaptation to the purposes of his personal ambition. With such stimulants it is not surprising that the acts and pretensions of the Federal ,Government in this behalf should sometimes have been carried to an alarming extent. The questions which have arisen upon this subject have related -Ist. To the power of making internal improvements within the limits of a State, with the right of territorial jurisdiction sufficient at least for their preservation and use. 2d. To the right of appropriating money in aid of such wbrks when carried on by a State or by a company in virtue of State au thority, surrendering the claim ofjurisdiction ; and 3d. To the propriety of appropriation for improvements of a particular class, viz., for lighthouses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and for the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other temporary and partial impediments in our navigable rivers and harbours. The claims of power for the general Government upon each of these points certainly present matter of the deepest interest. The first is, however, of much the greatest importance, inas much as, in addition to the dangers of unequal and improvi dent expenditures of public moneys common to all, there is superadded to that the conflicting jurisdictions of the respective Governments. Federal jurisdiction, at least to the extent I have stated, has been justly regarded by its advocates as neces sarily appurtenant to the power in question, if that exists by the Constitution. That the most injurious conflicts would unavoidably arise between the respective jurisdiction of the State and Federal Governments in absence of a constitutional provision marking out their respective boundaries cannot be doubted. The local advantages to be obtained would induce the States to overlook in the beginning the dangers and diffi culties to which they might ultimately be exposed. The powers exercised by the Federal Government would soon be regarded with jealousy by the State authorities; and, origi nating as they must from implication or assumption, it would be impossible to affix the certain and safe limits. Opportunities and temptations to the assumption of power incompatible with State sovereignty would be increased, and those barriers which resist the tendency of our system towards consolidation greatly weakened. The officers and agents of the general Govern ment might not always have the discretion to abstain from in termeddling with State concerns ; and if they did, they would not always escape the suspicion of having done so. Collisions and consequent irritations would spring up, that harmony which should ever exist between the general Government and each Member of the Confederacy would be frequently interrupted, a spirit of contention would be engendered, and the dangers of division greatly multiplied. Yet we all know that, notwithstanding these grave objec- tions, this dangerous doctrine was at one — time apparently Pro ceeding to its final establishment with fearful rapidity. The desire to embark the Federal Government in works of inter nal improvement prevailed in the highest degree during the first Session of the first Congress that I had the honour. to meet in my present situation. When the Bill authorising a subscription on the part of the United States for stock in the Maysville and Lexington Turnpike Companies, passed the two Houses, there had been reported by the Committees of Internal Improvement Bills, containing appropriations for such objects, exclusive of those for the Cumberland-road, and for harbours and lighthouses, to the amount of about one hundred and six millions of dollars. In this amount was in cluded authority to the Secretary of the Treasury to sub scribe for the stock of different companies to a great extent, and the residue was principally for the direct construction of roads by this Government. In addition to these projects, which had been presented to the two Houses, under the sanc tion and recommendation of their respective Committees on Internal Improvements, there were then still pending before the Committees, and in memorials to Congress presented but not referred, different projects for works of a similar charac ter, the expense of which cannot be estimated with certainty, but must have exceeded one hundred millions of dollars. Regarding the Bill authorising a subscription to the stock of the Maysville and Lexington Turnpike Company as the entering wedge of a system which, however weak at first, might soon become strong enough to rive the bands of the Union asunder, and believing that if its passage was acquiesced in by the Executive and the people, there would no longer be any limitation upon the authority of the General Government in respect to the appropriation of money for such objects, I deemed it an imperative duty to withhold from it the Executive appro val. Although from the obviously local character of that work, I might well have contented myself with a refusal to approve the Bill upon that ground, yet, sensible of the vital importance of the subject, and anxious that my views and opi nions in regard to the whole matter should be fully understood by Congress and my constituents, I felt it my duty to go fur ther. I therefore embraced that early occasion to apprise Congress that in my opinion the Constitution did not confer upon it the power to authorise the construction of ordinary roads and canals within the limits of a State, and to say re spectfully that no Bill admitting such a power could receive my official sanction. I did so in the confident expectation that the speedy settlement of the public mind upon the whole subject would be greatly facilitated by the difference between the two Houses and myself, and that the harmonious action of the several departments of the Federal Government in regard to it would be ultimately secured. So far, at least, as it regards this branch of the subject, my best hopes have been realized. Nearly four years have elapsed, and several sessions of Congress have intervened, and no attempt, within my recollection, has been made to in duce Congress to exercise this power. The applications for the construction of roads and canals, which were formerly mul tiplied upon your files, are no longer presented; and we have good reason to infer that the current of public sentiment has - - become so decided against the pretension as effectually to die" eourage its re-assertion. So thinking, I derive the greatest satisfaction from the conviction that thus much at least bat been secured upon this important and embarrassing subject. From attempts to appropriate the national funds to objects which are confessedly of a local character, we cannot, I trots have any thing further to apprehend. My views in regard CO the expediency of making appropriations for works which are claimed 'to be of a national character, and prosecuted under State authority, assuming that Congress have a right to dose' were stated in my annual message to Congress in 1830, Oi l also in that containing my objections to the Maysville Road Bill ., So thoroughly convinced am I that no such appropriation s ought to be made by Congress until a suitable constit utional provision is made upon the subject ; and so essential do I re gard the point to the highest interests in our country, that I could not consider myself as discharging my duty to my op' stituents in giving the Executive , sanction to any Bill con taining such an appropriation. If the people of the Unite d States desire that the public Treasury shall be resorted to for the means to prosecute such works, they will concur in ~ amendment of the Constitution, prescribing a rule by wi ne ' the national character of the works is to be tested, and 14 which the greatest practical equality of benefits may b e , secured to each member of the confederacy. The effects 01 such a regulation would be most salutary in preventing unprn" fitable expenditures, in securing our legislation from the per' nicious consequences of a scramble for the favours of Govern ment, and in repressing the spirit of discontent which inns! inevitat;:; arise from an unequal distribution of treasures wh it ' .belong alike to There is another clas p of appropriations for what may.' called, without impropriety, „;:ernal improvements, %Ole._ have always been regarded as standing upon different groun d from those to which I have referred. taiii.tde to such as hil l for their object the improvement of our harbours, the remora' of partial and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers, for the facility and security of our foreign commerce. T he grounds upon which I distinguish appropriations of this ebr i racter from others have already been stated to Congress. will now only add, that at the first Session of Congress uncle the new Constitution, it was provided by law that all experts e% which should accrue from and after the 15th day of Augus t 1789, in the necessary support and maintenance and repai o 7l, all lighthouses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, erect placed, or sunk before the passage of the Act, within any ISt' inlet, harbour, or port of the United States, for rendering ~.` navigation thereof easy and safe, should be defrayed out of s," Treasury of the United States ; and further, that it should P" the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to provide by con' tracts, with the approbation of the President, for rebuilding when necessary and keeping in good repair the li g hthouses' beacons, buoys, and public piers in the several States , and Of furnishing them with supplies. Appropriations for s i m ilar olr. jects have been continued from that time to the present widow • interruption or dispute. As a natural consequence of the increase and extension ef our foreign commerce ports of entry and delivery have VI multiplied and established, not only upon our sea-board, b, ll , in the interior of the country, upon our lakes and navig ab ;s rivers The convenience and safety of this commerce JIL led to the gradual extension of these expenditures, to 1 ( 7 erection of lighthouses, the placing, planting, and sinking buoys, beacons, and piers, and to the removal of partial en temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers, and in the Vii, bours upon our great lakes, as well as on the sea-board. "$$ though I have expressed to Congress my apprehension dth these expenditures have sometimes been extravagant and isi proportionate to the advantages to be derived, from thelnt have not felt it to be my duty to refuse my assent to Bills coy' • taining them, and have contented myself to follow in this O r poet in the footsteps of all my predecessors. Sensible, W; ever, from experience and observation, of the great abuses '0 which the unrestricted exercise of this authority by Congr e eot was exposed, I have prescribed a limitation for the goverro ll of my own conduct, by which expenditures of this ch aracte, are confined to places below the ports of entry and deli ver: established by law. I am very sensible that this restriction is not as satisfaeO r y l as could be desired, and that much embarrassment anal caused to the executive department in its execution, by, propriations for remote and not well-understood objects. as neither my own reflections nor the lights which I °,6', properly derive from other sources have supplied me wit h i n , better, I shall continue to apply my best exertions to a fa 'o' ful application of the rule upon which it is founded. 19 , cerely regret that I could not give my assent to the Bill en, titled, " An Act to improve the Navigation of the We t , b ,,, a- ni River ;" but I could not have done so without receding the ground which I have, upon the fullest consideration, tsv:, upon this subject, and of which Congress has been heretefe`t; apprised, and without throwing the subject again open abuse, which no good citizen entertaining my opinions e(".. desire. I rely upon the intelligence and candour of my fellovt- ci t zees, in whose liberal indulgence I have already so larg; r , participated, for a correct appreciation of my motives in in t o posing, as I have done on this and other occasions, check s a course of legislation which, without in the slightest deC, calling in question the motives of others, I consider as S id tioning improper and unconstitutional expenditures of • - public treasure. I am not hostile to internal improvements, and wish to r y them extended to every part of the country. But lam N er , persuaded if they are not commenced in a proper WO' _ luthorl confined to proper objects, and conducted under an a. generally conceded to be rightful, that a successful p tion of them cannot be reasonably expected. The atte will meet with resistance where it might otherwise rec e _.' support, and instead of strengthening the bonds of our 0 ,71 federacy, it will only multiply and aggravate the causes of union. ANDREW JACKSOI44 Dec. 1, 1834. MARKET IN ELLIGENCE. v. 1(.. t,OUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST Wheat. Barley. Oats. Bean-. 1 Ter Quart?r. s. to is. 15.t05.5. to IL s. s f•to / Cat lisle _ 42 120 40 tiexham 34 44 125 28 117 20 32 40 26 29 ;17 23 32 34 W a Petirith 44 I 27 211 38 3h. tfield — 44 34 92 41 —• Winchester 36 42 26 32 18 22 42 44 Per Bushel. ' k.. F. s. fl. s.d / Carmarthen.....—.. 5 6 60 3 39 1 4 22 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cowbridge—. 0 00 4 0o 2 6 00 5 610 0 0, Newcastle (Staff.) 80 89 46 50, 3 0 3 4 50 lid 0 0 ow, Nortliallerton 7 0 9 3 3 0 46; 3 3 4 0 5 6 0 r 0" 0 0 80 R 6 4 0 48; 3 0 34 40 67 0 0 0 1 Swansea ,63 66 34 36 20 23 0 0 0 r „ 0 Warwick 8 0 9 0 3 0 4 6 2 0 3 3 5 6 6tt 0 Per 8011. I n ti ! Barnardeastle '9012 3 8 0 86 5 0 0 8 10 ( 0 Durham 96 106 69 80 49 73 77 90 7 0 0 Richmond 96 13 0 60 86 44 80 9 .6 10 6 00 Stockton 90 10 0 86 90 40 54 80 8C 0 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—Jan. O Wheat, Red, Nortbtk and Stiftlilk ...... —S. 445. to 4.45. One 51 ' . . I.in. and Cam. —a. 4 2a. to 475. Mac 54° ---- Yorkshire —s. 425. to *I& fspe _ _ -Jan. A SP" is. to 4 , s fine to 475. fine Th: . to 41'is foie -" da1,..... —l. 47e. to 54. title t, ---- Foreign, lied White —s. 40s. to 50a one Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk ... ..... 275. to 30s. fine SO -- Lincolnshire --- Yorkshire Wold Foreign Beans, Old 37s to 395. fioc l o, New 15s. to 3515. alle :t s. Oats, Potato 193. to 225. fine :4, Poland —l. 17a. to 19s. One - 0 ,, Friezland and Small . 161 to 183. fli , , , , Stealing ... Shelling Malt 23 ~ . . .. 3:5 . : 423.2613 9 c. t. t o so o n. 2 : 1 2 7e o s % 14.0 d2 d . .0 . 6.. .prerrr per S I L , t , x i 1 .: Rapeseed CORNWALL MARKETS. :',ulated at 24 gallons to the bushel.) Wheat Barley. 1 1 . W 6 9 t 1 0 9 A 0 1 0 0 BO I 1 a d. to e.• d. 0 18 0 Truro Helstone St. Austell... llochnin Liskeard 0 19 6 Launceston 0 19 6 Camelford l6 0 18 0 Penzance l7 0 18 0 MINING INTEI Cuantity of C. - ,pper Ore eold Quantity of tine Copper Average Produce Amount of Sale, 20,26dr. Be. Od.—A s d. toe d. 0 11 3 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 10 6 0 10 0 —0 9 0 10 0 12 0 0 II 0 - o - 0 n o - o 6a o ,LIGENCE. verage Standard, 1 5.: d7 t ss 11. ,g 1 MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COu' BASINGHALL-STREET, TO-MORROW . , i at! (From the LondoN Gazette.) J. A.kn, stationer, Bridgewater-square .................................. g W. Elkington, money-scrivener, Birmingham ........ . ............... ~ JBrown, victualler, Wapping-wall ................................... 7 R. Gr y, ironmonger, King-street, Aldgate .............................. 9 T. Jones, trimming-seller. Little Newport-street, Lei .ester-squ a R. Moore, hotel-keeper, Brighton .......................................... 1 J. Eads, linen.draper, Stonehouse, Devonshire ........................ ' E. Blankley, plumber, Blq,omsbury ...... .................... . .......... •••• 1 S Speight, chemist, Brick-lane, Spitalfields .. ...................... 5 Oi l , A lady who witnessed the proceedings at Le to Monday, said that the show of hands might be in f a f ere Mr. Kemp, but the show of gloves was in favour of -2-7- --- ~, BIRTHS. ° C e V' On the 10th inst., in Upper Grosvenor-street, the mu' t La Warr, of a daughter. 11 °P. e On the 9th inst., at Trumpington, Cambridgeshire, t h ti' Mrs. Towry Law, of a son. AO ° On the Bth inst., in Wyndham-place, the lady of Wm' jun., Esq., of a daughter. I r ll On the Bth inst., at Dorset-place North, Clapham-road, George Aston, of a son. MARRIED. u 9 4 d On the Bth inst., at Walcot Church, Bath, James Grill t ".l i te r ,l of Grenville-street, Dublin, to Mary Louisa, youngest (hoe s , 1 , the late Rev. G. H. Glasse, Rector of Hanwell, Middleg of! niece and adopted daughter of the late John Shaw, Esq.' 4, get' James's-square. 1 .. V Di On the Bth inst., at Bathwick Church, Lieut.-Colonel „ ( 1 1 I , of the 62d Regiment, to Elizabeth Jane, eldest daughter -Mk' Rev. James Bliss, M.A., of Oriel College, Oxford, to fli l i, ) 1 third daughter—ot John Clayton, Esq., of Enfield Old 1" ' d o, dlesex, and of Pulteney-street, Bath. -.4f . T0 On the 6th inst., at Stoke Church, Devonport, Rieb."4 4 o. Esq., of the Royal Marines, to Mary Anne, second dau2 . 7 „.... /1 late John Simpson, Esq., of Harpur - street , London. P iiP D lED. St' Lately, at Milan, Harriet, the lady of Sir Henry Pact ,d , Mildmay, Bart. ,A•no /jj ' 1 On the Bth inst. , at Woodmans, Herts, Robert liaii' .- ,r , shaw, Esq., in his 76th year. fcl° On the th inst., at Quorndon-house, Leicestershire, a Farnham, Esq. It o ' On the 10th inst., in Caroline-street, Bedford-iqu' Lr° ' .0 0 Robinson, 7th i Esq. r elict o On the nst., at Newington-green, Elizabeth , late Mr. Benjamin Starcy. • -•it-b London : Printed and Published by MURDO 1 ° at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand.