The Sun. — London, England, 1866-07-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 10, 1866 ervative party should be weakened or broken down. I believe that all parties admit that the strength of that party is a material element in the strength of the empire, and that if it should be dissolved or weakened it would be difficult to carry on the Govern went with regardto the existing constitution. (Hear.) 1 Then I came to the conclusion that I was not at liberty to run that serious risk—that I was not at liberty to break down that great party which had so consistently acted with me for more than 20 years, :and which party had adhered to me in periods of the greatest possible discouragement. But I say this, that if I could at that moment have seen any other leader who, while keeping the Conservative party together, was more likely than myself to obtain the adhesion of a portion of the Liberal ranks, I say without hesitation I should have been rejoiced and relieved to hand over to that leader, whoever he might have been, the duty of accomplishing that task. But I could see no such leader—l could hear of no such leader, and I was bound to undertake at all risks the arduous duty of forming an Administra tion. I communicated, therefore, at once to her Majesty on the following Monday, when I had the honour to see her, my readiness to obey her Majes ty's command and attetupt the formation of a Mini stry. I regret the delay and interruption to public business, which will have lasted precisely a month from the resignation of the late Government to the first meeting for public business of the House of Commons. But I cannot hold myself responsible for any portion of that delay. It was on the Tuesday that I first received an intimation that her Majesty wished me to form a Government, and on Wednes day week, in eight days, I was able to wait on her Majesty, and to say that I was prepared to submit the names of a new Cabinet, and they would have been submitted on the Thursday but for a circum sta-oce which is well known, and which occupied her Majeoty's attention. But I may observe that in 1852, when Lord Aberdeen succeeded to office, he thought it necessary to ask for the adjournment of the house in the first instance for a full fortnight ; raid I venture to say that no one but those who have tried have the slightest conception of the difficulty and labour involved in the formation of an Admi minktration. It may be that so much time would not be required when a Ministry has after a long series of party struggles fallen into a minority, because in such a case their opponents almost spontaneously assume their place. But the case is very different when it is an accident that overthrows a Govern ment, and more especially when you have in the first instance to deal with parties not belonging to your own immediate party. But even when reduced to them, no man can tell the difficulty which attends the placing of 10 or 50 g entlemen each in a position in ac cordance-with his Own wish. (A laugh.) You may form the most ingenious combinations—you may theoreti cally form the most perfect Ministry in the world, but the unfortunate refusal of one individual to ac cept one post throws the whole machine out of gear, and does away with the combination, and causes a fresh consideration of combinations to take place ; and the more nearly you approach the termination of the task the more fatal is the refusal of one mem ber to fit into the place offered him. (Hear.) I say nothing about the manifold disappointments which must be inflicted upon some faithful friends. (Hear.) It is impossible to put three times the number of gentlemen into one-third of the nuraber of places. (Laughter.) There may be many candidates fit for one situation, and only one or two fitted for seve- ral, aLld therefore it is impossible to make them fi as you may desire. Well, my lords, I say mos frankly that amongst all the annoyances and trou. bles caused by the formation of a Ministry nothing can be more painful to a man placed in my position than to feel that he must of necessity disappoint the hopes of anti disoblige those whom he would be anxious to serve on personal grounds. But I venture to hope that I have been able to place before her Majesty and the public a list of names that will afford a guarantee to the country that you will not at their hands be subjected to misgovern ment. (Cheers.) With regard to myself 1 may say that I have been too long a member of this house and of the other House of Parliament—having been nearly 20 years in each--to render it necessary for me to make any public profession of my faith and principles. I think my principles and political views are sufficiently well known to render it unnecessary for me to do so. But there are two points on which I feel it necessary to say a few words, because those points are of the utmost importance. My lords, it has been industriously circulated that a Conserva tive Governwent is necessarily a warlike one. I believe that there never was a rumour circulated which had so little foundation, either in the his tory of past facts, or in the character, or motives ; or principles of the party. (Cheers.) The Con servative party consists, in a great measure, of men who have the greatest interest and the largest stake in the country. They are men on whom the consequences of war will fall most heavily. They are those who have the greatest interest in the peace and prosperity of the country, and the party least likely to be carried away by the popular enthusiasm of the moment, or what may be called Quixotic enterprise, which may hurry an imprudent government into the adoption of courses which may lead to dangerous consequences. Now if there be a party in the country free from that enthusiasm of the moment arising from popular feeling it is the Conservative party. 1 protest, then, and declare my earnest desire and that of my col leagues, in the preservation of the peace of this country and the world. (Hear, hear.) There are two modes of con tributing to the preservation of peace, both of which are essential; the one is the mode in which you deal with the affairs and policy of foreign countries, and the other is the amount of preparation to resist any attack, from whatever quarter. Now with regard to the first question my princi ple is this —that it is the duty of the Government of this country, placed as this country is in regard to her geogra phical position, to keep ourselves on terms of good-will with all surrounding nations, but not become entangled in any single and monopolising alliance with any ono of them. Above all, not to endeavour to interfere needlessly and vexatiously with the internal affairs of any foreign country —not to volunteer u nas k e d a d v i ce w ith regar d t o o th er countries, taking the facts from them from their own point of view, and not considering them as they affect other countries. More than thi s , it i s t h e duty of the Govern ment to abstain from menace if th ey (Hear, hear.)l am re intendtold to d fol low up the menace by action. that we quarrelled with the noble earl opposite with to the affairs of Denmark for not having taking a 11 101 - e ga a r e- Live part. That was not the ground of our complaint. The ground of our complaint—aud I trust it will be a warning for all future Ministers—was that the noble earl held out language which was not to bo justified unless he could act upon it, and when those to whom he had held it out relied on the performance of the im p lied engagement he felt compelled to withdraw . 7,My lords, it would be the height of impertinence, it Would be the height of impolicy, if I were to attempt to cay a single word respecting the state of affairs on the continent of Europe. A bloody—short I hope —but at all events a bloody war has prevailed for the last few weeks—a war in which the honour of this country is in no way involved—in which the interestsof this country aro very remotely if at all involved. (Hoar, hear.) Indi viduals may havo sympathy with Prussia, with Austria, or with Italy, with this or that power ; but the sympa thies of individuals have nothing to do with the conduct o to f the Government ; the duty of the Government is tr ul y maintain a strict and impartial neutrality between all contending parties, ready at all times, if there is the slightest g l eam of hope that their good offices, combined neutral t powers, may lead to a ter mination of the These good offices ought and the preservation of peace. and we e ht to be at the disposal of other neutral powers, ought to co-operate w ith them and to use our influence to stop the hor r o r s o f war . A n d I believe this influence would not be loss effectually exercised because it was nott g .en unasked for, or attended with hostile measures,because it w as ne theeffusion because we desire to:obtain n o advantage w to ou rse l ves, except e of hu man bl oo d that inestimable ono of stopping, an d restoring the peace of Europe. (gear, My lords, passing from Europe, I cannot but turn afora hear.) My moment o l he f ear f u l l ; t to congratulate the world on the cessation S a a i r wi et struggle which has for so many years desecrated States of America, or without expressin g my earnest the Unitedn how that that neutrality wh i c h we ha ve exercised n h ave boon questioned by one side or the other may b e ltlaY ap preciated ; and I do earnestly trust that with the restera tien of peace and with the course which th e President of- r n ited States appears to be taking in seeking to recoil cu. and bring back to the Union those states which seceded from it—l do trust that the termination of that war will remove any irritation that may still prevail amongst the citizens of the United States against this country, and that there will be nothing more to interrupt the harmonious connegtion of the two countries, between which there exist so many ties which ought to bind them together in an in dissoluble union. ([fear, hear.) It is also with no little gratification that 1 have observed that although undoubt edly great latitude is given in the United States to all ex pressions of public fooling, a stop was put to the progress of that mischievous conspiracy called Fenianism as soon as the law was about to be openly violated. I acknowledge with the utmost gratitude the decided measures taken by the Government of the, Uniteel States to prevent the viola tion of the rights of a friendly state by lawless bands of per sons in violation of the laws of the United States. The organisation of Fenianistn was one by which numerous persons in their credulity were duped by signal and arrant impostors out of large sums of money for the prosecution of an avowed scheme so utterly visionary that how any sensible person should b.ave entertained it is a matter of perfect astonishment/ cHear, hear.) I should not have mentioned this had it n.ot been that the recent attack upon Canada:has calledfortk one unanimous shout of loyalty and enthusiasm, and a determination to maintain their connec tion with the country to whom they owe their allegiance. That feeling prevails throughout the colonies generally, amongst all persons, without distinction of denomi nation or religion. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is most grati fying to observe the spontaneous feeling which has been called forth by that invasion, and I cannot but hope also that this universal expression of feeling, that unanimity which prevails throughout the British North American provinces, may have a material bearing upon the scheme which, the more it is considered, the more essential it ap pears to bo to the union of Canada—l mean the confedera tion of the northern provinces under a system of the freest possible government, and maintaining their unbroken alle giance to the Crown. I cannot but hope that the negocia tion for the confederation of those provinces will lead to a successful termination. (Hear, hear.) My lords, passing for a moment to the policy which her Majesty's present Go vernment intend to pursue in regard to domestic affairs, I must in the first place say that I hold myself entirely free and =pledged on that great and difficult question of par liamentary reform. (Hear.) I have in reference to that question the experience of certain dangers of my own, and I shall certainly consider well and carefully before I again introduce a Reform Bill, the wise advice given by the noble earl opposite, my predecessor, that no Government is justified in bringing forward a Reform Bill without hav ing a reasonable prospect of carrying it, and also the re mark of the noble earl on the cross benches, that a Reform Bill cannot be carried or the constitution amended except by a mutual understanding between the two great parties in the country. I have never shown myself adverse to the principle of parliamentary reform. I had the honour of joining 35 years ago the no ble earl opposite in carrying the first Reform Bill ; and on my accession to office in 1858—although I did not think the question one of para mount importance and pressing urgency—l could not deny that there were theoretical anomalies in the s y stem which it was desirable to redress—that there were persons ex cluded from the franchise which had a fair claim on the ground of fitness to exercise the duties of electors—that there were large numbers whose qualifications are not recognised by the Reform Bill—and nothing would have given me greater pleasure than to enlarge the number of electors and admit a great portion of those who are excluded. But on the other hand I am afraid that that portion of the community who ere most clamorous for the passing of a re form bill are not that portion who would be satisfied with any measure such as could be acceded to by the two great leading parties of the country ; and I greatly fear that any measure of a moderate character that might be introduced would not put a stop to the agitation that prevailed, and would only be a stepping-stone to further measures. I re serve to myself entire liberty whether the present Govern ment shall or not in a future session bring in any measure for the amendment of the representation of the people. But of this I am quite sure, that if there is no reasonable pros pect of passing a sound and satisfactory measure it is an un fortunate disadvantage to the country that session after session should be lost, and measures of useful legislation should be put a stop to, by continued contests over a re form bill. (Hear, hear.) Some of the measures of the late Government may be carried through in the present session, and others will demand our very serious consideration for the future. There is one measure of the Government—not a very brilliant one, I think, but one that largely concerns the prosperity of largo classes in this country. Nothing can be more important to the commercial classes than a good measure of bankruptcy reform, and in giving the Lord Chancellor every credit for the good intentions with which he introduced his bill, I cannot say that it appears to no to have given very general satisfac tion. I cannot say that 1 hope any measure on this sub ject can be passed through in the present session, but the attention of the Government shall be earnestly and early directed to it. (Hear, hear.) There is another question of much importance in dealing with the interests of a very large and very helpless portion of the community —I mean the law relating to the administration of the poor laws, and more especially in reference to the pauper sick in the work houses. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the reports that have been lately published in the papers of their condition are so revolting and disgusting—they disclose such scenes of misery and hardship inflicted on those who have no power to help themselves, and who are, consequently, most de serving of the attention of Parliament—that the Govern ment would bo blameable indeed that did not turn its at tention immediately to the possibility of remedying griev ances so crying, and of putting an end to scenes so revolting. I will venture to say, that the task of dealing with the amendment of the law—or, what I think is more important, the administration of it, and the want of proper inspection to see that it is administered—could not have fallen into the hands of any man in her Majesty's dominions better qualified for it, or one who would bring his mind to bear more earnestly upon ittuala the gentleman who has done MC the favour to accept the position of President of the Poor law Board. (Hear.) A few words more, with regard to the condition of Ireland. In England, my earnest desire is, as I have told you, by the course of policy pursued by Government to enlist the sympathies and obtain the independent support of those members of the Liberal party who entertain views not materially different from ours, and who, I trust, if they appiove of the course so pursued, will not be deterred by any previous party considerations from giving us on inde pendent and honourable support. In Ireland, unfortunately, the difficulties of acting upon the principle of coalition are greater. There political animosities run higher than in Eng land. The divisions of party aro more strongly marked, and, what is more important still, religious differences coin cide with political differences, and tend to embitter existing animosities. Yet I believe that a government in Ireland determined to do its duty may hope to receive the coun tenance and support of a very largo section of the Irish people, than whom there are no greater lovers in the world of impartial justice. (Hear, hoar.) We do not propose, in our government of Ireland, to act upon any exclusive principle. We desire to obtain the co-cperation of all to whom the interest, the tranquillity, and peace of the country, the maintenance of property, the putting down of unlawful associations, are objects in which they are willing to co-operate with the Government. In that co-operation we desire more especially to obtain that which I think has been too much neglected of late, viz., the aid in their dif ferent localities of the country gentlemen in Ireland. With out meaning to say a word against that invaluable body the police of Ireland, I must say that I think the Govern ment have trusted rather too exclusively to the informa tion they have derived from the police, and have not made the use they might have made of the local information and support they would freely have received of the re sident proprietors in Ireland, whatever their politics and religion. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the lamentable, and I am afraid widespread, conspiracy called Fenianism, I am afraid that, although the exertions of the late Lord Lieutenant wore most meritorious and active, and have given a considerable check to that dangerous conspiracy, yet would I could believe that the snake was killed, and not merely scotched. Nothing, my lords, would give me greater satisfaction, disapproving, as I do, of all exceptional legislation for Ireland, than to be able to state to your lordships, before the termination of the ses sion, that the time had come when it was no longer neces sary to continue the suspension of the Habeas Carpus Act, which was passed by the unanimous assent of both houses of Parliament upon the recommendation of the late Go vernment. But I am persuaded that, if we in our con science do not believe that that time has come—if we be lieve that for the security of the well-disposed and the pro tection of honest men, it is necessary to continuo that exceptional legislation, reluctantly as we shall ask for it, and as you could grant it, I believe that patriotism and love of country will induce you to give us a free and gene rous support as readily as wo gave it to you. (Hear.) But, my lords, to pass from exceptional legislation, I will state that our anxious desire is to put down with a firm hand turbulence and violations of law, from whatever quarter they may proceed ; to discourage and discountenance everything that can tend to produce or keep up religious or political animosities; to deal impartial justice to all, and to call to our councils, without discrimination of reltgious creed, all who are willing to co-operate with us in the good government of the country, and in the preservation of the public peace. (Cheers.) My lords, I have thus ven tured, at more length than I desired, to lay before your lordships a summary—and a very summary-view of the course of policy which it is the desire of the Government to be enabled to follow out. By that course we hope to conciliate additional support ; we hope to obtain the inde pendent support of ma n y who, from motives of honoura ble cons i s tency to party bias, feel precluded from joini ng us their adhesion to th e a G t o p y r e e r s n e m ntl en o t f . dleocniontgcoor giving conceal my hope, my earnest and sincere hope, because I look to the real distinctions of distant when there grties as shall party, and not to tho nominal dist inctions —I do not con ceal my hope that the period is not fa r may bo such a new arrangement of p place on ono side those who aro in f avour of dan gerous i nno v a ti ons an d v i o lations of the constitution , and on the other side those who, while they do not resist steady and sa f e legislative progress, are yet resol ved to adhere to the constitution of the country. (Ileac, hear') In attempting to conduct the Government onthese principles I may succeed, and in that case I shall attain the highest objk!ct that c an engage the attention and ambition of any statesman. (Hear, hear.) I may fail, but if I fail it will be with the consciousness of having attomph , d honestly and faithfully to dischai ge my dut and with t he earnest prayer that, under the blessing of Heaven, whoever may succeed . me,. whateve r com bi nations may be formed will be such as shall proceed in a c ourse o f safe and steady progress, at . the same time strengthening, rather than subverting the . institutions of the country ; maintaining the balance be ; tween the various forces of the constitution—a monarchy limited, an aristocracy temp era t e , and a House of Com mons not altogether democratic—the consequences of which have been for centuries the progressive improvement of our legislation, in accordance with the temper and improve ment of the times, and which, during that period of many centuries, has gradually led forward this country to a posi tion reflecting the greatest glory upon the empire, and conferring the greatest amount of happiness and prosperity upon the people. (Loud cheers.) Earl RUSSELL, who was very inaudible, after some opening sentences that were completely lost in the move ment that followed upon the conclusion of Lord Derby's speech, proceeded to say—ln 1865 there was a general election, and there was an almost universal profession, on the part of the Radical and Whig reformers, that some measure for the amendment of the representation was ne cessary. J believe that if Lord Palmerston had lived ho would have been so influenced by those declarations that he would have thought it his duty to introduce a Reform Bill in the present Parliament. I thought so, and wo resolved, after much consideration, to introduce a bill which we considered a moderate measure, because, as I told your lordships the other evening, 100,000 persons who would have been enfranchised by the bill of 1860 were excluded by our bill. Well, this bill, which by ad mitting a moderate number of persons to the constitution, and thereby reinforcing and strengthening the institu tions of the country, was the object of suspicion, of opposition, and of obstruction on the part of a great number of a majority of the House of Commons. Well, my lords, it seemed to me that our sincerity having been questioned after introducing tho Reform Bill, and so likewise our sincerity would be questioned if, after that obstruction and opposition, we were at any time to let drop that bill, saying that we would introduce another bill of the same kind in some future session—therefore it appeared to us that it was necessary, when we first met with a serious defeat, to tender our resignations to her Majesty, and to persist in those resignations. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of Derby has told you, my lords, that he did not desire to seek the office ho now holds. I have no right to question that declaration ; but still I think, with all the experience the noble earl has had, when he had to meet a Government that was in earnest, and when that Government was met with continual obstructions, first on one pretext and then on another, so that it could not proceed with the bill, the noble earl must have known that the most likely or probable thing in the world was that the Government would resign, and that he would be the person who would be sent for by her Majesty. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) My lords, I very much rejoice that he was the person thus called upon. I think that that great party, which contributed more than 270 members of the House of Commons to the defeat vrhieu we considered fatal to the bill, that the head of that great party was entitled to expect he would be sent for by her Majesty. It has always been my opinion that those who defeat a Government upon any vital point--who declare the policy of the Government to be wrong and some other policy right—ought not to shrink from the responsibility of accepting office. Therefore I was exceedingly glad to find that the noble earl did not shrink from that duty, al though discouraged by the refusal of many whom he wished to join the Government on a broad basis, as the noble earl calls it—though between that and a coalition Government Ido not myself see any essential difference. (Hear, hear.) I approve of a Government on a broad basis, and I apprcvo of a coalition Government if those who belong to it are all of the same opinion—(a laugh)—upon the loading questions of the day. Now, when I say that a coalition government is quito right it is because not only men change their opinions, but events change so much also that a man may find it very difficult to know which government he ought to support. For instance, look at the groat war with France, which broke out at the end of the last century. When it began it was natural that men in favour of it should support the Government that carried it on, however they might differ from it on ques tions of less importance. It was also quite natural, when that war was over, that men in favour of such questions as Catholic emancipation and of the policy of peace abroad and reduction at home should find themselves unable to support a Government entertaining different opinions on those questions. My lords, the Government, as it has now taken office, is entitled to every consideration. They ought to be allowed time to mature their measures; and whether upon questions of foreign or domestic policy, it is quite right that they should have till the commencement of next session to prepare 'and mature their measures, without declaring at this moment the exact course they mean to pursue. But I wish to draw the attention of your lordships to another subject. While the noble earl has unquestionably difficulties to encounter, I wish to point out to him and to this house, in justice to my late col leagues and in justice to the country, the facilities he en- joys for carrying on the Government. The first is, the admirable management of the finances by the late Chan cellor of the Exchequer. (Cheers.) He has done more to relieve industry and promote the development of commerce than any person in his situation has ever done. (Hear, hear.) It has been considered that the great model of financial ability was the conduct of Mr. Pitt from 178.1 to 1792 ; but I believe that my right hon. friend—having, no doubt, greater means at his command—has surpassed Mr. Pitt in financial ability, and above all, in the great success he has obtained. The noble earl opposite has condemned the, manner in which the Reform Bill was managed in the House of Commons by my right hon. friend. Now I remember that a friend said to Mr. Burke, in re ference to his arguments in favour of what were then our friends and fellow-subjects in the North American provinces, that although he knew that he had no private interest in the question, people would say that he never could have been so vehement and eager in discuss ing it if he had not some private interest in it. I believe that if it was ail error in Mr. Burke, so it was the only error of Mr. Gladstone, that ho was so intensely in earnest on the question. If he had been less in earnest there would not have been any of the accusations about want of temper and dictating to the House of Commons, of which we have heard so much. Earnestness belongs to groat and generous natures. It belonged to Burke—it belongs to Mr. Glad stone. If it be a fault, it is ono that I cannot find in me to condemn. (Hear.) I have heard from a gentleman in timately connected with Mr. Gladstone during his official career that ho never once saw the Chancellor of the Es• chequer out of temper. But, now, passing from the ques tion of finance, I must say a few words in justice to another colleague—the into Colonial Secretary. Never was there a question more distressing, or apparently more difficult than the question of Jamaica. There has been no opportunity as yet to have that question discussed ; but I am persuaded that the courso which my right hon. friend took was the right one, though he was blamed for it at first. My right hon. friend, by sending out Sir Henry Storks—a gentleman of groat ability and high station, and equal to any military emergency—and by coupling with him two such mon as Mr. Russell Gurney and Mr. Mania, allayed the patty ex citement, and at the same time provided for the safoty of the island. I have read the report signed by these gentle men. I believe that a more difficult subject was never treated with a greater amount of labour and impartiality, - - and to my mind the evidonco sustains this view of the ca se. It would have been very easy for my right hon. friend to have- taken another course—to have said that Governor Eyre should remain at - iii;post, and that there should have been some inquiry at home. .But Mr. Card well took a Course that satisfied the demand that there should be a thorough inquiry into the facts, and that justice should be done, and is tho result has furnished an example, in the futuro government of our colonies, that the feelings and interests of tho great mass of the population should be fairly and wisely considered. At the sanio time I must call tho attention of the noble lord now at the head of the Colonial-office to the fact that the difficulties connected with this question of Jamaica are far from being solved. It may perhaps require extraordinary measures of relief in order to restore the prosperity of Ja maica—but it is, at all events, a question worthy of the at tention of a statesman, and it is a problem not easily to be solved, how prosperity is to be restored to the island. (Hear, hear.) lam happy to concur in all that the noble earl has said with respect to the Fenian invasion of Canada. I agree in his opinion, that though it could have been put down and overcome, it never could have been put down so completely and so rapidly if it had not been for the loyal conduct of the President of the United States. (Hear, hoar.) I think the President of the United States acted at tha' time in the most friendly manner. At the moment that the laws of tho United States were violated ho acted with the utmost promptitude, and sent a general, one of the most distinguished in the States, with arms and ammunition to the borders, where he arrested the Fenians and sent them back to their homes, thereby dispelling all their hopes and frustrating their schemes. But at the same time he never saw greater promptitude than was displayed by the people of Canada in support of the Throne of this country, and in support of the free institutions which they enjoyed. This is a proof that we do not only enjoy the most Liendly re lations with the United States—it is also a proof that the course which has been pursued towards Canada during at least 30 years past has been attended with satisfactory re sults. There is no country in the world where freedom is more completely enjoyed than in the British provinces of North America. (Loud cheers.) Indeed, I have heard more than one British Not th American express that opinion. Such being the case, I trust we shall never hear again—or that that the noble earl will ever listen to it fora moment —that England ought not to assist Canada—(hear, hear) — while the Canadians are loyal to theßritish Crown. (Hear, hear.) I have now come to a conclusion with regard to these colonial questions. With regard to foreign affairs, I believe the whole country have complete confidence in my noble friend who lately held the seals of the Foreign Department. (Hear.) Under his ability, skill, and expe rience the foreign affairs of the country were sure to be conducted with wisdom. Many difficult questions may still remain open for discussion ; and I can only hope that at no long distance of time peace may be restored to Europe on satisfactory terms. For my part I hope that out of the present disasters a state of things may arise more favourable to the freedom of Germany. As far as I am concerned, I trust that the noble earl will not bo inter rupted or embarrassed in any negotiations into which he may hwe to enter. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl has said, and said with truth, that we aro not bound by any treaty or obligation with respect to this particular question of Germany—by the treaty of Vienna, between Austria and ' Prussia, and the treaty of Zurich between France, Austria, and Italy. With regard to the treaty of 1815 with regard to•Polaud, and that of 1852 with respect to Denmark, when these treaties wore openly violated it was not consistent either with the honour or the dignity of the country to pass these violations entirely sub silentio. The noble earl said, as I said after him, that it was a serious matter, and that it would lead to serious events, and the result has shown that we wore not mistaken, because this very war rose out of the question of Schleswig-Holstein. (Hear, hear.) I trust that the whole policy of this country will not be so departed from as that we shall not take an inte rest in the independence of other States. I trust that if on the present occasion England should concur with France and Russia it will be in the interest of peace and the independence of Italy, for if that is not consulted there cannot fail to be oft-recurring wars between Austria and Italy. (Hear, hoar.) In conclusion, I can only say that I trust and hope that the principles of civil and religious freedom will not be abandoned merely on account of a change of Ministry. (Cheering.) Lord BROUGHAM hoped the noble earl (the Earl of Derby) would, in concert with France, take measures for reducing the enormous standing armies which were a source of financial difficulty to the people as well as a danger to the liberties of the people. _ _ stated that the bill and its provisions in detail were fully considered by that body. The bill was ono intended to carry out the purification as well as the navigation of the Thames. The amendment was withdrawn, and the houso wont into committee. Clauses 1 and 2 were agreed to. On clause 3, which appoints the conservators of the Thames the governing body, Mr. AYRT ON moved to report progress. A discussion ensued, and on a division the motion was rejected by 60 to 10. Clauses to 5 inclusive were agreed to, and the houso resumed. The Revising Banisters Bill passed through committee. The other business was disposed of, and the house ad journed at a quarter past seven. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The crowd which thronged the House of Lords yesterday, under all the heat of a July after noon, to hear Lord Derby's statement, learnt to sympathise with the miseries of a nobleman who is honoured with her Majesty's commands to form an Administration. It is all very well to engage in an exciting struggle with your adversary, ben t' on beat ing him if you can, ready to be beaten if you must, but the pleasure of the fight must apparently be its own reward, for nothing can be less attractive than the results of victory. No sooner had Lord Russell and his colleagues resolved on adhering to their re signation, rejecting with wistful glances the aid proffered by Mr. Crawford and his associates, than Lord Derby's troubles began. We can very well understand that personally he felt no ambition to be for the third time the head of a Ministry. As the leader of the Opposition he exercised immense in fluence, and perhaps controlled the course of legis lation as effectually as he can in office. He had not, indeed, the patronage of place, and so far he was unable to oblige his friends, but everything else was his. In taking office he gives up a splendid position for honours which may possibly prove barren; but it is evident that no man can be the leader of the Opposition unless he is willing to submit to the penalties of victory, and Lord Derby had to choose between an abdication of public life and the forma tion of a new Ministry. The narrative of events Darby delivered ypstArday differed but slightly from what we have already given to the public. When it became evident that he would have to form a Ministry once more, he felt a natural de sire to enlist among his supporters some who had not hitherto served with him. The defeat which the late Government had accepted as expressing a want of confidence had been occasioned by a de fection from the Liberal ranks ; it was notorious that many of the more moderate members of the Liberal party resented the conduct of their nomi nal chiefs, and Lord Derby had therefore good reason to• hope that he might gain some re cruits. He was careful to say last night that he desired no " coalition," but simply to form a Go vernment on an " enlarged basis." We agree with Lord Russell in thinking the distinction merely verbal, and the practical conclusion of Lord Derby was, as he himself expressed it, that the old party names had lost their meaning, and the time had come for a reconstruction. The difference between a Liberal Conservative and a Whig is a difference of personal associations, and not of political ideas. Practically, however, the influence of names and party ties is enormous, and though every one seems to have expressed the most cordial good wishes to wards the new Government, no one outside the Conservative party would join it. Lord Clarendon felt himself unable to remain at the Foreign-office, and the Duke of Somerset declined to form one of the new Ministry. The late Lord Lansdowne thought he could only be of service to Lord Derby when out of office, and Lord Grosvenor reported a unanimous resolution of the Liberal members who had acted with him in defeating the late Government against serving under Lord Derby. He was thus left to his own forces, but his difficulties were not at an end. There was some thing almost comical in his confession last evening that no one who had not tried it could tell the diffi culty of placing some forty or fifty gentlemen each in the position most accordant with his own wishes and at the same time most consistent with the inte rests of the country. There are those who are disappointed altogether, those who find themselves offered an under-secretaryship, or even a post in the Household, when they expected to be in the Cabinet. As the catalogue of difficulties is unrol led, we cease to complain of the long interregnum during which, according to Lord Beauchamp, not even a Lord Lieutenant of Ross could be appointed, and are thankful that at the end of it so respectable a list of names has been presented to the public. Upon the future policy of his Administration Lord Derby maintained a wise and becoming reserve. Ile took some pains to refute the silly allegation that a Conservative Government must necessarily be warlike—more pains, perhaps, than a state ment so evidently unfounded deserved. Upon the general conduct of business he was content to appeal to his own character and that of his asso ciates. There can be no doubt that Lord Derby acted wisely in this moderation, which Lord Russell candidly approved. The Head of the late Ministry frankly declared that his successors ought to have time to mature their measures. Whether they dealt, he said, with questions of Foreign, or Colonial, or of Domestic Policy, it was, in his opinion, but just that they should be allowed until the beginning of next Session to make their preparations, without being called upon to declare what is the precise course they mean to pursue. There are, however, leading principles of policy which may always be stated, and Lord Derby did not hesitate to avow the considerations which would guide his Ministry. They would maintain a strict neutrality in the pre sent war, but at the same time be ready to offer their good offices conjointly with any other neutral Power if it appeared possible that they might lead to the restoration of peace. This is, indeed, what would be expected from any English Ministry, but as long as Lord Stanley is at the Foreign Office every one will be satisfied that a profession of neu trality is not a cloak for prejudice or prepossessions. The warm language of approval in which Lord Derby spoke of President Johnson's vigorous mea sures for the repression of inroads on the Canadian frontier corresponded so thoroughly with what Lord Russell said later in the evening as to give an assur ance that our relations with the United States will remain unaffected by the change of Ministry. Upon the question of Reform Lord Derby and his col leagues have prudently determined to abstain alto gether from any pledges. Their own perils when last they held office, as well as the catastrophe which has just befallen Lord Russell's Administration, has taught them caution. They do not deny—indeed, it is impossible to deny—that there are anomalies in our present system which it is desirable to cor rect, or that there are classes of persons now ex cluded from the franchise who might with advantage to the country be admitted to exercise it ; but in what way the existing anomalies are to be redressed, or the unenfranchised are to be admitted to the suf frage, must remain an open question. The experi ence of this session has given a sufficient proof of the difficulties which must beset the passing of any measure, and few persons will deny that it is a dis advantage to the country that session after session should be lost, and measures of practical and imme diate utility be sacrificed to the discussion of schemes which have no reasonable prospect of becoming law. That reform can be buried and forgotten it is idle to believe after the long agitation of the question; that it is so pressing that it must be settled forthwith it is equally idle to assert when the length of that agi tation is remembered. There are questions of social and commercial legislation which require considera tion, and if the Administration seriously address themselves to them in the recess they will do much to retain their position. Lord Derby referred to the Law of Bankruptcy, and we suppose no one ima gines that a more democratic House of Commons would be better fitted to settle the Law of Bank ruptcy than the present assembly. No question is more important, and none is more open to all corners. Lord Westbury's Act of 1861 has certainly not rea lised the hopes it excited, and the bill brought in by Sir Roundell Palmer this session escaped criticism in the press of the Reform debates, or it must have been condemned as a most retrograde and imperfect measure. The principles of the Law of Bankruptcy are now so far settled by judicial decision that it would not be difficult to draw up a complete code on the subject, and Sir Hugh Cairns may win fresh laurels in directing such a work. Whether Mr. G. Hardy will be able to reform the administration of the Poor-law without completely recasting the go vernment of the metropolis is more doubtful, but it is a melancholy satisfaction that he cannot make things worse if he fail to make them better. In such labours as these, and in the re-establishment of con stitutional government in Ireland, the Ministry of Lord Derby may well occupy itself, and, be its tenure of office long or short, it will not be without reward for faithful attempts to accomplish them. ITERALD.—The speeches delivered last night by the late and present Prime Minister in the House of Lords will be of interest to the historian long after the political excitement of the hour has passed away, and when those who are living objects of ad miration or distrust, of praise or commendation to ourselves, shall have become mere names—as those of Pitt and Fox, of Walpole and Poulteney are now —to our great-grandchildren. They form in them selves something like an historical summary of im portant and interesting events ; and we do not know that a writer who wished briefly to sketch the events that have led to the formation of the present Administration could do so in any more lucid, straightforward, and appropriate language than that employed by Lord Derby. It is well that Lord Russell should have had the opportunity of effacing the unpleasant recollection of the out break of temper which deprived of dignity his re cent announcement of his resignation, and we readily admit that no fault was to be found with the speech of last night on the score of courtesy, temper, and fairness. Nor shall we, on this occa sion, criticise the eulogium which, as befitted the man and the moment, he bestowed upon his col leagues. They have served the public long, honestly, and, on the whole, well ; they have rendered a loyal support, not devoid of self-sacrifice, to their present chief ; and it was only right and becoming that in retiring from office, most probably for ever, he should express his sense of their merits and of his own obligation. But the real interest of the even ing attached to the speech of the Earl of Derby —a speech which, marked by all the clearness, the classical grace, and dignified eloquence that characterise the Conservative leader, gave a simple and concise explanation of the circumstances un der which his Administration had been formed, a brief but complete vindication of his conduct, and a frank avowal of his future intentions. If, when the passions of the struggle are cooled and its invectives forgotten, any sensible man seriously doubts whether Lord Derby acted rightly and wisely at the present juncture, this speech will surely serve to convince him that no other course was morally or politically possible. That he was not eager for office, that his party did not pursue a course of factious opposition with a view to power, hardly needs demonstration. Every one who knows anything of Lord Derby will feel sure that he spoke the truth when he said that he had not sought his Present position, and would have known this to be true even if he had not said it. The Conservative party, for six long years, gave to Lord Palmerston a forbearance which, upon occasion, became active support, and which enabled him to keep the extreme section of his own followers in order, and to govern in a spirit which might almost be called Conserva tive. Lord Palmerston's death changed the whole face of public affairs. It transferred power from the extreme right to the extreme left of the Liberal party, from men who substantially agreed with Mr. Lowe to men who did not practically differ from Mr. Bright, and the tacit truce of parties was terminated. Even then the Conservatives did not rush into hasty or vexatious hostilities. They promised to the new Premier, even on the question of Reform, a fair trial and a fair construction. And they gave it. •If their conduct is to be called factious, then party action and party government are no longer legiti mate in England. The Ministry, contrary to Lord Palmerston's warning not to bring forward a Re form Bill in the first session of a new Parliament, hurried into the question. They brought forward a measure obviously hasty, and violently, if not ob viously democratic—a bill, moreover, evidently founded on total ignorance of the real electoral sta tus of the working class. Was it factious to criticise that bill? They insisted on dealing with the fran chise alone, contrary to the opinion of four-fifths of all who had an opinion on the subject in and out of the house. Was it factious to give expression to that opinion by an adverse vote? Their complete bill was generally pronounced to be bad, impracticable, unsound. Is it not the very function of Opposition to criticise and to correct, by discussion and by divi sion, the errors of the Ministry ; and was not this bill generally held to be an error? The bill inflicted grievous injustice on the landed interest and the whole agricultural class ; was it not the place of a party specially connected with that class to re sent and resist what they held to be a wrong ? The Conservatives fought, not to overthrow the Govern ment, but to defeat the bill. It was the Ministers who made the two things inseparable. It was they who burned their boats and broke down their bridges ; who pledged themselves to resign if they could not carry their measure ; who so threatened and bullied the house of Commons that their rela tions to it became such as nothing but a great Par liamentary victory could sustain ; who finally re peated their declaration that a defeat would be equivalent to a vote of want of confidence upon each detail of the bill, and so left the opponents of the measure, in the Liberal and in the Conservative ranks alike, no choice but to accept the bill or turn out the Government. Mr. Disraeli, indeed, made, on the occasion of their reverse of fortune—when first they were compelled to change their tactics and abandon the fragmentary mode of treatment—an earnest attempt to induce them to retract their de termination, and allow the house to exercise a free choice in regard to the bill. They would not do so ; and their resignation was, therefore, inevitable. 117 e do not blame them for it, neither does Lord Derby ; but neither have they a right to complain of their adversaries. And when they had resigned it was a necessity that Lord Derby should accept office. The theory of English public life requires that a victorious Opposition shall be ready to ac cept the responsibilities of power. It is not allowed to any party to be simply obstructive; to endeavour to prevent the machine of Government from moving ; to be, like a French Opposition, on the watch not to force the Government into its own groove, but to check, embarrass, and thwart it. An Opposition which avowed itself incapable of ruling would in this country forfeit its right to criticise those who rule ; it would cease to fulfil any honourable function in the state, and degenerate into a faction, purely mischievous in its action, to which no loyal Eng lish gentleman could belong. THE LORD-LIEUTENANCY OF ROSS-SHIRE. Earl BEAUCHAMP asked th 3 First Minister of the Crown who was responsible for having advised her Ma jesty's approval to the lord-lieutenancy of Ross-shire. The matter was one of great interest. It was a matter of noto riety that on Monday, Juno 18, her Majesty's Ministers were in a minority in the House of Commons, and that on the following day they tendered their resignation, and a Minister of the Crown stated that the functions of the Executive Government were in abeyance. On the 21st June Colonel Bayley, the lord-lieutenant of Ross-shire, died, and on July 3 the Gazette announced that her Ma jesty had filled the vacancy by the appointment of Sir J. Matheson. It was of great public interest to know who was responsible for that appointment. It could not be the present Prime Minister, for ho had not been sworn in office. (Hear.) It could not be the noble earl opposite, who had tendered his resignation. (A laugh.) Perhaps it was some clerk in the Privy Council. (Another laugh.) Earl RUSSELL said he was responsible for the appoint ment. After consulting the Secretary of State he advised her Majesty to make the appointment, which was one that he was prepared in every way to justify. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRTV A `PP TIUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Buchanan's Estate, Furness and Whitehavon and Furness Junction Railway Companies, Guardian Fire and Life Assurance Company, Medway Docks (No 1), and Shrews. bury Bridges. SECOND READING. The following bills were read a second time :—Hamil ton's Estate, Limerick and Castle Connell Railway, Lloyd's Estates (Partition), Sheils' Almshouses Charity, Taylors' Estate, and Troyte's Estate. FINCHLEY-ROAD ESTATE BILL.-THREATENED BUILDING ON HAMPSTEAD HEATH. Mr. GOLDNEY moved the second reading of this bill, the object of which was to enable Sir Thos. Maryon Wilson to grant building leases on a certain portion of his pro perty, which ho was now prevented from doing. Mr. H. LEWIS moved that the bill bo read a second time that day six months. He said the father of Sir T. M. Wilson, the present owner, devised the estates to his son, and it appeared to be his intention to preserve Hamp stead-heath for the purposes of healthful recreation, as, in the drawing out of the will of the late Sir Thomas Wilson, he, it was fair to be supposed, had most fully con sidered the whole matter, as ho had made no less than nine codicils, the Bth and 9th of which specially and jealously guarded Hampstead-heath, because it was clearly laid down that building leases on that part of his property should not be granted. It was idle to say that Hampstead-heath was not valuable for build ing purposes ; that was admitted, but it had always been so, because it is most desirable as a very healthy and beautiful spot. Sir T. M. Wilson was now seeking to do that which, by the will of his father, he was prohibited from doing. Various attempts bad been made under one name or another to get a bill through Parliament, but all had most signally failed. Lord Chief Justice Tenterden had expressed a most decided opinion against any such power as that now sought to be given. He expressed his opinion most decidedly against the intention of Sir T. M. Wilson and the matter remained quiet for 13 years, but after that another attempt was made, and again it most signally failed. In 1853 the fifth attempt was made, and again failure was the result, and accordingly in 1855 a seventh bill was brought in, and after it had been referred to the judges fur their report it was rejected by Parliament. It might be said the public ought to purchase the property, and he did not object to that, and he thoughtit would be most desirable to do so, but then it ought to be open to the public to go into the bargain with some degree of consideration. Sir T. M. Wilson was animated with a de sire to get as much money as ho could, and he appeared to be desirous to take the whole of the advantage, and let the public have nothing. Ho thought if this bill was re jected there would be some security for the public taking a more favourable position than otherwise would be the case. As the matter at present stood, the most learned persons who had ever graced the judicial bench had de cided against fir T. M. Wilson, and ho now again came before Parliament to give him that which the present law refused. He hoped the house would at once reject tho bill, because then the public would enter into the negotiations under more favourable circumstances than they would supposing the bill received the sanction of Parliament. Col. DUNNE said the bill did not interfere at all with Hampstead-heath. It only gave Sir T. Wilson power of granting building leases on a, certain portion of his pro perty, which he was now prevented from doing. Mr. B. HOPE said the question was not how many faggot votes Sir M. Wilson might make, but whether Hampstead-heath should be preserved or not. The heath was as dear to London as Hyde-park itself ; it was one of the lungs of London, and, in his opinion, the most bene ficial one of all. Let Sir M. Wilson come forward with a fair offer and make himself a public benefactor. That he refused to do, and he could not but look upon the bill as an attempt to steal a march on the House of Commons. He hoped the house would throw out the bill. (Hear.) Mr. ADAIR suggested that the bill should be referred to a commttteo up stairs. It was most unfair to oppose a private bill on a second reading. Mr. T. CHAMBERS said the hon. member who had just sat down said that it was most unfair to oppose the second reading of a private bill, but that it ought to be met in committee. But, ho would ask, who would have a locus standi before that committee, as the bill was opposed on public grounds ? (Hoar hear.) Sir Thomas Wilson came to Parliament to ask it in effect to help him, because ho was dissatisfied with his father's will ; in other words, he wanted the Legislature to make another codicil to his father's will after he had been dead forty years. (Hear, hear.) The next question that suggested itself was, had his father made any mistake ? had there boen any oversight in the original will ? Tho most learned judges had decided that there bad been no mistake of oversight, and he could not think that the house would give him that power which the judges of the land had refused. The house then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading ......................... Against it 72 Majority against the bill —7 The bill was accordingly thrown out. NE W WRITS. Colonel TAYLOR moved the issuing of the following new writs : ESSEX (North Division) in tho room of Mr. Du Cano, who had accepted the office of Lord of the Admiralty. SHOREHAM, in the room of Mr. S. Cave, who had ac cepted the offico of Vice-President of tho Board of Trade. The writs were ordered to issue. ADJOURNMENT OP THE HOUSE. Mr. HUNT moved that the house, at its rising, do ad journ until Monday nost. On the sitting of tho houso on Monday it was intended to go into supply, and he should proceed with the estimates for the Packet Service. After that it was intended to proceed with tho Reforma tory Schools Bill, and the Artizans' and Labourers' Dwell ings Bill. QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY. Sir R. PEEL gave notice of his intention to put a ques tion to the right hon. gentleman the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, with respect to a promise given to himself (Sir R. Peel) and his hon. friend the member for Calne, that a now charter should not bo given to the Queen's University in Ireland until Parliament had had an oppor tunity of expressing its opinion upon it. Notwithstanding that promise, a new charter had been conferred, and he wished for some explanation in the matter. THE CESSION OF VENETIA. Mr. D. GRIFFITH made some o bservations on the pre sent state of foreign affairs, especially with respect to the cession of Venetia to Frazee. Ito hoped that no decision on the subject would be come to by the Foreign-office until Parliament had had an opportunity of expressing its opi nion on the matter. THAMES NAVIGATION BILL. Mr. GIBSON moved that the house go into committee on this bill. Mr. AYRT ON objected to proceeding with it, as the bill had only just been put into the hands of members, so that no opportunity had boon given to prepare amendments to a measure which required great modification, nor should it be discussed in the absence of the President of thoßoard of Trade. Ho moved the postponement of the bill till that day week. Mr. HENLEY urged the postponement of the measure, and suggested that the committee be taken pro fig-llza. Mr. M. GIBSON pointed out that the objects of the bill had been pressed on the late Government, by whom the measure had been introduced, and it had been carefully considered by a select committee, and ho considered it to be his duty to endeavour to get i'passed as soon as pos sible. Tho measure was important, inasmuch as, unless it passed this session, there w as every probability that the navigation of the Thames would cease in the ensuing winter. lle proposed that the bill should go on in com mittee, and proceed with clauses until some one was ob jected to. Lord E. CECIL, as a member of the select committee, An English and American Alliance. The Pall Mall Gazette regrets the change of Ministry, as affecting our relations with Ireland and. the United States. Something considerable was likely to have been done for our fellow countrymen across the Channel. The questions of tenant right and of the Irish Church might have been dealt with, the folly of the Fenians thus made, in an in direct and undesigned manner, productive of good. Unfortunately this will reach to the other side of the Atlantic. Nothing could have been better than the course which our relations with America have lately taken. The A mer i cans h ave d one us an essential service, and have acted in a manner which ought at all events to open the eyes of that section of the English public which has always been dis posed to think and speak unfavourably of them to the good side of their character. As they always say themselves, they are a law abiding people ; and they have shown in the instance of the Fenians a thorough determination to force upon others within their jurisdiction the virtues they practise them selves. Conservatives are apt to under-estimate the value to us of the American alliance. It may perhaps be well to take the service rendered by the Americans in the Fenian raid, as a test for a few observations on the value of the American alliance, and the way to cultivate it. We have managed our affairs so as to be almost entirely cut off from European politics. To us it is a matter of in difference how the nations of Europe settle the quarrel for which they are in arms. Our influence in Europe is small compared with our weight, but we form the centre of four great nations—as they will soon be—British North America, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand, besides our vast Empire in India. The relation of the United States to this system is so much connected with it, and resembles it so closely, as almost to form a part. Our colonies will possess, when they are :better able to stand on their own legs, the same indepen dence, and which it should be our highest hope to confer with safety on British India. Our relations with the United States are actually closer than with any of our colonies. Our trade with them is greater, they take a larger number of our emi grants, and are the only civilised power separated from our possessions by a mere geographical boundary. They are governed on the same princi ples appliQd on a larger scale, and to a different state of society, and are capable of doing us more harm or good than all the nations of the world put together. If we cultivate those relations which but for the madness of George 111. need never to have been disturbed, there is no reason why a century hence the English race, with local modifications, should not be the predominant race of the world. It would then constitute a community of civilised States more extensive than Europe—at least as fertile—and possessed of other advantages peculiar to itself. For instance, there are hardly any sub stantial grounds on which any of the Englands of the future, including the United States, would have occasion to quarrel. The probability of so happy a state of things is remote, but still one why the friendship of the United States is of paramount importance. There arc small irritating subjects between us—such as the fishery rights—but none of any moment. The relations between the two States arc eminently satisfactory, mainly because the political institutions prevailing on each side the boundary arc unlikely to dispose those who live under them to fall out with each other, and there is no reason, except in indiscretion at home, which should interrupt them. If what we have seen in the suppression of the Fenian raid is intrinsically a small matter, it will at least serve to contradict the notion that sympathy with violence, revolution, fili bustering and the like, is characteristic of the Americans.. We believe this to be an entire mis take. Th ese and other bad things were the characteristi'c vices of the slave-holding population, but now that - slavery and its attendant evils are at an end, we d .oubt if there is to be found in the world a natio n more disposed to be orderly and, in the good sense oie. the word, Conservative. Death of Hon. Lewis Cass. The Hon. Lew is Cass died at Detroit on Sunday morning, aged 85 1 years. Lewis Cass was born in Exeter, New Hampshire, the 9th day of Oct ober, 1782. His father bore a commission in the Revolutionary army, and took part in the battles.. of Bunker Hill, Trenton, Prince ton, Germantown,. &c. The young Lewis was edu cated at Exeter, and studied law at Marietta. He was admitted to the bar in 1802, and practised with success during several years. In 1806 he was elected to the Ohio Legislature. Being placed on the committee instituted to inquire into the move ments of Colonel Burr, his hand drafted the law which enabled the local authorities to arrest the men and boats engaged in that enterprise on their pas sage down the Ohio. He also drew up the address to Mr. Jefferson, embodying the views of the Ohio Legislature on the subject. In 1807 Mr. Cass was appointed Marshal of the State, a position which he filled until 1813. In the war of 1812 he volunteered to join the forces at Dayton under General Hull, and was named Colonel of the Third Ohio Volunteers. Colonel Cass com manded the advanced guard when the army crossed from Detroit into Canada, and drew up the procla mation addressed by the General to the inhabitants of that country on their arrival in it, and com manded also the detachment which dislodged the British forces posted at the bridge over the Canards. Shortly afterward Colonel Cass was included in the capitulation which ensued on the signal defeat of the American army, and, after making his report at Washington, was appointed to the 27th Regiment of Infantry, and, after a short interval, promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General. lie took part in the pursuit of General Proctor, and in the triumph at the Moravian towns. At the close of the cam paign he was left in the command of Michigan, with his head-quarters at Detroit, a command he ex changed for the post of Civil Governor over the same State in October, 1813. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER-JULY 7. There was a short supply of wheat at market to-day. Trade dull, at a decline of 2s upon the prices of last week. Beans, peas, and oats continue scarce, and quotations are unaltered. Wheat, white 54s 60s Beans, Mazagran......4os 428 red: 50s 54s Middle and 5ma11...42s 468 Barley... 34s 43s Peas, white. 38s 428 Oats ..... ... —a —l3 grey ..36s 428 CHELMSFORD-JULY 6. Here to-day there was a fair supply of wheat, but owing to rumours of peace very little business could be done, even at a reduction of 3s to 4s on previous rates. Prices of spring corn wore generally well supported, with a dull trade. Wheat, old white....47s 575 Peas, Partridge 40s 425 new 42s 56s I White —32B 30 old red 42s 52s Boiling - s —0 new .41s 510 Dun.... ..... —3BB 400 Barley.... .25s 33s ditto, new....--s — 0 Chevalier --s —s Beans, Tick, 01d......408 450 Grinding 258 30s new.... 388 42 0 Malt 58s tOo Harrow ricks.42s 460 Chevalier 60s 621 new....40s 44 0 Oats .. 2os 268 Mazagan. 38s 420 GRANTHAM-JULY 7. A moderato show of wheat. Trade dull, at about recent currencies. Other kinds of grain wore very limited, and last week's prices supported. Old whito wheat, 56s to 635; old red,' . 533 to 58s ; ne'' white, 52s to 56s ; new red, 47s to 52s per 36 stone. Bar" ley for malting, 36s to 42s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 33s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; now, 253 to 30s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s; new, 44s to 46s per 38 stone• Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. NORTHAMPTON-JULY 7. New white wheat, 56s to 60s ; new red, 54s to 58s ; 0 14 white, 56s to 60s ; old red, Ms to 58s per 36 stone. Band for malting, —s to —s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to 35s per 3 0 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 34s ' • new, 2651t0 34s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 46s to 50 s ; new , 42s to 45s per 38 stone. Pet 36s to 40s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN-JULY G. Little business doing to-day, and the market but thinly attended. White wheat 40s Od 0 0 (1 11 to 45s 4 45 55 s 0 0 d d} 621 b Red wheat Potato oats 25s Od to 25 s 6d} 40lb 11 bushel. Common oats 24s Od to 24s 6d il bushol. Dere b us hel. aos Od to 31s Od L , ~11) Barley 32s Od to 32s 6d) Oatmeal 19s 6d to 20s Od ?b o ll o f 2801 b. • Flour, fine 36s Od to 37s Od V sack of 28 0,6 ~ 'll KIRICCALDY-JULY 7. Good supply of wheat, small of oats, and only one parcel of barley. Sales slow. Wheat is to 2s down, and barley and oats at the prices of last week. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First...—. As Od i 33s 6d 3os Od second.... 50s Od —s Od 31s Od Third . bls Od —1 Od 32s Od COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. d. s. d. g. 0 Hetton Lyons ... ... 17 6 E as t Hartlepool Walls End Hetton ... 20 3 T ees Heugh Hall l9 6 S ou th H ar tl epoo l l9 5 6 South Hetton Hartlepool Kelloe Caradoc l9 9 Stewart's Pensher Primrose ... 17 6 Ships at market, 47 ; sold, 45. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Du Barry's delicious and health' restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which contains Or° times the nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times it! )st in other remedies, restores perfect digestion, stron , nervt s, sound lungs, h ea lthy li ver , re f res hi ng s l ee p, lun e , tional regularity, and energy to the most dr sordcred or feebled, removing speedily and effectually indigestion it , Y: t pepsia), habitual constipation, diarrhoea, 11.2. morrhoids, liv compliiints, flatulency, ne. vous _less, biliousness, fevers, fA i i throats, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head An y ears, rheumatism, gout, impu les, eruptions, hysteria, „ ralgia, irritaWity, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heio burn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasm', 111 1,44 01 , and sickness, sinking fi s, coughs, asthma, b ronc hi t is, pient consumption, scrofula, tightness of the chest, poi° 7, the pit of the stomach, between the shoulde rs , &c. Ce r ficate No. 29,410. We find it the safest remedy. Andre Ure, ; Dr Harvey; Dr Wu, : - er ; Dr Sbor'.al d ' e Dr Campbell. We quote a few ou t o f th e 62,0 0 cures :—C l ,' f No. 57,314. Tittenson - I c anno t express my grat it u de „ the benefit I have derived from Du Barry's food. MY eyd petite is perfectly restored, the pains in my leg, back, a n d chest are quite gone, and I am fast gaining strength llll ; 3 flesh. Mrs A. O wen. —C ure No. 51,812. Miss Vi;Pv.o Zeguers, cured of consumption, of er her medical adv ; s r , ii abandoned all hopes o f reaov y.— Cr re No. 49,832. 0 1 0 , years' indescribable a go n y tram dyspepsia, yousP% asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms sickness the stomach, and vomitin g. Maria Joly, Wo r th am , Ling> fled Dies, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss E Jacobs', , Nasing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Hells, of extreme neryoull, ness, indigestion, gatherings, 1 o w spirits, an d nervous fancily, In tins, lib, 2s 9d ; 21b, 4s 6d ; 51b, ll s ; 121 b, 22e ; 249; 40s.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, R ege nt-st re et, Lond° also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; likeW i te at 61, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopso d; street Within ; 83, 150, and 998, Oxford-street ; 330, Str° / 9 6, 54, Upper Baker-street ; aO3, Tottenham-court-rood j., 00 0 Upper-street, Islington, N.; Harvey, Notting-hill ;Cl Brothers, 65, High-street; and Stubbs, Quee n 's-terraCet,, e , John's-wood. London; and all respectable grocers and mists.—Beware of spurious imitations. Births. HOPETOL'N—On the 6th inst., at 17, Queen's-gate-ter l ` the Countess of Hopetoun, of a daughter. t he JONES —On the Bth inst., at 79, Queen's-road, Dalston, wife of C. Jones, of 9, Mincing-lane, City, of a son. s e NEWMAN—On the 7th inst., at 9, St. James's-tetran gent's-park, th e w if e of Philip N ewman , E s q., ° Middle Temple, of a daughter. get ROEEIITSON—On the Bth inst., at 21, Cleveland- 0 6 11 4, Hyde-park, the wife of G. M. Robertson, Esq., of a Ss' Marriages. FLETCHER —BEARD—On the 7th inst., at St. StOPll sP Paddington, A. P. Fletcher, of 1, Moorgate-streetsutef 3, Abercorn-placo, Esq., to Marian, youngest dalig of the late N. Beard, Esq. r MAnTrsEAu—ltussELL—On the sth inst., in Jersey, tieo Colonel E. M. Martineau, late Bengal Army, to v or Frances, daughter of Charles D. Russell, Esq., late gal Civil Service. Deaths. BOUCIIER—On the 7th inst. at at Theßanks, o pt, John Boucher, Esq., mayor of that city, aged 63. I,lot,jd COCKBURN—On the 7th inst., at 4, Stanley-gard olls ,' oil"' ting-hill, George F. Cockburn, Esq., lato Bengt" ~ t, Service, aged 18. te e DANVERS—On the 7th inst., at 8, Great StanhoPo..s o cir Park-lane, George J. B. Danvers, fifth Earl of - 1 - 41 ' borough, d -"` age ,2. Rochester, 1"- a 0 ° LANSDOWNE—On the sth inst., at Lansdowne Ilolls' Marquis of Lansdowne, K.G. xii field' POCOCK— On the 7th inst., at Wonston Manor, -,•---,; over, Hampshire, Wm. I. M. Pocock, Esq., aged °` l 4 e ie ToPPIN—On the 7th inst., at 120, Walworth-roa d, ington, S., John Toppiu, Esq., aged 80. ill f' SMITII—On tho Bth inst., at 43, Clargos-street, ric e •, Liout.-Col. Bellingham J. Smith, aged 75. •I'l 1 UZIELLI—On the Bth inst., at 11, Highbury-plau o7 Uziolli, Esq., of the Stock Exchange, aged 55. ........ __--- O . London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN . lift of No. 112, Strand, Printer. at Tam SUN Office , '.:tl 0 Strand, in the Precinct of: the Savoy,• in the C a " bliddleom—Tuesday, July 10, 1866. • I O 3 EVAN; KIT This Dublin It is some. Sold by the Wholes, 8, G Obso tc Kinal Mu 14 , ;:,rj Pr om Ire e 0, , q -It 1 for 2g. 6 certain on the s ea, eh. .EXCI and Ire also i ss gate-sti ton gr a' For fi radd NO' S the 26t the pur Pourers of the : The Poncie ] To aL._ pl - , Refer Direct° (Lirnite posal fo the reds most fa mention Shareh c ward, al lifieddi! 17 and COu rso x ext, tho „,1 1 * * CC COrtp,a- A BE TIT STl:fly , Stock, co, Clergy, a NvE, THE should b e ATRE tri er St o ( J-Jrav v i ng , Muslin ' Year's Ch ‘VirEc V P' BRII~Sh Tuß itEl ,„Every • rloor-CIO WEs A( A:TXT 198, 200, UP" I,Vq .