The Sun. — London, England, 1866-11-21 00:00:00

REFORM BANQUET AT MANCHESTER,. MANCHESTER, Tuesday Evening. A grand banquet was given this evening in the Free-Trade Ilall, under the auspices of the National Reform Union, to Mr. Bright, M.P., and a number of Liberal members of Parliament. Mr. G. Wilson presided. Covers were laid in the large room of the Free-Trade Hall, whichlwas tastefully decorated, for upwards of 900 guests, among whom were Lord Houghton, Lord Tey-nham, Mr. Bright, M.P., Sir F. Crossley, M.P., Mr. Ayrton, M.P., Mr. Baines, M.P., Mr. Bazley, M.P., Mr. Fildes, M.P., Mr. W. E. Forster; M.P., Sir John Gray, M.P., Mr. Had field, M.P., Mr. T. B. Potter, M.P., Mr. R. N. Phillips, M.P., Mr. Cheetham, M.P., Sir J. Watts, Mr. Jacob Bright, Mr. M‘Laren, M.P., Mr. 11. F. Beaumont, M.P., Mr. W. S. Allen, M.P., Mr. T. Barnes, M.P., Mr. D alglish,M. P. , Mr. Crum-Ewing, M.P., Mr. T. Kennedy, M.P., Mr. Hibbert, M.P., Mr. Murphy, M.P., Mr. Platt, M.P., Mr. E. Potter, M.P., Mr. Whitworth, M.P., Mr. R. Young, M.P., Mr. J. Heywood, Mr. W. Lawson, Mr. E. A. Leatham, Mr. H. G. Thompson, Mr. H. Rawson, Gen. Neal Dow, and a great number of the leading Liberals of Manchester and the neighbourhood. Mr. Layard, M.P., The O'Donoghue, M.P., Mr. T. Hughes, M.P., Mr. Onslow, M.P., Mr. T. Cave, M.P., Mr. Neate, M.P., Mr. Stansfeld, M.P., Mr. Gilpin, M.P., Mr. Whalley, M.P., Mr. Finlay, M.P., Mr. Synan, M.P., Mr. White, M.P., and Mr. P.A. Taylor, M.P., had accepted invitations, but were at the last moment prevented from attending. The usual loyal and constitutional toasts were given from the chair, and were most enthusiasti cally responded to. The CHAIRMAN then gave the toast of " Our Guests," and said that they were met to assert the right of the people to elect their own representatives in Parliament, to denounce the traitors who had de serted the proper cause in the day of battle, and to repeat the demand made at so many meetings for the representation of numbers, sobriety, and intelli gence, instead of exclusiveness, rottenness, and cor ruption. Lord HOUGHTON said that when he was honoured with an invitation to this magnificent banquet he reflected that only at Easter last he presided over a large meeting of the artisans of Leeds to present a petition in favour of a measure of reform. He re gretted that they were obliged to meet here to-day on account of the measure of Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone not having become the law of the land. It might be said that he had no business here. But, although he was only here as a peer, they were here in the indefeasible right of Englishmen to demand the political rights for others which they enjoyed for themselves, and in the consciousness that they asked for what was just, reasonable, and politic. The question was not this or that measure of reform, but to secure an extension of the franchise which would secure their fair rights to the people. When that was secured, all the rest that was essential would follow; and, in so far as they had abandoned this principle, the late Government had departed from a sound and statesmanlike policy. He be lieved that the essence of the Constitution from its very beginning was that it had advanced with the consent and intelligence of the whole people, but he believed that England would not maintain her position without a large extension of the re presentation of the people. Referring to one of the mottoes on the wall, " Privileges are ephe meral ; the People are immortal," he said that it might be true in a political sense, but at the same time there were privileges which he would for ever uphold, and which he could never forsake. They were the privileges of the intelligent mind and of the enlightened conscience, and, above all, the privileges of the individual pulse and the individual mind which beat in the heart of every Englishman. (Cheers.) Mr. HUGH MASON proposed, and Mr. E. R. LEATHAM seconded, the following address to the Liberal members of Parliament invited to the banquet : " The executive members of the National Reform Union, consisting of 175 branches, and extending throughout the country, speaking in the name of the Reform party and the great unenfranchised masses of their countrymen, de sire to express to those members of Parliament who have honoured them with their presence this evening the sincere pleasure they feel in cordially welcoming to this banquet men who in the late struggle were counted in the van with those who in the House of Commons were true to theirprin ciples, and courageously vindicated the rights of the people. While the members of the Union were willing to accept and gave their earnest support to the bill of the late Go vernment as an instalment of reform and a pledge of ear nest purposes, they would suggest that it is now too late to renew proposals so limited in their;scope, and would urge upon the members of Parliament present the absolute ne cessity of all Liberals uniting, so that a real and adequate, and not a sham, measure of Reform may be passed into law during the next session of Parliament. They would call attention to the great danger involved in longer trifling with this vital and pressing duty. They would remind the representatives of the people that other nations are advanc ing rapidly in the path of political freedom, and that while those among us without the pale of the constitution are fully alive to this fact, it is extremely perilous for their own governing powers to persist in insolently rejecting their most modest claims, thus causing them to doubt that under the present system any real justice and freedom can pos sibly be attained, except at the cost of revolution. They hold that for such a conviction to find a lodgment in the minds and to sink into the hearts of the people would be the most dire calamity which could befall the country. The slanders againet their fellow -countrymen which had been not only uttered in the House of Commons, but received there with boisterous applause, have aroused their indigna tion, and they feel they would be recreant to their princi ples and disgrace their manhood did they not repudiate with scorn such shameful and unmerited insults. The Na tional Reform Union would tender to the members of her Majesty's late Administration, and to every m em b er of Parliament who voted with them during the late reform struggle, their unfeigned and most hearty thanks. Te the Irish Liberal members they offer their warm sympath y, and assure them that they and their countrymen will not look in vain for the most earnest support this Union can render in aid of any measures which may be proposed to benefit the sister isle by just and righteous laws. In con clusion, while earnestly counselling thtehemyoswtocuolrd respect dial union among all sincere friends of reform, fully invite the representatives of Ireland to make common cause and join with those Eland, Scotland, and Wales in determined efforts to coafrryngthose measures of reform which must tend to promote the moral, social, and politi cal advancement of the people of these realms, andthe_ y would earnestly pray that such efforts may speedily be crowned with complete success." The address was unanimously adopted. Mr. W. E. FORSTER, M.P., who was most enthu siastically received, was the first to respond. He was quite sure his late colleague, Mr. Stansfeld, who was unable to attend through most serious in disposition, and Mr. Layard, who had not returned from the Continent, would regret that they had not been able to attend. As a very subordinate of the late Government, he must, on their behalf, express their gratitude to the men of Yorkshire and Lanca shire for the support which they had accorded to the late Government and its Reform measure. As a member of the late Government he might regret the fate of their bill, but as a Reformer he certainly could not, and history for the future would relate that, owing to the obstructions offered to that mea sure, they were indebted to a sound and compre hensive Reform. For this, he mu s t sa y, h e f e lt th a t they were indebted to four men. They were Lord Ru ssell, who did not like to see his sun go down without completing his policy of Reform, to Mr. Gladstone, and to Mr. Bright, and last, but not least, to Mr. Robert Lowe. (Hisses.) He hoped they would not hiss at the mention of that gentle man's name, who had done a great deal for the cause of Refor m , f or it was his speeches that had aroused the working classes from their apathy, and enlisted them one an d all la: however the cause of Reform. (Cheers.) They mu s t not , think that the battle was over ; they had hard work still to do ; their opponents were more determined than ever to oppose them, and they must not r elax their endeavours. [A Voice._:, We a re ready for them.") Yes ; but they must keep ready, and not allow themselves to be surprised. He felt that just now the Conservatives were suspiciously loud in their confessions of Liberalism, and that any bill a Conservative Government would propose would be a Conservative measure. When he said this he meant in a party or class sense, for he was most sincerely of opinion that a real Reform Bill which practically met the wants of the age would be most essentially a Conservative Reform Bill. This being the case, they must still be on their guard, for while they were perfectly right in giving to any measure proposed by the present Government a fair and candid consideration, they mustbe on the watch, and not be caught by a plausible measure, which, although giving a considerable extension of the suf frage, might neutralise it by spe3ious checks, and, by manipulating the groups of boroughs and the area of the county constituencies, make matters much worse than they are now. (Cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT, who on rising was received with several rounds of cheering, said,--Ladies and Gen tlemen, —Although this is perhaps one of the most striking and important meetings which have been held in this country during the last few years, you will perhaps be surprised to learn that I came to it with a sense of almost indifference—not indifference as to its importance, but with an absence of that feeling of responsibility which has pressed so much upon me upon recent occasions. (Cheers.) The committee were kind enough to send round to their agents a list of the speakers who were expected to address the meeting. I found them much more numerous than I expected, and I found my name about half-way down the list. I took it therefore for granted that I came here as a spectator and a looker-on, rather than a prominent actor at the meeting. Some gentlemen who were expected to be here are not here. dr. Stansfeld and Mr. Layard are unable to attend. -I shall trust to those who come after me to say a good deal which I shall not take up your time by attempting to say to-night. (Hear, hear.) During the last memorable session of Parlia ment you will probably recollect that it was a very common thing in the mouths of the opponents of the Government to say that the working men, the aggrieved party, felt no grievance, that they scarcely expressed any opinion of the bill in its fa vour, or indeed any opinion at all on the question of their admission to the franchise. I was repeatedly charged with being in the position of a leader in a cause in which it was said that, after all, I had no clients and no followers ; that I made many efforts, and called spirits from the vasty deep ; but that, somehow or other, the spirits would not come, and there was a general taunt uttered that, after all, we were very much exaggerating the cause of thework ing man, and that the condition of the large class was so comfortable and prosperous that they were perfectly contented with the Government as it was carried on, and with a Parliament so inadequately representing thewhole nation. Well, I suppose that that argument, so far as it was uttered and had any , force, has been fully, if not to our opponents satis factorily answered, but these gentlemen have turned quite round, and have now another thing to say about these meetings. They say that the middle classes stand aloof, nobody really cares for reform but the working man, and that no great question can be carried or sensibly affected in this country by the action and opinion of working men alone. They forget that general meetings had been held. But after all the deduction they admitted therewere a few thousandspresent, but theysaid that members of Parliament and manufacturers, and what they called the influential classes, were found to be en tirely absent. They appeared to have forgotten that these meetings, at which the working men only at tended, were meetings called expressly by working men and for working men ; but if they wanted to know bow far themain objects of these meetings re ceived the sympathy of a more powerful class, they might have come to this meeting to learn—(cheers) —and might have attendedto the arrangements and the meetingsin Birmingham. It would be impossible in any town in this kingdom to assemble on a plat form a larger amount of what they call the respec tability and station than were assembled then and there. (Hear.) If they had come to this hall on the evening of this great meeting in Manchester, or if they had gone to the great meeting in London or to the meeting in the City-hall at Glasgow, they would have found that all these meetings were most influentially attended. In the town of Leeds I was told that nearly 5,000 persons paid ss. each to be allowed to attend the meeting in the Town-hall, and I think that is some sign of the class of persons who attended. (Hear, hear.) But if there were any ques tion on this matter I would ask these gentlemen to come to the platform to-night. (Cheers.) Here is the largest and finest hall in Britain, the largest and finest hall in Europe, I believe the largest and finest ball in the world, and yet this hall is crowded with persons to whom our opponents, I think, unlessthey are very fastidious, will admit the terms respectable and influential. (Cheers.) I doubt if there has ever been held in this kingdom a banquet more numerous, more influential, more unanimous, more grand in every respect than that which is being held here to night. Just now it is the fashion to flatter and court the middle classes. The middle classes are told that since the Reform Bill of 1832 political power has been in their hands. Before 1832 it is said that it was with the Lords and great landowners, but since 1832 it has been in the hands of the middle classes, and they are asked whether they are willing to surrender that power into the hands of the more numerous, and, as these people assert, a more dan gerous class, who would swamp not only the highest class, the lords and great landowners, the highest in social position, but they would also swamp the great middle class, with whom political power is now said to rest. (Cheers.) They try to teach the middle classes that there is an essen tially different interest between them and the great lords of the people who are not yet admitted to their political rights and privileges. They say that one class is in power and the other class outside of power, and they warn the middle classes against admitting the outsiders into partnership with them for fear lest they should dethrone the middle classes and set up an unintelligent, unreasoning, and selfish power of their own. This is the sort of argument that is used to the middle classes to induce them to take no part in any measure that shall ad miti the w or ki ng c l asses to a part i c i pat i on n political power. (Cheers.) I should be ashamed tomesntatnas is. d this, nany platform and employ su c h an argu (Cheers.) Is there to be found advo-% cated in the writings or the speakings of any public man connected with the Liberal or the Reform party so dangerous and so outrageous a policy as that which these men pursue ? for when separating the great lords of the people into the middle and the working classes they are settin g m an o d n t o h po ey li as sts k oyfopuotwo ejroiiiin the miserameaganaidnsptercillaossus, withth elasB the past and present determination to exclude for ever the great lords of our countrymen from the common rights of the generous English Constit ut i on. (Cheers.) There is no greater fallacy than that the middle classes are in the possession of political power. The real state cf the case, if it were put in simple language, would be this—that the working men are universally excluded, roughly and insultingly, from political power, and that the middle class while they have the semblance of it are defrauded of the reality. (Cheers.) The difference of the semblance is this, that the working o his o f hands name every man can hold up his h classes come to the husting s at the el ection, and when the returning officer asks and , fora show although is not on the register of voters. Every man can vote at that show of hands, but a show of hands is of no avail. On a recent occasion—perhaps it was when I last stood on this platform—l stated certain facts which have not from that day to this been contra dicted. I stated that out of every 100 men, grown up men, liable to taxes and expected to perform all the duties of life, responsible to the laws throughout the United Kingdom, that 84 were excluded from the franchise, and that 16 only were included. I want to ask whether the 16 out of the 100 may be said to include all the middle class. (Laughter.) But there is another fact, if possible, more astonishing still, and that is that 3 men out of every 100 throughout the United Kingdom, by their votes, return an actual majority of the present House of Commons ; but if a majority of the House of Commons be returned by a majority so small as three out of every 100 of the men of the United Kingdom, and if the other House of Parliament asks for no votes at all, I ask you whether it is not a fiction of the most tran sparent character that power, legislative and govern ing, in this country rests with the middle class ? (Cheers.) What Mr. Forster says is quite true. You may have suffered this or that, but you may have the dist r ib ut i on of power so and such that even the representation, bad as it is, may be made some thing even worse. (Cheers.) Take the case of your boroughs alone, on which alone may be said to rest TI E SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVEMfSG, NOVEMBER 21 1866. everything that exists in the United Kingdom of a free election. Divide the boroughs, 254 in number, into two classes—those under 20,000 inhabitants, or those over that number. Under 20,000 there are 145 boroughs, over there are 109 boroughs ; but the boroughs under 20,000 return 215 members, against 181 returned by the boroughs over 20,000. That gives only a very misty idea of the state of the case, those boroughs over 20,000 inhabitants having 39 members less and fewer than the boroughs under 20,000 still are in this position, that their members represent six times as many electors, seven times as much population, and 14 times as much payment of income-tax as the larger number represent. Well, it is clear beyond all cavil,---for figures after all are difficult things to meet and controvert if they are correct,—it is clear beyond all cavil that your re presentative system, even in your boroughs, where alone it exists in any life at all, is a representative system almost wholly delusive, and one which de frauds the middle class of the power which the Bill of 1832 professed to give them. (Cheers.) As to the country representation it is almost too sad a subject to dwell upon. (Laughter.) Every man as an oc cupier who occupies house or land of less annual value than £5O is excluded. The number of free holders in the main diminishes, and really there remains scarcely anything of independent power and freedom of election within the majority of the counties of the United Kingdom. So then I come to the conclusion that the working classes are ex cluded and insulted, and that the middle classes are defrauded, and I presume that those who really do wield the power despise them for their silence under this system. (Cheers.) When 1 look at the great middle class of this country, and see all that it has done, and see the position in which it has been to some extent allowed to rest, I cannot help saying that it reminds me very much of the language which the ancient Hebrew patriarch addressed to one of his sons. He said, " Issachar is a strong ass—(great laughter)—crouching down between two burdens." (Laughter.) So on the one side there is a burden of £7,500,000 per annum raised by way of taxes to keep from starvation more than 1,200,000 pau pers within the United Kingdom ; and, on the other hand, and higher up the scale, there is mismanage ment the most gross, there is extravagance the most reckless, and there is waste the most appalling and disgraceful which has ever been seen in the Govern ments of any country—(cheers)—and the grand result of this is a system which systematically shuts out the millions, and which cajoles the middle classes by the hocus pocus of a Parliamentary Government. (Laughter and cheers.) lam delighted beyond measure, after many years of discussion, of contem plation, and of laborious connection with this great question, to believe that the great body of the people —call them middle class, or call them working class, are resolved that this state of things shall exist no longer. (Loud cheers.) During the last session of Parliament there has been made by an honest Government an honest attempt to tinker the exist ing system ; for, after all, the bill of last session, honest, and well-intended, and valuable as it was, was still but a tinkering of a very bad system— (laughter)—but the Tory party refused even to have it tinkered. (Laughter and cheers.) They remind me very much of a wealthy but a most penurious old gentleman who lived some years ago in my neighbourhood, and who objected, among other ex penses, very much to a tailor's bill. He said he had found out that a hole would last longer than a patch. (Great laughter.) I am not sure that that is not the faith of Lord Derby and his friends, for it was one of their great arguments, that if the bill of the Government passed, it would inevitably follow that something more would also almost immedi ately be demanded ; they were so anxious that things should remain as they are that theyrefused to admit 200,000 more of the middle class by the lowering of the county franchise, and they refused with equal, perhaps with greater pertinacity, to admit 200,000, but, as I believe, not much more than 100,000 men to electoral rights. They would not suppress nor allow the suppression of a single rotten borough ; in fact there was no abuse, however intolerable, how ever putrid, to which they would allow the Legisla tive reforming knife to be applied. Thus deter mined to keep things just as they were, we were obliged, to our great misfortune last session, to con tend so much with them ; and now they are in office they call themselves her Majesty's servants, but they have not yet dared to proclaim themselves the ac cepted servants of the people. (Cheers.) Some of their papers, and some papers which are not theirs, give us to understand—for the newspapers are always understanding a great many things of which they know nothing they give us to understand that Cabinet meetings which have been held during the last fortnight have landed us in this strange po sition, that the men against all Reform six months ago are now warmly engaged in concocting a mea sure which shall be satisfactory to the great body of Reformers of the country. (Cheers.) Now, my opinion is this, first, that the papers know nothing about it ; and secondly, that the Government—we are obliged to call them the Government—has not made up its mind whether to bring in a Reform Bill or not. In point of fact Lord Derby is waiting to see what the weather would be, and I suppose they will postpone the decision, perhaps, for some weeks to come—who knows ? they may wait till this day fortnight or yesterday fortnight. 0 n Monday, the 3d of December, it is said that, fol lowing the example of Birmingham, the West Riding, of Glasgow, and Manchester, and Dublin, the men connected with the trades of London will make what they call a " demonstration" that is, on behalf of this question of Reform they will as semble, and peacefully walk through some of the main streets of the West-end of London, for the purpose of showing that they take an interest in this great question. (Cheers.) I know nothing of the arrangements except what I see in the newspapers ; but it is said that more than 1,000,000 have arranged to walk in that procession. I hear from no mean authority that certain persons at the West end, attenders at the clubs, and soon, are getting up a little alarm at what may happen on the 3d December. What will happen we all know. If the police do not interrupt to break the peace—(cheers)—the peace will not be broken, and probably what happened on the last occasion may be of some use in teaching the Home Secretary his duty on this occasion. (Cheers.) There are some persons, doubtless, so credulous and so willing to wish well of everybody as to imagine that Lord Derby's Government will bring in a satisfactory Reform Bill. They say that Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington passed Catholic Emancipa tion, that Sir Robert Peel passed the Corn Laws, and why should not Lord Derby pass a Reform Bill ? Lord Derby is neither the Duke of Wellington nor Sir Robert Peel. (Cheers and laughter.) He left both those statesmen in 1846, rather than unite with them to repeal the Corn Laws, and he has never shown from that hour to this one atom of statesmanship or one spark of patriotism that leads us to expect that on this occasion he will turn round and, neglecting his party, do something for his country. it is all very well to say that if the Government brings in a very good bill, why, we who want a very good bill, will support it ; but it is of no use dealing in phraseologies and platitudes of this kind. Look at the Cabinet of Lord Derby. Look at what the members of it said and did during last session. Lord Derby told us that his mission was to st em d emocracy. His friends in the House of Commons declared last session that the passing of the bill of the late Government would be to hand over the country to the democracy of the working classes. Mr. Disraeli in his speeches was ingenious beyond his followers—as indeed he is in general, for if he had not been he would not have been in the position in which we now find him. But Mr. Disraeli was anxious to cut ff free election in the coun ti es. He is of opinion , as far o as all I could gather from his sp eec h es, t h at the more entirely the county representation can be made conterminous with the great estates of the peers and large landowner; the more entirely they will be after his own fashion and his own wishes. (Cheers.) Ne more perilous idea can be enter tained by any statesman than this. If you once got the nominees of the great landowners and lords on one side of the house and the representatives of everybody else on the other, then the beginning of the end will have come, and while Mr. Disraeli is tickling the ears of the country gen tlemen behind him ho is propounding a plan which, if it could be carried into effect, would end in the utter extinc tion of the political power of the country gentlemen and the peerage of England. (Cheers.) Mr. Disraeli proposed to exclude 7,000 or 8,000 county voters who resided within the limits of the boroughs, and I cannot believe that a man who made such a proposition seven or eight years ago can produce a good Reform Bill. Now, Lord Stanley made a speech during the discussions on the late bill which his party and their press said was unanswerable. It was a speech leading to this conclusion—that he would not give votes to any of the working classes until he saw how he could, by a distribution of seats, make those votes of no use to them. (Cheers.) Lord Stanley lent himself to an un happy trick, intended, as it appeared to us, to take the Go vernment and the house by surprise, and by gaining a sudden and accidental (livisiop to destroy both the Government and their bill Lord Cranborne is a member of the Cabinet (Laughter.) He was better known as Lord Robert Cecil. Lord Cranborne quarrelled violently with Mr. Gladstone be cause he said that the working men were of our own flesh and blood. Ile treated that observation very much in the same way as some Carolina planters and slaveholders in the Senate, or in the House of Representatives in the United States, would have replied to my friend Mr. Sumner if he had said that black and white were equal, and in the eye of God of ono and the same flesh and blood. (Cheers.) Gen. Peel is a member of this Government, and he protested against any reduction of the franchise ; as, indeed, did Sir Stafford Northcoto, who is now President of the Board of Trade. I wish to ask whether from these men you are to get a Reform Bill. After all their speeches had been made Lord Derby did his utmost to prevail on Mr. Lowe to be come a member of his Cabinet. If after all this they were to attempt to manufacture and introduce a Reform Bill they would cover themselves and their party with humiliation and with certain failure. I know that in this country politicians can change sides, and it often has a wonderful effect with them. I suppose that there are many ;hero pre sent who have read the couplet by our witty friend Hosea Biglow, on pointing out the character of some politicians in America who, ho said, as we may say of Lord Derby and his party—. " A merciful Providence fashioned them hollow, 0 u purpose that they might their principles swallow." (Laughter.) But, notwithstanding that provision - that merciful provision—as statesmen I confess that I do not believe that the Government have determined to bring in a Reform Bill, or that they can by any possibility bring in a Reform Bill which the Reformers of this country can ac cept—(cheers) - they have done everything during the last session by fraudulent statements, by insults to the people, by the most evident baseness of party actions to destroy the honest attempts of Lord Russell to improve the representa tion of the people. I do not believe that within one short year they can turn round, capricious as may be the cavity of the Tory Government—l think they cannot within ono short year swallow all their Conservative principles. (Cheers.) If a man were to tell me he had a broth composed of half a dozen of the most poisonous ingredients, and could make a wholesome dish, I could not believe him—(laughter) —and if ho told me that Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli and Lord Stanley and Lord Cranborne and General Peel and the rest of them are about to produce a wholesome and salutary and liberal Reform Bill I must ask him not to impose for a moment on my understanding. (Cheers.) The enemies of the bill of 1866 cannot become the friends of the bill of 1867, and conspirators of the session just past cannot become honourable statesmen in the session which is about to commence. (Cheers.) My opinion may be no better than that of other men. This, however, may be good advice. All Reformers should be on the watch. (Cheers.) There are enemies enough and false friends enough to con vince us that our cause is by no means out of danger. But the next bill, what must it be? I wish I could hope that it would be as good as the last; but one thing I think we have a right to insist upon, that the next bill which is in troduced by a Reform Government should be in regard to its suffrage based on the ancient franchise of the country. (Hear, hear.) Household or rating franchise has existed for centuries in our parishes; it has existed for many years in our municipal corporations; it has never been found in our parishes or corporations to be destructive to the interests of those districts. I say, therefore, we ought to stand upon our ancient institution. Earl Russell was in favour of extend ing the borough franchise down to the municipal franchise, and Mr. Gladstone approved such a measure. We know that the late Attorney-General, one of the most eminent members of the House of Commons, openly expressed him self in favour of that change. I believe the liberal portion of the middle class would have no objection to see the franchise extended to all householders in the boroughs. I believe if it were so extended we should arrive at a point at which, so long at any rate as any of us are permitted to meddle in the policy of the country, no further change would be demanded. (Cheers.) I therefore am entirely in favour of it because I believe it to be wise in itself, and be cause it is the ancient borough f ran chise of the kingdom. I am in favour of the Constitution. I would stand by it when ever it offered guarantees for freedom. I would march in its track. That track is so plain "that the wayfaring man, thougha . fool, need not err therein." I would be guided by its lights; they have been kept burning by great men among our forefathers from generation to generation. Our only safety in this warfare is in adhering to the ancient and noble Con stitution of our country, and when we have restored it to its ancient power and invited the great body of the people to take part in political power, then the House of Commons will be the servant of the nation and not its master, and it will do the bidding, not of a small and limited—often an ignorant, necessarily a selfish—class, but the bidding of a great and noble people. (Loud and protracted cheering, amid which the hon. gentleman resumed his seat, having spoken for upwards of an hour.) _ _ - Sir John Gray, M.P., Mr. Baines, M.P.; Mr. M'Laren, M.P., and Mr. Ayrton, M.P., also replied to the toast. Sir F. Crossley, M.P., proposed the toast of " The Ladies," to which Mr. Henry Thompson responded. On the motion of Mr. T. Bazloy, M.P., seconded by Mr. Gilpin, M.P., a vote of thanks was passed to the chairman, and briefly acknowledged. The banquet, which was most elaborately and efficiently conducted, terminated at a late hour. A New Process for Making Wrought Iron Direct from the Ore. BY CHARLES 31. DUPUY, C.E. The following article was recently printed by the Iron and Steel Association in its bulletin, and copied by the Iron Age. From its columns we ex tract it, on account of the vast importance of the subject, and commend it to the serious attention of all engaged in the manufacture. Iron ore is mainly a compound of oxygen gas, earthy matter, and metallic iron. Almost the whole theory of reduction of rich ores is to volatilise oxygen, for the earthy matter may be nearly all washed out before heat is applied. Oxygen is the arch-enemy. In well-washed magnetic ore, as usually prepared for the forge fires, nearly one third, by weight, is oxygen, and the entire remain ing two-thirds is metallic iron. Carbon in various forms, par excellence, is the re ducing agent. At a red heat, the oxygen in the ore, having a greater affinity for the carbon, leaves the ore, and passes off as carbonic oxide. The most perfect system of reduction consists in bring ing ore, carbon, and heat together, in the most economical proportions. The earliest process, practised by the ancients, and still largely in use to this day, is the forge-fire, Catalan forge, or bloomery in its various forms. Here rich ores, mingled with charcoal, are subjected to a blast in a furnace, resembling a large black smith's forge, until reduction is effected. On the theory that oxygen will leave the ore when heated, and unite with carbon, the forge-fire method at first glance would seem to be a perfect process. This, however, is not the case. While reduction is in progress, and until the last atom of oxygen has left the ore, it is ever ready to seize with avidity any " free oxygen" it may find in the blast, or draw from the surrounding atmosphere. It is this " free oxygen" which so largely consumes the fuel and is the means of melting down a large proportion of ore to a useless cinder. It causes a consumption of 300 to 500 bushels of charcoal, and over two tons of washed or separated ore to the ton of iron, whereas, less than one hundred bushels of the former, and less than a ton and a half of the latter, would be quite sufficient, could these objectionable features be re moved. This waste would be still largely increased if at a certain depth in the fire the ore and carbon did not become caked together, forming a shell im pervious to the atmosphere. Another objectionable feature in the forge-fire is watit of uniformity of product. That part of the bloom formed nearest the blast is semi -steel, while the farthest away is soft iron. The immense deposits of rich cinder from the forge fires which had been accumulating in England since the days of Julius Caesar finally suggested the invention of the blast furnace to work them up. It wa• soon found useful to smelt the iron ores, which abound so largely throughout Europe, and, although the invention dates back three hundred years with but few improvements, the blast fur nace still continues the great right hand of the iron master. The facility of melting down large quantities of crude material, so as to separate the metal from its grosser impurities, in larger and continuous opera tions, was certainly a great step to keep pace with the rapidly increasing wants of an iron age. Still, while the blast-furnace frees the metal from its oxygen, and separates by specific gravity a large portion of its earthy impurity, it is by no means a perfect instrument for the manufacture of wrought iron. Owing to the variation in the atmosphere, and other uncontrollable causes, the run of a blast furnace, from day to day, not unfrequently is wanting in uniformity, and, besides, is always charged and intimately incorporated with four to five per cent. of carbon. This carbon clings more tenaciously to the iron than the oxygen did to the ore, for the ore parted with its oxygen at a red heat, but pig -metal must a second time be melted, and skilfully manipulated for nearly two hours, before it gives up its carbon. It is true that the second meltine o although involving high cost for fuel, labour and waste, separates quite perfectly the earthy impurities, which may have remained ; yet the fact that the forge-fire can exist, and its pro duct compare favourably with puddled iron, is con clusive proof that the cost and quality, by both processes, are not very far apart. The truth pro bably is, the blast-furnace is best adapted to work ing the lean, while a direct method should be adopted for the rich ores. The vast deposit of rich ores, yielding from 60 to 70 per cent. metallic iron, have long called for a better system of reduction. The call has been an swered, during the past half century, by the sugges tion of various expedients. One proposed to subject ore with carbon to heat in clay crucibles, until re duction takes place, then to empty and hammer the product, but it was found the iron adhered to and became incorporated with the crucible, causing waste of the former and destruction of the latter. Another suggested ore with carbon, heated in gas retorts. Gas retorts were tried, but were too perish able to be found useful. Another proposed heated vertical tubes, or retorts of fire-bricks ; those, like the gas retorts, were too soon destroyed by a deoxi dising heat to be practical. Still another aimed to deoxidise ore with carbon, on fire-brick tables, which were heated above and below. The sensitiveness of the ore to the absorption of oxygen found floating in the furnace failed to secure a perfect deoxidisation, and this plan was rejected. All these and many other processes, although at times producing iron of superior quality, were not found economical. They have had their day of experiment and abandon ment, and still a better direct method than the forge fire is demanded. The ore seems to require a continuous reducing heat, from the time it is placed with carbon for deoxidisation until it is reduced to iron. Carbon will not act efficiently in withdrawing oxygen from the ore, if it can " free oxygen" in the furnace. Such is the affinity of ore for oxygen, that how ever well the deoxidising process may be progress ing, if at any stage, until it is completed, the heat is changed from a " reducing" to " oxidis ing" heat, success is measurably defeated, and waste the result. The whole aim should be to continue a reducing heat in the furnace until the ore shall be thoroughly penetrated by it, at the same time to shield both ore and carbon by a suitable covering, from any free oxygen which may get into the furnace by a varia tion of the fire or otherwise. Whatever earthy im purity may remain in the ore after cleansing, and before the application of heat, is readily removed by the high heat required to weld the particles of re duced metal together. At this heat the earthy im purity is liquified, and is compressed from the porous mass of iron, under the hammer, as water is squeezed from a sponge. The writer ventures to suggest a remedy for the defects in the direct method, by which he has manu factured several tons of superior iron. The ore, first freed, as far as possible, by water or otherwise, from its earthy impurities in a crushed state, is placed with pulverised charcoal in thin sheet iron canisters, in quantities sufficient, when reduced, to form a mass of iron of the usual weight of a puddle ball. An ordinary sand bottom iron heating furnace is brought up to a reducing heat, and with a thick clear fire the canisters are introduced. The furnace is carefully maintained at a reducing heat in the usual manner by small additions to the fire from time to time as required and by a careful exclusion of the atmosphere. Very little blast, and a sup pressed draft are used so as to furnish a reducing heat, without cutting the canister. The operation resem bles very closely the process for annealing sheet iron. Soon after introduction the canister is annealed and toughened, assuming a polished appearance. It should be the aim to keep the heat in this condition until the metal is thoroughly reduced ; should it be increased, canisters may be prematurely destroyed. Deoxidisation commences immediately on the intro duction of the ore, as proved by the blazing of car bonic oxide from vents made for the purpose, and, by occasionally rolling and, at the proper time, compromising the canister, it continues without in termission until reduction is completed. the heat should then be raised to weld or paste together the particles of iron, and then canister and contents being withdrawn are welded, in any of the ways puddle ball is usually treated. Very little manipulation is required in the furnace. The whole operation need not last longer than from four to six hours. A few canisters may be tested at trifling expense at. any rolling mill. It is believed that from three to five tons of iron may with equal facility be made in the same time in one furnace of suitable capacity. The perfection of the process by experience looks to a saving of seventy-five per cent. of fuel, to almost entire saving of the metal—but, above all, to dispensing with the skilled and exhausting labour of the reverberatory furnace. There are other ad vantages which should not be overlooked, such as a large reduction of capital, and of the wear and tear of works ; also the laboratory facility of the canister to bring atoms of ore in closest contact with carbon and other agencies to secure the cheapest reduction, and possibly to desulphurise impure ores. As an offset to all these advantages is the cost of $l2 to $l5 for sheet iron to the ton of iron pro duced. Adding this extra cost and the cost of crushing and mixing the ore and carbon, which may be cheaply performed by machinery, and there should be still a saving of 30 per cent. on the pre sent cost of iron. Believing this process may be made eminently practical, it has been patented. The patentee will cheerfully communicate any further information to parties who may be disposed to co-operate in its practical development. New Yolk, Sept. 20, 1860. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ~-- - TIMES.—It is a good sign when Reformers become practical, and when they condescend to particular statements respecting the defects of the present Parliament and the benefits to be expected from an amended representation of the people. The speech of Mr. T. Hughes to his constituents on Monday evening contained, we are bound to say, a signal illustration of this desirable candour. He explained in distinct terms what he thought the " unrepre sented classes"—that is, the class of working men — suffered from want of adequate representation, and even went so far in one particular as to predict what they would, or should, do if admitted to a larger participation in political power. In his opi nion, Parliament ought to concern itself effectually with• the food, lodging, and education of the people, and to organise to better purpose the conditions and laws of labour. Now, with regard to popular education, a certain challenge unluckily thrown out the other day has apprised the public very exactly of the true difficulty of the case. There are schools enough and there are teachers enough for all comers, and the terms of these establishments place instruc tion within everybody's reach, but parents in the poorer classes will not send their children to be taught. Mr. Hughes honestly expresses his opinion that they should be compelled to do so, and we must suppose him, therefore, to believe that 'working men, if they had the power, would agree to put coercion on themselves, and compel their fellow-workmen to do by law what they might already do without law if they had but the will. We are not sure that this impression will be generally shared ; but there is another point to which a similar argument may be applied with equal pertinence. Mr. Hughes in cludes among the proper, and, indeed, paramount, subjects of Parliamentary legislation not only the housing, but the food of the people—meaning that laws should be passed to prevent the practice of adulteration and the use of false weights and measures. A really popular Parliament, we are led to infer, would establish guarantees on these points, and save the people from depredation and wrong. On this subject, however, we must ask how it happens that a man of Mr. Hughes' experience could have overlooked the irresistible power which the working classes have in their hands already. No man in the kingdom knows better than Mr. Hughes what kind of authority is exercised by the Unions which the several trades have instituted for purposes of their own. These bodies have organised the laws and conditions of labour with the utmost care and minuteness, and they insure obedience to their edicts by a terrorism more powerful than statutes. They dictate the terms on which labour shall be employed, and if these terms are 'not adopted they enforce idleness up to the very verge of starvation. What power, we should like to know, greater than this could possibly be required for the establishment of any usages which the working classes may consider beneficial ? Take, for instance, the education question itself. Suppose it were understood that any parent withdrawing his child from school would incur the same penalties as attend his withdrawing his subscription from the Union, would not that settle the matter ? If Trades' Unions can regulate wages and subsistence, is there anything which they could not regulate? Is it to be believed that if they can determine the hours of work, they could not insure the use of true weights and measures? The fact, however, is, strange as it may seem, that Mr. Hughes' constitu ents are disposed to think lightly of the very matters which their representative regards as so immediately important. He told them frankly that he blushed for them when he saw that in L.iunbeth, as well as in other paitz of the metropolis, "an enormous number of persons had been convicted of using false weights and measures ;" but the audience, in stead of sympathising with his honest indignation, received the remarks with derision. It was vain to tell them that it was no laughing matter." They were clearly not inclined to recognise any popular grievance in the case, and yet we find that no fewer than forty-five convictions for the offences in ques tion were published last week. The delinquents re presented exactly that class of tradesmen with whom the poor have their principal dealings—bakers, butchers, grocers, chandlers, cheesemongers, beer retailers, and so forth ; and we have not the slightest doubt that short weight and bad quality enter commonly into the bargains of the poor. But, either " the people," in Mr. Hughes' acceptance of that most debateable term, are beneath the notice of trades' unions, or else trades' unions are indif ferent to those objects which Mr. Hughes has so much at heart. In the relations between masters and men there is no matter thought too minute for regulation and adjustment ; but beyond or beside these relations the power of the union is allowed to sleep. From the reception given to Mr. Hughes' observations at Lambeth we should almost doubt whether the unions could be induced to care either for the housing or thelood of the people ; but it is certain that they could, if they pleased, produce in some of these respects a reform as summary as Mr. Hughes could desire. They do already determine the organisation of labour, but they give themselves no concern about the condition of the labourer. Mr. Hughes thinks it a reproach to our present Parliament that his suggestions for housing the me tropolitan poor were not embodied in legislation as prompt and arbitrary as that which was applied to the extinction of the cattle plague ; but it seems to us that by his own showing he got at least as much attention as such very imperfect proposals demanded. "No doubt," says he, " a very sincere interest was taken by members in that subject, but it did not affect them directly, and they spent their time in dilettanteism ; they were so particular about getting a perfect measure, and in balancing what was to be said on one side and the other, that nothing was done." But is it not desirable that the Legislature of a nation should consider both sides of a subject, and strike a balance between advantages and dis advantages? Is not this the custom on all subjects, and must not all suffer more or less from the delays inseparable from the inquiry ? The truth is, as Mr. Hughes could not deny, that the interest taken in the subject of metropolitan evictions is both strong and general, and any measure reasonably devised for housing the poor more suitably and conveniently would be sure of support. The cattle plague, which itself concerned the " food of the people" as much as any subject could do, admitted not of an hour's delay, and the measure adopted on that question has been approved by signal success. If a measure for providing the working classes with lodging houses has not been passed with equal de spatch, that is not because of any indifference, or of any opposition, but because the matter does not admit of similar decision. It is, however, a great pity that the working classes and their especial re presentatives should not attempt to accomplish be tween them ' something of what they could un doubtedly perform without appeal to Parliament at all. A member of a trade is now reduced, as regards his own industry, to a position in which neither freedom nor discretion is to be found. It may be all for the general benefit of the trade, but it is not for the benefit of a workman with more of the ave rage of skill, industry, or self-denial. The Execu tive of the Union limits his exertions and his re ceipts for the advantage of his less laborious or less skilful brethren. if he should decline to enter the union, he is at once under the ban of the trade as a non-unionist, so that in any capacity, or on any terms, he is subject to control. Now, why cannot this authority, which follows a man into the very sanctuary of his household and the smallest transac tions of his daily life do something for what Mr. Hughes considers the great needs of the working classes ? Why cannot it look after day scholars as N . :TR as apprentices ? 'Why not watch over the h on csty of tradespeople as well as the demeanour of foremen ? Why not look after short weights as well as short time ? As things now stand, whatever is done for the g nod of working men in these matters has been done, not by their own class, but by the classes above them. Imperfect as the result is, it is due in no degree whatever to those combinations which affect and attempt to " rule the destinies of trade." lIERALD.—The present condition of Europe must be anything but an agreeable spectacle to those who, in spite of a thousand disappointments, still cling fondly to the delusion of the near coming of the peace millennium. The vision is now, in the last year of the world's civilisation, more remote perhaps than in the darkest days of the barbaric period. From the general aspect of Europe it might be supposed, indeed, that it is now for the first time that the nations have thought of arrang ing themselves and determining their respective boundaries and powers. There is an ominous monotony in every rumour that comes from the Continent. From every State we hear the note of warlike preparation. Each one of the great Powers is actually making or meditating a large increase to its armaments, and trying to devise some scheme by which to render itself more for midable to its neighbours. The marvels achieved by Prussia during the late war have inspired all her past and possible rivals with the spirit of emulation. By a singular turn of fortune Prussia, which was the first victim of the new art of fighting discovered by the young Titans of the revolution, and which 60 years ago was cited as the example of all that was most vicious in the military art, is now the teacher of military science to all Powers, even the nation which won its proudest triumphs at her ex pense. The method in which each of the great Powers is engaged in improving the lesson is cha racteristic of its national genius. France, whose sentiment of miltary greatness has been profoundly wounded by the recent sudden rise of Prussia, is still reluctant, and with good reason, to change altogether her old system. There are several causes which prevent her from imitating the Land welir organisation ; and as to a simple increase of numbers, that cannot be effected w ith ou t no t on ly a serious addition to her burden of taxation, but without injurg to the national industry. The present conscript:9ll is already as severe as the country can Ncr.ll bear. There has been a very marked changd also of late in the national character of the Fi.9lch people. They are becoming more commercial end less military. And while the industry and commerce of France are increasing rapidly every year the population remains almost stationary. Every year, therefore, it will become more difficult to raise the tale of conscripts without damage to the labour fund. France, in fact, cannot keep pace with Prussia, even if she should adopt the Prussian system, simply because she does not multiply her people as fast as Prussia does. Nor is it true that the French population are more than their neighbours inclined to the profession of arms. The general quality of the French peasant is peacefulness ; and as for the bourgeois element it is now more bourgeois than ever. The system of half-amateur, half-professional soldiers which is found to suit the character of the Prussian people could certainly not be adapted to France. Austria is seized with the same ardour for military recon struction as France, and with far better reason. But Austria will find it even harder to remodel her army on a basis which necessarily implies a common sen timent of nationality. In imitating the Prussian system she will be trying to make a rope of sand. She can only hope to copy her rival in the mere ex ternal part of army organisation ; and the spirit in which she appears to have entered upon the task is so purely Austrian as to give little hope of improve ment. A series of abstract principles have been pub lished as the basis of the new Austrian reforms, which, however excellent as general maxims, are ludicrously unequal to the occasion. The formal announcement that the principle of very costly heads of departments is to give place to a system based upon trust leads to but small practical conclusion, except that Austria has suffered in the same way as some other Powers in the past. The difficulty of remodelling an army must necessarily be greater for Austria than for any of her rivals ; for she has first to accomplish the work of reconstructing an empire. As for Russia she is declared to be arming like the rest, and the fact is the more ominous because she has no need to arm for defence. The report of Rus sian armament, however, is a perennial piece of news, and points to a danger which has been pre dicted so often as almost to have lost all terrors. The rumour of Russian intrigues in the east has never been wanting when the ordinary resources of continental journalists have become stale ; and while we may continue to believe implicitly in the fact of the ambition we may still doubt of the power. In the midst of the general arming England cannot afford to repose tranquillity in the prestige of a once great name in the good dispositions of her neighbours. It is not possible for her to escape the penalties of her Imperial condition ; and there really is no choice but to i m it a t e the examples whic h have been set us, and t o amen d and strengthen our system of war. The necess ity o f the case must hear down all other consid era ti ons . There can be no good in disguisin g f rom ourse l ves th e fact, which is perfectly well known to ever y P ower in Europe, of our present utte r i nca p ac ity to ma i n t a in our Im perial territory i n th e even t o f a tt ac k. There is surely something which ou g ht t o m o v e even the breast of the most ardent of peacemakers in this one simple paragraph of the report of the IlecruitiDg Commissioners —" Perhaps on a sudden call w e might assemble in the United Kingdom some 40,00 0 , or at most 50,000, effective men of all arms of our regular forces." Can any one pretend to be satisfied with such a state of things ? Have the majority et the nation become converts to Mr. Bright, and are they really prepared to let it be generally under stood by all the Powers that England means never to fight again ? Have they calculated whether, even from the Quaker point of view, this is th e safest, the most peaceful, and the most profitable sort of policy ? The military prestige of EngJaelt whatever sentiment we may offend by saying it, is really the basis of our security as a nation. The re never was a time when material force was more ne cessary to the maintenance of a country's safety and freedom. And if we would be safe and free our selves we must be prepared to fight, and to let other, nations understand that we mean to do so. Of all countries England, as an empire, can least afford to let her sword go to rust and her armour decay. Th e greater part of our prestige which gives us our pre sent place in the world, has been won by fighting ; by fighting it must be maintained, if necessary. We are essentially the greatest military nation on e arth, for we have done more fighting of various kinds in the course of our national career than any other people. We have shown in time of real emergency that the art of war is not unfamiliar or unwelcome to us • and in organising schemes of military defenc e , and of conquest we have exhibited an infinite de s ! of fertility, energy, and boldness. And is it no t monstrous that we should rest content under the shame and discredit of being supposed to be utterly incapable, when all Europe is arming, of knowing what to do in our own muse and for our own pro' tection ? The Springfield Republican tells us Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Fox did not:impress the Russians with his rhetorical powers, and fairly clo' gusted his American associates. A later writer sags that " at first the Assistant-Secretary wisely COl, - fined himself to the briefest expression of his feel: ings ; but as he grew more accustomed to publ ic speaking' his efforts assumed a more pretentious form and increased greatly in length, but unfor tunately lost in sense. He really attempted to make three or four lengthy speeches for dinner °ea' casions, and starting out from an elevated stal l point that was quite bewildering to contemplatt On such occasions he was frequently unhappy his allusions, discursive, disjointed, and illogical style, and incomprehensible not only to the BO; U sians, who received Admiral Lissovki's paraphrase°: his remarks ; but to the Americans, who got , ' effort at first hand in all its force of imperfectio°lsl cloudy rhetoric, and illogical logic." The Albany Evening Journal deprecates the W ild talk indulged in by Butler and others of that stan 3 , about impeaching the President. It is serionsy . damaging the Republican party among all sober" minded men, while it needlessly alarms timid cP ic i talists, who foresee that such a commotion as vil a result from attempti ng t o f u lfil th ese th r eats vi° , e bring ruin upon th e fi nances an d b us i ne ss of O h, country. If the Presid en t h a d committed iroPeac able offences and his conti nuance i n office to the en of his term were manifestly p er il ous t o th e safety ° s the Republic, it would then be the duty of Congre B3 to impeach and remove him, in spite of these c°, ll ; sequences. But all such e v il s are a s yet nier' e f i hypothetical. The Government can proceed a u. if the President does give all the offices to his Pl a tical friends, and if he still persists in rivallf . Brownlow and Thad. Stevens in violence of sPeee COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDAY. There was a good consumptive demand for wheat f °: day ; our millers bid fully 3s advance from last Tuesdiaolu; rates, which holders refuse. Fi ne b ar l e y brings Prev values ; other sorts not so sal e abl e . O a ts and beans fai as dear. Other articles as before. LYNN—TUESDAY. We had an average show of wheat this day. The c 41 1 0; dition of the grain was somewhat improved, and t ' was a fair disposition to buy at an advance of Ss to 4 0 P e , qr. Barley a tolerable sh ow , an d s t ea dy. Oats more five. Beans and peas dearer. ;te, New wheat, 54 8 to 58s ; n ew r o d, 40 s to 48s; old w-',,, r 64s to 67s ; old red, 55s to 62s per 36 stone. -Barley malting, ' 46s to 525; second a ry, 37 s to 38s. Oat', ; 24s to 28s per 24 stone. Beaus, small, 42s to 445. r eg 36s to 40s per 28 stone. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. Of At this day's market there. was a good attendance na the town and country trade, and wheat met with a e t io consumptive demand at an advance of Gd per cental 0 0 er , week. Flour also iu active requ e st at 2s per sack d oll to Oats without change in price, but oatmeal brought at is Gd per load more money. Barley and peas rcinainr us i. former rates, and beans were rather quiet. A fair, r qt ness was done in Indian c orn , a t au a dvance of is I"' since Tuesday. Malt at Friday's rates. MARKET HARBOROUGIL—TUESDAY. bag A fair quantity o f w h ea t on o ff er , an d the demand sup' improved at prices in f avour o f se ll ers . O a ts a small ses-,. ply, and bean s d earer . S uper i or b ar l ey ma d e more 1 ,3 ° 11 Old white wheat, 58s to 68s ; new red, 55s to 62s P: r oo t. stone. Barley, fine, 48 s ; oth er ki n d s , 23s to 36s pe r " n ld, Oats, now, 22 s t o 23 s ; o ld, 30 s t o 34 s per qr. Bean s ' 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s per q. 7. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. with fry Wheat, with a tclerable supply to-day, mot , demand, and last week's quotations were exceeded 0 0 4 3s to 4s per qr. Barley a middling show, and th e ice s, firm at fully late prices. Oats sold a t r e muneratiV o I'L Beans at rather over former rates. 0 40 6 1 Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels 23s Od to , (id White do do via (hi, Od New red do do 2lB Od 0 6g Oa New white do d o 2 4 s Od 2 • 2 „ Oi Beans do do Vs Od , 90 6,1 Peas, per qr. re 6d 4gg Od Grinding bit ley, per qr 35 Od •--- 0.1 Malting barley, ..o Oats, do ___ 2 4 7 ° : Od d 3428: tid F10ur....1s 10d to 2 :d per 141 b. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. n 0„ Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton. • Ditto, via Marseilles .4. grazil and Cape Verds. by British packet • • 2t f ; Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena..••N ch. 3, ;hina. Penang, and Sing,pure, via Southampton. • D ee 27 Ditto, via Marseilles e`aikland Islands NOT' 23. Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton m— 2 /. Ditto, via Marseilles ......... ......Nov' a A India (11.,mbay), via Southampton. No _Nov , Ditto, via garseiiles . . Italia, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton ....... No•• Ditto, via Marseilles , D NO. ee' 20 4 itauritius, via Southampton . . I Ditto, via Marseil.e, • . NOV."' Newfoundland ••• , .... Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Li5b0n....... "n;ted Elates and Briidsh allortn America, by BEI" ft ...... ploi r • ash packet . .. Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton • • Ditto, Tia Cork ..,,, 23. Ditto, oy Canadian packet, via Londonderry .•,,"" bVeat Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ... -P ee " Test Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and . No ,• °., Honduras) . •• •" Noy, Cuba tnd Mexico No'r' 21 Bermuda, via Halifax ... Pe I t Bahamas. via New York. —....17--• Births. ARCHER—On the 19th inst., at 21, Phillirnore-garcle°6 Kensington, Mrs. Archer, of a son. " A ' Pr BLACKSTONE—On the 19th inst., at 8, Gloucester-ro v a ga of gent's-park, the wife of Joseph Blackstone, j ou " *" ......1 a son. NY', En — wi O fe n o t f h w e I.7Hth. Edye,ins inst. at Art . a c atntnilitel.eN.l , nsboufrgs W. lal son , the 0. HUDSON—On the 20th inst., at n Clapham,apai the vrff ° o ' Hudson, Esq., of a son. Marriages. FETTCHE—LAMBERT —0 a the 14th inst. at Denhari3Cbetioli'l Col. mss ja A or iil l ha b e e arAm r Albert ochFrsoeauythhrt,tc:ehlTßed,ueeosnetfka daughtersi Kilos k e h a n Castle, n s e g r h im a a s n h o d i in to i of Den Oe ° Simr SON—PERCIVAL— On the 18th inst , at St• . 111 soo Church, St. George's-square, Pimlico, F. S'" ) 0, ]sq., to Sarah, youngest daughter of the late J. per Esq., of Bootle, Lancashire. Deaths. th ird son of George F. Braithwaite, BRAITIMAITE— freNlk.f.aart.aranwPberrot,,s4., On the 19th inst., at Kendal, Albert, HOPKINS —On the 19th inst , Mr.Ts.clll":pgkeilnsl,6Of Leight°ll - Kentish-town, OmmAysry— On the 18th inst., at lioulogne-sur-ler: 0 0 Walter S. Ommanney, late of H:M.'s 2d Madras Ca third son of the late Sir inst'. Onunanney. .., Atilio SUTTON— On the 20th at 355, Strand, DIA I I, ,i9tb wife of Henry Sutton, Esq., aged 26' also, °I 2 ' V. inst., John Edward, infant son of the abOVe. YARDLEY—On the 18th inst., at 8, Blandford-scloa•ret Yardley, Esq., aged 58. /13 . $ ere, C. art' YOUNGE —On the 17th inst., at F orest Side, F. Younge, Esq., aged 74. --- London : Printed stnd Published by WILLIAM A N i ai No. li2, Strand, ranter at Tia. Offoc, ll°. Strand , in the Precinct of the SaYoy, in th e C °9llll Mlddlesex.—Wedoesday, November 21, 1866. ' - 1 l 2 2, Ofl ]