The Sun. — London, England, 1835-01-26 00:00:00

be his decision, it would be dictated by a high sense of public duty, and by that alone. Lord Stanley declined the offer, making no declarations to me which were not in precise cor respondence with his public addresses to his constituents, and confirming the impression under which I made the offer, that his course in public life, whether in or out of office, would be governed by the highest and purest motives. Fail ing in my effort to procure the assistance of Lord Stanley, I proceeded, in the best manner I could, to exeucte the com mission with which the King had honoured me. The basis on • which the Government was formed was of course less ex tensive than I wished ; but the men to whom I proposed office were men in whose integrity, in whose experience, in whose ability I had the highest confidence, and whose views of the public policy which it is fitting for the King's Government to pursue, I ascertained to be in conformity with my own.—( Cheers.) I had not to balance in the Cabinet one set of conflicting opinions against another. I was not embarrassed with this or that man's personal pretensions, or the rival interests of this or that section of a party. I found but one predominant feeling among the high-minded and honourable men with whom I was connected—an earnest de sire on the part of each to do that which might be deemed best for the public service, either by undertaking office or withdrawing any claim for it. It is said, however, that the Government has not now the confidence of the people—that the members who compose it are obnoxious to the people. Now who are those who have recently entered the King's service, and in whom the people are said to have no confi dence ? The Member who sat in the late Parliament for Essex, the Member for Kent, for the county of Montgomery, for the county of Perth, for the county of Nottingham, for Wiltshire, for Cumberland, for Dorsetshire, for the counties of Tyrone, and Down, and Sligo, have accepted office, and have made an appeal to their constituents, the re sult of which a short time will determine. The Mem ber for Exeter, for Northampton, for Norwich, for Yarmouth, for Leeds, has been returned to Parliament each since his ac ceptance of office. Have Hull, and Liverpool, and Bristol, marked their disapprobation of the principles avowed by the King's Government ? Look at the constituencies of these several counties and towns—constituencies existing under the Reform Bill—and judge whether the men who represent them are to be denounced as persons unworthy of the confidence of the people.--( Great cheering.) But the truth is, that there never was an assumption more gratuitous and more arrogant than that of those who undertake to answer for the opinions, and to claim for themselves the authority of the people of Eng land.—( Cheers.) Every little knot of angry politicians speaks in the name of the people. They remind one of the story of Mr. Sheridan, that three tailors met in Tooley- street to petition Parliament, and headed their petition, " We, the people of England."—(Laughter and cheers.) They begin by excluding from their definition of the people the nobility, the clergy, the magistracy, the landed proprietary : they assume that between those classes and the class which consti tutes in their sense of the term the people there is no commu nity of interest or feeling, and that in the class so constituting the people, there is perfect unanimity.—( Hear, hear.) Now, let them make what exclusions they please, can they make any which, with any semblance of decency will exclude this society from its right to be considered a part of the people ? I see around me Magistrates, Country Gentlemen, the Ministers of the Established Church, the Ministers of Roman Catholic and Dissenting congregations, farmers, manufacturers, retail dealers, entertaining, no doubt, different opinions on many points, but agreed in this—to support the King in the exercise of his just prerogative, and at least to hear before they con demn the intentions of his Government.--( Loud cheering.) My belief is, that in holding this opinion they hold it in con currence with a very large proportion of that class of society which has education, intelligence, and property, and that that proportion is daily increasing in numerical and moral strength. —( Cheers.) lam told that lam not a Reformer, and that if I become a Reformer I must be an apostate. Now, before I determine whether I am a Reformer or not, I must have a de finition of the term. I see some men who call themselves Re formers who throw the greatest obstructions in the way of real reform ; who consume the public time in useless motions ; who make speeches for mere display; who condemn every thing as wrong, and set nothing right ; who soar above the vulgar task of devising practical remedies themselves, and leave no time to others to devise them. They denounce you as a defender of all abuses if yon do not adopt their definition of an abuse. One gentleman thinks the Legislative Union an abuse ; another thinks the Church of England an abuse ; another thinks Grand Juries an abuse; another insists on vote by ballot; another on expelling the Bishops from the House of Lords. I voted against all their propositions on these subjects which were submitted to a vote; and if this be the test of an anti-Re former and a patron of abuses I must be condemned as such, but I must be condemned in company with Lord Althorp and Lord John Russell, who voted as I did.—(Loud and continued cheering.) I shall continue to take the same course ; shall claim for myself the right to form my own judg ment, neither taking for granted that that must be an abuse which any one may please to call an abuse, nor deterred from applying a remedy by the fear of being charged with apostacy. An apostate indeed ! Why, I have done more in the cause of substantial and permanent improvement than nine-tenths of those who call themseNes Reformers.—( Great applause.) Who can justly charge me with the dereliction of any princi ple, supposing I do enforce economy, reduce unnecessary offi ces, facilitate commercial enterprise, or remove impediments from the course of justice? Did I lend a cold and lukewarm support to the alterations in our commercial policy ? Was the Duke of Wellington's Government an enemy to retrenchment ? Hear the testimony of an avowed and decided opponent of that Government, one of the late Ministers, Lord Palmerston. In speaking at this very election to hie constituents, after claim ing that credit for economy for his own colleages to which I must say they were justly entitled, and mentioning the ex ten to which they had reduced expenditure and taxation, he a dds, " This, it would be allowed, was doing a great deal in the way of reduction, considering that they had succeeded a Go vernment which, he would do it the justice to say, had laboured bard and efficiently in the work of economy and retrench ment."—( Cheers.) Then, as to the law, hear again the tes tinlen of another of the late Ministers, from whom I have dif fered in public life, but who did not withhold, OR account of that difference, the honourable testimony of his applause to the course I pursued in respect to legal reform. In the year 1827 Sir John Cam Hobhouse, then Member for Westminster, made these observations in the House of Commons—" There was a habit which prevailed in the city (Westminster) which he had the honour to represent, in obedience to which the Re presentatives were obliged annually to appear before the repre sented, to convey an account of the proceedings, and to receive such instructions with respect to their future conduct as the circumstances of the times rendered expedient. Upon those occasions it had been usual to hold forth to their imitation such men as were considered models with regard to conduct ; and he hoped it would be considered neither foolish nor impro per to say upon the present occasion that at those times the n o of the right hon. gentleman had been always declared entitled to rank amongst those of the benefactors of mankind. —( The Chancellor of the Exchequer here seemed to laugh.) —The Chancellor," continued the right hon. gentleman, " may smile, but although there may be prejudices of another de scription, they looked only on the great ref.2rmer of abuses, and as such considered him entitled to the gratitude of the country." (Cheers.) Why do I refer to these things ? Why do T ap peal to the testimony thus given by competent and disinterested Judges? For the purpose of showing that I can promote eco nomy and correct acknowledged abuses, not only without a de reliction of principle, but in strict adherence to principle. My jesigment of what constitutes an .abuse may, and probably will, differ from that of many who require alterations in the law and institutions of this country. I may sometimes doubt whether that is abuse which is so designated. I may sometimes doubt whether the evil of the remedy is not greater than that of the disease. ft I entertain that opinion I will avow it in spite of its temporary unpopularity ; but I shall approach the consi deration of an alleged abuse with a firm belief that if the allegation be true, a Government gains ten times more strength by correcting an admitted evil than they could by maintaining it, if it were possible to maintain it.—( Cheers. ) I have interfered much too long with the proper object of this convivial meeting, and will bring my interruption to a close. ( Cries of " No no, go on, go on," here issued from every part of the room.) The Right Hon. Baronet then proceeded. Notwithstanding all the ominous predictions of our inability to carry on the Government I own to you that I do entertain the greatest confidence that those predictions will not be verified--( Cheers)—and that the Representatives of the country will not refuse to give to the King's Ministers a FAIR TRIAL.-( Great cheering.) A few weeks only can elapse be fore the experiment will be made. lam not alarmed at the 'lists that are published, dividing the Members of Pa ri ianient into " Conservatives" and " Reformers." I cannot but . think that many of those who are classed as Reformers entertain opi nions not far different from my own ; and every hour that passes will, I doubt not, increase the disposition to take a .calmer view of the principles upon which we propose to act.— ((Cheers.) If the public and the Representatives of this coun try are convinced that we are desirous of maintaining our na tional institutions, and of improving them with a view to their maintenance, I do not believe that they will lend themselves to any factious opposition to the King's Government— ( Cheering. ) The people of England are anxious, I believe, to preserve, Id their full integrity, the prerogatives of their ancient monarchv•--4 Great cheering.) They are anxious to maintain the free yid independent action of every branch of the Legislature. They are anxious to maintain the Church, and its connection with the State, less for any civil or secular object than becadse they believe the mainte nance of the Established Church to be the best se curity for the maintenance of that faith which they profess, and the surest bulwark against infidellitY on the one hand, and fanaticism on the other. They will s :_lopoit the Church on high grounds of re li g i ous f ee li ng an d princ:',ele, in which even many who do not conform to all the docti‘jues, of the Church may cordially a n d zea l ous ly concur . Thi s m7, C eet I for one am determined to maintain.--( Rapturous applause. But it is quite consistent with that object to relieve any real grievance, and to remove any civil disadvantage under which those who do not concur in the doctrines of the Established Church may labour. My opinion is, that, with that course, coupled with a sincere desire to promote rational and well matured improvement, the people of England will be con tent ; nay more, that of that course they will cordially ap prove.—( Hear, hear.) As for myself, whatever may be the result, I regard it without any feelings of anxiety or appre hension ; I have no object of personal ambition to gratify, and whatever else I may lose I cannot lose the consolation of having acted on a sense of public duty at a period of great difficulty. If I succeed I shall have the satisfaction of think ing that I have succeeded against great obstacles, and amid the most confident predictions of failure. I believe that I shall succeed.—(Thunders of applause.) I hay.; that con fidence in a good cause, I have that confidence in the suecial of good intentions, that I believe that a majority of the Re presentatives of England will be satisfied with the measures which I shall propose, and that they will lend their support and co-operation in carrying them into effect.—( Cheers.) But, gentlemen, if I am mistaken ; if, after having exerted myself to the utmost in the great cause in which I am en gaged ; if, having nothing to upbraid myself with, I shall, notwithstanding, fail, then I do assure you, so far as my per sonal feelings are concerned, I shall relinquish the powers, emoluments, and distinctions of office with any feelings rather than those of mortification and regret.—( Great cheering.) I shall find ample compensation for the loss of office ; I shall return to pursuits quite as congenial to my taste and feelings as the cares and labtmrs of office ; I shall feel the full force of the sentiments which are applied by the poet to the hardy native of the Alpine regions— " As the loud torrent and the whirlwind roar, But bind him to his native mountains more." So shall I feel that the angry contentions and collisions of political life will but bind me the more to this place, not in deed the place of my nativity, but dearer to me than the place of my nativity—by every early recollection and association, and by the formation of those first friendships which have re mained uninterrupted to this hour. I shall return here, to do what good I can in a more limited sphere, and with humbler powers of action to encourage local improvement, to enjoy the opportunities of friendly intercourse, and to unite with you in promoting good fellowship, and a spirit of conciliation and mutual good-will, in that society to the bosom of which I shall return. The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst most rapturous cheering, which subsided only for an instant to be rer.ewed again and again with increased ardour, until the enthusiasm of the company had afforded itself the utmost gratification. Sir R. PEEL again rose to propose " The health of Mr Tylecote, the gentleman who had nominated him at the last election." (Drunk with three times three.) Mr. TYLECOM if he were to speak for an hour, should fail to do justice to the merits of the gentleman whose health he was about to propose. He would, therefore, content himself by giving ‘ William Yates Peel, Esq., the other Member fur the Borough, and his speedy restoration to health."—( Great cheering. Drunk with three times three.) Sir R. PEEL rose and said, I beg leave, on the part of my brother, who is now my colleague, to return thanks for the honour you have just conferred upon him. Only at a late hour this afternoon did he abandon the intention of being present; but increased indisposition prevented him from joining in the festivities of this evening. I cannot drink the health of a mem ber of my own family, my own brother, as a representative for this town, without making the declaration that, with his return as a Member for this borough, I had no concern what ever.—( Applause.) If it were necessary there are many here who could confirm to the utmost my declaration. There are many here who know that I said to them I would make no public professions on the subject, but my resolution was taken from the first, and to that would I adhere, that neither directly nor indirectly would I seek to disturb Lord Charles Towns bend in the representation of this borough—nor use any influ ence of property, nor express any wish, in favour of the re turn of any Member of my own family.—( Cheers.) Nay, that rather than poison the intercourse of society here by the feuds of a contested election, I would abandon my own seat. —( Cheers.) On the late occasion, when I was asked whe ther it was my wish that a member of my own family should be returned, I declare to you, upon that word which I am sure none of you will be disposed to question, that I replied, " I have no wish upon the subject—whatever happens, whoever may be the candidates, I shall employ no interest in effecting the return of any one—l shall not use the influence of pro perty in favour of any candidate in any contingency what ever."—(Loud applause.) lam returning you, I assure you, the thanks of a Member u independent in his return of any interest of mine, as if I were returning thanks on the part of my late colleague, Lord Charles Townshend._ f Cheers.) I repeat the declaration now, that I will never attempt, by any influence of property, to effect my own return, or that of any other person, against the free will and wishes of the town.— ( Great cheering.) S. P. WOLVERSTAN, Esq., as one who had formerly been an active partisan of Lord Charles Townshend, thought it due to the Right Honourable Baronet to confirm his state ment.—( Cheers. ) _ . Sir R. PEEL, in a brief complimentary speech, proposed— "the health of General Yates, who had represented him al the late election." Drunk with three times three. Gen. YATEs returned thanks. Sir R. PEEL proposed " The health of the Vice-President, Mr. Robinson, who had seconded his nomination." Drunk with three times three. Mr. ROBINSON returned thanks: The Rev. C. THOMPSON wished to propose the health of a gentleman with whose high public and private character they were so well acquainted that his name would be sure to call forth the most marked expressions of applause, he meant Mr. Edmund Peel.—( Cheers. ) EDMUND PEEL, Esq., M. P., returned thanks. After the powerful, and eloquent, and to me most satisfactory, address of my Right Hon. Relative—( Great cheering)—it would ill become me to occupy your time by any observations on politics; but thus much I will assert, that I am not one of those who take a gloomy and desponding view of the affairs of this country.—( Cheers.) I am confident that if his Majesty's Government propose such wise, judicious, and gradual Reforms as are consistent with the real interests of the community at large, and the just rights of each particular class, if they are prepared to remove all abuses, and, at the same time to main tain the essential principles of all our institutions, this nation will continue to be " great, glorious, arid free," under the just Government of t4e King, aided by the counsels of a wise and constitutional Parliament, and possessing the confi dence of a happy and loyal people.—( Great cheering.) Sir R. PEEL proposed " The health of the Bailiffs and Corporation of Tamworth." He was charged with having been exceedingly cautious in what he had said on the subject of Corporate Reform, and with having avoided making any pledge about it. Not having read the evidence of the Cor poration Commissioners that ought not to be considered very unnatural. He would, however, depart from his usual custom at the present time, and he would promise to undertake to re form any abuse which could be proved against the Corporation of Tamworth.—C Laughter and cheers.) The toast having been drank, Mr. ARNOLD returned thanks. Sir R. PEEL proposed " The health of General Dyott, and those gentleman of the neighbourhood who had honoured them with their company."—( Drank with three times three.) General DYOTT returned thanks. Sir R. PEEL proposed " The health of Mr. Willington, the Town Clerk of Tamworth." Mr. WILLINGTON returned thanks. General DTOTT proposed " The First Lord of the Treasury, and success to His Majesty's Ministers."—( Great applause. Drank with three times three, and one cheer more.) Sir R. PEEL—Gentlemen, on the part of my colleagues, as on my own part, I beg leave to return you their warmest thanks for the compliment you have paid them. They will feel the support of the confidence of men like yourselvss, who can have but one motive for the favourable feeling you manifest to the Government, the welfare and honour of our common country. —( Cheers.) That confidence is a just reward of honest pub lic services, as well as a powerful instrument in promoting good government. Without that support they neither can succeed, nor do they wish to succeed.—( Great cheering.) But when I see an assembly like this, which can have no ob ject but to advance the real interests of the country, expressing a wish for the success of a Government which is established on the principle of the preservation of our institutions, by the cor rection of abuses, and the removal of grievances, I have a right to consider this as a fair indication of the wish of the society to which you belong—of the class to which you belong, and whom you fairly and legitimately represent.—( Loud cheers.) The following toasts were subsequently drunk :—" Mr. Repington," with three times three. Mr. Repington re turned thanks. " The Ladies of Tamworth," three times three. " Lady Peel and the Family of Drayton" (by Mr. Tylecote), three times three, and " one cheer more."—( A novel and pleasing effect was produced by part of the com pany giving the cheers which followed this toast to the tune of the well-known song of " Pretty Polly Hopkins.")— " Colonel Peel," three times three. " Lady Jane Peel," three times three.—(Drank with great enthusiasm.)—" The Rev. Mr. Woolley," three times three. . - Shortly after eleven o'clock Sir Robert Peel resigned the Chair to Mr. Tylecote, stating that he would not have aban doned it at so early an hour but for the necessity that he should be in London early in the evening of Saturday, Be fore leaving the Chair the Right Hon. Baronet gave " Pros perity to the Town and Trade of Tamworth." He then de parted, the whole assembly rising, and cheering him most rapturously as he passed down the room. The festivities of the occasion were protracted by a large portion of the company for many hours. INVERNESS-SHIRE ELECTION. (From the Inverness Courier of Wednesday.) NOMINATION OF THE CANDIDATES. On Saturday last, the 17th instant, the nomination of candi dates for the representation of this county took place here. The Right Hon. C. Grant was accompanied to the hustings by G. Macpherson Grant, Esq., of Ballindalloch, A. T. Fraser, Esq. of Lovat, Mackintosh of Mackintosh, J. A. Stewart Mackenzie, Esq. of Seaforth, A. Fraser, Esq. of Culduthel, J. M. Grant, Esq. of Glenmorriston, Sir F. A. Mackenzie, Bart., and other friends. The second candidate, Macleod of Macleod, was prevented from severe indisposition from attend ing, but a body of his friends and supporters, including Chisholm of Chisholm, Cluny Macpherson, Evan Baillie, Esq., yr. of Dochfour, C. Mackintoph, Esq. of Aberarder, J. Macgillivray, Esq. of Dunmagiass, and other landed proprietors and electors, proceeded together to the hustings. Mr. Sheriff TTTLER having gone through the usual pre liminaries, Mr. GRANT, of Ballindalloch, said—Fellow Electors of In verness-shire, in coming forward on this occasion to propose the Right Hon. Charles Grant of Glenelg, as a fit and proper pe l-lson to represent this county in Parliament, I feel assured by the C ns Y and pleasing duty which I have ventured to under take. Ido Rot hazard the task of claiming your suffrages in favour of a new an `l untried candidate. I solicit them in be half of my Right Hon. "iend , who hag been already on ten of this-large and independent successive occasions the chow,: on the ground of his county. I advocate his caus e no t on . ' e shall derive own transcendant talents, an d th e honour m wnicn- .. , ..n. from returning such a representative, but I feel that nu . herits a claim to our support. We, Highlanders, are not so oblivious as to have forgotten the services of his reverend pa rent, the zeal and energy which be devoted to the interests of this county, and the active share he bore in those plans of national improvement which have operated so beneficially in favour of the Highlands of Scotland. And on what grounds are you now at such a crisis, called upon to withdraw your long and well-placed confidence from my right ho• nourable friend? Because he was a distinguished mem ber of an Administration, under whose auspices this country was brought into a state of tranquillity, and of sound THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 26, 1835. and progressive improvement. An Administration which has been falsely assailed by an assertion that during its short reign it had done nothing ! Do you deem the extension of the elec tive franchise which enabled me to address you as my brother electors from these hustings, as nothing ? Is it nothing to have maintained peace, considering the state of the powers of Europe, at its accession to the Government of this country ? And to have established a friendly intercourse, in defence of the liberties of Europe, with that great power which was wont to be styled our natural enemy : Is it nothing to have reduced taxation by so many millions, and to have checked the distri bution of sinecure olces and unmerited pensions ? Is the re moval of that foul stain on our national character, Negro Sla very, to be held as nothing ? And is that great measure which was accomplished under the more immediate conduct of Mr. Grant, the opening of a free trade to our vast empire in Asia nothing ? This measure, while it was opposed by those who have a dread of all improvement, as destructive of the vested interests of the East India Company, was under the auspices of my Right Hon. Friend carried through with firmness and de cision to the satisfaction of the country ; and how did it affect the vested rights of the Company ? Why, by raising the value of its stock from 220 to 260. —( Cheers). Such are the pledges on which I would rely for further progressive and well-digested improvements in our civil and ecclesiastical esta blishments, at the hands of such a Government. As a parti cipator in such measures my Right Hon. Friend cannot have forfeited your confidence. You have now to decide between him and his opponent, who rests his claim to your support on his adhesion to Conservative principles—principles on which the electors of Great Britain and Ireland, are now in a voice of thunder recording their sentiments.—( Cheers.) „While I have to regret the defection of some whom I was wont to rely on as embarked in the same cause, and must deprecate the means which, in some instances, have been resorted to restrain others from acting up to their declared and conscientious principles on this occasion, 1 can with confidence appeal to the great body of the electors to vindicate the independence of this county, by reinstating Mr. Grant as our representative, and I know that they will manfully respond to the call.— ( Cheers. ) Mr. FRASER, of Lovat, said he had much pleasure in second ing the nomination of Mr. Grant, whose high talents and cha racter, and tried merits would, he hoped, render him tri umphant, and place again in his hands the important trust he was so well qualified to fulfil. CHISHOLM, of Chisholm, came forward to nominate Macleod, but the clamour and hisses• with which he was as sailed prevented the Hon. Gentleman from proceeding. At the intercession of Ballindalloch, silence was partially restored, but throughout the whole of his speech Chisholm was very imperfectly heard. He said the nominator of the Right Hon. Candidate had, among other claims, urged that of his being a Member of the late Reformed Government.—( Great uproar. ) He told them again that it was a revolutionary and not a re forming Government. He hoped the electors would not be led away by high sounding but empty declamation, but exercise their understandings. Who was the author of the great measure to which reference had been made, the emancipa tion of the negroes ? Why, Lord Stanley, who had se ceded from the late Administration, because of the revolu tionary character of their measures. The new Government would proceed in calm and temperate reform—( Cries of " Very temperate").---and so long as they acted up to the principles laid dowa in Sir Robert Peel's letter to his constituents at Tamworth, he was empowered to say that they would have the Support of Macleod. Macleod had commissioned him to apo logize to the meeting for his absence on this occasion, which VMS caused solely by severe illness. Chisholm, then, amidst frequent interruptions, asked if the claims of the Right Hon. Gentleman were founded on his having been ten times returned for the county, and a Member of five or six different Adminis trations ? Could they deny the fact he had stated ? If the Right Hon. C. Grant was defeated, much as he ( Chisholm) might regret the personal disappointment of the Right Hon. Gentleman, he hoped he would retire into the walks of private life, which he should never have quitted, and which he was so well qualified to adorn. There he could cultivate those private studies and pursuits, in which even those who admired his splendid eloquence scarcely knew how much the Right Hon. Gentleman was calculated to excel. CLUNY MACPHERSON said he much pleasure in seconding the nomination made by his friend Chisholm. Macleod was well qualified to represent the county, being the head of an an cient family, chief to a numerous clan, a large proprietor, and possessed of local knowledge as the productions and capabili ties of the country. He was an excellent man of business, and deeply interested in the welfare of the county, as well as that of the country at large. Some disturbance occurring, Cluny said—" Brother Electors, hear me for one minute. If you elect Macleod you will have the satisfaction of returning a man of sound constitutional principles, which, at the present crisis is a matter of vital importance. I hope you will soon have the pleasure of cheering Macleod as your Member."— ( Some person called out " Give us a Gaelic song, Cluny."— Cluny good-humouredly quoted some words of Gaelic, which were responded to by the crowd in the same language, amidst much laughter. ) The Right Hon. CHARLES GRANT then stood forward, and was received with immense applause, waving of hats, and other demobstrations of respect and regard. He spoke in sub stance as follows :—Gentlemen, I return you my sincere thanks for the flattering reception which you have given me. I have to express my thanks to the honourable friends who proposed and seconded my nomination. I regret the cause of the absence of my [lon. Opponent, and I have to thank the Chisholm for the terms of personal courtesy in which he ex pressed himself towards me. It is not, however, without grief and surprise that I find him in the position he now occu pies, as it is only two years since he performed the same duty to me that he now does to my opponent. The CinsuoLikt here dissented. . . Mr. GRANT resumed—At least I was then honoured with his support, and on a prior occasion he nominated me. I re gret that he should have seen reason to change his sentiments, and still more that he should have felt himself under the over whelming necessity of coming forward so prominently, and not contenting himself with a silent vote. To his observa tions I shall advert presently, but I can assuse him, that nothing that has passed, or is tpassing, can make me en tertain feelings of personal unkindness towards him. I shall continue to regard his course in life with unabated and affec tionate interest.—[Mr. Grant was one of the guardians of Chisholm.] I still hope the time may arrive when he will find that he has done me injustice, and I may yet perhaps have the advantage and pleasure of his support on a future occasion. To his opposition and advice, I hope the electors, by their conduct will give a complete negative. The present, as Bal lindalloch properly remarked, is a crisis which calls for the independent exercise of the elective franchise. I claim your suffrages as a Member of the late Government, whether called reforming or revolutionary, which has not forfeited the con fidence of the nation. You are aware, that that Government on entering on office professed to aim at three objects—peace, retrenchment, and reform. On the last occasion I addressed you, I adverted to the state of the country, both at home and abroad, on their entering into office. Throughout England there prevailed a gloomy discontent, arising from the rejection of,the wishes of the people. Half the country was subjeet to nightly incendiarism, and the public mind in such a state as to ex cite serious apprehension of an approaching convulsion. Abroad, in all parts of Europe in which liberal and enligh tened principles had found access, there was an agitation and dread of impending dangers, arising from the conviction that England, the queen of nations and possessor of constitutional freedom, had leagued herself with military despots. It was at that time that a member of the present government de clared in the House of Commons that no administration could preserve peace in Europe for six months. What was the state of things when the late government was removed from office ? There was a general repose and tranquillity. All the great interests of the country, with one memorable exception to which I shall allude, were in a state of prosperity ; the people contented, confiding in the good intentions of government, and calmly expecting future improvement and advancement. What was the state of things abroad ? There, too, an improved spirit the result of this circumstance, that England had taken her proper station in the van of the free nations of Europe. The designs of those States that were hostile to freedom were thwarted ; France in a state of amity, the independence of Bel gium established on such a basis as no, future government of this country will, I trust, attempt to move ; and the cause of constitutional principles secured in Portugal and Spaiii. With respect to retrenchment, it was said that the preceding government had proceeded as far as was possible in the prose cution of that object ; and I must do them the justice to admit that they had done a great deal. The late government, how ever, did more. Their first act was to reduce their own sala ries ; they then proceeded to reductions in all the departments of the State, and out of an expenditure of 500,0001. annually in all the government offices, at home and abroad, they effected a saving of 200,0001. In the annual expenditure of the army and navy, ordnance, and miscellaneous services, they saved four on eighteen millions. The taxation, which was said to be reduced to the lowest extent, was still farther reduced by Lord Althorp the sum of five millions and a half. Then we come to reform. I ask you, if the late government did not fulfil its promise to the country? The principle of the late government, was to correct every abuse before it became intolerable. I know it is the opinion of some gentle men that it is the wiser course to resist every demand for improvement, and this is called Conservatism.—( Hear.) We hear of Conservatives and Destructives. The true Conservative principle is wise and seasonable improve ment. The true Destructive principle is resistance to all im provement, till you become the victims of innovation. It is easy for a statesman to fold his arms, and say—" I take my my stand upon the institutions of the country—l will admit of no alteration." But all is change around'him—nature changes, the seasons change, time and circumstances change, mind and manners change, the relations of states, the interests and obli gations of nations, the wants and feelings, and habits of man kind—.all change. Yet the stat esman resists l—( Cheers. ) In the meantime the waters gather around him, the storm beats over his head, and he is engulphed in the abyss which his folly had dug under his feet.—( Continued cheers.) The true sagacity of the statesman is to observe the nature and course of coming events ; to calculate their dimensions by the shadows they cast before ; to observe what the progress of society and the variation of circumstances may require ; and thus, in some sew, to mould the future to his purposes ; to determine the coarse of e.Tent,s, and to control what appears to be uncontrol lable. This I call the trite pon.servatiye principles—this was --tnelplo _of ttio late Oeyernmeni.,(He4r, hear, and -‘•-• four years of their pSieSii o ll of office, • -I tticaSUrfiS cirri c} lntp the cheering.) In there was a greater number u. operation, more calculated to promote the prosperi v the empire, and the happiness of the human species, than it fell to the lot of any other Government to accomplish. They were enabled also to guard those measures from excess, and to limit them within the bounds which their judgment prescribed. I shall not advert to all the acts of the late Go, vernment, but merely direct your attention to a few of the principal. One of the last of their measures was one of the most important, though it does not affect this country—l mean the Poor Law Amendment Bill. It required great boldness, as well as skill and perseverance, on the part of the Govern ment, to introduce a measure of this description. The system of the Poor Laws, as formerly administered, had produced fatal effects on the people of England ; but, as now reformed, it re tains its valuable qualities while it is free from the most noxious. It ceases to be the pander to the vices of the people, but it preserves in full vigour the great principle of national benevolence in cases of age, illness, or infirmity. I need not dwell on the Law Reforms ; they are sufficiently known. In adverting to this topic I am reminded of that distinguished man, the late Lord Chancellor Brougham. I know that many remarks have been made on some peculiarities of Lord Brougham. It is an easy task to take advantage of the frailties or eccentricities of eminent persons. Easy lit is the natural revenge of little minds.—( Loud cheering. ) These foibles gratify their nibbling propensities.—( Laughter. ) Whatever is trivial they seize upon ; whatever is great mocks their comprehension and excites their ridicule. This is the easiest part of a Conservative statesman.—( Continued laugh ter.) My friend Ballindalloch has adverted to another mea sure, sufficient to have immortalised any Administration of treble the duration marked out for the late Government. I mean the emancipation of Slaves. For a long time the prayers of Christian Europe had desired this act of justice. Year after year plans were proposed ; and year after year the baffled statesman and philanthropist retired from the vain endeavour; but at length the time arrived, and the task was performed with safety and success, and even with advantage to the West India interest. It is indeed sometimes said—" True, this was an act of justice, but we have paid twenty millions for it." So far from si - .rinkin ,, from the statement, I avow it—l glory in it, I think it anourable to the country. With what shadow of justice could we have done the contrary ? " The crime was common; common be the pain." The British nation was involved in the delinquency. It was not the planter or the proprietor that was guilty ; it was the Legis lature. How could we have turned round on them and said, " we have shared in the crime, but you alone shall suffer the consequences ?" The Government did not reason in this manner, and the country responded nobly to the call made upon their justice and patriotism.—( Cheers.) Need I dwell on the important measure of Parliamentary Reform ? You are well acquainted with its nature and merits, more particu larly with that portion of it which relates to Scotland. But I cannot mention this subject without recalling that great man to whom the nation owes Parliamentary Reform, I mean Lord Grey.—( Cheers.) On his devotion to the public ser vice I need not enlarge. How often have we seen him Just alike to freedom and the throne, The master of our passions and his own— Guarding, on the one hand, the prerogative of the Crown and the interests of the aristocracy, and on the other, protecting the privileges of the people, and communicating to them larger measures of constitutional freedom.—( Continued cheer ing.) Happy the nation which possesses in its bosom such a statesman ! Happy the monarch who can appreciate the value of such a servant I anticipate for him still higher honours, or rather continued honours (for a higher honour than that of passing the Reform Bill it is not in the power of fortune to confer)—l anticipate that the time is not far distant when the eyes of the nation will again be turned to him, and the Sove reign shall recall him to his councils.--( Great cheering.) I come next to the consideration of the interests of agriculture. The late Government has been charged with not paying suffi cient attention to those interests, or taking steps to remedy the depression under which they labour. No Government can be indifferent to agriculture, which affects all classes, however exalted or low • and least of all could the late Government be supposed indifferent to it, many, if not all, of whose members possessed a large stake in the prosperity of the soil, and some of whom were not only scientific bat practical agri culturists. There are two points here for consideration—ls . it meant that the late government was disposed to reduce the existing protection, or that it ought to have introduced some new measure to remedy the evil ? As to the existing law I recollect that two years ago, in reference to Lord Althorp's statement at an election in Northampton, that the government would resist an) change of the corn laws, my hon. opponent, Macleod, questioned the statement, because he said, Lord Al thorp would not be master of his own motions. Since that period the question has been proposed, and it was resisted by the late government. It is a singular fact, too, that the only protection which the corn interest now enjoys is given by a law, which it fell to my lot, as President of the Board of Trade, to introduce into parliament—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) If it is meant that any new measure ought to have been introduced to relieve the distress of the agriculturist, I submit to your candour and justice the difficulty of finding any such measure. No one has ))teen proposed on which there has been any unanimity. In deed the only relief that has been suggested is the repeal of the Malt tax, and on that we know the greatest possible diversity of opinion prevails. The present government, as will be ob served by Sir Robert Peel's letter to the electors of Tamworth, will resist its repeal, on the same grounds adduced by the former Administration, the difficulty of finding a proper substitute. I met lately in this county, on the same day, two eminent agriculturists, who differed completely on that point. In order to show the anxiety of the late Government on the subject, and the difficulty of applying a practical remedy, I may mention that a Committee of the House of Commons was appointed to investigate and report on the state of agri culture. The Committee was composed of the ablest agri culturists of the House of Commons, and Sir Robert ?eel was a member of it. The most ample evidence was taken ; and yet, after all, the only practical remedy that resulted from that Committee was the transfer of the county-rates in Eng gland from the counties to the national funds—a remedy, va luable as respects local interests, but unimictrtant as a general measure. Ido not mean by this to check inquiry, or to pre vent any attempt which may be deemed advisable to remove the deplorable distress under which the agriculturists suffer, but to show the unfairness of charging it as a crime on the late Go vernment—or on any Government, that they have not dis covered a remedy.—( A person in the crowd cried out " Down with the rents," which caused much cheering and laughter.) This is so far as relates to the arable farmer ; but it is right to notice that another branch of the agricultural interests, that of sheep and cattle, is not in such a state as to call for commisseration. Some years ago, when that branch also was depressed, it was charged upon me that I was the cause of that distress, by advocating what was called—but called incor rectly—free trade. I contended against that imputation, maintaining that the tendency of those commercial relaxations which I supported, was of a directly opposite character, and that they only required fair play to vindicate themselves from this aspersion. I think, as I was charged with being acces sory to that distress, I may claim for those principles some share in the present prosperity. You may depend upon it, that the greater the removal of restrictions, and the freer the interchange between nations, the greater will be the impulse given to demand, and the stimulus ap plied to the powers of production. There is another measure of the late Government, alluded to by Ballindal loch, on which I shall not enlarge—the East India measure. It was passed in the face of opposing interests, and of able adversaries, yet without any change in its material parts, and with general approbation. Though not very familiar to England or Scotland, no act of the Government affected so large a portion of our fellow-creatures. If carried into full effect, I anticipate from it the highest advantages. It is not merely that the China monopoly is dissolved, or that the gates of India are opened to British capital and enterprise, but that the natives of India are elevated in the scale of being, and arc prepared for the capacity of enjoying higher privileges and all the rights of civilized Cheers.) I trust, I may hope that it will not be considered a dishonour to my consti tuents, that it fell to the lot of their representative to accom plish this great measure. As to the retirement into private life which the Chisholm has been pleased to recommend to me, and which it seems is to be my only refuge from shame and obloquy, he will I hope extend his kindness a little fur ther, and grant me an asylum in some part of his vast domi nions—(laughter)—in the recesses of Strathglass or on the borders of Loch Affrig. And perhaps, too, vi hen looking, down from his palace on that obscure retreat, provided for de parted and condemned statesmen, he may condescend some times to pay a visit to that solitude, and favour me with more of the advice which he has been pleased so gratuitously to bestow upon me.—( Continued laughter.) The Hon. Gentle man also alluded to the circumstance of my having borne office in different governments. This charge, which has also 'been made in other quarters, involves, and is, I presume, in general meant to involve, an implication of the motives of my conduct. Of any such intention I acquit the Chisholm. With respect to those who impute to me unworthy motives, I shall only say that no person would make the imputation unless he felt that he himself could be swayed by such considerations. To you, however, gentlemen, who are prepared to receive my o b serva tions with candour, and to do me justice, I beg to re present that from my first entrance into public life, or at least since I bore any prominent part in office, I have ever been the advocate of liberal measures of improvement. Circumstances, into which I need not here enter, early connected me with Lord Liverpool's Administration. At that period, towards the close of the war, it is well known there existed a diversity of opinion between different Members of the Government. There were the more liberal and the less liberal. Though there were some distinguished Members in the former class, the latter was the one to which the young aspirant for office, if guided only by motives of worldly prudence, would have attached himself. Yet I did not hesitate to act upon those feelings and principles which I believed to be just, and that openly and avowedly..--(Hear, hear.) I w as th e n only holding a subordinate office. When I became Secretary for Ireland—an appointment highly creditable to the liberality of Lord Liverpool, and deeply censured by some of his colleagues—l ask, did I shrink from acting on those prin ciples ? I appeal to the history of my administration in that country—l appeal to all those who have any knowledge of the subject—l might appeal to the Irish people--( Cheers.) that if it had not been for my adherenc e t o lib eral principles, I should have longer retained that di st i ngu i shed o b ffi eiln c ie e evi . Pele' At s a subsequent period, I joined the administration of which Mr. Canning was a leading member. The policy of Mr. canning was a liberal policy, both in foreign and y a nd supported him with my vote. On the appointment of do mestic affairs, with one exception, the question of Parliamentary to the office of Prime Minister, came the stl'uggle Reform. On that question I took no prominent part ; I never liberal and illiberal principle of government. He spoke on it, but I certainly followed the guidance of Mr. Can tahn between o cs Canningnminr.g, was r enounged abandoned by his lamented colleaguesstatesman, t. r :s rn e 7 il p t o . rted i by those tg wh o o lat had hitherto opposed AAclaratien that he would resist Parliamen- If it' be elpfle against nie that SQ adhered to him, not let it be remembered that even those, who, prior o that period had always advocated that measure, did also give t him their cordial and efficient support. In truth, they felt as I felt, that the period had arrived whiph was to decide, w hether a liberal or illiberal system of Oovetriment was to Prevai l i n Great Britain, and they were willing to allow acme ittestietis, twairtyhsataenfdorining, even of importance, to remain in abeyance rather than run the risk of entailing permanently on the country an illiberal course of policy. With respect to the Duke of Wellington's Admi nistration, I, with Mr. Huskisson and others of his friends, for three'or four months, formed a part of it ; and why did we resign? It was on the transfer of the franchise o f E as t Ret ford to some one of the great towns of England—a measure which was opposed precisely on the ground that it was the first step to Parliamentary Reform. On that occasion I resigned office, —a resignation entirely voluntary on my part. In the follow ing year, 1830, it was at my option, with Lord Palmerston and the friends with whom we acted, to enter into the Go vernment of the Duke of Wellington if we chose to waive the question of Parliamentary Reform, but we declined to accept office on such conditions. I maintain, there fore, that I have always supported measures of liberal improve ment. In reference to these principles, I voluntarily retired from a Government, of which the stability seemed permanent, and I declined to resume official station. This, gentlemen, is my answer to these personal charges. If those who impeach my motives can prove that they have made similar sacrifices, I will allow them to be good judges of my conduct.__( Cheers. ) But it seems the late Government was tending to revolution. Nothing is more easy than to pronounce the word revolution. It has constantly been used as a watchword to retard the pro gress of improvement. But who are the real revolutionists— those who desire timely improvement, or those who resist it till it be too late ? Who were the authors of the French Re volution ? Not the Robespierres and Marats ; those mise rable monsters were but the spawn of that convulsion. It was those who might have averted it by caution, but failed to do so. The real authors were the nobility, the aristocracy, the ministers, who for thirty, forty, or fifty years disregarded the prognostics gathering around them ; who, thdugh warned and advised, and urged to the correction of abuses, took their stand on the Conservative pi inciple, and rejected the smallest concession to the wants and the growing in telligence of the people. With many who use the word revolution, the real fear is the correction of abuses. I acquit the Hon. Gentleman (Chisholm) of this motive ; I believe he is suffering under the dread of a revolution ; but as to some others, their fear arises from the conviction that the late Government was prepared to do its duty to the public. With respect to the charge of leading to a revo lution in the Church. it is equally unfounded. As to the Scottish Church, though not a member of it, I have always been taught to regard it with veneration, for the purity of its doctrines and the exemplary conduct of its members. I am not aware of any accusation brought against that Church in its present state, except in relation to the question of Patronage, a question of which the General Assembly very wisely took upon itself the management. My sentiments to wards the Scottish Church are sufficiently established by the fact, that I first gave to it a legal existence in India. Till the passing of the last East India Act it existed there only by suf ferance, without any recognised character by law. For the Church of England I also entertain the highest respect ; but is it inconsistent with a real affection for that Church to desire to see it purified of those abuses which mar its beauty and impair its efficiency ? Among its most sincere ad mirers, of whom I profess myself one, I have not met with any candid person who did not in his cooler moments admit the necessity of removing those blemishes. Need I mention the subject of pluralities, or the mode of the collection of tithes ? I make a distinction between the English and the Irish Church. It by no means follows that measures of Reform required by the latter should in reason be applied to the former. The late Government applied itself to the Reform of the Irish Church, with a view to rescue it from the invidiousness of the position which it now occupies. Why is it that the pure Protestant faith has made so slow progress in Ireland ? Why, but because the Church has been smothered under the weight of its own possessions —secularized by its great wealth. A better distri bution of its revenues would render it more available for the purposes of religion. We had no desire to destroy the establishment ; but there arc those who cannot distinguish be tween the essential spirit of the Church, and the adventitious appendages which, though miscalled ornaments, are in truth encumbrances, and tend to injure what they appear to sup port and strengthen. They fix the attention rather on that which is accidental or accessary, than on that which is in herent and permanent—rather on the lights which are kindled round the altar, than on the illumination which dwells within it.—(Cheers.) Mr. Grant then adverted to some absurd per sonal rumours which It was scarcely worth while to notice. It was said, for example, that the late Government used to give Cabinet dinners on Sunday, to which he gave a positive contra diction : there never was a Cabinet dinner, in the time of the late government, on a Sunday. Again, it was asserted, that his last act in the Cabinet was to recommend to the govern ment to send out Popish Missionaries to convert the Hindoos. This was perhaps too ludicrous to require such a serious con tradiction, but he certainly never made such a recommenda tion. The right hon. gentleman then said that he could not pretend to have much confidence in the present government ; he should watch them with strictness, and even with jealousy. He should consider fairly the measures they introduced ; those ' that appeared to be just and advisable he should support ; those of a contrary character he should resist and denounce. Mr. Grant thanked the meeting for the patient hearing they had given him, and concluded amidst great cheering. The CHISIIOLM said there appeared to be some miscon ception as to what he lad said relative to the Right Hon. Gentleman joining different governments. He meant to ex press nothing but the highest respect for the personal and pri vate character of Mr. Grant; but he questioned the prudence of his mixing up himself with so many governments of different principles, at the same time kofessing himself to be an uncom promising Reformer. With regard to the retirement of the Right Hon. Gentleman, he should be delighted if he selected a retreat near him. He hoped, however, that he would not banish himself to the heights of Strathglass or the mountains of Affrick, but take his place at his ( Chisholm's);fireside, that he might derive the benefit and delight of his instructions. Much a; they had been carried away by the Right Hon. Gentleman's eloquence, he (Chisholm) did not perceive that there was a sufficient distinction drawn between the late and the late late government. Excepting the Poor Law Bill, Mr. Grant had adverted to none of the measures of the Melbourne Ministry. Nov this was an untried measure, and if credit was claimed for good intentions, he would ask who supported that measure ? Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington. The Emancipation of the Slaves was brought forward by the Administration of Earl Grey, which was the true Reform Government, and was introduced by Lord Stanley, who had found himself compelled to withdraw from the succeeding Administration. With respect to the Irish Church, he asked if it was consistent with a desire to support it to withdraw forty per cent. from the incomes of the clergy ? As to Law Reform, he would ask who had made great amend ments in the law ? Was it not Sir Robert Peel ? Chisholm concluded by congratulating the meeting on Mr. Grant avow ing himself to be a firm unflinching friend of the Protestant faith and church, and concluded by stating that the Conser: d .. tive candidate was determined not to accept a farthing of the public money, but would be an independent member of an in dependent Parliament. Mr. GRANT replied—The Hon. Gentleman, he said, sought to draw a distinction between Lord Grey's and Lord Mel bourne's Administration : but it was substantially the same. After the secession of Lord Stanley, Lord Grey continued in the Government, and left it, not on any question connected with the Church, but in reference to certain clauses in the Coercion Bill. When did the late Government become revo lutionary ? Was it when Lord Stanley or when Lord Grey left it ? Could it be called revolutionary when Lord Althorp, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Melbourne, and others whom he might cite, continued in it ? If Lord Stanley's judgment be the standard, what becomes of the present Government ? Why did he refuse to join it ? Simply because he had no confidence in it. Mr. Grant said "I am afraid I cannot have more con fidence in it than Lord Stanley."-_.(A laugh.) With respect to Law Reform, Mr. G. said if we went back to the origina tion of those reforms, we would find that they were first pro posed by the late Sir Samuel Romilly, followed up by Sir James Mackintosh, and subsequently adopted, highly to his honour, by Sir Robert Peel. The Sheriff called fora show of hands, and declared that the election had fallen on Mr. Grant, but that a poll was de manded for Macleod. The Chisholm asked, " How many hands of electors had been held up for Macleod ?" Many per sons in the Crowd called out—" None, none." He then asked —" How many electors were present ?" but the qbestion was drowned amidst the shouts and cries of the meeting. The bu siness of the nomination here terminated: Mr. GRANT was chaired to the Caledonian Hotel, when he shortly addressed the people from one of the windows, thanking them for the flattering reception they had given him, The crowd then separated. The day was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow, yet the proceedings were regarded with deep interest by a large assembled multitude. The claration of the state of the poll will be made to the Shr, riff on Friday next, THE . The polling commenced herePOLL yesterday for the Inverness district, and terminated to-day. The nu mbers were for Mr. Grant, 173 for Macleod, 93. Accounts from Fort William give Mr. Grant a majority of 31, up to 12 o'clock yesterday. The snow-storm has prevented any intelligence as to the state of the poll in Kingussie. No returns from Skye. Majority for Mr. Grant, according to present accounts, 111. [By the accounts received to-day from the North, we are glad tg find that Mr. Grant is returned by a majority of 6.] INVERNESS BURGH ELECTION. DECLARATION OF THE VOTES. On Monday last the declaration of the return for a Mem ber to represent the Inverness district of burghs in Parlia ment took place here. Mr. Sheriff Tytler, having opened the poll-pooks in the Town Hall, proceeded to the hustings, when a protest was taken by Mr. Ellice against the return to be made by the Sheriff on the following grounds :—First, that the Sheriff had, contrary to law, appointed two polling places. Second—That a Sheriff Substitute was appointed to receive and register votes at one of these stations. Third—That many persons not qualified to vote, or le gally disqualified, were permitted to vote for Major Cumming Bruce. Fourth—That by gross intimidation and other cor rupt and illegal practices, a number of voters were prevented from coming forward to vote for Mr. Ellice. Fifth—That by bribery, intimidation, and other illegal practices, many voters were concussed, and induced to tender their votes in favour of Major Cumming Bruce ; and that others were placed under restraint, and prevented from giving their votes for Mr. Ellice. And for these and other reasons, Mr. Ellice protested that he was the legally elected representative for the district. It was answered on the part of Major Cumming Bruce that the whole statement of facts contained in the Protest was un true and unfounded, and that all the votes given in his favour were legal. And that, ou the other hand, a great proportion of those votes given to Mr, Ellice, were given by pol•sons in some instances net bolding the necessary qualifications. Charges of bribery and intimidation were also urged on the part of Major Cumming Bruce against Mr. Ellice's voters. The Sheriff then announced the state of the poll to be as follows : Inverness . Forres .... Nairn .... Fortrose Ellice. 216 Bruce. 215 82 28 The SHERIFF accordingly declared Major Cumming Bruce, to be returned M. P., for the district, upon wich Mr. Ellice repeated his protest. Major CUMMING BRUCE stood forward to address the elec tors, but the clamour and disapprobation were so great as to prevent his being heard. The crowd also threw snow-balls about in the direction of the hustings, and the Hon. Gentle man seeing the people would not listen to him, desisted from the attempt. Mr. ELLICE thanked the electors for the support they had given him, and said he would have gone into some details rela tive-to the canvass, but seeing that his Hon. opponent had re tired from the hustings, he would be brief in his statements, as Major Cumming Bruce was not present to answer him. He congratulated the electors on the progress which liberal opinions had made in the district. At the first election, after the pass ing of the Reform Bill, in 1832, the number of Liberal electors that polled was 243 ; and in 1833 there was 291 ; and now there was 340. Mr. Ellice said it would be observed that he had a ma jority in each of the burghs, excepting Forres, where a rem nant of the old feudal system, under the influence of the Cumming family, still remained. Yet even in Forres fifty seven independent electors had supported the liberal interest. He assured the electors that he looked upon the present con test as a victory ; lie would try the election in a Committee of the House of Commons, if advised, and he pledged himself to come forward again, on the first occasion, to contest the ground, inch by inch, with Major Cumming Bruce, when he confiiiently expected a large majority. Mr. Ellice concludedjamidst loud cheering, and was accompanied to the inn by a large concourse of persons. No election perhaps was ever more keenly contested, or excited a stronger local interest. During the two days of the polling all other business seemed suspended, and crowds of persons perambulatiad the streets day and night, looking after voters, and discussing the me rits of the candidates. Many pledges of neutrality were given during the canvass which . were broken at the poll. Yet the liberal party maintained their ground with great manliness and spirit, and Mr. Ellice will undoubtedly be triumphant at the next election. The eagerness with which even the poorest class of our Highland countrymen now enter into the discussion of political subjects, is a curious and inte resting fact. Twenty or thirty years ago they could barely understand a few broken words of English, and never thought of questioning that feudal influence which bound them to the soil. They are now au fait in all the political topics of the day ; quick to understand, ready to question, and anxious not only to judge freely, but to act independently. Some passages of Mr. Charles Grant's speech on Saturday, containing the most refined and delicate sarcasm, with ornate imagery and il lustration, were listened to with breathless silence by a large crowd of persons, including numbers of the humbler classes, who seemed to enter into the spirit of the speaker, and to dis criminate his eloquent periods with almost unerring taste and sagacity. MEMBERS RETURNED. SCOTLAND.—COUNTIES. Fife, Jan. 22.—Captain Wemyss. Inverness, Jan. 21.—Hon. C. Grant, by a majority of 6. BOROUGHS. Ayr, Jan, 23.—Lord James Stuart. STATE OF THE POLLS. SCOTLAND.—COUNTIES. Fife, Jan. 22. Wemyss. Kirkcaldy lOl5 First elected. BOROUGHS. Ayr, Jan. 23. 159 106 First elected. IRELAND.—COUNTIES. Mayo, Jan. 23. Louth, Jan. 23. P. Bellew R. M. Bellew Foster... 266 Lindsay. bB4 Mtuart .... Johnstone Brabazon J. Browne D. Browne Ellard 410 ~.. 252, Kerry, Jan. 22. M. J. O'Connell F. W. Mullins The Knight of Kerry Ponsoaby Meath, Jan. 23. The Gross poll against 'Messrs. Plunkett and Lambert ;stated to exceed 400. Numbers not declared when the mail left Trim. Cork, Jan. 21. F. O'Connor, Esq 14 05 J. S. Barry., E N 1 44 6_, R. Longfitld, Esq.. . VIA' Lord Bernard... , ... .. . .... b 3 9 Wexford, Jan. 2:!. _. Maher Power : iii 419 Redmond DUBLIN. (FROM OCR CORRESPONDENT.) You can scarcely conceive the degree of rabid and ferocious exultation with which the leaders of the Totv faction celebrat e whatever petty triumphs they have achievcdjat the Irish elec' tions. I passed through Maryborougb durin g the election for the Queen's County, an d saw a persrea parading the street Wit' the skirts of his coat tucked ur:., and with a large printed bill, announci ng th e state o f 'C hu poll, posted upon his seat o honour ! He was described to me as a Mr. R---, a Dell Lieutenant of th e county, and agent to the estates of 1.40,, Milton. My informant, a fellow -traveller on the Lier.eric" coach, told me that ho has often seen the gentleman. snuffing up the holy wat er b y h an df u l s at mass, but that hei is now a' Orangeman, a pensioner on the Civil List, a rieputy Lie°' tenant, and a gentleman. We are at liberty t o believe ao much of all this as we can. At the final close of the poll, before the numbers w ere de" dared, this same Mr. R-- jumped e:.oout with frantic g eg ; tures, exclaiming aloud that the sf.ruggle was over in .whie gentlemen were opposed by I ?lae2eguards, and now the black• guards might kiss his f:putcard). Thi s b rava d o did no: go down as smoothly ac.. it was expe c t e d t o d o w i t h " blackguards" alluded . 'co, some of whom were on the point ° sending off an ex2ess for " Ebenezer Jacob ;" but Mr. saved them thr....c trouble by making a public and abject retract' tation of nis " blackguard" expressions. Tte mob of Orangemen who were marshalled in front ?!. ihe Town Hall incess an tly rev il e d and taunted the Catbolici voters, exclaimin g , " Go hom e t o y our potatoes and saXc, a° leave the roast beef for our Church." I travelled, a few days before the above mentioned i n cident!, in the same coach w ith a P rotestant clergyman of , the coati. of Cork, an old m an o f venera b le appearance. His exteri.s ° bespoke him a g en tl eman and a sage ; but how ill the qualitite,, of his mind a ccor d e d w i th that appearance, I leave you I' judge, from a brief but faithfully literal abstract of his conVO: sation at breakfast. He was engaged, when I entered the room, in a hot controversy with an outside passenger, W j o 1 15 peared to b e a v i o l ent repealer; and the subject ei'ey chosen to discuss was the character of Mr. Fergus C'd'Cona° r ' " Oh," said the preacher of the Gospel, " i f we, could ban e caught him in 98, he should have got it." Repealer.__" Wh o ? F ergus O ' Connor * ln 98? He wad scarcely born then." Preacher of the Gospel.--" I don't ;neat' him in particular:, but any rebel. We would have given 'them all the long thong' Repealer.—" Wh a t i s t h at, an ' ' please your Reverence ?" Preacher of the Gospel.--" I remember to have seen Lai lp b _,," e Norbury once , a f ter sentencing a rebel to be hanged ; turned round to th e F i t ntlemen i n t h e G rand Jury Be,x "."?, said, Didn't I give that fellow the long thong f: ,r yO I Lord Norbu r y was a f i ne constitutional judge, anc7c was °o afraid to do his duty." Repealer.--" It is a great loss to your party 'that you bave not such judges now." tell Preacher of d the Gburospel.--" 'We are not 'so badly off, 1 Ca.! y. Lor Nory's tutional man, Chief Justie , :, D o h ercy ,. , e Pir..ce is occupied by a very- con° I was ponde r i ng on against the lucky the libel which h a d j ust b een u ttet l 'entleman who no sits in Toler's al is when a lady at t . t ..e lower end of the table uttered a deep sif, e xclaiman,• .„_ ,, Is it any wond er th at our country shou ld when these are the sentiments we hear e xpressv b y gentlemen at a public t a bl e ." Th e observation seem e d sting the Man of Peace, for he helped himself to another ‘Ctf,, and dropped the conversati on f or a f ew moments. At Pei:c stage, this old firebrand called for a pen and ink, that he leave behind him a true state of the poll for the city of C°... My neighbour on the tdp o f th e coac h , the repealer, 'Leld lj 'y the gentleman's name, and add e d t h at h e has three Tirotes'ese parishioners, sixteen hundred a year in tithes, ' A nd is a°o relation of the famous Handc u ff J ust i ce. No we;nder that st a man should think more of the long thong than the cross- j Such are the allies of the Peel Government in Ireland; et e have not exaggerated an y of th:: circumstances which I a o s now related to you ; nor is 'it any exag gerat i on t o safe,i n , equally atrocious are the sentiments and language caf ° f ie, tenths of the gentry wigs, call themselves Conservative's at moment in Ireland. Th e only thing that can save wooly scenes of ruin and carnage is that consummation so d e , V e do o to be wished fo r —_ t h e downfall of the Tories. Our eie returns of this , :cay promise well for that. LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEETINGS' goY Tuts Day—Royal College of Physicians, 9, p.m. ; - Geographical Society, 9 p.m. bi d. TlHASDAY—Zoologica. Society (Scientific B,usiness) , t o past 8, p. m. ; M e di co - B otan i ca l Society, 8, p. m. ; Institti of Civil Engineers, 8, p.m. WEDNESDAY—Society of Arts, half-past 7,, p. m. tO l THURSDAY—RoyaI Society, h a lf- past 8 , /1 .. m. ; socie 3' Antiquaries, 8, p.m. FRIDAY—RoyaI Institution, half-past 8, p.m. v ri giiS li FRENCH ORTHOGRAPHY.- --' li. list of , -- - v iog members elected, given in a Paris P'.ar ier, changes : ' County of Beck Pusc7 ••••.•. vice Thwekmoste re• East Retford Leicestershire, South Turtr er .. Ducoson. Cambridge, county Yor'xe ~ • , Ner. notices the 110 0 Surey Berclay... Lecet. 19 011 NOTLAZO NIAHNITZTEOPIXCA T A TZINS. ---- 0 1 flounce this le e tl e wor d ; i t is the original Mexican for coon curates.—Literary Gazett e. < LIVERPOOL C OTTON MARKET, JA x • 42 • tb- We have no c h ange to note in our Cotton-market `co,daYl sales are 2,000 bags, chiefly American descripticps. utj A ri D n ii g l i t ( tio l l,, S l i e u l e b: I3rzzillan In bin° St.. rteil del M( bitto Urn i , en Gold " 4,1 =11 C ............. 9 P 1 Per Cent I a jr)at,-, R ed V i er Cent . tto Neu 4 ,ki per Cent r. , stock. 00Yal Lanaifancl . - •• - " -..- - , Z. •; s St. S tion to . ti Ti rH Ro!la, Mr. To conclut KING Al lh which Mr. Arthur, ➢1 fir• Harley ; Gyneth, M THE. TH. Allaandro kahomet, 1 a lnet Zeir, Ztilma Md . (liubilei: Min After 41ARLEQUII Harlequin,lft thews; W Itttl_utlllititericlitelettntt3i,lo,der. BRtua c,kßflotdete, that id, na i i ena tg:lvi 1 b e 18th of MI 1 411 ' 4 ) or 81. I o fln s'f 2b,00 0, 1 „:.:--,,, 40 Ces are altc4 ° f the what t ne 2,000 f tt n us, if fortun 'fie present e: trtatis-ticket so that, of s' tie in price c o c i tswent first 1 :nails, bus o rs, Hein tli t te e will Fete to ticket, by : I d lie tiraft rtable ir ti I ng orders °r. ::: or l ) !:::: I , _ eo len. fed t r . ~ naniunica j, 441 ,2•1g, may l e gabi:shal 4 he - PRMicat; ~~ 4 . M'! , MONDJ Five Foui BAni a Amu Atria Dittc Loan Ditto Exch