The Sun. — London, England, 1848-09-01 00:00:00

f means of defraying the funeral expenses, and the President of the Eoard of Control, in answer to a question which I put to him stated, that 50,000 rupees had been offered for that purpose, and had been re fused, because not accomp an i e d by a pledge to con tinue to the family the ten thousand rupees, monthly allowance, made to the late Raja. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE—He would not give a receipt. Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON—Such, I under take to say, are not the real facts of the case. The money, I admit, was offered and declined ; but not for the reason stated, but because the agent would not take a receipt in the name of the adopted son, who was tha only person entitled to receive or to acknowledge the proffered sum. lam also informed that other moneys have been declined for the same reason. I can scarcely suppose the Right Hon. Gentleman to be so ill-informed respecting the laws and usages of the Hindoos, as not to know that neither the Ranee nor the Minister could receive the money, except in the name and by the authority of the son; or that he can fail to be aware of the fact that the youth who has been adopted stands in pre cisely the same position as a son born of the body of the late Raja. Sir, I see no reason why 800 persons should be left without the means of sub sistence, because those upon whom they depend re fuse to violate the immemorial and universal custom of their own country.—(Hear.) If I have been rightly informed, the sum of 2 500 rupees, monthly, has been offered to the Raj a ' s widow for the maintenance of her establishment. This, if it be the case, cannot be re ceived, except on behalf of her son, and in his name ; and if it could, it would be utterly insufficient for the support of the family and their 800 dependents. But, Sir, why is this course of treatment adopted, while the company are accountable before man and before God for the whole of the private property of which I have been speaking, and are at this moment in possession of the territory and revenues of Satter' ?—(Hear.) It may be said that the Raja had no rights, or that having died, his rights have died with him. But, Sir, the pledge that he should enjoy the possession of his private property, was given before his deposal—it was part and parcel of the measure decided upon—his private property was guaranteed in the very document that described him as a guilty man, and directed that he should be dethroned, and there is not a lawyer, either in this country or in India, who would dispute the Raja's right to adopt a son as his heir to the personal property of which he died possessed, or to which he might be declared legally entitled. We ask, therefore— and we have reason, and justice, and the solemn pledge of a British governor, and all law human and divine on our side—that the property taken from the father at the time of his deposal be accounted for to his son and heir.—(Hear.) We ask, too, that, pending the question of succession to the raj, the living and legal representative of the late Raja shall enjoy the stipend assigned to his father. To what purpose more just and lawful can the revenues of Sattara be applied? But we ask more, and we think we do not ask too much. We ask that the adopted son of the late Raja be:placed on the guddee, and succeed to the sovereignty of his father, according to the treaty of 1819, by which the territory of Sattara, as an independent sovereignty, was ceded to Pertaub Shean, his " heirs and successors in perpetuity." What says one of the highest authorities on this subject, the late Chairman of the Court of Directors, Mr. Tucker : "Admitting that the Raja was guilty of an infrac tion of the treaty, it does not follow that it was such as to cause his blood to be attainted. If the Raja should have no legitimate issue, it was competent to him to adopt, and his heir might be perfectly inno cent, and be justly entitled to the inheritance under the treaty." And again he says : " The Government of Bombay seem to anticipate that the principality may escheat at no distant period to our Government by the demise of Appa Sahib ; but the principality is hereditary, and should the R aja leave no issue or natural heirs, he may adopt, and adoption with a Hindoo is not only a right but a duty. I have the highest authority for stating, that even in the case of a fief or dependency, a legal adoption cannot be barred by the Government or Lord paramount." These opinions I know to be those of gentlemen profoundly versed in questions relating to adop tion amongst the Hindoos. Let me quote one other passage, taken from the petition presented by the Hon. Member for Montrose the other night, and signed by a number of respectable and influential East India proprietors. They say by their petition, " That the raj (kingdom) of Sattara having re cently become vacant by the death of Appa Sahib, the late Raja, they have heard with the greatest surprise and concern that the assumed guilt of the Raja Per taub Shean is advanced as a pretext against the ad mission of the claims of the rightful heir under the treaty of September, 1819. But they trust and humbly pray that such member of the Raja's family ee fills the character of heir' in the terms and ac cording to the true meaning of the treaty, may be re cognised and admitted as his successor, and that this House will not permit the violation of that treaty, by sanctioning any act, in contravention of the rights of such ' heir,' secured and guaranteed as those rights are by the faith of the British nation." Sir, I must now beg permission to trespass upon the attention of the House for a few moments, while I attempt to show, as I believe I shall he able to do, that the dethronement of the Raja was a direct and flagrant violation of statute law, made and provided in such cases ; and that the whole of the proceedings of the Indian authorities are null and void, when tried by that law. By the 38d Geo. 111., chap. 52. sec. 43, it is enacted, " that forasmuch as to pursue schemes of conquest and extension of dominion in India are measures repugnant to the wish, the honour, and the policy of this nation, it shall not be lawful, either for the Governor-General of India, or for the governor of any presidency, to make or issue any order f or commencing hostilities, or levying war, or to negotiate or conclude any treaty with any Indian prince or state (except in cases of sudden emergency, or imminent danger, when it shall appear dangerous to postpone such hostilities or treaty), unless in pursuance of express orders from the Governor-General in Council, or from the Secret Committee, by the authority of the Board of Control." Had Sir James Carnac the " express orders," which by this Act he was required to possess, before he was competent to commence hostilities, or conclude a treaty ? He had nothing of the kind. He was sent out expressly to assure the Raja of the friendly feelings of the home authorities, and to treat him with the favour and re spect shown to him in former years, before the con spiracy against him commenced. There may be those in this House who are ignorant of the view taken of the proceedings against the Raja by the Supreme Go vernment of India, after the whole of the evidence had been laid before them, and I will therefore read a brief extract from one of the last dispatches on the subject, addressed from Calcutta to the Govern ment of Bombay, and leave Hon. Gentlemen to judge whether it points to the dethronement of the Raja and the seizure and confiscation of his private peo perty :—" His Lordship in Council would close the proceedings, apprising the Raja that, although several suspicious circumstances regarding his Highness had been elicited during the progress of this inquiry, yet the British Government is unwilling, without the clearest proof of guilt, to condemn any of its allies, especially one who has been so pre-eminently the ob ject of his favour and generosity; that farther investigation is deemed inexpedient with reference to the general inconvenience it creates ; and that the Right Hon. the Governor in Council is therefore pleased to close the inquiry, with the e x pr ess i on o f his hope that the Raja will so conduct himself for the future as to avoid the predicament (no less painful to the British Government than to his High ness) in which he has been recently placed." Here, then, is the deliberate judgment of the Supreme Government, ignorant at the time, altogether, that the Resident at Sattara had in his possession the in- dubitable and conclusive proof that the very evidence upon which this judgment was pronounced was a mass of perjury, and that the Raja of Sattara was as innocent Ms the Governor-General of India of the crimes laid to his charge.—(Hear.) After the dispatch already cited, we have one addressed to the authorities at the India House, expressing the Governor-General's pain at the proceedings of the Bombay Government, and stating that he bad ordered those proceedings to be brought to a clo s e. I n p er f ec t s y m pathy w ith the Government ti of India, we find the Court of Directors hag dispatch, dated the 22d of January, 1839 at a Vie,evide be it r emem b ere d, w h en th e w h o l e o f th e I n* vies before them, save the proofs of the Raja's innocence, and of the plot t o d es tr o y hi m , w hi c h were in the secre t keeping of Col one l O vans , i n w hi c h dispatch, fey (the directors) say, that it is th e i r " decide d opinion that it would not on ly b e a was t e of time, but seriously d etrimental to the char ac t er o f their Government , to on any further in quiry into the matte p r o .': alOonefearrYtoef two things was want ing to make the de express command from the t h e Raja a legal act, an and declared hostility on the me part au o tl f aorities, or open James Carnac had no authority from theo Raja. Sir Raja had never been charged even with any thing and the worse than a secret design to injure the British vernment. The deposal of the R. --ie, therefore, Goa in direct contravention of the Imperial statutes f this realm, realm, and a violation of the unrepealed provision s of the charter, granted in 1793. It will be equally a violation of the charter and the law of the land, should the local Government in India place any other Prince on the throne, or make a ny disposition of the Sattara territory, without the express command of the home authorities.—(Hear.) Sir, I have before, when discussing this question, i g n c9nsiderable stress, and I think properly so, a tw th e fa c t that th e i n t ercep t e d corres p o ndence he eall the Raja and his most confidential agents and blends) for three years previous to the dethronement, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING-, SEPTEMBER l, 1848. was found to contain nothing contrary to the letter or spirit of the treaty which placed the Raja on the throne. It has been imputed, however, to th© native gentleman who represents the family of the Raja in this country, I mean Ruugoo Bapojee, that when at Bombay, in 1838, he wrote certain letters to his sovereign, which contain e d t reasona bl e matter. N ow, Sir, I hold in my hands the correspondence, ex tracted from the blue books which have been laid on the table, and I challenge the most skilful lawyer in this House to lay his finger on a sentence that can be made to show that a feeling of hostility towards the British Govern ment dictated the writing of any one of these let ters.—(Hear.) They refer, it is true, in some parts, to the political events then occurring, or anti cipated; but they merely convey the information which was furnished to the writer in conversation with two of the company's officers, Mr. Baber, a magistrate, and Dr. Milne, the medical superin tendent of Bombay. Yet, these are the documents and the only ones selected out of hundreds, to prove that the late Raja carried on a treasonable correspond ence. Sir, I shall not at any greater length trespass upon the attention of the House. My excuse for what I have said is, that I deemed it important to bring these facts, some of them new, under the atten tion of Parliament, and particularly of the Right Hon. Baronet, in the hope that it may receive at the hands of the Government the consideration to which I think it is fairly entitled.--(Hear, hear.) The present state of the affairs of Sattara affords the Indian authorities a favourable opportunity of setting at rest a question of deep interest to many beyond these walls, and to some at least who are within them.--(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The point which I would particularly urge on their attention is that of the succession and the claims, both by consanguinity and adoption, of the young Raja, now at Benares. Should I be told by the President of the Board of Control that there are many nice points of law in volved in this question, some of which might be ar gued and determined against the adoption of Shahoo Maharaj, I will observe in anticipation of such an ob jection that, admitting the question to be one that might be litigated, if there existed any rivals, there is really no impediment what ever in the path of the Right Honourable Baronet, or of the Court of Directors, since they have only to decide in favour of the adopted son, who is undoubtedly the nearest relation to both the deceased Rajas, in order to enable that person to ascend the guddee with the consent and approbation of all parties concerned.—(Hear, hear.) I earnestly hope that this subject will receive attentive and generous consideration, and that no objections will be gratuitously urged by the Government in bar of the indisputable claim, on all moral and equitable grounds, of the young Prince on whose behalf I make my present appeal. A decision in favour of that individual would be one alike honourable to the Government and satisfactory to all those who have taken a view similar to my own of this question. It would heal remaining wounds, it would be regarded as some reparation of the wrongs that are complained of, and end those discussions which, unless such a decision be arrived at, are likely to go on, both here and elsewhere, until something like justice is ob tained.--(Hear, hear.) I know I shall be reminded of the small numbers who have voted with me at the India House, in comparison with the gross num ber of qualified holders of East India Stock. I do not deny the fact that I have al most invariably been in a minority; but the majority has been composed of the directors voting in their own favour, of the members of the Bye law Committee, of the relatives and friends of the parties implicated, and of those who attend and vote with the directors in the hope and expectation of sharing in the immense patronage which the Execu tive body have at their disposal. —(Hear.) Sir, if I have been in a minority, I have only been treated as another member of that Court, Mr. John Poynder, who, though for many years a conspicuous and zealous advocate of an important religious question, has never been favoured with the support or presence of one of the hundred clerical gentlemen who are pro prietors of stock.—(Hear.) There are other and more impartial tribunals to be appealed to, and to these we must resort should we be compelled, sustained by the conviction that the truth is mighty, and must ulti mately prevail. Such appeals will, I trust, be ren dered unnecessary by the course shortly to be adopted by the Indian authorities. Happy shall Ibe to wit ness the final settlement of this long debated question, and to tender my humble but sincere thanks to those who have contributed to bring it about. Grate ful to the House for its attention to my observations, I shall conclude by moving, "That in the opinion of this House it is required, by justice and good faith, that the private property of which his Highness Pertaub Shean, late Raja of Sattara, was possessed at the time of his deposal, in 1838, and which property was seized and confiscated in violation of a written pledge given by Sir James Carnac, the Governor of Bombay, should be transferred to Shahoo Alaharaj, the adopted son and heir of his late Highness, or full compensation be made in lieu thereof." Mr. HUME seconded the motion. Sir J. HOBHOUSE, referring to the numerous discussions which had taken place upon this subject, and to the impossibility of stating a single fact with which the select audience whom the lion. Member had been addressing (there were not more than a dozen Members present) was not painfully familiar, thought that he would stand absolved from blame if he were to abstain from making any observations on the present occasion. --(Hear, hear.) In order, how ever, that the Hon. Member might not have any ground of complaint he would, trusting that the House would bear with him, once more go over the ground which had been so often travelled before, and state the reasons which induced him to come to a conclusion respecting the Sattara grievance directly opposite to that at which the Honourble Member had arrived. The Right Honourable Baronet then proceeded to detail the usual statement of facts ap pertaining to this case, drawing from it the same de duction as that which he formerly submitted to the consideration of the House. With respect to the private property- I °f the ex-Raja, the Hon. Member's observations were nothing but a continuation of the debate of the 11th July. The real truth was that Pertaub Sheen had no private property at all when he was elevated to the throne by Mr. Elphinstone. When he was deposed he left behind him several lacs of rupees, but the Government of India decided that this was state property, and not private property. A sum of not less than 3,000/. a year had been had been assigned to his family as a provisional allowance until a final arrangement could be made, and about 2,000/. a year had been settled upon his eldest daughter, who had retired with it to Benares, attended by a large number of the ex-Raja's followers. He (Sir John Hobhouse) could assure the Hon. Gentle man (Mr. Thompson) that there was no intention on the part of the Government of India to act otherwise than justly in the case. He might depend upon it, that every consideration would be given to the wants of the family. He was not now talking of the ques - tion of the succession of the Shahoo Maharaj to the throne, but respecting the wants of the family, and the Hon. Gentleman might take his assur ance that they should be properly attended to. With respect to the succession, he (Sir J. Hobhouse) was not prepared to decide the question off-hand. There were various opi nions respecting the rights of the adopted son to the throne. He admitted, with the Hon. Gentleman, that the boy adopted by Pertaub Sheen bad been adopted according to all the Hindoo forms and cus• toms, and was entitled to any private property be longing to the adopting father; but the right to suc ceed to the throne was another question altogether. The Hon. Gentleman knew, also, that the brother, the reigning Prince, had adopted a son on his death-bed; but the British Resident was away at the time, and as the paramount power had not concurred in that adoption, it was not a political adoption ; so that the two adoptions might be considered as on a par with each other. Whether the young man adopted by the late Raja Appa Sahib, orj the one adopted by the deposed Raja, should succeed, was a great question, to which the Government would have to apply itself; as also whether one of these should be chosen at all, or whe ther it would be wise to set up any person whatever over the territory of Sattara as its future ruler—these were questions to be considered hereafter by the Go vernment of India. As he had told the lion. Gen tleman (Mr. Thompson) the other day, no opinion had yet been given by Lord Dalhousie, who in a letter received by the last mail had expressed his regret that he (Lord Dalhousie) had not yet received the necessary information from the Bombay Govern ment, and had stated that when the expected dispatches arrived from Bombay, the subject would receive immediate attention by himself and council. If he might be permitted to do so, he would take the liberty of giving the Hon. Member a little advice. The Hon. Member was personally acquainted with India, and no doubt felt considerable interest in its welfare and prosperity. The Hon. Gentleman could not be influenced by a few grains of personal advantage. Let him then direct those abilities which he undoubtedly possessed, not to the detrac tion of the dead, but to the eulogium of the living. India afforded a field for the display of every virtue, and men were not found wanting when the occasion pesented itself. It was only yesterday that the (.Tovernment received the news of a great exploit performed by a British officer, young in years, and only a subaltern in rank, who performed it under every disadvantage, unaided, and it might be said for he had not the assistance of a single coin zcou in ntrynnineanz,nonotrh, alone,even o a n nd, e of ash his o own had said before, he had raisedluite hi u m n s a e id lf ed, on w ly ith a levies month wh b ic e h . . fore, and which he had himself disciplined, under a burning sun, in countries inundated by eat rivers, that young m an overthrew a formidable foe, and by his own rig ht hand and sagacious head saved, he might say, fron i great peril a distant part of our Indian empire. T he Hon. Gentleman would, he was sure, find more satisfaction in adding to the praises which would be foi • ever, he thought, bestowed on Lieutenant Edwat des—(Cheers)—than in finding fault with what he considered to be the misdeeds of Colonel Ovens. Mr. HUME cordially united with the Right Hon. Baronet, who he'd just sat down, in the eulogium which he had pc' . .anounced on the gallant and suc cessful achievements of Lieutenant Ed wardes, and deeply regretted , that the existing regulations pre vented that offices • from receiving the honours and rewards he so em. inently merited. As that officer was only a subaltern in the service, he could not even receive the titl eof C.B. He hoped that some alteration would b e made that would enable the Right Hon. Baronet t to do justice to the claims of that gallant officer. Sir JOHN 1101 3110 USE—It is already done. Mr. HUME said he was extremely glad to hear it. He (Mr. Hume ) would now briefly refer to the question before th a House. He agreed in the desirableness as a g eneral rule of not introducing Indian questions int :o that House, but when acts of oppression and cruelty were committed and appeals for redress were rej ected elsewhere, it was then right that the matter shg old be brought before Parliament, and the present wa: a case of that description. As for the numerous decisi ons at the India House which had been referred to • they were merely decisions not to re-open the case or to correct the original error— they were not deci: ;ions on the merits of the case. In fact, for the most p art they had been votes of adjourn ment, and had no r eference to the specific questions which had been de' bated.—(Hear, hear.) There was much which might be urged in excuse for those who had in the first in stance come to a hasty decision upon the subject. They were utterly unacquainted with the merits of the question when they so decided. Although the Rigl it Hon. Baronet had expressed his opinion of the gui It of the Raja, he (Mr. Hume) begged to express his own honest conviction that Pertaub Shean w as ruined by as foul a conspiracy as ever disgrace d the annals of this empire.— (Hear, hear.) ' The Right Honourable Baronet had spoken of pei 'sons advocating the cause of the Raja for hire; bu. t he and others who had taken up that question cool Id never be accused of any such motive ; they had only taken up the cause from a conviction that th e Raja had been so ruined by con spiracy. With re gard to the question of the Raja's private property, the Right Hon. Baronet was altogether under a mistake. He (Mr. Hume) had lately seen copies of a letter containing a list of the private property d'.elivered to Colonel Ovens, to which private property the Raja's heir was actually en titled. The Righ t Hon. Gentleman had said that it was not determine .d which was or was not the private property of the late Raja ; but he had forgotten that Captain Grant DI iff, the first Resident, decided the question, and set aside what might be called " the civil list" of the Raja, which was for his own private use, and had been sanctioned by Government, and it was out of that very civil list that he had saved the lacs of rupees which had been referred to. If any prince ever deserved the thanks of the British Government it was the Raja of Sattara, and it was unjust that his savings during his reign should be withheld from him while living, and from his family when dead. It had been said that if the rightt i o n v a o d l o v p o t d a t h successor h t ß o aj th a e w th as ro g n u e l . lty, T h h e a b t a w d o n rd o question ; for he contended the Raja had never been proved guilty, since he had not been permitted to be heard in his own defence—he had never had a hear ing. It had been said that this subject had been frequently before the directors, but that body had always been judges in their own cause, and he could not forget that the truth once leaked out in a dispatch sent home to Sir James Carnac, who said that should the Raja Appa Sahib die without issue the territory would revert to the company, and they would thus gain a revenue of 180,0001. or 200,0001. a year. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said he would, without hetitation, see justice done. He (Mr. Hume) would take him at his word, and wait to see him fulfil his pledge. After repeating his anxiety to see the ques tion fairly and equitably decided, the Hon. Gentle man resumed his seat. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY vindicated the character and motives of Sir James Carnac, who on his return to England had explained and justified his conduct. He contended that the Raja had broken the second and fifth articles of the treaty, which, whether right or wrong, he was bound to observe. The Raja as a sovereign prince could not have a formal judicial trial. The question was one of treaty, and a viola tion of the treaty carried with it a forfeiture of the sovereignty. With respect to the private property he trusted the Government would treat it in the most handsome and liberal manner. The Baja, according to the statements of the Honourable Member for the Tower Hamlets, had received during his exile 100,000 pounds, which was one-third of the private property. He (Sir H. Willoughby) agreed that it was inexpedient that Vakeels should come to this country, and he thought the gentleman who sat under the gallery (Runjoo Bapogee) had broken a pledge to return to India, when money was advanced for the purpose. He concluded by repeating the ex pression of his hope that the East India Company and the local government would take care that there should be a just settlement of the question of private property, and would see that those whom the Raja had left behind him were treated in a liberal and generous manner. He would not discuss the ques tion of the succession, but leave it to be considered hereafter if it was considered worth while to raise it. Mr. GEORGE THOAIPSON-s—l have but little to say in reply to the Right Hen. Baronet, who, I must say, has :not grappled with the two main branches of the question before the House, namely, the confiscation of the private property, and the ille gality of the dethronement. He has said nothing of the violation of the solemn pledge of the British Governor, nor even condescended to notice the official documents which I placed before the House to prove the engagement which was entered into, and the ac tual existence of the property of which the Raja was deprived. I have now a letter before me, written by Colonel Ovens, describing his property, and the man ner in which it had been accumulated, and stating that there would be no difficulty in discriminating between what was public and state property, and what was private and personal. All this property was f ihn es nr t e a v c o q e fn u uh i r ei e trs ego d rdwfee b ihg y i factnumhh, t r ehotts further i eten f rit t at y Rs gpadoj m rhefaot a foh n otif a a r airde g eihs:d e ol sdf m snrue oop e rs bmu n eec yrrrt wouldisat of bown enehl adean t i s. l e a unalx t oempt p feet e a nn r st t nbehe If Baronet,se thatadmission fv a a ri a I b n r o f t a h o e t r , t t o h e c e r R t a a l i n s9 p u w r p h o i s e e h s w w h a i h h sa el) plied there had been no defence of this act of spoliation. The existence of the property was proved by the Go vernor's letter and pledge, by his dispatch to the su preme authorities, by the letters of Colonel Ovens, by the detailed inventory of the property which had been made out, and by the admission s of the Right Hon. Baronet himself. All that had been advanced went to prove the violation of as distinct a pledge as had ever been given by any British Governor in any part of the world; and unless justice was at length done, the transaction would bring inde lible disgrace upon all parties concerned in it. I will put this case to the President of the India Board. Suppose the Raja had taken advantage of the five days which intervened between the receipts of the written pledge of the Governor, and the hour of his deposal, and had employed them in bringing together all his moveable property in treasure, jewels, and other things, and had made them ready to a s _ company him on his departure from the capital, would not the letter of the Governor have fully authorised the Resident to consent to their removal, and would not the Raja thus have had the benefit of the engagement which had been voluntarily given ?—(Hear.) The Raja, however, had unlimited confidence in the word of the Governor and the honour and good faith of the British Govern ment, and his reward was to be deprived of every thing which he had intrusted to the care of the Bom bay Government. I was curious to know the views of the Right Hon. Baronet in reference to the opinion I ventured to express of the legal character of the act of deposal. Conversant, as he must be, with the statutes framed to regulate the affairs of India, he cannot have overlooked the Act of 1793, to which I so particularly referred, and which, according to my view, rendered it incompetent to the Indian authori ties to depose the Raja, or enter into any treaty with his brother. On this subject the Minister ltwi o aht f tieiit sn t hm h go e tanht C otet oe r ogr o fpu w aivt n lsoittt aho h lpir a sri s been prof oun dly s il en t, a lth oug h r o e i r do t un n sg importance, e c o , oa nfn a std n ihd d aee sril h a b a t aei s joaanr.n nothinggblo commend to poh ans tr h d e e o . innocence m osc p ee future acts of the Government lsly o h f at l hv n ea d t ia. lam sorry been i t should introduced have itnhtaot tsnoismdanebyatier,realenvdanetsptoecpiiac been deemed necessary to revert to what I formerly said respecting Sir James Carnac. Sir should I discover that I have been l e d to m ake an y statement detrimental to the ch aracter of any living person, and above all to the memory of any one dead, upon false information, I can assure the House, there is not a person living who would be more ready than myself to offer the most ample reparation.—(g ear hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman will allow me to refer to the condition on which th p e r r o e dune should the bea Committee I undertook to make good my charges against certainto persons, before whom I might y that wit nesses required to substantiate ray allegation s . obtain such a n I have never been able inquiry either here or at the India House. I thank the Right Hon. Baronet for the counsel he has so kindly given me to-night regarding my future course in this House. I receive his advice in the spirit in which it was conveyed, and shall follow it ' as far as my conscience approves it, and my sense of duty will permit. I can assure him it is foreign from my disposition to be the accusers of those who are employed in the public service. I would much rather approve and applaud. But when flagrant injustice is committed, and while there is a legitimate appeal to this assembly, I shall continue to draw attention to such cases, as I conceive deserve the consideration of Parliament. I have been advised not to agitate this question. I do not think the Right Hon. Gentleman is the person in this House who should direct his censures against agitation, remembering his own career for many years.—(Hear, he a r.) For myself, I will only say, that when justice is denied by the executive authori ties, I do not consider it wrong to use those consti tutional means which have been so often found effec tual in obtaining the redress of grievances. I agree with the Hon. Gentleman (Sir H. Willoughby) that the case of the Raja was not strictly one for an ordinary judicial tribunal, but when he assumes the Raja to be guilty of an infraction of the treaty, I beg to remind him that he begs the question, and forgets that the Raja never Lad the means of contradicting the evidence on which his guilt has been made to rest. I hold in my hand the answer given in the Court of Proprietors to a question put by an eminent legal gentleman to the Court of Directors, who asked before he voted whether the Raja had had a hearing, and was openly told by a director that the Raja had never been heard in his defence.—(Hear.) That answer was not con tradicted. To the hour of his death the Raja was denied every deposition recorded against him, and his repeated prayer to be heard was syste matically refused. In conclusion, I beg to thank the President of the India Board for the glimpse he has afforded us of a prospect, in the future, of a more cheering and satisfactory character, and I fervently wish him success in his efforts to terminate this business in a manner consolatory to the feelings of the late Raja's family, and satisfactory to the minds of those who have so long been engaged in the present controversy. With the permission of the House I shall withdraw my motion, and say nothing further in justification of the course I have pursued than this, that I hold it to be the bounden duty of Parliament, from _which the East India Company derives its authority, to see that the power they have delegated is neither transcended, perverted, nor abused; and that the millions of India, who are virtually un represented here, have the benefit of the interposition of this House, whenever their just rights are invaded, or their liberties and property endangered by their rulers.—(Hear.) The motion was withdrawn. ROYAL ASSENT. Mr. G. Thompson was interrupted in the course of his speech by a message from the Lords requiring the attendance of the House of Commons to hear the Royal assent given by Commission to several public and private Bills (for which see Lords' report). The House then adjourned at Half-past Six. 13, Great Marlborough-street. N 0 T C E.—VOL. 111. of PEP YS' DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE. NEW EDITION, with the Omitted Passages Restored. Edited by LORD BRAYBROOKE. IS NOW READY for DELIVERY. Orders received by all Booksellers. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. FOR NORTHERN TOU V RISTS. YAGE ITow Ready, in 2 -vols., 21s. bound, YACHT TO _ NORWAY, DENMARK, AND SWEDEN. By W. A. ROSS, Esq. Henry Colbum, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. A ROMANCE OF THE RED INDIANS. Now ready at all the Libraries, In 3 vols., poet Bvo., H E BEE HUNTER; Or, OAK OPENINGS. By J. FENIMORE COOPER. Author of " ThePrairis," "The Last of the Mohicans," &c. Xichard Bentley, New Burlington-street. ROYAL SURREY THEATRE. Under the direction of Mr. Kerschner. Re-engagement of Mr. G. Bennett. Enormous success of the Tower of Nesle. THIS EVENING Will be perfbrmed Tllll TOWER OF NESLE. Zuridan, Mr. G. Bennett. After which, DID YOU EVER? NO 1 I NEVER SAW SUCH A BABY! To conclude with a New Melodrama, entitled TITS PLANK ACROSS TIIE STREET. Manager and Treasurer, Mr. B. S. Falrbrether. ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Proprietor, Mr. W. Batty. Revival of the Popular Equestrian Spectacle of Maseppa. Unparalleled Equestrian Feats. THIS EVENING, Will be performed Lord Byron's Hippodramatic Spectacle of MAZEPPA ; or, The Wild Horse. To be followed by the inimitable EQUESTRIAN and GYMNAS TIC EXERCISES in the ARENA. To conclude with a Grand Pageant, entitled LA DY GODIVA AND PEEPING TOM OF COVENTRY; or, Clearing the Toll. Box-office open from Eleven till Five. Stage Manager, Mr. W. West. ROTAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. Attraction unprecedented. M. JULLIEN'S BENEFIT THIS DAY. New Series of GRAND PROMENADE CONCERTS. Continuation of MISS SARA FLOWER. The DAYLIGHT VIEW of ROME, by Damon. Superb and Unique MENAGERIE. Grand Display of FIREWORKS, by the Messrs. Southby. No Extra Charge, MONDAY, TUESDAY, WEDNESDAY, THURSDAY, and FRIDAY. View of Rome —Promenade_ Concerts, 'focal and Instrumental, conducted by Mr. GODFREI, the splendid Band of Solo Performers includes Messrs. Clofil, Collins, sett., George and Viotti Collins, Eger ton, Griesbach, Stevenson, Hardy, &c. —Several favourite Songs by Miss Sara Flower—Also to be seen, during the day, the beautiful Fireworks at Nine. ie Admission, as usu a l, O ne Sh i lling. Menagerie--Sh a kspere's House —The Magic Bridge—and other no velties will be exhibited , the whole concluding with a most mag- Southby Mflcent and not to be rivalled display T y of m Fireworks, Gates open at Ton —A.Fmir., Feeding Five—ConcertbytheatMseix"rs. THE WEATHER , .—SUN OFFICE, SEPTE3IBER 1. THERMOMETER, Lowest, 48; Highest, 61; Noon, 6 BAROMETER, 30.24.—W1ND N.N.E.; tine. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAT. M o r n ing .. 6 min. after 4 I Evening .. 22 min. after 4 their folly, and openly preached the most flagitious doctrines to the half-maddened people. Murders, robberies, and crimes of the most aggravated cha racter, were of daily occurrence. There was no safety for life or property in the disturbed districts. Such was the state of affairs when Parlia ment was convened in the month of November last, principally for the purpose of giving its sanction to the virtual suspension of the Bank Charter Act, which the Government had been obliged to grant, in deference to the universal demand, on the 25th Oc tober previously. At that period something favour able to Ireland might have been carried, but that a measure of coercion was required in consequence of the disturbed state of the country. The Crown and Government Security Bill passed through the House with the general approbation of every right-minded man, who deplored, while he was compelled to acknowledge the necessity that existed for the strin gent enactments contained therein. Here then the first opportunity was lost. The time consumed in carrying that measure through its various stages would have sufficed to pass one of the most beneficial character; but Ministers could not justly be cen sured because restrictive enactments were called for upon every side, and the peaceable and loyal inhabi tants of the country demanded protection from the violence of habitual violators of the law. The operation of the statute to which we have just alluded was at first most successful in tranquillising the country. The most disturbed districts were pro claimed, a special commission was issued, juries and witnesses discharged their onerous duties honestly and conscientiously, murderers were brought to justice, wrongdoers were terror-stricken, and a lull ensued, which, if it had continued for any time, would have enabled Parliament to take the wants and exigencies of the country into its anxious and attentive consideration. This calm was however, unfortunately, of short duration. The thrilling events that occurred in neighbouring nations, the spectacles of thrones overturned, mo narchies subverted, republics constituted, and revolu- tions occurring in so many continental states, led the Young Ireland party to suppose that the moment had arrived to strike a decisive blow for what they termed the liberties of their country." A treason press was organized, which put forth with apparent impu nity the most treasonable doctrines. The most approved methods of slaughtering and destroying her blAJEsTr's forces were freely discussed, and the liberty of the press degenerated into licentiousness. Juries would not convict in cases of sedition on the clearest and most unequivocal evidence. A new measure was de manded to check the growing evil, and by what has been termed the Treason Felony Act, the law of England and Ireland was assimilated with respect to open and advised speaking and writing. Here, again, the Irish agitators were the parties clearly responsible for the withdrawal of other measures that were actually pending and not the Government, who only pursued to the course forced upon them by those mischievous individuals. Need we allude to the manner in which the agitation was carried, the organization of clubs, the drilling, of trained and armed bodies—that finally led to the passing of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the premature outbreak that so speedily followed its enactment, an outbreak that was completely and effectually crushed, but which however compelled the Irish Repre sentatives to return to their respective localities, to exercise their just influence in restoring tranquillity. During their absence nothing of any importance relating to the country could be transacted; and. consequently, what would, in all probability, have passed into law, during the present session, was ne cessarily postponed. For this the Government cannot be blamed, but the mischievous men who thus excited their ignorant countrymen, and brought matters to so fearful a condition. These persons are the real ene mies of Ireland, whom Irishmen may thank for the absence of remedial measures during the present session of Parliament. We have considered it our duty, as on former oc casions, to furnish our readers with an unabridged report of the proceedings in Parliament in the ease of the deceased Raja of SATTARA. liye think such a course is most likely to enable the public rightly to judge whether the Honourable Member for the Tower Hamlets has obtruded on the attention of the Legislature a question unworthy its notice, or whether he has laudably endeavoured, amidst much misrepresentation and many most unworthy at tacks, to obtain justice in a matter peculiarly demanding the interposition of those who are the natural guardians of the unrepresented millions of our Indian empire. The case brought forward by Mr. TnomrsoN yesterday is so clearly stated, and so well supported by official documents, that we may well leave it to speak for itself. Our readers, too, will be able to decide for themselves whether the Minister of the Crown for Indian affairs met the charge of spoliation and gross breach of faith brought against the Government of Bombay ; or whether he altogether evaded the question, and satisfied himself with uttering a few vague and common-place assurances of good intentions, and a desire to promote the future comfort of the persons belonging to the family of the Prince, who was not only deposed, but deprived of that which would have enabled him out of his own wealth to provide for the support of his relations. Their deci sion, we think, will confirm the truth of Mr. Tuomr soN's remark, in the commencement of his reply, that upon the material parts of his speech, the Presi dent of the Board of Control was "profoundly silent." If such be the case, we think it is somewhat unfair to charge a Member of Parliament with un• seemly pertinacity, in continuing to bring forward a case of so much importance to the character of the British rule in India, as that of the Raja of SATTARA. The charge made against the Indian authorities yesterday was this : that after a British Governor had given a distinct written pledge that he would re spect the private property of a Prince he was about by force of arms to depose, and after he had led that Prince to repose complete confidence in the sacredness and sincerity of that pledge, he did, with out provocation, and without even a pretext, seize and confiscate the whole of that property, amount ing in value to 300,0001. sterling. This was the charge. The pledge was produced and read; other official documents were also exhibited, corroborating the fact of that pledge having been given and received ; yet, the person bound to answer this charge, or to admit the perpetration of the outrage, and to promise compensation, coolly observes that the RAJA was a despotic prince, and, as such, could possess nothing that could be called private property. We much mistake the cha racter of the people of this country if such a case of oppression and cruelty does not excite their indigna tion. Another subject on which the Right Lion President of the Board of Control preserved an un broken silence was, the alleged violation of the charter, by the dethronement of the late RAJA without the express command of the home authori ties. The public are therefore left wholly without the views of the Government on this most important point—a point which we hope some Member will rospec in tiv l e B ly 39 as applying to but prospec tively c ompel them o clear up at an early period of the ensuing session. Mr. THOMPSON'S vie w o f the provisions of the 33 G EORGE 111. are of importance, Company'srtn ce, noproceedingst only in reference to th e conduct of the Com panyta regarding the succession.sto the vacant throne, or the annexation of the territory to the British dominions in India. Perhaps, how ever, enough has been said to induce the law officers of the Crown to turn their attention to the subject, and enough, we trust, to prevent the injury which might otherwise be done to those who claim the benefit of the decease of the late Raja, APPA SAHIB, without issue. Apart from the merits of the special case, so long and so perseveringly brought forward in Parlia ment and the India house, we are of opinion, that the discussion of Indian topics, instead of being deprecated, should be encouraged, con vinced, as we are, that too much attention can not be given to the affairs of an empire, so important in its present value and future destinies as that which has been acquired by the valour of the sword, and the sagacity of British statesmen on the plains of India. Latterly, in the instance of popular conspirators, the violence of democracy has been lingual, not actual. Insurgent leaders, whether in Ireland or France, have been wonderfully formidable in lan guage, and miserably insignificant in deeds. The red republicans, both in Paris and Dublin, have talked very big and done very little. Besides which they have invariably displayed remarkable skill in running away, from THOMAS MEAGHER to LOUIS BLANC, from WILLIAM SMITH O'BRIEN to MARC CADS SIDIERE. While the Irish rebel escaped through a kitchen-garden on Boulagh Common, the French demagogue evaporated through a ma gazin-de-nouveautes in the Rue des Champs—the one managed to decamp on the railway at Gand, the other managed to fall into the hands of his pursuers at the intermediate station at Thurles. In both instances the details are too contemptible to assort with any degree of dignity with a CATALINE or a SPARTACUS. The circumstances that Lours BLANC missed the last train, and that WILLIAM O'BRIEN bought a second-class ticket are preposterously un heroic. They render not only the men but the cause ridiculous. They remind one of the two carpet-bags of the Prince Lours NAPOLEON. Now that the celebrated author of the " Organiza tion of Labour" has fled beyond the frontiers of his country, he has, in a striking manner, deteriorated his political reputation. The brave people of France will ask themselves if the Provisional Minister of the Luxembourg has shown a courage befitting one of their most prominent leaders. They will remember the contempt which followed the fitful glory of DuMouRIEz into his exile—the scorn with which the rapid egress of Lours PHILIPPE from the French territories was watched—a contempt and scorn not one jot less profound than that experienced towards the recreant MOREAU, when, in 1813, he took arms against his native land, - and died in the midst of the suite and the soldiers of ALEXANDER the Russian Emperor. The people of Paris will ask themselves if DANTON would have so acted, if MIRA BEAU, if even the gentle but heroic Dzszfouurris ? They will look henceforward at MM. LOUIS BLANC and MARC CAUSSIDIERE, as not precisely the kind of men to assume the responsibility of guiding the masses to a just government in times of extraordinary emergency. The former politician may now at his leisure culti vate the friendship of M. GuizoT at Brompton, and M . CAUSSIDIERE may wand er i n th e congen i a l soc i ety of M VIDOCQ, amidst th e sy l van retreats of Twickenham . , For a long while, at least, the cause of both will be incapable of restoration within the dominions of the French Republic. As well might the ex- Minister of Lours PHILIPPE hope to return again to the precincts of the Tuileries, as the ex-Provisional Minister of Labour dream of revisiting the gardens of the Luxembourg. We cannot but look upon the facilitation of the escape of the accomplice of the in surgents of the 15th of May as evidence of the wily policy of General CA VAIGNAC. Without striking a blow, without employing one link in the chain of imprisonment, without closing the door of a dungeon —the Government has effectually disarmed the most troublesome of its antagonists. The National As sembly has rendered those political fanatics incapable of inflicting any injury upon their country—by frighten ing them into a retreat. Neither Vincennes nor the guillotine were brought into requisition against them by the Legislature—they have fallen through the means of the bathos of their own absurdity. Henceforth there will be not one homme de Gand, but two ; not two, at this rate, but a dozen. We congratulate the lovers of quietude in Paris —whose number, by the way, we cal culate as rather approaching to the infinites simal—upon the riddance of these hot-brained , yellow-liver e d, an d w hi te -f eathered marauders of the Senate, who excite brawls in the tribune only to fly from the peril of the encounter when their con spiracies recoil upon themselves. If General CA TAIGNAC would only confine himself to these wholesome acts of austerity, without tampering with the liberty of the subject, through the medium of the liberty of the Press, there might be some chance of stability to his Government, and some hope of re generation to the glorious but abused Republic. SPAIN. Papers and letters have arrived from Madrid, dated the 25th and 26th of August. By the 27th the QUEEN and Court were expected to arrive at the capital. It is said that the Cortes are to be called together on the 15th of October, and many suppose that before that period a further change in the Ministry will take place. M. GONZALES BRAVO had left Madrid for France. The Carlists are becoming formidable in several of the provinces, especially in that of Valencia. Ca- BRERA and his Lieutenants, GOMEZ, MARSAL, and Box, continue in the province of Vich, collecting partisans and contributions from all points. Nothing can exceed the daring of these leaders, according to the intelligence just received from Perpignan. Take the following incident in proof :—On the 20th the chief, MeusAL, and his band, attended mass at the hermitage of San Marcos, within half a league of Vich. Intelligence of his presence there was imme diately carried to the Commandant-General of the province, who hastened against him with a body of troops, but, of course, on his arrival at the holy place he found the mass finished and MARSAL gone home to dinner. In Valencia and the Maeztrasgo the Carlists are on the increase. The garrison of the mountain force of MORELLA, consisting of two battalions, is blockaded by them. An unfortunate affair for the Carlists, caused by their want of caution and vigilance, took place in a wood near Espinabesa, Upper Catalonia, on the 20th instant, at six o'clock P.M., when GIBERT and his band, about 150 strong, were surprised and surrounded by the column of Colonel Leroy, consisting of 300 infantry and 30 cavalry of the regiment of Sogun turn, and suffered a loss of sixteen men killed, twenty nine wounded, and nine prisoners, besides losing a number of muskets. It appears that the Government forces fell upon them whilst they were making a halt, contrary to orders, and half of them had laid their arms aside the better to take their ease. Col. LAFOY, for a wonder, did not lose a single man. MADRID BOLSA, AUG. 26.—Three per Cents. 19/ paper ; after Bolsa, 19f 19 cash. Fi ve per Cents., 11 paper ; after 13olsa, 10i cash. Passives, 4 paper ; after Bolsa, 8i cash. Coupons, 7 paper. Bank of St. cent. F e r E d x i rind, 54 c a hang e on cash. London at Discount3o days, a of notes, n 4 o 7 t e p s a , perp4eir. THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. We have received the Paris journals of yesterday. A great crisis in reference to the press is evidently approaching. Even the most moderate newspapers are not spared, the Executive Government having resolved to suppress the Constitutionnel. In yester day's impression of that distinguished journal ap pears an explicit declaration of the fact, signed by the two principal gerants, L. VEILON and Cu. MER RUAU. " For four days," say they, " the Conditutionnel has preserved a profound silence upon political affairs. This silence has been remarked by our readers. Behold the motive of this constrained taciturnity— we have learnt, though without being able to confirm the accuracy of the statement, that the question has been agitated among the members of the Government whether or not they should apply the Act of suspen sion to the Constitutionnel." Subsequently they an nounce their determination to resume their editorial comments upon the proceedings of the Legislature, and upon everything tending to the advantage or the disadvantag e o f th e R epu bli c. "T he danger of sus pension," they exclaim, " will not change in the smallest degree the tone of our lueubrations ; we shall neither rise into violence, nor sink under the in fluences of fear." Upon this point, the Spectateur Republicain, recog nized by every one as the organ of General CAVAIG NAC, has the following semi-official manifesto : " We have said that the protest addressed by a certain number of journalists to General Cavaignac was a useless act. This step, however, has at least had the effect of distinctly defining the policy of the Cabinet. The chief of the Executive Government is said on this occasion to have declared with energy his resolution not to give way to any retrograde influence, and to proceed to war d s all and to the re-establishment of ord er an d of a respect gai f n or st all, the laws and authorities. We appl au d this firmness, adding, nevertheless, that it is not enough f or a government, and particularly a republican gover nment, to repress disorder whenever it may make its appear ance; but its first duty is to prevent it. I f vve are well informed, the General said, in presence of the de putation from the journalists, " By the prosecutions or dered against MM. Louis Blanc and Caussidiere I have given pledges of my firm will to serve only the interests of an honest and moderate Republic ; but reaction must not deceive itself, and imagine that it c an ever induce me to go beyond the limits I have fixed. Let the reac tionists, then, be cautious in their language and their movements, for I am watching them narrowly, and will repress them severely. I kn ow t h at the reaction is agi tating in certain legions o f t h e N ational Guard ; but I am acquaint e d with these manoeuvres, and at the first demonstration, I will crush them." We observe, in the Democratic Pacifique, that the Moulton?. du Soir announces the publication, on Tues day evening, of the " Letter of M. DE LAMARTIN4 to the Electors of the Ten Departments who selected him as their Representative," —a brochure in which . -.. 4. ifp %, 1 - tt' I . 1 • _,...6,,.,1ii ~ri...-,....,„..,'> -.A46*-- , ..;"ti . ,•;:. . t , Irlf's.". -'• (-fir,Rsi.. , :t.::::.:: ..,: 11 1, -, ! . ',' 1 ,•;.-..•,; -4 1.1.N' -..,.i,.... , i , ..- • --, ..^,„ i . ) 0 0., - „, , ,,,, • . 0 -4 , ~-- , ..;,..4-..,..i. ,m,: . ,,,,,, -...11;1.„ -n , , _ . '‘.-- THE SUN, TO MAGISTRATES. SAUNDERS'S - Edition of the ADMINISTRA TIONLY of JUSTICE ACT, with Introduction, Illustrative Notes, and Copious Index. By THOMAS W. SAUNDER 4, Esq., Barris ter-at-Law, author of " The New Magistrates' and Parish Officers' Law," " The Practice of Summary Convictions," &c. These Statutes, which come into operation on the 2d of October, are the code which will henceforth regulate the entire proceedings before Magistrates, and therefore will be in hourly requisition by all Attornies and Magistrates. Copies will be cent, post paid, to any Magistrate or Attorney trans mitting an order for it to the Publisher, price Is. 61. boards, 7s. half bound, Is. bound in law calf or circuit binding, and 9s. interleaved.— Orders should state which of them is desired. Law Times Office, 29, Essex-street, Strand, London. THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Under the Management of Mr. B. Webster, sole Lessee. THIS EVENING, Will be performed THE HARVEST HOME. To conolade with a Farce, called GOING TO THE DERBY TIIE DERBY DAY. Mr. Jeremiah Twiddle, Mr. Wright; Mr. John James Chucks, Mr. Paul Bedford ; Captain Nobble, Mr. Worrell ; Mrs. Chucks, Mrs. Matthews ; Mrs. Twiddle, Miss Woolgar. (11 billlll4 ~--;1•1111; LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1548. The postponement of several of the remedial mea sures that had been promised for Ireland, has been prominently put forward among the Ministerial back slidings of the present session. Many important matters, by which the industrial resources of the country might have been developed, and its best in terests materially promoted, have been withdrawn, and that at a time when any improvement was pecu liarly desirable. That unhappy country had indeed suffered most fearfully during the preceding year. Pestilence and famine had raged throughout the land. The resources of all classes had been tho roughly exhausted. Landlords, unable to obtain pay ment of their rents, were compelled to raise money at the most frightful sacrifices to pay even a portion of the rates imposed for the support of the starving peasantry, while occupiers unable to satisfy the various demands for which they were liable, neglected the cultivation of the soil, and wasted in unavailing and useless complaints the time that might have been more beneficially applied. A wide spread feeling of discontent and disaffection prevailed on every side, which was fostered and excited by mischievous men, who hoped to extort from the fears of the Legislature the concessions that could not be obtained from its sense of equity and justice. The unfortunate condition of the country afforded pecu- liar opportunities to those apostles of sedition to advance their objects. Destitute men were ready to embark in any enterprise, however desperate, which gave a hope of better times. Persons unable to obtain honest employment were prepared for any alternative that their reckless leaders might point out. The great principle that the Liberator had, during his useful career, so powerfully impressed on the minds of his countrymen, and by a strict adhesion to which he had gained so many triumphs, was turned into ridicule, and the new leaders called upon the people to arm in order that they might op pose an open and armed resistance to the authorities. The great man, whose influence might have calmed the passions and assuaged the irritations of the people had been stricken with disease, and died at the very time when his exertions would have been more valuable than ever. Then, indeed, the last restraint was removed from the advocates of physical face, who ran riot irt the illustrious member of the Provisional. Goer!: ment gives an account of every one of the ow of his political life since the 24th of February. to General BEDEA U i s now completely restores • health. " We are assured (says the illoniteur du that M. TRBLET, ex-Minister of Public Works, el': been appointed Minister Pl en ip o t en ti a ry to the CS tral German Government at Frankfort, in place of SAVOTE, who w as on ly Ch arg é d'Aff a ir e s, and sviw has been recall e d." Upon the subj ec t o f th e j o i n t me di a ti o n of Frneen and England, in the affairs of Lombardy, the tional has the subjoined observations " The proposition of mediation made by France Ina England has remained, thus far, w i t h out r esponse: Austria maintains a b so l u t e mut i sm , or rather avokle C plaining herself, by alleging pretexts which we eon" longer consider as serious. Sometimes she says the public must be recognized before entering into nee tti ; tion ; sometimes she objects that the absence of the Mints; of Foreign Affairs renders an adjournment necessary' That these motives may have had a certain value, admit; but at present it seems to us that they no 105,7 . exist. Let Aust r i a s p ea k, t h en, or F rance , wea ried Or waiting, must consider this too prolonged all as a refusal. Now in this case the republic, strceg til d the conciliating pati ence it h as d i sp l aye d, only have to consult the interests of its 1": licy. It wo u ld no t, h owever, enter i nto n t ,„ . of conquest—it h as sa id t h at, an d w ill prove it. T o secure the independence of Italy already proclainied.f fact at Milan, such is the only object of its interventlu" in the affairs of Italy. It has desired, and still desires , that this intervention may be pacific ; but only on 0 1 0 1 condition that i m p ru d ent resistance on th e Pert Austria shall not render it necessary to support by ern: the generous principle proclaimed by the re volation e the solution W e w ill not yet renounce all hope of of solution whi c h a l one can conc ili ate the d ou bl e interes t . Lombard nationality and European peace. If Aus gl/ 4 influenced by we know not what blind obstinacy, sh ° .,id oblige us to make an arme d i ntervent i on, t h ere pu t t not be reason, we hope, to fear a genera l confiagrst v— The action of France would be quit e s p ec i a l, but 0 - m i s again, it would be better not to be required to sePr.,,,, our offers of m e di a ti on b y an army . We repeat, bowro ever, that the obstinate silence of Austria tends re,„ n ii i and more to remove this desirable eventuality. England and Franc e su b m i t to t h e di sgrace o f a rerne"' That is scarcely probable." At the reception of General CATAIGNAC last ell ing, there w ere p resent, b es i des a large num b e r Deputies, the Mi n i s t ers o f a ll t h e P owers w hi c h . acknowledged the Republic. Among the carrier/ which were in waiting, a considerable number omnibuses were observed, which had conveyed off' of the National Guard and other guests to the Accounts are more warlike than hitherto- - n Government being evidently prepared to send Geyer' OUDINOT across the Alps in the event of Austria r: fusing the F ranco -B r i t i s h mediation ; and glee: refusal is not altogether impossible, seeing that tr. reply given at Vienna by Baron WESSENRBEG in IP presence of Lord PONSONBY is rather an evasion ei the tendered interposition, and a reference of the whole matter to the Central German Power atFrttn icd fort. A Legitimatist i nsurrec ti on too k p l ace at u it ont. pellier on Tuesd a y l as t, b ut was a l most immediate', fe suppressed. The Pr e f ec t an d t wo mag i strates W.r wounded, and a gendarme killed ; six of the bui lt ' gents were wounded. " The insurgents of June (says the Journal de la Manche), who are imprisoned in the forts of Cher' bourg, are well lodged and copiously fed. They ohi nearly all in possession of money, and they are _.°° prevented from sp en di ng i t i n the purchase of wwo and food of a su p er i or qua li ty to their rations. Tvie.' indulge in various recreations. Those in Fort SI: met have con ver t e d one o f their rooms into a cl ot ' room, where they p ass th e i r t i me i n discussing r e ob organization o f l a b our, and other questions will were discussed in the clubs of Paris, which th e ' frequented." - BOURSE—Penis, THURSDAY, AUG. 1. THREE o'CLocK.—Th e affairs of Italy, and the P r i bable armed i n t ervent i on o f E ngland and France in St country, had again a depreciating effect on the Pab' e l Securities, and on Railway Shares. It was report_A at the Bourse to-day that Montpellier had been denw` e i, in a state of si ege , an d th at t h e movement had extellu__,, to Avignon and Marseilles. The Betts du Trisor 111 ' at 22i dis. BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT TO LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, Aim 31. Northern of France, s%—Orleans and Bourdeanzo 1/5 Paris and Lyons, 44. GERMANY AND The German Catholic movement is still agitatia the metropolis. The Papal Nuncio seems to be under great appre . hension lest his house or person should be endatv gered, and he has resolved upon the precautionart measure of confiding all his archives to the French Embassy. His MAJESTY has issued the following rescript :•"" "In consequence of the propositions of my Diinlstry of Justice and of my Cabinet Council, I have ta,kent t l3 • following resolutions : " 1. All cases of criminal investigation, or prone do r: in the Tyrolese Courts of Justice on charges of biE e treason, the disturbance of the int erna l peace o f tr State, sedition, or revolt, connected with the retroui tionary excesses which took pla ce i n t h e S out h TYt.t) since the month of March last, shall be forthwith (Its . charged, and the parties set at liberty. All foreigner` must, however, quit the dominions, and will not be pir witted to return without my speci a l perm i ss i on . " 2. No person may henceforth be called to ftecoUll t for the actions specified un d er the above article, and a h c a t v s e c a o n m y m f i r t etsehdprior investigati onto the or f t o h f is s i ir; rial resolution."— Wiener Zeitung, August 26. PR USSIA. Accounts from Berlin are of the 28th instant. The insurgent meetings of the preceding afternio° were characterised by much violence of language. In the current sitting of the Prussian National A ,'" . 1 5. sembly, the H a b eas C orpus Act, or law for persol3 security, was vo t e d b y unanimity, and sent up for w" KING'S approval. The House then proceeded to the order of the cle on the Burgher Guard law. Before entering uP °l , l the discussion' the Mini s t er o f th e I nterior descr ibed the obj ec t of the law, and its connexion with the, Land wh er , w hi c h admirable institution, the pride Pa ;Jury of the country, would not be affected by it. M. Sitcom spoke against the project of the 10 : declaring it t o b e a prov i s i onal necessity only, and 11°: worthy of passing into permanent law. The Hous' then pr ocee d e d to di scuss the articles of the Bill, and after a short discussion, proceeded as far as the 'Pi clause. Upon the last clause a debate arose as t ° whether the Burgher Guard should swear fidelity t ° A the " King" as we ll as t h e Constitution. Coup' REINENBACH proposed to strike out the words " t he King," but the amendment was rejected, the w hole Left voting in the minority. In consequence of certain explanations between the KING and the Prince of Prussia, the latter bad determined for a l ong t i me to leave the March ( r Brandenburgh. ENIVIARK AND THE DUCHIES. IMPORTANT ARMISTICE. Intelligence has been received by the electric elegraph, from Hull, yesterday, by the Rob 1 1 4 steamer, Captain KNOCKER, which left Cronstadt 00 ,_ the 22d, and C o p en h agen on the 27th instant, Ong an armistice was signed at Malmo, on Saturday, t l)6 26th instant, to co n ti nue unt il the Ist of March, 18471 and that it has been sent to Berlin for ratification. The view entertained by England in regard t o the attack upon Schleswig is entirely coincident with that of the Russian Government. We doubt not that the aspirations so beautifully expressed towards Denmark by a sonneteer i n the current number of Blackwood will be reciprocated by many thousands. DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES. Letters from Bucharest of the 12th ultimo State that a delegation of ten inhabitants of Jassy bad ar rived at th e f ormer city to request the Wallachiatt, to join the Moldavians with 10,000 men, to drive out the Russians, and to form in future one comm °l3 princip a lit y. GALISEO had subsequently left Buda . __ rest for Giurgui to co ncer t the preliminaries of A new constitution with SULEYMAN PAcHA. HOLLAND. The K ING , on t h e 30th ult., in a private aud i e nce, received Baron D IRCKINK D'Hotmrm,n who placed in the hand s o f hi s MAJESTY the letters from' his Sovii: REIGN, accrediting hi m i n his capacity of Charg e d'Affaires o f D enmar k to the Court of the Nethe r " lands forthwith. Count SCHIMMELPENNINCK, Envoy Extraordina r Y and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Netherlands to the Court of London, has arrived in this capital. His MAJESTY, by a royal decree of the 25th ult., has empowered the governors of the different pro vinces to summon th e S tates i n t h e i r respec ti v e dis tricts. THE NORTHERN STATES• AUSTRIA. News from Vienna is up to the evening of the 20 1 and 26th inst. FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAINE. On the 28th ult. the 11th, 12th, and ISth para graphs of the Constitution were adopted by the con ! stituent Assembly. They guarantee entire liberty of religious opinion and public worship ; but, on the other hand, establish legal responsibility for any un moral or illegal acts that may be perpetrated as part of a ritual. They declare that religious belief cannot exclude from civil and political rights, but neither can it exempt from the discharge of public duties. The Hungarian plenipotentiaries have presented their letters of credence to the Vicar of the Empire