The Sun. — London, England, 1835-03-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Some of our•contemporaries appear to regard the late majorities against the King's Ministers as decisive of the necessity of their resignation. We are by no means so sure of that. There is, in the first place, no thing unconstitutional, and as little illegal, in a Minister's continuing to hold the Government confided to him by his Majesty, even against the expressed de sire of the House of Commons that he should resign his office. Far less can a charge of unconstitutional proceeding be brought against a Minister before the House has come to any vote indicative of such a de sire. In the case of Mr. Pitt, however, it was an ad mitted doctrine, that some specific offence or miscon duct ought to be alleged against an Administration, to justify a vote of want of confidence, as it obviously must, to give any constitutional or moral validity to a direct vote of censure. Mr. Pitt had to encounter a far more decided majority, varying from 30 to 20 votes, in a much less numerous house, and with a much thin ner attendance, during a period moreover of above three months, and perhaps a dozen divisions. Yet that prudent as well as resolute Minister never thought of resigning, nor did he dissolve the Parliament until after he had put the Opposition so flagrantly wrong, that the coun try anticipated the wishes of the Minister, and re turned a majority in his favour, which crushed for years all the hopes of the adverse factions. Mr. Pitt, too, had, like the present Ministry, to struggle against a coalition; but it was a coalition of which the elements were more stable and enduring than those which go to the formation of the present (hardly to be called) ma jority, because that of Mr. Fox and Lord North had required to put it in motion nothing but a reconcilia tion of persons ; there were no fundamental principles of government or policy to be in that case on either side surrendered ; or in the wear and tear of the coalesced parties to run the chance of any fatal col lision ; whereas in the confederacy which assails the existing Government, each section of the alliance is perpetually pulling or pushing against its nominal associates, and when the moment of victory ar rives—that is, the resignation or dismissal of the Conservative Government—the Whig-Radical Itepealers will inevitably prove to all the world the fragile nature of their momentary league ; and the greater facility of making arrangements for the suc cess of a single object, such as the overthrow of an Administration, than for that permanent system of in tricate and varied measures by which a Government requires to be carried on, will soon be sufficiently ap parent. We suspect that the confidence of the Oppo sition received on Saturday something like a check, from the temperate, dignified, and judicious reply de livered by his Majesty to the amended (?) address of the House of Commons. The most extensive reforms dwe are far from saying too extensive) th at have been uring these four years proposed by the leaders of the Whig Ministry have always had for their best recom mendation that they were calculated to maintain our institutions, by improving them. From Lord Grey downwards such has been invariably the language of our reforming Whig statesmen, and it has truth and wisdom for its foundations. His Majesty, therefore, in adopting the same view of the legitimate purpose of all constitutional reform, has frustrated every hope to which the late majority against Ministers might have given birth, that any misunderstanding could be so easily created between the advisers of the Crown and the parties to the present coalition. His Majesty re grets that the majority of the House of Commons do not concur with him as to the policy of the late appeal to the sense of his people. But we think it might have been a subject of sincere though perhaps not os tensible rejoicing to his Majesty, that the class of members of parliament to which his Ministers belong have had their numbers more than doubled by the late appeal to the electors. It is quite obvious that a dif ference of opinion, however solemnly recorded, be tween an opposition composing the majority of the House of Commons, and the advisers of the Crown, upon an isolated point like that of the dissolution of a former parliament can never, in common sense, be made the groundwork of an effectual attack by the same Opposition upon the future existence of the Ministry. To dissolve the parliament, is to afford the constituency an occasion for the revisal of their former choice of representatives ; and if any considerable change of representatives be the consequence, it amounts to a fair apology for the motive of Ministers , if not entirely so of their information, in resorting to such an expedient; and to return to an old subject of discus sion, the number of individuals in the present House of Commons, agreeing with the Conservative Minis ters in general policy, exceeds that of any one of the three parties now for a transient object combined in a league against them by nearly two to one. The whole tone of the answer, however, is so kindly and so cor dial, that it is impossible for any but the most despe rate and sinister•minded of the Opposition to be otherwise than induced by it to meditate upon the temper of the respective parties with whom they have to deal, and to watch the movements into which a thick-and-thin supporter of one of those parties may betray them. As for another dissolution in the actual state of things, it is a pure chimera. After a few days, there will be no need for any such strong mea sure of self-defence. We should be among the first to recommend the most fearless use of the powers granted by the Constitution, were it really necessary to hold the Constitution together ; but we shall be deceived and disappointed if such an emergency should grow out of present circumstances. It may be convenient for Lord John Russell to assume the existence of such rumours as a basis or pretext for insidious interrogatories to a Minister, but Sir Robert Peel is not likely to be taken off his guard. He must not, by an inconsiderate pledge, tie up his own hands and the lawful authority of his Sovereign, while those of the Opposition are free. When Mr. Pitt, in Ja nuary, 1784, was called upon by an insolent and sel fish party to give them some satisfactory assurance that he would not dissolve the Parliament, the Right Hon. Gentleman positively refused to comply. He declared " that he would never compromise the Royal authority, nor bargain it away in the House of Com mons." Our opinion still is that the good sense of Englishmen wants but time for consideration to come round to truth, and to see even the most equivocal ob jects in their right colour ; yet here there is nothing equivocal. It is government or no government—it is order or irremediable misrule. When the organs of faction insist on the impossibility of the Conservative Mini sters carrying on the Government in the full spirit of measures which at their origin they opposed, we beg them to look at Lord Aberdeen's conduct relating to the slave question, and the policy of the late Cabinet towards the West Indies, and then ask themselves what difficulty there is in presuming that the whole system of the public service will be maintained on simi lar principles.— Times. The Speech of his Majesty, in answer to the Ad dress of the House of Commons, is a Calm and dignified expression of the King's sentiments in vindication of the exercise of his Royal prerogative in appealing to the people upon the formation of a new Ministry. The King says—" I never have exercised, and I never will exercise, any of the prerogatives which I hold, except ing for the single purpose of promoting the great end for which they are intrusted to me—the public good ; and I confidently trust that nomeasure conducive tothe general interests will be endangered or interrupted in its progress by the opportunity which I have afforded my loyal subjects of expressing their opinions through the choice of their Representatives in Parliament." What language could the Sovereign use more in accordance with the spirit and principles which the British Con stitution ? The King' admits that all his prerogatives are intrusted to him for the public good, which is, in fact, an admission of that great principle which the ablest writers on constitutional lawhave laboured to prove, that " all government is intended for the benefit of the go verned." It appears to us, indeed, a strange and novel proceeding for the Representatives of the people to com plain of an appeal to the people ! mere especially when the result of that appeal has proved that the people were dissatisfied with a great number of their Repre sentatives, whom they accordingly rejected upon this last appeal. The persons who have lost seats in the Legislature by the dissolution, may think they have -lesson to cOnfplain ; but if their constituents did not think they had cause to complain of them, they would not have dismissed them. For our own part, we can . not r egret the untimely. fate which that House of ~:. r~, J ._.. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 2, 1835. Commons met with that . made itself disgracefully me morable by replacing the malt tax, at the command of the Minister of the Crown, within three days after abolishing it. We cannot regret the extinction of that Parliament which received Lord .Althorp 's " boon to the female population" with cheers, and worse than wasted the greater part of last Session: in preparing for the backs of the English poor the Malthusian scourge of the Poor Law—the Parliament that voted for the continuance of the Assessed Taxes, until the voice of the indignant country forced the Ministry to surrender the house tax—that voted against the aboli tion of the barbarous practice of military flogging, and the equally barbarous and cruel practice of impress ing seamen—that voted for long Parliaments just as a party in the present House complain of having been sent to their constituents before the seven years were tun out—the Parliament that treated all. laudable and humane attempts to introduce habits of temperance among the people, and thereby stay the progress of misery and crime, with laughter and contempt. No, we cannot regret the dissolution of such a Parliament; nor can we see that the progress of real reform was at all interrupted by depriving it of an existence that must have been a source of lamentation and misery to itself from the moment that it lost its incomparable Althorp, —from the moment that a ccomplishedinancier—whom shepherds and their dogs will long regret—ceased to spread the wings of congenial dullness over the Legis lators who were but too happy in following him to care much whether he danced them backwards or forwards, and whether his course was a reform minuet or an anti-reform gallopade. As to the interruption of any public business, the dissolution caused none, because it took place when Parliament was not assembled, and at a time when it is not in the habit of assembling. So much for this poetic fiction I—Morning Herald, The mild, yet dignified, courteous. yet spirited, re ply of our good and , gracious Sovereign to the amended (?) Address of the Commons' House of Par liament,. cannot, we would hope, fail to produce bene ficial effects, as manifesting at once the moderation and firmness of the responsible councillors under whose advice it was given. It would appear, indeed, that the body to which we refer, must have had some idea of the truths they would hear from the altered tone which pervaded its debates during the last few evenings. Blus ter is fast surrendering its place to complaint, anger yields to sorrow, and although we do not believe that Lord John Russell, O'Connell and Co, are one whit better disposed to the Administration than they were a fortnight ago, or more inclined to maintain the cause of order and good government, they cannot resist the external symptoms of confidence in his .Majesty's Go vernment which have displayed themselves in a thou sand different ways during the past week. Let us notice, in the first place, the utter failure of the attempt to inflame the public mind. Had there existed in the breasts of the English people a distrust of the Administration of Sir Robert Peel, would they have been calm, on : finding such fractional majorities against the Ministry—majorities which might at any moment be converted into minori ties? Would they not, we ask, have covered the table of the House with petitions, beseiged the Throne with addresses, conveying their sentiments on this important topic ? As to the sophism, " Why do not the friends of the Government declare their opinions in a similar manner ?" the answer is plain. Conservatives are na turally quiescent—too often apathetic—at any rate agitation is not part and parcel of their stock in trade ; besides, they will not believe that three hundred and six gentlemen, united by similarity of sentiment on all vital and on most important topics, men •of talent, cha racter, and station, can be beaten in the long run by that strange medley of animals, that " Noah's ark of Reformers of all grades," which figures no the Opposition benches. Conservatives read the speeches delivered on both sides, and they know that if their fellow-citizens possess one atom of fairness or even common sense, the truth, must prevail. Let us put a case. We will suppose a stranger of average ability, and entirely in different as to the party politics of this country, to take up the debates of the past week (we will say nothing of that on the election of a Speaker, "let bye-ganes be bye-ganes," as Joseph Hume, of whom more pre sently, would probably observe). He commences with the speech of Lord Sandon, and he there finds no bigotry, no determined opposition to all changes ; he even discovers that the Noble Lord supported the principle if not all the details of the Reform Act, yet refuses not his valuable aid to a Government which, however opposed to the measure during its progress, shrinks not when it has passed into a law from giving full and free effect to its legitimate spirit. He pro , ceeds, and arrives at the speech of Sir Robert Peel. Here his attention. is sure to 'be fixed. Profound, statesmanlike views, liberality of sentiment, acuteness, wisdom, meet his aye in every line. "Who is Sir Robert Peel ? " would be his first inquiry. The chief responsible adviser of .the Crown, the man to whom the Conser vatives of the House of Commons look as their leader, would be the reply. Happy the country which pos sesses such a Minister, is the natural observation. He continues. Lord Stanley's speech presents itself to view. Who is Lord Stanley ? A young nobleman, whose character and abilities contributed materially to the success of the Reform Bill ; a member of Lord Grey's Ministry, who resigned when he thought that its projects savoured not of reform, but of revolu tion. The same remark applies to Sir. James Graham, who is described to him as a Baronet of the highest character, of large fortune, anxious to take a part in legislating for that country in which he has so deep a stake. Our stranger proceeds in his studies. The addresses of Mr. Secretary Goulburn, Mr. Ser geant Goulburn, Mr. Praed, Mr. Milnes Gaskell, Mr. Grove Price, Mr. Maclean, and Mr. Finch attract his attention. Who are these gentlemen ?—is his next question ? The first he is told is Secretary of State for the Home Department, one whose business like habits, industry and talent, qualify him eminently for that important office, and who invariably brings to the discussion of every subject a comprehensive and well-selected mass of accurate and useful information. Who is Mr. Sergeant Goulburn ? An eminent Ad vocate, whose forensic reputation, and admirable mode of administering justice in the important borough he now represents, recommended him to the notice of a grateful and enlightened constituency, which returned him by a large majority. Mr. Praed ? A man of acknowledged abilities, distinguished as a scho lar from his youth upwards, all who know him augur great things from his genius and industry. He learns next that Mr. Milnes Gaskell is the representa tive of an ancient and honourable family, devoting his energies to the service of his country.. Mr. Grove Price he is informed is a gentleman of the highest cha racter for consistency, moral courage, and indomitable energy, respected even by his bitterest opponents for the honesty of his views and the ability with which he enforces them. Mr. Maclean does not pass unnoticed. A young Barrister, selected by the city of Oxford as the guardian of its rights and privileges,. distinguished by academical honours, and the subsequent application of the learning by which they were acquired to the real business of life. Mr. Finch, he is instructed, is a Gen tleman of fortune and independence, Who has sur rendered the comforts and ease of private life, thus obeying the all but unanimous call of the electors of Stamford, whose interests could not be entrusted to better or honester hands. Our stranger is, of course, highly pleased with this recital. He sees, however, the names of Russell, O'Connell, Morpeth, Lushing ton, Gishorne, Harvey, and Hume among the speakers on this occasion, and his attention is naturally ex cited to know something about them. His laudable curiosity is gratified. He is informed that Lord John Russell is the son of the Duke of Bedford, a Noble man whose family was originally advanced, not for merit, but by the personal favour of the. Sovereign of that period ; that the Noble Lord himself was once the most strenuous (as far as his humble capacity admitted) champion of close boroughs ;,.that he after wards retracted every sentiment he had most loudly proclaimed upon this subject ; that, being after long delay admitted into the Cabinet, his colleagues never consulted him on any important occasion ; that he had now been permitted to step into the leadership of the reduced and enfeebled Whig Opposition as the fittest man to conspire and co-operate with the -British and Irish leaders of its new Radical auxiliaries. Of O'Connell he is told that he is a noisy Hibernian, with a &rest flow of speech and a surpassing power of scurrility, who makes a vast merit of giving up a professional income of about 5,0001. a year, and of receiving, in lieu thereof, from a starving peasantry the poor pittance of 15,000/. ; a man uninfluenced by any feeling but that of the grossest selfishness, unrestrained by any Con siderations except those of personal gratification and sordid ambition. Lord Morpeth he will discover to be a Whig poetaster, who, having proposed Sir Charles Manners Sutton for the Chair of the House of Commons in 1833, voted against him without rhyme or reason in 1835. Dr. Lushington will be described to him as a man exhibiting all the viru lence of O'Connell without a tithe of his talent, all the democratic recklessness of a Wakley without an iota of his consistency, one of the King's Ec clesiastical Judges, and yet an habitual reviler of the Monarch and the Church ; a noisy declaimer against abuses, real or imaginary, yet luxuriating on the emoluments of eight or ten different offices, For Mr. Gisborne's qualifications as the Representa tive of a great county, our stranger will be referred to the opinions of the Nobility and Gentry of the dis trict, as demonstrated about a year and a half ago. The eminent name of Daniel Whittle Harvey would, of course, demand some explanation. The fear, how ever, of the Sergeant-at-Arms, with the unpleasing ac companiment of the Speaker's warrant, may restrain the informant from rendering a full measure of justice to the rejected of the Inner Temple, the accepted of Southwark. But who is Joseph Hume ? The lauda ble curiosity of the stranger will be gratified here ; Joseph, he will learn, is an individual who, originally a Tory, ratted with very great alacrity, when ' he found a proper value was set upon . his services by that discriminating party. By dint of some in dustry and perseverance, combined with matchless effrontery, in spite of two or three unfortunate peccadilloes touching Greek Loans, &c., the afore said Hume became, he will find, Member for the county of Middlesex, a station he is not very likely to occupy much longer. Surely, then, our stranger might be expected to observe the Administration which em bodies so much talent and worth, meets with cordial and triumphant support from the nation. He is an, swered in the negative. He is assured that the unholy combination, the omniunz gatherum of all factions which have ever existed, are banded together to cur tail, if possible to destroy, the just prerogatives of the Crown in order to attain their own mean and selfish objects. Will they succeed is the next inquiry ? No, the people of England will never submit to the inso lent dictation of a faction which seeks not the welfare or prosperity of the land, but would sacrifice every interest of the country, and the country itself, rather than forego a tittle of the advantages they expect to realize from the accomplishment of their views—of persons : who have not the common foresight which generally belongs to the least intelligent part of human bein g s, and who can observe nothing beyond the chances of an imme diate and temporary success—who respect not those institutions which have stood the test of ages, and which are essentially and inseparably interwoven 'with the honour and happiness of the realm—who cannot appreciate the beauty of a structure perfect in many of its component parts and excellent as a whole—a struc ture of which it has been admirably said by Southey, in that paragraph which, quoted by Mr. Sergeant Goulburn at the conclusion of his eloquent speech was not distinctly heard owing to the cheers which that address elicited at its termination—" that if ever it should be broken, it will be by the combined forces of Popery, dissent, and unbelief (O'Connell, Wilkes, and Co.), marching together under one political . flag." —Morning Post. There were many rumours afloat yeaerday respect ing a split in the present Cabinet—a thing by no means unlikely, and that what we stated the other day, respecting a coalition between the Stanley party and Sir R. Peel, had been all but realized, the Duke of Wellington surrendering at discretion, and leaving his colleagues to fight the battle of anti-Reform as they best might. Of the actual result we know nothing ; but as the Tories are willing to bid high for the ser vices of all those who voted for the Reform Act, it is not improbable that there may be something like an approach to truth in it. So much the better. Stanley has lost caste already, and the sooner he joiiis Peel, the better for the cause of the people.—Morning Ad vertiser. The answer of his Majesty's faithful Commons to his most gracious Majesty s Speech, and also the reply of his Majesty thereto, will be found elsewhere, but will scarcely pay a perusal. It is remarkable for no thing but its inanity, its vagueness, and total inconclu siveness, unless indeed we except the brief, but equally inconsequent expression of his Majesty's regret that his Commons do not concur with him as to the policy of the appeal which he lately made to the sense of his people ;—yet our contemporary, the Standard, regards it as a matter of impossibility, that its firmness, its good temper, and its good sense, should not be ad mired 1 If there be firmness in not acceding to the thrice-expressed desire of the representatives of the people, for the dismissal of his Majesty's present Advisers, why then there may be some portion of that miscalled firmness, which generally passes cur rent with the wiser part of mankind for obstinate ad herence to that which is wrong—if there be g th oo en d e e sen se" in replying in such truisms and vaguxpres sions as mean nothing, and lead to no thin g , we must confess that the document contains as many grains of good sense as there are sentences in it—and if the Standard mean that the King has a right to insult the Commons whenever they may present an Address to him which is not in accordance with his private feelings, or the discharge of his public duties —why then, also, the reply may be deemed good tempered ; but, after all, what is the amount of the utility of so much temper, good sense, and firmness ? Were ever such excellent qualities so completely thrown away and wasted as in the present instance ? Was there ever such a vain interchange of words be tween subject and Sovereign ? " Vanity of vanities," saith the preacher—" all is vanity." It would have been much more to the purpose had his Majesty told the Commons at once that he was aware of the dissatisfaction of the people at the dismissal of his late servants—the dissolution of the late Parlia ment, and the deliverance of the Government into the hands of an anti-national party—that he . was also sensible that the, country had no confidence in the new Government, and that it would be beaten on every question which it might submit to the consideration of the House of Commons ; but that he was, neverthe less, determined to persevere, and to keep them in power while he could, against the declared will of the people. Such an answer, we repeat, would have been infinitely more to the purpose, than the wordy and inane document—from which, however, the same infe ference is to be drawn—which his Majesty's Ministers thought proper to put into the King's mouth ; and what is more, would have been much better under stood by the people. We must be content with it, however, as it is, for the present—and wait, with what patience we can, for the answer to the next ad dress from the House of Commons, which, according to all appearances, is at no great distance.—Morning Advertiser. We heard last night, on good authority, thatt - a split has already occurred in the Ultra-Tory Ministry, and that the Duke of Wellington, and some of his more im mediate partisans and personal adherents retire from the Cabinet. We have no doubt that this disruption must take place, if it has not already occurred. We have a Ministry, but no Government. The Cabinet, from its composition, possesses not the confidence of a majority of the Commons. Whatever tactics Lord Stanley and his tail may temporarily adopt, it is evident that they cannot effectively coalesce with the Wellington-Peel Ministry. The substitution of Lord Stanley for the Duke of Wellington cannot give to Sir R. Peel any additional strength. The King can be extricated from his difficulties by the retirement of the entire Adminis tration, and the union of the whole Liberal Party, which possesses all the necessary essentials for a strong and reforming Cabinet. In the meantime, we forbear giving publicity to many rumours which reached us last night. If the Tories cannot agree even with regard to a short measure of reform, we must not ex pect from their hands any real liberal policy. We suspect that the Conservatives are now sensitively aware of the perplexity and political difficulties in which they have so wantonly involved the King. His Majesty could not fail on Saturday to perceive that the Reformed House of Commons, notwithstanding the corrupt practices and electioneering influence of the Tories, will not submit to the imposition on the country of a Tory Ministry. We do not doubt that we are on the eve of some curious Ministerial changes. No partial patchwork of the tottering fabric of Sir Robert Peel s Cabinet will hold it together. It cannot exist—and the defection of the more violent and dis creditable portion must be soon followed by the disper sion of the remainder. They endeavoured to fortify themselves against the people ; but their works have been found untenable, and they will soon be forced to dislodge.—Morning Chronicle. Lord John Russell will this day ask Sir Robert Peel some questions respecting the threatened dissolu tion of Parliament. The proper way of meeting a menace of this kind is to grapple with it, for if it be mere vapour, it will be dispelled ; and if, on the other hand, the thing is intended, it is defeated by the dis covery. We are sure of an advantage either way. The exposure of an empty threat doubles the confi dence which it has been put forth to shake ; or if there is solid mischief in it, to be forewarned is to be fore armed. If our Tory Ministers will tell the country that they propose to try the Prerogative against its spirit, the very power will be called forth, in the fullest development, whiCh they madly or wickedly hope to sub due. The King may be advised to dissolve Parliament, but he will do well to ask his councillors whether they can advise him further how to .tlisolvo the constancy and courage of his people, ;;;vhich have ever, been found to rise with the atteml)co,o vanquer them. The mere talk of such desperate expedients answers all the purpose of the Tories ; and it for the honour of the House that the emptiness of such bluster should be shown, and that the representatives o. , e people • should not be supposed under intimidation .x.cellently Mr. Gisborne observed, " 1 think we have a right to know from the Right Honour able Baronet on what terms we sit here ? I think we have a right to know from him whether we are at liberty to come to more than one division ? or, to put the matter in the plainest terms, whether our eristence as a Parliament depends on our supporting the present Ministry ?—( Immense cheering.) We have a right to know, Sir, from the Right Honourable Bart., whether, having made an appeal to the people, he Means to abide by it ? I press the Right Honourable Gentleman to answer this question—( Cheers.) If he do not answer it, we shall know what confidence he deserves from this House and from a great and determined people."—(Tremendous cheers.) The present Ministry has certainly given an ugly specimen of its mode of disposing of an adverse parlia ment in strangling the last without suffering it to utter a voice ; and after this summary example, even if the threats had not been put forth which have been so freely used, it would be well to come to an understand ing with the government as to the conduct it intends to pursue towards the House of Commons—to what de gree it will tolerate the representation of the people— what votes it will treat with contempt, or punish with dissolution. Highly convenient it would indeed be, that a list of the Ministerial rules for the direction of the House should be inscribed on the walls of the House like the regulations in a servant's ball, so that Members might readily see the inutility or penalty of stating the opinions or advocating the interests of their consti tuents. The Times has given us one rule for such a tablet—namely, that twelve such votes as those on the Speakership and the Address would be un heeded by the Ministry. According to the showing of the different organs of the Government, the Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, and Lord Lyndhurst are to the omnipotence of the Legislature what the Fates were to the gods of the ancients—tile children of darkness ; one spins and another cuts threads of life, and their behests are not to be disputed by those to whom omnipotence is assigned. Sir Robert Peel, our Clotho, has protested that, after the passing of the Reform Bill, he saw the necessity of adapting the Government of the country to the great change or re volution which had taken place ; this discovery he never mentioned while the Whigs were in power, but from what we have seen and heard of his system since he has. been in office, the plan seems to be simply this, that as a majority of the House of Commons can no longer be packed, the Administration is to be carried on in contempt and defiance of it. The reso lution appears to be, " Since we cannot controul we won't heed it." The Tories adapt themselves to the altered circumstances produced by the Reform Bill, by declaring their intention to hold office, notwith standing the adverse votes of the representatives of the people. The experiment would be a short one. And as if it was not enough to tell us that they will not heed the judgment of the House when it is opposed to them, they add that they will dissolve and dissolve again and again till they get a compliant Parliament. We yet doubt, however, whether there are any-men so mad or wicked as seriously to entertain the project of wearying out the spirit of the country by repeated agi tation, or of exhausting duty by painful calls on it. There is something diabolical in the design which con templates the destruction of public virtue by taxing it beyond the common energies; but certainly it would be apt preparation for a Tory Government. The country, according to this threat, is to be put to the torture till it consents to an Administration it abhors—by the trouble, ferment, and expense of repeated elections, it is to be tormented into the delivery of false suffrages, as wretches under the question were tortured into giving evidence against the truth. There is, happily, no power adequate to the accomplishment of such a crime; and the attempt to subdue the judgment of the country, and by dintof injury to extort its suffrages for its injurers, would speedily be cut short by the mighty resentment and determined resistance it would provoke. The short question raised by these insolent menaces is, whether the House of Commons is to be returned ac cording to the pleasure of the Cabinet, or the sense of the people. It is said (falsely we hope and believe) that the Ministry will not suffer the existence of a House of Commons adverse to it ; in such case, so far as principle and practical results are concerned, it would be better at once to propose to nominate the Parliament than, by the method of exhaustion, drive the people to Tory elections. Why, indeed, should the country be put to the unnecessary trouble and pain of fruitless choices ? and why should not the Govern ment claim to do at first what it hopes to bring about at least by an injurious process?—Morning Chronicle. VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT WARRUN V. BUITON.-TAYLOR V. FILDES. . . This day was specially appointed for the hearing of tw motions in these causes of very great interest to Methodists The Court was crowded with respectable persons during the whole day. Sir C. WETHERELL, for the plaintiffs, stated that these two causes were almost identical, the former relating to Dr. Warren's title to preach in the Wesleyan Chapel, Oldham street, Manchester, and the latter to his title to preach in another chapel, in Oldham-road, Manchester, which the Learned Counsel should designate the Wesley Chapel. And as the two motions which he had to make had the same object, and were supported on both sides by the same evidence, it was agreed they should be opened together. In the former suit the bill was filed by the Rev. Dr. Warren, who had been for many years a preacher of the Wesleyan persuasion, against the trustees of the Oldham street Chapel. In the latter suit some of the trustees of the Wesley Chapel have joined Dr. 'Warren in filing the bill against the other trustees ; and both bills were filed for the purpose of procuring a declaration that Dr. Warren ought to be restored to these chapels from which he had been, in the Learned Counsel's opinion, in the most extra ordinary manner rashly, hastily, unwarrantably, and ille gally removed. In 1833, Dr. Warren was appointed su perintendent preacher of the Manchester district. Such an appointment lasts for a year, and if the Conference ap prove of the person, he is re-appointed for a second year. Dr. Warren was re-appointed in 1834, and continued to perform his duties in the series of chapels of which he was thus the pastor and minister, over a congregation of above '2,000 persons, with universal satisfaction. During this time, circumstances occurred which led to the interference of a body, the formation of which would be shortly noticed, in a manner in which five minutes' calm consideration would have shown it had no right to interfere. This body clothed itself with a character of a Court, or Tribunal, convened before it Dr. Warren as a sort of culprit, and awarded a sentence of suspension against him, which it has carried into effect by intrusively introducing a gentleman of the name of Newton, whom it has assumed the right of ap pointing and clothing with the same name and functions which legitimately belonged to Dr. Warren. The Oldham street chapel was founded in 1781, during the life of Wes ley. The land whereon it was built was then conveyed to trustees, who are now represented by the present de fendants. A part of the trust deed is essential. Tho chapel is held upon trust, in the first place , to permit the nominee alone of John Wesley to preach there, and after his death to permit the use of the chapel to such person as should from time to time be appointed by the an nual conference to preach there. After some other regu lations it was provided that if, in the opinion of a majority of the trustees, any preacher should be an improper person, and committee of the conference should neglect to appoint another person within two months after notice in writing from the trustees containing their reasons for thinking such person unfit ; then the trustees should appoint whomever they thought fit till the next yearly conference. The con ference alluded to in this deed might be called by analogy to the Church of England the patrons of this chapel ; and the right or title which the nomination of the conference gives is the basis which gives this Court the jurisdiction of interfering in support of the preacher's title. Under this deed, unless legitimately displaced, Dr. Warren has as good a title to the chapel as any Rector or Vicar of the Esta blished Church, unless legitimately removed by ecclesiastical authority. In 1834 it so happened that there was ap pointed at the general conference what might might be called, in analogy to the Church, a convocation, to meet in London for the purpose of introducing a new mode of edu cation for the junior preachers of the Wesleyan connection. Heretofore the Methodists had not only been self governed, but, if the expression might be allowed, self-taught. They did not recognise the necessity of those institutions for doc trinal instruction which are familiar to the Church. In this convocation a project to establish a Wesleyan Theo logical Institution for the education of the junior preachers, itself an innovation in the history of Methodism, was pro posed ; and the offence, the supposed offence, for which Dr. Warren had been tried, was a very able speech which he delivered and afterwards published against this innova tion, in the sentiments of which speech, however, thirty out of this clerical Parliament of one hundred were found to concur. He had some difficulty in getting himself heard, but those who have some experience know if a man will struggle hard, he will get a hearing.—(Laughter.) After some struggling he did get heard ; and, considering the mi nority, his cannot be Called a factious.opposition.—( Laugh ter.) Dr. Warren did right to publish this speech, and to give it circulation ; and, having read sough, the Learned Counsel could not understand how _,2ntleman could be prosecuted, much less perseCuted. for such 4 speech. How ever, having been made, and published, this took place. In October 1834, some persons thought fit to try Dr. Warren for its publication, and certain charges, in the nature of an indictment, were preferred against Dr. Warren, and served in . this manner upon him : " Dear Doctor—(Laughter)—The enclosed charges having been preferred against you by the Rev. John Anderson, it is my duty to give you notice to attend a special district meeting to answer to the said charges. The meeting is appointed for Wednesday, the 22d inst., to commence at ten o'clock in the morning, in the Steward's Room, Oldham-street. I have re quested the President of the Conference to attend on this occasion.—l am your's faithfully, " ROBERT NEW 7 TON. " To the Rev. Dr. Warren, " Oldham-street, Manchester, Oct. 11, 1834." " TIIE CHARGES " 1. That Dr. Warren, by the publication of his pamphlet, entitled, Remarks on the Wesleyan Theological Institution for the Improvement of the Junior Preachers,' has violated the essential principles of our connection. " 2. That the said pamphlet contains sundry incorrect state ments and misrepresentations of facts, highly prejudicial to the general character of the body. " 3. That the pamphlet contains also certain calumnious and unfounded reflections upon the character and proceedings of the conference, and on the motives and conduct of indivi dual preachers. " 4. That the said pamphlet is distinguished by a spirit of resentment and uncharitableness highly unbecoming the cha racter of a Christian minister, and obviously tending to pro duce strife and division in our societies." The Learned Counsel then commented cn the softened, dulcifying, captivating, assuaging, .friendly, and beloved terms of this letter—(Laughter)—and on the nature of the charges, and also on the fact that the Rev. Mr. Newton, the writer of this letter, was appointed by this meeting to succeed Dr. Warren upon his suspension. Mr. Newton, continued the Learned Counsel, having mounted the horse and shoved his friend out of the saddle, rode out of the con ference the minister of the circuit.—(Great laughter.) The Rev. Mr. Bromley attended the trial with Dr. Warren as his friend. Some objections were made to his presence. He was compelled to withdraw, and Dr. Warren pleaded to the jurisdiction. He declared, " I will not stand my trial before the meeting, come what will." In consequence of this the following letter was addressed to Dr. Warren Manchester, Oct. 23, 1834. " MY DEAR BROTHER-(Laughter:)—As Secretary to the special district meeting which has been called upon your case, I am directed to forward to you the following resolu tions, which have been unanimously adopted. " Oct. 23, 1834. " Resolved-1. That Dr. Warren, by his positive and re peated refusal to take his trial at this district meeting, has left to the meeting, however reluctant thus to proceed, no alter native consistent with the existing laws and usages of the body but that of declaring him to be suspended from his office as a travelling preacher ; and he is hereby suspended accord ingly. " 2. That, nevertheless, if within a month from the date of these resolutions, Dr. Warren shall signify to the Chair man of the district his willingness to take his trial before a special district meeting on the charges of which he has re ceived regular and formal notice the sentence of suspension shall be removed on the assembling of that meeting, and he shall be allowed to have his trial without any bar or disad vantage, on account of his present refusal ' to attend any fu ture session' of this district meeting. " 3. That, in case of Dr. Warren's declining to give the required intimation to the Chairman of the district within the period above specified, he shall be considered as being sus pended until the next conference.—l am, my dear brother, your's truly. " J. CROWTHER. " To the Rev. S. Warren, LL.D." Dr. Warren was not mindful to have his outlawry taken off in this manner. Mr. Secretary Crowther—(Laughter)— was a very able minister of this usurpation. These indictors, servers of notices, apparitors, this hoc genus ontne—(Great laughter)—had all done their parts well, and the Learned Counsel was endeavouring equally well to do his part in setting them to rights. Mr. KNIGHT followed on the same side. It being past the hour at which the Court usually ad ourns, the whole defence was reserved for Monday. COURT OF KING'S BENCH. lIEWINS V. MATTHEWS. The plaintiff and defendant are booksellers. In July, 1834, the defendant gave the plaintiff an order for a certain number of Bibles and Prayer-books, according, as it was alleged by the plaintiff, to samples which lie at the time showed to the defendant, and sometime after the delivery of the books the defendant stated that they were not accord ing to order, and therefore he refused to pay for them. Witnesses were called by the plaintiff to prove the delivery, and also to prove that they were without fault. The Jury found for the defendant. ULLITHORNE AND ANOTHER V. COLNAGIII AND ANOTHER. This was an action brought by the plaintiffs, attorneys, against the defendants, who are printsellers in Cockspur street, to recover the amount of a bill for business done. After the plaintiff had gone through his evidence, Lord Denman decided that the case was not made out, and or dered the plaintiff to be nonsuited. Two of the cases were referred, and the list of causes for the sittings was completely got through. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS WISE V. DOWNE3. The plaintiff in this cause was a journeyman carpenter' who had been employed by the defendant, to erect stair cases for eight small houses, in the Borough, and the pre sent action was brought to recover the sum of 131. Bs. for work done. The Jury returned a verdict for the defendant. The sittings of this Court previous to the vacation ter minated this day, the only seven remaining cases having been disposed of before one o'clock. In none of them was there the slightest interest except to the parties immediately engaged. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. A Frenchman, named Colliard, whose pocket had been picked of a handkerchief a few days ago, charged a young fellow named Edward Brown, with having attempted to steal his handkerchief. . . The prosecutor, a laughing, jolly-looking man, said, "My Lor, I vas going down Lombar-street, Friday veek, and I felt tug, tug ; and .ven 1 .turned about to see vat it vas I saw a vera leetle garcon run away with my handker chief. So as I vas going down Lombar-street again yester day, I thought I would pin my handkerchief to my pocket, so de leetle garcon should not get him out. So when Igo to de place were I vas tugged, I felt another tug, and I turned about, and this garcon had a hold of my hanker.. chief. Ah,' I say, ' I have caught you!" Oh Mounsier,' says he, if you don't take care, you will lose your handker chief out of your pocket ;' but I says to him, I will take care not to lose you,' and I held him fast, and I bring him here for your Lordship to try him." The prisoner said, " I saw the gentleman's handkerchief hanging out of his pocket, and told him so ; and the thanks he gave me was thrusting me into prison. If I had not told him he would have lost his wipe, as there are bad cha racters about.", The LORD MAYOR said that the prisoner had gone a little too far in taking hold of the handkerchief. If he had made the communicatio❑ without the slight of hand, all would have been right ; but he must go to Bridewell for .... two months, for going too far in his endeofour to Pr°t e his neighbour's property. Prisoner—" It's very hard me. to be lock ,a Ur for act of mere kindness."' ; for E t) The LORD MAYOR—" It is, indeed, especialrY long a time." 1 t The prosecutor (to the prisoner) — " Ah , ah ! I tbo, t I'd catch you with a pin. lam going to France 0 : 1°. row, and I vill tell them there how to catch thieves • , ~,,, An elderly man, named Robert Williams , appeal" e"-. fore the LORD MAYOR to answer the complaint of the' 0 11. tlemen composing the Inquest ward of Bisbopsgate. L .th, 'The Foreman of the Inquest state d that he an d ~ brethren bad detected a system of mea surin g in the dc folu ant's shop, at No. 64, Sun - street , Bis ho p s g ate, which . was extremely injurious to the public and tie trade. the The defendant was ordered to find bail to answer. complaint at the sessions. • BOW-STREET. er, William Gray, in the service of Mr. Howe. a cowkeep. residing at Westbourne-green , was charged with ill-treatit a cow belonging to • his employer. The defendant 10 fined 20s. and ss. 6d. costs, which his master paid. . Q UEEN-SQUARE. Toni Proctor, a drover, well known about Chelsea, wl is charged with assaulting Bill Green, a watercress merchal Bill Green—Your Vortship, I vos at the Anchor Hope, at Chelsea, yen Mister Proctor here comes up yiti an out no prowocashun, and bonnets me. Tom Proctor—This here chap, your Vortships, has b ee t . ° hired by a parcel of low vagabond butchers and sich to take away my kracter and respectability by saying 4 4. 4 how I'm dead. He cries his vorter cresses in an unla°, manner ; for, instead of cryin g er out vorter cresses, as A rnil; ought to do, he sing's " Tom Proctor's dead." Veil, Yr Vortsbip, my vife's in what they calls a werry hinterestiat sitivation, and the wagabones sends Green down to sill out " Tom Proctor's dead ;" and it frightened her so tif I'm blowed but she swounded right slick away. 50 fo goes all aver the parish crying out, " Tom Proctor's denvit Vell, thinks Ito myself, you - ,if I cotch es you v°lll I let you know either I'm dead or not ; but, arter only tapped him gently on the head , . not eno u g h to nu a fly. After this eloper!t. harrangue Tom Proctor cleidste: friend, named brake, who swore that, through J. Green, people would have it that Tom Prcc tor was de'' ° . and it was only his ghost that walked about Chelsea. ,11 further added that Mr. Green had so tuned his 111 that he was blowed is it warn% quite unpossible to teti whether he called out " vorter tresses , " or " Torn Preto dead." The parties all broke out into most elegant langulf which was stopped by the Magistrates fining Torn Pr°'. 10s. for the assault. MAI?YLEBONE. A young female, who gave her name Ann Tremala, charged under the following distressing circumstances :TA, A policeman said that he was on duty in Regent'al7 e r on Wednesday last; he observed the unhappy young` tune pacing to and fro in the midst of a heavy shop e r ner rain, wringing her hands in the utmost distress. As 51 '19 ceived him coming towards her she ran to the 0 01 4 plunged precipitately:into the water. He succeeded in get 0 her out, when she told him that distress had driven he t 0 the rash act. She, however, promised not to repeat attempt, and he let her go. On Friday night he 0110 duty in the New-road, when he again saw the P o °%- d d crouched on the step of a door, almost perished with buny, and cold, not having tasted any food, or slept in a br, i o three days ; he then took her for shelter to the station- The poor creature, who said she belonged to the pry of Lewisham, was taken to Marylebone poorhouse to passed home. LAMBETH STREET. i „ 0 1 John Dappli, late a private in the Fusileer Guar ds committed for trial for robbing Captain Standon- L prosecutor went to Brighton, leaving the prisoner, wejoy his servant, in charge of his house in Bond-street , alLiii4 shortly absconded with plate valued at above 60/.,,"; t y previously obtained goods to a considerable amou nt Captain's name. UNION-HALL. Richard Balfour, the usher of a school, was to, with annoying the family of Mr. Woodbridge, of Fe * c ,i i itO by addressing love-letters to the family, and col lurking about the premises. The complainant said that it was hiS constant Po? to appear in front of the house every day a nd 0. 0 1 himself into the most ridiculous attitudes with the 1 attract attention. He also left letters at the hour ' dressed to " Miss Mills" which were filled with 1 1 °, 1 %; tY declaratory of the writer's affection and regard peieli person to whom they were written, and vo wing 0 ,04 fidelity. The complainant added, that he had thret, the defendant for annoying the family, but threats aPr e i to make no impression on him, and he was, therefore'," pelled to have him taken into custody, and brough, t , the Magistrate, in order to put a stop to his trouui conduct. 'OO to The defendant said he intended no disrespec member of his family. I Mr. TRAILL—The man must be insane. Defendant—l am perfectly sane, and all I say I have been misled if Miss Mills is not a resident Ia . ;4 over House. The defendant was allowed to depart on his P not to offend again. WESTMINSTER SESSIONS John Edwards was indicted for picking the P' .4 John Galley Knight, Esq. A sir On the sth of February last the prosecutor was -be, between Hyde Park-corner and Knightsbridge when a pull at his pocket, and on looking round saw the el f/ and one of his companions. He seized the p rise found his handkerchief in his (prisoner's) p o siessO:d 7 A policeman deposed to seeing the prisoner eof` i '" - 4 1 robbery. Prisoner—That's a lie. d e fei CHAIRMAN—What have you to say in your r „ , ,4 Prisoner—Vy, as how as the ho ffi cer has swor° ;el; vos valking along vith another gentleman ven UP , 4 ' big feller (the prosecutor), and he says to me, i li a " As how you've picket my pocket ; where's the P o ,' chief?" " Here's a handkerchief," says I, but 5 04 1 0 . i its my own." " That be --," says he, and gi vei ref charge. The handkerchief is mine ; and can thisP swear as it is his'n ven there is so many as is all ali ,A The Jury found him Guilty, and he was senteoc transported for seven years. 1 ,.• Prisoner—Then that ere werdict is cruel ; jesty's present Ministers I arn't not had a " fair toy JUDICIAL AMUSEMENTS.— A few claY o ol wards dined with the Lord Chancellor (Jefferies) , er Lord Mayor of London was a guest, and some men. His Lordship having, according to customs o f bt at dinner, called for one Mountfort, a gentleman Ili had been a comedian, an excellent mimic ; and te bito, company, as he was pleased to term it, he made ,a before him in a feigned cause, during whic h he _, 31) ; (. 0 tj great lawyers of the age in the tone of voice , and tion and gesture of their body, to the very great rto only of the lawyers, but of the law itself ; which . 0 t ho l l not seem altogether so prudent of his lofty stationi,oo Diverting it certainly was, but prudent in the c . ,5 0 ' Chancellor I shall never think it.-411eynoirs d Reresby. .......- i 818 7'llS. 0 0 ° ii . On the 27th ult., at Wye Cottage , Gloucestershir,e'o, William Standish Carr, Esq., of Coehen H all, Dor'a es,oli° and heir. a ' On the 24th ult., Lady Charlotte Arbu thnot, of O ef' which only survived its birth a short time. " J ies A On the 23d ult., at Ricarton, the lady of Chi soP Esq., of a daughter. /0' t i On the 27th ult., at Sebbon's-buildings , Is lin g ton, Styan, of a daughter. 0.- _AO -a On the 15th ult., at Brighton, the lady of E. •-• e ry crd ) of a son and heir On the •?Sth ul in Huntley-street, the lady °I MARRI,ED. Char l e s On the 28th ult., at St. James's Church, `'" Michele, Esq., to Mary, only daughter of John Llesc e i d o e," On the 28th ult., at Trinity Church, St. 3 ae ut o l4 General Gosselin, to Miss Priscilla Dinasdale, of 0 1 1 Regent's-park. bert tl ll On the 28th ult., at St. Pancras Church, "1, - t. r 4. Rochdale, Esq., to Cecilia Sophia, the only daug—e John Vickerman, Esq., of Mecklenburg-squar e. At Crondall Church, George Vining lto p , er't , ra ne e , 4 meon, Hants, to Diana, eldest daughter of Al. L i ' S M v Melt on- square. * ()11 e f the 25th ult., Mr. William Goldsmith, („ th of road, to Eliza, second daughter of Walter Lord , Suffolk. Prescott, Esq., of a daughter. 1% 4 Ill e iV On the 21st ult., at the house of John Or+-I,b.i 0 0 ~ Lodge, near Bognor, John Tait Shields , Es q . ' in, ' Jjev °ll ' ) 1 ., On the 24th ult., at Bitton, near Teignrnoo". ea r. ,es(, b, .Mackworth I'raed, Sergeant-at-Law, in h is 79ih; ..igtll.l.ool'l, On the 28th of September, at Calcut ta, in l '' s ll -1, " '' J. Shank, Esq., of the Civil ServiCe, sec ond son ° h 010. of Gloucester-place. C l On the 26th ult., in Dover-street, Piccadilly , S ir ar e °' e' Bart., of Bury-house, Ilants, aged 70 . t, far 6 ' On the 27th ult., in Great Marlboroug h-stree w ci 0 6 0 , widow of the late James Wingfield, Esq. ranoa(:, In September last, at Bombay, David James — Poi' ~,,,, of Regiment of Artillery, aged 22, son of M r ' e li,:ity London. ' ;i orr o.. ,i On the 26th ult., at Grey's-court, Oxfordshireleton,' l'c r Lady Stapleton, relict of the late Sir Thomas St b aP e rly On the 2(ith ult., at High Warden, North oin o f Errington, Esq., aged 30. o rth co o ---- --< 6‘ tio , ' apo - i io London: Printed and Published by AITJ" s - t rao" 112, Strand, at The Sun O ffi ce, No. 1 1 's of Middlesex. C ra . ~, t 1 / 4 1 ' it'i l)‘ 4 Ut lelv;