The Sun. — London, England, 1865-07-25 00:00:00

TEE NEW HOU, SE OF COMMONS. The elections being now completed, we publish a List of the Members returned to the New Parlia ment. Abingdon Andover Places. Members. L. C. Col C. Lindsay ••• 0 1 lion D. Fortescue ••• 1 0 Mr W. Humphrey ••• 0 1 Anglesey Sir R. Bulkeley ••• 1 0 Arundel ... Lord E. Howard ••• 1 0 1 0 Ashburton ... Mr Jardine ... Ashton-under-Lyue Mr Milner Gibson 1 0 Aylesbury ... Mr S. G. Smith 0 1 Mr. N. M. Rothschild ... 1 0 Mr Samuelson 1 0 ••• . Sir G. Stucley 0 1 •• Mr T. CaVe ... • 1 0 Mr Tito ••• ••• 1 0 Col Hogg •.• ••• 0 1 Mr. W. 0. Stanley ... 1 0 •,. Mr Whitbread ... 1 0 Col Stuart 0 1 Mr 11. Russell ... ......1 0 Col Gilpin ... 0 1 Mr R. Benyon ••• 0 1 Sir C. Russell • o 1 Col Loyd Lindsay 0 1 ...Mr Marjoribauks ... 1 0 Mr A. Mitchell ... 1 0 ... Col Edwards ••• 0 1 Mr C. Sykes ••• 0 1 ...Sir T. E. Winnington 1 0 Laird .. 0 1 Mr Bright ..• 1 0 Mr Scholefield 1 0 Mr Hornby 0 1 Mr Fielden 0 1 ... Mr L. Gower ~. 1 0 Mr Wyld ... 1 0 Capt Gray Mr T. Barnes ... 1 0 Mr Malcolm 0 1 Mr Parry... 1 0 Mr Wickham ~. 1 0 Mr W. E. Forster 1 0 Col Watkins 1 0 Major Morgan ••• 0 1 Mr A. Kinglake 1 0 Mr Westropp 0 1 ...Mr Whitmore ... 0 1 Mr Pritchard ..„ 1 0 Mr T. A. Mitchell ... 1 0 Mr. K. Hodgson ... 1 0 ~. Mr J. White 1 0 Mr H. Fawcett 1 0 Mr H. Berkeley ••• 1 0 Sir S. M. Pato 1 0 Sir H. Verney ... 1 0 Mr Hubbard 0 1 Mr Disraeli 0 1 Mr Du Pre... ... 0 1 Mr Harvey ... Mr R. Phillips 1 0 Mr Hardcastle 1 ( Mr Green ... 0 Mr Lowe Mr Forsyth . 0 Mr F. S. Powell 0 Lord Royston ... 0 Lord G. Manners 0 Mr Young Cambridge University Mr Walpole ... 0 Mr Selwyn Canterbury „.„ ~. Mr B. Johnstone Mr Huddlestone •.• Cardiff Col Stuart Cardigan (district) Capt Pryse Cardiganshire Sir T. Lloyd Carlisle Mr W. N. Hodgson ... Mr E. Potter Carmarthen district Mr W. Morris Carmarthenshire ... Mr D. Jones Mr D. Pugh . Mr W. B. Hughes , Colonel Pennant Mr Otway •.• Mr Schreiber ... Mr G. C. Legh Mr W. Egerton Sir P. Egerton Mr Tollemache Earl Grosvenor ... Mr W. H. Gladstone Lord H. Lennox Mr J. A. Smith Mr Goldney Sir J. Neeld Admiral Walcott Mr. A. Bathurst Hon R. Dutton ... Mr Fort ••• Mr Steel ••• Lord Naas ••• Mr G. Rebow ••• Mr. J. T. Miller Mr T. Robartes Mr Kendall ... Mr St. Aubyn Mr Davey ••• Mr Treherno Mr Eaton •.• Mr A. Goddard ... Mr Gooch ••• ... Mr C. Howard Mr W. Marshall ... Cumberland, West Capt. Lowther Mr I'. Windham , Mr J. Hardy Mr T. Mainwaring Mr R. M. Biddulph Sir W. W. Wynn Mr M. T. Bass Mr W. T. Cox Derbyshire, North ... Lord G. Cavendish Mr Jackson Derbyshire, South ...Mr T W. Evans Mr Colville ... Sir T. Bateson Mr Darby Griffith _•• Mr. Ferranti ... Mr Fleming Devonshire, North ... Mr C. H. Trefusis Mr T. I). Aclaud Devonshire, South Sir L. Palk Mr Kekewich Mr R. B. Sheridan Col Sturt Mr W. H. Portman Mr G. Sturt ••• Mr. Flower Mr Freshfield Major Dickson Sir J. Pakiugton Mr 11. B. Sheridan Mr J. Henderson Mr Mowbray Sir H. Williamson Mr R. D. Shafto Mr Pease •.• Capt Surtees ... 0 1 Sir P. Western ... ••• 1 0 Mr Du Cane ... 0 1 ... Lord E. Cecil ... 0 1 Mr H. J. Selwyn 0 1 Captain Bourne 0 1 Mr Holland 1 0 Mr J. Coleridge ... 1 0 Lord Courtenay 0 1 Sir E. Eleirison 0 1 ... Mr T. G. Baring 1 0 Mr S. Gurney ... 1 0 ... Mr 'Torrent' 1 0 Mr Alderman Lusk ... 1 0 ... Sir J. Hamer 1 0 ... Lord R. Grosvenor 1 0 ... Sir R. Rawlinson 1 0 Mr Hutt 1 0 Mr C. R. Talbot 1 0 Mr H. Vivian 1 0 Mr W. Price ••• 1 0 Mr Monk 1 0 Glocestershire, East Sir 11. M. Beach • • 0 1 Mr Holford 0 1 Glocestershire, West ... Col Kingsc to o 1 0 Mr Bolt Mr W. E. Welby 0 1 Mr 11. Thorold 0 1 Mr Alderman Salomons... 1 0 Sir C. Bright 1 0 ... Mr Fildes ••• 1 0 ... Mr G. Onslow 1 0 Mr Bovill Mr Stansfeld ... 1 0 Mr Akroyd 1 0 Mr Sclater-Booth ... 0 1 Mr W. M. Beach 0 1 ~. Sir J. C. Jervoise 1 0 Col Fano Captain Jervis 0 1 31r Kelk 0 1 Mr Waldegrave Leslie ... 1 0 Mr Robertson ... 0 1 Mr Bcourfield 0 1 , • ... Air Young ••• ••• 1 0 ... Mr Biggallay 0 1 Mr G. Clive . 1 0 ~. Mr M. Biddulph 1 0 Mr J. K. King 0 1 Sir J. Bailey 0 1 lion W. Cowper 1 0 Sir M. Farquhar „. 0 1 Hon. H. Cowper 1 0 Sir E. B. Lytton 0 1 Mr H. Surtees 0 1 . Mr A. B. Cochrane 0 1 Mr 1 '• D. o D Cr ld stm 1 0 •.. Hurst 1 0 Mr Crosslan d ... Mr Cl ay ... 1 0 Mr. Norwood Gen. Peel Mr T. Baring 0 Mr Fellowos 0 1 Lord R. Montagu ... 0 1 Baron M. Rothschild ... 1 0 Mr It. E. Adair 1 0 Mr eobbold ... 0 1 Banbury Barnstaple Bath ... Beaumaris Bedford Beal or dshire ... Berkshire Barwick Beverley Bewdley .., Birkonhead .., Birmingham ... Blackburn ... Bodmin Bolton Boston Bradford ... Brecknock . i . Brecknockshire Bridgwater .. Bridgnorth Bridport :.. Brighton ,„ Bristol Buckingham Buckinghamshire Bury ... ... Bury St. Edmunds Caine Cambridge ... Cambridgeshire Carnarvon .. Carnarvonshire Chatham .. Cheltenham .. Cheshire, North Cheshire, South Chester Chichester C h ippo nham ... Christchurch Cirencester ... Clithoroo ... Uockormouth ... Colchester ... Cornwall, East Cornwall, West Coventry Cricklade Cumberland, East Dartmouth Denbigh Deuhighshb o Derby Devizes ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 Dcvonport Dorchester ... 1 0 ... 1 0 Dorsetshiro Dow3r Proitwich Dudley Durham Durham, North Durham, South Essox, North E6BCX, South Evosham Exeter ... - ..• Eye ... Falmouth Finsbury Flint •• Flintshira Promo Gateshead Glamorg,anshire Glocostor Grantham Greenwich ... Grimsby Guildford Ifalifax Hampshire, North Hampshire, South liar wich Ilast inge liaverfordwest... llclstone ••• Hereford Herefordshire liertford Ilertfordshire lloniton Horsham Huddersfield ... dull ..• Huntingdon ... Ilunting;donshira Hytho Ipswich ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 .- 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 Kendal Kent, East ... Mr G. C. Glyn ... ... 1 0 ... Sir E. Poring 1 Sir B. Bridges ... ••• 1 0 1 Lord Holmesdale 0 1 Mr Hart Dyke ... ••• A ... Mr A. Grant ••• ... Mr B. Woodd ••• Mr Holden ..• .•. 1 0 • Mr T. Hughes 1 0 Doulton ..• 1 0 Mr E. Penwick ... 1 0 Mr Schneider 1 0 • Marquis of Harlington ... 1 0 Col W. Patten 0 1 Mr W. E. Gladstone ... 1 0 Mr A. Egerton ... 0 1 Mr C. Turner 0 1 • Mr A. Campbell ... 0 1 ... Mr Beecroft 0 1 Mr Baines ••• ... Mr Harris ... Leicestershire Mr P. A. Taylor .. North... Lord J. Man ners Kent, West, ... Kidderminster... KnareBborough Lambeth Lancaster Lancashire, North Lancashire, South Launceston Lead s ... Loicester ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 Leicestershire, Soath... M Mr r. Hartop C. Packe Lord Curzon ~, Mr G. Hardy •.. „ Mr Wal s h lord Pelham .‘. ~„Mr Brand ,„ Hon. Major Anson Colonel Dyott ..„ •,. „.. Mr Seely... ... Mr Henettgo Leominster ... Lewes Lichfield ... 0 1 . 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 .., 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 H . 1 0 Lincoln Places. Members. L. C. Lincolnshire, North Sir M, Oholmeley 1 0 Mr J. B. Stanhope 0 1 Lincolnshire, South Sir J. Trollop() 0 1 Colonel Packe 0 1 Sir A. Buller 1 0 Mr T. B. Horsfall 0 1 Mr S. Greaves 0 1 Mr Crawford 1 0 Baron L. Rothschild • 1 0 Mr Goschen 1 0 Mr Alderman Lawrence 1 0 Hon. Capt. Clive 0 1 Mr Seyerne 0 1 • Mr Treeby 0 1 ... Mr W. Mackinnon, jun.... 1 0 Lord G. Lennox 0 1 • Lord Stanley ... 0 1 Sir F. Buxton 1 0 ~. Mr Brocklehurst 1 0 Mr E. C. Egerton 0 1 ... Mr. W. Lee 1 0 Mr Whatman 1 0 • Mr Peacocke 0 1 Mr Earle 0 1 • Lord Andover 1 0 • Hon C. Fitzwilliam 1 0 Mr J. Brown 1 0 ... Mr Bazley... 1 0 Mr E. James 1 0 Lord E. Bruce 1 0 Mr H. B. Baring 1 0 ... Col P. Williams 0 1 Col Knox ... 0 1 ... Mr W. W. Wynne 0 1 ... Mr H. Lewis ... 1 0 Mr T. Chambers 1 0 ... Mr H. A. Bruce 1 0 ▪ Lord Enfield ... 1 0 Mr Hanbury 1 0 • Mr 3iitford 0 1 • Mr C. Bailey 0 1 ... Col Somerset ... 0 1 Mr C. A. Morgan 0 1 ▪ Mr C. H. Tracey 1 0 • Mr C. W. Wynne ... 0 1 ... Sir G. Grey ... 1 0 • Mr Hodgkinson 1 0 Lord A. Clinton 1 0 Newcastle-on-Tyne ... Mr Headlam 1 0 Mr Cowen... ... 1 Newcastle-under-Lyme Mr Allen 1 0 Mr Buckley ... 0 1 Newport, Isle of Wight Mr C. W. Martin ... 1 0 Mr R. W. Kennard 0 1 Norfolk, East ... Mr Howes 0 1 Mr Read ... 0 1 Li ekeard Liverpool London Ludlow Lyme Regis Lymington Lynn Regis Macclesfield .„ Maidstone ... lialdon ... Mabnesbury ... Malton ~, Manchester ... Marlborough Marlow Merionethshire Marylebone ... Merthyr Tydvil Middlesex .., Midhurst Monmouth ~ Monmouthshire Montgomery Montgomeryshire Morpeth ... Newark ... Norfolk, West Mr Bagge lion T. De Grey Northallerton ... Mr C. H. Mills ... Northampton Lord Henley Mr Gilpin Northamptonshire, N... Lord Burghley M- W. Hunt ... Northamptonshire, 5.... Sir R. Knightley Col Cartwright Northumberland, N. Lord H. Percy ... Sir M. W. Ridley Northumberland, S. ~. Mr W. B. Beaumont Mr H. Liddell Mr Warner Sir W. Russell ▪ Mr S. Morley ... Sir R. Clifton Nottinghamshire, N. ... Lord R. Clinton Mr J. E. Denison Nottinghamshire, S. ... Mr Barrow Lord Stanhopo • Mr Hibbert Mr Platt • Mr Cardwell Mr Neate •.• ... Mr Henley ... 0 1 Col Fano 0 1 Col North Sir W. Heathcote ... 0 1 Mr G. Hardy 0 1 ... Sir 11. Owen 1 0 • Mr G. L. Phillips ... 0 1 Mr Whalloy 1 0 Mr T. Hankey ... 1 0 ... Sir W. Jolliffe 0 1 ... Sir R. P. Collier ... 1 0 Mr Morrison ... 1 0 ... Mr Childers ... 1 0 Mr Waterhouse ... 1 • Mr H. D. Seymour 1 0 Mr Waring . 1 0 ... Mr Sergeant Gaseleo ... 1 0 Mr Stone 1 0 Sir T. Hesketh 0 1 lion. C. Stanley 0 1 • Mr R. G. Price ... 1 0 ... Sir J. Walsh . 0 1 • Sir F. Goldsmid 1 0 Mr S. Lefevre ... 1 0 ... Mr G. L. Gower ... 1 0 ... Lord Galwoy 0 1 Mr Foljambo 1 0 • Sir R. Palmer 1 0 Hon J. C. Dundas 1 0 ... Sir C. Wood ... 1 0 Captain Koarsoy ... 1 0 ... Mr T. B. Potter 1 0 ... Mr W. Martin 1 0 Sergeant Kinglake ... 1 0 • lion G. 11. lioathcote ... 1 0 Hon G. J. Noel 0 1 ... Mr Mackinnon, sen. ... 1 0 ▪ Mr Gheetham 1 0 ... Mr Marsh Mr Hamilton ... 1 0 ... Lord C. Paget ... 1 0 Mr Knatehbull-Hugesseu 1 0 ▪ Sir J. Johnstone 1 0 Mr Dent .., ... 1 0 • Mr G. Glyn 1 0 Mr Roebuck 1 0 Mr Hadfield 1 0 Mr S. Cave 0 1 Sir I'. Burrell .., 0 1 • Mr Tomlino ... 1 0 Mr Clement ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 .- 0 1 .- 1 0 . 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 Norwich Nottingham ... Oldham ... Oxford Oxfordshire ... Oxford University Pembroke... Pembrokeshire Peterborough Peters&ld Plymouth Pontefract ... Poole ... Portsmouth ... Preston . Radnor District Radnorshire Reading Reigate ... Retford, East Richmond Ripon ... ... Rochdale Rochester Rutlandshiro ... Ryo ... Salford Salisbury Sandwich Scarborough ... Shaftesbury ... Sheffield Shoreham ... Shrewsbury ... Shropshire, North jor Cust Mr 0. Gor© ... Mr More ... 0 1 Shropshire, South ... 0 1 ... 1 0 _ Co] Herbert Soinersetshire, East Mr N. Grenville ... 0 1 ... 0 1 Mr R. fagot Somersetshire, West ... Sir A. Hood Mr. G. Langton Mr R. Gurney Mr Moffatt... ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 Southampton South Shields Southwark Mr Ingham Mr Lock •.• Mr Layard ••• • Mr 11. A. Bass Captain Miller Staffordshire, North Mr E. Buller Mr Adderley Staffordshire, South ... Mr W. H. Foley Mr W. 0. Foster Lord Craubourne Sir S. Northcoto Mr Paull ... ~„ Mr J. B. Smith Mr Watkin ••• Stoke-upon-Trent Mr 11. Grenfoll Mr Beresford Hope • Mr Horsman Mr G. P. &rope... ▪ Sir F. Kelly ... Lord Henniker ..• Lord A. Harvey Major Parker Mr 11. Fenwick Mr Hartley ... • Mr Locke King Mr C. Buxton ... • Mr Briscoe ••• Mr Cubitt ••• • Mr Dodson ••• Lord E. Cavendish ~. Col Bartellot Capt Windham ... • Mr Dillwyn • Sir R. Peel ... Mr J. Peel ••• • Mr C. Barclay Lord W. Hay „, • Mr A. Russell Mr Samuda, „„ ▪ Mr Dowdeswell Mr Yorke ... Mr A. H. Baring... Mr IL Harvey ▪ Sir W. Gallwey Lord Palrnerston Mr IValrond ▪ Mr A. Seymour Mr Ponder... Mr Butler Mr Ayrton ••• Capt Vivian Mr F. Williams ▪ Mr G. Trevelyan... ▪ Mr W. Leatham ... Sir C. W. Dilke ... Mr C. Foster ... Mr Calcraft ... Mr Greenall ... Mr A. W. Pool Mr Repton ••• Warwickshire, North... Mr Nowdogate Mr D. Bromley „.. Warwickshire, South... Sir C. Mordant Mr Wiso •.• Sir W. Hayter Mr IL W. Jolliffe Hon, G. Forster Mr Gaskell ..• . a . Sir M. Lopez Capt Grosvenor Mr J. S. Mill A • • Hon H. Lowther Earl of Bective •.. Weymouth ... Mr Brooks Mr Gridley ••• Wigan Mr Woods ••• ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 .- 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 Stafford. Stamford St. Ives... Stockport ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ~. 1 0 ... 0 1 Stroud ... Suffolk, East ... Suffolk, West... Sunderland ... S urroy, East ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 .- 1 0 Surrey, West Sussex, East ... Sussex, West ... Swans©a Tamworth Taunton Tavistock Tewkesbury ... Thetford Thirsk . Tiverton Totnes ... ... Towor Hamlets; Truro Tynemouth ... Wakefield ~. Wallingford ... Walsall ... Wareham ... Warrington ... Warwick ... Wells ... Wenlock 4,. Westbury Westminster ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 Westmoreland ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 Gen. Lindsay ••• • Sir J. Simeon ••• ... Mr Ant ro b us • Lord Th ynno m Mr. Grove • Mr Antrobus ••• • Mr G. B. Carter Mr Simm ons ... Mr Laboueb er° Sir 11. Hoar e • Mr C. P. Villiers Mr Weguelin • Mr Barnett • Mr Sheriff Mr Padmore Worcestershire, East .., Hon F. Calthorpe Mr if. Vernon Wight, lola of Wilton Wiltshire, Souii: ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 „. 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 .., 1 0 .- 1 o ... 9 1 ... 1 o ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 Wilton Winchestor Windsor Wolverhampton Woodstock ... Worcester ... Worcestershire, Wost.,. Hon F. Lygon Mr Knight ... Mr J. It. Mills Than C. Carrington Yarmouth ... Sir E. tacon Mr Goodson ... Mr Lowther ... Mr Leeman ... Yorkshire, East Mang Lord Ilotha.m ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 itrycombo York ... Hon A. Duucombo 0 1 Yorkshire, N. Riding,. Mr F. A. Milbank° ~. 0 1 Hon W. E. Duncombe 0 1 Yce.whire, N. W. Ridi n g Sir F. Crossley 1 0 Lord F. Cavendish 1 0 Yorkshire, S.W. Bidi n , Lord Milton ... 1 0 Cdr H. F. Beaumont 1 0 .ITHE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1865. IRELAND Members .„ Mr O'Neill Mr Seymour ... Mr Miller Sir W. Verner Sir J. Stronge ▪ Mr Reardon • Hon H. Bernard ... 0 Sir H. Cairns ~. 0 Mr Getty ... 0 • Mr O. Stock ... 1 ▪ Mr Bruen Capt Packs Beresford 0 ~. Mr Torrons 0 ... Mr O'Beirne ••• 1 ▪ Hon Capt Annesley Mr Sanderson ▪ Col Vandeleur Sir C. O'Loghlen ... Mr Bagwell • Sir H. Bruce ▪ Mr Maguire Mr Murphy Mr Barry ••• Mr Leader .• ▪ Viscount Hamilton Mr T. Conolly Lord A. IL Trevor Col Fords ••• ▪ Mr Ker •••• ▪ Mr Whitworth ... ▪ Mr Guinness ... Mr Pim ... Col Taylor ... Mr Hamilton ... ... Mr Whiteside ... Mr Lefroy ••• ... Sir G. Bowyer ••• ... Major S. Knox ... ... Mr Barry ▪ Capt Stacpoole ... Hon J. L. Cole ▪ Capt .Archdall Col Cole ••• ... Sir R. Blennerhasset Mr Morris • Lord Dunkellin Mr Gregory ... ~. Hon H. Herbert Viscount Castlerosse • Mr Cogan •.• Lord 0. Fitzgerald • Sir J. Gray ..„ ... Mr Bryan ••• Hon L. Agar-Ellis ... Mr P. Hennessy Mr J. W. King ... Sir G. Colthurst ▪ Mr Brady Mr W. 0. Gore ~. Mr F. W. Russell Major Gavin ... ... Mr Monsell Mr Synan ••• ID" 1 0 Lisburn Mr E. W. Verner ... 0 1 Londonderry city Lord C. J. Hamilton ... 0 1 Londonderry county Mr R. P. Dawson 0 1 Sir F. W. Heygate ... 0 1 • Col Greville 1 0 Mr O'Reilly ... 1 0 • Mr C. Fortescue ... 1 0 Mr Kennedy ... 1 0 • Mr Sergeant Sullivan ... 1 0 ... Lord J. Browne 1 0 Lord Bingham ... 0 1 ▪ Mr Corbally 1 0 Mr M'Evoy 1 0 ▪ Col Leslie •.• ••• 0 1 Hon V. Dawson 1 0 ▪ Col Tottenham 0 1 0 1 Places. Antrim county L, .. .0 Armagh city ... Armagh county Athlone Bandon Belfast Carlow Carlow county Carrickfergus ... Cashel ... Cavan county Clare county ... Cloninel Coleraine Cork ~,, Cork county ... Donegal county Down County Downpatrick Drogheda Dublin city Dublin county Dablin University Dundalk ... Dungannon ... Dungarvort ... Ennis ... Enniskillen ... Fermanagh county ... o ... o ... 1 Galway city ... Galway county Kerry county ... Kildare county Kilkenny ... Kilkenny county ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 .- 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 .- 1 0 .- 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 King's county Kinsale •,. Leitrim county Limerick city Limerick county Longford county Louth county Mallow Mayo county Meath county Monaghan county ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 . Mr Tunes •.. ... Mr Lawson ... 0 1 ... Mr Fitzpatrick ... 1 0 Col Dunne 0 1 Roscommon county ... The O'Conor Don 1 0 Col French 1 0 Mr Sergeant Armstrong... 1 0 • Sir R. G Booth ... 0 1 Mr Cooper ... 0 1 • The O'Donoghue ... 1 0 ... Lord Claude Hamilton ... 0 1 Mr Corry . • Mr J. A. Blake 1 0 Sir IL W. Barron ... 1 0 Waterford county ... Mr Esmond° 1 0 Lord Tyrone 0 1 Westmeath county Mr Pollard-Urquhart ... 1 0 Mr Greville 1 0 ... Mr Devereux 1 0 ... Mr George Sir J. Power ... 1 0 ▪ Mr W. F. Dick ... 0 1 Lord Proby 0 Mr M‘Konna New Ross ... Newry ... ~. Portarlington ... Queen's county Sligo ___ Sligo county ... Trak° ... Tyrono county Waterford city Wexford city ... Wexford county Wicklow county Youghal ... 1 0 SCOTLAND. • Col Sykes ▪ Mr Leslie Mr Finlay • Mr Craufurd • Sir J. Fergusson .„ Mr•R. W. Duff ▪ Mr D. Robertson • Mr Lamont ... • Mr Trail! •.• • Mr W. P. Adam ... • Mr Smollett* Mr J. Stirling* ... ... Mr W. Ewart ... Major Walk©r • Sir J. Ogilvy • Mr Moncrieir Mr D. M'Laren Edinburgh county ... Earl of Dalkeith Elgin Burghs ... Mr G. Duff Elgin and Nairn C. Erne° Falkirk Burghs Mr J. Merry ... Fifeshiro Sir H.Anstruther Forfarshire Hon C. Carnegie Glasgow Mr W. Graham Mr Dalglish Greenock Mr Dunlop Haddington Burghs Sir H. F. Davie Haddingtonshiro Lord Elcho Inverness Burghs ... Mr Matheson ... 1 0 Inverness-shim Mr 11. Baillio ... 0 1 Kilmarnock Burghs ... Mr E. P. Bouverie ... 1 0 Kincardineshire Mr Nicol Kirkcaldy Burghs Mr Aytoun ••• •.• 1 0 Kirkcudbrightshire ... Mr J. Mackio 1 0 Lanarkshire Sir E. Colebroolco 1 0 Leith Burghs ... Mr W. Miller ... 1 0 Linlithgowahire Mr M`Lagan 1 0 Montrose ... • Mr Baxter Orkney and Shetland... Mr F. DundaS 1 0 Paisley ••• . Mr Cruin Ewing 1 0 Peeblesshire Sir G. Montgomery C 1 Perth ... Mr A. Kinnaird 1 0 Perthshire ... Mr W. Stirling 0 1 Renfrewshire Mr Spiers Ross and Cromarty ... Sir J. Matheson 1 0 Roxburghshiro ... Sir W. Scott ... 1 0 Selkirkshire ... Lord H. Scott 0 1 St. Andrews ... Mr Ellice Stirling Burghs Mr L. Oliphant ... 1 0 Stirlingshire . Admiral Erskine ... 1 0 Sutherlandshire .. ... Sir D. Dundas 1 0 Wick Burghs „.. Mr Laing Wigton Burghs ... Mr Young Wigtonshire ... Sir Andrew Agnew 1 0 * For Dumbartonshire there is a double return, the numbers for Mr Smollett and Mr Stirling being equal, and therefore the seat is not credited to either party. Aberdeen ... Aberdeenshire Argyllshire ... Ayr Burghs ... Ayrshire ... Banffshire ... Berwickshire ... Butoshire ... Caithnesashire Clackmannan Dumbartonshire ... 1 0 ... 0 1 .- 1 0 ... 1 0 ._ 0 1 „. 1 0 _. 1 0 ._ 1 0 ... 1 0 Dumfries Burghs Dumfriesshire Dundee Edinburgh ... 1 0 ... 0 1 - 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 0 1 ... 1 0 ...0 1 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 0 -- Alr G. Hardy is returned for Leominster and also for Oxford University. Of the total number of G5B members forming the new House of Commons, there aro-- 367 290 Liberals Conservatives.. The Liberal gains and losses stand as follow :-- LIB) ILAL GAINS. •.• ... 1 ... ... 1 ... ••• 1 Ashburton Aylesbury Borwicic Bridgnorth Brighton Butoshire Cardiganshire ... ... 1 ... ... 1 ... 1 1 1 ... ... 1 Carnarvon Cavan county Chatham Chester Chitheroo Colchester ... Derbyshire, South Dublin city Essex, North ... Exeter Fromo ... ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... ... 1 ~. 1 ... ••• 1 ... ... 1 ... ... 1 ... ... 1 Galway city Grimsby Helstone Hertfordshire ... Horsham Hull Knaresborough Kincardineshire Lancashire, South Leicester ... ... ••• 1 1 ... ... 1 Abingdon •., Berkshire ..• Blackburn ... Bridgwater ... Canterbury ... Carlisle ... Cheltenham ... Chippenham Cirencester ... Cricklade ~, Derby Devonport Grantham ... Hastings ~. Hereford ... Kidderminster ... King's county ... 1 ••• - •• • 1 ... 1 •.• 1 Limerick county Lincoln. ••• 1 Mallow ... ••• ••• 1 Monaghan county ... 1 Newport Poole 1 Portsmouth 1 Portarlington 1 Renfrewshire 1 Shropshire, South ... 1 Staffordshire, North ... 1 S tirlingshire 1 Sussex, East ... ..• 1 Sligo „, ,„ 1 Taunton Tynemouth 1 Wareham Warwick Wallingford ... 1 Wakefield ... 1 Waterford city ... 1 Weymouth 1 Wilts, South . 1 Windsor Yorkshire, North Riding 1 Yorkshire, South-Wort 1 Total ... „• 57 'I'VE LOSSES. CONSERVAT' AsidlartoP. 1 Aylesbury ••• 1 13erwick 1 Bridgnorth 1 Brighton 1 Carnarvon District ... 1 Chatham 1 Chester Clitheroe Colchester 1 Exeter 1 ••• 1 Promo •.• ••• 1 Grimsby ••• ••• 1 Holston ••• 1 Horsham ••• ••• 1 Hull 1 Net Conservative loss in boro CouN Conservati Knaresborough Leicester Lincoln Newport Poole Portsmouth Tyneniouth Taunton Wakefield Walliagford Wareham Warwick Weymouth Windsor Berkshire, 2. East Norfolk. Total ~. •ughs iTIES. ive Gains. West Norfolk. Total Conservative Losses. North Staffordshire East Sussex South Wilts Yorkshire N. Riding Total ... 10 Cardiganshire S. Derbyshire North Essex Hertfordshire South Lancashire South Shropshire Not Conservative loss in Counties Liberal gain in new constituency of South-west Riding ... ... ... ... Conservative gain at Oxford University Net Conservative loss ... •.. ~. ... SCOTLAND. COUNTIB S. Conservative losses ... ... ... ... Buteshire, Kincardineshire, Benfrewshire, and Stirlingshiro. __ Total... IRELAND. BOROUGIL9. Conservative Gain. Cashel. Dublin Galway Mallow Not Conservative 1055... Total ~. ... the danger was trivial compared to what it Is to-day. When Pope was driven back to Washington the danger was nothing to what it is to-day. We are to-day in the mael ' strom of politics. The difficulty is in mustering up public opinion strong enough to overawe the Pi l esident." The compromise suggested by certain leaders is ; thus put, " universal suffrage and universal am nesty ;" to admit every negro to the suffrage, and pardon the South en masse. But would the Southern party be weakened by negro suffrage ? It is very questionable. In the first place, it is believed by many that the negro would vote the way his master wished him ; in the next, the addition of so many thousands to the suffrage would, of course, give tke South additional members ; representation here, as I need not remind the English reader, being based upon population. Then, again, if the negroes are allowed to have votes, what is to prevent them sending a negro to Congress as their represen tative ? Even ardent Abolitionists are not pre pared to go this length in the emancipation of the race. But, whatever may happen, say others, " now that the black is a free man you have no right to exclude him from the suffrage. You might as well exclude Irish or Germans." Every citizen has a right to vote, and the loyal black is as good a citizen as any other. In answer to all this the President and the Republican party fall back upon this standpoint—let each State do as it pleases. If the Abolitionists are so anxious to have the negro a voter, why do not they admit im to the suffrage in the State of New York first ? Thus Mr. Johnson refuses to see in the question of negro suffrage any cause of embarrassment. He declines to make it a question for the Administration to deal with. Hence the cry against him by the Phillips-Sumner party. With regard to the State rights, all are granted except the principle of State sovereignty. A State may manage its affairs as it deems right, only it must not go out of the Union. Whatever may be said about the Constitution, the sword has decided this matter, and is is too late to argue about it. Such, then, is the position of affairs at this moment. It is a tangle, but the clue to it is the determination of the mass of the people, and their ability to carry out that determination, to have every difficulty settled peaceably and fairly. Thoughtful Americans who stand outside the noisy arena of politics care very little for the clamour which goes on among the combatants. In effect they say, " the people fought the war, not the politicians. We shall settle our difficulties one by one. There is no hurry about it. Water finds its level, and so will all the complica tions which now look so threatening." This looks a very superficial and facile way of dealing with a serious political crisis, but it is at least as hopeful as some of the remedies recommended by the Demo crats, who boast that they will again shortly gain the ascendancy, and by the Radicals, who would impeach the President rather than that the negro should not be invested with the right to vote. - Perhaps as moderate a view as could be obtained of the attitude of different parties here, and more especially of the opinions of the loyal classes, is to be found in an address issued by a meeting at Faneuil-hall, Boston. This paper has been received with very great favour, so far as I am able to judge, by impartial men. It charges the South with having aspired to become the dominant class, and to have sought to carry out their designs by "the dogma of State supremacy." When the North refused to accept their principles they rebelled, and now they yield, not from motives of loyalty, but because they are thoroughly overpowered. The Government is justified in holding their part of the country in military occupation, " and the nation is asserting a right, before it yields that occupation, to see the public safety secured and the public faith pre served." The only thing to be feared, continues the address, is that the work of reconstruction will proceed too fast, and that States will be restored before their good faith on the question of slavery is quite insured. When a State is once restored the Administration can no longer order its affairs. The following passage contains the pith of the whole matter, and I believe that it fairly summarises the general opinion of the Northern people : " We declare it to be our belief that if the nation admits a rebel State to its full functions with a Constitution which does not secure to the freed men the right of suffrage in such manner as to be impartial, and not based in principle upon colour, and as to be reasonably attainable by intelli gence and character, and which does not place in their hands a substantial power to defend their rights as citizens at the ballot-box, with the right to be educated, to acquire homesteads, and to testify in courts, the nation will bo re creant to its duty, to itself, and to them, and will incur, and deserve to incur, danger and reproach proportioned to tho magnitude of its responsibility." The danger of reconstructing too rapidly is as clear as noon-day. • One of the very first subjects which must come before Congress will be the settlement of the national debt. Will the South be willing to bear its share of taxes for the liquidation of the Northern debt? Will it make ready sacrifices in order to pay for the rod which scourged it? Its own debt, when Lee surgndered, was over ppopopo. It must bear this loss, and pay its share of the Northern debt besides. The inhabitants of the States must pay in proportion to the property they have. It is impossible that this question can be adjusted without immense difficulty, and without the growth of much new bitterness and ill feeling. As to the state of public opinion in the South, it is precisely that which might be looked for among people so circumstanced. The first thing they have to do is to submit ; the next to resist. The submis sion is suspiciously eager. Some here contend that the South is sincere in its desire to return to the Union, but, in the face of what has taken place during the last four years, such a supposition must necessarily be delusive. General Jeff Thompson, in a farewell speech to his soldiers at Jacksonport, re flected Southern feeling in a rough kind of manner. "Avoid political discussions," he told them. "If any man says ' nigger' to you, swear that you never knew nor saw ose in your life. We have talked about the niggers for 40 years, and have been out talked ; we have fought four years for the niggers, and have been d- badly whipped, and now it is not your put.' " He continued The Yankees have won the nigger, and will do what they please with him, and you have no say in the matter ; if they want him they will take him, and if they say that you must keep him you have to do it and no mistake. I tell you that you have no say in the matter, and you oughtn't to have any. Go home and stay there ; don't go anywhere but to mill ; don't go to church, for the ministers will put knots and mischief in your heads and get you into trouble. Be good citizens, and then those of you who have been good, honest, and brave soldiers, have nothing to fear; but I warn those of you who have been nothing but sneaking, cowardly jay-hawkers, cut-throats, and thieves, that a just retribution awaits you, and I hope to God that the Federal authorities will hang you wherever and whenever they find you, and they will do it sure. We are conquered, sub jugated; we have no right; but must accept such privi leges and favours as the Government may see proper to bestow upon us." Every Southern man feels that the day is lost, but the majority still hope that in Congress they may have another chance. Mr. Johnson knows this, and for the present at least will not admit the largest slaveholders to the benefit of an unconditional am nesty. They must ask pardon individually, and it can either be refused or denied them at the option of the Government. The North would not tolerate the removal of this restriction until public affairs are in a more settled state. In the meanwhile, Northern capital will very shortly flow into the South. It is now rumoured that Mr. Davis will be tried before a military Commission. Should this prove true, there will be great dissatisfaction caused. Even the warmest friends of the administration feel that the time has come when military tribunals should be discontinued, and civil courts everywhere restored. There are very few now who cry out for the execu tion of Mr. Davis, and even those few would rather see him condemned by a civil than a military Court, if he is to be condemned at all. The suspension by the President of habeas corpus in the case of Mrs. Surratt is loudly complained of by the Democratic party, and it would be considered a still more un pardonable infringement of the Constitution to keep up military Courts so long after the termination of the war. EX-PRESIDENT DAVIS.—A Washington despatch of the 11th July states that a gentleman from Fortress Monroe reports the health of Jefferson Davis much better than it has been at any time during his in carceration. Ms meals aro sent direct from the table of Dr. Craven, his attendant physician, by his daughter, and by her delivered to the officer having immediate charge over him. 1 0 LOSSES. LIBER. ... 2 ... 1 II" 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 Lichfield Liverpool Lyme Regis 1 Maldon Norfolk, East 1 Norfolk, West ... ... 1 Northallerton 1 Oxford University 1 Preston Thetford ... 1 Tiverton Whitby ••• .1. 1 Woodstock ... 1 Sunderland 1 Tewkesbury 1 .., 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 Total ... 33 (From the Morning Herald) Yesterday's polling brought the general election of 1865 to a close, and we are now enabled accurately to sum up the results of the contest as affecting the two political par ties in the State. The tabular statements subjoined have been prepared with scrupulous °axe, and in perfect good faith. It is possible, of course, that the first party division may slightly alter the figures ; but if an alteration do take place, it is far more likely to swell the numbers of the Conservatives than those of the Liberals ; at any rate we are quite contented to let the first division be the test of the accuracy of our figures. The Conservative gains and 'oases during the election are as follows : ENGLAND AND WALES. 13ououous. CONSERVATIVE GAINS. Abingdon ~.. Blackburn Bridgwater ... Bury St. Edmunds Canterbury ... Carlisle ~. Cheltenham ~. Chippenham Cirencester ... Cricklade Ole Derby Devonport Grantham ... Hastings ~. Hereford Kidderminster ... Lichfield Liverpool • .• Lyme Regis ... Maldon ••• Northallorton Preston Sunderland 1 Salisbury Thetford •• • Tliverton Whdtbp • Woodstock • .. ~. 1 1f WQtal sip ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 el. 28 Liberal Gains. ••• I. I. 1 I Portarlington Sligo Total 5 COUNTIES. Conservative Gain. King's County. ••• ~• 1 Conservative Losses. I Monaghan Total 3 Cavan Limerick Not Conservative Loss Total Conservative Losses in England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland 21 The total number of Conservative members returned is 290, against 369 Liberal; including the double return for Dumbartonshire. It is obvious, however, that these num bers are not to be strictly relied upon as representing the real strength of either the Government or the Opposition. In the last Parliament several Irish members, professedly Liberal; invariably voted with the Opposition, and there is every reason to believe that a still larger number of Irish Liberals will be found opposed to the Government in the divisions of next session. Considerable deductions also must be made from the ranks of the Ministerialists, on the ground of petitions, &c. After the election of 1859 the Conservatives gained ton seats on petition. On the present occasion the petitions against Ministerialists will be more numerous, and the acts of bribery and intimidation were far more openly committed. We refrain, for obvious rea sons, from publishing for the present the names of the boroughs whose votes will be subjected to parliamentary inquiry. On the whole, the Conservatives have no right to be dissatisfied with the result. The Opposition members con stitute a compact body of 290. They have got rid, in the election just terminated, of all the waverers and pseudo- Conservatives who, for the last six years, have sat on Mr. Disraeli's side and voted with Lord Palmerston. They re present a compact strength against which the present Government must be powerless for evil. They ensure the country against any successful attempt against the consti tution in Church and State, either on the part of the Government or of its democratic supporters. It is worthy of notice that in 1859 Lord Derby on the dissolution gained an accession of 23 seats, whilst the pre sent Government, with all its lavish outlay and long re tention of office, has only recovered 21. THE UNITED STATES. (From the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, JULY 12. Any one who attached weight to the statements and discussions of conflicting political parties here would be led to the conclusion that the country is in a state of hopeless anarchy and confusion. The great problem of the day—what shall be done with the South now that it is conquered?—not only baffles the " politicians," but throws them into vio lent collision with each other. There is nothing to be heard among Radicals, Republicans, or Democrats, but mutual recriminations and expressions of dis trust and suspicion. Nevertheless, there is one fact which they all are obliged to recognise in com mon, and which considerably detracts from the im portance of their deliberations, and that fact is that the people are as firmly united as ever in the broad purpose to support the Government in any measures which it may deem necessary to insure thepacification of the country. The President pursues his policy with out the least reference to the opinion of any political section. From time to time, in speeches or in letters, he has indicated that policy so plainly that no one can have any misapprehension concerning it. He told the South Carolinians that his object was to " get back the States to the point at which they formerly moved in perfect harmony." He will not admit that any State has ever yet been out of the Union, and therefore it is not " reconstruction" he has to consider, but " restoration." So, too, he said to General Logan the other day, " I do not mean to treat them as inchoate States, but merely as existing under a temporary suspension of their Government, provided always they elect loyal men. The doctrine of coercion to preserve a State in the Union has been vindicated by the people." With regard to slavery, he desires that each State shall call a convention and abolish it formally. On the question of negro suf frage ho has been less explicit, expressing merely a wish,to "approach it gradually ;" but he has spoken plainly enough to show that he desires each State to deal with this subject also for itself. These pints mark out the course which the Presi dent is resolved to pursue ; and by this time most people have found out that Mr. Johnson is a man not easily turned aside from his purpose, and not to be moved by threats of opposition. His main prin ciple clearly is to effect the reorganisation of the South just as its armies were conquered, " by little and little." Some think that he is advancing too rapidly ; others, that he is altogether too slow. The difficulties in the way of complete restoration in the South are obviously of the gravest kind. The Southern leaders are apparently cheerfully submissive, andsay that if Mr. Johnson would but retract his $20,000 exception clause, and make the amnesty general, there would be no men in the Union more loyal than they. Yet it may be doubted whether they really look upon their cause as so irretrievably lost as they profess. The probability rather is that they are preparing to hamper legislation as much as they can, more particu larly with reference to such subjects as the payment of the national debt. Beaten in the field, they hope to renew the fight in the Council Chamber. In order to succeed in this, their organs in this city and else where advise them to concede everything—above all, not to oppose the admittance of negroes to the suf frage. Numerically the Southern party would still be the weaker of the two, as the Union party would consist of 148 members and the Southern of 120. Supposing, however, that the representatives of the South were persistent in offering obstructions to the Administration, they have power enough to do con siderable mischief. This is the evil which men like Mr. Wendell Phillips fear. In a recent speech Mr. Phillips attacked the President in no measured terms for organising the States—that is, giving them go vernors and allowing them to resume their former status—before the interests of the negro have been sufficiently guarded. He affirms that slavery is as much a system now as it ever was. Southern mas ters have still the power to beat their slaves if they will not work, and to " lend" them to each other. Mr. Phillips so exactly expresses the views of what is called the ultra-Radical party, composed of men like Mr. Sumner, that a short extract from his speech will be useful:— "I don't count the President on our side. Ho is not to be counted as a force on our side. At present ho is a force on the other side. Ho is to bo flanked or subdued ; to be converted. His attitude is to be changed ; if not, the Re public is gone. Mr. Johnson, you are wrong ; your plan is wrong ; it bears within it the seeds of death to the Re public ; we move instantly upon your works. We sum mon the public and expose your plan, show that your attitude is fatal, hope that you will change it, beg you to change it, exhort you to change it, and if you won't change it, then roll the wheels of the Republic, and crush it and you. Our hope is in diverting the purpose of Andrew Johnson, to make him shut the door of the House of Representatives upon the 4th day of December, until we can rally the North. When Grant stood before Yioksburg . 32 SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC TlMES.—After a twelvemonth's unsuccessful de fence of a University seat—not to speak of other trifles—and a two days' successful assault on a great county constituency, even Mr. Gladstone might confess to a touch of fatigue. It showed itself at Newton in a very usual form. Every orator and logician knows that at the last gasp of his intel lectual energies he can mount a hobby in the form of some very rampant metaphor, and so ride, if not to victory, at least out of the lists. When a pedes trian is dead beat he is glad of any lift—an omnibus full of old women, or the poacher's cart, taking, as he shrewdly suspects, his own pheasants to the sta tion. Thus it was that Mr. Gladstone got helped on, first by the policeman, then by the builder's fore man. As the mere movement of street passengers is backwards as well as forwards, indeed in all direc tions, that simile could not help Mr. Gladstone under the imputation of erratic habits. The proces sion of the thoroughfare is worse than a rope of sand, for it is quicksand continually shifting. The next metaphor that he seems to have selected for its fitness to sluggish and material apprehensions was architectural, if a man understands nothing else, he knows at least what a house is, and how it can be pulled down, or rebuilt, or enlarged, whether vertically or laterally. You can take your time over an architectural simile. It does not even pretend to run on all fours, for it does not run at all. It stands still till you have pulled it to pieces, and laid it by for future use. We submit, however, that the Bri tish Constitution, which is the matter in hand, and the study of this Constitution, are matters for the naturalist rather than the mechanic. The British Constitution is a living thing ; it has grown and de veloped itself in a very easy and often imperceptible way for many ages. It has undergone many changes, and attained to an immense enlargement, but there can be no doubt of its identity with the original suppling. lf, then, it must be treated figuratively, this is the nearest emblem. We may Sorrow some thing from all the trees and all the plants we ever heard of, but we must still make it a tree. Let us fertilise, water, dig about, prune, give ai r an d earth room, even graft, but we must still deal with our subject as a living thing, and according to the order of nature. This is a matter of more im portance than might at first seem. We cannot cut our tree down one day and put a better tree in its place to-morrow. We cannot at once alter its whole nature. As a feeling or fancy grows in the heart, so does a tree in the earth. We cannot thrust upon it anything that any inventive genius may deem to be an improvement. We cannot make it grow much faster or much slower. It will take its own time. We cannot send it back 500 years or push it on that much. We cannot adjust its vital circulation quite so easily as we could the irrigation of a water mea dow or the supply of gas in a town. We are bound by certain laws of nature—chains of iron if we fret against them, silken strings if we take them kindly. The principle of a natural growth in the British Constitution, as contrasted with mere motion, or mere construction, is fatal to suggestions from all sides. It is fatal to the idea that anything what ever can be incorported into this monarch of the woods unless it can be chemically proved to be in compatible. It is fatal to novelties, as such, for the newer a thing is the less likely is it to assimilate with the old. It is fatal to what are called fancy franchises. We have just witnessed the result of a fancy franchise far better than any lately proposed. James 1., among other most plausible pedantries, gave two seats to each University. His alleged reasons were the representation of learning and the assistance of education, but he was suspected of caring more forstrengtheningthe connexion between the Court and the Universities. Those bodies did not much value the privilege, and appreciated much more the nomination to benefices belonging to Roman Catholic patrons, then first given to them. We now witness a development never contemplated by the royal pedagogue, for the seats given to the Universities as places of education have fallen into the hands of the country clergy and squires. Such a perversion, of course, cannot signify much, and no one would venture to say that the seats are thrown away. But Mr. Gladstone may take warning from his own fate against innovation not quite in theline of natural development. The University representa tion is not a branch of the political tree, but a mag nificent fungus, more defensible on its own merits than as a part of the whole system. If changes are to be made, the first thing thing to be done is to discover the principle of growth—in a word, the true nature of our representation, and beware of any change that will involve a new principle. Large changes are possible within this restriction. An occupation franchise of £2O a year is not different in principle from one of £5O. A county constitu ency with 5,000 electors is not different in principle from one of twice that number. The representa tion of half a county or a riding is not different in principle from the representation of a whole county. The restriction of seats to boroughs with not less than 5,000 inhabitants is not different in principle from the limit of 2,000. The grouping of small towns is a principle found to work well in Scotland. South of the Tweed, composite rural boroughs, com prising many villages, have worked without com plaint. The old system contained many varieties of qualification, of numbers, and of district, and varieties found to succeed might be tried on a larger scale. All this is to enable the tree to grow accord ing to its own nature and laws, not to invent a new tree altogether, and put it in the place of the old. The greatest innovation of the Reform Act was the introduction of three representatives in certain cases for counties. This has often led, it must be con fessed, to a satisfactory result in the representation of the minority, though it may bo doubted whether that is a very English principle ; but it certainly has not tended to the peace of the counties victimised by the experiment, and the battle for the third seat has often proved fiercer than that for two. Mr. Gladstone, at the moment when he can wear at once the palm of the martyr and the laurel of the victor, has this additional fortune, that he need not pledge himself to anything or anybody. Other men have had to be carried over the country weeks and even months, ready to answer questions which they were often ashamed to listen to, though sometimes unable to answer. But with constitutional im petuosity he has been rushing into explanations for which no other reason can be given than that he found them on the tip of his tongue when he had nothing else to say. At a roadside inn abroad, if they have nothing else to offer, they will at least have sausage and ham, and Mr. Gladstone has a large store of such articles o n hi s s h e l ves . N o one who has been dragged out of pleasant company to make a speech to absolute strangers upon no a propos whatever would wish Mr. Gladstone less supplied with commonplaces. But there is no neces sity to surrender the British Constitution, bodily and for ever, to the first dozen honest and well edu cated working men who think themselves competent to demand that concession. There is such a thing as a dangerous glibness of speech, which leads a man to say what he will often wish unsaid five minutes after. Upon the most important question of the day, that of Parliamentary Reform, we are either likely to open ground very shortly, or to re peat the memorable "As you were" movement of five years ago. We shall either be plunged into a serious and perilous struggle, or the two great parties will agree to resist the common foe. With a view to either event and either course, it is very unwise to propound broad principles which in the one case will be liable to abuse, and in the other will be con signed to the limbo of unmeaning, and therefore dishonest, platitudes. Now that the elections are over, and there is no earthly reason why speeches should be made, except as birds sing, to satisfy the irritability of their vocal organs Mr. Gladst one may as well hold his hand—that is, his tongue. He has said quite enough for all practical purposes. Happily six long months will probably intervene between this and the meeting of Parliament, and that long period will be much better employed in considering what to do than in raising popular ex pectations, and so creating obstacles in the way of what could otherwise be done. P OST. — TheAmerican news which has just reached us contains an ominous announcement. It appears that the " Confiscation Department" which has been established at Richmond has seized a large amount of property for confiscation. Considering that the proclamation issued some short time since by the new President includes within its penal ordinances almost everybody but the very poorest class of per sons throughout the entire South, it seems probable that the "Confiscation Department" will find plenty of raw material upon which to exercise its ingenuity and its unprecedented powers. The final cause of the institution of this court seems to be the conversion of the private property of the Southerner into the public property of the Federal Government. We prefer to specify the nature of this department by a simple statement of facts (though that may assume the shape of a somewhat prolix periphrasis) to de scribing it by a single epithet, as this would involve the s g n s e n c d e s s s e i v t ye seventy than o i f t empalnoYinignghat phrase of greater harsh ne be considered cou r t eous. The Americans themselves, however, appear to be less scrupulous. Of course people have a right to be more plain spoken in speaking of themselves than others—having due regard to the amenities of ,civi lisation—have in speaking of them. The Americans plainly tell us they have established a Confiscation Department. There are those who, viewin g the case impartially from a distance, may feel surprise that they did not calla a "spoliation" department at on ce . But, after all, there is not much in a name and ms and for that reason we p:efer to describ e this singular • t . tution by a simple state men t o f the fact. - know, would emit the same odour whatever name might be given to it, and this office which has been instituted for converting the • t priva e property of the Southerner into the public property of the Federal Government—in other words, for transferring the property of the South to the North, without any consideration having been paid for it, would remain just what it is, neither better nor worse, whatever designation it may receive from friends or enemies. Where the action of this court, or whatever it may be, will end, it is im possible to say. There is no more reason why one Southerner's property should be confiscated more than another's. All the Southerners were heart and soul in the war. Some Southerners, however, are innocent of the possession of property, and these must necessarily escape the action of the Confisca tion Department. Those, however, who are guilty of being property-holders, especially holders of landed property, stand convicted at once, and are ipso facto fit subjeets to be dealt with by this extra ordinary tribunal. It is true that the owners of property have been so reduced through the universal ruin which the war has brought upon their unhappy country that they are in a state of pitiable destitu tion. Persons of wealth and affluence have found themselves in a position in which they have been compelled to barter away articles of furniture for food. But what difference does this make to the Confiscation Department ? There are the estates and plantations of these unfortunate Southerners occupying precisely the same geographical spot that they have ever occupied. Indeed, the Confiscation Department might urge, with specious plausibility, that large tracts of valuable land could be of no possible use to men who were reduced to utter in solvency. It might be further urged that, as the negroes are now free, and as those estates could only be profitably cultivated by means of the system of industry which has been broken up, their owners would not be able to cultivate them even if they possessed capital, instead of having been ruined and reduced to insolvency. To expect them therefore, to make use of their des o l a t e d plantations would involve the same cruel irony as to require men to make bricks without the necessary straw. For these considerations, the court in its mercy will pursue the even tenor of its way, and proceed to transfer to the North the private property of such Southerners as may be convicted of possessing property. When we look back to the origin and history of the war we must confess that this is not, after all, calculated to surprise the reflecting mind. For what object, with what purpose, to what end, could we suppose that war was being waged ? Nobody capable of reflection ever imagined, we should con ceive, that the old Union could really be restoredto what it was before the war. There is no power in the universe that can force amity and friendship upon six millions of men by murdering therh and desola ting their country. To have supposed that the South would ever again take the North to its bosom, and that the two estranged halves of the Union would get on together as they had once done, would have been the extreme of absurdity. No man in the North capable of reasoning and reflection could have imagined this possible. What, then, was it that the North was fighting for ? It is quite evident that the North had determined that, rather than suffer the South to become free, it would conquer the country and treat it as a conquered country. But there is this difference between a conquered country like Poland and a conquered country like the South. When a country is conquered by the foreigner it is the practice merely to hold it in subjugation without altering the ownership of the soil. A few of the chiefs may be put to death or exiled and their estates transferred to somebody else, but the great mass of the people aro left in possession of their property. There is no pretence upon which to dispossess them of their property. They have committed no crime, they have merely defended their country, and to re duce them to subjection is all that the conqueror requires. This will satisfy him, if his new subjects will only keep quiet and not revolt against his rule. But in a case like that of the South the conqueror takes a very different tone. The Federal Govern ment affects, however inconsistently and preposter ously, to treat the Confederates asrebels and traitors. The North pretends to consider the Southerners as guilty of high treason, and to have forfeited life and property together. Hence we find that the onus of making out a case of exemption is cast upon the Southerner. The North disclaims being bound to prove its case against the Southerner who stands convicted of the possession of property ; it is for him to make out a case to exempt himself from punishment and his property from confisca tion. As to those unhappy, or rather happy, Southerners who have no property at all, the North does not seem to think it worth while to give itself any trouble about them. They have got nothing which the North happens to desire. The North is humane enough, it seems, not to require their lives. Besides, a man without property is harmless enough ; but property is a dangerous weapon in the hands of an enemy, and a very useful weapon if you can only divest him of it and transfer it to your self. The North would not let the South go be cause it was unwilling to part with the profit which it had always made out of the South. The resto ration of the Union as it was was quite out of the question. But though the Union could not be brought back, and though the profit which had been derived from the South could not be got back, the soil of the South might be seized and held as the property of the North. The Confiscation Depart ment seems to have been instituted for the purpose of carrying this object into effect. It has, we are told, already seized a large amount of property for confiscation. We have been told throughout by the Federals and their partisans that the war was a war initiated and carried on by the large land holders of the South, or, to use their favourite phrase, by the slaveholding aristocracy. Was this charge against the planters intended to form a basis for depriving them of their estates ? Be that as it may, there is reason to suppose that the Confiscation Department, which has begun its labours by seizing a large amount of property for confiscation, will not cease from them till it has given entire satisfaction to those who instituted the system. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—JuLY 22. The supply of wheat was small, but a firm demand at is per qr advance upon last week's prices. Spring corn in small supply, and at late rates. Wheat, white 42s 46s Beans, Ma zagan......33s 3PB red 3JB 424 Middle and innall_3sB 400 Barley ... 9t's 94s Peas, white. .........35s 358 388 Oats ••• ..... ••.208 25s grey ...... ...... 308 380 0 CHELMSFO. There was a thinner atten, than even last week. 'There - Spring corn inactive. Wheat, old white....4ls 48 s Peas, Partridge 36s 38 9 new. ...... . .91s 48s White ...at s3 O old red ...... 10s 92 s 420 new. ......... 38s 42s D B u d n ling ..... 3Bs ale 3 60 Barley. .......... 26a 32s dit o, new —s —2 GLhevalier .......... 26a 13s Beans, Tick, old is 31 9 Mrind .......... '<Os 8s new. -6 ° alt ................. 61s 67s Chevalier .......... 64s 68s Oats ................. 20a 26a Mazagan 33a 360 Harrownelwic.k..s -35: RD—JULY 21. .. tdance at our market to-day was no great change in prices. great 22. The recent rains have been M of great service to the crops in this district. Old white wheat, 418 to 465; old red, 37s to 428 ; noW white, 43s to 478; new red, 39s to 438 per 36 stone. Bar ley for malting, 29s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 24s to 26s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 25s to 27s ; new, 22s to 24s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 398 to 41s; new, 36s to 38s per 38 stone. Peas, 34s to 36s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN—JULY 21. We had a small attendance of farmers at this day's mar ket. Prices unaltered. White wheat 36s Od to as Od 621 b 11 Red wheat 34 s Od to 36s Od bushel. Potato oats 20s Od to 20s 6d 13 Common oats 19 s Od t o 20 s Od 4016 bushel. Bere 218 Od to 22s Od Barley 21s Od to 22 s 6d 531 b VI bushel • Oatmeal 15s 6d to 168 6d /I boll of 1401 b. Flour, fine 31s 6d to 32s Od Vsack of 280Ib. I Births. BATH. —On the 22d inst., at 18, Belgrave-square, the Mar chioness of Bath, of a daughter. KNOX.—On the 22d inst., at 21, Montagu -square, the Hon. Mrs. Stuart Knox, of a daughter. PuuvEs lonel .—On the 22 d inst., a t K ew, Surrey, the wife of Co Home Purves, of a daughter. TAXI.OII.-011 the 24th inst., at 41, Grosvenor-square, the Lady Jane Taylor, of a daughter. Marriages. CURRIE—GRAIIA3I—On the 20th inst., at Saint Oswald'a Chester, Richard Henry Currie, Esq., of Rowton HA late Captain Inniskilling Dragoons, to Charlotte, daugh ter of the late Dr. Graham, Bishop of Chester. JEneyFFREY—WELLS.On the 22d in s t., at St. Mary ' s, put , James Jane Wells, Jeffrey, En., of 70, Myddelton -s quar e, to Putney. niece of W. H. Wells, Esq., o f Th e Cedars, Deaths. ARDEN.—On the 22d inst., at Hull, Arthur G. Arden, Egli M.R.C.S., aged 38. BEVANS.-0 a the 20th inst., at 3, Broad-street, Cheapsidet after a long illness, Mr. George Bevans, aged 59. Dicicixsox.—On the 21st inst., at Waterloo, J osep h Dick inson' Esq., M.A., M.D., F.R.S., F.RX.P., of Bedford street South, Liverpool. DONELLAN.—On the 21st inst., at his residence, Torbay Lodge, P a i gu t on , T orquay, Malechi Donellan, Es+ , Captain Royal Navy, aged 80. EAGAIL—On the 19th inst., at his residence, St. Helier% Jersey, John Eagar, Esq., Captain R.N. HAMPDEN.--On the 21st inst., at 107, Eaton-place, Mary/ the wife of R. D. Hampde n , th e Lord Bishop of Hereford. PUGHE.—On the 20th inst., the Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie Pughe, vicar of Braintree, Essex, aged 50. STEwAnT.—On the 19th inst., at London Stair Hatheill Stewart, Esq., of Physgill. , London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDROW::: of No. 112, Strand, P u i nter, at TILE SUN Office, No 1 1 2, Strand, in the Pr ec i nct of the Savoy, in the COitntY nf Atiddlesex.—Tueritlay, July 25, 1865. i i