The Sun. — London, England, 1865-05-23 00:00:00

ThEPERTA HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING• The Loan CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at the usual hour. _ PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Glasgow Corporation Water; Whitehaven and Furness Junction Railway ; Whitehaven, Chester, and Egremont Railway ; King's Lynn Docks and Railway and Ilexham and Allendale Railway Bills were read a second time. THE METALLIFEROUS MINES BILL. Lord KINNAIRD, in moving the second reading of this bill, said that he did not propose to include iron mines which were not open to the objections against other mines in this bill. He did not think that the subject could re ceive the necessary discussion in the present session of Parliament, and therefore he did not feel justified in pro ceeding with the bill at the present stage of the session. He complained that the Government did not treat him fairly in not giving him support in regard to this bill, but leaving him in an extremity, without intimating to him previously the course they would adopt. He had been taunted with taking up a subject upon which he had no information, but ho denied that suchassertion was true at present, for, however ignorant ho might have been on it, at present he was in possession of information derived from authentic sources which enabled him to deal with the subject practically. He repeated the statement he had previously made as to the inefficiency of the arrangements for the working in metalliferous mines, and cited the state ments in support of his arguments which appeared in the report of the commission appointed to inquire into tho subject. It appeared that the celebrated firm of Messrs. Taylor opposed the bill, and while he admitted the general efficiency of the arrangements made by that firm in regard to their mines, he was aware of the fact that even they were open to objections in regard to those defects in reference to the condition of miners, which the bill proposed to remedy. He concluded by moving formally that the order for the second reading of the bill should be discharged. Earl GRANVILLE vindicated the course of the Go vernment in respect to this bill. The Royal Commissioners, upon whose report this measure was professedly founded, did not recommend any legislation on the subject, and he thought that it would have been quite premature to do so in the present session, when they considered the enormous value of the property that would be affected, and the feel ings entertained upon the subject both in the northern and southern mining districts.' Lord VIVIAN characterised the bill under consideration as one of the most mischievous that had ever been intro duced into Parliament, and severely censured the course taken by the noble lord (Lord Kinnaird) in circulating a handbill through the mining districts, calling for the sup port of the working miners. It was calculated, if it was not intended, to produce ill-feeling between employer and employed, although, happily, it had nothad that effect. The noble lord said that this bill was founded on the report of the Royal Commissioners ; but the fact was—and of this the noble lord was well aware—that his colleagues on that commission were wholly opposed to legislation. Lord KINNAIRD denied that the noble lord was justified in saying that the whole of the Royal commission were opposed to the bill. There had been no meeting of the Royal commission to consider the subject, and he did not think that any one knew their opinions as a body. Ho had addressed the handbill referred to the working miners, be cause he wished them to know what the recommendations of the Royal commission were, nor did he shrink from the responsibility of that step. After a few words from Earl GRANVILLE, Lord PORTMAN said that a more unwise step was never taken by a noble lord who had served upon a commission than to bring in a bill without the sanction of his colleagues. It was perfectly unnecessary to agitate on this subject, be cause the owners of mines were most anxious to do every thing they could to protect the lives and health of their workmen. The miners of Cornwall utterly objected to be legislated for by the noble lord, who did not understand the subject, or to have inspectors sent doini froin the Board of Trade, to teach them how to carry on their business. The' motion was then agreed to, and the bill was with drawn. THE RIVAL SHANNON. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved that the reports of Mr. Bateman and Mr. Beardmore upon the river Shannon be referred' to a" Select committee, and that the committee be instructed to inquire how far the Shannon and its prin cipal affluents can be improved, both *as regaids navigation and drainage, at a reasonable cost ; also how far the pro visions of the Act 2d and 3d Viet., a. 61 , wore complied with by the commissioners appointed under that and sub sequent Acts ; and also how far the results anticipated in the reports laid before Parliament previous to and during the execution of works by those torataissioners havo boon obtained. The motion was agreed to. SEWAGE UTILISATION BILL. In moving that the house should go into committee on this bill, Lord RAVENSWORTII explained its provisions in some detail. Earl GRANVILLE said it seemed to him that it was just the kind of bill which might advantageously be re ferred to a select committee. Lord REDESDALE said that it was a measure which would require much careful consideration, and considerable amendment before it could be made to work. It was very imperfectly drawn ; and he certainly thought that it would be desirable to refer it to a select committee. After some observations from the Duke of CLEVE LAND, Lord RAVENSIVORTH said that he was perfectly willing to refer tho bill to a select committee. The bill was then referred to a select committee. PHEASANTS (IRELAND) BILL. The Earl of BELMORE, in moving the second reading of this bill, explained that at present it was lawful to com mence pheasant shooting in Ireland on tho Ist Soptember, the shooting season lasting until the 10th January. He proposed to forbid the destruction of these birds between the Ist February and the Ist October. The bill was read a second time. TORIES, ROBBERS, AND RAPPAREES BILL. The Earl of DONOUGIIMORE moved the second read ing of this bill. The Exchequer Bonds (S1,000,000)Bill was read a second time. The Oxford University (Vinerian Foundation) Bill, and the Customs and Inland Revenue Bill, were read a third time and passed. The report of amendments on the Police Superannuation Bill was brought up and agreed to. THE NOXIOUS VAPOURS ACT. The Earl of DERBY called attention to the recent re port of Dr. Angus Smith, the inspector appointed under the Noxious Vapours Act. That act had only been in opera tion nine months at the date of that report, but it had been completely successful. Vegetation was sensitive to the minutest portion of muriatic gas given off in the process of alkali manufacture. It was therefore desirable that the completest condensation of this gas should be obtained. But before the act came into operation, sometimes 40 per cent., and frequently 16 per cent., was given off. The act required that 95 per cent. of tho gas should be condensed, and the inspector now reported that the average condensa tion of gas was now 98.72 per cont. Every alkali works was now condensing the minimum required by the act. There wore only five in which the escape of gas wasl per cent. ; while in twenty-six works the whole of the gas was condensed, and there was absolutely no escape. Dr. Angus Smith reported that there was the best disposition on the part of the manufacturers to carry out the act; and ho stated that he had no doubt that a still further improvement might be effected. Dr. Smith said that before the passing of the act ha had zip doubt that 4,000 tons of muriatic acid were weekly poured into the atmo sphere. That quantity had now boon reduced to 43 tons. After entering into details with respect to a particular district in Lancashire in which he was particularly inte rested, the noble earl said that no difficulty whatever had been encountered in carrying out a system of inspection. Dr. Smith stated that ho was informed by one manufac turer that the cost of making the requisite improvements to carry out the act would be repaid in two years by the saving of the sums which he had previously paid for damage. He thought that this bill was only one part of a great system which must before long engage the attention of the public. He hoped that the result of this experiment might be to encourage the Government to proceed cau tiously, but steadily, with measures which, without injur znS manufactories, might diminish the injury to health which at present unnecessailly zesulted from the mode in which they wore carried on. Copper works, for instance, 'required attention, and he was informed that it would be Perfectly easy to prevent the injurious consequences vhieh too frequently resulted from them. Ho thought it would be worth consideration whether Dr. Angus Smith should not be authorised to inquire as to the practicability of extending to other manufactories the system which had been applied to aik a • h works, with a view to the benefit of the public health. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY congratulated the house upon the success of the Act, but t s . aid that he thought that they must proceed with great ;e n thought on inextending its principles to other manufactorim ver y probable that Dr. Angus Smith it, however, might be able to sug est some mode of doing this in cases where it was required by the public health. The house adjourned at five minutes before seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING, The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. - The following bills were read a third time and passed : Barry Railway ; Bishop's Castle Railway ; Inverness and Perth Junction, and Inverness and Aberdeen Junction Railway Companies; and North and South Wiltshire Junction Railway. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Rude Canal and Launceston Junction Railway ; Buck fastleigh, Totnes, and South Devon Railway; Bristol and Exeter and Devon and Somerset Railways ; Glasgow Markets and Slaughterhouses ; London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (Additional Powers); North London Railway ; Llanelly Local Board of Health; Ross Improve ment ; and the Mersey Dock and Harbour Board. MISCELLANEOUS REVENUE COLLECTIONS. Sir C. DOUGLAS asked the Chancellor of the Exche quer if the reasons which had led to the opinion he ex pressed (after stating that the clerk of the patents and the clerk to commissioners of patents might hold just as much public money as they think fit, and pay it if they thought fit, and if they paid nothing at all there were no means of calling on them to account for such non-payment), that " it would not surprise him at all to find there were a great number of other officers in a similar condition," had led him to make any inquiry into such matters generally, or to any such case in particular; and whether any and what check her Majesty's Government proposed to make with regard to those other officers, if any, who might be in a similar condition with the clerk of the patents as regards the power of paying nothing, or holding public money in his hands just as he pleased. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the words referred to were embodied in a question put to him by Earl Derby while under examination before the committee of the House of Lords, and he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) gave an answer in the affirmative, The reply had no reference to the col lection of the revenue, but roferred to numerous miscella neous matters and to moneys held in public trust. Tho matter was being inquired into, he believed, by the committee on public accounts. Tho Govern ment would not determine what should be done until the committee of public accounts had sent in their report. Some inquiry, ho felt, ought to be made. (Hear, hear.) The matter was under the consideration of the Treasury, and the hon. member might rest satisfied that it would not be allowed to sleep. Mr. ELPHINSTONE asked how long the right hon. gentleman had been aware of the irregularities. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was difficult to say. He had been acquainted with it for years. He believed the case which had led to the inquiry would be attended with the best results as far :as the collec tions to which he referred were concerned. THE PUBLIC OFFICES. Colonel NORTH asked the Under-Secretary to the Treasury if the local rates of the houses occupied by the Ministry, in Downing-street, were paid by the Ministers or the country. Mr. F. PEEL said thero was no house at present occu pied in Downing-street. They were public offices, and therefore not rateable. Col. NORTH should like to know whether houses in which parties and assemblies were given were not to be considered as a beneficial occupation. Mr. F. PEEL said there was no beneficial occupation in the premises in Downing-street. C9l. NORTH said that was not an answer to his ques tion. Many hon. members of that house had been to parties given there by tho late Sir-J. C. Lewis. He should like to know who paid the rates for those houses. Sir P. PEEL said that giving a ball or a party in any of these places could not make it a beneficial occupation. (Laughter.) THE MILITARY TRAIN. Mr. ROGERS asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether any change was about to bo made in the present organisation of the Military Train; and whether the officers were now allowed to purchase their steps as in other regiments of the Line ? The Marquis of HARTINGTON said an alteration in the Military Train had been some time under consideration. It was proposed for the future to make tho Military Train one regiment, divided into troops and squadrons. The matter with respect to the system of purchase was not yet finally decided, but in any arrangements due care would be taken of the officers now in that part of her Majesty's ser vice. MILITARY RESERVE FUND. Lord HOTHAM asked the Under Secretary of State for War whether he would undertake that the account of the Military Reserve Fund shall in future be made up to the 31st of December in each year, so that it might be laid upon the table of the house together with tho Army Esti mates, and whether the account of the above fund was re gularly kept, and by whom ? The Marquis of HARTINGTON said there would be no objection to have the accounts made out in order to moot the wishes of the hon. gentleman. ROMAN CATHOLIC RECRUITS. Mr.' O'REILLY asked the Under Secretary of State for War whether inquiry had been made as to the fact of the authorities of the Royal Artillery having directed Roman Catholic recruits not to be taken for that branch of the ser vice ; whether ho would state by whom such orders wore given, and what steps had since boon taken to prevent subordinate authorities, not responsible to Parliament, from issuing or acting upon such orders in future ; and whether general orders would be published to all officers engaged in recruiting for the army to make no distinction of religion in taking recruits for any branch of her Ma jesty's service. The Marquis of lIARTINGTGN said the superior officers of Col. Fitzgerald were not cognisant of any such order. The papers connected with the matter wore quite at the hon. member's disposal if he chose tymove for them. RECRUITING. Mr. CORRY asked the Secretary to the Admiralty what measures had been adopted with the view of meeting the difficulty which he had stated to exist of obtaining effi cient recruits for the Royal Marines, in consequence of which the numbers borne were reduced to about 1,000 men below the number voted for the service of the finan cial years 18634 and 1861-5. Lord 0 PAGET said the matter had been mot by lower ing the standard from oft. 7in. to sft. Gin. THE CASE OF LIEUT.-COL. DAWKINS. Mr. D. GRIFFITH brought the case of Lieut.-Col. Dawkins, of the Guards, under the consideration of the house. He said he had given notice to the noble marquis opposite of his intention to ask a question relative to the harsh treatment which Col. Dawkins had just received. This gallant officer had been kept illegally under arrest because he refused to shake hands with his superior officer. The matter had been referred to a Court of In quiry, and the result of that was that Colonel Dawkins had been told to sell his commission, or, in the event of his not doing so, he would be placed on half-pay. He should like to know whether there would be any objection to lay on the table of the house the proceedings, together with the Court of Inquiry. He had brought the matter forward thus hurredly, because to-morrow Colonel Dawkins' name would appear in the Gazette, and because no other member felt disposed to do so. Col. NORTH said he had read papers of Colonel Daw kin's, and he had not brought the matter foward because he felt that the House of Commons was not the place to discuss the discipline of the army. However, if the assertions of Col. Dawkins were to be relied on, then he had been heartlessly treated. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said he had received the notice of the question of the hon. member, and it was the opinion of the Secretary for War, Earl de Grey, that it would not be for the benefit of the service that the proceedings of the court of inquiry should be made public. With respect to the latter part of the hon. gentleman's question, he could not answer it without its appearing in the paper in the usual manner. Sir J. FERGUSON thought that Col. Dawkins had been hardly treated, and that he ought to be allowed his request for a court-martial. Mr. HEADLAM said, with respect to what had been imputed to him, that it was quite devoid of truth. Col. KNOX asked whether it was not illegal to put an officer on compulsory half-pay, except from some physical incapacity, without trial by court-martial. Sir L. PALK thought that the case of Col. Dawkins had been subject to gross persecution. Lord PALMERSTON thought it exceedingly unfair and irregular to raise a discussion in that house without giving notice to the persons whose conduct was the subject of fault-finding. It was unfair to proceed to discuss the mat ter in a one-sided manner. Mr. BRIGHT did not feel disposed to submit to the learned and noblo lord. A case of injustico had been stated, and the House of Commons had the power, in his opinion, to do whatever was right in the matter. A somewhat stormy discusion followed, when Mr. D. Griffith said as the Government would give no promise in the matter ho should move the adjournment of the • house. The house divided, when there appeared— For the adjournment of the house ll2 Against it Majority against the adjournment —6o THE ROMAN CATHOLIC OATH BILL. Mr. DISRAELI said he believed it wad possible; arrive at a solution of this question which would be satisfactory to all sound and temperate minds, and appealed to the noble lord at the head of the Government to fix a morning sitting for taking the committee on the bill. He would suggest the morning of to-morrow (Tuesday) week for the purpose. (Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said he was willing to assent to the suggestion of the right hon. gentleman. Mr. NEWDEGATE, while rejoicing that full opportu nity would be allowed for discussing the bill, said he did not intend to withdraw his amendment, on the motion for going into committee; that the committee on the bill be postponed for six months. Mr. WHALLEY said the discussion would interfere less with the progress of other business if the committee was fixed for Monday morning instead of Tuesday. THE QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY. Lord PALMERSTON gave notice that, as on Wednes day next her Majesty's birthday would be celebrated, he should to-morrow move that, the house at its rising should adjourn over till Thursday, the 25th. • MR. WHALLEY'S INTERRUPTERS Mr. WHALLEY desired to make a personal explanation. During tho discussion which took place on Saturday morn ing be had been reported as having charged a member of the government with interrupting him with the cry of " sing." (Laughter.) Now as complaints had been made to him on the subject of that report, ho desired to say that it was not to a member of the government that he imputed such an interruption of him. UNION CHARGEABILITY BILL. On the report of this bill as amended, Mr. KNIGHT rose to move the following resolution : " That in the opinion of this house it is expedient that the following expenses now charged upon the union and paro chial poor rates, or which will become chargeable upon the rates of unions and single parishes throughout England or Wales, should be repaid to the unions or parishes by which they have been so expended out of moneys provided by Parliament for that purpose. Amount of each item taken from last report of Poor-law Board, viz.: £501,868, all ex penses of the maintenance of pauper lunatics in asylums or licensed houses; £679,480, the establishment charges of poor law unions or of single parishes under boards of guar dians, including all salaries and rations of officers (in addi tion to those now repaid out of her Majesty's Treasury) ; £168,745, all other expenses of, or immediately connected with, the relief of the poor, excepting only those of tho in maintenance and out relief of the poor. All poor rate ex penditure for the following purposes, being unconnected with poor relief, viz.: £43,273 constables' fees and cost of proceedings before justices ; £69,130 payments on account of Registration Act; £15,660, vaccination fees; £36,586 expenses in respect of parliamentary or municipal registra tion, and costs of jury lists." Every year the difference in value between real and personal property was increasing. It was true that real property was growing in value, but personal property was growing in a much greater ratio. Now this bill would confiscate from one-eighth to one tenth of the whole of the real property in certain parishes. By proposing this resolution ho had no wish to disturb the financial arrangements of the year, but he hoped the vote would be considered an instruction to the Chancellor of the Exchequer when any future reduction took place. The charges which he asked the house to consider amounted in the aggregate to about £1,700,000, and he maintained that it was only fair to put those charges upon the general taxation of the country. It might bo said that if the pro posal were agreed to the principle it embodied ought to be extended; to Ireland and Scotland. No doubt such a course ought ultimately to be taken. In conclusion, he expressed a hope that the house would not object to vote in favour of a proposal which was made with the view of relieving the poor ratepayers at the expense of those who were more wealthy. (Hear, hear.) Mr. PACKE seconded the motion, which was opposed by Mr. H. BRUCE on behalf of the Government. The hon. member also defended the accuracy of Dr. Hunter's report on the state of cottage accommodation in the rural parishes against the charges brought against it in a former debate. Mr. HENLEY explained that in the previous discus sions on that subject he had not impugned the accuracy of statements made by Dr. Hunter founded upon his own knowledge.; but had protested against the sweeping charge brought against thejlanded proprietors of having,as a class, driven the poor out of their parishes by the demolition of cottages and the creation of the close parish system. Re ferring to the resolution of Mr. Knight, he contended that a large portion of the burdens which were now specially , borne by the owners of real property ought to be trans ferred to the revenue of the State. Mr. Portman, Sir B. Leighton, Mr. Floyer, Sir H. Ver ney, Lord Henniker, and other members took part in the discussion that followed. Mr. VILLIERS opposed the resolution on the ground that it would virtually defeat the principle which the bill was intended to carry out, namely, to make certain pa rishes contribute more equally than at present to the relief of the poor. In fact, the mover wished to transfer local charges to the public, while at the same time he would re tain the management in his own hands. He hoped the house would reject the proposal by a large majority. Mr. BROMLEY protested against the report of Dr. Hunter, which he declared was inspired by a hostile feel ing towards the landlord class. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he wished to say, a few words upon the subject, which no doubt was an important one, and to consider it from the point of view presented by the hon. member opposite. It was quite true that in consequence of the speech of the hon. member for Leicestershire a great portion of the de bate had run upon topics foreign to the motion before the house. What was the proposition involved in that motion? It was a proposition upon the motion of a member of Par liament for applying, first, £1,800,000 as an annual charge applicable to England alone. But the hon. member, with great ingenuousness and equity, admitted that if the prin ciple were applied for the benefit of England, it would be necessary to extend the benefit to Ireland and Scotland, which would raise it to something like to £2,500,00. It was a rule that no private member could move to give a charge upon the Consolidated Fund; but the hon. member cir cumvented that rule by the ingenious method !hat it was to be done by money provided by Parliament for the pur pose. He wished to remark that if there were a method by which private members were to escape the operation of that rule—if the restraint which the house had wisely placed upon itself with regard to imposing a charge on the Consolidated Fund were to be relaxed—all he asked, in the name of justice and public policy, was, that some other method might be evolved by which private members might escape the operation of the rule which proposed that taxes should bo laid upon the people ; and that the hon. member who proposed to add £2,500,000 to the public expenditure would be kind enough to rise in his place and propose the taxes by which that sum could be met. (Hear.) It was quite open to the house to alter the system on which the public expenditure was provided, and to take into its own bands the preparation of the estimates and the proposal of the public charges, but what he contended was that those two things ought to go together. Nothing could be more preposterous than for individual members to propose to scatter right and left boons and benefits for particular classes of the community. and to leave to the Executive Government the odious task of proposing taxes. (Hear.) If the hon. member had it in his mind to make a proposal of this kind a fortnight ago why did he per mit 2d. to be taken off the income tax. Why did ho not resist that bill which destroyed the two and a half millions that he now proposed to dispose of. He should like to hear the views of the hon. gentleman as to the way the charge he sought to impose should be met. Would he double the succession duty ? (A laugh.) That would supply part of the money. But he did not think the hon. member would agree to double the succession duty. He -should be very sorry to see that doubled. He had no wish to see this ex tensive tampering with the taxation of the country for pur poses which seemed to be so critical as regarded the risks involved and so slight and trivial as regarded the benefits which would arise. If that were the case, ho hoped the house would have little difficulty in declining to deal with this question in the shape of a merely general and abstract resolution, and would, therefore, reject the hon. gentle man's motion. Sir J. TROLLOPE appealed to the hon. member not to press his motion to a division. The question of dealing with the Poor-law was difficult enough in itself without adding the greater difficulties which would be caused by the motion. The resolution was then negatived without a division. Mr. KNIGHT moved a new clause to enable owners to compound for the rating of small tenements throughout any union under the 13th and 14th Viet., chap. 99. It was ne gatived, however, without a division on an explanation by Mr. Villiers that a recent decision in the Court of Common Pleas had changed the status of tenements so rated. Some verbal amendments were then introduced, and the bill, as amended, was agreed to. PARTNERSHIP AMENDMENT BILL. The amendments to this bill were considered and agreed to. SUPPLY. On the motion for going into committee of supply, seve ral hon. members expressed a hope that the noble lord the Secretary of the Admiralty would not proceed at that hour of the evening (half-past 10 o'clock) with the vote involv ing a sum of £6,000,000 for machinery, buildings, works, &c. Lord C. PAGET remarked that the votes had boon de layed until an unusually late period of the session ; but he subsequently assented to the postponement. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 23, 186 k INLAND REVENUE ACTS. Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER in com mittee moved a resolution relative to the stamp duty on mortgages, the practical effect of which would be to im pose an equal for an unequal charge, and afford relief in all mortgages below £7,000. The resolution was agreed to. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then moved the second resolution, the object of which was simply to bring under the law loans or shares raised in this country for foreign Governments as well as those raised at home, and that for every such transaction there should be a penny stamp. The resolution was agreed to. The third resolution, having reference to stamps on marine insurance was agreed to. A fourth resolution, to stimulato the duty on miscel laneous insurance, such as that on plate glass, cattle, &c., to the duty levied on the railway accidents insurance of 5 per cent., was also agreed to ; as was the formal resolution to bring in a bill to carry the previous resolutions into effect. The house then resumed. SUPPLY. Th. report of supply was brought up and agreed to. GENERAL POST OFFICE (ADDITIONAL SITE) (RE-COMMITTED) BILL. This bill passed through committee. The Churches and Chapels Exemption (Scotland) Bill, as amended, passed through committee. The Dogs Regulation (Ireland) Bill was passed through committee, as also the Ecclesiastical Leasing Act (1858) Amendment Bill. The Public-house Closing Act (1864) Amendment Bill was further amended and agreed to. .The house adjourned at 20 minutes to two o'clock. The Irish International Exhibition, (From the Times Correspondent) One of the main sources of attraction in the Ex hibition—the greatest of all, perhaps, to many—is the Indian Court. In examining its gorgeous trea sures the visitor has the advantage of the cour teous attentions of Captain Meadows Taylor, who resided for a long time in India, and hail written several works illustrating its social life and manners. He seems quite at home on all subjects connected with the country, its religion, philosophy, customs, manu factures, and arts, and feels as lively an interest in all that concerns its fame as if he were an Indian prince. Many of the art treasures -which he takes a plea sure in describing are not new to those who visited the Exhibition of 1862. They will remember nume rous specimens of the gorgeous manufactures of a country which was celebrated for the marvellous perfection of its arts thousands of years ago, and supplied imperial Rome in the era of its greatest splendour with its richest dresses and its costliest ornaments. The gold and silver brocades of Delhi and the muslins of Dacca were so famous in ancient times that we might suppose their merits had been exaggerated if we did not behold in this Exhibition textile fabrics of inimitable fineness, tapesty glitter ing with purest gems, the richest and most elabo rate embroideries, silver filagree work of exquisite delicacy, enamel of the most brilliant hues, inlaid wares, the Minute beauties of which can only be revealed by the microscope, cups and goblets ele gant and chaste in their design, furniture most ela borately carved ; carpets that are works of arts, astonishing by the exquisite harmony of their colours and their artistic finish ; swords and other weapons of the finest temper, superb in their jewelled ornamentation. As we ascend to the gallery where the Indian articles are exhibited, the attention is arrested by the large crimson carpet of Tippoo Sahib, and other valuable carpets and matting suspended along the walls. One of them is a carpet of very fine quality, 18ft. by 15ft., manufactured by the prisoners in the central prison, Lahore, and for warded for exhibition by Dr. R. Gray, superinten dent, with a hearthrug, by the same artisans. Enormous umbrellas of several domes, in blue and gold and crimson and gold, with rich fringe, are conspicuous articles in the collection. There are fans of gigantic proportions,with ornamented stems, Bft. long, and otherwise a large as an umbrella. In the several cabinets shere are collection of silk shawls and muslin, so . rich in material, so elabo rately and beautifully embroidered with the hand, and others woven with so fine a texture and with such artistic mixture of colours, that it would be vain to attempt to describe them. There is a square gold-worked shawl from Delhi, exhi bited by Messrs. Everington and Graham, and another from the same place exhibited by Messrs. Fanner and Rogers, Regent-street, London. Capt. Meadows Taylor himself exhibits some very curious articles. There is a profusion of specimens of gold embroidery, all finished with wonderful delicacy. One of the most striking things in the collection is the model in marble and mosaics of the sarcophagus of Mahal, wife of the Emperor of Delhi, Shah Jehan, from the orignal in the Taj Mahal, Agra, exhibited by Lord Gough. We have next a State palanquin, with carpets, cushions, canopy, and all other fittings of the most gorgeous description, with a number of other rare and valuable articles, exhibited by the Secretary of State for India, among which is the gold State chair of Runjeet Singh. For thevaried and interesting collection of colonial products shown in the northern and western gal leries, the Commissioners are chiefly indebted to the labours of Mr. P. L. Simmonds, who had charge of the colonial department in the Exhibition of 1862. Upwards of 20 colonies are more or less extensively represented—viz., Canada, Nova Scotia, and Van couver, of the North American ; the Bahamas, Do minica, Jamaica, and Trinidad, of the West Indian group ; Ceylon, Mauritius, and Malta of the Eastern; all the five Australian colonies ; Natal; St. Helena, Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast, and Lagos, of the African group ; and the Falkland Islands. Taking them in the order in which they are placed in the gallery, we find first a most attractive display from Natal round the head of the stairs, where, be sides flax, grain, tobacco, cigars, sugar, coffee, and other articles for which we had not given the colony credit, there is a noble trophy of horns, skins, tusks, and . other products of the chase, and a curious collection of native weapons, paddles, musical in struments, State sticks, and other insignia of office of native tribes. Many of these are curious illus trations of native arts and manufacture by tribes in Central Africa never before visited, obtained by Mr. S. Baker Barry, who has recently traversed the country from Walvisch Bay to Natal, and has just been awarded the Geographical Society's gold medal for his explorations. Canada follows next in order, and occupies three Courts with an extensive display of her produce and manufactures. Foremost among these come mine rals, cubes of marble, grain, wood, edge tools, and manufactures of various kinds. There is a large library of locally published works, educational and others, in rich bindings, photographs of local scenery, and two large and creditable oil paintings by R. Duncannon, of Montreal,— , ‘ The Chaudiere Falls," and " The Lotus Eaters." Skates, snow-shoes, sleighs, sleigh robes, capotes, and other fancy fur coats and wrappers speak of the enjoyments of the winter. Nova Scotia, although but recently recognised as a productive goldfield, shows a small pyramid repre senting the gold obtained in the colony since 1862 40,000 oz., chiefly derived from quartz crushing— with an ingot of pure gold, taken from the Waverley Gold Mine, weighing 471 b. This amount of gold was obtained by 130 men in 15 days. There is a similar column of coal to that shown in 1862, erected in the gardens, illustrative of the depth of the seam of the Pictou coalfield. There is a fine collection of raw and prepared furs and manufactured articles, among which is a splendid black fox-skin. Dr. Honeyman shows 3 large geological collection, and there is also a series of minerals of scientific and economic value by Dr. How. _ _ Mauritius next puts in a creditable appearance with samples of her finely prepared:sugars, pickles, jellies, preserves, liqueurs, and spices, especially the fragrant vanilla, in which the colony suc cessfully competes with Bourbon. The director of the Botanic Gardens shows a good collection of fibres. The adjoining West Indian Courts call for little notice, except that there are some fine speci mens of woods, and a beautifully prepared series of the fibres of Jamaica, indigenous or cultivated, showing their suitability to take various dyes pre pared by Mr. N. Wilson, of the Botanic Gardens, Jamaica. Some inlaid tables from Jamaica and Ceylon are also worth special notice. The Falkland Islands Company make a small display for the colony with which they are indenti- THE CASE OF COL. DAWKINS. Mr. D. GRIFFITH commenced to reopen the case of Col. Dawkins ; but, on being warned by the Speaker that ho was out of order in referring to and reviving a past debate, he simply gave notice that on Friday, on going - into commit tee of supply, ho should move an address to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to appoint a court-martial on the inferior officers who acted in the case of Col. Dawkins. The house then resolved itself into a committee of supply. CML SERVICE ESTIMATES. The majority of the following votes are balances, portions of the original estimates having already been voted on account. The first vote was for a sum of £1,938; but the purpose of the vote, as stated by the Chairman, was not understood by the house nor in the gallery, until, in reply to two hon. members, it was more distinctly stated to be for the pay ment of salaries in the Privy Seal-office. The vote was agreed to. A vote of £5,874 for conducting the business of the Civil Service Commission, a vote of £14,391 for salaries and expenses in the department of the Paymaster-General, and £3,048 for the office of the Comptroller-General, were also agreed to. On the vote of £24,148 for salaries in the office of the Commissioners of Public buildings, objections were raised by Mr. Augustus Smith, Mr. Blackburn, and Mr. Hennessy to the amount of the salaries paid to solicitors, and to the expensiveness of the department generally. It was also objected that the Chief Commissioner of Works was not. in his place to reply to questions relating to his department. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained that the hon. gentleman did not expect tho vote to be taken that evening. It was then withdrawn. On the vote of £20,482 for the Office of Woods and Forests and Inland Revenue, Col. SYKES called attention to the salaries paid to soli citors, and rematked that 15 or 16 per cent. of the total charge was for legal expenses. Sir W. FRASER trusted that the roads in the royal parks would be adequately watered in future. Mr. F. PEEL explained that certain of the legal charges were recovered to the Government. Mr. COX complained of the condition of Epping Forest, and of the neglect of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to prevent enclosures, and protect the rights of the public. As the proper authorities to give explanations were not present, he would move that the Chairman report progress. After some discussion, the Chairman was ordered - to re port progress, and the house resumed. ~~ fled, consisting of fur and seal skins, rough and pre pared, penguin skins, fur articles, oils, wool, &c. From the Australian colonies the collections are not yet thoroughly arranged, owing to the short no tice they received and the great distance they had to send. South Australia exhibits samples of her fine wheats, for which she carried off so many prize medals in London in 1862 ; also a series of water colour drawings of the city of Adelaide and the mining districts. Queensland shows samples of silk, cotton, woods, and fibres. There is an interesting case in this department of colonial wools, in all their stages, with the manufactured articles made from them, exhibited by Joseph Craven and Co., of Brad ford. These thin, all-wool fabrics are interesting as showing the success with which British manufac turers are now able to compete with the French in this class of goods, for which hitherto they have had the greatest run. There are some marvels of skill in fine spinning in this case. The French Court is the most conspicuous of all from the centre position it occupies in the place fronting the Sculpture-hall, and where a very large apse has been assigned to the Exhibitors. The French were entitled to the place of honour, not only be cause the Emperor himself is an exhibitor, and lent his patronage in the most liberal spirit, but because of the numberand value of the articles exhibited, and the exceeding beauty and taste with which they are displayed, which renders the French Court one of 'the chief attractions of the Exhibition, even to the lovers of the Fine Arts. Nothing need be said about the well-known Gobelins tapestry, ex cept that the specimens here exhibited from the Imperial factory excite universal admiration for their wonderful beauty. In one of the pictures Venus is seen emerging from the sea attended by a number of cupids. At a distance it strikes the be holder as an admirable painting, so natural are the forms, so soft the light, and so life-like the flesh tints. The Beauvais flowers are not less beautiful in their way as works of art. In Sevres china there is a magnificent collection of vases, statues, &c., ornamented with the most exquisite art. The col lective exhibition of French articles, represented by Carlhian and Corbiere, London, is contributed by about GO exhibitors from Paris and a number of provincial cities, and they include six of the most eminent silk manufacturers in France. The Austrian Court contains a great variety of articles, whose leading characteristics are utility and beauty, in combination with cheapness ; for ex ample, August Cleine, of Vienna, exhibits a great variety of fancy goods in leather, gilt, bronze, and wood, such as bags, albums, writing-table sets, &c. His stand is one of the best in this court, and at tracted the particular attention of the Duke of Cam bridge. Moritz Fisher of Herbeust, Hungary, has a large display of Dresden china, including vases, figures, &c., so perfect an imitation that it is diffi cult to distinguish them from the real china, though they are only about one-third of the price. Schon berger and Kreshpach, of Vienna, exhibit clocks in a great variety of forms, remarkable for their beauty and cheapness. Kitschel and Erben have a very ele gant set of iron-gilt furniture, at once light, grace ful, and strong ; also garden pavilions and seats of the same material. C. G. Kerne, who exhibits wines which obtained medals in 1862, has his stand orna mented with armour in stone paste, a capital imita tion of old rust-eaten metals, designed for the adorn ment of entrance halls in mansions, &c. In the Zollverein department Gebers and Schmidt, of Schmideberg, exhibit very fine Turkey carpets. This department also contains a good collection of lamps ; but the most attractive portion of it--indeed one of the most curious and interesting things in the way of furniture in the building—is the stand of Rampendahl, from Hamburg, containing other arti cles of furniture, composed of the horns of wild ani mals, each covered with the skin of the animal to whom the horns belong. Some of these are exceed ingly beautiful, so rare and admirable that they will be likely to bring high prices. There are also chairs with ivory arms of very large size. Austria and the Zollverein occupy a portion of the gallery, as well as the ground floor, and there we find a display of coloured prints looking very like good paintings. S. Gros and Son exhibit a great variety of vestments, and other richly ornamented silk goods. Mr. Bunker, of Dublin, appears here also as an Austrian, exhibit ing a variety of large bronze figures, timepieces, &c. Brucker, from Saxony, exhibits a large variety of fine paintings on porcelain, most of them copies of the pictures in the Dresden Gallery. Brussels has contributed rather largely to the Exhibition. In this department are exhibited pianos, marbles, China, enamelled bronze figures, ornamented firearms, agri cultural implements, apparatus for regulating the electric light, woollen and cotton stuffs, diaper and damask linens, Brussels lace, tambour embroidery, telegraphic wire, bronze timepieces and vases, speci mens of engraving on platinum, stained glass, printed crockery ware and porcelain, with a great variety of articles in papier mach& From Baden we have fancy clocks and musical instruments, including a trumpet clock, a grand musical work performing different tunes. From Bavaria philosophical instruments, a husking machine to take off the outer skins of grains, specimens of work in the precious metals, gold and silver embroidery for ecclesiastical purposes, stained glass, with Christ and the Madonna; colossal stags' heads, deer, horses, dogs, tigers, and other animals copied after nature, in papier mache. There is a statue of artificial stone, representing Christ teaching, also a richly gilt altar, carved in oak wood, representing the coronation of the Virgin, and the adoration of the Three Kings. Hesse Darmstadt is represented by fancy articles made of bronzed iron, escritoires, thermometers, copying presses, &c.. From Wurtem burg there is a newly invented cotton weaving machine, polished leather for carriages, &c. SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS TIMES.—Lord Elcho may be congratulated on hav ing converted so good a Whig as Lord Grosvenor to his own views of Reform. Lord Grosvenor has for eighteen years represented the city of . Chester, where, as Captain Dod informs us, "the Grosvenor family have great influence," on " principles of ra tional progress, tempered with a spirit of modera tion." He therefore enjoys a more independent position than the majority of borough members, and he has availed himself of it with creditable frank ness in an address which w© published yesterday. Having voted in favour of Mr. Baines's Bill in 1864, and against the same measure in 1865, he disdains to disguise the motive of this inconsistency, and attributes it to " further consideration." Last year he regarded that bill as no more than a testimony to " the principle of a measure of Reform ;" this year he sees it to be a "specific proposition" fraught with revolutionary perils. The grounds which Lord Grosvenor assigns for his present opinion are worth studying, since they are a fair specimen of the rea sons which influence many minds in the same direc tion, and will probably be reproduced, with slight variations, in many future addresses. The first ground is • the absence of " any strong feeling in favour of lowering" as opposed to " extending" "the franchise." The second is the non-existence of any practical grievance to be remedied by a Reform Bill. The third is the difficulty of finding any jesting place between a 26 borough franchise and universal suffrage. At the same time Lord Grosvenor is pre pared to extend the electoral body " where it can be shown that this can be done without giving undue preponderance to any one class of the population." By the establishment of qualifications based on pro vidence and intelligence he still hopes to give the working men a larger share of representation, and he adopts Lord Elcho's proposal that, previous o any legislation, a scheme of this kind should be originated by a Royal Commission. This is sensible and tempe rate language, and it does not appear to have damaged Lord Grosvenor in the estimation of his constituents, for it is actually in contemplation to return him again without a canvass, and free of expense. His reasoning, however, is too negative to form the foundation of a policy. It is perfectly fair, apart from any question of political pledges, to require the advocates of an organic change to make out a prima facie case. But it does not follow that a prima facie case cannot be made out in any other way than by pointing to a violent agitation among the unrepresented masses, or to great standing wrongs inflicted on them by the present holders of the franchise. It may be made out, for instance, by proving that large numbers of citizens qualified in every way for the privilege of voting, and superior in capacity to the ten-pound householders of 1832, are in fact excluded from the suffrage, and thereby estranged more or less in sentiment and divided in organisation from the classes above them. We do not say that it is so, but it may be so ; and if it were, it would constitute a good prima facie reason for opening the door wider, even though the clamour from without should not be very loud, or the hard ship of being shut out very serious. People who are for ever dwelling on the conflict of interests between class and class are not to fotet the inte rests which the whole nation has in common. If we are to indulge in ideals at all, Parliament ought not to be regarded as. an arena where the delegates of various classes may scramble together for selfish benefits to be obtained at the expense of others, but as a true Wittenagemote, where all free opinions should be welcomed as contributions to the public treasury of wisdom. If we are to deal with facts alone' experience happily does not w a rr ant the belief that political power will always be abused by those who can do so with impunity. A pure aris tocracy is not necessarily more disinterested than a pure democracy, and yet pure aristocracies have been known to exercise their trust for centuries with a tolerably honest regard to the common weal. The same may be said even of unlimited monarchies, and the proper lesson to be drawn from it is—not that such forms of polity are com parable with mixed Constitutions like our own— not that a vast multitude of uneducated persons should be enfranchised at once—but that human nature, in its political relations, is not quite so cor rupt as is too often assumed. If it is a libel on those who have hitherto governed this country to say that they have wilfully sacrificed the poor to the rich, the many to the few ; it is no less a libel on those whom a moderate Reform Bill would enfranchise to assume that they would employ their newly-acquired power in levelling the rights of property. We strongly suspect that what inspires timid politicians with a horror, not only of Mr. Baines's one-barrelled Re form Bill, but of any progressive Reform, is a con fused idea of its logical consequences. It is not so much because they dread the immediate effect of im porting a " democratic element" into the House of Commons that they hesitate to extend the franchise except laterally, as because they do not see where they are to stop. It must be confessed that Radical orators are the victims of a very similar blindness, and have done much to aggravate the perplexity of cautious Whigs. It is they, even more than their Conservative opponents, who have talked of instalments and downward slopes, and propagated by all the tricks of metaphor the notion that any further " concession"-involves the inevitable result of manhood suffrage. A doctrine more fatal to the cause of . Reform it would be difficult to conceive, especially when it is illustrated by constant reference to the model of American institutions. Mr. Disraeli, no doubt, has this danger in his eye when he depre cates a democracy as " the tyranny of one class, and that one the least enlightened." Lord Grosvenor evidently alludes to it when he contrasts " the real liberty which we enjoy at home" with the "counter feit that maybe found abroad." Now, without enter ing into the virtues or defects of Republicanism in America, we protest against it being thus adduced as a precedent. There is a great deal to be learnt from the example of America in every department of politics, but to argue as though the suffrage were at the bottom of all or most of the distinctions between Great Britain and the United States is unjust. It would be easy to enumerate circumstance after cir cumstance, historical, geographical, ethnological, and social, each of which might be considered with equal justice as the grand cause of difference in their political development. The state of society in America may or may not be " the bottom of an abyss," but there is no reason in logic or common sense why we should finally glide into it if we en franchise the most respectable of our artisans. Universal suffrage itself would not assimilate this country to America, any more than monarchy would assimilate America to this country ; but the master fallacy lies in representing any downward extension of the franchise as a " step towards" universal suf frage.. In one sense of course it is so, but in the same sense any expansion of the narrowest oligarchy may be described in the same terms. In another sense—the only sense worth discussing—nothing is a step towards universal suffrage which does not tend to bring it about, either by appealing to con siderations which, if admitted, would justify it, or by removing some obstacle to its introduction. A sound Reform Bill—that is, a Reform Bill founded on the presumption of personal capacity rather than on any theory respecting the equilibrium of classes —is open to neither of these objections. It does not appeal to any consideration which would justify universal suffrage until every member of the com munity shall have acquired a position or shall earn a rate of wages which it would be Utopian indeed to anticipate. It does not remove any obstacle to the introduction of universal suffrage, but, on the con trary, places those who would resist it in a stronger position than they now hold. We gladly accept Lord Grosvenor's adhesion to " the establishment of qualifications based on providence and intelligence," and are more hopeful than he appears to be of its adoption by the nation. By all means let us have an inquiry, but let that inquiry be conducted in a liberal spirit, by the light of principles, and without too great deference to foregone conclusions about the proper adjustment of class interests. HERALD.—When, on the eve of a general elec tion, the parliamentary leader of one of the great national parties issues an address to his constituents, that address is naturally considered in the light of an appeal to the country at large. In that light Mr. Disraeli's letter to the electors of Bucks will be read with attentive interest by men of all par ties in every county and borough throughout the United Kingdom, and we hope that it will go far to dispel illusions which have had a very mischie vious operation, and open the eyes of thoughtful and conscientious politicians to the real nature and importance of the issues which the constituencies will so soon be called upon to decide. The leaders, and the great majority of the Liberal party, appeal to the country on the strangest ground ever taken up by a body of responsible public men. They say, " There is really no difference between us and the Conservatives ; the struggle is merely a personal one, and the country will surely not do us the in justice to turn us out merely that the Tories may sit in our places." Now, if it be true that there is now no difference between the two great parties, whereas formerly, as it is admitted, there were great questions of principle on which they were entirely opposed to each other, how has this unanimity been been brought about ? Have all the questions at issue been settled ? Certainly not : it was on a ques tion of principle that Lord Derby's Government was turned out in 1859, and that question has never been settled. It was on questions of principle that the Conservatives were called on, year after year, to fight the battles of the Church, and that strife is not yet decided. Is it, then, that the Con servatives have come over to the principles of Liberalism upon these questions ? Certainly not ; no one pretends to say that on constitutional or ecclesiastical questions the Conservatives have changed or conceded aught since 1859. Is it, then, that the Liberals have seen the error of their ways, repented, and embraced Conservatism ? If it were so this would be a curious reason for claiming the confidence of the country in opposition to the Con servative leaders, who for twenty years have fought for the doctrines to which their adversaries are such late and reluctant converts. If it is admitted that the country is to be governed on Conservative principles it would seem to follow that it should be governed by those who are the recognised repre sentatives of those principles. It is a new thing in the ethics of government by party, that when a party in power finds its distinctive prin ciples becoming unpopular it should resign its opinions, instead of resigning its offices, and, abjuring all connection with its old creed, appro priate that of its adversaries. But the case of the Liberals is somewhat worse than this. They say that there is no dhtinction between themselves and the Conservatives; but they do not frankly abjure the ideas which formed a very marked distinction some years ago. They want to play fast and loose. As Liberals by profession they hope to retain the sup port of those who still profess the ideas which in 1859 constituted Liberalism ; while they quiet the apprehensions of the tens of thousands of nominal Liberals who abhor Mr. Baines and Mr. Miall with impartial terror, by a phrase which is intended to assure them that official Liberalism shall never be more than a name. If they were to avow themselves Conservatives a new Radical party would be formed independent of them, and they themselves would soon cease to have a party existence. But if they let the sober part of the constituencies, which a near view of democracy has thoroughly alarmed, believe that they have any other than Conservative inten tions, they would find themselves left alone with the Radicals, in a hopeless and permanent minority. They claim the support and confidence of the latter on the faith of their own thorough insincerity. It is a startling proof of the political demoralisation which six years of Whig government has wrought, that a Liberal Ministry rests its chief hopes of suc cess at the coming elections on the fact that no one believes in its Liberalism. We will not attempt to deprive Lord Palmerston and his colleagues of that claim to public confidence which is derived from the meritorious violation of unscrupulous promises, and the deliberate non-fulfilment of expectations incon sistent with the national interest. We fully believe that the Prime Minister of - the Reformers detests Reform; and that the Ministers who vote with the Liberation Society would really be sorry to find them selves on the winning side. But we must protest against the extravagant valuation set upon these claims to popular support. We cannot allow that it is a matter of entire indifference to the public welfare whether we have in office a Con servative Ministry or a Liberal Ministry of Con servative predilections. Mr. Disraeli's address reminds us how we have passed a period of six years in the enjoyment of the latter blessing. Lord Palmerston certainly, his colleagues probably, did not really wish to overturn either the Church or Ithe Constitution. But they came near doing both; and if they had had a majority strong enough to. overpower the Opposition and overawe the House of Lords, they would in their own despite have done both. The history of the expiring Parliament has been sketched in a few pregnant sentences by lkir- Disraeli. It is the history of repeated attacks by the Dissenters on the Church and by the Democrats on the Constitution ; attacks which, we will admit, the Government did not wish to further, but to which, nevertheless, they were compelled almost in variably to lend their votes and their official autho rity. The Conservative Opposition has met and frustrated those attacks; and the country has re garded its success not only without impatience, but with evident satisfaction. Taking heart at last, the, elite of the independent Liberals have ventured to• speak out ; and a House of Commons elected to pass a Liberal Reform Bill, which in its first session threw out Lord Derby's Reform Bill, because it, did not contain that democratic Shibboleth, a £6 clause, has in its last session debated and con' demned that very clause ; the opposition being conducted and the majority made up by Liberal members. As Mr. Disraeli observes, the country is determined on the two points which have bee " most fiercely contested in this Parliament ; it N ou have a National Church, and it will not have a democratic constitution. When the Conservative leader, and the party which, under his guidance, has anticipated and enforced this national de termination, England believes that the National Church is necessary to impress a religious character upon the action of the state ; to prevent legislation and government from assuming a tone of secularism most dangerous to the piety and morality of the people. With the Conservatives, the country desires that while the basis of the representative system . should be extended so as to include the best gence and virtue of all classes, it should not be se altered and degraded as to give absolute ascendancy to one. In a word, the votes of Parli ame nt and the opinion of the country have endorsed the principles • of Lord Derby's Reform Bill, and the policy for which, during six years of anxiety and difficulty, tb Conservative party have earnestly and not in vain, contended. If that policy is to be faithfully carrieu out, if those principles are to guide our future legis" lation, if we are to be rid for the future of incessaut, insidious attacks on theTrivileges and property a the Church, and of a factitious agitation which pre vents. all settled confidence in the foundations of the constitution, we must owe it to a Conservativ e House of Commons. Only such an expression of the national will as would be implied in the return of a decided Conservative majority, and such Par; liamentary discouragement as only a deci de° majority can inflict, will put the a giti t ors te t silence or give security to the country. T ha • the Conservative party are not, as some 1111 ' scrupulous adversaries have assserted, bent on re" sisting all constitutional modifications--that th e y are not indifferent to the claim of the working class to be recognised as an element in the political COs t ' ence of the nation. Mr. Disraeli's address will con' vine any one who is not pre-determined to cay il „ and to distrust. And the present language of tn o ,; . Conservative leader is in strict accord with his par e conduct ; with the provisions of the bill whit' h strove in vain to carry, and with the terms in wh ich he has uniformly spoken of the claims of the wired presented. The views which he held in 1859, ai l which then cost him and his party the loss of power,/ are now the common views of educated, thoug htf ul ' and moderate men. Then they were reviled illiberal, and as a mere mockery of reform ; we believe that the working classes themselves Jo O back with regret upon a liberality which, if moue: rate, was sincere, and a reform which, if not vi ole al was limited because its author meant that it s hotti ; pass. There are few except - disappointed Whige o'.. desperate Radicals who will not recognise the e:,. Dession of their own best hopes and wishes AP„ Disraeli's words Public opinion may not, P e t haps, be yet ripe enough to legislate on this su b j el y , but it is sufficiently interested in the question i r e ponder over it . with advantage. So that, when n t time comes for action, we may legislate in the sPf.,: o of the English constitution, which would abso rb best of every class, and not fall into a democrag e ' which is the tyranny of one class, and that on e least enlightened." COUNTRY MARKETS NORTHAMPTON.—MAY 20. New white wheat, 38s to 43s ; new red, 38a to 40s ; la g white, 39s to 445; old red, 38s to 41s per 36 stone. 13. 30 for malting, 31s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 26s to 31s Per , ' stone. Oats, old, 25s to 26s • new, 18s to 24s per 24 6011, Beans, old, 36s to 40s ; new, 35s to 38s per 38 stone. re"" 33s to 38s per 36 stone. STER—MAY 20. 6a For a fair supply COLCH of wheat, trade was firm, al l a bout per qr. dearer on the average. Beans and peas the turn favour of the seller. 3rt Wheat, white 42s 46a Beans, Mazagan......330 Ao s red 3.!ti 423 Middle and sinall. 36s 2 ,,, Barley ... •Bs 35s Peas, white 356 as - Oat 3 .......20s 25s grey _3613 "'" GRANTHAM—MAY 20. Old white wheat, 41s to 465; old red, 37s to 42 5; white, 40s to 44s ; new red, 37s to 40s per 36 stone. ley for malting, 29s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 24s to 26s 4 30 stone. Oats, old, 25s to 275; new, 22s to Ns pe o . stone. Beans, old, 39s to 41s; now, 36s to 38 s per 38 st°' Peas, 34s to 36s per 36 stone. )IW—MAY 19. ae. and towards the close tv, ll , n i [liable for superior sainPicp . o ly brisk. Other articles Tlen week's rates were full)" surer Peas, 0 0 1 Btaing ...... 6! Dun.... ..... 5! dit . o, nevv....: 3 , 0 ; B e ans, Tick, old •••• 0 0 new. • •• 359 B a rrow Ticks._ new. • . 3- 0 Diazagan ... CHELMSFO: The market opened firm, vance of 1.8 per qr. was ebtai wheat, and trade was tolerabl in steady demand, and last ported. Whedt, old white....4ls 48s new ...41s 48s old red 408 428 new. 38s 42a Barley.... 2ss 32s Chevalier 26s 333 Grind.ng 'Os <Bs Malt • 61s 67s Chevalier 64s 684 Oats ABERDEEN—MAY 19. sill There was a small attendance of farmers to-GIN' business generally was flat. Oats, 6d to is lower. White wheat... 'ss Od to 38s Od Red wheat 34s Od to 36s Od Potato oats 20s Od to 21s Od Common oats 19s Od to 20s Od Bere 21s Od. to 22s Od Barley 21s Od to 22s 6d Oatmeal 15s Gd to 16s 6d Flour, fine '3ls Od to 32s Od 621 b 40lb bushel ' 53m bu 6hie l 4 011 ' bo f 28 of 1 0 3,. 11 sa ck 0 Small supply of barley and oats, KIRKCALDY—MAY fair 2o of wheat', tor sold freely at an advance of is per qr. No change ley or oats. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First...— 36s 6d 24s Od 215 6d eeond ass Od 2es Od 228 Od Third 4ls Od 27s Od 228 6d COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market• s. t s. d. Hastings Hartley l6 0 Holywell Main ......••• 1:1, Eden Main .q Cowpen Hartley Hough Hall l7 6 Wharncliffo ............ 0 t A I South Hetton Braddyell's Hotton l7 3 Hetton . . ........... ••• 1 6 f. South Kenos Byass's Bebsido West Kell°43 ................ 17 Hartley l6 0 Keiper Grange ......••' Walls End Gosforth 16 3 Ships at market, 86 ; sold, 79. • [ADTEnTisExwr.l—Holloway's Pills.-1114 011 ‘' 1 , ea' Stomach.—Few persons save those who have I ° l) ,ffoo,, e n durd tho hydra-headed disease called dyspepsia, C s :; o ttiii' any otion of the great expense chronic indigestion - sta gel on muscle, nerve, mind, and temper. In the early it of this protean malady, the purifying, re gulatilt'i tit/ aperient pills invented by Professor Holloway 0 :,! 0 ` - f i loc; most wholesome power by accurately adjusting tuorgaes tions of the stomach, liver, bowels, and the mol c ' r ante subserving the ,solution of man's daily food. conovol, debility of digestion, Holloway's pills are likewise I. in remedies, which May be -confidently resorted t ? Nt stomachic, hepatic, renal, and alvine derangeteen's'offefc out the slightest doubt of their ability to release the from almost insupportable misery. Births. DICRENS.—On the 21st inst., at 46, Gloucester-rotl gent's-park, Mrs. Charles Dickens, jun., of a son.P .10l w t e t e HILL.—On the 22d inst., at 94, Belgrave - r oi t the wife of Alexander Stavoley Hill, EsAl.7 a son. h MOCATTA.—On the 21st inst. , at 21, Upper W-11.0,,r11 Tavistock-squaie, the wife of Samuel Alooatta) daughter. Marriage& ; fl a go DAWSON—FOWLER.—On the 20th inst , the v,7 - s troe,: Scalby, Yorkshire, Stephen Dawson, of Low e 7 o , - JO' F L o on w d le o r n , , E to sq E „ li o z f ab s e c t a h r , b t o h r ir ou d h daughter of the 4 : 3- pftr ip g • DILLIMORE—CRAWLEY.—On the 20th inst., a. bot,` 4 church of Stepney, John Dill' Esq. 9 1 1. f House, Bow-road, to Mary Ann, eldest dau'g,-`t'ert,°l3oe— late Geo. S. Crawley, Esq., of Harley-plac e " e° road. Deaths. CRlsrm—On tho 20th inst., at 9, Hanover-tertle° lift°. D 0. two days' illness, Capt. Wm. Crispin, R•N - 4 -' - ' - ' -- joil li • .1 LLOYD.—On the 22d inst., at 44, Bryausto_ac: Lloyd, Esq., of Rh agatt, near Corwen, aged 53. Itic bci ‘ fir• 0 TJGHTON.—On the 20th inst. at at Peckham-TY°, a Oughton, of 84, Long-acre, aged 60. Ear n° PELLY.—On the 19th inst., at Walthamstovr, ~ pet 0 Polly, Esq., sixth son of the late Sir John icz" st Bart., aged 49. d OS f READ.—B. Moutray Read, Esq., late 15th llusSar-,,,05• o forta c u ot i i 'ity surviving son of Lieut.-Colonel W. Road: Union Park, Queen's Co t and uDYchan' .County, y, • wit Down, Ireland. Soi)- ETT A 0 treeti Z , NIL— n the 21st inst., at 19, Arlington -0 Jane, Countess of 'Gotland, aged 63. ---------; 10 ----- London : Printed and Published by SirlLLlAlki A 141 '1: 1 11 : of No. 112, Strand, Punter, at Tits SUN 001 Ce, toy 01 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in th e C° Middlesex.—Tuesday, May 23, 1805. 0,..1.6(14:rth Ole,