The Sun. — London, England, 1866-11-03 00:00:00

MR. BRIGHT IN IRELAND, DUBLIN, Nov. 2. This evening Mr. Bright, M.P., attended a meet ing of the working men of Dublin in the theatre of the Mechanics' Institute. The room was crowded. Mr. J. Haughton occupied the chair. The only member of Parliament present, in addition to Mr. Bright, was The O'Donoghue. Mr. Bright on making his appearance on the platform was warmly cheered. The CllattntaN briefly opened the proceedings. lie said he looked upon the meeting as an indica tion of the feeling of the working classes of Dublin in favour of the Reform movement. He was himself in favour of a large extension of the suffrage, ac companied by the ballot ; and he thought the right of voting should be conferred upon women as well as men. lie warmly eulogised the services which Mr. Bright had rendered to the country. There were some manifestations of dissent at various passages in the chairman's address, but they were uniformly drowned by the cheers of the majority of the meet ing. An allusion to the Reform Bill of last session was received with considerable laughter, and amongst the cries from the gallery were " Fenianistn for ever," " A cheer for Stephens," and " Cheers for Lord Edward Fitzgerald." It is but fair to say that the interruptions, although frequent, came from a very limited portion of the meeting. Mr. Al‘Coßßy, a mechanic, after a few remarks, which were delivered amid very great interruption, read the following address : " To JOHN BRIGHT, ESQ-, M.P. " Sir,—We, the representatives of the working-classes of Dublin, recognising in you, by your untiring advocacy of Irish interests and Irish rights in the British House of Com mons, the faithful friend of oppressed humanity without distinction of class or creed, avail ourselves of this pleasing opportunity of publicly tendering to you before your depar ture from amongst us the characteristic gratitude of Irish men. We offer it at a peculiar time in our history, when barely in the enjoyment of sufficient personal freedom to enable us to place on record our friendly and affectionate sentiment towards you, who throughout your distin guished career have been the foremost champion. of civil and religious liberty, ever pleading with unrivalled genius and power as a statesman for the enfranchisement of the toiling millions. Actuated by motives pure as they are patriotic, and not influenced by selfish or party ambition, or even the hope of being benefited by privileges such as you are now seeking for the working classes of your own country, we are firmly assured that our feelings, how ever plainly expressed, will be regarded by you as the reflex of honest hearts. Our warmly cherished recollection of your able exertions and surpassing exposition of the wrongs of our oppressed land, especially in the continued suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, when under discussion in the Imperial Parliament, invites memories of other times, sug gesting those noble names that stand out as brilliant ex ceptions amongst Englishmen, some of whom became " more Irish than the Irish themselves." In the upheav ings of the mighty multitudes pressing onward in England .to the goal of their emancipation, we cannot fail to discern kindred impulses which demand our sympathy ; though, from the unhappy relations between the owners of the soil and the people of this country, our aspirations inevitably tend to a different destiny, and aim at the obtainment of a native Legislature ; being hopeless of any substantial remedy from the London Parliament for the numerous evils springing from the misrule under which the land and the artisan alike labour, and which, even by the illustrious O'Connel, were never more truly depicted than they have been by yourself. You have ever, in the philanthropy of your noble and generous mind, duly appreciated the use fulness, intelligence, and worth in the social scale of the downtrodden class we are proud to represent, from whose ranks are daily recruited the strength and ability of hand and brain by which society is upheld and dignified. And well you deserve the enthusiastic greetings which you have met with in your great journey through life wherever you have lifted your potent voice amongst the sovereign people. In conclusion, we are anxious to express a hope that you will ere long, under more auspicious circumstances, revisit our suffering but ever hospitable Ireland, when we may revive the feelings of the present hour, and you can, as now, carry back to the land of your birth and to our brother-workmen the assurance that among the people who have clung with uuparalleled tenacity to the faith, customs, and nationality of their sires you have met with that hearty welcome and warm friendship which Irishmen are over ready to accord to a public benefactor, and which is expressed in their own comprehensive phrase, ' Ccad mille failthe.'" Mr. BRIGHT, who was loudly cheered, then ad dressed the meeting. lie said--Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,--When I came to your city I was asked if I could attend a public meeting on the question of Parliamentary R.Jorni. I answered that I was not in good order for much speaking, for I have suffered—as I am afraid you may find before I come , to the end of my observations--much from cold and hoarseness ; but it was urged upon me that there were at least some, and not an inconsiderable num ber, of the working men of this city who would be glad if I would meet them, and it was proposed to offer to me some address of friendship and of con fidence such as this which has been read. I have no complaint to make of it but this—that whilst I Jo not say it indicates too much kindness, yet that it colours too highly the services, the small services, which I have been able to render to any portion of my countrymen. (Cries of "No.") Your country men are recognised generally as being a people of great gratitude and of much enthusiasm, and there-: fore I accept the address with all the kindness and feeling of friendship with which it has been offered, and I hope it will be, at least in some degree, a sti mulus to me, in whateve r pos i t i on in life lam p laced, to remember—as I have ever in past times remem bered—the claims of the pe o pl e of this island t o complete an d eq ual ju s ti ce w i t h all portions of the United Kingdom. (Loud cheers.) Now, there may be persons in this room—l should be surprised if there were not—who doubt whether it is worth their while even to hope for substantial justice, a s t hi s address says, from a Parliamentary sitting in Lon don. (Loud cheers.) If there be such a man in this meeting, let him understand that I am not the man to condemn him—(e:ieers)—or to express surprise at the opinion at which he has arrived; but I will ask him, in return for this, that he will give me at least for a few minutes a patient hearing, and he will find that, whether justice may come from the North or the South, from the East or from the West—(several voices, •‘ From the West," and cheers) —at any rate I stand as a friend to the most complete justice to the population of this island. (Cheers.) When discussing the question of Parliamentary Reform I have often heard it asserted that the people of Ireland—and I am not speaking of those who arc hopeless of good from a Parliament in London—that the people of Ireland generally imagine that the question of Parliamen tary Reform has very little importance for them. Now, I will undertake to say—and I think I can make it clear to this meeting—that whatever be the importance of, this question to any man in England or Scotland, if the two islandsare to continue under one Parliamentary Government, it is of more im portance to every Irishman. You know that the Parliament of which I am a member contains 658 members, and of those 105 cross the Channel from Ireland. When the 105 Irish members get across the Channel, they meet—assuming that they all assemble together-553 members who are returned from Great Britain. Now, suppose that your 105 members were absolutely good and honourable re presentatives of the people of Ireland—l w ill no t say whether Whigs or Tories, Radicals or Repealers, but anythinn , c,you like. Let any man suppose, f or instance, that all those members were exactly the sort of members he would wish to go from Ireland. When they arrive in London they mee t w i t h th e 553 members who are that Parliamentary from Great B r it a i n . But suppose rtnentary representati ve is ta system of Gre a t Britain vineryhbad ; that it repre few persons sents but very that those who appear to be represented at great island, and dis tributed in small boroughs are so and different c ountry, and in cou n ti es under - the parts of th e thumb and finger of their landlords, it is quite clear that the whole Parliament—less your 105 inen ' who might be very good men—the whole Parliament to legis late for the United Kingdom might stilla very bad Parliament. (Cheers.) Therefore, if any man imagines, and I should think that no man can itria ginethat they representation of thepeople of Ireland is in a very good state ; still, unless the representa tion of Great Britain were equally good, you might have 100 excellent members in Parliament at Westminster, but the whole 658 might be a very bad Parliament for the United Kingdom. (Cheers.) •A member for a borough or county in Ireland, when he gets to London votes for measures for the whole kingdom ; and a member for Lancashire or War wickshire, or any other county or borough in Eng land, votes not.only for English measures, but also for measures for Ireland, and therefore every part of the United Kingdom. Every county, every borough, every parish, every family, everybody, has a clear and distinct and unalterable interest in aParliament that should fairly and justly represent the whole nation. (Loud cheers.) Now look for a moment at two or three facts with regard to Ireland alone. I have stated many facts with regard to England and Scotland at recent meetings held across the Channel, and now for two or three with regard to Ireland. In Ireland you have five boroughs returning each one member, the average number of electors in each borough being only 172; then you have 13 boroughs the average number of electors in each being 316; I you have 9 other boro u gh s w ith an average num b er of electors in each of 497. YOll have therefore 27 boroughs whose whole number of electors, if they were all put together, is only 9,453, which gives an average of 350 electors for each member. I might tell you also that you have a single county with nearly twice as many voters as the whole of those 27 boroughs. You have only 9,353 electors, and your county of Cork has 16,177 electors, and that county of Cork returns two members. But that is not the worst of the case which happens in Great Britain and in Ireland, wherever the borough constituencies are so small. But it is almost impossible that they should be independent. A very acute lawyer, for example, in one of the boroughs, or a very active and influen tial clergyman, whether of your Church or of ours —and when I say ours I do not mean mine, but I mean the Church of England—or half a dozen men combining together, or a little corruption occasioned by a candidate going down with a well-filled purse, may carry the representation of a small borough either in England or in Ireland, and a free and real representation of the people is hardly ever possible in a borough of this very small size. (Hear.) But if I were to compare your boroughs with your coun ties, just see how the matter stands. You have 39 borough members with 30,000 electors, and you have 64 county members with 172,000 electors, and there fore you see the representatives are so distributed that the great population have not a quarter proba bly of the influence in Parliament that the small boroughs have in their members. And here we come to another question of great consequence. Not only are these small boroughs altogether too small for independence, but if we come to your large county constituency we find, from the peculiar circum stances and relations existing between the voters and the owners of land, that. there is scarcely any thing of freedom of election even if in th y e o re w urc a o s nuno ties. (Cheers.) I should suppose compulsion of landowner or agent that in at least three-quarters of this island the votes of the county electors would be by a vast majority in favour of Liberal candidates. (Cheers.) And when I speak of Liberal candidates, I am not now speaking merely of men who profess the sort of liberality which just .enables them to go with their party, but I speak of men who would be thoroughly in earnest in carry ing out, so far as they were able in Parliament, the opinions which they were thought to represent by the large constituencies which had elected them. (Hear.) The question of the ballot in my opinion is of the greatest importance in Great Britain and in Ireland, but it is of more importance in the counties than it is in the large boroughs. For example, in Great Britain—take such boroughs as Edinburgh and Glasgow, and Manchester and Birmingham, and the metropolitan boroughs—there the number of electors runs up from 10,000 to 25,000, and bribery is of no avail where the numbers are so large, be cause you can't bribe thousands of men, and to bribe only a hundred or two would not secure a return at an election with so large a constituency. What you want with the ballot is this. In cases where the tenant farmers vote, and where there they live upon their land without the security of a lease, or with out the security of any law to give them the benefit of the improvements they have made upon the land, they feel themselves always liable to injury, and sometimes liable to ruin, if they get themselves into a dispute with the agents or the landowners with regard to the manner in which they have exer cised their franchise. (Cheers.) And what would be very important also, if you had the ballot your elections would be tranquil, without disorder, and without riot. Last week or the week before there was an election in one of your counties. (Several voices "Tipperary.") Yes, in Tipperary. Well, making every allowance that can be made for the supposed exaggerations of the writers of the two parties, it is quite clear to everybody • that the cir cumstances of that election—alas ! not absolutely uncommon in Ireland—were still such as not to be utterly discreditable to the representative system. (Hear.) And you must bear in mind that there is no people in the world that considers that it has a fair representative system unless it has the ballot. The ballot is universal almost in the United States —(cheers)—it is almost universal in our colonies, at any rate in the Australian colonies ; it is almost universal ou the Continent of Europe ; and in that new Parliament of North Germany which is about to be assembled every male person of 25 years of age is to be allowed to vote, and to vote by ballot. (Loud and continued cheers.) Now, I hold, with out any fear of contradiction, that the intelligence and the virtues of the people of Great Britain and the people of Ireland are not represented in the Im perial Parliament. (Cheers.) You have your wrongs to complain of, wrongs of centuries old, and wrongs that long ago the people of Ireland, and I venture to say further that the people of Great Bri tain united with Ireland— (cries of " Never," and interruption)—l say that the people of Great Bri tain, acting with the people of Ireland in the fair representation of the whole nation, would long, long ago have remedied every just grievance of which you complain. Now, I will take two questions which 'treated upon the other evening at the dinner. One of them is the question of the supremacy of the Church in Ireland. Why, half the people of Eng land are Nonconformists. They are not in favour of au Established Church anywhere, and it is certainly impossible that they can be in favour of an Estab lished Church in an island like this—an Established Church formed of a mere handful of the popula tion in opposition to the wishes of the whole n t g a i k a e n t d h b e y principality people. (Loud che ers .) Ilolyhead of Wales. When you go to l y e o a u st r f u o n ur ri o g u h t t otfhraovueghofthtbee populationprincipality of Wal es are • I suppose at Dissenters, and they are not in favour of maintain ing the Protestant Establishment in Ireland. Take the people of Scotland. They have seceded in such large numbers from their Established Church-- although their Church from hisof favmt in such eryidemocrat largecha racter—they.ic numbers, leave secededat I suppose those wh o h ave seceded are t a considerable majority of the whole population. 'Rey are not in favour of maintaining a Church Establishment in Ireland in opposition to the views of the great majority of your people. Take the other question to which I referred—the question of the Greatat middle e n aosfs,thoer great town population, land. There is nobody in ulationso of the great of the still more numero us workin g class—none of them have any sympathy with that condition of the law and the administration of the law which have worked such great mischiefs in y our countr y but that upper class, whether in Engla nd, Wales, or Scotland. And that great middle class, and that still greater working class, why they are in the position that you are in. Only 1 6 out of every 100 men have a vote, and those 16 are so arranged that, in point of fact, when their representatives get to Parliament they turn out for the most part to be no real representatives at all. (Cheers, and a voice, " That's Bob Lowe," and laughter.) Now, I will tell you fairly that the people of Ireland have by far the strongest interest in a thorough reform of the Imperial Parliament, and I believe that you could not do yourselves more complete justice than by fairly acting with the generous millions of my coun trymen, in whose name I speak to you. (Cheers.) You have on this platform to-night, I believe, two members of the Reform League from London. I re ceived, I think yesterday, or the day before, a tele gram from the Scottish Reform League Glasgow. I am not sure whether there has been any account of ci,trdinerthtbeaptalpelrnsig; presumehbturteladitif I it was sent t o me i n a men and un d the oppo r t un it y - of meeting any of the working enfranchised men i n thi s city. It is president, James Smith, treasurer, an.doGn:d by J o h n g irt, rotary, of the Scottish R e f orm L eague, and itJsaacheon,, sec- The Scottish Reform League requests you to convey to the Re- formers in Ireland their deep sympathies. They sincerely hope that soon in Ireland, as in Scotland and England, Re form Leagues may be formed in every town to secure to the people their political rights. Urge upon friends in Ireland their duty to promote this great movement, and so secure at home those benefits which thousands of their fellow-country men aro forced to seek in other lauds, wherolaud and State Church grievances are unknown. We also seek co-operation since our freedom, though secured to-morrow, would not be safe so long as one portion of the United Kingdom was less free than the others." Now, there is the outspoken voice of the representatives of that great multitude which only a fortnight since I saw pass through the streets of Glasgow. For three hours the procession passed with all the emblems and symbols of their various trades, and the streets for two or three miles were enlivened with banners, while the air was filled with the sound of music from their bands. Why, these men speak but the same voice that was heard iu the West Riding—that was heard in Manchester —that was heard iu Birmingham —that was heard in London—and you, men of Dublin, never committed a mistake more grievous in your lives if you come to the conclusion that there are not millions of men in Great Britain willing to do you f ull justfee. (Loud cheers, and some interruption, which the chairman endeavoured to suppress.) The fact is, Mr. Houghton has not been so much at political meetings as I have, or he would only welcome an explanation now and then which shows the vivacity and diffidence of the audience. (Cheers.) I am sorry that my voice is not now what it once was ; and when I think what the work is which is to be done I think it is sometimes a pity that we grow old so fast. Years ago, many years ago, when I have thought of the condition of Ireland, of its sorrows and wrongs—of the discredit its condition brought upon the English and Irish and Scottish name—l have thought that if I could be in all other things the same but by birth an Irishman, there is not a town in the island that I would not visit for the purpose of discussing the great Irish question, and of rousing my countrymen to some grand and united action. (Great cheering and waving of hats.) I do not believe in the necessity of wide-spread and horrible misery. Ido not believe that we were placed in this island and on this earth that one man might be great and wealthy, and glorying in every profuse indulgence, and five or six or nine or ten men suffering the abject misery which we see too common in this world. Why, with your soil, and with your climate, and with your active and spirited race, I know not what this island might not do ; but there have been reasons, to my mind, why the soil, and the climate, and the labour of your population have not produced general comfort and competence for all. This address speaks of friendly feeling and sympathy which I have had for Ireland during my political career. Why, when I first wont into the House of Commons the most pro minent figure in it was Daniel O'Connell. (Loud cheers.) I have sat by his side for hours during the discussions in that house, and have listened to observations both amusing and instructive on what was passing in discussion. I have seen him too, more than once, on our platform on the anti corn law, and I recollect that he sent to Ireland expressly fora newspaper which contained a report of a speech which he made against the corn law when the corn law waspassing through Parliament in 1815, and we owe much to his exer tions in connexion with that question, for almost, indeed, I suppose the whole Liberal party of Irish representatives in Parliament supported the measures of free trade of which we were the prominent advocates. (Cheers.) I know of nothing that was favourable to freedom, whether in con nexion with Ireland, or with England, that O'Connell did not support with all his great powers. (Cheers, and a Voice, " That's personal.") I know nothing plea santer, and hardly anything more useful, than personal recollections of this nature. Why is it now that there should be, if there be, any kind of schism between the Liberal people of Ireland and the Liberal people of Great Britain ? Ido not ask you to join hands with supremacy or oppression, whether in your island or in ours. What I ask you is to open your heart of hearts, and to join hands for a great cordial thorough-working union for freedom with the great people of Great Britain. (Cheers.) Perhaps before I sit down I may be allowed to advert to a point which has been much commented on—a paragraph in the speech I made the other night, with regard to the laud. I need not tell you that there are newspapers in Dublin which I need not name, because I am quite sure you can find them out. (Laughter.) lam sorry to say that there are news papers which do not feel any strong desire or any consci entious compulsion to judge fairly anything which I may say. Amongst the various measures which I proposed for what I should call the pacification and the re demption of the people of Ireland, I said that it is of the first importance that the people of Ireland, by some process orother, should be made and have the opportunity of being made the possessors of their own soil. (Great cheering.) You know perfectly well that I am not about to propose to copy the villanous crimes of 200 years ago, and to confis cate the lands of the proprietors here or elsewhere. I pro pose to introduce a system which would gradually, but rapidly and easily, without injuring anybody, make many thousands who are now tenant farmers without leases and security the owners of their own farms in this island. Now, this is my plan ; and I want to restate it here with a little further explanation, in order that the gentlemen to whom I have referred may not again repeat the very untrue and what I call the dishonourable com ments which they have made upon it. There are, as you know, many large estates is Ireland which belong to rich families in England—families in England, not only of the highest rank, but of the highest character ; because I will venture to say that there are to be found among the English nobility families of as much perfect honourableness and worth as some of those to whom my plan would be offered. Therefore I am not speaking against the aristocracy or against the families, or against property, or against any body or anything that is good; but I say this, that if Par liament were to appYnt a commission, and give it, say at first, up to the amount of five millions sterling, and power to negotiate or treat with the greatlamilies in England who have large estates in Ireland, it is probable that some of those great estates might bo bought at a not very unreason able price. (Cheers, and a Voice, " Could we not got them for nothing ?") Hear me to the end of my statement. I ma opinion that it would be the cheapest money that the Imperial Parliament almost ever expended, oven though it became possessed of those great estates at a price consi derably above that which they would fetch if put up in your market to-morrow. I propose that it should be worked in this way. I will take a case. I assume that this com mission got a largo estate in its possession bought from Lord A, B, C, or D. Wo will take one farm upon it which I assume to be worth £l,OOO, and for which the present tenant pays a rout of £5O a year. lie has no lease—he has no secu rity ; he makes almost no permanent improvements of any kind, and he is not quite sure whether, when he has saved a little money, he will not take his family off to the United States. (Loud cheers, and a Voice, "He will come back again.") We will assume, if you like, that we are the commis sion, and that we have got before us the farmer who is the tenant on that particular farm for which he pa) s £5O a year, without having a lease or security, and which I take to be worth £l,OOO. Now the Government, I believe, lends money to Irish landowners forgreat drainage purposes at about 31 per cent. per annum. Suppose the commission wont to this farmer, and said, "Surely you would have no objection to be come possessed of this farm." " No, not the slightest," ho would . say. (Laughterand cheers.) But how is that to be done ? In this way —you tell the farmer, " You now pay £5O a year; that is 5 per cent. on £l,OOO. The Government can afford to do these transactions for 3} per cent., and if you will pay £6O a year for a given number of years, which any of the actuaries at the insurance offices or any good arithmetician can calculate—if you pay £6O a year for rent instead of £5O for a given number of years—it may be 10, 15, or 20 —at the end of that time the farm will be yours, without any further payment." 1 want you to un derstand how this is. You see, if the farmer had paid £5O, and you asked him to pay £lO a year more towards buy ing his farm, ho might do it ; but the fact is, that the £l,OOO the Government pay for the farm would not cost them more than £35 a year, and therefore the difference between £35 and £6O being £25, would ,be the sum -which the farmer annually in his rent would be paying the Government for the redemption of his farm"; and this at the end of a very few years, the farmer having perfect security that no one could turn him out if he paid his rent and no body could touch him for the improvement he makes on his lands. What would he do the next morning after having made that agreement? He would speak to his wife and his big boy who had been idling about during a great deal of his time, ho would explain all this, and there is not a stone on the land that would not be removed, there is not a weed that would not be pulled up, not a particle of manure that would not be saved, there is not a single thing they would not do, with a zeal and enthusiasm, a labour of delight they had never known before, to culti va t e that farm; and by the time the few years had run out when the farm had become his without any further purchase, he would have turned a dilapidated and m i sera b le farm into a garden for himself and family. (Great cheering.) This story and this statement may be commented on again by these newspapers. (Laughter.) You will understand that I propose no forced purchase —no confiscation. I would undertake to give, if I were the Government, to any one of those landlords 10 per cent. more for his estate than it would fetch in any market in Dublin or London ; and I say that to do this would produce the most marvellous change in the sentiments of the people and in the condition of agri culture in Ireland. But then I see in one of these papers—l wish we could only get these fellows before the public and see them, for I don't know what these men can be who write these things--I see in one of the papers they say, How would I like a commission to come down to Lancashire to insist on buying my factories ?" I can only say, that if they would give me 15 or 20 per cent. more than they are worth they should have them to-morrow. (Laughter.) But I did not propose that the commission should come down and in sist on buying these estates. They say farther, "Why should an Irishman keep his estate, and not a man in England who has an estate in Ireland ?" There is this difference—a man in Ireland has an estate and has a house upon it. It is his ancestral home, and there aro ties that attach him to it which it would be monstrous to think of severing. But a man who lives in England, who is a rich man, and never comes here except to receive his rents, and generally gets them through his banker—has no particular tie to the country, and only comes over here because ho feels that he is a great proprietor of land in Ireland, and is scrupu lous never . to show his face to his.tonants. In such a niE St N, LON!. ON, SATURDAY EVEN G, NOVEMB ER 3 1360. case there cannot be much of sentiment in it if he should be called upon to part with his land at a fair price. I have been charged very often—you know I have—with saying very severe things of the English aristocracy. Now that is not true in the sense in which it is imputed to me. I have always said that there aro many men in the English aristocracy who would be noblemen in the sight of their fellow men though they had no titles and no coronets. There aro men among them of as undoubted patriotism as any man in this building or island ; and there aro men among them who, when they see a great public object is to bo served for the beneit of their fellow men, would make just as great sacrifices as any one of us would be wil ling to do. lam of opinion, therefore—l may be altogether mistaken, but I will not believe that I am until it is proved —I ens of opinion that if this question were discussed in Parliament when next the Irish laud question is there dis cussed, and if there wore a general sentiment in the House of Commons that sumo measure of the kind would be ad vantageous to Ireland, then I think that a commission so appointed would find no difficulty whatever in discovering noblemen and very- rich men in England, possessors of great estates in Ireland, who would be willing to nego tiate for their transfer to the commission ; and the com mission, by the process I have indicated, might transfer them gradually, but steadily, to the tenant farmers of this country. lam told that I have not been much in Ireland, and that I do not know much of it. I recollect a man in England, during the American war, asking me a question about America s and when I gave an answer that did not agree with his opinion, ho said, " I think you have never been in America, have iyou ?" I said "No ;" and he said " I have been there two or three times, and I know something about it." He asked me if I thought the Yankees would pay when they borrowed money to carry on the war. I thought they would; bat he thought that as I had not been there and he had, his opinion was worth more than mine. I said that I know in England several people who had been in England all their lives, and yet knew nothing at all about England. (Laughter.) I am told that if were to live longer in Ireland among the people I should hold different opinions from those which I now entertain ; that I should think the small Church of a minority was the honest thing in the face of the Church of the majority; that it was not the fault of the landowners, but of the tenants, that everything went wrong with the land; and that I should find that the Government and the legis lation were mostly right, and the people mostly wrong. Now, there are certain questions with regard to any country which you may settle in ymr own house, never having seen that country, not even upon a map. Thus you may settle that that which is just is just everywhere, and that men from those of the highest culture and of the most moral capacity, whatever their race or colour, have implanted in their heart by their Creator—wiser much than these men, the knowledge of and the love los justice. (Loud cheers.) I tell you that since the day when I sat beside O'Connell, nay, at an earliorday, I had considered these questions of Ireland; that in 1829 for several weeks in the autumn, and for several weeks in the autumn of 1852, I came to Ireland expressly to examine these questions by consultation with all classes of the people, in every part of the island, and I will undertake to say that I believe there is no other man in England who had more fully studied the evidence given before the cele brated Devon Commission with regard to Ireland than I had ; therefore I dare stand up before any Irishman or Eng lishman to discuss the Irish question. (Cheers.) I say the plans and the theories and the legislation of my oppo nents on this matter have failed, deplorably, disastrously, ignominiously—(cheers)—therefore I have a right now to offer to the people of Ireland, as I would to the [people of Great Britain and the Imperial Parliament, a now, a wisp, and a just policy for the people of this unfortunate coun try. I have attended great meetings iu England and Scot land during the last two months, and I think I am at liberty to tender to you from those scores and hundreds and thousands of men the hand of felloWship and good will. (Hear, hoar.) I wish I might be permitted when I go back—and I think from this address I am permitted— to say to my fellow-countrymen, that amidst all the fac tions by which Ireland has been torn, amidst, it may be, Hie errors that have been committed, amidst passions that have been excited, amidst hopes that have been blasted, amidst the misery that has been endured, there is still in this island, and amongst its people, a heart that can sym pathise with all those who turn to them with a fixed reso lution to judge them fairly and to do them justice. (Con tinued cheering.) Gentlemen, I have made my speech — l have said my say—l have fulfilled my small mission, and I thank you from my heart for the kindness with which you have received me, and which I shall never forgot ; and as I have in past times felt an unquenchable sym pathy with the sufferings of your people, you may rely upon it, if there be an Irish member to speak for Ire land, you will find me heartily at his side. (The hon. gentleman concluded amidst loud cheers, having spoken a little over an hour.) Mr. Bright at once left the meeting for Kingstown, and will return to Englund this day. MISCELLANEOUS AMERICAN NEWS. ------ Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton has offered herself to the electors of the Eighth Congressional District of New York as a candidate for the coming Congress. There is, it seems, nothing in the Federal Consti tution, or in any of the State Constitutions, which says anything of the sex of a representative, and as the district in which Mrs. Stanton appeals is a somewhat Radical one, it is not at all impossible that the Fortieth American Congress may be dis tinguished as the first representative body graced by the presence of woman. In her address to the electors this lady declares that she cannot represent either party of the country. The Republicans, whilst right on questions of personal rights, are, she holds, narrow in their views of protection ; and the Democrats, sound in their ideas of trade, hold views of " class and caste among men wholly at variance with our free institutions, and fatal to a high civi lisation." Her " creed is free speech, free press, ersa S y o s tth and the millions 'i " In view of the f free men, and free trade --- the cardinal poi n ts of democracy." o t chraatc they.'' freedmen S he f rt of the of foreigners now crowdingour western shores, most of whom represent neither property, education, nor u h civilisation, are all, in the progress of events, to be enfranchised, the best interests of the nation demand that we outweigh this incoming pauperism, igno rance, and degradation with the wealth, education, and refinement of the women of the Republic." Mr. Flint, to whom the fictitious despatch in the Philadelphia Ledger was traced, was a war corres pondent for the Herald (New York) during the late civil war, and was denounced at that time by the Hon. Mr. Bout well in the House of Represen tatives as a " rebel reporter." On the night of the 14th of October and morning of the 15th a terrible fire occurred in Quebec. It began in a grocer's shop in St. Joseph-street. The wind blew strongly from the east, and the delay in getting out the fire brigade and pro curing a supply of water gave the fire great head way. The entire district west of Crown-street to the St. Sauveur toll-gate, a distance of a mile, was destroyed. Seventeen churches and convents and 2,000 houses were consumed, and 20,000 people rendered homeless. The aggregate damage done is estimated at from £500,000 to £600,000. Four persons were killed and several injured. The con flagration ceased at five o'clock in the afternoon, nothing being left in the burnt district to feed the flames. A public meeting has been called in Quebec to raise money to aid the sufferers. Great efforts have for some time been made to introduce the growing of flax and the manufacture of linen on an extensive scale into the United States, but as yet they have not succeeded very well. In this particular the British North American pro vinces are far in advance of the United States, as they now have in successful operation several large linen factories. The Philadelphia Inquirer gives this sample of how the election was conducted in the Fourth Ward. On the morning of the election, before the polls were opened, a gentleman, appointed by the Court one of the inspectors to conduct the election, accom panied by a clerk, presented himself at the Sixth Precinct House, in the Fourth Ward, and, after making known his business, asked to be admitted to a seat in the room set apart for the election officers. The Judge at once denied him admission, notwith standing that he presented the order of the Court. The election officers did not pay the slightest atten tion to the order, and would not even glance at the document. The thought immediately struck the inspector that those selected to conduct the election in this precinct were unable to read, and for their information he volunteered to read the order to them. This excited their indignation, and the in spector was forciblyejected from the Precinct House. Ile soon after waited on the Sheriff and informed him of the disgraceful proceeding, and of the re fusal of the election officers to countenance the order of the Court. The Sheriff would not inter fere with the business of the Court, and consequently the Sixth Precinct was loft without an inspector. Such is a sample of how the election was conducted in the Fourth Ward. I he name of Illinois originated in the following manner :—A party of Frenchmen set out upon an exploring expedition down the river, which they afterward named, providing themselves with bark canoes, and relying chiefly for their subsisten.cei upon game. They found at the confluence of this river with the Mississippi an island thickly wood ed with black walnut. It was a season of the ycr when the nuts were ripe, and the party of explore as, encamping on this island, greatly enjoyed the luxv Lry of this fruit. From this circumstance they called . _ it the " Island of Nuts" —or, in French, " Isle a•ax Nois"—which name was given to the river which they explored, and thence to the territory and State. We note the following in the special despatches of the Philadelphia Inquirer on the Ledger cauard.:— WASHINGTON, Oct. 12, 186 6.. To Hon. Robert Johnson, Private Secretary to the President, Washington, D.C. Philadelphia, Oct. 11.—Is the statement true of the President desiring the Attorney-General's opi nion as to the constitutionality of not recog•li''ing the present Congress ? WILLIAM W. HARDING, „Publisher of The Philadelphia Inruirer. [Copy.] Telegram from the President. To William W :Harding, Publisher of The Phila delphia Inquirer. Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 11, 1866. Your despatch of this morning has been received. There is no truth whatever in the statement re ferred to. ROBERT JOHNSON, Private Secretary to the President. The representatives of the Ledger here positively deny that they sent the despatch, and one of the attaches of the paper, who was supposed to be the author, this afternoon called on the President, and disclaimed any knowledge of the origin of the despatch. The President and Mr. Stanberry both tell me there is not the slightest foundation for the Ledger story, and that they never even conversed on the subject. The President has appointed the following post masters : —Nehemiah Dunn, Salem, New Jersey ; Joseph Davis, Albany, New York ; C. Hyde Beck with, Cazenova, New York ; William S. Cook, Paris, Illinois ; James G. Hatchett, Frankfort, Kentucky ; J. J. Thomas, Newport, Kentucky ; William A. Trower, Shelbyville, Illinois ; Fred. S. M'Neeley, New town, New Jersey ; Joseph B. Oliver, Rahway, New Jersey. The law requires the agents of the National Banks in the leading cities of the United States to redeem the currency of any of the National Banks under certain regulations. One of these agents in Boston refused to redeem a package of a thousand dollars, mutilated currency, because he considered the notes so much destroyed as to impair their value. The matter was submitted to the Comp troller of the Currency for his decision, and that officer has decided that mutilated notes must be re deemed by the redemption agencies of the National Banks at commercial centres, so long as no reason able doubt exists as to the value or identity of the notes presented. When the notes are so badly mutilated as to make the value or identity diffi'cult to determine, the case shall be referred to the bank from which the notes were issued. A circular to this effect is immediately to be issued to all the agencies and banks. Letters and printed matter of every kind posted in the United States, and addressed to Switzerland, may be transmitted to their destination, via Bel gium, in the mails made up at New York and de spatched by the new line of American steamships running direct between New York and Antwerp. Correspondence for Switzerland forwarded in the mails to Belgium by direct steamer to Antwerp will be subject to the following rates of postage, the same being in full to destination :—On letters, 18 cents per single rate of half ounce, prepayment optional. On newspapers, gazettes, and periodical works, 4 cents per each weight of 3 ounces, or fraction thereof ; prepayment required. On books, pamphlets, and other printed matter, 3 cents per each ounce or fraction of an ounce ; prepay ment required. The Treasury Department is informed that smug gling operations of an extensive character have re cently been carried on from Matamoros to Browns ville, Texas, across the Rio Grande. The withdrawal of troops stationed at Brownsville has given the smugglers an opportunity for effecting their unlaw ful purposes, which they have been prompt to seize. Measures have beeti instituted for the prevention of these transactions. Such is the activity of smug glers at the various points of the frontier that the exercise of the greatest vigilance is required from revenue officers in the performance of their duties. Alfred Delestatius was brought up on the 11th of October, before United States Commissioner Hibler, on the charge of opening the United States Post office boxes attached to the lamp-posts. Several witnesses were examined. One of the witnesses, a lad named Frank Howard, discovered the defendant, on Wednesday night, Oct. 10, attempting to open a letter-box at Thirteenth and Pine-streets. The defendant held a hat over his hand in order to con ceal his operations. The witness watched the ac cused, who went from this to two or three other boxes, which he attempted to open. Information was given to the police, who took him into custody. There were found on his person one of the ordinary keys used for unlocking these letter-boxes, a letter directed to John Ilerk, Ipswich, Massachusetts, and also a $lO note, which he admitted he had taken from a letter. One of the officers testified that de fendant said to him that being a locksmith he had manufactured the key. He was held in $3,000 to an swer. In the severe storm which occurred in Maryland this month the establishments that suffered are the following :—Gray's Factory, Union Factory, This tle and Granite Factories, at Ellicott's Mills ; Al berton Factory, at Elysville. The dams are all de stroyed or greatly injured. The Avalon nail and ironworks, near the Relay House, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, had their dam broken and the buildings flooded and injured. The accounts re ceived from the Upper Patapsco show the damage by the storm to have been much greater than was reported on the 10th of October. The large dam of the Union Manufacturing Company, with a part of its mill-race, stabling and horses, together with the bridge connecting the works with the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, were all swept off. The dam of the granite factory at Ellicott's Mills and much other property has been swept away. There are reports of 21 persons believed to be drowned at Ellicott's Mills. The repairs to the railroad are actively progressing. The tressel work at Ilchester is nearly completed, and the trains will soon pass as usual. From San Francisco we learn that 200 guns were fired on the night of the 11th October, by order of the Union State Central Committee, for the late political victories. G. S. Goodman, the book-keeper of the firm of Levi Strauss and Co., is the name of the person referred to in connection with the recent defalcations, estimated at $500,000 in currency. He was reported to have absconded to China or Panama. The members of the firm say their books and moneys do not show that anything has been abstracted. Markets at San Francisco, October 12, state—Wheat less firm; sales of 3,500 sacks at $1.65 per 1001bs. Mining Stocks—Yellow Jacket, $745 ; Savage, $1,195; Belcher, $77; Imperial, $75; Legal Tenders, 70i. A new military organisation—the " West Jersey Rifles"—has just been formed in Camden. It is composed of veteran soldiers and sailors who did noble and effective service iu the Union cause dur ing the war against rebellion. Application has been made to the State authorities for arms and equip ments, which will be forwarded to them in a few days. Sixty veterans have already joined the com pany. The Union Republicans of Camden city and county, and, in fact, throughout the entire First Congressional District, are highly elated with the results of the recent elections, and feel encouraged in the work they have to perform between this and the 6th of November. Preparations are in progress for holding several meetings to rejoice over these victories, as well as to discuss the issues of the day before the people. The Round Table, in an article on " Presidents and Precedents," declares the Hon. Charles Francis Adams to be the person best fitted to succeed Mr. Johnson as President. The main argument of our New York contemporary is that Mr. Adams is a gentleman. After disposing of the claims of the successful Generals, it looks in vain through the political ranks for the individual it considers fled till the great name o f th e American Minister at St. James's suggests itself. The question is a difficult one, and in scanning the whole field of pos sibility we at present see but a single satisfactory reply, and that is conveyed by the name of Charles Francis Adams. But the one reply is sufficient. Accidents excepted, we need look no further. There is no living American who can be pronounced, all things considered, a more eligible candidate for the Presidency than our pre sent Minister to London ; there is none who in every particular comes up to the standard of his qualifications. Universally respected abroad as well as at home, a man of pure life and of chivalrous nature, of courtly manners and of masculine intel lect, a New Englander and yet no sectionalist, he unites in a rare and perhaps an unequalled degree the parts which our exigency and our late experi ence so strongly indicate as suitable for the presi dential chair. Not without a certain dignified re serve, which even assumes at times a slight air of austerity, there is that about Mr. Adams as he ad vances in life which, by reminding the observer of Washington, confirms in his mind the propriety of such a choice. To dwell upon the singular merits which are patent and fully appreciated not by our selves alone but in the mother country—where no American Minister has ever been more respected, while certainly none has been placed in such trying situations—is perhaps superfluous ; but it will be, we are persuaded, an auspicious day for America when that honoured name can be inscribed for a third time upon the list of her rulers ; when the memory of that pure patriot, who stood second to Washington and succeeded him, may be revived in the same lofty station by the exaltation of his illus trious representative and descendant. From the same journal we extract the following on the coal fields of America :—" Among a series of reports which have been made to the British Go vernment by our secretaries of embassy and lega tion abroad, respecting the supply of coal, is one which has been read with interest by those of our public men who are concerned in this vital question —sent by Mr. J. Hume Burnley, from Washington, on the product of the coal mines in the United States. Much of this is derived from authorities with whom American readers are familiar, and it would be idle for me to repeat the information, yet some notion of the view put before English poli ticians may not be without value. Professor Rogers, in a work on the coal fields of the United States, as compared with those of Europe, calculates that the United States has one square mile of coal field to every fifteen square miles of territory; Great Britain one to every thirty of surface; Belgium one to every twenty-two and a half ; and France one to every two hundred miles of surface. 'I he relative superficial magnitudes, he observes, of the coal fields of the countries possessing coal will be recognised, if we compare them by some simple unit of mea sure. Let this be 100 square miles. In this case, says Mr. Burnley : Russia will be represented by - Spain • • 2 Anthracite fields of Pennsylvania 4 Westphalia and Bohemia Belgium 5 France .. • • lO Rhenish Prussia • ••• 10 British Provinces of North America ......... 17 British Islands 4O Europe Pennsylvania Appalachian coal fields The entire coal fields of the United 5tate5...2,200 Whichever way the above figures are taken they clearly represent the enormous coal-producing power of the United States, and the vast wealth of mine rals it possesses. ➢lr. Burnley assures our Govern ment that nearly all American coal is of excellent quality." Several appalling murders and some wholesale massacres have been perpetrated by the Indians, who seem now to have been aroused to unusual activity. More than 300 white emigrants have been murdered on the Powder river route to Montana, and the Smoky Valley route to Colerado and Nevada, since the Ist of September. From Texas and New Mexico, indeed from the frontier of Mexico to the Hudson's Bay Territory, come stories whose horrors are beginning to rouse na tional attention, and are likely to bring on the Indians a fearful retaliation. The very rifles pre sented by the Peace Commissioners are used by the Indians to shoot down white emigrants. The treat ment inflicted on some women will be remembered against the Indians when the day of reckoning comes. A new " White House" is to be built on Four teenth-street, in Washington. The President has selected the site. The New York Board of Education estimate the cost of public instruction in the schools of that city, for the ensuing year, at $2,522,000. This includes all expenses. There are 260 public schools in New York city, giving employment to 2,629 teachers, and instruction to 223,210 scholars. The salaries of teachers range from $3,000 to $450 a year. THE PENNSYLVANIA Exc URSION. —The party of Congressmen and others accompanying Mr. Wells, the Revenue Commissioner, in a special excursion through the more interesting coal and iron and manufacturing regions of Pennsylvania, left Phila delphia early on Monday morning, and intends.' to be absent all the week, and to go as far west as Pittsburg before returning. Among the members of Congress in the party are Messrs. Hooper and Dawes of Pa., Senator Foster of Connecticut, Lynch of Maine, Hurlburd and Hale of New York, beside several Pennsylvania and western members. Of the other gentlemen are Mr. Ashmun, Mr. George Walker, and Mr. Bowles of Boston, ex- Governor Hawley of Connecticut,Mr. W. Hepworth Dixon of the London Athenaeum, Mr. Edward Atkinson, Mr. Stockwell of the Journal, and Mr. W. IV. Greenough of Boston, Mr. Carey and Mr. M'Michael of Philadelphia making in all a com pany of about 50. They travel by special trains, the guests of the several railroads, and are going through the. Schuylkill, Lehigh, Lebanon, and Juniata valleys, and to Reading, Harrisburg, Altoona, and Pittsburg, stopping at all the inte resting points by the way. With good weather, it was likely to prove a very delightful, as it surely must be, under such circumstances, a very instruc tive, week of travel. The Republican majority in Pennsylvania is about 16,000 ; in Indiana, 14,000, being less than at first supposed. In the Pennsylvania Legislature the Re 'publicans have a majority of 35 on joint ballot, which secures a United States Senator in place of Cowan. The Republicans carried Nebraska by from 600 to 700 in a total vote of 10,000. Territorial and State officers, and delegates, and representatives to Con gress are Radicals, so when the territory is admitted as a State the majority in Congress will be increased. The territorial officers chosen were John Gillespie, auditor ; Augustus Kountze, treasurer; and R. S. Knox, librarian. T. M. Marquette was chosen de legate, and Major John Taffe representative to the 40th Congress. The only remaining election to be held in October was in West Virginia, on the 25th, when a governor and Congressmen were to be chosen ; but on the first Tuesday of November comes the elections in Massachusetts, New York, Illinois, and many other of the principal Northern States. The greatest interest is felt in New York, as being the largest State, and also the one where there is the most doubt. But the Republicans there seem to be waking up to the magnitude of the issue, and the chances are strongly in favour of their car rying the State, re-electing Governor Fenton, and returning a majority of the Congressmen. There was a large Republican mass meeting at New York, addressed by Senator Wilson, Ex-Vice- President Hamlin, and others. Mr. Raymond, of the Times, dropping " my policy" party, has con s?nted to speak for the Republicans. A column of grasshoppers 150 miles wide and 100 deep is sweeping across Kansas. Where they go they leave the vegetation only in skeletons. A detachment that went to Salt Lake was completely devoured by myriads of white birds, which the Mor mons declare to have been due to Brigham Young's miraculous power. The London correspondent of the Chicago Tribune writes as follows, about Mr. Walter's visit to America :—" The chief proprietor of the Times newspaper is, by the time this letter arrives at its destination, a traveller in the United States. Mr. Walter is seeing for himself the wonderful progress which the Republic is making in all that consti tutes a prosperous State. I quite expect to see Mr. Walter a guest of President Johnson's by special invitation. The 7imes has been a fast adherent of the South all through, and of late, as if to prepare the way for its principal proprietor, Mr. Johnson has been singled out by it for more than ordinary flattery. Mr. Walter does not interfere much in the management of the Times. He does not write, though he is a scholarly and well-read man. His University career was creditable, and the little be said when he was in Parliament was sensible, though not brilliant. The Times pays him assiduous attention. If he speaks at a meeting of fifty or sixty labourers on his estate a reporter is sent down, and the world is taken into his confidence. Were Mr. Delano, the editor, to visit America, there would, perhaps, be more significance than in Mr. Walter's tour. During the rebellion Mr. Walter, no doubt, was or. the side of the slaveholders, or his influence would have checked the rabid Confederate writing of Dr. Mackay and his colleagues, but nothing exists that can be traced specially to him on the subject. He is cold and imperial in temperament, and strikes most men who meet him as proud and reserved.. Every year the members of the Times corps are entertained by him at his country seat, and I assure you the day is not looked forward to with any impatience. The men speak afterwards of the proceedings as iced, from first to last. Mr. Walter's father, though a plainer man, had more ability about him, and by his enterprise and indo mitable pluck laid the foundation of the present success of the journal. In 1806, when the grand father gave up the paper to his son, the circulation was only 1,000 a day, but it was soon established and its reputation rose. Mr. Walter is very ri3b, and is understood to be ambitious for a peerage. Indeed some people attribute the inveterate hos tility of the paper toward Mr. Gladstone and Earl Russell to the refusal of those states men t o a dvise the Queen to exalt Mr. Walter to the House of nimble." Only 778 feet of the lake tunnel at Chicago re main to be completed, which may be dug out in five weeks. The length of the tunnel when finished will be 10,550 feet. Such estimates of the cotton crop of the United States in 1866 as are made upon any apparent basis of authority will no doubt be of value abroad. The Agricultural Department of the United States Go vernment has just issued an estimate founded upon the personal observation of a corps of agents throughout the South. This department, while not considered thoroughly reliable by Americans, still has some weight attached to it from the fact that it is the official superintendent of American agricul tural affairs. The commissioner prefaces his esti mate by stating that it is too early yet to predict the result of the year's efforts with certainty, as in sect enemies may yet affect the result, and the corps of observers is not sufficiently complete to warrant a reliable estimate of the amount of cotton. Hot however, takes the result of their estimates as 3 basis for estimates of the crop in the several States. The statements are in tenths, not of an average an nual crop, but of the large crop of 1859 reported in the census of 1860. Upon this basis he makes the following estimate for the cotton-growing States State. Proportion of Crop of 1859. Bales. Alabama ... Three tenths 296,0 6 Arkansas ... Four tenths • 146,007 Florida ... Three and one-eighth tenths— 21,717 Georgia._ ... Two and one-quarter tenths... 175,46 0 Louisiana Three and three-quarter tenths 281,60 1 Mississippi ... Two and one-half tenths 300,02 6 North Carolina Five tenths ,„ 72,7 57 South Carolina Two tenths ... 702 80 Tennessee Ten tenths „, 296,460 Texas Fourth tenths 172,585 -.-....._........ Total crop • 1,835,4 87 General Grant's pay is $18,678 per year, and Lieut.-General Sherman'ssl3,slB. Each is allowed 50 horses. A major-general gets $5,800 per year , and is allowed five horses. The pay of a brigadier is $4,940 50. COUNTRY MARKETS. WAKEFIELD.—FnmAy. Wheat, with a slow consumptive demand, was without any material change in p r i ce . Fine barley maintains it 4 value. Other articles unaltered. LINCOLN.—FRIDAY. Our market to-day was scarcely so well supplied with wheat, which changed hands at late rates for fine qualities• For barley, of which the supply was fair, prices for best sorts were fully as high as those of last week. Oats found buyers steadily at former rates. Beans in tolerable de mand, in favour of the seller. New white wheat, 63s to 60s ; new red, 50s to 55s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 42s to 49s per qr ; grinding , 34s to 38s per 30 stone. Oats, 22s to 325. Beans, 48s to 50s per 38 stone. L IVERP 0 OL.--FRIDAY. We had a moderate attendance at our market to -day, and wheat was not in active demand, at last week's rates. Flour very slow, at last Tuesday's rates. Oats ld per bushel, and oatmeal 6d per load easier. Indian corn dull, at 33s 3d to 33 6d per qr. DERBY—FRIDAY. The supply of wheat on offer to-day was tolerable, and the trade dull, business being done in flue samples at about late quotations. A fair inquiry for barley, and choice lots realised quite late rates. Oats in steady request at top terms. Beans a fair trade at a trifling advance. New white wheat, 62s to 66s ; old red, 56s to 61s per 3 6 stone. Barley for malting, 44s to 48s per qr. ; grinding , 37s to 38s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 27s to 29s ; old, 29s to 34s per 24 stone. Beaus, old, 50s to 525; new, 46s to 03 per 38 stone. STAMFORD—FRIDAY. Wheat was a tolerable show to-day, and rates wer e very little changed. Oats and beans dearer. New white wheat, 56s to 60s ; red do., 52s to 56s per 86 stone. Barley, malting, 42s to 48s; grinding, 34s to 3 83 per qr. Oats, new, 24s to 28s ; old, 28s to 32s per 24 stone Beans, 52s to 54s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. RIPON-FRIDAY. White wheat, 8s Od to 8s 3d per bushel ; red, Gs 3d to 7 6 9d ; beans, 6s 9d to 7s 3d ; oats, 27s to 32s per qr ; barlen 33s to 41s Od. BRISTOL SUGAR.—FRIDAY. There has been a steady demand for sugar, and the sales made are at about late rates. Refined sells slowly at about 6d decline. Rum is in fair demand. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at tie close of the market. s. d. s. d. Hetton Lyons l9 9 Walls End Rotten ... 22 3 , Tees Lambert's W.Hartloy 17 3 Tunstall Pensher Primrose ... 18 6 Wylam Walker Primrose l5 6 West Hartley Russell's Hetton... ... 20 9 Acorn Close 2O 3 Ships at market, sG—sold, 42. LADVERTISEMENT.]-11olloway's Pills. —Wrongs Me d ! Right.—Every day that any bodily suff er i ng is permitte . to continue renders it more certain to become chronic or dangerous. Holloway's purifying, cooling, and strength ening pills are well adapted for any irregularity of the human body, and should be taken when tho stomach is disordered, the liver deranged, the kidneys inactive, the bowels torpid, or the brain muddled. With his medicine every invalid can cure himself, and those who are weak and infirm, through imperfect digestion, may make there selves stout and strong by Holloway's excellent pills. lA few doses of them usnally mitigate the most painful syter toms caused by undigested food, from which they tho roughly free the alimentary canal, and completely restore its natural power and action. Births. DICKSON— On the 31st ult., at Ryde, the wife of Captain B. Dickson, R.N., of a son. DUNDAS—On the Ist inst., at Dundas Castle, the wife of Henry Dundas, Esq., of a son. OAKELEY —On the 2d inst., the Hon. Mrs. Oakeloy, of son. POPE—On the Ist inst., at Harewoods, the wife of T. POP °, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. HAivEs—CLARKE---On the Ist inst., at the parish chur ch, Filey, Yorkshire, Wm. Fox Hawes, Esq., M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge, and b arr i s t er - a t-l aw , o f Lincolns' inn, to Eliza, eldest daughter of the late R. D. Clark e ' Esq., of Manchester. IBOTBON—SANDWITH— On the 31st ult., at ITpton Churc h ' Henry Percy, thi r d son o f P ercy Ib ot son, Esq., of Polio , Middlesex, to Mary Florence, fourth daughter of the la te Lieut.-Col. Henry Sandwith, of the 11.E.1.C.5. Deaths. BAYFIELD—On the Ist iust., at Well Head, Halifax, the Rev. B. Bay field, vicar of Shinfield, Berkshire, aged 58 ' DICKSON—On the 31st ult., at Hyde, Sarah Matilda, Iv& °i Captain John B. Dickson, R.N., aged 43. GALE—On the Ist inst., at Southfields, Wandsworth, grs. Gale, aged 77. HENNIKER—On the 2d inst., at 8, Charles-street, Berke square, Otway Major, the infant son of the lion. J. and Lady Alice Ilenniker, aged two days. PRICE—On the let inst., at 33, Oxford : road, Kilburn, O. Price, of the Stock Echang'e, aged 27. STEWAILT—On the 31st ult., K. W. D. Stewart, Esq, tlf• A " 21, Elgin-crescent, Notting-hill, aged 40. WALDIE —On the 3lst ult., at 15, Castle-street, Carlisle, Samuel Waldie, Esq., aged 80. orig. London: Printed and P abashed by WII, LIA 51 AN DR of No. 112, Strand, Painter at True. Sum 01Poe. No. 1 .,i Strand, in the Preainat of the Sam, in the Cou nt/ bliddlesen.,—Saturday, November 3, 1850. \ R. 7( L-..._