The Sun. — London, England, 1835-08-21 00:00:00

--(Continued laughter)— would suggest to them that such a motion ought not to be persevered in. Indeed, he would ad mit that the Hon. Member opposite was of sound mind, if he withdrew his rhotion.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. HORACE TN'VISS rose to join his entreaty with that of the Hon. and Learned Member opposite, that the motion should be withdrawn, though he by no means did so on the same grounds. The gallery was then cleared for a division, when there ap peared— For the amendment Against it Majority against the original motion On entering the gallery we accordingly found the House proceeding with the other orders of the day. CLANDESTINE MARRIAGE (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. JACKSON moved the third reading of this Bill. Mr. O'LOUGHLEN moved that the present Bill be read a third time that day six months. Mr. SHAW thought the grounds of the Hon. and Learned Member's opposition were very unusual, arising, as they did, from the circumstance that another Bill on a similar subject had been lost elsewhere. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the Amendment ...... Against it Majority against the Bill —44 MARRIAGE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. The House went into Committee on this Bill. Mr. POULTER moved that the second clause be left out. The Committee divided, when. there appeared— For the motion . 33 A , Yainst it Majority for the motion ......... ......... —l2 The clause was accordingly struck out. A lengthened conversation then ensued respecting the pro priety of rendering binding, by a distinct enactment, a mar riage between a widower, and the sister of his deceased wife; in the course of which an opinion was generally expressed against the law on that point. The subject was, however, thought worthy of further consideration ; and, on the motion of an Hon. Member, The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again. GENERAL DARLING. Mr. TOOKE moved that the Committee of Inquiry into General Darling's conduct should be empowered to send for persons, papers, and records. Sir HENRY HARDINGE regretted to say that the in quiry was not conducted with the harmony which was desira ble. For his own part, he desired to appeal to the House, and to the Chair, to know whether the Committee was or was not a Committee of Inquiry, and whether it was not acting improperly in assuming much higher powers? If the powers attempted to be assumed by the Committee were granted, the liberty of the subject would be seriously endangered ; and thinking that the proceedings of the Committee was most tyrannous, he objected to continuing his attendance, unless he received an assurance from the House that the Select Com mittee appointed to inquire into the conduct of General Dar ling was not a Committee vested with judicial powers. In that Committee charges had been brought against General Darling, which were charges of murder or of manslaughter : the Court before which those charges were to be tried, had been appointed by the Hon. Member who conducted the pro secution ; and the witnesses who were examined were not sworn. Under these circumstances, he thought that justice could not be done. He must regard the Committee as a de mocratical Star Chamber, unless its functions were confined to the business of inquiry. It would be in the recollection of the House that the appointment of the Committee was opposed by the Government, but that they were overpowered by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin,and the question carried against them. He had in the Committee proposed a resolution declaring that it was merely a Committee of Inquiry, but he was met by the previous question. He had intended to follow up that resolu tion by another directing that strangers should . be excluded, but he was told that the Committee was a judicial Court, and ought therefore to be open to the public. He had also to complain of the manner in which the Committee had conducted their proceedings. The Right Hon. Gentleman was about to detail the circumstances relative to the different inquiries which General Darling's case had undergone, when he was interrupted by Mr. AG L lONBY, who thought that those matters had no connection with the conduct of the present Committee. Sir H. HA RDINGE thought that they constituted a strong prima facie case of General Darling's innocence. Mr. %VA RBURTON said the proceeding s of the Com mittee were carried on in the usual way, and though some strong and perhaps improper observations might have been made, that was nothing extraordinary, for such observations were frequently made in the House itself. He should always object to the House coming to a decision impugning the ju dicial powers of a Committee. Sir HENRY HARDINGE said he did not use the term in an invidious sense, but for the sake of brevity. Mr. WARBURTON would, conclusion, only say that some of the Tory Members bad i.,,diuested the Hon. Member for Tr'leo to draw op the charge ; that charge was referr , -d to the C.;mmittec, and z it Lhe Committee had made its Report the House could not prejudge it, p,.ce , :ylings. Sir H. VERNEY said (1011 , .al Darling was most .!ir.iou.s that every publicity shoulu be giv,n to the inquiry. Mr. M. O'CONN7LL said that duri3g, his absence he had underg,ood that he had bran dosignatt.6 by the Hen. mad Gal lant Cilicer as the prosecutor. Now, in the discussions which had taken place in the Committee hr hid declared that lie did not appear in that character, and he, therefore, did not think that any person had a right to ~pply to him as offensive epi thet of that description. . _ _ Sir H. HARDINGE said the Hon. Member !nid objected to the term prosecutor. He wishe,t to say that h, had no i ,, - tention cf giving offtmcg by using such a phrase. Mr. M. O'CONNELL had also understood that it had been stated that he hal conducted th.z. , prosecution at the le quest of another Member, and also that a charge had been made against him for producing a model of the irons or fetters used. His reason for doing so was to enable the Committee to judge, as nearly as possible, of what description they were. Sir H. HARDING E thought it would have been better if these irons had not been produced, and especially by one who was sitting as a Juror in a judHal inquiry. After a few words from Mr. M. O'CONNELL, Mr. AGLIONBY called on the Hon. and Gallant Officcr to state his charge against the Committee, and he would be ready to meet it. The SPEAKER said that certain expressions had been used with which an Hon. Member had been dissatisfied, and it appeared to him that a sufficient explanation had been made when the Hon. and Gallant Member said that all he meant to say was that the other Hon. Member conducted the prosecu tion. With regard to the right of the Committee to exclude strangers from a Select Committee, he thought there could be no doubt that such a Committee had the power not only to exclude strangers but Members of Parliament not on the Com mittee ; and he remembered on one occasion, when he was Chairman of a Committee, a proposition was made to exclude a Member of Parliament, which was agreed to, and the Mem ber was accordingly ordered to withdraw. Mr. AGLI - O-NBY again called on the Hon. and Gallant Officer to specify the charges against the Committee. Sir HENRY HARDINGE said one of the charges, was, that when he stated that a Select Committee was not a judi cial tribunal, and that strangers ought to be excluded, an Hon. and Learned Member opposed hir.i, and contended that as it was a Criminal Court it ought to be open, and when he (Sir H. Hardinge) appealed, his appeal was rejected. Another objection was, that as the Hon. Member for Tralee had a dis tinct adviser, it did not become him to be a party to such a ty rannical proceeding as to allow a Committee to assume the functions of the House. He had, therefore, in the Commit tee, as well as in the House that evening, described such a Committee as a Star Chamber Court, as a democratical Court, and a monstrous Court. Mr. AGLIONBY said the Members were anxious to do their duty, and notwithstanding the taunts and accusations of the other party, and notwithstanding the threatened absence of the Hon. and Gallant Officer, he would go on with the in quiry, and do everything in his power to render justice to General Darling. After a few words from Mr. O'CONNELL, Sir HENRY HARDING E said what he complained of chiefly was, that the charges against General Darling were couched in terms charging him with murder. Mr. WARBURTONrose to speak to order; first, because the Gallant Officer had spoken on the subject repeatedly, and also because he was finding fault with the very subject under discussion. Sir HENRY HARDINGE contended he had a right to explain, and was about to make some further observations, when Mr. HUME rose to order, and said if the Gallant Officer found fault with the proceedings of the Committee, he ought first of all to have them read. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that till a Committee had made its Report the House had no right to make any use of a portion of its proceedings. Mr. TOOKE, as Chairman of the Committee, vindicated the whole of their proceedings. Mr. TWISS complained that the Committee would not pledge itself to any definite course of proceeding. The cha racter of the tribunal was left in such a state that it was im possible to know what they were going to do. _ Dr. BOWRING maintained that the Committee certainly had refused to interpret the resolutions of the House by any resolution of its own. After a few words from Mr. FRESHFIELD, Mr. WAKLEY stated that if he considered the Com mittee to be a judicial Committee he would not have belonged to it. He regarded it merely as a preliminary Committee of Inquiry. The motion was then agreed to that the Committee have power to send for papers and records. Mr. TOOKE proposed that a certain list of Parliameetary papers should be, referred to the Committee. The„CfIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER objected to thecdurse as beince somewhat unusual. As a matter of cout"se the papers could be moved for in the Committee, and ivoitine sent to them. ; - , - O'CONNELL observed that the objection to the prodaCtion of the. papers came from a person professing him self ti lithe friend of (general Darling.—( Hear.) Mr. ; „ TOOKE said" tlat he would, presuming they could have access' to the papers, withdraw his motion. SITTING OF THE HOUSE. The SPEAgliatstated his intention of taking the Chair at a quarter to four o'clock (this day.) Mr. SEIEIL gave notice that on going into a Committee of Supply, he would bring forward his motion relative to the Rajah of Tanjore. Upon the motion of Mr. BROTHERTON, the House ad journed at a quavter to Twelve o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, Aueusr 20. The VICE-CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five minutes to five o'clock. Lord RADNOR presented a petition in favour of the Cor poration Reform Bill. Lord POLTIMORE presented two petitions to the same effect. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. F. BARING brought up the Abolition of Imprison ment for Debt ( Scotland) Bill from the House of Commons ; also the Clerk of the Crown Bill • Constabulary Force Bill, (Ireland) ; also the Regulation of Duties on Wood ; also the Bill for Regulating the Sheriffs' Accounts ; also the Charity Commissioners' Bill; also, the Appointment of Con stables in Ireland Bill ; also the Insolvent Debtors' Court Superannuation Bill - also the Arrestment of Wages ( Scot land) Bill; and the Certiorari Bill. Captain PECHELL and others brought up the Tithes on Tur nips Bill, and the Tithes Recovery Bill. Earl SHAFTESBURY presented a petition from certain farmers and graziers, against the Islington Market Bill. On the motion of Lord MINTO, the Scotch Savings Bank Regulation Bill was read a second time. Lord BROUGHAM said he had a petition signed by 1,250 persons who had deposited money in savings' banks, against it, and intimated that he should oppose it. Lord FARNHAM hoped the Noble Lord would not press the Bill at this late period of the session. Lord RODEN presented several petitions from Ireland, against the Irish Church Bill. Lord FARNHAM presented a great number of petitions from various parts of Ireland, against the Irish Tithe Bill. The Archbishop of T UAM presented several petitions from Dublin and other places to the same effect. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a similar peti tion from the Archdeaconry of the county of Cork, to the same effect. Lord 13ROUGI-I A M presented a petition from Hastings, in fa‘• - uur of the Corporation Reform Bill. He said the other night, in reference to a petition from this place against the Bill presented by the Duke of Wellington, that ho was afraid it would turn out like Dr. Mariinus Scriblerus's shield, on being scoured, to be nothing but an old candlestick; and so it ap peared,for thispetition was agreed to at a public meeting of several thousands, signed in a very short time, while the other was got up at a hole and corner meeting, and took several days to get a few names to it. He should take that opportunity of adding that he had received a statement respecting a borough in a neighbouring county, which showed how little a property qua lification was required in the governing body under the present system, which Noble Lords opposite considered so perfect. He should not name the borough ; but he found that in the bo rough -, the mayor had assigned his property for the benefit of his creditors, and was made mayor before these creditors were paid ; that Richard -, the senior alderman, was an uncertificated bankrupt; that George -, the next alder man, was in the same situation; that Charles the third alderman was in insolvent circumstances ; that there were three other aldermen who were non-resident ; and that the two remaining aldermen consisted of the postmaster, and of an individual of whom nothing was said. From this statement it appeared that three out of the four senior aldermen had been bankrupts or were in insolvent circumstances. He trusted that their Lordships would consider this pretty strong evidence calling on them to reconsider the amendment they had adopted. The Bishop of EXETER presented several petitions in support of the Church. POLLS AT ELECTIONS. The Earl of RADNOR moved the third reading of the Limitation of Polls Bill. The Marquis of SALISBURY opposed the clause for compelling electors to take the oaths of supremacy and alle giance, and moved that it be struck out. The bill also pro vided, that when riot or open violence occurred at any election, the returning officer should have the power to adjourn the court. He did not think that that went far enough. He should therefore propose to add to the words " riot or open violence," the following—" or any obstruction whatever." He should also propose to divide the booths, so that no greater number than 200 electors should poll at any one booth. Lord RADNOR suggested that there should be no limita tion of the number of voters to be polled at each booth. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, that if the amendment of his Noble Friend was carried, as to the intro duction of the words " obstruction whatsover," it would be in the power of any candidate whatever to gain time, and delay the election by creating some " obstruction" to the polling. The words were far too general. The Earl of FALMOUTH objected to the clause which gave the same number of hours' polling for winter and sum mer. It might be well enough to close the poll in winter at four o'clock ; but he proposed, that from the Ist of April to the Ist of October, the poll might be kept open s to six o'clock. The Earl of RADNOR said, that these were the hours fixed by the Reform Act ; and surely if there was sufficient time in winter to take the poll before four o'clock, there must be sufficient time in summer. The Duke of RIC HMO N D thought it most unreasonable to call upon a man to take oaths at the moment of an election, when the sanctity of the test might be liable to be sacrificed to tao political purposes of a candidate. These oaths were never administered, excepting for the purpose of giving some politi cal z.dvanti c t:e to zher the one candidate or the other. The Earl of WICKLOW had heard no arguments which could induce him to m , ,ke so great a ~ ;hangs rs the ab,lition of the oati's would make. The Earl of RIPON also spoke against the use of unneces sary oaths like those proposed. A Bill for the abolition of unnecessary oat had been already passed by the House, and ought not to ;ic contra\ cned by a:ly future Lord BRO CrG IJ A said that, strictly speaking, no amend mem, could now be propc,ed until the Bill ho read a third time. The Bill wet then read a third time. After a few words from the Earl of L: ,!Eatcx, and "mid FARNHAM, the second amendment was negatived without a division. The House then divided on the ,:LaSe respecting the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, when There appeared, Present. Proxies. Contents Not Contents Majority for the clause... 22 Clauses 8 and 9 were omitted. The other clauses, after some amendments, were agreed to, and the Bill passed. LONDON AND BRISTOL RAILWAY. Lord EL LE NBOROUG H presented a petition from the city of Bristol on the subject of the projected railway between London and that city. The petiticn was signed in three days by 10,440 persons, comprising a vast majority of the wealth and commercial influence of Bristol, and to every name was attached the residence and occupation of the individual. He was convinced that it would be a serious detriment, not only to Bristol, but the country in general, if there were not a railroad established between London and that great commer cial city, and he hoped that a Bill would be passed in this session to afford that advantage, particularly as no less than 70,0001. had been expended ,in this session and the last to in duce Parliament to confer that benefit on the public. The Earl of CARNARVON said that he did not think that any public advantage would accrue from the adoption of the projected line, the expense of which would not be less than 2,500,0001., while the Bazing and Bath line would not cost more than one-half. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the petitioners must, of course, be better judges of what suited their own in terest in this matter than any other persons could be, and their recommendation of the line of road which was pointed out ought to have some weight, as well for the purpose of de ciding upon the subject, as for that of ending the enormous expenses which had been incurred in the preliminary steps during two Sessions. The Duke of BU CCL E UCH obseried that, as the Com mittee had not yet decided upon the matter, it was not proper that any attempts to induce their Lordships to prejudge the case should be countenanced. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said the Committee (of which he was Chairman) had sat on this Bill between 50 and 60 days. This petition certainly was a proof that a great portion of the respectable inhabitants of Bristol were in favour of the Bill. The petition being read, Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved that it be referred to the Committee up Stairs. OATHS ABOLITION BILL. On the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND this Bill was read a third time and passed. IRISH CHURCH BILL. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said that their Lord ships having been so long detained from the Order of the Day, must be impatient at any further delay ; but he had several most important petitions to present, to which he wished to call their Lordships' attention. The first was from an agricultural parish in the diocese of Canterbury against the Irish Church Bill. The next was from the Bishop and Clergy of the dio cese of Cork and Ross, also against the Bill. Another was from the Bishop and clergy of the diocese of Down and Connor to the like effect ; and the last which he had to present was from the three archbishops of the Protestant Church in Ire land, and twelve Irish Bishops, making fifteen out of the se venteen prelates of the Established Church in that country. These petitioners stated their opinions with no intemperate zeal, but they made use of language which befitted Christian prelates who felt interested in the welfare of that Church, the charge of c%hich was by Divine Providence committed to them. They implored their Lordships to protect that Church. The great body of the Irish clergy also united in approving of the opinions expressed in the petition. Similar petitions were presented by the Duke of Buccleucb, Lord Wharncliffe, Lord Glengall, the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Carbery, and Lord Bexley, from Burton in Somerset shire, a parish in the East Riding of York, Kingston-upon- Hull, the archdeaconry of Bedford, and various other places. Viscount MELBOURNE had been ordered by the King to signify his Majesty's assent to this Bill, and for the purpose of its passing into a law his Majesty had been pleased to place at their Lordships' disposal his Majesty's interest in the bene fices of the Church in Ireland. The Order of the Day was then read for the second reading of the Irish Church Bill. Lord MELBOURNE again rose, and said that it was now his duty to attempt to induce their Lordships to make another effort for the purpose of settling that question which had given rise to so much trouble, and produced so much vexation and evil in Ireland. As far as the question of tithes was concerned it had produced in Ireland an utter disregard and contempt of the law, which had been pregnant with the most unfortunate consequences. He would again say, that he called upon their Lordships to make another effort, in the language of the peti tion which had just been read, signed by so many qf the THE SUN', LONIXW, FRIDAY, AUGUST 21, 1835 hieiarchy of the Irish Church, " To restore tranquillity to that long-distracted part of his Majesty's dominions." And here he begged to be allowed to say (lest he should for get it), that with respect to that petition, he did not think that it fairly represented the object of the Bill. He certainly did not approve of the language in which it was couched, nor in :he intentions which it attributes to the authors of this Bill, nor in the consequences which the petitioners anticipated from it. At the same time, he did not object to any part of the petition, except that which contained such injurious language when speaking of, and which cast such imputa tions upon, the Roman Catholic Church—describing that Church as an usurpation over the consciences of men, and as exacting by violence a subserviency to its authority. Language of this nature was certainly not the language of a true Christian spirit—nor the language which the ministers of one religion should hold towards the ministers of another.— ( Cheers.) This language was not only unfit, unchristian-like and uncharitable, but it was in the highest degree impolitic and unwise—( Cheers)—because their Lordships should recollect, that if these imputations were true—the more blind and bigotted the adherents of that religion were, the more they were addicted to it—the more that that religion had in it of authority, and the less it had in it of reason, the more blindly attached were its votaries, and the more impatient necessarily they must be at hearing anything like insult and condemnation offered to it.—(Cheers.) Their Lordships would perhaps forgive him if he told them an old story which he remembered to have read in an old historian, and which had always struck him with great force as carrying with it much sound argument. It was said by Herodotus that it was a question with many whether the wickedness of Cambyses in his victories in the East, were owing originally to the depraved will of a dcspot, or to a love and admiration of tyranny. " For my part," said Herodotus, " I consider that he was mad, and for this single reason ; that, being anxious to establish his power and influence in the East, he outraged and derided the sacred rites of the Egyptians."—( Cheers.) Those that were anxious (and with the feelings entertained by the hierarchy of the Protestant church they ought to be anxious) to establish their influence in any country, should not begin by insulting the religion of the people of that country.--(Cheats.) But, return: he wished to induce their Lordships to make ano ther effort to put an end to that opposition to the law and to the church which had grown up in Ireland. Great, he admit ted, was that opposition, and great were the outrages com mitted against the property of tithes in that country ; but he would beg their Lordships to recollect that it was not only in Ireland, at the present time, that objections or differences of opinion with respect to tithes, had arisen. They were very apt not to know what was passing in foreign countries, and particularly in those countries where there was not that pub licity given to discussions of public questions—where the re presentative system imperfectly prevailed, or where in fact there existed no representative system—as was given to all measures adopted in this country. But this opposition with respect to tithe was at the present moment epidemic through out Europe ; and that too in countries where this species of property belonged not to the clergy but to laymen, and which, therefore, was not liable to the objections arising from the differences of opinion which prevailed with re spect to religion. In Germany the tithes had almost inva riably passed into the hands of laymen. At the time of the Reformation the continental Reformers laid heavier hands on the property of the Church than we in this country did. The tithes belonging to the Roman Catholic parochial clergy be came the property of the lords of the manor, and the tithes of the abbots and of the bishops became almost entirely the pro perty of the State. In the Roman Catholic States the tithe property also passed almost entirely into lay hands. Indeed in many of the States of Germany it had been found that this impost (so to call it) was so objectionable, and so likely to be resisted, that the authorities had taken measures for the satis factory arrangement and disposition of this kind of property. Such had been the case in Prussia—a long-sighted and cau tious government, who took measures in time, and was, there fore, able to take them. Such had been the case in several other of the States in Germany. Even in many States sup posed to be most tranquil, and in which the authority of the Church was supposed to be best established, and in which, too, he believed great content prevailed among the bulk of the people, even there at the same time, prevailed a lively appre hension that tithes would not continue to be paid by the peo ple. He stated these facts in order to show their Lordships that they were not alune in this calamity, and to show also that there was something in the nature of the impost itself, in its character, and in the mode in which it was imposed, and in the manner in which it was paid, which rendered it natu rally pregnant with discord, with difficulty, and with dissen sion. —(Cheers.) He perfectly admitted that it was origi nally part of the contract that the land was purchased sub ject to tithe ; and he also knew that the political economists told them that the tithe fell upon the consumer, and not upon the person who appeared to pay it. But every statesman, particularly with respect to financial impositions, would con sider, in the first place, where the financial charge really did fall ; and secondly, he would consider where it was thought and felt to fall.—( Great cheering.) They might talk and argue about these tithes being originally a tenth part of the produce of the land belonging to one party, and the remaining nine parts to another : they might talk and argue with the political economists that the tithe was paid in the price of the produce by the consumer ; but, after all, they would never persuade the bulk of mankind that it was not an impost, let them state the matter in any manner, the most clear and distinct their Lordships' ingenuity could suggest.— (Checrs.) The fact was, that tithe was a mode of pay ment belonging to earlier times—( Hear, hear.) lc was originally introduced among the Jews—a pastoral nation— h; :e the inTost vias easily levied, there being no difficulty in tLi.ing the tenth ,ow, the tenth caS, and the tenth lamb. From thence it was made to apply to agricultural produce, though it wes not so applicable ; but still, in the rude state of agriculture, early times, it was . ;lot so onerous as it after wards beeame But by the .cculiar nowet pc.sessed by the :derby, ~itst from the purposes te ~ .lech tithe was devote', was attempted to be extended, and in some degree was ex tended, to all profits whatsoever. But debate the question how they would, as society increased, and as improvement grew, it became an import in itself almost impossible to be endured—an impost of the heaviest and :nest vexatious cha racter—an impost which in any character was likely to pro duce difficulties, but when they considered the circumstances of irritation under which it was levied in Ireland, it was per fectly impossible to believe that it could be much longer con tinued to be paid with content and tranquillity in that country. —(Cheers.) He kne w very we ll t h at i t wou ld be said that 'the observations he had made naturally led to some measure of change with respect to tithes in this country. He admitted it. Such a measure had long been contemplated. Such a mea sure he thought was called for, and indeed had been recom mended by a Noble Lord whom he now saw opposite to him (Lord Ashburton). He admitted that it was a question which necessarily must form the subject of very early attention, both of the Government and of Parliament. It was now, however, his intention to propose to them a measure relating exclusively to Ireland, the provisions of which he believed were already pretty well known to their Lordships. It was nearly the same measure, as far as tithes were concerned, which was submitted to their Lordships, and which their Lordships rejected last year. It was very nearly the same measure which was opened to the House of Commons by a Gallant Officer, late Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. But that their Lordships rejected the Bill of last year was no reason why their Lord ships should not now entertain this Bill. He could himself recollect but one argument upon which they rejected the Bill of last year. It was, that that Bill was brought in at the sugges tion of a certain Honourable Member of the other House of Parliament.—( Hear, hear, from the Duke of Cumberland.) The Illustrious Duke admitted that that was the ground upon which that Bill was rejected.—(No, no, from the Duke of Cumberland.) He so understood the cheer of the Illus trious Duke. But he at least hoped that the rejection of the Bill of last year, founded as that rejection was upon temporary and personal grounds, would not, now that they had passed that period, and now that their feelings had in some degree cooled down, interfere with their Lordships' conduct in respect to the present measure. The Noble Viscount then proceeded to detail the leading provisions of the Bill, which have already appeared several times before the public. He observed that tne existing incumbent would have 731. ss. a year, being 41. ss. less than the Bill of last year gave ; therefore the pe cuniary arrangement was not so advantageous, but the Go vernment thought that the security was considerably improved. They did not intend to give any relief to the clergy for any arrears previous to the year 1834. All suits for tithes actually commenced would proceed, but the Bill extinguished the right of commencing any new suits. By the Bill every tithe-owner was required to state by memorial to the Ecclesiastical Com missioners the amount of tithe due to him by , others than the undertaking landlords. The sum of 350,0001. (the remaining part of the million grant) would form the fund to pay the arrears. It was intended to remit that, and also the part of the million already issued. The Bill admitted the re-opening of the compositions. In point of principle, he knew not whe ther this was perfectly correct ; but there had been so much fraud, and error, in the compositions that had been entered into, --they had been often so hastily and imperfectly done, arising from false pretensions and misrepresentations, that it had been found necessary to introduce a provision to admit the re-open ing of those compositions. But he should pass over this part of the Bill with more readiness, because he was perfectly aware that there was another subject of much greater weight, and in which their Lordships took a deeper interest ; a sub ject which concerned the welfare of -the country, and affected that which, of all interests, was the most delicate to be touched upon—namely, the religious interests of the country.—( Hear.) It was undoubtedly true that this Bill did contain that which went to the diminution, and to the suspension of certain bene fices in the Church of Ireland. Their Lordships were aware that a Commission was issued last year to inquire into the numbers of the population throughout Ireland, distinguishing the religious principles which they professed. He would not enter upon the question as to the formation of that Commis sion, except to say that it did not appear to him that any of the evils which had been expected to arise from the issuing of it had tall en place ; or that the religious differences had been heightened, or the bitterness of party exasperated. It appeared that the Commission had been executed with little difficulty, and that the Commissioners had received the co operation of persons of all descriptions and of all religious persuasions. Although there might have been attacks made upon particular Commissioners, into which attacks he would not then go, yet he had no reason to find any fault, or be dis satisfied with the results of that Commission. The results ap peared to be, that in Ireland there were about 1,250 benefices. Many of these consisted of unions of two, three, four, and in some instances of eight or nine parishes. The unions consisted of five hundred and twenty benefices ; the rest were single benefices. There were eight hundred and seventy-six parishes having less than fifty Protestants, the income of which parishes was above 117,0001. arising from tithe. There were one hun dred and fifty-five parishes with an income of 12,0001., without a single Ppotestant. There were one hundred and seventy. three parishes with an income of 19,0001., which had less than ten Protestants ; four hundred and six parishes with an income of 54,0001., with a Protestant population seldom exceeding fifteen persons, and never amounting to fifty. The Bill provided, that whenever the number did not exceed fifty Pro testants, the benefices should be in the hands of the Eccle- siastical Commissioners, until otherwise directed. But if any Protestants were found to exist in a parish, however few their numbers, the Commissioners were either to appoint a curate, or commit the parish to the care of some neighbouring minister. The income of the curate not to exceed 1001. per annum, with a house and glebe-land of the value of 251. All bene fices above the value of 300/. per annum were to be regulated arid liable to be reduced by the Lord Lieutenant in Council. With the proceeds of these suspended benefices it was in tended to constitute a reserved fund, that fund to be paid into the hands of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. This, with the residue of the million grant, and the sums that should be recovered from the landlords, not being undertakers, but I the principal payers of the tithe, out of which the various ex penses and the relief to the clergy were first to be paid, and the residue was then to be paid over to the consolidated fund, which fund, in consequence of this arrangement, was charged with the annual payment of 50,0001, for the moral and reli gious instruction of the people of Ireland. Now, my Lords, (said Lord Melbourne) if I am asked upon what ground I found my justification for bringing forward this important mea sure, I answer that I do in the first place found it upon the 116th clause of the Church Temporalities' Act. I rest my justification upon that clause, which enables the Ecclesiastical Commissioners to suspend the appointment to any benefice in which divine service has not been performed during the last three years. This establishes the principle of the power of the suspension of benefices which is embraced by this mea sure. I do not contend that it establishes the principle of appropriation of the surplus fund ; because, undoubtedly, by the Church Temporalities' Act, the application of the fund is limited entirely to purposes of a strictly ecclesiastical na ture. But, my Lords, by that Act we reformed the hierarchy of Ireland. Your Lordships, I know, will not allow me to say that we strengthened the Protestant religion by that Act. You will not at present permit me to make that affirmation ; but I do say, my Lords, wo have not weakened it ;—(Cheers)—but we have taken away from it a re proach ; and that since the passing of that Act we have not heard the same clamour raised against that part of the establishment which we were in the habit of hearing previously to that Act being passed. But if I am asked upon what further ground I rest my justification, I state distinctly that I found myself upon a resolution of the House of Com mons couched in these terms :—" That any surplus revenue of the present Church Establishment in Ireland, not required for the spiritual care of its Members, be applied to the moral and religious education of all classes of the people, without distinction of religious persuasion, providing for the resump tion pf such surplus, or of any such part of it, as may be required by an increase in the number of the Members Of the Established Church." When I accepted the office which I now hold, and when the Government of which I am unworthily the head was formed, I was asked in this House whether I came into office in order to carry into effect that resolution ? I answered distinctly that I did. Your Lordships heard that answer, and knew the grounds and principles of that Administration. You permitted the for mation of that Administration,—(No, no by, we believe, the Duke of Wellington.) You have since permitted it to con duct the affairs of this country, differing from it undoubtedly in some of the measures it has introduced—but with respect to many of the great interests of the country, foreign as well as domestic, giving to it a very general and decisive snpport. Therefore when I am asked upon what I found my justifica tion, I answer upon that support which your Lordships have given to my Government. I say this distinctly; and I wish to have it so understood, that my justification for forming the Mi nistry—and, my Lords, no one is more sensible—( here the Noble Viscount suddenly dropped his voice, which rendered him wholly inaudible in the Gallery.) No person is more sensible than I am of the narrow grounds upon which it was formed—no man is more sensible of the great and powerful opposition which it had to encounter—but my justification in forming that Ministry, and for holding office until now, is distinctly upon the authority of that support which I have re ceived from your Lordships' hands. This is a great popular assembly.. Your Lordships are very numerous. Your Lord ships are actuated by the same feelings and the same passions as all other assemblies, and it is not in human nature that a great majority should continue to suffer a minority to carry on the Government of the country, unless they found themselves under the pressure of some over-ruling necessity, unless they felt themselves under the direction and control of a principle of prudence and sound policy, unless they felt compelled by an irresistible power to observe an abstinence not natural to them. I say, then, that your Lordships' conduct, in not more effectually interposing in respect to the existing Administration, is as full a justification of my con duct as can possibly be adduced."—(Cheers.) The Noble Viscount then adverted to the anomalous state of things in Ireland, and which lay so much on the surface that it was un necessary for him to point them out to their Lordships. They beheld in that country a great Protestant Establishment, cos existent with a great Roman Catholic population. It was sufficient to point that out, in order to see the difficulties which at all times, but more particularly at the present time, the insuperable difficulties, which must necessarily form such an anomaly. This was a state of things, for the responsi bility of which we, in our complacency, in our self-love, were apt to cast back upon those who have passed before us. We were very ready to complain of the tyranny of former Kings, of the bad policy of former Ministers, and generally of the arbitrary conduct of former Parliaments ; we were all very fora and in saying, " This was wrong, and that was wrong ;" but if any one of those individuals were now to conic among us, it was more than probable that he would be able to show us in one senience, that in the circumstances in which tiwy were placed—considering tee difficulties with which tliay were surrounded, the state of opinion exi Ain. , in slick day, and the influences to which they were subjected— that it was perfectly impossible they could have acts. other 'vise than they did ; and most certainly tliere was one thin he would be able to say—fur seeing, as he would see, . the wealthy and magnificent state of the Irish Church, and the rapidly increasing Roman Catholic population surrounding and supporting it, he would most assuredly exclaim, " This is a state of things w',ich we never contemplated.—( Cheers. ) We never intended that there should be a Protestant Esta blishment and a Roman Catholic population. Our policy might have been wrong, and our conduct violent, but our po licy was the extermination of the Roman Catholics. That was our policy from the reign of Henry VIII. downwards." Such would be the language of that individual ; and he would further say—" If you abandon our policy, then your present conduct is absurd. We intended to put an end to Catholicism, but if you intend to reconcile Catholics with Protestants, then you must proceed in a different course from that in which you have been and are proceeding." The Noble Viscount admitted, that to adopt a new course was perhaps, considering the grievances that exist, as great a difficulty as any Government or any Parliament had to deal with. He only said that their Lordships should act prudently, cau -1 tiously, temperately, but at the same time according to sense and reason. But he would say, that keeping up a large Protestant Establishment amidst a Roman Catholic popula tion was not according to sense or reason ; nor was it calcu lated to produce the end which it had in view. Their Lordships were perpetually called upon in speeches and in petitions not to devote the Church property to other than pious and Eccle siastical purposes. But this Bill was not devoting it to other than those purposes. It was, in fact, restoring that property to pious and Ecclesiastical purposes. It had been diverted from those ends. It had been applied to keep up ministers who had no flocks to receive instruction, and who were evi dently not required. Its present application answered no Protestant purpose, nor any religious purpose whatsoever. What was such a minister ? Pastor he was not, for he had no cure of souls. Missionary he was not. If he were to be considered a Missionary—then he would revert back to his argument, that it was not wise nor prudent to look upon the Roman Catholics—who in all the fundamentals of Christianity agreed with the Protestants—as so many bar barous idolaters, and as if they were the worshippers of Jaggernaut. To insult their religion was not the way to convert the Roman Catholics. But the Protestant Cler gyman had no qualifications for assuming the character of a Missionary. In the first place, he was not disinterested in the religion he sought to propagate. There was some degree of doubt, whether Missionaries among other nations had had the effect of spreading the religion which it was their object and intention to promote. It was upon the distinct ground of ministers without the cure of souls, an Establishment among a people not requiring it— which must have a very injurious effect even on the character of the clergy themselves—that this appropriation clause was founded. He was, however, aware of the difficulties that beset this measure ; and felt that it was to a certain degree a discouragement to the Protestant religion. It was not, he admitted, the same thing to abolish, as to endeavour to esta blish ; but at the same time this measure was forced upon them by the extreme absurdity of the state of things which existed in that country. He knew the convulsion and collision which always accompanied such great and fundamental alterations as these; but they were called for by irresistible circum stances. These changes could be effected in a popular Go vcrnment with more safety than in any other form of Govern ment ; for after the violence had expended itself, they were acquiesced in with comparative tranquillity. But whatever might be the result of this question, he hoped these change s wou ld only be sought by fair, legal, and constitutional means. Among the many admirable things said by Sir Robert Peel when Prime Minister, was this-s." That he had advised the Crown never to_ part with the moral force which was de rived from keeping strictly within the limits and bounds of the Constitution." With more inefficient voice, and less authority, he begged leave to address the same language to the people of this country and of Ireland. He now begged to move the second reading of the Bill. " I ask your Lord ships to give it a fair, attentive, and serious consideration. I beg your Lordships to consider the responsibility which lies upon me for having brought forward this great and mighty alteration. It is many years since Mr. Burke, when address ing Parliament on a great and important measure, observed, Extended as our empire is, and having dominion over such various races and characters, I do not fear the subversion of that empire from any foreign attacks_l do not fear her ene mies, or the means and power and greatness of those against us ; but there is one thing which I do fear, and that is our own internal dissatisfaction and discontent.' My Lords, I may be sanguine, or I may be short-sighted. It is impossible that in an empire so wide, so extended, and so scattered as it is in every part of the globe, composed of every race and character and condition of men, it is impossible not to feel that in some part of it there must be something not quite secure from dan ger—that there must be some cause for alarm, some cause for apprehension. I may be sanguine, my Lords, or short sighted, but I cannot say that I see at present any thing which should excite, in any part of that empire, a dread of any decrease of our power or greatness, except it be from our own internal discords and dissensions.—( Cheers.) Therefore, my Lords, upon these views it is that I now propose this measure for your Lordships' approval. I be g y ou to consider it upon enlightened principles, without any narrow views, but casting away from you all prejudices, and acting upon such princi ples and such views as are consistent with the magnitude of this great and important measure , to p ass this Bill for the strengthening of that empire, which may be kept together by sound views, and a liberal and enlightened policy, but which cannot be kept together except you consult the feelings, rights, and interests of the population of every part of that empire."—( Great cheers.) Lord FITZGERALD and VESCI complimented the Noble Viscount upon the tone in which he had addressed the House. He thought, however, that the Noble Viscount, in referring to the Jews, and to what Herodotus had said of Cam byses, had brought forward that which was not analogous to the subject under debate. He had to complain that the Noble Viscount was not justified in what he had said relative to the petition that had been presented to that House from the Pre lates of Ireland.—( Here the Noble Lord read the petition at full length, and appealed to the House whether an y pa rt of it justified what had fallen from the Noble Viscount.) Tithes, as tithes, were extinguished in Ireland, especially since Lord Stanley's Act made the composition compulsory. In these arguments the Noble Viscount had anticipated an objection which would naturally arise in the mind of any one. Why, if tithes were so oppressive as his information described them to be, not deal with England'as well as with Ireland? Why not deal rather with them in England than in Ireland ? Tithes existed in full force in England; but they had been virtually put an end to by composition, voluntarily and compulsory, in Ireland, for a considerable period past. He (Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci) had a right to complain that the Noble Viscount bad, argued on what he called a general principle ; which, however, did not apply to any practical purpose. He ( Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci) did not intend to oppose the second reading of the Bill, and therefore he should not enter much into its details. He (Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci) admitted there was one improvement in the Bill before their Lordships, which was fixing the incomes of the Clergy at a rent charge on the land. Having noticed these points, he should pro ceed to state the view which he, in common with several of his Noble Fi iends around him, took of the Bill as it stood, and suggest the measures which might be adopted in respect to it. He did not desire to prevent the Bill going into Committee, either on the part of the Church of Eng land, the Clergy, or the flock—he did not desire to offer any obstruction to the measure in the present stage, or throw any difficulties in its way, in as far as the settlement of the income of the Clergy was concerned ; but there his acquiescence should cease. He would ask any Noble Peer around him, whether the Noble Viscount had adduced a single reason, or advanced the shadow of an argument, to convince them that the proposition of providing for the Clergy and of spoliating the Church, were inseparable. One of the first objects, therefore, which he (Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci) should have in view in his conduct towards the measure, would be the se paration of the two propositions—the laudable one of providing for the Clergy by a rent charge on the land, from the ob noxious one which contained the principle of appropriation. The next question put by the Noble Viscount was that which referred to the re-opening of the tithe compositions made since the introduction of Mr. Goulburn's Act- The Noble Viscount admitted that it might be an injustice to re-open contracts which had existed so long. He argued that it would give much trouble, but he justified himself in its adoption by stating that he could not resist the representations of the evils entailed by the system, or the sufferings of individuals. Of all the provisions of that generally objectionable Bill, that was the most decidedly objectionable. The composition under the Act of Mr. Goulburn, was a voluntary compd.- sition ; but, independent of that fact, the time which had elapsed since they had been entered into—the difficulty which the present incumbents would have in procuring evidence of the composition—the trouble—the expense—the uncer tainty—the delay—made it a monstrous proposition.—( Hear. ) The compositions since the passing of Mr. Goulburn's Act were 1,505 in all. From that number there were only 39 ap peals ; of which a portion was from tithe owners as well as tithe payers. Out of that 39, 15 were withdrawn and six re ferred to the Judges of the Assize ; 18 remained for the con sideration of the Privy Council. Of that number only three were reduced; the remainder were affirmed. With these facts staring him in the face the Noble Viscount wished to re-open the composition. He should now approach a part of the Bill to which he felt, as a Protestant—an Irish Protestant —his language could not do justice—he could not do justice ; he meant that part which sequestrated parishes having under a certain number of Protestants residing in them—a part which the Noble Viscount had described as a recurrence to the prin ciples on which the Church was founded, not a departure from them—a restoration, not a spoliation.—( Hear.) At the time the Union between England and Ireland was effected, the inte grity of the Protestant Church was guaranteed by one of the articles of the Act. He (Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci) was quite ready to reform every proved abuse in the Church ; he did not mean for a moment to defend sinecures, or to apolo gize for pluralities ; but he was decidedly opposed to every thing which had for its end the destruction of the Church. He thought that further inquiry should be instituted before their Lordships came to any decision upon the subject. The Noble Lord read an extract from the Edinburgh Review de precating the system of a numerical arrangement of Protes tants in the different parishes, as impolitic, and calculated to promote religious discord. No consideration on earth should induce him, however acutely he might feel for the suffering clergy, to consent to this Bill for misappropriating the ecclesi astical revenue. He would never consent to perpetuate, as this Bill would perpetuate, the existence of what had been eloquently called that " bloody brotherhood" in a country where the force of law had the strength of flax, and the force of crime was a- the strength of iron.--( Cheers.) They had been told that the Ministers of the Protestant Church were poor and few, and that eleemosynary clause had been lauded which gave to the clergyman the sum of 51. per aenam• They might be poor, and that Church might be sapped and undermined, but there were defenders in the breach to repel the assailants.—(Cheers.) On the introduc tion of that Bill in the other House of Parliament the Noble Lord who originated the measure had referred retrospectively to the census of 1831, with a view to ascertain how many parishes were below the Parson's point.—( Laughter.) By this method 860 parishes were discovered to be in a condition to be suspended. Now he saw no reason, as the retrospective stan dard of 1831 had been adopted, why there should not, at a future period, be a prospective one, by which means 200 more parishes might be added to the list of those already pro nounced suspended, and deprived of religious ministration. The Noble Lord then alluded to the destitute condition of the parochial Clergy of Ireland, and quoted a resolution of the Irish Parliament, declaring every man an enemy to his country who should pay the tithe of agistment. The Irish Clergy were a devoted, suffering, and high-minded class of men, and he hoped no measure would ever pass that House to deprive them of their insufficient emoluments. There was another point to which he would direct attention, namely, the provision that the land-tax should go through the office of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests ; and he begged to say he should prefer, and he should think it more appropriate, if it came to the hands of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. He should vote for the second reading of the Bill, under the belief that in Committee it would undergo alterations, and remove the evils with which at present it was pregnant. The Marquis of C L A NRIC A RDE thought that if the House rejected the measure it would do much to shake the re spect of the people for their Lordships, and might not only endanger the Church Establishment, but unsettle every insti tution in the country. The Earl of RIPON did not think the House was fairly dealt by in being called upon to pass in one Bill two principles entirely dissimilar.—( Hear, hear.) Part of the Bill it was incumbent on their Lordships to pass. The revenues of the Church and the tranquillity of Ireland were not necessarily connected. The provision for the Clergy might insure tran quillity, but the plan of appropriation would prevent it. It was most extraordinary to pass a Bill upon the ground that it will give satisfaction in Ireland, when the necessary conse quence of it must dissatisfy the whole body of the Protestant population.—( Hear.) His Noble Friend stated no reasons for cutting off from the Established Church of Ireland at least the one-third. It was not impossible to conceive some severe necessity that might at least palliate this ecclesias tical revolution.—( Hear, hoar.) A revolution he must call it, because it completely altered the relation between the Church of Ireland and the State. But his Noble Friend did not attempt to show any such necessity. The Bifl, if not an actual breach of the Union, touched very close upon it. If there was any one thing for which the Act of, Union pro vided with more jealousy and caution than another, it was to give as complete security to the Church of Ireland as to that of England.—( Cheers.) This Bill did, pro tanto, dissolve the Union. It was not upon the Act of Union alone it trenched, but upon other Acts since passed, and one in particular, the Church Temporalities Bill. The present measure, as re garded that Bill, he held to be nothing more or less than a breach of parliamentary faith. Two years ago this charter, the Church Temporalities Bill, was granted to the Church of Ireland, and within that short period Ministers went to Parlia ment and said, " We will take away those very revenues by which it was proposed to provide for all these important ob jects:" Commissioners were appointed to manage the Per petuity Fund, and to apply it to the purposes mentioned in the Church Temporalities Bill. The fund was estimated at 40,000/. a-year. What was it now ? Nothing. The whole produce was gone. The Commissioners were bankrupt. This Bill charged upon the Perpetuity Fund the 5/. per cent., to be paid by the Clergy, but it took away from them all the benefits that might arise from the suppressed benefices. This was dan gerous, because it was faithless, legislation. The Bill was a mass of contradiction from be inning to end, and of the most gross inconsistencies. So far from producing peace, it would be the source of perpetual, and endless, and ruinous division, and render it utterly hopeless to effect by legis lation any amelioration of the condition of the people of Ireland. If a grant of 50,000/. a year was proposed for the education of the people of Ireland no person would oppose it. A sum of nearly this amount was voted in the present session. He was willing to grant any sum that might be deemed necessary for so desirable a purpose, but what could be more unnecessary, more impolitic, more dangerous, than to set one-half of the population of England and Ireland against the other half—to stir up religious prejudices and hostile feelings to effect a pur pose that might have been attained without incurring the slightest danger or inconvenience. He had little doubt, if the measure passed, that in five years the 860 parishes the revenues of which were to be applied to the purposes of education, would be doubled. The 50,000/. would not be worth the price that must be paid for it, and if that sum should be raised to 200,000/. what would become of the Church of Ireland ? It was spoken of as the most richly-endowed of any in Eu rope, abounding in wealth, pampered and bloated, and some compared it to Juggernaut, crushing thousands of victims be neath its wheels. It was not even now a rich Church ' - but let this sum be deducted, and the Protestant Cler gy would be reduced to beggary, to utter destitution. The Bishop of EXETER felt it his duty to the Church of which he was a member to enter his most solemn protest against the main principles contained in the p reamble of this Bill. He would much sooner be bereft of his rights as a Member of that House than become a party to such gross injustice—he would say impiety—as the Bill contemplated. He thanked the Noble Lord at the head of the Government for his candour upon this occasion, for the Noble Lord avowed that the Government had entered upon a course that was in defensible in principle.—(" No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) The Noble Viscount, and those who acted with him, determined, at any cost, to support themselves in their places, were prepared to pull down what had been most ho noured and reverenced for ages in the country.—( A laugh from the Ministerial benches.) Noble Lords might laugh. For his part his only hope was that this course would be stopped by that House, by the other House of Parliament, or by the people. They were told that they must be prepared to make still greater sacrifices, if the convenience of his Ma jesty's Government should require it. He now gave notice that, in the Committee, he would move that all the clauses of the Bill, from clause 61 to 69, should be struck out. The Bishop of CHICHESTER said a few words that were quite inaudible. We understood them to be in favour of the Bill. The Earl of WINCHIL SE A did not mean to oppose the second reading of the Bill. He trusted, however, that before the question was decided, their Lordships in this stage of the proceedings would permit him to make a few observations. He was quite overpowered by the importance of the measure. The abolition of the Test and Corporation Oath, the Emanci pation Bill, and even the Reform Bill itself, fell into utter in significance when compared with this. The question in one sentence was, whether the Catholic religion was to be predo minant or whether the country was to remain Protestant. If they surrendered the Protestant Church of Ireland to her inve terate enemies, would they be satisfied? Would not the Pro testant property of Ireland attract them still more forcibly, and would they rest satisfied till they wrested it from the hands of the present possessors ? It was their bounden duty as Members , of the Legislature, as individuals, and as Christians, to provide for the temporal welfare of their fellow-subjects in Ireland. How much stronger was the obligation to provide for their spiritual welfare? What a monstrous—he might say impious —principle to deprive every parish in which there were not fifty Protestants of all religious consolation. Religion was the greatest blessing, the greatest comfort, of life. Lord GLE NE L G could not but regret the asperity of of language indulged in by the Right Rev. Prelate who had spoken in the course of the debate, and whose duty he thought it was rather to mitigate than exasperate the severity of dis cussion. The Right Rev. Prelate had charge them with a design to undo the Church, but they had been so long familiar with such accusations that they weighed but lightly. The Earl of RODEN would not admit the general prin ciple of the Bill, but he should not oppose the second reading, because he thought it necessary to make a provision for the collection of tithes and the support of the Clergy. After a few words from Lord CLONCURKY, the Duke of NEWCASTLE, and the Marquis of WESTMEATH, which were quite inaudible, The Earl of FALNIOUTH protested against every other part of the Bill except that which facilitated the composition of tithes. Viscount MELBOURNE having shortly replied, The Bill 'was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on Monday next. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY postponed his notice of motion on foreign policy, which stood for Monday, to Wed nesday. The Report on the Municipal Corporations Bill was fixed for Tuesday.—Adjourned - at half-past Twelve o'clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TA TTERSALL' S. DONCASTER ST. LEGER. The betting yesterday in the afternoon was confined almost es elusively to four horses, but was heavy in amount, and of sufficient importance to effect some material changes. The disposition to be against the Cambrian Queen was so decided that long before the, close of the Room she had ceased to be " Trumps," the winner 0,1, the Derby having usurped her position at the " head of affairs. Ascot opened at 7to 1, and was backed freely at 6to 1. These odds, howeNer, were offered at the finish. The highest offer against Preserve at the close was 7 to 1 ; at a point more several were ready to back her. The records of the turf will not, we believe, turn's!' a more curious position than is presented by the betting on this race, the winners of the Derby and Oaks being first and second fa' vourites, and the second for each third and fourth favourites. Th e last prices were -9 to 2 agst Mr. Bowes's Mundig—taken 5 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Queen of Trumps—taken 6 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Ascot—offered 7 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Preserve—take 8 to 1 13 to 1 agst Lord Derby's Verbena—taken 15 to 1 agst Mr. Richardson's Hornsea—offered 40 to 1 agst Mr. J. Peel's Trim—take 50 2,000 to 50 agit Mr. llouldsworth's Turban—taken 3,000 to 35 agst Mr. Marson's Zirza filly—taken 400 to 200, 1,000 to 500, and 1,400 to 800 agst Queen of TruU and Mundig—taken. 700 to 200 agst Ascot and Preserve—taken Egham Races take place on Tuesday next and two following day s ' and are expected to be honoured by the presence of their Majesties' TUNBRID GE WELLS RACES, WEDNEsDA The Manor Stakes of 5 sous. each, with 45 added. Heats, two miles and a distance. Winner to be sold for 1501. if demanded, S , e' Mr. Bacon's Tiara, 5 yrs, 9st. 121 b Brick 1 1 Mr. Messers's Victoria, 4 yrs, Bst. 61b Mr. Balchin's Agitator, 3 yrs, 7st 41b ......... 4 3 Mr. W. Day's Shylock, 5 yrs, Bst. 121 b 3 4 A Give-and-Take Plate, weight for inches, by subs. of 3 sovs. exalt and 40 added. Heats, Two miles and a distance. The winner to be sold for 80/., if demanded, &c. 14 hands, Bst, and 7 f c ' t every inch over or under. Mr. Bacon's Malibran, 15 h., 9st. 41b Brick 1 1 Mr. Simmonds's The Witch, 13 h. 1 in, sst I Ilb 3 2 Mr. Blow's Thump ,14 h , 7st. 111 b 2 3 Mr. J. Bacon's Fanny, 13 h., sst. I Ilb dis The Kent and Sussex Stakes of 5 sovs. each, and 35 added. 11 01 1 a mile and a distance. The winner to be sold for 50 soil. , 1 demanded, &c. • Mr. Pegg's Little-thought-of, Ilst...Maplesden, jun 1 1 Captain Minett's Mischief, llst Mr. Cramp's Sultana list The course was honoured by the presence of their Royal Big': nesses the Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria, and a ve r y fashionable company. BURTON-UPON-TRENT RACES, TuEmu'. Sweepstakes of 20 sovs. each, h. ft. Mr. E. Peel's Cyrus The Bretliy Cup, value 130 sovs, added to a Handicap of 15 5 01 g. each, &c. Sir T. Stanley's Intriguer, Bst Mr. E. Peel's Tarick, 4 yrs, 7st. I Ilb 2 Mr. Bower's Lady Stafford, Bst. 51b Four others not placed. A Plate of 501. Heats, two miles and a distance. Mr. E. Peel's Bardolph 1 1 General Yates's Syren 2 2 Mr. Mott's Luck 3 3 Mr. Smith's Tristram Shandy • A Sweepstakes of 10 sows. each was won by Mr. T. Ong le), , Donnington, beating Captain Lamb's Jack, and Mr. G. Vernon br. f. by Bedlamite. DEVON AND EXETER RACES, TUESDAY'. be The Devonshire Stakes of 25 sovs. each ; 31 subscribers pai d / smaller, and four the larger forfeit. Once round the Old Course' Mr. Etwall's Goldfringe, 4 yrs,':7st. 101b...5. Day, jun 1 Colonel Gilbert's Lily, aged, 7st Piece of Plate, value 100 sovs. Two mile heats. Mr. Wreford's Freedom, 4 yrs S. Day, jun. 1 0 2 1 Mr. Biggs's De Beriot, 3 yrs, 6st. 101 b Sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each, with 30 added. Heats, one wile' Sir E. Baker's Spume, 4 yrs, 9st. 31b...J. Day,juu. 1 1 Mr. Biggs's De Beroit, 3 yrs, Bst. 101 b. SPANISH LEGION.—The remainder of Colonel Kinloch's regiment of Lancers were to be on board yestcrdaY, The second regiment under Col. Jack, is now forming at / 4 11 thumberland-street, Charing-cross. They are, however, stia deficient in all non-commissioned officers, and commission, cei officers with few exceptions, as well as gentlemen cadets. 1:1 6 will be mounted on Irish horses, which will be shipped Cork direct to Spain. MARRIED. of On the 18th inst., at Westbury-upon-Tryrn, John Osborg;ner Lincoln's In- br se' -id son of Jeremiah Ocody, Ancoln's Inn, oarrister-at-law, seem.. _ Esq., of Bristol, to Emma, youngest daughter of William Du" - Esq., of the same city. On the 17th inst., at Southampton, Mr. Henry Brett , iiin• o ' o ly Drury-lane, London, brandy-merchant, to Miss Eliza Higgs' daughter of Mr. Richard Higgs, of Southampton. On the 12th inst., at St. Dionis Backchurch, Mr. N,..a t A llar4 o . 3 rd el Wegg, of Deptford, to Sarah, second daughter of Mr. Du Hawke, of the same place. to On the 19th inst., at Streatham Richard Harman Lloy d ',,_ of Isabella Mary, eldest daughter of ' William Borradaile, P . ' 44 Balham, Surrey. DIED. On the 17th inst., at Hawksdale, Mr. George Monk hotls°' aged 91. • Lately, at Stoke, Mr. James Burt, aged 82. On the 10th inst., at Thetford, Norfolk, Thomas ViP a° ' in his 59th year. oer tst On the 19th inst., at The Bury, Hemel Hempstedl Har On Grover, E., aged 73. Job ° ry the •29th of s J q une, at Retirement, St. James's, Jan 0 ' 011 Haughton James, Esq., of Haughton Hall and Bur nt Gr° age On d 7 th 2. 61 . be e 18th inst., at Leamington Spa, in her 21st years Eliza' Catherine, only daughter of Captain _____ Alangin, Royal Navy I S Q. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG , ° o at 7 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the c° of Middlesex. GE Mac s CPT)+AII oe4l Rnigbt Hound: the »t OFFEI " SAT, A v . Thent, Nie chg 141 c1 fr ent ' - " a ntle aild con A c - ill hen a ?totted throb vibi eh ire vnv. Th e ther e i s "nsPiel vt , 4 ient HE At tilP With in sq id elpal a. An 3 t he gri most ; anoth c A P is Frn fl Meta i t 0 Pre" 6, 01 is c would (ti re, c wh en 111 0de great '4llae AN would to h, re~ul (ADVERTISEMENT. ) S' The NEW FLAT GOLD WATCam The price in gold cases, with accurately finished vertical 0 movem ents £7 ' Ditto, with well-finished horizontal movements, in double bottomed engine -turned cases, jewelled in four holes, t , 0 with silver dial T. COX SAVORY'S Working Silversmith and Jeweller, 4 Cornhill, London. red N.B. A variety of Second-hand Silver Watches, may be sol e from, all at Two Guineas each, Warranted. BIRTHS. I, 0 On the 16th inst., at 11fount St. John's, Yorkshire, the la dy Charles Henea t ie Esley, Esq., of a daughter. . A „ of On the 18th inst., in Great Marlborough-street, the ta`v George Harrison, Esq., of a son. A lea On the 19th inst., in Chester-terrace, Regent's Park, -- e of William Goodenough Hayter, Esq., of a son. .------