The Sun. — London, England, 1835-03-24 00:00:00

the surplusage of Church property. It was a principle dis approved of by the last Parliament, and would be alike inju rious to the clergy and the people if adopted by the pre sent. He could not, therefore, conceive how any Hon. Mem bers 'who supported the measure of the preceding session, could give their support to the measure of this session. He considered that there could be no peace in Ireland until the question of appropriation should be satisfactorily settled, and the people relieved from the support of a sinecure Church, in the tenets of which they did not believe. Until that great question was set at rest all other attempts to settle the subject were mere trifling with it. It was on these grounds that he and those who acted with him deemed it better to forego all immediate opposition to the present resolution, and waive their intentions respecting it until the whole question should come under consideration on Monday next. The people of England had no question more at heart than the question of Irish tithes ; and it was in vain for the Government to suppose that there would be either peace in Ireland or satisfaction in England until it was finally and satisfactorily settled. As the Right Bon. Baronet had intimated his intention to be merely to bring in the Bill and give its details, n©t to advance it a single stage further until the discussion of Monday should have terminated, he (Mr. H.) would, as he had said, waive all opposition to the resolutions, and content himself with simply entering his pro- test against the principle of the measure. Mr. GISBORNE put a question to Sir R. Peel, which we could not catch ; in answer to which, Sir R. PEEL said that if the House affirmed the resolu tions his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for Ireland would he enabled to bring in the Bill, with the clauses respecting the non-payment of the instalments due at present by the clergy to the Treasury, and remission of that amount, together with the apportionment of the residue of the million, 370,0001. If the resolutions were not passed the Bill would have no groundwork. The instalments were now due of the clergy, and the Treasury would be obliged to enforce the repayment if there was any suspension of the resolutions. He, therefore, thought the best course the House could take was to allow the - resolution to pass. By the Standing Orders no money could be granted out of Committee, and to grapt it in Committee there was due and proper notice required. All the forms in the present instance had been complied with, and, therefore, he should suggest to the House to permit the resolution to pass. On Wednesday or Thursday the Bill could be intro duced in its complete shape and printed for the use of Hon. Members. Mr. O'CONNELL should not oppose the passing of the , resolution, as it went to procure a positive good, however trifling in amount, to the people of Ireland. His own opinion was decidedly in favour of the remission of the million ; for the reason that it would have the effect of preventing the clergy levying on their parishioners for that amount. He would, therefore, take it pro tanto, as a small advantage for the people of Ireland. The Government had no option but to recover the sum advanced unless the House affirmed the resolutior. The clergy would levy as he had said for the means of repaying it. This would produce resistance, and resistance would produce the usual deplorable results. Having slid so much on the only part of the measure which had his approval he should speak a few words on other parts which he most unequivocally condemned. He implored the House to consider for a moment and then ask themselves how much good the measure was calculated to do for Ireland ? Absolutely none. How did it stand? The landlord, by tithes being made a rent-charge on his property, became liable to the pay ment. The clergymman applied to him in the first instance, and if lie refused to pay the case was transferred to the Ec clesiastical Commission. But suppose the landlord should acceed to the clergyman's demands, how were matters cir cumstanced? A double power was placed by that means in his hands—the power of a landlord and the power of a tithe owner. The single power of a tithe-owner only was vested in the Ecclesiastical Commission. What would be the effect of this union of powers? By the Act of the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for Lancashire ( Stanley) the occupants of sm ill holdings were exempt from the payment of tithes. By the operation of the principle of the Bill about to be introduced to the House this beneficial provision would be practically repealed, and the poorer classes of tenants and occupiers would be thrown completely under the power of the landlord. By this Bill the landlord would have a double power of distraint—as landlord and as tithe-agent for the rent charge. He could then come in for tithes while he avowed for rent, and vice versa. No question could be raised on his exercise of that power, as a man having two rights of recovery can go upon oath, and the Courts of Law would not interfere. Then the lowest de scription of tenantry would be placed completely under the lash of the landlord. It might be urged that the Bill gave one comfort to the occupant, for that if the landlord did not pay there could be no distraint ; but that was all idle, for a power of recovery of some description or other should be vested in the Ecclesiastical Commission to make the exercise of their power in the least available for the purposes of their creation ; and as no other mode was so effectual as distraint, and as no other party than the occupant "would in such case suffer, it was all the same to him in whose hands it was placed. He would warn the House to pause before they sanctioned the principle of conferring a double power on the landlord, and indirectly abrogating the Act of the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire. He would warn them against fur ther goading on a people who were opposed not so much to the pecuniary amount of tithe as to the obnoxious nature of the exaction. The finest army in the world were found in efficient for the collection of tithes in Ireland, yet the Go vernment proposed to transfer to the landlord and the Eccle siastical Commission that which that army had not the power to do. It was out of the question to say that any regulation would be effective, any measure final, for Ireland which had not for its principle appropriation. A certain portion of the landlords of Ireland, it was true, of a congenial feeling with the Government and the clergy, had offered to collect the tithes themselves. But did they forget that resistance to tithe first g enerated resistance to rent, and caused the Rockite- Whiteoy disturbance and the agrarian war which desolated that unhappy country for many years ? It was only coming forward with a stimulus to agitation and perpetuating discord in that country. With respect to the entire tenor and purport of the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet he protested against it, as not holding out the slightest hopes of the imme diate or even ultimate pacification of Ireland. In Scotland the people were circumstanced similar to Ireland ; but they fought for their religious freedom, and ultimately achieved it. Their support was purchased at the period of the revolution by the abolition of the Church of England, and the establish ment of one in its stead identical with the religion of the people. The people of Ireland did not want to go so far; they stopped short at the next stage to it. He had felt it to be his duty to protest even in liniine against the measure of the • Government. It was not final ; it was not complete ; it would give no satisfaction to the people of Ireland, and little to the people of England, and it was by no means a realization of the hopes held out in the King's Speech on the opening of the prsent Parliament. Mr. GI SBORNE had a strong objection to the course sug gested by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. He had come forward with his measure in a manner precisely similar to that adopted by the late Government in the last session ; yet on that occasion the course they pursued, and which lie pursued now, had been attacked by him and his party. He (Mr. Gis borne) thought the most cuivenient course which the House could adopt would be to permit the Right Hon. Baronet to withdraw his resolution, which, as he himself had stated, pledged him to ncthing, and which all agreed meant nothing, and to allow him to introduce a Bill founded upon a prelimi nary resolution of the House. Sir R. PEEL said that if the House objected to the course he was pursuing, he should certainly not persevere ; but until it had expressed itself to that effect, be could not consent to the suggestion of the Hon. Member.—( Hear.) The rearon he had withdrawn the resolution on a former night was the want of proper notice. He thought it would be more satisfac tory to the House to sec the Bill in a complete state before the 30th of March, which was his reason for bringing on the resolution so soon. If lie acceded to the Hon. Member's sug gestion of a preliminary resolution, that could not be effected ; for he well remembered that when Lord Althorp in the last Parliament brought forward the Church Temporalities Bill, it fell to the ground, though several stages advanced, in conse quence of his a.qceding to a similar suggestion.--( Hear.) He did not then mean to enter on the subject of the measure ; but he begged to say that he thought those details which had been gone into by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin would have been better reserved for a debate on the principle of . the Bill he proposed to introduce, or in Committee on it. Mr. WA RBURTON was of opinion that it would be better to withdraw the resolution, as it affirmed nothing, and intro duce the Bill either without the money clauses, or having them in a separate form. Sir R. PEEL could not consent to the proposition of the Hon. Member, as by adopting it the Bill would be rendered quite imperfect. Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that the measure of the Govern. merit had his strongest reprobation ; for it brought the small holdings of pauper occupants under the levy of tithes. Pre viously to the passing of the Act of the Noble Lord the Mem ber for Lancashire's potato gardens, not larger than the floor of the House, were tithed at ten shillings : and in the attempt to enforce small claims of that description the Rev. Mr. Fer gusson had lost his life. The present measure went virtually to renew this obnoxious impost. Did the Government, he would ask . mean to deceive the people of Ireland, when they told them that they should pay tithe no longer, hut that they should only pay a rent charge? What did the people of Ireland care by what name it was called, while it existed ? He could assure the House and the Government that the organization against the obnoxious impost was so perfect among the people of Ireland, that even if the entire force of the empire was put in requisition, tithes could not be collected any longer. The Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland had said, in pi aise of the humanity of the Clergy, that he had only thirty or forty applications for military assistance in the collection of tithes during his very short residence in Ireland. Was that, he (Mr. O'Connor) would ask, a proof of humanity ? Only thirty or forty applications for military aid from Clergymen I An opportunity was now afforded to the House to relieve Ireland, and he trusted that the House would avail themselves of it. The composition of tithes in Ireland bad been made when wheat was 645. a quarter; and now, although the price of wheat was so much fallen, they pretended that it was an adequate relief to Ireland to take off only 25 per cent. of the tithes. The Bill now proposed, with the exception of sur rendering the million, would be received with disg ust by the people of Ireland. He had never witnessed any forbearance on the part of the Clergy, and he was convinces that nothing but the direct intimidation by the people had had any effect on the Clergymen of Ireland. But the Right Hon. Baronet had left out of the Bill all consideration of the lay impropriator. The landlord would put all the boon in his own pocket. He looked-tOilhamuestion rather as a question of disturbance between' ttc..e.Tot r ,trnment within and the Government without that Houses Ho bad himself laid the foundation of the organisation against tithes.—( Hear, from the Ministerial benches.) All balm@ was now associated against tithes, and the Right Han. Baroziiit would find himself unable to dissolve I r/ ~ 7 ~ ~,~ = ~~•~ , -• ~. ~ , that association. Government had done nothing in giving up the million, for she could not recover it without bloodshed. The transactions at Rathcormac had arisen out of an attempt to recover arrears. Sir H. HARDINGE said, the Hon. and Learned Gentle man had stated that the conspiracy of the people of Ireland against tithes had been so formidable, that according to his ac count, no tithes had been collected in that country, and yet he had stated that the affair at Rathcormac had arisen from an at tempt to, collect only arrears of tithes, and the arrears claimed by Mr. Ryder of the widow were only 4/. 16s. But at the present moment, it was not the policy of Ministers to discuss the details of the measure, for the discussion would necessarily come on when the report was brought up. When the Hon. and Learned Gentleman accused the clergy of the Protestant Established Church of not daring to make a demand of tithes solely on account of the irritation of the people, he would read to that Hon. and Learned Gentleman a great many let ters from clergymen, which would prove that they had the greatest repugnance to raise any tithes by means of the inter vention of an armed or military force, and that they would rather endure all the sufferings of the severest poverty than resort to such means.—( Hear, hear.) He would not enter into any details upon the question that night, as every Hon. Gen tleman knew that the Army Estimates were the real business before the House. Mr. THYNSE and Sir R. PEEL severally said one or two sentences across the table of the House, but which were inau dible in the gallery. Mr. D I VETT would enter his most solemn protest against abstracting from the pockets of the people of England a mil lion of money merely to forward the project of the Govern ment. The House in having advanced the million had done it on an understanding that the money should be paid. Mr. O'CONNOR explained. Sir S. W H ALL EY . would not give the smallest possible coin until it was ascertained what was the amount of the re venues of the Irish Chureh, and whether out of that revenue _ _ the million could not be refunded. Mr. SHEIL maintained that no Government could have the smallest chance of tranquillizin g Ireland unless the million were given up. Three millions had been given, or at least one million and a half been given, to build Churches in Eng land, and money had been voted to Scotland on the same principle, whilst not less than 54,0001. of Irish quit rents had been abstracted for the improvements of Charing-cross. The sum of 1,000,000/. was not too large for the purchase of tranquillity is Ireland, and if the House succeeded in the ex penditure, not only might the amount be made up by the re duction of the land forces by 10,000 men ; but by Ireland re turning more to the revenue under a state of improved pros perity. The Right Hon. Baronet, himself a soldier ( Sir H. Hardinge) had said that in the collection of tithes he could no longer have recourse to the bayonet, and that if tithes could not be levied but by the bayonet, still that that instrument could not be used. He would defy the Right Hon. Baronet to maintain his policy without the use of the bayonet. Sir R. PEEL thought the time would come to determine the merits of the case when the question was regularly before the House. Mr. BARRON, on looking to the debate on this question last year, found in the speech of the Hon. Member for Dublin a fatal objection to the principle upon which this Bill was in troduced. On the 30th July, 1834, in that portion of the speech which related to the landlords of Ireland, the Hon. Member stated " until you have vindicated the law, by show. ing that the collection can be made, is it just to force that col lection on the landlords of Ireland?" Had the Hon. Secre tary and the Hon. Baronet opposite vindicated the law ? They had not vindicated the law ; they confessed that they had failed ; and yet what was the foundation of the resolution about to be brought up, but that they ought to place the collec tion of the tithes on the Irish landlord. Here was ar.jther charge come upon us. On the same night the Recorder for the City of Dublin made use of this phrase, " All I maintain is that, unless the authority of the law is restored by the collection of tithes, the necessity of which has been so strongly stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the landlords will not, cannot in justice be forced to take this payment on themselves until the majesty of the law is vindicated." What change had come over the opinions of the Honourable Gentleman with his change of place? Ministers had rejected a measure which wetolcl have satisfied the people of Ireland, and, moreover, they allowed the people of England to pay one million of money for that rejection • for it was on account of that rejection that the people of England were called upon to pay this money. If the Hon. Gentleman below him had remained in power, the people of Ireland would wil lingly have paid the tithes in Ireland, because they would have felt that they had a paternal Government, and they would have been anxious to support that Government. Ministers, how ever, had adopted the child of their predecessors, and they bad the hardihood to come down and ask the House to pass a Bill which they had rejected, and which had caused such bloodshed in Ireland. We never should have had such scenes if the Bill had previously passed the House. From the heed less and factious opposition of Ministers, and their friends else where, those consequences had resulted. Such a base dere liction of duty—such factious conduct was felt as insult to the understanding of the people of Ireland. Well might the late Ministers say with regard to this Bill : " Hos ego versiculos feci, tulit alter honores. Sic vos non vobis niddcatis ayes. Sic vos non vobis vellera fertis oyes. Sic vos non vobis mellificatis apes. Sic yes non vobis fertis arata bores." He could only put this construction upon their conduct, that they were actuated by a base love of office. Mr. SHAW could assure the Hon. Gentleman that his opinions had undergone no change whatever on the subject, and the Hon. Member must pardon him if he expressed a strong doubt that the Hon. Gentleman understood either of the Bills. (Cheers and laughter.) The present Bill bore a resemblance only to the first Bill of last year, and the objections which he had urged against that Bill, he had repeated against the pre sent Bill, namely, that it would be a great hardship upon the landowners. This was the sentiment conveyed in the quotation which the Hon. Member had just read, and there was nothing in his (Mr. Shaw's) conduct with reference to the present Bill at all inconsistent with the spirit of that quotation. Sir H. HARDINGE—Sir, after the coarse invective in dulged in by the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Barron), attributing to the Members of his Majesty's Government a sacrifice of principle from a base love of office, I cannot re. main silent under such a charge, or refrain from designating the accusation as a piece of vulgar impudence—( Immense cheering from the Ministerial side of the House, and loud cries of Spoke, Order, and Chair, vociferated from the Opposition.) Mr. BARRON—If the Right Honourable and Gallant Officer alludes to what fell from me, I can only say that I treat his observations with utter contempt, and that I repeat the charge I made of a total dereliction of political principle on the part of the present Government—( Cries of Chair, chair, and Order, order.) Lord J. RUS SELL—I think, Sir, it must be evident to the House that the observations made by the Hon. Gentle man on this side (Mr. Barron), which have called forth the animadversions of the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer, were meant only in a political sense, and not at all personally. It is at the same time necessary, to prevent the matter proceed ing further, that the House should at once interfere to put a stop to it. Sir H. HARDIN G E—l hope, Sir, I shall be found al ways ready to obey the feelings and judgment of this House ; but when an Hon. Member says that his Majesty's Govern ment brought forward the present and other measures from a base love of office, I should consider myself, as a member of that Government, unworthy the commission I have the honour to hold in his Majesty's service, if I did not pronounce that accusation to be unfounded and untrue.—( Tremendous cheer ing.) I might have been justified in using a stronger word than untrue ; but, as one of his Majesty's Ministers, I shall confine myself to repelling the charge as it deserves. Mr. BARRON rose, amidst loud cries of " Order," and " Chair," from both sides, which for some time hindered his proceeding to address the House. On the uproar subsiding, he said—l can only repeat the words that I have already used in speaking of the conduct of his Majesty's Government, and to say that those words are perfectly true. I say, that in my conscience I believe them to be perfectly true.—( Cheers from the Opposition ; and cries of " Chair," and " Order," from the Ministerial side.) The SPEAKER said that to a full and perfect enjoyment of the freedom of debate the strictest decorum and propriety was necessary to be observed in all their proceedings, and that freedom could never be in greater danger than when any ex pressions were used by any Hon. Member that were not in strict accordance with the debate of the House. He was sure that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Barron) upon reflection must regret the expressions that had fallen from him in the warmth of debate, for the Hon. Gentleman must be aware that he ought not to have used those expressions. If he had not called the Hon. Gentleman to order when he used expressions which he ought not to have used it was because he did not at the moment think that they deserved to have that importance attached to them which his interference might imply. The offence of the Hon. Gentleman was not against any individual but against that House generally, and he ought, therefore, to retract at once the expressions he had used. Mr. BARRON—In so far as I have, from any offence to this House, I am ready to retract fully any expressions I may have used. I did not cast any imputation upon any particular individual member of the Government, and therefore I have no apology to offer. An Host. MEMBER made an observation which was inaudible. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bar ron) should at once retract the offensive expressions he had used. Mr. BARRON—As I conceive, Sir, that the honour of every Member of this House is best protected in your hands, I do not hesitate to express my regret that any language which you deem offensive should have fallen from me,—( Cheers.) Sir H. H A RDINGE—If I am to understand fully that the Hon. Gentleman has withdrawn the expressions he used, I beg leave to express my sincere regret for any harsh expres sions that I may have used in reply to the Hon. Gentleman. Colonel E VANS said that there was a meaning in what had fallen from the Hon. Member (Mr. Barron) that was totally unconnected with anything of a personal nature. He alluded to the total dereliction of political principle on the part of his Majesty's Government.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) No one was less disposed to use offensive expressions on any oc casion in that House than he was; but as personal feelings were now so much resorted to by the Members of the Govern ment, it was necessary that he should not shrink from an ex pression of his opinions of their conduct, lest it should be sup posed that he was yielding to a species of bravado.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) The other night, when not one word was said in the debate derogatory to the personal character of Lord Londonderry— Sir H. HARDING E rose to order, and submitted that the Gallant Colonel was now referring to a debate that had no connection whatever with the subject before the House. Mr. C. W. WYNN said that it was quite out of order to refer to any word wed in a former debate, and he should be glad to hear how such a principle could be supported Consis tently with the first order of debate. The SPEAKER said that the rule laid down for the order of debate, was in strict conformity with what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wynn). It was not uncom mon to refer to former debates, but it was altogether out of order to refer to particular words, more particularly if those words happened to be of an offensive character. Colonel EVANS was aware that he was somewhat irregu lar, but it must have been observed that he did not go out of his way to be guilty of that irregularity. However, if the rule was to be strictly observed by all he would drop the subject. (Cries of Go on, from the Opposition.) But the Rig ht Hon. and Gallant Officer on a former night did refer to a previous debate, and stated that if in that debate anything had been said discreditable to the character of Lord Londonderry, he should have felt himself bound to notice it. Sir H. HARDINGE rose to explain, but the vociferous cal!s of Order and Chair prevented his proceeding. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member (Colonel Evans) was undoubtedly departing from the original question, and he put it to the good sense and feeling of the Hon. Mem ber whether he would persevere in such a course ? Colonel EVANS rose in the first instance to say, that from several transactions that had taken place within a few days, it behoved every Gentleman on that (the Oppo sition) side of the House not to shrink from the expression of any sentiments they might entertain as to the political character and conduct of his Majesty's Ministers.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) Indeed he thought that his Majesty's Ministers had much reason to be thankful to that side of the House for the extreme forbearance and temperance with which they had been treated.—( Shouts of laughter from the Minis terial side, and cries of Oh, oh.) • He would say that the po litical conduct of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the other Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, was a most flagitious instance of a total dereliction of principle. What part of the House, he would ask, was it from which the Right Hon. Baro net could look for confidence after his conduct for the last six years? Was it from those behind him that he expected con fidence? Could he expect it from those who were still op posed to the claims of the Dissenters? Did not the Right Hon. Baronet himself, on one occasion, withdraw from the House, rather than sanction any measure favourable to the Dissenters ? And yet the very next year he assisted to repeal the Test and Corporation Acts—(Cheers from the Opposi tion.) Could the Right Hon. Baronet claim the confidence of the section—the expediency men? Sir H. HARDINGE—What I said on the former night was that if I heard any one thing improper of the Marquis of Londonderry I would vindicate him ; and I am sure the Howse would feel no surprise that I should do so to him if it consider the degree of relatipnship in which I stand towards that No bleman, and my long and intimate connection with him as a soldier and a friend.—(Cheers.) So long as the Gallant Co lonel confines his observations within the order of debate and the rules and usages of Parliamentary proceedings he may make what accusations he pleases, but if he chooses to, impute any base motives to his Majesty's Government then I wilt re sent any offensive expression of that nature which the Gallant Colonel may u c. —( Cheers. ) Colonel E VANS, in explanation, said that whatever the object of the Right Hon. and Gallant Officer was on the former night, n hether to vindicate the Noble Lord or not, his tone was certainly of a very hostile character. Once for all he (Colonel Evans) protested against that system of threat that seemed now so much practised. The Right lion. and Gallant Officer had no occasion to prove his valour. If he had he (Colonel Evans) should not have looked upon his present mode of proceeding as the best way of proving it. Mr. J. G RATTAN foresaw no end to this sort of discus sion unless the House came at once to a determination to pet, a stop to it. Sir H. HARDINGE again in explanation—l believe the Gallant Colonel is the only Member of this House who thought that I showed any intemperate disposition on the night of the debate to which the Gallant Colonel has referred. I am not one of those, I believe, who arc in the habit of using harsh 'anguage towards any Hon. Member, and the Gallant Colonel cannot be surprised that I should resent such language when used towards myself. After a few words to order from Mr. METHUEN, Sir E. KNATCHBULL must take leave to say that the imputations cast upon his Majesty's Government were most unfounded. The position in which the present Government stood had exposed them to the harsh observations of the other side of the House, but lie had hoped that the interpo sition of the Chair had put an entire end to such a course of debate. He was sure there was no feeling on the part of the Government hostile to the other side of the House, but they owed it to their own characters to vindicate the opi nions they entertained. He knew that the feeling of a portion of that House was against the Government, but he knew, at the same time, the firm position they occupied in the opinion of the people of the country.--( Cheers.) After a few words from an HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, Sir R. PEEL—For myself, in what fell from the Ho nourable and Gallant ()Ices (the Member for West minster) I understood him merely as asserting his right to condemn the policy of Government, without intending either personal allusions or personal offence. I still think ,' however, that if, in the heat of debate, expressions should be used which might bear such interpretation, it would—for the satisfaction as well of him who uses them as of him to whom they are applied—it would be _only consistent with the character and the dignity of the House that an opportunity should be given of disclaiming the offensive language.—( Cheers.) I fully admit the right which every Member of this House has to condemn the conduct of this or of any other Government, nor do I think that, from the standing and character of the Gallant Member for West minster, it is his disposition or his wish, in the exercise of this right, only to keep as close as possible to the wind in avoiding offence. Knowing that the Hon. Member for Westminster intended nothing personal I shall dwell no longer upon what has occurred, but come to the point which is most important to a public man—the vindication of his public conduct. I assert, then, that the charges which thus might have been brought against me as a public man have no shadow of ground. --(Loud cheers.) Whether or no lam now discharging the duties of office from an ambition of distinction, from a love of power, or of the emoluments of office, I leave the House to -decide whether office has such advantages as it is supposed to have ; or whether there has been anything in my conduct that justly subjects me to this imputation.—( Cheers.) Let me, in the first place, refer to what has been said by the Ho n. Member for Waterford' (Mr. Barron.) I certainly did, as he states, make allusion to the danger of our having recourse to the public purse upon such an occasion, and for such a purpose.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I never advised the advance cf the million, and I recommended that before such a step was had recourse to the law should be enforced. It was my impression that the money being once voted it would have the effect of preventing the law from being carried into effect, and that there would be no chance of ever recovering the money so advanced. Now, however, when the money has been advanced, when this course has been pursued and found to have failed, is it inconsistent in me to take such steps as I think likely to prevent the recurrence of the scenes at Rath carmack ?—( Cheers.) I never advised the advance of the million. I thought it unwise—l thought it would never be repaid ; and when I find the attempt to recover it has been unsuccessful, is it to be now made a ground of charge a gainst me that I choose rather to remit than to attempt recovery at the point of the bayonet ?—( Cheers.) The Hon. and Gal lant Officer the Membet for Westminster says that our days are numbered ; that so little satisfaction have our measures given, the whole country is opposed to our continuance in office ; that they are not content with our modicum of Reform. How is this consistent with the charge of the Hon. and Gal lant Colonel that we have adopted all the principles of the late Government ?—( Cheers.) Colonel EVANS explained. I did not charge the Right Hon. Baronot with adopting all the measures or principles of the late Government. I alluded only to this measure, which I do not think one of much importance. ' 'The Right Hon. Baronet has been ever opposed to great fileasures of reform. Sir R. PEEL,—If I have been always opposed to great measures of Reform, and be still opposed to them, as I am said to be, then where is my alleged desertion of public duty and principle ?—( Loud cheers.) " You are still opposed to great measures of Reform," said the Gallant Member ; "the country has had your modicum of Reform, and they are not content. You possess not the confidence of the people." This may be a just observation. I may not be disposed to go so far as some would desire ; but how is this consistent with tie other charge, that my only object is to retain the emoluments of office ?—( Cheers.) I will now come to the particular measure under our consideration, and I will say that all the charges brought against me in reference to it have been made in utter ignorance of the course I have pursued. The Bill to which reference has been so often made, was brought in late in the last session of Parliament. It provided that the payment of tithe should cease, that a land tax should be sub stituted, to continue for five years, and after the lapse of that time, to be imposed in the shape of rent. This rent was to be redeemable, and the redemption money to be converted into land, to be given in lieu of tithes to those entitled to re ceive them. The amount to be imposed in lieu of tithe was 77 per cent. Now that Bill I supported. I concurred in its provisions. I now propose a similar measure. It im posed not 77 per cent., but 75. It provides for redemp tion ; it provides also for the investment of land. Now appeal to the House whether, in the vicissitudes to which the life of a public man is necessarily liable, there ever was afforded so little ground for the charge of inconsistency ? —( Cheers.) It may objected to me that there is another principle, that of appropriation, from wh • ich I dissent; but that principle was not in the Bill to which refer, and I deny that upon this head there is the least ground for the charge of inconsistency. There are some Gentlemen who scans to think that the Bill of last session was defeated by a arty combination in the other House of Parliament.—(L ou d cheers.) The measure defeated then was not that ori ginally proposed. It was a modification of it, suggested by the Hon. and Learned Gentlem an the Me mber for Dublin. The modification proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Littleton) was opposed by the Government, and that of the Member for Dublin was adopted. What was the language I then used in reference to the proposed modification ? On the 30th of July I said that the most important part of the ques tion could not be finally set at rest by the proposed measure. My difficulty was that three years must elapse before it could take effect. If the great mass of the landlords of Ire land could be reconciled, I thought it would be best to reliev e the occupying tenant, but that the success would depend up on the proposal being received - with general goad-will. by the land lords of Ireland. I used similar language the other eight, I did, upon the occasion referred to, use the words attributed to me by the Member for Waterford. I said the law' must be vindicated; that nothing, however, but redemption would effect the object desired, and that I despaired, so late in the session, of seeing it done with the satisfaction of the land THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1835, lords. Now, I appeal fearlessly to the Member for West minster, whether he sees in this any valid ground for the charge of inconsistency. With respect again, to the Dis senter's Marriage Bill, that had been made a ground of charge against me, I did not oppose the Noble Lord's ( Lord John Rusell) Bill last session, and is it now to be made matter of accusation against me that the Bill of the Noble Lord having beef unsuccessful I proposed another Bill in the present session? Was it not my duty as a Member of this House, as a Member of the Government, to make the Bill as satisfactory as I could to the parties more immediately inte rested ?—(Cheers.) I wish that Hon. Members, in place of general charges, would bring forward some particular mea sure, and show how I have proved myself inconsistent since the passing of the Reform Bill. Ido not consider it to be a part of my duty as a public man to look back into all the speeches I have made in this House, for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not they be in perfect consistency one with the other. I feel it to be my duty as a puLlic man to steer that course I think best calculated to promote the in terests of the country without constant reference to thelan- guage I may have used at any period of my public life.— ( Cheers.) In place of general charges I again call upon Hon. Gentlemen to state some specific measure on which my conduct has been inconsistent.--( Cheers.) I consented not to accept the office I have the honour of holding for the gratifi cation of personal ambition, or for the despicable advantages or emoluments of office.—(Cheers.) I did not seek the office by factious conduct in this House. I have never entered into alliance for the purpose of obtaining it with those who en tertained certain opinions.--( Cheers.) This I merely state as a fact with respect to myself, not meaning in the 'mit reflection upon others. I appeal to those who have known me in Op position that I did not impede their progress by factious com bination with men from whom I totally differed in political sentiment. I accepted office, and feeling it to be my duty to accept it—to make every effort which I judge conducive to the welfare of my country--(Cheers)—l will continue to do so in spite of any charges of inconsistency that may be-brought against me. Relying on the purity of our motives we will follow the course which we honestly believe will prove most generally satisfactory to the country, and I never will hold office longer than I think it consistent with the interests of the Crown and the honour of a public man.--( Cheers. ) Mr. BARRON and Sir R. PEEL mutually explained. Colonel EVANS fully admitted that the Right Hon. Baronet had fully defended himself from the charge of incon- sistency as regarded this measure, but not as regarded others. Sir H. HARDINGE said a few words which were not audible in the Gallery. Mr. LITTLETON said that no individual was less dis posed than himself to impute to his Right Hon. Friend, that his conduct was influenced by any other than the highest mo tives. The long time he had known his Right Hon. Friend, and acted with him, would prevent him from even insinuating any such charge. He must say, however, that his Right Hon. Friend seemed entirely to have forgotten that he had col leagues.—( Cheers from the Opposition benches.) He knew the caution with which his Right Hon Friend was in the habit of express;ng himself on most public questions, but he was assisted, both in that House and the other House of Par liament, by colleagues whose opinions and conduct it would be difficult to defend, and whom he did not think his Right Hon. Friend would undertake to defend. He must say that he did not think him quite free from the charge of incon sistency, bit that charge applied with greater fore. against the Right Hon. Gentleman the Recorder of the City of Dublin. That Right Rm. Gentleman said that the present Bill bore great resemblance to the one he (Mr. Littleton) proposed in February of the last year, but yet that Bill he opposed, although he supported this. He then objected to the secularizing of Church property, yet this measure pro ceeded on the same principle. Could there be any greater inconsistency than this ? The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had always alluded to the Bill of last August as that of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Dublin. Such, certainly, was not the case, though he would not be ashamed to adopt that which he codsidercd a good measure from whatever quarter it might be suggested. He would ad mit that some of the provisions of the Bill of last August were suggested by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin ; but in doing so he was only echoing the sentiments of many of the Irish Members of that House. If there were any particular merit due for the suggestions on which that Bill was founded, it was due to the Noble Lord (Lord Clements) the Member f:r Meath. Sir R. PEEL explained. I objected to the Bill of August, not the Bill of February. If the Bill of February had been sent up to the Lords, I believe it would have been adopted. The Bill of August was rejected in the Upper House because it contained a clause of redemption. If there was a combina tion got up against the Bill in the House of Lords, I most po sitively deny tnat I had any share in getting that combination up. Mr. SHAW said that what he opposed was the Perpetuity Fund. He denied that there was any inconsistency between his present conduct and the course he pursued last session. Here the conversation dropped, and the resolutions were reported. SUPPLY. Mr. HE RRIE S moved the Order of the Day for going into Committee of Supply. The Order of the Day having been read, Mr. FINN rose to bring forward his motion for the appoint ment of a Committee to inquire into the nature of Orange associations in Ireland. He would show that Orangemen still professed the same ascendancy principles, that they still made claim to exclusive loyalty and exclusive religion, and that their proceedings were an insuperable bar to the existence of that kindness of feeling which ought to prevail among all classes in Ireland. The societies established by Orangemen had been pronounced illegal by the Judges, and the time had at length arrived when enlightened notions were making their way, and when it must be generally acknowledged that those who obeyed the law ought not to be tyrannized over by men who arrogated to themselves a false exclusiveness of religion and loyalty. Mr. Justice Fletcher had said that Orange so cieties were most mischievous in their effects, that they led Magistrates to violate their duty, and Grand Jurors to return presentments directly contrary to the charges of the Judge. Yet it was from a large body of persons belonging to such mischievous societies that Lord Roden had presented an ad dress to the King. His Lordship had then a private interview with his Majesty, and in the language of the organ of the Party, "he spoke out" on the occasion. The Hon. Member then referred to the proceedings of some Orange societies, at which it had been declared that by the new system of education the word of God had been mutilated. In the county of Down a body of Orangemen, accused of the sam. offence as a num ber of Catholics, were acquitted by the Orange Jurors, while the whole of the Catholics were convicted. At a large meet ing in Armagh, attended by upwards of 20,000, the following sentiments, delivered by a Member of that House, were re ceived with rapturous applause We are three millions of Orangemen, well organised and prepared to die for our reli gion, and the principles of the constitution, as established in 1638. If any fight for a new-fangled constitution, sure lam that it will not be the Protestant Orangemen of Ireland." At the same meeting Lord Mandeville said, with equal ap plause, " We will stand together, to prevent a recurrence of those evils of which our forefathers were victims. If the Protestants do not unite, they can have have nothing to hope for but a repetition of the Sicilian Vespers—the insurrection of the Catholics at the tinkling of the chapel bells, summon ing them to the massacre of all the Protestants in Ireland." This, be it remembered, was said of seven millions of Irish Catholics. The House had already heard some of the poetic effusions of the poet hureat of the Orangemen (the Rev. Mr. M‘Crea), rind he would now read to them an abstract from one of his serious and deliberate prose addresses :—" If I live till I am threescore and ten," said he, " I should not be surprised to witness a great moral re-action, during which the Protest ants will wreak their vengeance upon the enemies of themselves and their religion. Superstition will be rooted out from every part of the land. If my interpretlition of sacred prophecy be correct, Popery is the abomination which is there pointed out. Every Popish altar must, therefore, be cast down ; every Popish temple must be cleansed and purified ; every Popish priest must hide himself in congenial darkness, or become a professor of that faith which he now seeks to destroy." Such was the language of a Clergyman and an Orangeman. So hi Oily was this man in favour with the Orangemen, that a sub scription had been set on foot for the purchase of a costly piece of plate, to be presented to him as a testimony of the respect he enjoyed. He thought he had made out a sufficient case to justify the appointment of a Committee. The members of such a Committee he would have selected with the strictest im partiality. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by making his motion. Mr. A. LE FR 0 Y trusted that no objection would be made from his side of the House to the appointment of the Com mittee. Sir R. PEEL—Without entering in any way into the ob servations which the Hon. Member opposite has addressed to the House, I have to state on the part of his Majesty's Go vernment, that it is their intention to assent to his proposition. —( Hear.) The only point on which I think an understand ing should exist between his Majesty's Government and the Honourable Gentleman is in reference to the appointment of a Committee. I cordially agree with him that it would be advisable to exclude from it a party man of either side, and as such is the desire of the Hon. Member, I willingly assent to his motion. Mr. H. GRATTAN suggested that the Committee should be directed to inquire into the obstacles occasioned by these Orange societies to the administration of justice. Erroneous opinions would go abroad if the House did not go into a fur ther inquiry. The Hon. Member then cited a case that oc curred in the county of Meath a short time since, in which it appeared that the son of the individual who was appointed Lord Lieutenant of the county accompanied to church an armed body of Orangemen, and that the Magistrates, seeing that they were armed, dared not interfere with them. After referring to another case, in which a person was stabbed by a party of Orangemen, the Hon. Member said that the matter was referred to the Sheriffs, and that the Crown refused to prosecute. In the north of Ireland it had been pronounced by several Judges, and among others by Judge Jebb, that Orange societies were illegal, and that, consequently, all pro cessions emanating from them must be equally so. There was also a proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant (the Duke of Northumberland), proving that meetings of Orange societies were illegal, as were also those assembled for expressing poli tical opinions. Such meetings were prohibited by that pro clamation, and to it were attached the signatures of J. Byng and H. Hardinge. The Hon. Member then alluded to a meeting at which Lord Roden presided, and contended that the Noble Lord not only used inflammatory language at it, but that his words were seditious, taking the interpretation of Lord Chatham, who said that all language was seditious which tended to divide his Majesty's subjects. He did not think the motion went far enough, and he should propose that the Cons mittee should go farther into the question, and inquire and re port thereon bow far Orange societies interfered with the ad ministration of justice in Ireland. • , Mr. HUME said, Orange addresses were received in the most gracious manner, whilst other addresses that he presented from the inhabitants of most respectable boroughs, were re ceived with merely the acknowledgment that they were so. The Hon. Member here alluded to the answer to the address from the Grand District Lodge, which answer was signed H. Goulburn, stating that he had the satisfaction of informing them that their address was received in the most gracious manner. Another Orange address was acknowledged by the Duke of Wellington in similar terms. Now he (Mr. Hume) had presented two addresses, one from Derby, and the other from a most respectable borough, respecting the dismissal of the late Government and the appointment of the present one, and the only answer he had was from - the Secretary of the Right Hon. Member (Mr. Goulburn), stating, on the part of Mr. Secretary Goulburn, that the address was received. There was nothing in the answer intimating that his Majesty had re ceived the address in the most gracious manner. One of those addresses was transmitted to the Duke of Wellington, and no answer whatever was received to it. Was this partiality, or was it not ? And could the country have confidence in men that sanctioned such proceedings ?—(Cries of " Question I" and " Hear.") Mr. G 0 ULBURN had stated on a former occasion that to all addresses, embodying sentiments in conformity with those of the Crown—approving of the existing Government— answers were given notifying his Majesty's approval of them, whilst to those addresses of a different character a simple ac knowledgment of receipt was given. That was the practice of previous Governments, and the present did no more than follow it up. Mr. S HEIL—The Right Hon. Gentleman said that on receiving addresses from the Orange clubs there was a studi ous indisposition on the part of the Government to acknow ledge the legality of those clubs. But look to the Right Hon. Gentleman's answer. " I have had the honour of lay ing before the King the loyal and dutiful address of the bro therhood club." Now what was this but recognising, legisla ting in fact, the above club? The next answer was to the ad dress from lodge 203, and it was verbatim the same as the former, consequently it recognised and legalised that lodge. The answers to those addresses on the part of the King, and to those presented by the Hon. Member for Middlesex, formed a decided contrast. The object of the present motion was to prove that the Government entered into a species of con federacy with the Orange Societies, and that they promoted to high offices men of avowed Orange opinions, for instance, the Rev. Mr. Boyton was appointed Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant. _ _ Mr. GOULBURN denied having known that the Brother hood Club was a political or religious society. He had re ceived that address as he had many more from various clubs— from the club of Odd Fellows, for instance--and they were all received in-the same way, If there was any one that did not wish to uphold Orange societies, he was the person, since he had endeavoured to introduce Bills to get rid of the system for which he had received no inconsiderable share of censure. Sir H. HARDINGE read a letter from a Gentleman o' the name of Robinson in answer to a charge made by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, in which Mr. Robin son deniedhis having everbelonged to a Conservative Club, or ' being related to the Nobleman to whom the Hon. and learned Member for Dublin said he was related. This was one of the individuals who was charged with getting office, because it was thought he belonged to Orange societies. Now that opinion alone was enough to prevent his obtaining office in Ireland. Every legal appointment made by the Lord Lieu tenant was made in the most careful manner, and strict watch was placed on persons engaged in party societies. Every act of the Government showed that it was determined to treat every party, whether Ribbonmen or Orangemen, in Ireland with the strictest impartiality. Mr. C. FERGUS SON regretted that the answers to ad dresses not favourable to the existing Administration had de parted from the usual form of gracious acknowledgment. He the more especially regretted it as in one of the addresses congratulating his Majesty on the recent change in the late Ministry was described as revolutionary, and yet this address was graciously acknowledged, notwithstanding the implied censure on the Crown, which, up to the 15th of November, re posed confidence in an Administration thus stigmatised with the title revolutionary. Colonel VERNER defended the Orange societies who, in all matters relating to religion, were most liberal, and the wannest advocates of tolerant principles. Lord CLE MENTS had received communications from Leitrim, informing him of the great increase of Orange socie ties in that county since the accession of the present Ministry. Mr. WYSE said, under the late Government Catholics and Protestants were beginning to unite, but the accession of the present Administration again divided them. What would be thought if the Marquis Wellesley sat under a green banner which had for its motto "No Tithes ?" What would Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side say ? And yet they were not indignant at a late exhibition so calculated to create dis content in a country almost entirely Catholic. Sir H. HA RDINGE said that that exhibition of the Orange flag at the theatre was against the wish of the Lord-Lieutenant ; but he did not see what the Government could do to prevent it. Mr. WARD did not see how the proposition to exclude persons with a particular bias or feeling from the Committee could be carried into effect. His opinions were derived from a work attributed to a Noble Lord opposite, and entitled " Three Months in Ireland," in letters, by a Protestant, from which he would beg leave to read an extract. (The Hon. Gen tleman here read a passage, in which the Orangemen were described as ruling the country with a rod of iron.) Lord MAHON was sure that a British House of Commons would do him the justice to permit the disavowal of the author ship just ascribed to him.—( Cheers.) The book alluded to had been published nine years ago, and it was only a few weeks since that he saw the publication ascribed to him in a nameless print. The Hon. Gentleman stated that the work was published under his (Lord Mahon's) name. Now, unless the Hon. Gentleman said so of his own knowledge, he (Lord Mahon) did not believe it. Mr. WARD made some observations across the table, which we did not catch. Mr. MAHON was obliged to acknowledge the authorship of a large list of printed papers, but all that he had ever written he was ready to avow. He might, but would not, avail himself of his official situation, and take the opportunity of reverting to the charges recorded against the Hon. Gentleman —momentous charges which the attack made upon him by the Hon. Gentleman would justify him in bringing forwtdd.— ( Hear, hear.) Mr. WARD said that it was unfair in the Noble Lord whilst deprecating personalities to bring against him an un founded charge, arising out of his Mexican mission, and which, though by no means injurious to his character, was ex ceedingly painful to his feelings. He admitted that he had committed an error as regarded the late Mr. Canning, but he had subsequently received a letter from that gentleman, stat ing that, notwithstanding the circumstance, he held him (Mr. Ward) in as high estimation as ever.—( Cheers from the Op position.) The answer of the Noble Lord was given under the flush of a few weeks' possession of office, and was wantonly cruel and uncalled for. After a few words from Mr. O'BRIEN, The amendment was negatived, and the original motion put and agreed to. The following Committee was then appointed : Finn, W. F. Graham, Str J. R. G. Pire,eval, Colonel B ann erman, A. Jackson, J D. Pringle, A. Be hell, R. Maule, Hon. Fox Rice, S. Buller Str J. B. Y. Maxwell, J. Slum F. Buller, E. Nichol, J. Sh el l , It Castlereagh, Visct. O'ionnell, D. Stanley, E J. Conolly, M Ward, ii, G. Ebrin g ton, Lord Pattt,n, Wilson Wood, Colonel T. F erg usson, it C. Pease, Joseph NVyse, Mr. O'DW YER objected to the composition of the Com mittee, as it included many Gentlemen who, if not personally, were by party feelings interested in the question which it was called upon to inquire into. After a few words from Mr. Finch, Mr. Littleton, and Mr. Sheil, the objection was over-ruled. Mr. O'Dwyer, Mr. Hume, and Mr. C. Fergusson, begged to withdraw their names. Mr. B ROTH E RTON then moved the adjournment of the House, and a rush towards the doors of Members immediately took place. Sir R. PEEL rose, and about forty Members collected round the table. The Right Hon. Baronet was understood to say, that it was proposed to proceed with the Army Estimates ' on Friday, as it was necessary that they should be got through before the Mutiny Act expired ; he hoped, therefore, that Hon. Members would not throw any obstruction in the way. Mr. HLTME gave notice, that he should move that the Army and Ordnance Estimates be referred to a Committee up stairs, in order to see if it would be practicable to unite them. _ _ Lord ASHLEY hoped the House would allow him to have a Committee pro ,forma, in order to report progress on the Navy Estimates voted on Friday night.--( Cries of " Adjourn, adjourn 1" Sir E. KNATCHBULL explained that at the last Com mittee on the Navy Estimates it had been accEentally for gotten to obtain leave for the Chairman to report progress. He hoped the House would allow this form to be gone through. Mr. S. RICE did not see the necessity for so doing, and the matter dropped. LORD CANTERBURY'S APPOINTMENT. Mr. HUME asked whether it was true that Lord Canter bury had declined proceeding on his mission to the Canadas? Sir R. PEEL replied; but scarcely a word of what he said was beard. The substance of the Right Hon. Baronet's statement was understood to be, that he certainly had heard very recently that Viscount Canterbury anticipated declining the mission in question ; but that if he did so, it would not be on any public grounds, but on account of the health of his family. Sir T. FREMANTLE brought up the third annual report of the Board of Public Works, (Ireland) which was ordered to be printed. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a quarter past one. A new road from Exeter into this county, passing through Tavistock, is in contemplation ; it is stated that it will shorten the distance considerably , and will b e i nteres ting from the scenery through which it is intended to carry it. West Briton. ANCIENT BURIAL GROUND.—The workmen employed by Mr. Grainger in hi s extens i ve street improve ments, have, within the last fe w d ays , di scovere d an ancient burial ground immediately behind Anderson Place. Two lead coffins, a stone coffin, and several framents of wooden coffins, human bones, &c., have been dug up. The places which have held many others are distinctly marked, though the bones and coffins have themselves, by the lapse of time, decayed and disappeared. This was no doubt the burial place of the Nunnery of Newcastle. David, King of Scotland, who resided at that town about 1135, is reported by some histo rians to have been the founder of the Nunnery, while others assign the honour to King Henry the First.—. Tyne Mercury. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE Oh The highest price of Brcad in the There are ethers who scit nom al th,t rate. 13117'.AD. Aettoi Stl. for 1.!-e 0% Legg. half-peony to three h.,:f-ptnee bak'w PRICE OF Per Cwi EDS.—Match E 3 Per Ouarter. St. Foin ' 2.4 NU 4ts Rye Grass 0 g . 3 , s 4155. l'aer.'y Gras: —s, 40. 5 4 1. 1 n , ced , l'er feeding —s• 494 s '' s "Att.°, for sownio. Ditto, for eru,hing s fo,, 1,6 s Canary —6 .it k; .t.t;s. Demo —s 39. s -04 Per Sus: el White NTustard Si 01. l''s. 6.7. Brown Ditto , :s ca. 124 1 . 4 Tares fis (A. 7, 6 t' l''.o: • , 3 . ... l'oreivi '.. , St 511 New Eng'ish ItedClover4s.. tn. 51- 01A Ditto Ditto —s. —s —s New Foreign Ditto —s, —s —s. 01,1 Ditto Dato 455. 50s. 51s New White Clover sos. ! 03. 70; Ditto Ditto New Trefoil Oirl Ditto l4; 174 fib Gras. l4;. 114 20. English Carraway —s tios (5; Fore go Di , to ...—s 544 tits Coriander —s 104 12; Itaiwsved, Enghsh ne per Las' PRICES OF HOPS —ritirch 23. K .nr vuek et s(p r cwt.) V 4. la.. 5 12 tft ' , H Choice ditto Kent Bags 4. 4 5.' C to 5 1 Suss:fx Pockets Superfine ditto WILITEEH APE., HAY MARKET --March 21. tiny .. 9:18.0d. to /05s + Clover 9N dto 110 s Pd Straw, Ss d to 425. od PRICES OF POTATOES AT SPITA ',FIELDS Kidneys (York from vessel 2/. Os. to 2/ 10s. per ton Scotch Reds ditto . ' 2l. Os. to 2/. O's ditto Common Reds Y. 103. to 31 Os. ditto thaws Chats l/ Os to I/. sc. ,:ittO PRICE oF OIL Rape Oil, brown, rer ton. 48 IN —lleline.i,so . N —Linseed 011, 44 ? Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, 1000 , Ili Os --Rape Cake, per ton 51. 13'• PRICES OF LEATHER Per lb d to d Per lb d to g Crop Hides, 30 to 401 b each 11 13 Horse Hides, German ...... 4 4 c . 6 —.—..... :n 5o - Spanish ...... 111 7, 1 --al 6 . Bull Hides ISutts, Vitriol 21 English ...............14 21 -- 70 141 0 ..... •1 41 13 , ---.--- toreign Foreign Hides Dressing Hides , . --- Shaved . i2i 15 Basile 1 • 1 Be t Saddlers Hides Horse Hides, English • If rounded 2 1 to id per lb more. ------ PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP. ve. per I Mb ...., ed Town Tallow 4ls (M. Yellow Soap , Od Yellow Russia lBs 6d Mottled White s. Rd Curd . _ t d _, S,ap Ditto —s Pd Graves 1 65 ea; Melting Stull Dntto Rough Zia 'ld ____..... PRICE OF UAW FAT, p , r stone of Slb. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tall iw Melters PRICE Or The price of good Store Candles it Candles, per dozen, s “ti ; iu Sixpence per dozen CANDI.ES n the Retail Shops is as follsws: — oferior, d Montag, Si Od• a discount for cash. Per Ton. COAL MARb $ d 17 3 ET.—Mart h 23 41 ' Per Ton. s. / Walls End Clark and Co. ...... 0 Walls End Gostbrth ............ 21 Walls End Hotspur .......... 6 Walls End He ton Wails . End Hilda .. Is 6 19 Adair s ..... lensham Main l5 Bradley, Stanhope, and Co 13 6 Chester M.:in l6 0 giebburn Main lB 0 Holywell lB 0 4:rd's Hedhugh lt 6 Ponta)) Windsor South Harley • 16 4. Tantield West Hartley Wylam Dixon's Butterknowl Walls Ei.d Killingworth ...... 19 I Wall.: End N. wtnatch .......... lfl Walls End Northumberland . 17 6 W-. 1 8 and fietton ........... : $ Walls En, lamht-it . ..... Walls End Russel's Hetton... r o 6 Walls End Stewart s ....... ••• `: 9 Walls End Auckland ...........• 1 7 4 0 Walls End Buttet knowl ...... 1 ) ; Wa Is End Gordon ............. 9 alls End Tees 13 6 al:s End Bell and Brown ... 19 6 Walls End Neil, Hobson &Co 18 3 Wails End Bewicke and C 0... :Al 3 Walls. End Carr and C , . .... 17 9 Ships arrived since 1 Walls End Se'by . ........ last market-day, 34 MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COURT' BASINGIIALL-STREET, TO-MORROW. - - - I 1 " (From the Londm Gazette) L J. Turner, tea-dealer, Honiton, tievonshire HAMBURG PAPERS. HAMBURGIL MARCH 20.—With a very moderate de; • eo, mand the prices of Wheat have not only been mainta in but fine qualities have been paid for at an advance b oth for exportation and for our home consumption. Of RI we have had a pretty large supply, whereas the deln s Af was inconsiderable, but the prices remain unaltered. u Barley the importation has likewise been pretty con sider ; able, and only fine qualities were in some request for W ill eing consumption. Oats maintain their price, the supply - b as usual. Pease unaltered. Beans met with purcha ser°. -,, kes Vetches very dull. The small parcels of Rape-seed C a fi , and Linseed Cakes were sold at the current prices. Fro 4 the 7th to the 13th instant 11 ships laden with corn pa sse the Sound, three of them with wheat, and four with rye. HAMBURG BORSEN HALLE, MARCH 17. GRAIN. to - Wheat, Marks 222 to 23+ OLts, Upland... ....... ..... -- ..... ---Mecklenburg lB9 to 231 Mecr.lenburg ......... - - W iii -- Magdeburg 2lO to 122 Eid er ICS to . hitt Eider lBl to 21t. , ii Holstein ' to -' A ['halt, white... to Petershurgh & Riga -- . 0 ...i -- red 222 to 231 Malt, Pomeranian ........... -- ' .- __ to —:-- Iloistein Rye, Mecklenburg JM 3 to 192 Pease, Upland, ye110w......-' , t „ -10 l o to -s -- Holstein Danish Magdeburg!'.... 17;) to 1801 Ditto Cakes . 2 0 to Lower Elbe -1 Linseed ditto SUAR. ° tl Bahia, White, fine mid (,714, 714 1 B rown ......... 0 ssAi ord Brown, fine mid 0 0 ord . 0 0 ord 0 0 Havannah, Yellow, fine 0 0 Rio, White, fine 7 7% mid. & ord 0 Ili mid. or.l ... Erown, fine 6 6% Refined, fine... - 0 0 mid. 0 0 finesnid. 0 0 ord.., Pernamb., White, tine mid.... 0 0 English lumps in loaves.. 0 COTTON. Carolina and Tennessee... 9-1 to 11% Georgia, Pd and 4th sort t) 1 to 1 5$ Georgia, Ist sort lo.i, 1 ! y,,, Madr..s end Surat ....... ... 7 ' 4 i 1 'd 10 % 11 I Dom ngo ll FOREIGN FUNDS. Bills. Money. Austrian Metalliques, 5 per cent. Ditto ditto 4 per cent. Ditto Pank Shares 1337 13 16 Anglo-Russian Loan Ditto, 5 per cent Prussian I.ncription, 6 per cent lti.sAiii Inscriptioi,, Hope and Co., 3d and 4th Series Portuguese Regency Bonds. 5 per cent B9a 91/ Ditto ditto, 152( Ditto, 6 per cent. 9 611;64 MAO * 2 per Ceids. Ditto 5 iier Cents Polish Bonds, 3 per cents.: 14114 1414 An iglo-Danish Loan, 3 per cents .70( 74 Norwegian Loan of 18.34. 4p, r cents. :.,paiiish, in plastics, 3 per Cents 27 -( " 1 Ditto 4 per Cent. EXCHANGES ON LONDON. HAmtitiao. Matto' 20.-13 10; twomonths, 13844 BREMEN, MARCH 17 —Tao months, eO9. S,ta is HOLM, MARC i 1 .—Two moans, 12 22 CURIr..TIANIA, MVRCH I 1 —Three months, 5 11. lit R 1.1%, MARCH 19.—three mooths, 6 25 1 %. LEIPSIC, Manua I: , .—Two months, 6 16. MARRIED. On the 27th ult., at Copenhagen, at the house of the Brit Chat nister, George Thomas Fenwick, Esq., son of the late k, t Fenwick, Esq., his Britannic Majesty's Consul in Denl P , r a i r r hoo t ' Mellor, eldest daughter of Edward Brown, Esq., late et in the East Indies. On the 19th inst., at St. James's, Clerkenwell, Mr' Pr , Leithead, eldest son of John Leithead, Esq., of Alnwick, l ° Ann, daughter of Thomas Taylor, Esq., of Calais. lga dr ,l4o °' On the 10th of December last, at St. George's Church, gaw Lieut. Henry Charles Gosling, of the 7 th Regiment of theti'coter Native Infantry, second son of John Gosling , Esq. , of Gicti,jellt"; place, New-road, Marylebone, to Anna, eldest daughter ei ineer s Colonel William Monteith, K.L. S., Superintending Eng that Presidency YOV --- NG. CP' 0 tf London: Printed and Published y MURD c oal 112. Strand, t The Sun Office, b No. 112, Stra nd, 1n of 3liddleaes.. Os 4 ig'nt .CA BIRTHS. On the 23d inst., in South Audley-street, the Countess of dor of a son. of On the 19th ult., at Bath, the lady of Charles Kelson , a O daughter. n the 17th inst., at Pinhoe Vicarage, near Exeter, the li fe the Rev. Dacres Adams, of a son. On the 22d inst., the lady of Francis Valentine Lee, Esq' rister-at-Law, of a son. Fre derl c On the 19th inst., at Maidstone, the wife of the Rev. Fitzherbert Haslewood, of a son. At West End, Hants, the lady of Joseph Hoare, Esq., ° f ug s r l ter", ‘ On the 21st inst., Mrs. Gould, of Albemarle-street, of ad _ w iy On the 21st inst., in Bernard-street, Russell-square, the o b° Richard Brinsley Dowling, Esq., barrister-at-law, of a sol i ' died on the following day. usai, DIED. be 7 ,2 A 1 On the 11th inst., in the Rue Champ Ely see, Paris, in t oer!' year of his age, William T. Lenthall, Esq., of Besses Leig"'fiftbl and late of Broadwell, Gloucestershire. Mr. Lenthall wa s t , sfr paternal descent from the Speaker of the Long Parliateeford' descendant of Sir Rowland Lenthall, of Hampton Court, Il e i c o ne e ' shire, Master of the Robes to Henry IV., Ambassador to . co urt' and one of the Commanders at the memorable battle of Ag' il f PI S On the 20th inst., the Rev. Richard Taylor, Vicar ° Grinstead, Sussex. On the 19th inst., at Hastings, Mrs. Frances Milward, fu' On the 20th inst., at Kimpton, the Rev. Charles Chale;j',oll, 30 years Curate of that place, and Vicar of St. Paul's , e ideo Herts. On the 22d inst., at Brompton, Robert Waithman, Esg. fl son of the late Mr. Alderman Waithman, M.P. age d 46. oe , On the 19th inst., in Upper Gower-street, 'Bedford- Leicester' his 70th year, Samuel Seaman, Esq., of Rotherby Hall shire. f P r a". On the 21st inst., in her 69th year, Sarah, the wife tio• Lowe, Esq., of Queen-street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, and ° I ter & green, Essex. f fair° At Bolundsduhur, in Bengal, aged 27, Georg e Esq., C. S., youngest son of Robert Bird, Esq. , of Tallia.egitsfr- On the 11th inst., at Jarvisfield, Isle of Mull, Mrs' be th relict of the late Major-General Macquarie. , 2 0° 6 0 4 On the 21st inst., in Basinghall-street, aged 0 oate Blount, only daughter of Mr. J. W. Hunt, late of Mary obe, formerly of Wood-street, Cheapside. Allan On the 23d ult., at Milton of Logiealmond, John with his ancestors, had been gamekeepers to the fami l Y a 5u . :,4 mond of Logiealmond, for upwards of two centuries aa,0,,,,,0rL The deceased served the late Sir W. Drummond th t7retti: for 40 years, when the liberality of his master enabled biT ke e stat e and spend the remainder of his life upon a small farm on 144 He died in his 89th year—his father lived to his 99th. 901 On the 14th ult., at Yoxall, Staffordshire Jas. Dawslier dea , Lately, at Ashbourn, in her 35th year, Jane Ell arn• , ate con' was awfully sudden and admonitory - . She was of a hesitaoh stitution, and during the last year had seldom enjoyed g ~r en tlY a s but on the day of her death had walked out, and was 3 AI - n er ab ° o „ well as usual, and in good spirits. She sat down to f a pe ar four o'clock, when she was suddenly deprived of the use °f and on attempting to reach the sofa, fell and expired. 'Co , of ~ 11='' th at 'vith Jam, Ag, and , It( gay ; ev er , A': a$ roi th e y, .er b y i ll , AAL, AL opr Glt *i l ) b, b b 4 +loi tOr, i ~,,L.l, f Ne,Ayr