The Sun. — London, England, 1848-08-10 00:00:00

° ll said very fairly and truly that we cannot omit the consi deration of the naval force of other countries ; that we not only cannot omit the consideration of their naval forces, but that no one can find fault, and that no foreign paver ought to find fault if our navy is stronger than that of any other state. So far I quite agree with te Hon. Gentleman. I do not mean to say that we should absolutely adhere to the rule laid down in 1717, that it is necessary that this country should possess a naval force equal to any other two foreign powers, but to the proposition that we ought to be stronger at sea than any other power the Hon. Member has my full assent. But in discussing further the question as to what that force should be, I own I think that the Hon. Member laid down certain principles to which I cannot possibly as sent. He stated very truly, however, that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the late Government said that it was most desirable that other countries should agree with us not to run a race of competition as to the amount of force which each should keep up ; but that, instead of ruining each other by extravagant expenditure, it would be far more rational and better for the people of all countries that they should rather agree to reduce their forces to a moderate amount. So far I quite agree with the Hon. Gentleman. But the Hon. Gentleman entirely omitted the fact that the Right Hen. Baronet, when in power, not at all retracting that view which he had laid down, yet found it necessary, in conse quence of the increase of the French navy, very much to in crease our force, and to lay the foundation for a very exten sive force of steamers, entailing a very large expendi• ture on principles which he found it necessary to act Upon, although they were not the principles on which he had said it would be most desirable both for France and this country to act. It is obvious that if France bad been willing to take that suggestion, and make a great reduction at that time, the Right Hon. Baronet would have acted an the principles which he had laid down ; but as Prance went on the opposite principle of making a very great expenditure for the purpose of having a very large naval force, especially a very large force of steamers, it would have been quite impossible for any Government of this country not to follow that example, and have on our side a considerable force, able to defend us in case of war. — (Hear, hear.) The Hon.f Member has referred to some evi dence of Sir Thomas Hastings, and the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last said that he only had in contemplation what would be necessary in time of peace. But at the same time e knew that this country might be exposed to war, and that if war should break out, possibly there might be battles at sea—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—and I own I do not think that Sir Thomas Hastings, in entertaining that opinion, was wandering very far into the regions of imagination, or that he rendered himself extremely liable to the charge of being fanciful in thinking that something might occur, which occurred six or seven times in the course of the last cen tury, and in thinking that, if it should occur again, it would ...be as well to be prepared for it.—(Hear.) Then the Hon. Member in laying down certain- principles of calculation, Bays our steam navy costs an enormous sum, and a greater sum than the merchant steam navy of this country. Ido not know the particulars of that estimate ; but I am very Much inclined to doubt the fact. But, however, I do not think the- inference which the Hon. Member draws is a well founded one, for he says "You have a steam navy which has cost more than the merchant navy which you would have to protect." Our steam navy would have to protect, not only the merchant steam navy, but the whole commer cial marine, as well as to serve for other purposes of war and ' defence, and render that assistance to our fleets which the Steam navy is called upon to afford. It would give a very inadequate notion of the duties of our s team nav y to sa y that it was merely to protect the merchant steamers belong ing to this country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I must say I think this principle of saying exactly h ow much is to be the exact cost of your navy, and what is to be the benefit to be derived from that navy in case of war, would lead one to a very absurd conclusion. The Ho n. Gentleman, for Instance, says, you have a large steam navy which you will find in the end will cost more than has been spent in building all the towns on the coast. Supp osin g that to be the case, would it be a wise thing 'fur this country in an economical point of view—merely as.a question of how You could spend your money to the best advantage—to say You would not spend, whatever it might he, five, six, or ten millions, rather than allow the towns on the coast to be de stroyed? Suppose this country was engaged in a :war, and that at its commencement a French steam navy invaded our shores, and that every town from Dover to Falmouth was sacked and destroyed. Would any one say, " Well, after all, we are gainers by this? These towns cost for their con struction some 15,560,000/. 19s. 10id.; but as our steam navy. if we had one, would have cost us 1,000,6(10/. more, We should have incurred that additional expense to save these towns from destruction, and therefore we are gainers by the difference."—(Laughter.) It is quite obvious what the effect of this state of things would be—that the whole of the country would be in a state of real panic, not that panic Which he says existed lately, - a causeless panic, but that Panic which must take place when the country finds itself incapable of defence.—(Hear, hear.) As smatter of economy. what is the cause and the whole secret of the capital and the prosperity of this country? What caused the people to have the greatest confidence in the security of this country, and on the faith of which they invested within the last few Leers upwards of 300,000,0001. in railways ?—(Hear. hear.) What creates that confidence that gives rise to our coin- Inercial and manufacturing speculations? It is the belief that this country is secure of her independence, and that she can maintain order within and command respect with out. People then feel that capital may be safely laid out and invested in this country; but if they believed that the towns on the coast could be seized and burned by a foreign navy, that feeling of confidence would at once cease, and persona having capital to invest would say "We will go to Now York or Philadelphia, and fly from a country which has not the wisdom or the courage to defend itself."—(Cheers.) Such appears to me to be the-pounds, shillings, and pence View of the question of our national defences, and instead of saying we are actuated by feelings of patr iotism and nation ality, and talking of the British lion—(Lau g hter) —it is solely a calculation of what is the cheapest way of main taining the money, and the capital, and the riches of this coultry ; and I for one maintain tha t it is a chea p er way to follow the suggestions of the Right Hon. Gentleman the late Prime Minister, and to have a good steam navy, than to calculate,' the exact cost of that navy, and to ascertain whether what it was intended to defend cost a few thousands More or less, and then to decide that it was too expensive a system of national defence.—(Hear.) Having differed from the Hon. Gentleman in that respect, I must say that I agree in mfich that he has said on another point, and I think that if the present French Government, being wiser than the late Government of France, should think proper to reduce their naval expenditure, which has been rather extravagant of late 3 ears—l think it would be a good occasion for us to bring about retrei chments which otherwise might not be considered ex pedient. I think likewise that the Committee which lately set on this subject has pointed out the several sources of ex pense which might very well be the subject of inquiry, and careful revision and amendment in future years. I certainty disagree with the Hon. Gentleman who has said it is not ex pedient or fitting that they should be submitted to a Select Committee. I think it would be unadvisable and unwise to take that course every year. I regret for my own part that that course was not adopted in 1838, and I think the Hon. Member for Montrose wits quite right in his suggestion that they should be submitted to a Select Committee this year. I believe the appointment of such a Committee from time to time will be advisable, in order to enable the Government and those departments to reconsider' the expenses that have been incurred, and to take a better course with regard to the future. I perfectly agree, likewise, that nothing can be more foolish than for the Governments of different countries to vie with each other, and compete as to having large armies and navies. (Cheeret) As a general course of policy that is most un- W ise but it must be recollected that we are not in the posi- Com of the United States of America—we are naturally more involved in all the questions which concern the conti nent of Europe. But still I think that the Powers of Eu rope would all do well if they adopted the suggestion that has been thrown out of reducing their expenditure to what is really necessary.—(Hear, hear.) I do not wish to fol low the Hon. Member for the West Riding in those views Which he took of the state of foreign politics; but 1 could not help adverting to this when he spoke , and think he did quite fairly, of his prophecy made with respect to the probability of a revolution in France. I must remind the Honourable Gentleman that he made another prophecy— that the present Government would be influenced by the clubs and coteries of London, and that in a short time we should be involved in a war with France. I thought at the time that that was most unjust to the Govern ment of this country. I can assure him that it never Was our wish to quarrel with the Government of France ; ; I nd, I believe, in the short time that has ela p sed since the lane, I the French, Provisio nal Government has shown, on its part, a sincere desire—as we have evinced Ott. our part a desire—to act in concert, and on the best terms of international relations with the Government of so Powerful and enlightened a nation.—(Hear, hear.) I am tied to find that the present Government have disclaimed, Most wisely, those projects •of ambition which led France, Under the republic and the empire, first to brilliant con eta, and afterwards to signal calamities. lam glad to ad that the present Government of France, and the whole of the French nation, concur in the' impolicy of such a course. On the contrary, their wish is to preserve the Peace of Europe. That, if any desire for war exists, it is not with France. but with other countries; but I cannot nay that I think at present the peace of Europe is so assured that any statesman can confidently predict, for any number ~ years, a continuance of peace. But, with resp ect to the Government of France, I believe they are animated with a Si ncere desire to preserve peace. .I believe that the power nti.Government of Russia is animated by the same desire; and when three such powerful nations as this countr y , France and Russia, are desirous of preserving th e p eace of Europe, there is not, in my opinion, the slightest probability of that p eace b e ing disturbed.—(dear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI—The Hon. Member for the West Riding has taken this opportunity of commtinicating certain delete rums principles, of which, I believe, he ia a persuasive advo cate, I wish I could agree with him that what he calls the Progr ess of democratic government is calculated: to insure tate for human nature. I must say that the little expe enCe we have of recent changes has not been of a very pro 7".inng character. We have had the triumph of democracy in Germany followed by the invasion of Denmark and by th einvasien of Holland; and I believe that the Hon. Gen tlemantsry though he visits upon Kings and Cabinets the oc currences of all past wars, will not find in the annals of cases of more unprovoked and flagrant invasion. ,„, ne eli I must expre as my opinion that the Hun. Gentle .U./1 is a professor of philosophy am the subject which is not founded. upon fact. The Hon. Gentleman is apt to emb race, I A_L lain k with precipitation, tertian opinions which at the 1 1 1 15 . ,,t glance a re ca l cu lated to enlist the popular c onviction ; they do not appear to me to be matured opinions, c - I.eY do not apppear to me to be founded upon any iu oestigation, or to be authorised by anything that has aoccfurred. All the opinions which the Hon. Gentleman requently takes an opportunity of communicating to us and l to the country on the subject of war appear to be totally unauthorised by what has happened. The Hon. Gentleman has, said that he does not pride himself upon the gift of pro phecy, and I think he is quite right.—(A laugh.) There have been o c c as i ons w h en we h a ve been informed how much m illsvould be worth, and how the congregations of church es and c hapels would be increased ; and many glowing pictures of the future of Engla n d have been drawn by the Hon. au-ember at different times and in different places. If they have net been fulfilled, and after what has fallen from the Hon. Gentleman to-night, I think the country will not p lace much l reliance in future upon his gift of prophecy; but I total y deny the whole statement of the Hon. Gentleman. He him said to-night, that the period has passed when kings would be able t o engage i n wars, and to occasion great suf fering to humanity, in order to'parcel out a kingdom or to authorisest. aggrandize by their provinces ; but that statement is not anything that has occurred in the history Cot human nature. I will not go to what he calls ancient history —but certa inly remote history—where I could find many instances th a t wou ld totally confute the position so frequently an d pecu li ar l y a d vanced b y hi m. — ( H ear .) I will not even go to ancient history, where these instances are much mor e r if e . I will confine my self t o th a t str i ct l y modern history where those truths are found which are still influencing the destiny of every man, and in which are • recor d e d t h ose events w hi c h are influencing our conduct at this4 w moment. Why, modern history is of very limited ext en t. comprise modern history, and in thatpoe centuries thereu rieand a hal f comprise s hav have been l f Wee wars of signal interest and duration. The first lasted Years—the 0 years' war of Germany. Was that oc. casioned by a monarch desirous to carve out a kingdom or to aggrandize his provinces? No, it was a war of popular principles and. of popular passions. Was the war occasioned by the ambition of the French nation under Louis XIV., when France was opposed by the spirit of independence of all Europe in a war which lasted for an equal period—was that a war of individual feeling? Oa the contrary, it arose from the indignant spirit of all Europe. And was the war produced by the first revolution in France, and achieved by Napoleon, a war of aristocratic or exclusive promoting ? On the contrary , all these g reat wars, each of 30 years' duration, e xtending over a term of 90 yea rs, one-third of the period ' of modern history, were occasioned by popular passions, by popular prejudice, and by the ambition of nations. Even if I were to go into little wars (and I do not wish to do so unless it is necessary in refuting these oft-repeated fallacies), I could show that it was not the Sovereign or the Cabinet that oc casioned them. No—they were, as a general principle, too well acquainted with the resources of countries to occasion war. How arose the war which occurred _during the Admi nistration of Sir R. Walpole, from the case of Captain Jen kins and his ear, when the House rose in tumult, and the most powerful Minister who ever ruled England was obliged to succumb to popular feeling, and to engage is war with Spain? That war did not arise from the ambition of a sove reign; it was a war created by the prejudice and passion of the people: and I have no doubt that other wars will arise from a similar cause. The Hon. Gentleman has said, in a most extraordinary manner, that our security for peace at the present day is the desire of nations to keep at home. There is a great difference between nationality and race. Nationality is the principle of political independence. Race is the principle of physical analogy, and you have at this moment the principle of race—not at all of nationality—adopted by Germany, the very country to which the Honourable Member for the West Riding re ferred. What must be the unavoidable consequence of that principle of race to which the Hon. Gentleman looks as the security for the peace of Europe? What must be the conse quence of the development of that principle? If it is to be accepted as a great political truth, sanctioned by the Hon. Member for the Weet Riding, why is France to be left in possession of Lorraine and Alsace? Why is Russia to remain in possession of Livonia? If that principle is to be accepted as a truth, you have not a security for peace, but a certainty of general and almost perpetual war; and yet it is upon this principle that the Hon. Gentleman—a great authority—has come down to criticise the estimates of the Government, and to deny that there is any necessity for a country defending itself. lam not surprised, indeed, that the Hon: Member should be opposed to " protection" in every shape-e-(A laugh) —but still I think, in one shape, the question of the protection of our own shores and our own hearths will always be popular with both sides of this House.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, the Noble Lord in the speech, full of sound sense and excellent feeling, which he has just addressed to us, has found great confidence in the future prospects of peace for the world in the sympathy of feeling for that object between what he described as three powerful Governments—our own, the Go vernment of France, and the Government of Prussia.—(An Hon. Member—" Russia.") True; Russia. I must apolo gise to Prussia for having mentioned it as a Government. — ( A laugh.) I sin excessively glad to find that there is a Government in France— (Hear, and a laugh)—a Govern , went that has been described to-night as a powerful Go vernment. I think, after this announcement from so great an authority as the First Minister, it would be but conde scending to recognize that Government.—[ Lord J. RUSSELL, we believe—" It is recognized."] Really, to describe that as a powerful Government which had not yet been recognized by the Queen would be somewhat to anticipate the course of destiny.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) However, these ob servations have been drawn from me by what fell from the Honourable Member for the West Riding. I rose because I wanted to know from some member of the Govern ment what force they have, for instance, at this moment in the Baltic. I find that one of the strictest blockades ever proclaimed has now been declared in that sea ; and cer• tainly with this great expenditure of force, with a Govern ment which we are assured takes care that even our con tracted trade and limited commerce with China should be sufficiently guarded, it would be some consolation to the merchants of Great Britain if they knew that their interests were attended to in this quarter. The House will recollect that Denmark, in self- defence, was obliged to proclaim a blockade some months ago in the Baltic ; but from the very best motives it was arranged in a manner as little noxious as possible to neutrals, and especially in reference to the in terests of British commerce; of the return which Denmark has received for its conciliatory conduct, I need riot remind the House. But the blockade which has now been declared —I am sure no Member in the House can blame Denmark for the course it has taken—is one of the most stringent and severe character, and much more comprehensive than the other; it is not now confined to a few ports in the Bal tic—it takes in the North Sea, the west as well as the north of Germany. I should like to have an intimation from her Majesty's Ministers which would at least give some satisfaction to the merchants of this country upon that subject. 'I hey have shown, I must say, the greatest temper upon the whole question of the misconception between Germany and Denmark. The original blockade did them a great deal of harm, but they acknowledged the justice of the cause of Denmark, and they felt that it was a legitimate arm of defence, of which that state availed itself. The merchants were satisfied with the declaration of the Noble Lord the Secretary of State, and they refrained from petitioning this House or appealing to their representatives. They have waited with the greatest interest for the termi nation of his interference • and the only return, apparently, which they have received for their good temper and pa • tience, and confidence in their Government, is the declara tion to-day of a much more severe and stringent blockade, which must prove necessarily inure injurious, and most inju rious to their interests. I wish to have some explanation upon this subject from the Government, and some account of the precautions they have taken with this great arm of England, the resources of which we are discussing, for the protection of our commercial interests -and the guardian ship of British commerce in those waters.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Secretary of State told us once, when I brought the matter forward , that he had ac cepted a mediation upon the subject; I beg to remind the House, that it is not Denmark that solicited the mediation of the British Government. Denmark required the fulfilment of a guarantee on the part of the British Go vernment.—(Hear, hear.) It was Prussia— Prussia, speaking on behalf of the new Germanic Confederation, that required that mediation.—(llear, hear.) The mediation took place; Prussia agreed to an armistice, which has never been com pleted, and Denmark has been forced to the step that has this day been announced. I want to know what protection has been afforded to British interests endangered by these circumstances. I want to know—l shall not press it now, but it would be gracious on the part of the Noble Lord to tell us— whether Prussia still remains an independent state? - (Hear, hear.) Because, then, the merchants would be able to form some calculation of the chances of redress they have. The Prince of Leiningen, I perceive, a most able and accom plished man, has become Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Germanic Confederation. I want to know whether there is to be another mediatised prince. —(Hear, hear, anti a laugh.) I hope he will not become a Minister for Foreign Affairs.— '(A laugh.) But these are circumstances which require some explanation from the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear.) There is another blockade of very great importance, to which I must also call the attention of her Majesty's Government; and I want to know what steps they have adopted to take care of British interests in that quarter; fur what is the use of voting millions for the navy if we are not attending to these interests in moments of war and in remote regions ? I can understand very well the Honourable Member for the West Riding, who calls our attention to the fact, that our commerce in a particular quarter does not justify from its its amount the expenditure we are incurring in order to guard it ; it is a subject which, if pursued, would give rise to many considerations which I do not mean now to follow ; at the first blush it is a position that cannot easily be im ' pugned; but I think all will admit that a nation that has a navy, and a nation that is c elebrated for two things—the most extensive commerce and the most powerful Bevy — should take care that that extensive commerce is protected where foreign war is raging. Now I want to know what is the state of our force in the troubled waters of La Plata. — (Hear, hear.) I have the best reason in the world for ask ing that question ; I have a letter here which I received to-day, but will not now read, from a member of . a most eminent Liverpool firm, and I am informed by it that one of the most important houses connected with our trade with the regions of La Plata has been obliged to suspend its payments in consequence of the state of affairs in La Plata— ( Hear) —and my informant says, very candidly, that he does not see why, unless some settlement of the affairs of those countries takes place, every other house connected with that trade should not be prepared for :results equally disastrous.—( Hear, hear.) We have had now for five or six years in those waters a force of unprecedented amount for those regions; the result has been very unsatisfactory for some time; the accounts th at have reached us have not been such as have encouraged British enterprise, or compensated in any degree for the losses of our fellow countrymen ; but the most rerriarkable circumstance of this protracted blockade, and this increased expendi ture is, that of late we have had no accounts what ever from that quarter.— (Hear, hear.) Here is a district of country in which British enterprise has been most active, in which the establishments of our merchants have been on a very great scale, in which besides the enjoyment of a con siderable present commerce there has been a very great prospect of novel adventure of that kind in countries never explored—for they were only recently opened to us, and almost as immediately shut; the attention of our Govern ment and the resources of our navy have been particularly addressed to this rich and this disturbed district, and I want to know what this force, for which we are about to vote these large sums, has done for the vindication of our rights and the protection of our interests in those parts. —(Hear, hear.) I asked the Noble Lord (Palmerston) at the commencement of the session whether he would lay on the table the instructions he had addressed to an Envoy Extraordinary whom he had himself sent thither in order to terminate the misconception and the disturbances, and open these new avenues to English commercial enterprise, but who had failed in that special mission ; but the Noble Lord objected, because though that Envoy (Lord Howden) had failed, there was another special mission just sent. out, and he thought the production of the instructions might pre vent the happy termination of the new negotiations. That new Envoy has also failed in his attempt; but I suppose it would be useless for me to ask for his or for the former in structions again, because a third. special mission since Parlia ment met has been sent out. Let me remind the House of this circumstance, unprecedented in the diplomacy of any country, that we have employe d six Envo y s Extraordinar y in that part of the world on missions which probably nobody understands, for purposes which we all feel, because British interests are greatly at stake, and there is, I believe, at this moment not the slightest prospect of this country obtaining any satisfaction whatever; as far as we know, we are as dis tant from a termination of the matter as ever. lam obliged to form my opinion, in the absence of any information from the Government, from that which I read in the foreign journals of the country in question ; but it is not specially the duty of the House, in voting these immense sums, to in quire how it is that the experienced Mr. Mandeville, our Mi nister at Buenos Ayres, received instructions which did not attain the desired result, and was summoned back to Eng land ; that Mr. Ouseley was sent out on a spe cial mission and recalled; that the adventurous Mr. Hood was dispatched, and the chivalric Lord Bowden, and our friend Mr. Gore, and now a new Minister is at this moment on his way not to Monte Video, but to Buenos Ayres, and there is not the slightest informa tion given to the British nation by the Minister, while mer cantile houses of great importance are failing in consequence of these matters not being settled ? The expenses of six missions have been voted by this House; surely this is a time to ask what prospect there is of a satisfactory termina tion :of these negotiations—of our rights being vindicated, and our interests being protected in that quarter ; what amount of force we have there, whether it is of that ex traordinary amount that ships that were cruising on the coast of Africa have been sent to carry on warlike opera tions there? These are questions which I think her Ma jesty's Government ought to answer. I trust that before we pass this vote the merchants of this country will have some satisfactory explanation . on the subject of these two block ades, which have occasioned them so much lose. I see, from an official French source, that France has resolved to en force a most stringent blockade of Buenos Ayres instantly, which cannot fail to have a most injurious effect on the in terests of our commerce. Up to a recent period, although these blockades have been established, QUT merchants have '~ .l Jar:. had the means, to a certain extent, of carrying on their commercial operations, but if these blockades in the Baltic and at Buenos Ayres should be strictly enforced, the con sequences to our commercial interests will be most grievous, and upon an occasion like this, when we are about to vote money for the naval force of this country, I think we are entitled to ask for are explanation, and I hope we shall receive it. - -- • - - Lord PALMERSTON—With regard to the first of the two blockades to which the Hon. Member who had just sat down has directed his observations, I am sure that both he and the House will see that it was not a blockade which we imposed, and therefore that we are not entitled to force it. I should say, in the first place, that the original blockade by the Danish fleet of the German ports was afterwards relaxed to a great degree, and that, owing to the hopes which prevailed that an armistice would be signed, that blockade had nearly ceased. Accounts, however, have since been 'received, that if the armistice is not signed by the 15th instant the Danish Government will feel obliged to reimpose that blockade. Now, no one wig deny the right of Denmark to impose this blockade as a measure of additional retaliation. The only functions, therefore, which British ships of war would have to per form in the Baltic and North Sea would be to take care that the blockade was enforced in conformity with the law of nations, and we have tie best assurance that the Danish Government will do no more than what the law of nations authorises, and therefore there is no necessity for the presence of any of our ships of war on that coast. The Hon. Member wishes to know what prospect there is of that armistice being signed. It is not very safe, when so many parties are concerned, to indulge in any predictions on the future, but I still entertain hopes that the armistice may be concluded. The main difficulty is that which I stated the other day, in answer to a question, namely, the difficulty oc casioned in consequence of the Diet having ceased its func tions, and having transferred its authority to the Ad ministrator of the Empire, whose sanction to the armistice it is considered most be obtained. There are other matters of minor detail which probably may be settled between the parties, but, however, 1 am in great hopes that there is a fair disposition on both sides to come to an armistice, and, if so, I should hope that the material questions at issue will be put in a train for an early and satisfactory adjustment. With regard to the affairs of the Rio de la Plata, nobody regrets more than I do that they have been so long unsettled, and perhaps it would not be prudent to indulge, at present, in hopes of a satisfactory solution of that question. Every one knows that we are not answerable for the original movement which led to the present state of things there. The late Government, in conjunction with the Government of France, entered into an undertaking which we have been obliged to take up, but for which we are not responsible. The Hon. Member said that six different envoys had been sent out to conduct negotiations, but he has somewhat overcalculated the number. Neither Mr. Mandeville nor Mr. Ouseley had been sent out from.this country for that purpose.{ Mr. DISRAELI—I did not say " sent out," but " em ployed." Lord PALMERSTON—Mr. Hood was undoubtedly sent out by the Earl of Aberdeen, and his mission did not suc ceed. The reason was, that the two Governments had not given, as it was intended to do, instructions to their respec tive agents. Lord Howden then went out, and his mission did not succeed either, though without any blame being imputable to Lord Howden, for no man could have shown more discretion or judgment than he displayed. There was unfortunately a difference of opinion between him and the French representative on a question which was not pro vided for by their joint instructions, and that difference ended in Lord Howden raising the British blockade, while the French representative did not feel himself justified in raising the French blockade. Captain Gore then went out, and his mission cannot be said to have been altogether unattended by success. Since his departure, however, the French revolution has broken out, and a question has arisen whether the powers of the French representative have not ceased, and whether they do not require to be confirmed. With regard to the amount of the squadron employed, the Admiralty will be able to state the exact figures, but I know that the number of vessels engaged on that coast has been diminished, in consequence of the hope which was enter tained that hostilities would altogether cease. There is no doubt that there has been a great interruption to the trade of this country in consequence of this blockade. There has, indeed, been an arrangement, though not a very regular one, that merchant vessels, notwithstanding the blockade, should be allowed to go to Buenos Ayres, after paying import duty at Monte Video. At the same time there is no doubt that grievous inconvenience has been suffered by the trade of this country in consequence of the blockade, and I can assure the Hon. Member and the House that no effort will be spared on the part of her Majesty's Government to bring this unfortunate transaction to an honourable conclusion. I believe the Governments of Eng land and France are both agreed on the subject of termi nating the existing state of things as speedily as possible. I should explain, however, that it does not form any part of the arrangement between the two Governments to open up, as the Hon. Member expressed it, any fresh communica tions with Paraguay, and I am afraid that, even if this were done, any expectations that Paraguay wculd afford a great arid fruitful field for British commerce would be greatly dis appointed. The population of Paraguay is exceedingly small, and their productions very small also. They want very little of that which we can produce, and they have nothing to give us in return, except some very bad bark. With regard to the right of navigation, we are prepared to acquiesce, in America, in that principle of public law which we maintain in Europe—namely, that countries through which rivers pass —if they be really rivers, and not arms of the sea—are en titled to command the navigation of those rivers; and that if a river runs between two countries, it belongs to them to make such regulation for its navigation as they may think fit. It forms, therefore, no part of the arrangement between England and France to interfere with any regulation made with reference to the Parana and the Paraguay. Mr. DISRAELI observed that the Noble Lord bad named five out of the six agents who had been employed to nego tiate, but he had not said a word about Mr. Southern, who had just gone out to Buenos Ayres. The House would re collect that we were in a state of Ts si war with General Roses, and that we were in possession of the fleet of the Argentine Republic. The Noble Lord had omitted to in ferns the House what was the change in the prospects of our commercial interests which had induced him to alter the course of diplomatic negotiation. The Noble Lord had said that Paraguay had but a small population, and that our trade with that country would be insignificant. The House had also been informed that China, with a population of 350,000,000, was not likely to take much of our manu factures, from which he drew the conclusion that it would be as well not to relinquish idly our home and colonial markets. Lord PALMERSTON said, it was true that the fleet of the Argentine Republic had been detained, but the squadron was to be given up the moment matters were settled between the contending parties in the River Plate. Notwithstanding this, the intercourse between General Rosas and Lord How den had been of the most friendly description, and Mr. Southern merely went out to replace the former negotiator. With regard to the trade with China, he must remind the Hon. Member that our trade with Sl:anghae was of great importance, and of an increasing character. Mr. URQUHART said the Noble Lord had onsitted to notice the other question of the lion. Member for Bucking hamshire, as to the withdrawal of part of the squadron of the power of Buenos Ayres. Lord PALMERSTON said that that event took place during the last Administration, but he believed the vessels were taken chiefly from the coast of Brazil. Mr. URQUtiART said, the Committee were much in apdwh aie b cdsve t d e cee d nantut t thesi o tteei ldsteaehdnae questions eu H oNe o , ior; b as i pt : ri !' I l ow, at beat aboutc e sw r ti ( f a, o pns r e ß n a k r i k n g hand n s 13 1) u r e e n f o u s r having Ayres. il With respect to the first, it appeared to cdbo h l iue i i t ,irld b l e i he a oa t ttniwi no doubt h eedna a om a sueba n wtr o ke t ; raging;in th to e l r e a e r n a but it was not given, and, if any danger arose to us from the present conflict, he laid it to the charge of the Govern ment of this country in abstaining from a just and proper exercise of its power. With respect to Buenos Ayres, we had been guilty of acts of commission and offence. Since 1841 we lied, in combination with France, been guilty of criminal acts in the Rio de la Plata. The Noble Lord had justly said he was not responsible for the commencement of those acts, but he ( Mr. Urquhart) spoke not of those who held the office, but of the office or the Govern. ment itself. He must, however, remind the Noble Lord, that if he were not directly responsible for the offences that had been committed, instructions from himself were at the foundation of them. He would ask the Go vernment, whether they had submitted the transactions that had taken place in Buenos Ayres to the law officers of the Crown, and whether they had assented to them? The Government had refused to say whether, in the event of a contest in Sicily, they would employ the forces of the coun try on the one side or the other. If they were going to in terfere in the affairs of Italy, as last year they did in Por tugal, then they would again expose this nation to the in famy of committing unlawful acts. He asserted, that every officer who drew his sword in a wrong cause, or obeyed an order that was unlawful, was himself a criminal.—(" Oh, oh !") Such was the law of this country, and such was the view taken by the Duke of York when he was Commander in-Chief. No order to shed blood could protect the man who o beyed it unless there h ad been a proclamation of war. But these ideas were not acted upon, and the result was, that the very idea of war was now associated with crime.—(" Oh, oh !") He called upon the House not to sanction estimates that would enable the Government to act in regard to other foreign countries as they had dune in the case of Buenos Ayres and Monte Video, and to prevent British officers from being reduced to the position to which they had seen them brought through the illegal conduct of the Government. Without a formal declaration of war they could not send troops against a foreign power. He had received a letter from General D'Aguilar, the officer who had commanded in China, adverting to a statement which he was reported in the Times of the 25th ult. to have made. that no just com parison could be draw n between the operations in Kafirland and the operations in Canton , because in the one they were according to superior orders, but no such orders had been given in the other. (The Hon. Gentleman then read the letter of General D'Aguilar, which embodied a communica tion front Sir J. F. Davis, her Majesty's Plenipotentiary in China, and Governor of liong-Kong, stating that under the circumstances lie had come to the conclusion that there was no other remedy but to proceed to Canton with a force and demand redress on the spot, which, from the dispatches he had received, seemed to be a course in accordance with the feelings of her Majesty's Government ; and such being the case, General D'Aguilar would leave it to the candour of the Hon. Gentleman to acquit him of acting without orders. The Honourable Gentleman also read his reply, in which it was stated that the Times report had wholly mistaken'the point.) lie did not mention Canton ; nor did he draw any distinction between the service in Ka • &land and in China in respect of orders. What he said was, that in the one case the forms of war had been ob served, and not in the other. His observations applied to the adinw w t nihamosblt lawless tt s wl e i reeierenesf andoa, rnf therefore, cd. eif transactions finoriacnc:telhoiureeflaedatinocntfporho i luoet n omrryail C eltdo h cm China; nnhaa the beginning comparison ne ghceot country d nt e th s r ceytr end, and the e o3 d - of H la i w s i d n o l c B tr 4 i 2 n . e A ha q d ues b t e io e n n confirmed by b e a m, was raised as to the legality of the war in China, when the judges unanimously decided that there had been no war, and by that decision, therefore, they declared that the operations in China did not amount to a legal war but to a piratical en terprise. He should vote against a farthing of public money being granted for the present purpose, unless the Noble Lord at the head of the Government should declare that henceforward the naval force of the country should not be e mployed abroad without warrant. Lord INGESTRE observed, that the object of this vote was to grant a sum of 122,0001. to make up a sum of which part had been already voted, and on that question he con fessed lie did not expect to hear a dissertation on the law of nations. Being sensible of the value of the time of the House, and seeing the period of the evening as well as of the session at which they had arrived, he felt he should best con • cult his duty by making a very few rem:rks. He could not concur in what had fallen from the First Minister of the Crown as to the appointment of the Committee on navy estimates. It would have been much better in the first instance to have voted the supplies on the responsibility of Ministers ; and thus the Committee might have sat to consider how they should afterwards be granted. But it was ruled other wise, and the Committee WAS appointed. lie observed that the Right Honourable Gentleman the President of - the Board of Trade had given notice of his intention to intro duce a Bill for an alteration of the navigation laws. with a view to its being brought forward again next session ; and he would take the liberty of suggesting to the Board of Ad miralty that, pari passu with that Bill, they ought to come dowr• to the House with a matured plan for obtaining a supply of seamen to the navy.—( Hear, bear.) He re gretted to see that the Committee had touched so lightly upon tile large expenditure which had been incurred during the last fourteen or fifteen years in the building and altering of ships. In his opinion that would have formed a most valuable branch of inquiry to have entered into.—( Hear, hear.) He begged to thank the Board of Admiralty for de dining to conform to the suggestion of the Committee with regari to the promotion of officers. If a reduction was to be made in the number of officers, the reduction should begin at the other end, and they should not bring in so many into the service if they bad not the means of promoting them and carrying them on.— ( Hear, hear.) He hoped that the plan of retirement would be extended to that valuable class of officers, the masters and lieutenants of her ➢la- jestv's navy. Captain PECHELL begged to say a word in favour of a class of officers whose case had been entrustel to his hands, and who had just been alluded to by the Noble Lord. But before doing so he wished to take that opportunity of saying that the report of the Committee must be acted upon much further than the Board of Admiralty seemed inclined to go. He begged also to observe that, as far as he could discover, the navy was never in a more efficient state than at the pre sent molrent ; and as regarded the manning of the ships he must do the Hon. and Gallant Member for' Gloucester (Captain Berkeley) the justice to say, that much of that was owing to the ability and perseverance which he has shown on the subject. T " class of officers in whose behalf he wished to say a word was, the masters of her Majesty's fleet. That body had presented a petition to the Admi ralty in the month of February, 1848, a copy of which was ordered to be laid before the House on the 29th of May last, in which they desired to be put upon a proper footing, and to have rank bestowed upen them in proportion to their responsibility. They complained that although an order in Council gave them the rank of Lieuten ant, and empowered the Board of Admiralty to give them the rank of Commander, the board had shown an indisposi tion to act upon that order. He hoped that the Gallant Officer below him (Admiral Dundas) would attend to the petition of those old and meritorious officers, and see that justice was done to them. Captain HARRIS concurred with the Hon. and Gallant Member, not only in his views with resrect to the claims of the commanders and lieutenants, but also of the masters. He considered that the claims o f t h ese officers were as strong as those of the captains, an d, as t h e c h a nge would not be for many years, he hoped th e G overnm ent. would not refuse their just claims. There was another point to which he would advert, and which he considered to be within the reach of the Admiralty,—he meant' the necessity of making timely preparation; for manning the navy in rinagppled with and looked qthueestout';"fef a war. The evention required of a sudden only t b b r e eak g boldy in the face, and it would become perfectly easy of accomplishment. He hoped the Noble Lord at the head of the Admiralty would give them some hopes that precau tionary measures would be adopted to secure so important an object. With regard to the Sel ect Committee whose re port they were then considering, he would just remark that on its appointment being proposed he Ned objected to it on constitutional grounds, because he thought the House was delegating to a few members of their own body duties which ought to be discharged by the House itself; he also disap proved of the manner in which the. Committee was com posed, there being no Members on it who were conversant with the nature and duties of either the naval or the mili tary service ; but he was bound to say, after having read the report of that Committee, and having made himself ac quainted with the principal suggestions it contained, that it appeared to him that the Committee had been much more moderate in their views than he had reason to expect. There were many valuable suggestions in it, and he thought the Committee had bestowed due caution on the subjects with which they had to deal, and for which he gave them credit. Mr. WAKLEY briefly referred to the claims of the me dical officers belonging to the navy, especially to the assist ant surgeons, whose case he considered to be a very hard one, and deserving the consideration of the ROME. He should feel it his duty to allude more particularly to the condition of these meritorious and suffering officers on a future occasion. Mr. W YLD wished to ask what protection was to be afforded to British commerce in the Baltic? It was an im portant question to the mercantile interest of the country. Hitherto the blockade in that sea had not been enforced with much stringency. but for the future there was reason to ex pect that it would be so; and he entertained fear that it might by and by involve this country in a serious war with the Northern Powers. Mr. WARD replied, that no application had been made from any quarter setting forth the necessity of protecting British commercial interests in the Baltic. If any case of danger or injury to the property of British subjects should erise,,he could assure 'the Hon. Member that effectual means would be taken of giving that protection to our mercantile interests in the Baltic to which they were entitled. Admiral DUNDAS begged to observe, in reply to the re marks of his Hon. Friend (Captain Pechell), that he re garded the masters as the most valuable class of men in the navy; it had been found impossible to alter their rank, but the retirement of fifty would give them the rank of com mander, and entitle them to half-pay. In reply to a question from Mr. C. ANSTEY, respecting the instructions given to our squad= on the coast of Africa relative to the destruction of slave trade barracoons, Lord PALMERSTON said that long legal proceedings had been taken against Captain Denman, which had ended, he believed, in the failure of the prosecution against that gallant officer. Mr. C. ANSTEY—Of_ one prosecution. Lord PALMERSTON—With regard to the present state of things, he could console the Hon. Member, by saying that Majesty's officers on the coast of Africa were acting strictly in accordance with the law of the land.— (A laugh.) In reply to an observation of Mr. HUME. Admiral DUNDAS said, the whole qusstion 'of the posi tion and treatment of assistant-surgeons bad been strictly investigated. With respect to their messing in the ward room, it was found that if they messed there the mates and half-a-dozen other officers must go there. This complaint was perfectly absurd; but he could assure - his Hon. Friend that the Admiralty were most anxious that the medical offi cers should be well treated, and thzy weie. well treated. Mr. B. OSBORNE considered it not an' imaginary, but a substantial grievance, that the medical officers in the navy were not put on the same scale of rank with those in the army. Their treatment was particularly alluded to in the report of the Select Committee; and if his Hon. Friend (Mr. Wakley) would not take up the case of his professional brethren,-he ( air. B. Osborne) would pledge himself to bring the matter before the House. Lord J. RUSSELL observed that much good feeling had been evinced upon this subject; but as the Hon. Member for eliddlesex intended to bring it before the House, perhaps the Hon. Gentleman would not think it necessary CO press a debate now. The vote was then agreed to. The following votes were then agreed to :- 10,930/. to complete the sum for the Victualling Depart ment. 136,303/. for salaries in the Admiralty offices. 9,701/. for salaries and expenses in the Registration and Record-office. 77,261/. for salaries and expenses in the scientific depart ment of the navy. Mr. HUME said it was now one o'clock, and moved that the Chairman report progress. Agreed to. • The House resumed. The remaining business was dis posed of, and the House adjourned at One o'clock. RAILWAY SHARE MARICE LIVERPOOL, Aua. 9. STOCK EXCHANGIC—There is more business doing in shares to-day, and the market has a better appearance generally. The sales are Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Che shire (late C. and B.), 2 7 1 . 103. Shares, 141/i—'l hire and Yorkshire, Fifths, 1 , 4 dis. —Ditto, 10/. Preference, 6 per cent., 13s. 9d. p.— Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport, dis.—London and North-Western, 1231/9 —Ditto, Fifths, 5% p.—Ditto, New Quarters, 34 p.—Ditto. Quarters (A and B), 1 p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 10/. Preference, 10 , 4—Midland Stock,lol c.—Ditto, New Halves, 6% dis ' .—North Union (A), 200 ex div.—South- Eastern and Dover No. 4, Thirds, 3 c. dis.—York, Newcastle , and Ber wick, 128. MANCHESTER, AUG. 9. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Great Northern, 9 [c. dis.—Lancashire and Yorkshire, Preference, 6 per cent., 11-16 p.— London and North-Western, 123—Ditte, New Quarters, 11-16 p.—North Staffordshire, 3 dis.-01d— ham Alliance, 11,4 dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, 3 dis.—Whitehaven and Furness. 10 dis. BIRMINGHAM, Aua. 9. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The sales are—North British, Halver, OA —Ditto, Thirds, 428. dis.—North Staffordshire, 635. 90. dis. ex div.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham (A), 5% dia. —South Staffordshire, 68s. 9d. dis. UNIVERSITY OF LONDON. MATRICULATION EXAMINATION.-EXAMINATION FOR HONOURS. - MATHEMATICS AND NATURAL P H ILOSOPHY.—Joh n Edward Bytheway (exhibition),,. Wesley an Collegiate Institution, Taunton ; John Charles Addyes Scott, Ed g baston Proprietary School ;. Francis Guthrie, Uni versity. College ; Arthur Joseph Cohen, University Col lege •,- William Henry Brown, King's College ; Herbert George Russell Fripp, private tuition ; Charles Gillett, University College ; Russell Martineau, University College ; John Purdue Bidlake, private tuition. james,,Piggott, Wesleyan Colle giate Carpenter (prize of books),islerch Merchant Taylors' *John Charles Add ) e ; S li ch o ( s io pi l t ; al ße F ri r i:r d d eri ß k iceT i Q ih u a e nl eo P 's av d " o ' llege, Bir mingham mingham.„ William Henry. Pearce, Marischal College; John Purdue Bidlake, private tuition. gia C te LA l S ( S is lC ti S t , u — tio * l li l, Scott, Edgbaston Proprietary School, equal; *Thomas Hodgkin, University College ; *Theephilus Dwight Hall, private tuition, and *William Stebbinz, King's e T n a rY unton, and College School, equal; Russell Martineau, University College; John Purdue Bidlake, private tuition ; Wilson Fox, University College; J ames An stey Wil, Wesley College, Sheffield. * The examiners report that the first five passed a dis tinguished examination. The award of the exhibition is not yet determined. - . EA D VERTISEMENT.I—Scorbutic humours Cured by Holloway's Ointment and Pill s. —E xtract of a letter from Mr. George F. Williams, of Blackrock, near Cork, dated Junestate for your I yu B o 4B l atl—sTisftiParcofoesn sgrHolloway, Si r, —l b eg t o and for the information of the afflicted, the wonderful effects your Ointment and Pills have had up on me. I have suff ere d severely from toubritnaing that period I tried almost Scorbutic humou rs, and for the last seve n years my eyes have been every the least relief ; at last I was preva iled u p on to use y our invaluable me dicines, which I did , and I am delighted to say that I am perfectly cured by t hem. Sold b y all Druggists , and ev dyr:mdfeuicly 1Y wsiothre;ou during at! Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. HURRICANE.—On Thursday the Banffshire coast was visited by a severe hurricane. The herring boats, all out, made for the nearest ports, and entered in safety. Next morning a pilot observed a small boat floating east wards, and put out, when he found a man, his wile, and another woman. helpless from fatigue. A cooper of the name of John Urquhart, who has left a widow and eight children, was washed overboard on the previous morning. —Glasgow Examiner. The ancient registers of the church and parish of Arcley Kings, near Stourport, have just be.n discovered, after being lost for very many years. Tuey are from 1539 to 1703. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 10, 1818. IRELAND. DUBLIN, WEDNESDAY MORNING. The accounts from the South this morning state that tranquillity continues to prevail. Saunders's News Letter contains the following : " THURLES, To ESDAY EVESIWG.—AII remains quiet here. and a very large addition has been made to the camp. Up wards of 2,C0) soldiers are under canvas. " It appears that, on three several occasions since his affair with the police at Ba!lingarry, Smith O'Brien slept in Thurles at various intervals, and one man who saw him after his arrest recognised him as a person who some days previously had met him on the road and inquired if a stranger would be re marked if he went to look at the encampment. " Although Borrisoleigh is only seven miles from Thurles, the peasantry who met there on Monday at a fair could scarcely believe is the news of O'Brien's arrest. Several zealous clubs were formed there, one of which consisted of young men who wore their flowing locks in a peculiar manner to imitate the French republicans; but in the last two days the tonsorial abilities of the rural operator of Borrisoleigh have been called into requisition. and several uf the more prominent members of the clubs have also dis appeared." "CLosatEr., TUESDAY EVENING.—This town aril neigh bourhood are beginning to resume their wonted appearance, and every one is getting tired of talking of and preparing for the rebellion. The mountaineers of Slievenamon and Glen patri.l seem to have relinquished their signal fires, and ad mit, without hesitation, that the work was spoiled. " Lord Hardinge arrived here this day. " Dillon, Dolienv, Meagher, and O'Gorman are said to be at the Keeper or Kepper Mountains, between Thurles and Killaloe, with some thousands of the peasantry, so that the seat of war, if anywhere, has been removed from us. " The unfortunate potato seems to be in a bad way. The disease is spreading daily, and assuming a more virulent aspect." file Freeman's Journal contains the following:— " HIGHLY IMPORTANT FROM THE SOUTH.—We have re ceived the following important communication from a cor respondent in whom we have perfect faith : " Thurles, Tuesday, Seven o'clock r.xmt. " ' I have just learned, through" a source on which I can implicitly rely, that a communication has been made to the Irish Government, through the mediation of an influential Catholic clergyman, from the parties who, next, after William Smith O'Brien, were considered the most important against whom warrants have been issued. The communication, I understand, is to the effect, that these gentlemen undertake to surrender themselves to the Government upon receiving the assurance that: none of the proceedings instituted against any of the state prisoners shall extend to taking of life. It appears that this communication was induced on the: par ties hearing of the arrest of Smith O'Brien, on Saturday evening." * 9 * It is stated that one of the chief witnesses for the Crown, at the trials of Mr. Smith O'Brien and the other parties im plicated in the insurrection and conspiracy, will be Mr. P. J. Barry, who had been secretary of -,the first Young Ireland Association, and who remained all along a prominent mem ber of the Confederacy. The Limerick Reporter of Tuesday contains the fol lowing : " Tne police, from the concentration of head-quarters at this city, have returned to their stations at Ballinacurra and Boherbuoy. _ . " At twelve o'clock to-day, Colonel Trevor, the adjutant, and doctor, with six companies, twelve officers,and baggage, of the 59th Regiment, arrived in this city from Nenagh, where they had been encamped. They halt here, and ex pect orders to leave to-morrow. " Some interest and excitement was created by the ar rival and countermand of troops by the Waterford and Lime rick Railway in this city. The following are particulars : On Sunday evening and early on Monday morning the troops which had been encamped in the county Tipperary, consisting of 570 men and 27 officers of the 85th Regiment, and 90 men and 10 officers of the 60th Rifl es , w i th General 51‘Donald and staff, and some baggage, arrived here, and by some mysterious order, supposed to he caused by the trials of Messrs. Duffy and Martin, &c., in Dublin to-day, the 86th, with the General and staff, left for that city at twelve o'clock yesterday . by railway. The Rifles, on their arrival marched to Adair, but returned yesterday, and left by the six o'clock train this morning far Dublin. The officers and men appeared to be much harrassed and fatigued. As the 85th were returning. one of the privates fill at the station, between the platform sod an engine, which suddenly started, and bruised him terribly. He was immediately carried to the hospital of the Artillery bar racks, and little hopes are entertained of his recovery. We should add that the whole were fitted out with camp requisites." THE STATE TRIALS. True bills, it was stated, have been found against John Martin, of the Irish Felon. The announcement, it is said, was made to the proper officer after the Court had ad- journed. - - Accounts have been received from the military authorities in Tipperary, that Messrs. Meagher, Dolieu, and Dillon —are reduced to a desperate condition, and are endeavour ing to secrete themselves amongst the peasantry in the mountains adjacent to Dundrum, the residence of Lord Hawarden. It is still asserted very positively that Mr. Richard O'Gor man headed the insurgent peasants who attacked the mail coaches at Abbeyfeale, and carried off the mail bags. The weather is again most unfavourable to the crops— constant raia with a low temperature. The potato blight is making progress, and in Clare and other counties it is most destructive. The prospects of the harvest is becoming very gloomy. There are now in Kingstown harbour no less than Fix war steamers of various sizes—the Stromboli, carrying Admiral Sir C. Napier's flag (white at the mizen), the Amphion, the Dragon, the Cyclops, the Birkenhead, and the Driver. THE ARREST OF O'BRIEN. This day Hutale, the guard of the Limerick and Thurles train, received 5001., the Government reward offered for the arrest of Mr. W. S. O'Brien. lie has resigned his situation on the Great Southern and Western Railway, and is about to leave for England, his native country. STATE TRIALS—TRUE BILLS AGAINST C. G. DUFFY. DU3LIN COMMISSION COURT, Auci. 8. The Commission was opened to-day by the Right Hon. Chief Baron Pigot, and the Hon. Baron Perinefather. The streets in the vicinity of the court were occupied by strong bodies of policemen, but there was a total absence of excite ment both within and without the court. The Crown Coun sel in attendance on ordinary occasions, Messrs. Plunkett, Q.C., Baldwin, Q.C., and Smyly, were present, but the At torney-General was not in attendance. The Crown So licitor, Mr. Kemmis, however, was in his place, and held in his hand a large roll of parchment, containing the indict ment against Mr. Duffy. It was sent up to the city grand owLpo aeahtto j tl u iifof ry rh . a . i Mr. Butt, Q.C., and Sir Colman O'Loghlen appeared for Mr. Duffy. The grand juries having been sworn, The CHIEF BARON, in addressing the city grand jury, said—Gentlemen, if I had to call your attention only to the class of offences appearing upon the calendar at the ordi nary sittings of the court, I should have to occupy but very little of your time; but I find by the calendar that you are likely to be called upon to consider charges fin offences which, I am happy to think, are but rarely pre sented to the tribunals of this country, and of such a cha racter lipoisealpfnam a otto s r tuef nurleaetnnsb deaf octeeeefyl passed particularstel ohicto v nfiif e agsas pa , sttsntakeri i haiste n gui ecrehinepinee2gid t croaga h sdhttnnt naati e oapmdhsi mrertn e gnhehey m e. esteadoe i es s vafanswa t lwgiriut i nnth n eatbhosgdhdji g ifi eiebn g ntht ehkoeae3neen, enactment, nhr reign r ic a eeow t i ggn i mh o iptni g eneration, , oatbbi f fostl e e w w eEsectdeadat h ll twrlliaeie called tu e vouni oypalool hadviola tion ianheo to will probable c o side t r h s I t haveyour against the fi n ehwne o at el w hst dheei recently called to persons eaiters b nh uieAtnt passed schl considera tion t ts ofhoA i f n P t tahh i or 0t Par liament theh tithe d l e a f aa w nme n isl o y w a so is f treasonu t n I d e er r i e t i s gen p e ir r nt o ag v i provisions. oe Sovereign. G e s en a t g l a e Ti m nhs e et n , r teh t h ea e r rie c e r or i s m nel ny e i g ft l e i ha eturselAaea Sovereign treason n r ow e f i i Ministers of State ; an rae d wd c t e th r o t a a t in offences in refere aas n rd c w e lhla t lt o . to call your of fo n that attention, dA et heir, of andor rai Parliament, l they ai w awmm h h i ea : nn h n a t : e da i tosfvot the portions on its of is the deci a l do levy nnl i e oed s avamb n yy e dpw e c erttiah s shr s ee a dsea r eeg y imai fponoarasrttsi compass or e words ldest irm,oardgitnieletKheindgeainthhoisf roeuarlmL,oervdetrhyeoKneinogf those acts h ac is ts Q i u s e a e n n, a o c r t brief their of high treason. For the protection of the accused, the same Act of Parliament enacted that, in order to establish the guilt of designing the death of the Monarch, or of levying war against him, it was necessary to prove-that guilt by some act or deed of the party charged with its commission. So, gentlemen, the law stood until the 36th of Geo. 111. ; and by an Act of Parliament passed in that year it was enacted that if any person or persons whatever, within the realm or without, shall compass, imagine, devise, or intend the death or destruction, or any bodily harm; tending to the death or destruction of the King, or the constraint of his person, &c., such person shall be guilty of high treason. By that Act the compassing to levy war, or force the Monarch by restraint to change his measures, becomes an act of high treason. The same Act requires that the in tention on which the Act of Parliament fastens the guilt shall be testified by some open act or deed, or by the publication of some printed or written document. Another Act of Parliament (the 57th George III.) was subsequently passed with reference to this subject; and in the month of April last, the Legislature, taking into consi deration the entire state of.the law, passed the Act to which I am about to call your attention, and in reference to which particularly your duties upon the charges I have already al luded to are to arise. Ido not think it necessary to direct your attention particularly to anything else in this Act of Parliament, save those portions of its provisions by which a guilty intention shall be shown, by publishing any printing or writing, or by any overt act or deed. As far as I can judge, you will be called upon to consider the nature and importance of certain publications, which are alleged to be published and printed by or under the authority or direc tion, or with the privity of some of the parties accused. Possibly—but of this I know nothing—you may be called upon to consider some other open acts or deeds confirmatory of the charge by which the guilty intention is sought to be fastened upon the party. Should any such publication be presented for your consideration, you are bound, of course, to look with careful scrutiny into every part of it, and upon the whole to consider whether there is any indication of the intention with which the accused is charged. If you should not think the publication bears the character imputed to it by the Crown, it will be, of course, your duty to ignore the bill— as, under the circumstances, it would be the duty of a petty jury to acquit the accused; but if you think it does bear the character imputed to it, you will of course be bound, in the conscientious and firm discharge of your duty, to find the bills of indictment, and send the case for trial before a jury. If, for instance, it should appear to your satisfaction that, by any publication or overt act, it is clearly manifested that the party intended to deprive tier Majesty of the imperial crown, by establishing an other Government instead of the Government of the Queen ; for instance, by establishing what is called a Provisional Government, the existence of which must, of necessity, supersede her authority; or by establishing a different form of government, the existence of which, by the destruction of the monarchy, must ne cessarily cause the deposition of the Queen from the imperial crown of this United Kingdom ; and if you are satisfied that such is the object of any publication presented before you, you, of course, will have no doubt that it con stitutes a crime within the terms of this Act. With re spect to the charge of levying war against the Sovereign, I cannot better announce to you what the law is, than by referring you to the opinion on the subject of Lord Ten terden, formerly Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench in England. From that opinion it would appear that it was not necessary, in order to constitute the offence of levying war, that parties should be drilled, or that a military force should be drawn up in battle array with all the circumstance and pomp of war. It is through small beginnings, with a force only partially organized at first, but strengthened by degrees by the combination of forces, and possibly by successes, that rebelli on can at tain the height by which it may cast na tions into convul sion to ; and therefore it is .the object of th e law prevent such acts by d enounc i n g punishment against tho se who compass or intend them. You will consider whether the party charged before you inculcated such proceedings, or advised such movements, or whether there is disclosed in the publication an intention to effect such a state of things as would amount to an insurrection of persons applying them selves by force to compel the Queen by constraint to alter her measures. Such an insurrectian, although not conducted at first with all the circumstance and parade of military array, would amount as much to the levying of war as if the parties were embattled in military array against the forces of the Sovereign. lam informed that some charges are to be pre ferred against certain persons for the publication of seditious libels, and after what I have already said with res p ec t t o th e offences provided . against by the Cro wn an d G overnmen t Security Act, itis not necessary for me to enter into an ex planation of the law of sedition. The charges to which I re fer are likely to apply to publications only, and every man is entitled, byl written publications, as well as by oral dis course, to bring others to agree in the opinions which he may conscientiously entertain, and, upon public matters, the ex pressions he uses are not to be too nicely weighed, particu larly if thus he appeals to reason, or endeavours to effect by persuasion and argument the establishment of his views. But a publication, the direct tendency of which is to excite disaffection and resistant;; to the laws and to the lawful authority of the Sovereign who reigns over this empire —a resistance to those who are interested in the protection of lawful order—a publication having a tendency to a violation of law, and a resistance to lawful authority, and which might induce others by force of arms to effect that resistance—is unquestionably a seditious libel, and might amount to the grievous crime of high treason, to which I have already re terred. It is unnecessary for me to say more on this ques tion at present, but should you at a later stage of your pro ceedings require any information from the Court on this, or any other subject, both myself and my learned brother will be ready to afford it to you. There is another subject, with respect to the nature of the business you will have to dis charge, to which I think it necessary to direct your attention. Early in the present session of Parliament an Act for the Prevention of Crime and Outrage in Ireland was passed, by which the Lord-Lieutenant was empowered to issue pro clamations against disturbed districts, and to call upon all persons not lawfully authorised to keep arms in their pos session to surrender same to the proper authorities authorised to receive them, under certain penalties. Some indictments may be sent up to you under the provisions of that Act within the jurisdiction of the city of Dublin, the 1 4 ord- Lieutenant having found it necessary to proclaim both the county and the city, and some persons stand charged with having retained arms in their possession after having been called upon to give them up.—(liere the Learned Chief Baron read extracts from the Act for the Prevention of Crime and Outrage he Ireland, and commented upon and explained its provisions as he proceeded, and continued)-1 do not feel that I would be fully discharging my duty if I did not call the attention of yourselves and of all others to the obligation which devolves on every loyal subject, and to which every loyal subject is summoned by an Act to which I shall call your attention. By a very recent statute, passed upon the 25th of July, in the present year, it is recited that, " as a treasonable and rebellious spirit now unfor tunately exists," most extensive power is given to the Executive and Lord-Lieutenant to arrest such persons as may reasonably be considered guilty of being en gaged in such traitorous and treasonable designs as are alluded to by the Act. That is a power conferred on the Government for the safety and security of the whole community. It is a power conferred on the Government fur the safety, not only of those who would most sutler from a public convulsion, by becoming the objects of assaults, which would necessarily arise under such circumstances as this statute points to, but, I think I may also say, for the pre servation of those unfortunate individuals themselves who may be misled, if early efforts are not made to resist the progress of such designs. I think I may call your attention, and the attention of others to the duty which devolves on every man, to disclose and make known to those in autho rity the existence of any such designs which may , by chance or otherwise, come to his knowledge. It is right to remind those who have taken the oath of allegiance, that by the express terms of that obligation, they are bound thus—" I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to her Majesty or her advisers all treasonable and traitorous conspiracies which shall be formed against her or them." The discharge of that oblig a tion, Gentlemen, will be but the discharge of a duty due to every member of a society that is threatened by the progress of any such designs ; and I trust that no one who has reflected either on the obligations which society imposes, or on the express obligation of that oath, will hesitate at once, should the fact come to his knowledge, to disclose th e ex i s t ence o f any suc h d es i gns , as those to which I have alluded. Gentl emen , I t rus t, by th e uniform application of the laws, admi n i s t ere d i n th at mercy which is only part of justice—by the co-operation of all members of the community, who love and value social order —by the co-operation of all classes of society, not merely those possessed of wealth and occupying rank and station, who would inevitably be the first to • suffer in a popular convulsion, but by the co-operation of the middle classes of society, who depend for all on the maintenance of tranquillity, and by those who . in their different w a lk s of life cannot sustain the position they hold in society without the maintenance of that tranquillity and peace by which all the intercourse of society is sustained -without which trade must perish—without which the fruits of agriculture cannot be . held or sold in se curity—without which it is, in truth, impossible that they can maintain themselves in the position they ought to be ambitious to enjoy. I trust, Gentlemen, by the co-opera tion of all classes, we may be saved from those mischiefs which appear to be apprehended by the statute which I have just read to you. That such may speedily be the result, I do most earnestly hope. It needs the co-operation of all, and I trust it will have the co-operation of all, to secure that result. The jury retired. Joseph Martin, who was charged with carrying a banner at the Confederate meeting at Donnybrook, and stood out on bail to stand his trial at this commission, did not appear when called on, and it was ordered that his recognizances should be estreated, and that a Bench warrant should issue for his apprelien,:ioe. At half-past three o'clock the jury returned into Court. Foreman—We have found true bills against Charles Ga vin Duffy. In a few minutes Mr. Duffy was placed at the bar. The prisoner evinced the utmost unconcern, and with unmoved countenance heard the indictment read against him by the officer of the Court. By that indictment he is charged with compassing, imagining, and devising the deposition of her Majesty the Queen, from the style, honour, and royal name of the imperial crown of the United Kingdom ; and with feloniously publishing to effect that object various articles in the Nation newspaper, entitled, "The business of to-day," " The uses of Union," " Ireland's capacity to obtain her Ls dependence," ‘' The Month's Delay," "The Value of an ItiA Harvest," " The use and capacity of a Rifle," .‘ How to break clown a bridge," "Mr. Meagher and the Clubs," "The point of Attack," &c. Clerk of the Court—Charles Galin Duffy, are you guilty or not ? The prisoner, by the advice of his agent, abstained from making any reply. Sir COLMAN OTOGHLEN—My Lords, in the case of the Queen v. Mitchel, it was decided that we were not entitled to a copy of the indictment, and therefore it is not our in tention to apply for a copy of the indictment on this occa sion. It was also decided that the indictment should be read out slowly, so as to enable us to take a copy of it. However, to save that trouble, the Attorney-General, or those who re present him, might favour us with a copy. We do not ask it as a matter of right, but as a favour. Mr. BALDWIN, think we should follow the pre cedent laid down at the last trial. Mr. COLMAN O'LOGHLEN —Then it will be necessary to have it read out slowly three times. Baron PENNEFATHER —This case is a peculiar one. The overt acts are all laid on the publications in certain news papers. Ido not apprehend there are any other acts, and 1 de not see why it should be necessary to read out at length those publications. Mr. SMYLY (Crown counsel) —I understand they only re quire the formal parts to be read. Sir COLMAN O'Lociiii.EN—That was the case on the former occasion, but there are articles in the present indictmentwhich the counsel for the traverser never saw. There are in it some of the publications which have been seized by the Crown, and of course those articles we require to have read at length. Mr. BALDWIN--Arly article they require can be read out. Baron PENNEFATHEA—There is no objection to give a copy. CHIEF BAHON—It will take a great deal of time to read it out, and it will give precisely the same information that would be communicated by a copy. Bar.bwix—We do not feel ourselves warranted in giving a copy in the absence of the Attorney-General. It was finally arranged that the case should be postponed until the next morning, for the purpose of ascertaining the opinion of the Attorney-General. The prisoner was then removed to Newgate. The Court adjourned at four o'clock to ten o'clock to morrow morning. It is the intention of Mr. Duffy's counsel to make an ap plication to morrow to postpone his trial until the next com mission. The ground of the application is the excitement at present existing from recent events. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. WESTERN CIRCUIT.— Wells, Aug. 8. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. JusticeCoLittinotz.) Edward Smith was indicted for the manslaughter of Re becca Gill, at Bath. Mr. Stone conducted the prosecution. Mr. Slade, at the request of the Learned Judge, defended the prisoner. It appeared from the evidence, that on Saturday evening. the Bth of July, the deceased, who was a girl of the town, was in company with another girl earned Lewis, in Pierpoint street, Bath, which is near the railway station. This was at about twelve o'clock. At this time Smith and several other men passed. The deceased said to Lewis, " What do all these men do passing ?" Upon which Smith said to the deceased, " What do you mean by insulting me ?" The de ceased said she did not mean to insult him, and if ho did not insult her she would not insult him. Some further remarks were made on both sides, when the deceased and the girl Lewis passed on, but were overtaken by Smith, who again charged the deceased with having insulted him. She said it was very hard she could not go along the streets without being insulted by such a well known character as him. Smith said, " WLat do you mean by that?" She said, " I mean no harm, but if the cap tits you you may wear it." Smith said, '° It does fit me , and i f you don't mind I will knock you b-- head off." He looked very hard at her, and then struck her a violent blow under the left ear, which felled her to the ground. to `fh ass e ist pri soner then ran away, and on the girl Lewis g a g Gill, she found that e had received a severe wound on the back of her head, and a good deal of blood flowed from it. She was taken to the hospital, and her wound was dressed. and she was so far recovered as to be able to walk home. The prisoner was found Guilty, and sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment. HOME ClRCUl7'.—Guihtford, Aug. 9. (Before the Loan Cum , Bano:v and a Common Jury, BROWN v. YARDLRY. This was an action brought by Anne Brown, to recover from the defendant, Joshua Yardley, compensation or damages for the loss of services of her niece, Mary Anne Brown, by reason of seduction by the defendant. Sergeant Shea, r. l'rentice, and Mr. C. Pollock were for the plaintiff; Ai r. M. Chambers and Mr. Sinion for the defendant. The Learned SEncEarrr stated the case for the plaintiff. He said that she was a person of respectability, although in an humble position of life, and at the time of this unfortunate occurre nce she occupied a cottage at a place called Brockhill, in Berkshire, the family consisting of her niece, a young woman, seven or eight and twenty years of age, who was the un h a ppy subject of the present inquiry, and a nephew, wa s also grown up. The plaintiff's niece assisted who in the household work, and also earned some money by the use of her needle. Her conduct had been most irreproachable, and there had never been the slightest stain upon her character. The defendant was a member of a respectable and wea lthy family, and at the time he first g ' Lame acquainted with Miss Brown he was not more than nineteen years old ; but, notwithstanding his youth, he appeared to have acted with great wickedness, and to have exhibited all the art of a profligate seducer. Having narrated the circumstances at tending the first acquaintance and the subsequent seduction of his client's niece, the Learned Counsel then put in a copy of correspondence that had taken place between the plain. till's niece and the defendant, after the birth of the child. The tenor of this correspondence was in unison with the cir cumstances of the case, as borne out by evidence. The fol lowing is an extract from one of the letters of the defendant, dated Greenwich, March 25th, 1848: " You say you suppose you are not the first woman I have treated so; indeed you are, and bitterly, very bitterly do I n..gret it. It was no common case of seduction ; till I left 1 fully intended to marry you. Believe me in ths, and then perhaps you will not think me so base. I should much like to see you, so you may suppose I still care for you. How can we meet? can vou come to Windsor. If so, what day, _ what time? If .'ou do not mean to see me, write, and will send you another remittance. Did I not, my dear girl, supply you as well as I could with money? You little know the straits I went through to procure it for you. lam quite sure if you ever did you still regard me with affection, and nothing can give me greater pleasure than to hear from you that you are well. If you can conveniently, I know you would like to see me. If you do come, tell me the day and time you will be in Clarence-crescent. It will be a very good ni . ,!eting-place. We can then have a talk about the !attire." The letter in reply to this invitation was a refusal to meet the defendant, and an expression of regret that he should" be put to the straits to forward such trilling sun.s of money as he had done." • Hereupon the defendant conclides the corre. , pondence by forwarding half a sovereign, with an intiAtation that he shall do the saute monthly, and that the law (amid not compel him to do more. Shortly after the defendant married another lady, and the appeal was now made to a jury. Mary Ann Brown, a good-looking young woman, was Olen called. She said—The plaintiff is my aunt. In 1846 I was living with her at Brockhill, Berkshire. My brother also lived in the same cottage. I first became acquainted with the defendant in June, 184 G, and he paid his addresses t 6 me after that time. The first time he came to my aunt's fot tage he brought me some books, and he then asked permis siou to visit me as a suitor, After tbis time he freque%tly camo to visit me, but my aunt repeatedly advised me to discontinue the connexion. The defendant frequently promised to marry me, and he bought me the wedding ring which I now produce. The first time he made ne a promise of marriage was in November, 1846, and it was after that period that an improper intimacy tock place between us. That intimacy occurred either al the ~.tter end of February or the beginning of March, 1847. It took place in my aunt's cottage, and my aunt and my brother were in another part of the house at the time it happened. I was unwilling to consent. Even tually he succeeded in effecting his object, but it was against my consent. After this the intercourse was continued, and I consented to the defendant's wishes, because he told me that it could not make any differenca then, and that he would not marry me unless I yielded to his wishes. I was confined December 7, 1847, with a female child, and the defendant is the father of that child. While I was in the family way he bought me a wedding-ring, and told me to wear it, to induce the neighbours to believe that I was married, and I did so; but my aunt knew the truth. While the defendant was pay ing his addresses to me, he told me that he should hay 3 271. V. a year from his father, and that when he was twenty- five years old he should have 2501. a year from his grandfather. After the child was born the defendant repeated his promise of marriage, but said he could not marry me until he came of age, and he gave me small sums of money on different occa sions—a few shillings at a time. The whole I have received from him is 9/. and 6d. I sin still living with my aunt, and am entireiy dependent upon her, as since this occurrence I have not been able to obtain any of my usual employment at needle-work. I have seen the defendant in Guildford during these assizes, and I have bean informed that he is married. fly Mr. CIIAMBERS—I ant not sure whether I am now 30 or 31 years old, but I am sure that I never told the de fendant I was five or six and thirty. I may have told him that I was confident as to my age, but I believed I was near thirty. I first met the defendant at the White Hart public house, near my aunt's cottage. I was acquainted with the landlady, and had taken two of her children to see Ascot races, and when I returned I was in the bar parlour with her. The defendant had also been to the races, and on his return he called at the White Hart to take some refresh ment. He entered into conversation with me, and told me he had some very interesting books, which he would lend me to read, and he asked permission to visit me next day. He did call the next day, and gave me some books, and in , troduced himself to my aunt. After this the defendant came repeatedly in the evening to the cottage, and my aunt and I my brother used to go out of the room, and leave us to• gether, sometimes for an hour or two. The defendant used to smoke cigars or a pipe, and sometimes he had • gin and water, and tither refreshment, but I never drank any gin and water with him. lie used often to talk about his " mama."—(A laugh.) He always called her his " mama." I never asked the defendant what his age was, but he told me that he was not of age, and that he was a ward in Chancery, and if he married before he was of age the marriage could be set aside. He also told me that he should not be of age until the 26th of February, in the pre ' sent year. Upon one occasion I told the defendant that I should sue him for the support of my baby, and he said in answer that he would " cheek" any one out of anything in a court of justice.—(A laugh.) The only offer he has ever made me was to give me half a crown a week. He used to visit me after the child was born, but after the 23d of February last he entirely discontinued his visits. Up to that time I always thought that he intended to marry me. Mr. W. May, a gentleman residing at Brockhill, deposed that he had known the plaintiff and her family for a good many years, and they bore a very respectable character. Mr. J. B. May, the attorney for the plaintiff, deposed that upon his attention being called to the matter by his father, he undertook to act in it, but in the first instance he did not do so professionally, but merely to mediate between the parties with a view to obtain some compen sation from the defendant. He accordingly wrote to the defendant on the Ilth April, and he called at his office, and witness told him that his object was to induce him to do what was right to the family whom he had injured. The defen dant replied that his income was only 3001. a year, and he asked witness what he should expect him to do, and he told him he thought he ought to make the mother some small al lowance. The defendant treated the matter very lightly, and he was so flippant that witness was quite disgusted at his conduct, and told him if he did not behave differently he must quit the office. The defendant then asked him if 12/. a year would be enough, and witness then asked him what he intended to do to reimburse the aunt for her expenses, and whether he had any intention of carrying out his promise of marriage. The defendant replied that he was not of age when lie made the promise, and that if they went to law with him lie had an uncle in Italy, and if they got a verdict he should join him, and neither aunt nor niece should ever get a farthing. Mr. CHAMBERS then addressed the jury for the defendant. He should contend that on the present occasion the jury had nothing whatever to do 7rith the breach of promise, but they were merely called upon to say what damage the aunt had really sustained. He complained of the topics that had been introduced to prejudice the case of the youth for whom he appeared. It was clear, that at the time the intimacy took place between the parties he was not more than 19. while the young woman whom he was alleged to have se duced was at all events - eight or nine years older. With re gard to the seduction, he considered it more probable that the young lady of seven-and-twenty, who was evidently possessed of considerable experience in worldly matters, , should have been the seducer, than the boy of nineteen who was innocently talking about his " mama." t The CHIEF BARON having summed up, the jury, after a short deliberation, returned a verdict for the plaintiff— Damages 2001. COURT CIRCULAR. OSBORNE, WEDNESDAY. Her Majesty the Queen and his Royal Highness the Prince Albert, accompanied by their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales. the Princess Royal, Princess Alice, and Prince Alfred, and attended by Viscountess Canning (Lady in Waitine), the Hon. Miss Dawson (Maid of Honour), Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. C. B. Phipps (Equerry in Waiting), and Colonel Wylde (in Waiting upon his Royal Highness), embarked yesterday on board the Fairy, at Osborne Pier, and proceeded to the Portsmouth Regatta. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness, with the Royal Children, returned to Osborne at about six o'clock. There was no addition to the royal dinner party yes terday evening. His Royal Highness the Prince:Albert, attended by Lieut.-Colonel Wylde, went at nine o'clock this morning to Appuldurcombe, the seat of the Earl of Yarborough, to view the farming stock. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge, ac companied by the Princess Mary, and attended by Baroness Bose and Baron Knesebeck, proceeded from her residence at Kew, yesterday morning, to the terminus at Waterloo bridge, and took her departure by the London and South-Western Railway, for Cowes, Isle of Wight. His Serene Highness Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent yester day, at her residence, Clarence House, St. James's. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Anna Maria Dawson, Baroness de Speth, and Sir George Couper, dined with her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday evening, at Marlborough House. Prince Casteleicala, the Neapolitan Minister, had an interview with Viscount Palmerston on Tuesday. His Excellency had another interview with his Lordship yesterday. Mr. W. T. M'Cullagh and Mr. George Roe had an in terview with the Right lion. H. Labouchere, yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. Lord Ashley had an interview with Earl Grey yester• day. Mr. Bolton had also an interview yesterday with the Noble Earl, at the Colonial-office. His Excellency the American Minister transacted business yesterday, at the Foreign-office. The Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, had also an sew yesterday, yesterday, with the Right Hon. Baronet, at hie official residence in Downing-street. ) Lady Cowley and family embarked yesterday morning on board the General Steam Navigation Com pany's steam-ship Triton, at Blackwall for Ostend. - 'lna NEW NOVELIST.—NOW that the great ex citement caused by the Paris and Dublin insurrections has a little subsided, it is to be presumed that some portion of the public attention will again be devoted to literature, which his of late sadly lacked the necessary patronage. Among the works of fiction that have just appeared is one which although a first production of its author seems eminently entitled to distinction. We allude to the novel called "The Discipline of Life." The authorship is ascribed by the Bri tannia to a noble lady, who, to judge from the review in question, need no longer desire concealment. The object of the work (says the " Britannia ") is to show how much of happiness depends on self-discipline; and adds, that it cannot fail to place the authoress in the first rank of female novelists. It contains passages of great beauty and pathos, evidently written by one who thinks much and feels deeply, and impresses us with a high idea of the talent of the author. A BOA. CONSTRICTOR.—AMERICIN MEASUREMENT. —A vessel from the African coast is said to have arrived at Salem, bringing the largest boa constrictor ever cap tured by man. According to this marvellous story it re quired 126 negroes to capture her with a rope net. She is 30 feet long, and has laid 57 eggs of the aggregate weight of 70 pounds. Oue of these being broken there issued a young snake, of seven inches long. The owner demands 11,000 dolls. for the curiosity, and has had offered 7,000 dolls.—American Paper. A SIMPLE ANSWER TO A POLITE QIJESTION.- " Can I show you anything more to-day, Sir?" asked the civil gentleman behind the counter of his worthy customer. " Yes," was the reply, " will you be good enough to show me the silk umbrella I left here three weeks ago?" Litt•;q he "ice ; wag nake a by :ivett !lout ;ward be lei