The Sun. — London, England, 1866-05-18 00:00:00

is' lIPER I A L PAItLWfaNT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENMG. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. RITUAL OBSERVANCES. Lord PORTMAN presented a petition against the con tinuance of ritual ceremonies in the Church of England. The Archbishop of YORK expressed the opinion of himself and his brother prelates, which was in acccordance with the spirit of the petitions. PRIVATE BITSENTESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Suther land Walker's Estate, Buchanan's Estate, Newchurch Parish Division, Aferrybent and Darlington Railway, British Gas Company (Staffordshire Potteries), Nelson Local Board, and Slough Gas. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Amicable Life Assurance, Bury Gas, Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (extension of time, &c.), Alfin Valley Railway, New River Company, and Cambridge University and Town Water. PRIVATE BILLS. Lord REDESDALE moved that the standing orders be suspended in order that the time for depositing petitions praying to be heard against private bills, which would otherwise expire during the adjournment of the house, be extended to the 28th instant. THE COLLECTION OF PAINTINGS AT BUR- LINGTON SOUSE. Lord OVERSTONE drew attention to a statement which had appeared in a morning paper, to the effect that the collection of paintings at Burlington House was to be removed. He thought that time should be afforded to Parliament and the country to express their opinion on this subject. Earl GRANVILLE said that the Government felt that they should be bound by a decision of the House of Com mons in giving the National Gallery, the trustees of which had funds at their disposal, the means of selecting a site for the erection of a buildingfor th eir purposes. He believed that while the site of Burlington House had been origi nally selected there was some doub whe ther the part of the trus tees of the National Gallery as to it was the most eligible. After a few words from Lord OVERSTONE, the subject dropped. The following bills were read a second time :—Eccle siastical Leases (Isle of Man), Drainage Maintenance (Ire land), Land Drainage Supplemental, and Cattle Assurance. The Attorneys and Solicitors (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and passed. • - SELLING AND lIA.WIiING ON SUNDAYS BILL. Lord HOUGHTON appealed to the noble and learned lord (Chelmsford) not to press this bill in the face of the opposition to its provisions that were expressed against it. He referred to the amendment proposed by Lord Teynham, and to the general dissatisfaction exhibited at revious attempts to legislate on this subject. Lord CHELMSFORD repeated the objections he made to the course pursued in opposing the bill after its having passed a second reading, by which its principle was ap proved. He had undertaken the duty of introducing this measure very reluctantly, but he did so in compliance with petitions from thousands and tens of thousands tradesmen, and from which it appeared that there were no less than 60,000 tradesmen, with their employ6s, who were reluc tantly compelled to trade on Sundays. Lord REDESD ALE then moved a series of amendments, the object of which was to confine the action of the bill to the closing of shops, except for the sale of medicines during the hours of Divine service. Lord TAUNTON thought that if the bill were ever to become law it would be inoperative, owing to the difficulty of enforcing its provisions. Earl RUSSELL was of opinion that Sunday trading had increased very much in the metropolis during the last 30 years, and that the bill, if amended, as suggested by Lord Redesdale, would prove a boon to the working classes, by giving them a real day of rest. Lord CHELMSFORD objected to accept the amend ments, on the ground that they were fatal to the principle of the measure, and intimated that if they were carried he would withdraw the bill. After some remarks from Lords PORTMAN and HAR 'LOWRY, _ _ _ The Earl of ELLENBOROUH, though approving of the principle of the bill, apprehended that if passed into law it would create a standing feud between the lower classes and the police. He believed, moreover, that the measure would be rejected by the House of Commons in a manner that would be an affront to their lordships. He should therefore vote against the bill. Earl GREY supported the bill, and argued, that if passed its provisions ought to be enforced by the police, and not by common informers. On a division the amendments of Lord Redesdale were agreed to by 54 to 41. Lord CHELMSFORD thereupon said he would not with draw the bill, but that he declined to take further charge of it. Lord TAUNTON then gave notice that on the motion for the third reading of the bill he would move its rejec tion. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAsT EVENING. The SPEAKER, took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS The following bills were read a second time and passed:— Abercarn Roads ; Aberdeen County and Municipal Build ings ; Belfast Burial Ground ; Bridport, Lyme, and South Coast Railway ; Combmartin and Ilfracombe Road ; Dublin and Kingstown Railway (Lease); Glasgow City Improve ments, &c. ; Kilmarnock Water ; London and South Western Railway (Additional Powers) ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Additional Powers); Manchester Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (New Lines); Mersey Docks and Harbour Board (Outer Works Alteration); Mersey Pneumatic Railway ; Metropolitan Rail way (Additional Powers) ; North Walsham and Dilham Canal ; Salisbury and Yeovil Railway (Capital); Ventnor Gas ; and Walker and Wallsend Union Gas. THAMES AND SEVERN CANAL NAVIGATION BILL. The adjourned debate on this bill was resumed. It was intimated that the promoters were quite pre pared to certain amendments. The motion for the read ing of the bill that day six months was withdrawn. REDISTRIBUTION OF SEATS BILL. ' Mr. CROSSLAND gave notice that, in committee on this bill, he should move that an additional member be given to Huddersfield. EAST INDIA—THE DECCAN. Sir F. KELLY moved for a copy of all treaties and en gagements subsisting between his Highness the Nizam of the Deccan and the British Government, and of all corre spondence between the two Governments relative to the districts assigned by his highness for the maintenance of " The Hyderabad Contingent," together with an account of the income and expenditure of the above districts, and of the cost of the contingent. The return was ordered. EDUCATION. Sir J. C. JERVOISE asked the Vice-Pr9sident of the Committee of Council on Education, when the copy pre sented on the origin, propagation, &c., of the Cattle Plague, 27th and 28th April, 1866, would be in the hands of mem bers? Mr. be BRUCE said it had dom been ordered that a copy of the ment be furnished to in ev a e7 member, and he hoped the order would b e executed GUNPOWDER, ays. IN w E d BITRGH. Mr. W. MILLER asked the Secretary whether he expected soon to be able of Sate for War reply to the various memorials whi c h had give a favourable been sent to the War-office during the last two or thr ee y the removal of the gunpowder stored at ea l r e s il ' : r hZ in or g ta f n or d Edinburgh Castle, the quanti t y in the magazine at the former place being said t o amount to 130,00 1 31bs weight, The Marquis of HART INGTON said he ha d received representations from Edinburgh with respect to the store ing of gunpowder in Edinburgh Castle, and the quantity bad been greatly reduced in consequence. With respect to that in Leith Fort, it was not practicable to reduce that for the present. Inquiries were going on with respect to Mr. Gale's plan for securing stored gunpowder, and if that should not turn out satisfactory, next year he should take steps for erecting a new storage instead of Leith THE ELECTORAL RETURNS. 11r. SCHREIBER asked the President of t he Poor-law Board when the returns would be presented of the number of male occupiers in the cities and boroughsof England and Wales between £lO and £2O. viscount ENFIELD said he had just presented a great portion of the returns, and he hoped to be able to produce the rest soon after Whitsuntide. THE LATE PANIC. Capt. GRID LE ye/t e ed the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he was aware that bad declined to raake adv directors of the Bank of England on theences upon the lodgment of Govern aent securities round that they ought to be realised ; and, whether complied with the expressed considered the directors had understanding that they, on getting permission to increase the * were to afford accommodation t issue of bank notes ? o bankers and mer chants' Mr. IVYLD said he also had a qu es ti on 0 but ho would var y it b y askin g th e Chancellor the subject, ilor E xc hequer wheth er he considered the Bank of °/e c arried out the directions of the Government. had fairly The CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER said he bad not received any representations in the wa3 of compl a i nt of the manner in which the Bank of England had acted during the late pule- There were, hovrever, certain rumours abroad, and they bad reached him, and he did not think it could be said the Bank had refused accommodation. In support of that he thought the best answer would b e the actual amount of the advances made by the Bank on Government security. In the seven days, including the day of the panic, the Bank had advanced no less than £2,874,000 on Government secu r ities, and with respect to the accommodation afforded to commerce in general the figures themselves would be the best answer to "Y c 4 mPleiata• tia the foe days the Dank had Gnats dise" Dj .cs on bills to tho amount of £9,350,000, making toget'Aer advances and discounts no less a sum than 41 '.4,225,000. He could not believe that the house would 4 6hink that the figures showed any disinclination on the part of the Bank to give its assistance. The Bank autho rities had acted quite up to the intentions of the Govern ment ; they had proceeded on the prudent rules of the establishment, in preference to giving everything that everybody asked. With respect to the refusal with re ference to Government Securities the Bank authorities suggested on the Monday morning when they were brought that the parties should try the open market as the panic had greatly ceased. At the same time it was inti mated that where sales could not be effected without great and serious loss, then the Bank would be quite ready to meet the wants of those requiring assistance. The refusal of the Bank directors was given to applicants for an un limited amount of discount, and he thought they were right in such a determination. TENURE AND IMPROVEMENT OF LAND 1 (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for the second reading of the Tenure and Improvement of Land (Ireland) Bill, Lord NAAS moved, as an amendment, the following re solution : That this house, although desirous of simpli fying the method of seeming to tenants compensation for outlay made in permanent improvements, is of opinion that in any measure relating to the tenure and improvement of land in Ireland it is expedient to maintain the principle affirmed by the Act of 1860, namely, that compensation to tenants should be secured in respect of those improvements only which are made with the consent of the landlord. That, in the opinion of this house, the provisions as to the improvement of land in Ireland contained in the measure of her Majesty's Government would operate injuriously on the position of holders of small farms in that country." The noble lord complained that the Government had taken up the views of those who were agitating this question, not merely with the object of securing compensation to the tenant, but to obtain a fixity of tenure —the lowest rent with immovability from their farms. He freely admitted that it was right to secure to the tenant a fair compensation for improvements effected by him, but complained that the Government had departed from the principle which had hitherto been maintained, that these improvements should be made with the know ledge and consent of the landlord ; and this provision, whilst it would not only be most unjust and unfair to the landlords, would also lead to attempts at imposition which it would be very difficult to meet. He also complained of the manner in which the bill was drawn, and insisted that the provision with respect to agreements would throw an unfair odium on the landlord if he tried to protect his rights, and create more dissatisfaction than existed already. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for Ireland contended that the bill had been prepared with great care and mature consideration, and the more the necessity for it was consi dered the more would the bill commend itself to the ap proval of the house. The subject was one full of difficul ties. It was impossible to meet the views of hll parties, but the bill had been framed in a spirit of concession and compromise, and he trusted that the house would find that the bill carried eut the objects in view in this spirit and with this intention. In conclusion, the Attorney -General contended that the bill was framed to meet the natural justice of the case, and confer great benefits upon the whole community. Mr. LOWE was astonished to hear it declared that the bill now introduced was in accordance with the Act of 1860. The 38th and 40th clauses of that bill provided that compensation was only to be given to tenants where the improvements had been carried out with the consent of the landlord ; but the present bill repealed those clauses. (Hear, hear.) Not only so ; but the Chief Secretary for Ireland, in introducing the bill, said in sub stance that it was contrary to natural right and justice to enact that the landlord should be told of improvements and should be required to sanction them before the tenant could get compensation. The right hon. gentleman also said in effect that although the Legislature expressly withheld from the landlord all knowledge of the improvements as provided for in the Act of 1860, yet he was to strive to gain the information which was studiously withheld from him. These were strange principles of right and justice. If it were just that the landlord should only be charged with the expense of these improvements when he had knowledge of them, was not that an unjust law which pro vided, as far as possible, that he should not have that knowledge? (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman the Chief Secretary for Ireland insisted that this bill rested upon the principles of natural justice. At present the landlords of England, Ireland, and Scotland enjoyed equally the right of only being charged with such im provements as they consented to, provided no specification to the contrary existed in the contract. Now, the bill proposed to take away this privilege from the landlords of Ireland, but to continue it to the landlords of England and Scotland. It became, therefore, important to ascer tain upon what principle such a change was advocated. If it were contended for on any ground peculiar to Ireland he could understand it. If, however, it were put upon the ground of natural justice and right it was not peculiar to one country or the other, but was equally applicable to both. He himself had always understood that natural justice between landlord and tenant consisted in the obser vance on both sides of the contract which brought them into mutual relationship. It was a retrograde policy to pass I laws limiting the power of free contract between parties. He held that the introduction of compulsory terms into voluntary contracts was a blunder and a solecism in juris prudence. When compulsory terms were introduced into such documents either both parties knew or did not know of their employment. If they knew of their introduction, and if provision were made for them in the contract, the provision became nugatory ; but if they did not know of ' their introduction a fraud was committed. The principle, therefore, sdught to be embodied in the bill was uuscund. The matter under discussion was what moralists would call one of imperfect obligation. They were seeking to en force by law a thing springing out of a contract, which should be left to be determined by contract, and with which positive law had nothing to do. The tenant took his land for a specific purpose, and contracted to have certain rights and powers in connection with it. If he went beyond these —if he dealt with the property as though he were its law ful and permanent owner—if he built houses on it without consulting his landlord, he was clearly going beyond his province, doing what he had no right to do under the con tract, and had undoubtedly no claim to compensation. They were about to apply principles to Ireland which it was admitted ought not to be applied to England or Scot land, and the only reasons given in favour of so great a change in the law were drawn from the report of the Devon Commission, whose investigations were conducted over 23 years ago. The Government bad not shown any practical grievance in the matter, no more than had been shown before the select committee of last session. Why, the only two witnesses before the committee that had any practical acquaintance with land—namely, Mr. Cur ling and Lord Dufferin—were both opposed to the prin ciple of this bill. To him it appeared that if they took away the dominion of a man over his property, they did just the same as if they deprived him of the soil itself. And when they once began upon such crude suggestions to tamper with landlords' rights, where, let him ask, was that sort of thing to stop ? Nor did he believe there was any serious demand on the part of the Irish tenantry for such a measure. (Hear, hear.) No doubt there was in Ireland a very great wish to maintain the occupation of the land in its present undivided state ; and it seemed to him that the object of a law like this was not so much to protect the tenant against his landlord, but to render difficult that aggregation of farms which was essential for the good cultivation of the soil of Ireland. No doubt, too, thero was a great wish on the part of a very powerful body—the Roman Catholic priesthood—to prevent the aggregation of farms. He did not blame them for it ; they had to get their living out of the benevolence of their congregations, and they were much more interested in the people being nume rous than in their being wealthy. But why was it that the tenant did not make terms with his landlord on his entry into the land ? Whys because the demand for land was so great that the tenant was unwilling to peril his chance of getting a farm by demanding conditions from the land lord. But it was that very matter of supply and demand which legislation could not deal with ; it must be operated upon by other causes; and it was being so operated upon by the emigration which was now taking place. Now, were l t a h ne they l d o i o • 11 ? Surely g aise it thin g wo i v a l d f b a contractsrecingmtohsetseunpopular ti uto n n g th in e Ireland for a landlord to enter into a written contract with his tenant, circumscribing the right of the latter to engage in the work of improving his land. What a stimulous would be given to evictions by such a provision . If a landlord saw that h e must give offence he would come to the conclusion that he might as well get rid of his tenant altogether. Again the inevitable result of abolishing the law of distress must be to hurry on the Process of eviction ; landlords would at once set to work to turn out every tenant who could not be trusted as a debtor. They knew, too, that in Ireland there were dreams extend ing far beyond the matter of compensation—they knew that people there would say it wa s a mockery to give them a compensation, unless it was accompani e d with to demand with fixity of tenure. Well, was it wise to encourage those dreams by breaking down those rules of law which pre vailed in other parts of the kingdom ? (Hear, hear.) F or than for any where else it was necessary that Ireland more d proceed upon principles perfectly their legislation should plain and defensible. (Hear, hear.) If he had to describe the policy which s hould be followed th ere, he would sa y it must be one of patience, forbearailCO , calmness, and im partiality. (Cheers.) Mr. J. S. MILL said it wasan auspicious day for Ireland, which formed so integral a part of the British empire, when the Government consented to introduce so im portant a measure. He ventured to express the opinion that no bill ever introduced or carried by any Govern ment,not even the Catholi c Emanci p ation Act itself, showed a m ore j ust appreciation of the needs a Ireland, Or went more straight to theheart of this one, brought in in fulfilment held out of the promise by the Chancellor of the Exchequer early in the session, that it was the intent' on of the Gov ernmen t t o l eg islate for Ireland according ing to English routine. to l t a s e h a exigencies, and not accord substance of the problem before them legislate 11 subject : irelsad when they came to Niqta not a depa44o4;:cy ~: , she was a . part of our own Government. He would not go into the question of the difference of race, but he would ask the house to consider the difference in the history of die two countries, and to trace the effects of that difference on the Irish character. It had been said that what would do for England might dofor Ireland ; and it might be asked why had not we been able to apply in that country the sciences and arts which in this had led to national pro sperity ? In this application of the same laws to England and Ireland, they showed that double ignorance which was older than the time of Socrates, and they were disre garding that precept which was inscribed on the temple of Delphi; they not only did not know the people of whom they were talking, but they did not know themselves. The fact was that Ireland was not an exceptional country, but England was. (Hear, hear.) It was England that was exceptional. Was there any other country on the face of the earth where, as a general rule, the land was held in large patches, and was farmed by a capitalist at a rent fixed by contract, while the mass of the people were en tirely detached from it, and simply received their day's wages ? (Hear, hear.) In all countries where the culti vators of the soil emerged from the condition of slavery, or from that modified form of slavery called serfdom, the tillers of the laad held that land direct from the landlord. There did not exist—or there existed only as a middle class—the capitalist farmer. In this respect, therefore, Ireland resembled the rest of the world. It was England that was peculiar. Was it, therefore, right to look to England's experience to meet Ireland's exceptional case ? They ought rather to look to Continental experiences, for it was there where the similarity to Ireland would be found to exist. What did Continental experience tell them as a matter of historidal fact ? It told them that wherever a system of agricultural economy like that in Ireland had been found consistent with the good cultiva tion of the land and the good condition of its peasants, rents had not been as in Ireland fixed by contract, but the occupier had had the protection of fixed usage—(hear) —the custom of the country, and had secured to him per manence of tenure so long as he pleased to possess it. The peasant system never had succeeded without tenant right and fixity of tenure. Was he going to ask them to give fixity of tenure and tenant right ? Perhaps it might be sufficient to say that he knew they would not give those things. (A laugh.) How, then, was this to be brought about ? This was not the first time a problem of this sort had been proposed. The French economists of the 18th century tried to deal with a state of things very similar to that which the Government had now to deal with, and they wanted to do exactly what the Government wanted to do. They had a wretched, down-trodden, half-starved class of cultivators, and they wanted to have the capitalists instead of these. A considerable number tried this, but nothing came of it, and the reform of agriculture in France had to wait for the Revolution. To what did they ascribe their failure ? They attempted to put farmers over the peasants when they ought to have elevated the peasants into far mers. If England wished to succeed where France failed, it would be accomplished by avoiding what they did. It was not by elevating the peasants over the heads of the tenants, but they must take the peasants and elevate them. (Hear.) Suppose matters could be smothered by putting in a special class of peasant tenantry : were they going to ex patriate a whole people, were they going to put such a strain on the rights of property as no nationality ever seen could bear and not snap ? How, then, were the Irish peasant farmers to be organised ? There was one way, and it was the way this bill ought to take : Give them what you can of the blessed effects of ownership—(hear, hear) --make them feel secure that they themselves shall enjoy the benefits of their labours. Make the benefits be for their own use, and not for the use exclusively of the land lord. (Hear, hear.) The English system worked well, and was at any rate compatible with improvements. In England and Scotland time was given the farmer to reap the benefit of the improvements he had made, and they frequently made improvements in consequence of that general agreement. Thera was at any rate never any ap prehension that the landlord would take advantage of them. What did they find in Ireland ? The contrary in every respect. (No, no, and hear, hear.) There the land lord made no improvement. (No, no.) He knew there were some who did. Mr. MAGUIRE—As a rule they do not. Mr. MlLL—There is no confidence whatever, as a rule, between landlord and tenant. Lord NAAS—No, no. Mr. MILL—The consequence of that is, that the tenants are afraid to trust their landlord, or if they do so, they do not trust the/heir or the stranger who may purchase the property. To such a pitch was this distrust carried, that the farmers invested their money not in improvements on their farms, but in English banks and securities. This, however, showed that a large proportion of the landlords were not grasping, and did not exact the last farthing, because it showed that, in spite of the evils, the sum which the tenant by the forbearance of the landlord had been enabled to accumulate had been carried away and devoted to a purpose other than the natural ono of improvement of the soil. Were they going to let this state of things con tinue ? They ought to be ashamed of it ; and there was but one way of getting rid of it. Let the tenant have com pensation adjudged by an impartial tribunal for the in creased value which he had given, and only that which he had given, to the land. This bill provided such a tribunal, which would, he believed, possess the confidence of the country. An hon. gentleman opposite had said it was not compensation the Landlords objected to; what they objected to was improvements for which their consent had not been obbiined. Now, this was the real question, and experience had shown that where there ‘Ni, Lo coLfiLqice b±.v -,,, n landlord and tenant improvements were not made. The tenant was afraid to serve a notice on his landlord, he was afraid to announce beforehand that he was in a con dition to perform improvements lest he should bo raised to a higher rent; he might also have an opinion that the landlord disliked improvements altogether, from a mere desire to keep his tenantry in a state of dependence. What would the landlord lose by this arrangement ? He would still retain the power to restrain improvements, and for buildings which were not hnproyements the tenant would receive no compensation. Ho would have the advantage of the increased value of the soil ; but by this bill the onus would be thrown upon him of prohibiting a public benefit. The right of tho improver of land to the value of his im provements, so far from being in antagonism to the rights of landed property, was a right of the same description, and rested on the same terms. What were the rights of pro perty ? Perhaps hon. members thought he was going to talk heresy on this point, and to say that there was no right to property because no man made the land. If no man made the land, did any man obtain the right by grant or purchase from the maker of it? His answer was this. Though no man made the land, man by his industry made it become useful and valuable. But was this right to be strictly confined to the original improver of the land ? He did not contend that another should oust him, but he did contend that the first man had not an indefeasible right to prevent another improving it. The first had no right ex cept a moral right to improve it, and unless they recog nised that right, they abandoned that moral foundation on which property rested, and indeed all except that of actual possession, a view which led to most monstrous evils. No doubt there were thoughtful Conservatives, and he could not believe they were all on that side of the house (the Liberal side). A most eminent Conservative—Mr. Cole ridge—in his second "Lay Sermon," had, indeed, laid down a theory as to property in land, compared with which any thing he (Mr. Mill) had attempted was mere milk and water. It appeared to him that the retention of property of this kind could only be justified after the well-being of the inhabitants had been completely fulfilled. All he asked, however, was that improvements should be considered in a light not inconsistent with the true nature of property. This house had now a golden opportunity. He had heard it said by members of that house—men commonly stated as of extreme opinions—men who were of the Irish, Irish, and who had the full confidence of what was called the national party—that by what had hitherto been done for Ireland the people had scarcely been touched, but when they were their nature would be assimilated to ours—they would be converted to our views. If then by so moderate a concession as was given in this bill so groat a benefit could be achieved, let them not re fuse it. This measure was not so fearful and dangerous a thing that they should decline to give it to a nation to whom eo great a debt of reparation was due that she ought to be regarded as a spoiled child of this country, and to be treated not merely with justice, but with generous indul gence. He was present when that affecting speech on the Reform Bill was delivered by the hon. member for Tralee (the O'Donoghue), when he held out his hand and declared that even if any one party could show they felt Irishmen to be their fellow-countrymen, the Irishmen were willing to be so, to labour by their side, and to have the same objects with them. Many a man must have felt as he did when he listened to the eloquent remarks of the hon. mem ber, that his speech was the beginning of a new era. Lot it not be said that, with the best possible intentions to wards Ireland, no length of time or abundance of experi ence could teach them to understand her—whether it was insular narrowness made them incapable of imagining that Ireland's exigencies could be in any way different from England's, or because the religious respect they cherished for everything that had the smallest savour of right of property had degenerated —as was sometimes with other religions—into superstition. No. Let them rather show that their principles of government were not mere genera lities from English facts—that in acting and legislating for Ireland they could give due consideration to the circum stances of Ireland, and that their care for landed property was an intelligent regard for its essential uses and for the purposes it fulfilled, and not a slavish prostration before its mere name. (Cheers.) Mr. Dri.LoN and Mr. Pim supported the bill, which, they contended, would do much to put an end to the agitation which prevailed in Ireland in reference to the unsatisfac tory relations between landlord and tenant. Mr. READ, speaking as a tenant farmer himself, was of opinion that if a tenant enjoyed the land long enough to reimburse the capital he had expended on it, the landlord was entitled to come into full possession of his property. A 21 years' lease would, he thought, be ample for the protec tion of the tenant. As the bill proposed to introduce an entirely new and dangerous principle, he would be obliged to give a reluctant vote against it. MA WILITLSIDL cuatonded that the bill was uot re- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1866. quired by the tenantry of Ireland, and that, so far as the province of Ulster was concerned, the farmers would be indignant at having it thrust upon them in lieu of the custom of tenant-right. The bill was, he believed, one of the three measures indicated by Mr. Bright in his letter to the Lord Mayor of Dublin, which were to receive the sup port of the English Liberals in return for Irish votes in favour of the Reform Bill. The three measures were the alteration of the National System of Education, the demoli tion of the Irish Church, and the introduction of Tenant Right. Mr. SANDERSON was prepared to vote for the second reading, but indicated certain amendment; of which he considered the bill susceptible, in committee. Mr. SYNAN accepted the measure as a fair settlement of the question, which would bind the two countries toge ther by the strongest ties of mutual interest. Sir F. HEYGATE believed that the first effect of the measure, if passed into law, would be to deter landlords from the improvement of their property, and that it would produce no real benefit to the country. After some observations from Mr. EVIONDE, delivered amid indications of general impatience, Mr. BAGWELL moved the adjournment of the :debate, which, on a division, was carried by 167 to 154. Monday was then fixed for the resumption of the discussion. A subsequent attempt was made to adjourn the debate on the motion for the second reading of the Customs In land Revenue Bill, which was defeated by 120 to 101. Mr. DISRAELI took exception to the manner in which the public business was conducted, and complained that a measure of such importance as the Customs and inland Revenue Bill should be forced on at nearly one o'clock in the morning. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER ultimately gave way, and the second reading was fixed for this day. The Labouring Classes Dwellings (Ireland) Bill was passed through committee. A number of other bills were advanced a stage, and the house adjourned at 15 minutes past one o'clock. IRELAND. DUBLIN, Thursday morning. The agricultural community in the north of Ire land are beginning to breathe freely again ; no new cases of the cattle plague have been reported even in the area round which the cordon was drawn by the Government inspector. The Northern Whig says :—" We are able to state that the outbreak of the cattle plague in Ireland has not, so far as we have been able to ascertain, as yet extended beyond the district of Drennan ; neither have there been any new cases of that disease in that district. On Monday evening Mr. Henry Fraser, assistant county surveyor, marked out the cordon, the extent of which is two miles and 240 perches, and inside of which no animal will be allowed to enter, or any one to leave. Mr. Martin, of Baillie's Mill, has generously offered accommodation to the constabu lary who have been sent on duty to the district, and number in all about 140. The High Sheriff of the county of Antrim, in pursuance of a requisition ad dressed to him, has convened a meeting to be held in Ballymena Court-house on Saturday next, 19th inst., at 12 o'clock, for the purpose of devising the best means to be adopted in the event of the cattle plague breaking out in the county. The requisition would have been much more numerously signed than it is had time permitted; but the influence of the names already attached to it, and the imminence of the danger, amply warrant the sheriff in comply ing with the request. Mr. Lyons, who indeed has always shown a readiness to lend his services when the public necessities called for them, deserves credit for the promptitude with which he has convened the meeting. We trust that it will be largely attended by both the owners and the occupiers of the soil, and that each will come prepared to offer practical sug gestions for providing against the threatened danger. We think it would be very advisable that informa tion in a concise form should be circulated among the farmers for their guidance during the present crisis. Especial pains should be taken to point out to them that, in the event of the disease seizing their stocks, it will be for their interest to lose no time in reporting the fact to the constabulary , as , in the event of their cattle dying, they will not recei ve one farthing compensation ; while, for all cattle slaughtered by order of the authorities constituted for that purpose, they will be entitled to compensa tion according to the value of the animals up VI £20." Within the area to which the disease was restricted there are now no cattle, those which did not die of the plague having been slaughtered by order of the inspectors. The stock in the remainder of the tract of country now surrounded by the cordon were ex amined on Tuesday by Professor Ferguson and Surgeon Jinks, who concurred in pronouncing them perfectly healthy. The result of this examination was at once telegraphed to Dublin Castle. The people of the district exhibit a desire to aid the authorities, but at the same time they think that the illness which has appeared among the cattle is only an aggrauated form of the lung disease. No person is allowed to pass the cordon without being disinfected, and all dogs found within it are shot. The Lisburn fair was held on Tuesday as usual, the Government proclamation forbidding all collec tions of animals not having then arrived. It was, however, very thinly attended by purchasers, and very few cattle were exposed for sale. The busi ness ;done was little more than nominal. In the evening copies of the proclamation were posted throughout a wide district prohibiting the holding of the Hillsborough, Saintfield, Ballynahinch, and other fairs, and the exposure of cattle at any of the markets. Should the disease unfortunately make any pro gress in this country it will be necessary to sacrifice a much larger proportion of sound animals than was requisite in England, because the difficulty of pre venting communication with infected beasts is much greater. Farms are so intertwined with each other in Ireland, that in nine cases out of ten a man can not drive his beasts from one of his own fields to another without skirting or crossing some of his neighbour's land. This peculiar distribution of the land obviously renders perfect isolation almost im possible. The following official memorandum was issued last night " Veterinary Department of the Privy Council Office, Dublin Castle, May 16. __ _ _ " No fresh case of cattle plague or any other dis ease in the infected district of Drennan, county Down. A census and valuation of all the cattle within it have been taken. Number of cattle, 125 ; value, £913. An official cattle plague report will be published each day during the closure of and restrictions on the proclaimed district, that infor mation may be obtained without the trouble of per sonal inquiry. (Signed) " HUGH FERGUSON, H.M.V.S." The Royal Agricultural and Royal Dublin So cieties held meetings yesterday, and sent deputa tions to Sir Thomas Larcom on this important subject. Mr. Edward Purdon, of the-Farmers' Gazette, who devoted so much of his time as honor ary secretary to the Cattle Plague Committee, has left Dublin for the scene of the reported outbreak, with the view of obtaining accurate and detailed information. It is not unlikely that Government will order post-mortem examinations to be made of some of the cattle that have been buried. The public interest in the Fenian conspiracy, of which nothing has been said or heard here since the murder of poor O'Neill—whose assassin his com rades have not yet succeeded in capturing—will be revived by an incident which occurred yesterday in Drogheda. It appears by an account furnished to the Daily Express that in that town there were three persons standing out on bail, two of whom—John Henry M'Cabe, a reporter, and John Nugent, a carpenter, the authorities deemed it prudent to re mit to custody, and the lord lieutenant's warrants for their arrest under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act were sent down to the sub-inspector of constabulary, Mr. Gardiner. Mr. M'Cabe was ar rested without any difficulty ; but on the police entering the place where Nugent was at work, he leaped through a window into a backyard —a fall of ten or twelve feet. Ile immediately locked the back entrance to the yard, and escaped at the rear of some of the houses. The yard into which he leaped is bounded on the north by the premises of the Sienna Convent, on the south by houses in West-street, and on the east by the parish church of St. Peter. The constabulary made a general search in all these premises without dis covering the fugitive. He must have received a hurt from the leap, as the stones underneath the window of the workshop had a quantity of blood upon them. The pitched battle 011 the bog of Cappaluere, be tween the retainers of the two rival proprietors, which last Sunday week was to have decided their respective rights more Hibernico, but which the police had the bad taste to prevent, was the subject of investigation at Murree petty sessions yesterday. The case had been laid before the law adviser to the Castle, who recommended that the leaders of the opposing forces, Messrs. Charles and Richard Lloyd, sons of Mrs. Lloyd, and Mr. Cor bett, agent to Sir Richard de Burgho, should be sent for trial to quarter sessions on a charge of riotous assembling. The presiding magistrates, however, after a long discussion, refused to adopt this extreme course, and only held them to bail in their own re cognisances of £lOO each. A gratifying proof that manufacturing enterprise is making steady progress in this country is fur nished by the Clonniel Chronicle, which states that a new foundry of spacious extent has been con structed at Mayfield Factory, Portlaw, and is now at full work, turning out 10 tons of castings every week, as large, if not a larger quantity than at any manufacturing establishment in the three kingdoms. British Home for Incurables. The fifth annual general meeting of the governors and members of this society was held in the London Tavern yesterday. Mr. Charles Hood, in the absence of Viscount Holmesdale, the chairman, pre sided. There was a numerous attendance, consist ing principally of ladies. Mr. E. Weaver, the secre tary, read the report, from which it appeared that, since the British Home for Incurables was first established, 93 patients had been elected to the benefits of the charity. Of these 40 have been elected inmates of the home, and 53 have been elected to the out pension. Some few have also been ad mitted on payment, and there are at present residing in the home 85 patients. Although nearly every form of suffering existed in the institution the general cheerfulness of the inmates and the almost universal appearance of comfort and happiness which prevailed were features which struck every visitor. The board had the pleasure to announce that they had lately received a second liberal donation from the Princess of Wales, the patroness of the institution. The friends of the British Home would be glad to learn that the Marquis Townshend had presented the magnificent sum of £l,OOO to found a perpetual maintenance for one in-patient, in memory of his lordship's father, the late Marquis Townshend, the first president of the institution. This amount, as well as a similar endowment from another kind bene factor mentioned in the last report, had been invested. The account of receipts and expenditure from Ist April, 1865, to 31st March, 1866, showed that the annual subscriptions and donations in that period amounted ,to £6,959 4s. 7d. ; that the sum of £3,570 had been invested in approved securities ; and that the balance in the hands of the treasurers amounted to £438 19s. 10d. The total amount now invested is £13,286 3s. 4d. The chairman, in addressing the meeting, said the home was rapidly filling up, and he believed that in two years it would be quite full. It was therefore necessary that they should take into consideration the advi sability of providing additional accommodation by erecting a new home. For this purpose increased support was requested from the friends of the insti tution, and, believing that a visit to the home would be the best means of interesting them in the matter, the directors had resolved to invite the subscribers to a reunion to be held in the institution next month. He concluded by moving the adoption of the report, which was agreed to. Office-bearers were elected for the ensuing year, and eight indoor and an equal number of outdoor patients were elected. This terminated the proceedings. CIRCASSIAN BR tGANDAGE IN THE DOBRUDJA. Anx,t, May 4. A cowardly and murderous attack was recently made by a party of Circassian settlers on one of the sub contractors for the Varna and Rustchuk Railway. The victim, Mr. Martin, was returning from England, via the Danube, in company with another sub-contractor, named Fathers, and whilst crossing the country from Rustchuk in a country araba the party was attacked about three hours on the Varna side of Rasgrad, and shortly after leaving the main road, by a party of eight Circassians, who had been lying in wait near the junction, for the purpose of pillaging any unwary travellers who might fall into their hands. It was about 9 p.m. on a bright moonlight night, and at about two miles from their destination, that the mon were stopped. At that time Martin was on foot, about 100 yards iu front, looking for the track. Fathers remaining inside the araba, which was driven by a Turkish driver from Rasgrad. At first the Circassians kept at a respectful distance, and, contented themselves with demanding money, until, finding that nu firearms were presented; they took courage, and commenced plundering the araba, dragging the contents out into the road, to which Fathers from within offered all the resistance in his power by striking and kicking those who came within reach. Whilst thus engaged the robbers were disturbed by Mar tin, who, on hearing the row behind him, turned back, and rushing towards the araba called loudly on them to desist, whereupon they quitted the araba and rushed upon him in a body, the leader firing a pistol without effect as he approached. Martin turned to fly, but was immediately overtaken and cut down by a blow from a sword, which severed one ear and inflicted a frightful gash on his head. Despite this, being a man of great muscular power, he re gained his feet, and was happily able to ward off with his left arm a second blow aimed at his head ; as it was, the elbow was cut off, and this was immediately followed up by a sweeping blow under the arm, penetrating through the muscles, and completely laying the chest open. Mean while the araba driver, taking advantage of the diversion, turned his horses short round, and flogging them into a gallop escaped down the hill in the direction of the nearest village, where he and Fathers took refuge, and whence they obtained assistance and protection in the search which they subsequently made for Martin. The Circassians, thus left alone with Martin—whom they believed to be dead, and who did all in his power to favour that belief—proceeded to cut out his pockets and rifle him, and collect the goods strewn in the path ; having done which they took themselves off, after their leader had bidden one of the gang to desist from trying to pull off their victim's lace-up boots. On their depar ture, fearing lest they should return, and, finding him alive, complete their work, Martin succeeded in crawling to a considerable distance from the spot, until, overcome by loss of blood, ho became insensible, and in this state he was found next morning. Information of the outrage having been communicated by the vice-consuls to the Governor-General at Rustchuk, and the Governors of Varna and Schumla, every effort was at once made to discover and arrest the offenders. The suspicions of the inhabitants of the village, Yeni-keui, in which Martin lived, pointed to the in habitants of a Circassian hamlet about three miles off, whose predatory habits had already inflicted serious losses on the neighbourhood. On this hint the zapties acted ; and having first interrogated the chief, add received an earnest denial of any knowledge of the affair, proceeded to arrest him. This had the desired effect, and so led to the arrest on the following day of the majority of the gang, and the recovery of the whole of the goods stolen. These ruffians are now waiting their trial at Rustchuk, but have already confessed, without any reservation, their guilt. It is now said that the two men who actually inflicted the wounds are Rus sians. Poor Martin is now, it is hoped, out of danger. His sufferings, however, have been very great, and his life was long despaired of ; at the best he will be deprived of the use of one arm for life. The consolatory feature connected with the affair is the prompt and energetic conduct of the local authorities, all of whom, from tho Governor-General downwards, showed a most earnest desire to bring the offenders to justice, whilst the neighbouring villagers displayed much sym pathy and good feeling.—Levant Herald. The Return from the Derby. SEVERAL SERIOUS ACCIDENTS. In the returtti;me on Wednesday several accidents of a very serious character took place. In the New Kent-road, shortly after 11 o'clock, a three-horse van, laden with per sons, in turning the corner, swayed and turned over with a loud crash. It was found necessary to remove the follow ing to St. Thomas's Hospital :—Wm. Crocker, 24, of 107, Stamford-street, engine -fitter, fractured ribs and a severe injury to the scalp. Robert Baker, 51, of 14, East-street, Walworth, coach-smith, fracture of both bones of the right leg. Chas. Jenkins, 36, of 7, Ann's-place, Walworth, frac tured right leg. Frederick Unman, 32, plasterer, fractured wrist; and Wm. Simes, injured hand. All the above-men tioned cases were found to be very serious, and at once re ceived the_attention of Mr. Avoling, house surgeon, and the medical staff. Near Kennington Church a gentleman on horseback rode down a_lad, named William Sweeney, aged seventeen years, and on his removal to St. Thomas's Hospital it was found that his skull was fractured. —ln Walworth-road, a collision occurred between a cab and a horse and cart, the occupants of the latter, four in number, being all thrown ont. They were taken to St. Thomas's -Hospital, their injuries being—to James Harris, fracture of right leg ; Prudence Rose, fractured ribs ; Amelia Wright, injured right arm; and Richard Griffin, a crushed right arm. Several persons were also attended at the hospital suffering severe injuries to the eyes from the effect of flour, awl laud thrown al them. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. - — TIMES.—The universal sound of warlike prepara tion has been singularly interrupted by one of those episodes by which war itself is occasionally and quaintly relieved. The provost-marshal, the scout, the sutler, the peasant, and the cantiniere furnish some of that comedy which the masters of fiction find it necessary to intermix with their most tragic stories. We can scarcely regard in a more serious light the treatment which the sober and substantial old element of public opinion is now receiving at the hands of two very different personages—treatment not quite identical, but only varied to the circum stances. The King of Prussia, not finding it very easy to obtain the required flavour of Liberalism for his Government by the infusion of a statesman or two with a bias that way, and despairing of coun tenance from the more educated classes, is bethink ing himself of the last political discovery of the age —a Monarchy founded on universal suffrage. The immediate difficulty in the way is that even with the most summary methods for obtaining a repre sentation on this deep and extended basis, the King would certainly find himself far advanced in the Dog-days before he could have the moral support and the intellectual aid he looks for from the Parliament of the People. At the present rapid pace of preparation that body would find they had little to do but to vote supplies and sanction taxes. But as time is so precious, and the war so imminent, his Majesty has had further recourse to a species of extempore and sup plementary Parliament, just to fill up the gap in Prussian politics. The rural police, who may, or may not, have more knowledge and tact than our own, have been commissioned to pick out, every one of them, two labourers and working men, and form an assemblage direct from the very nursery of Dame Nature, hitherto uncontaminated by class influences and party views. His Majesty proposes an interview with these legislative lambs, in which he will put straight to them the question of peace or war, ex plaining, of course, the objects for which that war is to be waged, the sacrifices it will entail, and the possibility that the persons themselves, their bro thers and sons, may have to give the strongest prac tical proof of the sincerity of their opinion. It is in the villages and the lanes that the King hopes to find that pure German nationality which is pre sumed in these great controversies, but which is found rather intractable in closer contact, possibly because alloyed with baser metal. But if the King of Prussia cannot find that pure element in his existing Chamber, and will not even discover it in the Diet, no wonder he should go out into the fields and collect it as he would a bouquet of wild flowers or a handful of simples. The difficulty is that all must depend on the police, and we sus pect the Prussian police are rather apt to take in structions and follow them with praiseworthy exact ness. Our neighbour across the Channel, it must be said, has no occasion to go to the villages and lanes, or any part of the population especially under the eyes of the police, for the simple reason that this is the very quarter from which he comes by the happy and aboriginal mode of his election. He has no need to go back again or ask on a question of the day the unbiassed opinion of the sons of the soil. He is, in fact, their special representative, and fully authorised to speak for them. What he has to do, and who occasionally gives him and his friends a little work for their pens and their authority, is to reduce within proper limits the opinions of the educated classes. In France, as in some other countries, the possessors of land, and money, and education, and social influence, and professional positions, and mercantile interests, forget that they are a minority of the people, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, are not the sovereign power. Through this oversight they are led into the indiscretion of pre suming to insinuate what the nation should do, and what, by consequence, they should not do, or the Emperor should do, or his allies should do, for all positive advice must have a negative side to it. The Emperor lately availed himself of what would be called here a visit to his constituents of Auxerre, to express his. feelings about the Treaties of 1815, and add a few words which were interpreted into a politic resignation to the worst that should come, on the philosophic ground that good would come out of it. Though, of course, from different points of view, there appears to have been a marvellous agreement in the French Press as to the meanin g of the Imperial declaration. It has been hailed by one half of the Press, and somewhat sharply criticised by the other half, as an appeal from the enlightened classes to those who make up for their want of artificial illumination by the purity of their natural tastes and the simplicity of their patriotic instincts. The educated very naturally think they know a little more about politics than the peasants do, and the Emperor evidently thinks they know rather too much for him, and that what he wants is not advice, but moral aud, above all, numerical support. A well-known member of the Parisian press replies in behalf of the class, and the interest, and the cause, which certainly have been challenged, and had a right to reply. lie observes that the Treaties of Paris happen not to be exclu sively, or even principally or primarily, in question. The Treaty immediately menaced is that of Zurich, by which France herself secured Venetia to Austria; and the entire face of Europe is covered by arrange ments in which France has taken a part, but which overlay and even abrogate, in some instances, the Treaties of Paris. What the Emperor would really have to dispose of before he could do anything for the advantage of France is the map of Europe alto gether as an arrangement binding on the common conscience of nations. The writer had put it a little more cautiously than this, but he protested decidedly and argued conclusively against anything like co operation with Prussia, and against a way of speak ing which tended to put Crowns at the head of the multitude, and annihilated the great interests and just influences between those two extremes. Even were the design praiseworthy, it is still a speculation, for nobody can say how the Throne would find itself when surrounded by an armed mob, or how the people would find themselves under the guid ance of one sovereign will. Fortunately for the ar gument, perhaps unfortunately for the writer, it is on record that Napoleon 1., though carried away, in the days of his power, by popular flattery and subservience, found out too late that he had better have listened to the prudent misgivings of the prosaic middle class, or any class with leisure to think, and something to think for. Had he lent a more willing ear to the timely warnings from this quarter, the Treaties of 1815 would not even have existed to deserve the hatred of his successor. In this country we see nothing in these criticisms ex cept that freedom of disussion which we hold a ne cessity of political existence, and from which no sub ject is spared. We certainly should despair of our country, and follow our fathers to New England, or further, if we found ourselves forbidden to make remarks on a document which amounts to a declara tion of war against half Europe, and a denunciation of the middle and upper classes of one's own coun try. It would seem, however, on the legal maxim that a libel is all the worse for being true, this cri ticism was all the more criminal because sound. The journal containing it has received a second warning, an d may now be considered as trembling for its existence and half blighted by the breath of Impe rial displeasure. The writer certainly had put an adverse, but very natural, construction on a speech which denounced Europe as it is politically divided, and France as it is socially constituted, and which invoked the aid of a multitude to its reparation. He had, however, something to speak for when he defended at once Europe and France, order, pro perty, education, and law. If he had only tripped, or exceeded the limits of just criticism, he might have been answered, in behalf of nations and the people of France. They, too, are something to speak for. But why should M. Prevost-Paradol be silenced, and his arguments left without reply ? All the reply we find in the official organs is that the Em peror maintains a strict neutrality, in order that he may mediate, and that this mediation, when it comes, is to be, in fact, nothing less than a European redis tribution, not merely for the restoration of peace and the abatement of grievances, but for the re establishment of a state of things older and more desirable than that founded by the Treaty of Paris. We cannot see how this mends matters, and if this be all the explanation the Emperor will vouchsafe, we can easily understand why he would rather have to deal with the simple and loyal peasantry of Auxerre than with an educated capital. Even as a prophecy, here is something to give us all uneasi ness. War is to raze the surface of Europe to a dead political level—a mere crowd of nations and battle-field of armies. Frontiers are to be swept away by the incessant passage of armed myriads. Napoleon is to look on. At length suffering hu manity will raise toHeaven one great, simultaneous cry. Napoleon 111. will then present himself, like Achilles from his long retirement. He will appear and set things to rights. He will restore the Golden Age, of what date we are not told. We are only told emphatically that it is to be one innocent of the Treaty of 1815. POST.—Since the day when the battle of Solferino decided against Austrian usurpatim in the Italian Peninsula, King Victor Emmanuel and his advisers have never known anything like repose from the most anxious State labours and a variety of com plications, domestic and foreign, demanding an amount of political wisdom and forethought which has made the death of Cavour to be felt by every Italian patriot as a national calamity impossible to repair. It is well known that Austria, the exiled Sovereigns, and the Court of Rome have never ceased to intrigue against the constitutional king dom of King Victor Emmanuel, aided by the Ultramontane faction of all Europe. The domestic difficulty has ;lOW ceased. The party of action, - _ including the extreme partisans of Mazzini, have constantly hampered the Government by urging a line of policy towards Rome and Venetia which would have offended France and brought destruc tion on the newly-formed unity of Italy. Another great difficulty which the Government had to contend with was that of national finance. The debts of the various States had to be amalgamated and provision made for an endless number of mili tary and civil officers, whom it was thought prudent to place on the retired list. Then, again, in order to amalgamate the Italian people from the foot of the Alps to Sicily, it was deemed a supreme necessity to form an army which should wake the peo ple of one State familiar with the peasantry of another ; this had a political as well as a military meaning, and i t resulted from this the best soldiers of the Italian Peninsula, viz., those of Piedmont, found themselves amongst Sicilians, Tuscans, Neapolitans, Romans, men of Parma and Modena ; in fact, recruits from every quarter of the Italian Peninsula ruled over by the head of the House of Savoy. The patriotism of Italy responded to the will of the Government, a patriotism which was cemented and strengthene d by the ardent and universal desire that this military force should one day be employed to incorporate Venetia and become the guardian of the temporal interests of the Papacy. No disturbing cause oc curred to thwart either the domestic or foreign policy of the Italian Government until the Emperor NaPe leon had decided on withdrawing the French flag from the States of the Church. Previous to that de cision the Court of Rome and the exiled princes 11 0 confined their hostile intrigues to organising bri gand bands, who we employed in making depreda tions in the rural districts of the Neapolitan States. But of late the conspiracy against the Kingdom of Italy became more widespread abroad, and there is every reason to believe that the exiled princes: since the commencement of the Austro-Prussia n dispute, have conceived plans in anticipation of a European war in which it was calculated that Italy would of necessity take part. The Italian Government, aware of this conspiracy, had taken precautions against a domestic revolt to be set on foot by the priest party, when suddenly the dispute between Austria and Prussia assumed a . . gravity and importance which the statesmen o f Italy had not originally anticipated. There is everY reason to suppose that Count von Bismarck soli cited Italy to commit herself to that ambitious pro gramme, the main object of which is to break up the Austrian empire. The ready ear of Italy could scarcely expect to be found indifferent to the Siren like invitations of a great Power, who asked her co operation in the destruction of an enemy. Disre garding the counsels of the Emperor of the French', and urged to excitement by her long-cherish ed hopes, the King and his Cabinet have roused the national aspirations to a state of enthusiasm, which animates Italy at the present moment to a frenzy patriotism exceedingly difficult to control in a Southern race. The King and his sons are ready to jump into the war-saddle. The public roads ase swarming with troops, the " Garibaldian Hymn la heard on the mountains of Calabria, in the Pont ine marshes in Florence, and in all the maritime to wn ! of the Mediterranean. The war-cry is universal, AP,I foreign complications are forgotten, and the hear t e . " the nation pants for battle. At such a supreme tne" ment diplomacy unexpectedly steps in, and the EM" peror Napoleon, who has hitherto observed a neutrality towards Germany, whilst counselling Italy to be cautious, and rather expectant than am tive, suddenly assumes a marked and decided desi,r e to prevent European complications, which for th e last month have been gathering thick and fast upoPs the political horizon. Negotiations for a Congre s are now actively in progress, and Prussia is under: stood, on account of the hostility of the Gera"; s ullen people towards her Court and military policy, 0 , 13 „ contemplating the overthrow of the Bismarckle3, programme. Italy, therefore, finds herself arrneth e i war purposes, with a whole nation expecting a Brea struggle for freeing the whole Italian soil from the occupation of the stranger, whilst there springs 2 i P r a powerful peace movement which would leave n e e alone with the sword drawn. In a few days v i t must expect to witness a solution of one of the n 3 ? : s , complicated webs of political and military corefilLe nations which has ever been witnessed since 4 .' he days when Napoleon 1. made it impossible fo r politician to anticipate the events of the future. COUNTRY MARKETS. MANCHE S TER—THURSDAY. Our market this morning was only slenderly atten ded b oi l buyers. In wheat and flour the business passing i Wht. limited, and we repeat the currency of this day se'n n g r. Oats were ld. per 451 b. and oatmeal 6d. per load desre Beans and peas again advanced 6d. per qr. In Indian COn' no change was observable. BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. day W , Te th h ,, ad d,, m m t a h n e d r n f l o o i r . e w w ii h i, ea , t w s a h s ow sl i o n w g , money was obtained. Barley very scarce and fully as „ a . The demand for oats was active, at 6d. pe r qr. ads'al to Beans in request, and rather better sale. P eas firm, at. 3 terms. a b t u t o u r r a the r r °lldit BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WEDNESDAY. if Notwithstanding the m one t ary cr i s i s, an d a good 6111 e rto of wheat on offer here to-clay, millers were oblig e f a ir accede to an advance of is. per qr., at which rates a arts clearance was made. Barley was sought after, and q as dear. Oats and beans fully maintained late rates- d, White wheat, 568 to 59s • old red, 49s to 51s; n.e? Tores -Its to 48s , grinding, barley' 35s to 38s; ley, 39s to 40s per qr. 122 averages :--Wheat, 7601 qrs, at 43s 9d ; barley, qrs., at 85s 6d ; oats, 25 qrs, at . 17s Od. Page's prolinc EDINBURGH—WEDNESDAY. Wheat on the top; is 6d down average, O s 6d dolt Barley on the top, is Od down average, Os Bcl d °W Oats on the top, is 6d down ..averae Os 2 d, „ li l: Beans on the top, i s 6d down average, is 3d `'"'' Total supply and sales. Wheat 1774 qrs so ld 49 3 Barley l6B qrs sold 119 Oats 1922 qrs so ld 84 4 Beans 7l qrs sold b 9 Average prices. Wheat, 48s 8d 1 Oats, .. 30s ld Barley, 37s 9d 1 Beans 49s 3d .ars Town -made flour sells as follows :—White, 40s Od; °- superfine, 38s Od ; superfine, 36s 6cl; fine, 35s Od. GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY. A iog• A fair attendance to-d a y, w ith a s l ow business , f las t Wheat firm, and fine qualities realised the prices o _ t o week. Flour was also firm a t recen t ra t es . Barley _ to week. 6d per qr higher. Beans, p eas , an d oats were in f3l°ll sellers. Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. „ T .., 20 Astralia and New Zealand, via Southampton. if Ditto, via Marseilles ila e 4. firazil and Cape Verde. by British packet ...... .• • • June 2 Ditto, by French packet ;ape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena..• • "—"; " 20. Ghina, Penang, and Singipure, via Southampton.• 319 '' Ditto, via Marseilles 310 riikland Islands 109 20. Gibraltar, via Southampton 510 20 India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton..•. 28 Ditto, via Mar.eilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. litaY 1-- , l " Ditto, via +larseilles Ma c 2 0 ' Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton ....... ~,, .. 3, 0 3. Mao, via Marseilles Jude' 0 ~,' Mauritius, via Southampton „June ',, Ditto, via Marseille.). )1 al 2 ' 7ewtoundland Portugal .. Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon. ....... . •• • • Matted t,tates and British North America by Bri- 23 9 .....,,, Utah packet . ...... lazi. , Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork •••• Ditto. oy Canadian packet. via Londonderry .. 318 / g , Nest ne 1 ' , Vest Coabt of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ,„ Jun Vest Indies and Pacific (except Baha ilas and g. Honduras) .. 310 ............... $ Cuba and IL xico Bahamas, via New York.— lO 9. Bermuda, via Halifax . gal ____..r.o„..° Births. t. Vri ftl BERKELEY—At the Vicarage, Morebath, Devon, tLl e of the'Rev. S. H. Berkeley, of a daughter. g _ aid *. SMITH—On the 17th inst ,at 33, Clifton-garden-71,31,er. vale, W., the wife of H. (). Smith, Esq., of a dang'° - a te, SKELMERSDALE —Oll the 15th inst , at 11, Fri rlce'" Lady Skelmersdale, of a daughter.' n i Co. , P SHUTE—On the 14th inst., at Tem lemore the wife of Neville Shute, of a daughter. ify 0 of UNwIN—On the 16th inst., at Merton, Surrey , the, Captain Unwin, of a daughter Marriages. re b, • h Gl° • DANIEL—WING—On the 17th inst., at the parts A bey Melton Mowbray, Charles Daniel, of Derristone, '' of gavenny, to Mary, daughter of Thomas N. W i°sl Melton Mowbray. e 's Geer 0 o f MORDAUNT COTES—On the 15th inst., at St• Hanove- - square, John M. Mordaunt,sec°nd 66 1 0 the late r Sir John Mordaunt, Bart., to Elizabeth Vv e 5' ' t hird daughter of Mr. and Lady Louisa Cotes. Deaths. . o.no 1 7 PEEL—On the 14th inst , at 4, Lawrence Peel, Esq. inst., peter' STRO ' St. James'-road, LiVe.r NO—On the 16th inst ,at Thorpo Flall, n ear ord i... borough, the Rev. Wm. Strong, M.A., Chaplain in nary to the Queen, aged 77. ry _ sq uare, r ' ' STEVENS—On the 16th iust , at 26, Bloom sbu James Stevens, aged 47. WOLLOCOMBER— On the 15th inst , at Stovrford Devon, the Rev. John Wollocon;ber, aged 91. Dectorl, cliattE4 WATTS—On the 15th inst ,at Holloway , Mr. John " late of the Legacy Duty . Office, aged 94. _ . ow 1`• Loudon : Printed and Published by WIL LIAM AN "' ism 02. of No. 112, Strand, ter, at 'Fitz l,- % . ,,;ty Qi Strand, in the Preciuut of the Wirer, In tile " IQ-- AUddleilesisiday, Lay 18,18G0. r o: (4, te r (ir