The Sun. — London, England, 1865-03-22 00:00:00

I 7,TPERIAL Al LIA DIENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAsT EVENING. The Lorn CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS The Agra and 3fastermanVß;;;;;s read a second time, and the Ramsbottom Gas Bill was read a third time and passed. LAW RELATING TO BANKRUPTCY. _ Lord MONSON presented a petition from the mayor and corporation of Boston, Lincolnshire, in favour of a revision of the law relating to bankruptcy. LEGISLATION WITII RESPECT TO RAILWAY LIABILITIES. Lord DONOUGHMORE presented a petition from a gentleman in Ireland praying that in the contemplated legislation on this subject any claim which should take a retrospective operation should not be sanctioned in any bill introduced. ELECTION PETITIONS ACT (1848) AMENDMENT BILL. The report on this bill was brought up and agreed to. AFFIRMATIONS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion of Lord CHELMSFORD, this bill was read a second time. PERSONS COMMITTED FOR DEFAULT OF PAY• MENT IN CIVIL PROCESSES. The Marquis of TOWNSHEND asked if her Majesty's Government intended to take any steps to rectify an omis sion in their regulations made by the Justices of Middlesex, in consequence of which there is no provision for the re ception of persons committed to prison in default of p ay i ng moneys ordered by police magistrates in civil processes at the police courts. He explained that some hardships had taken place in regard to this matter for which he thought there should be a remedy. Earl GRANVILLE was understood to say that the sub ject was coining before the Queen's Bench shortly, and that no doubt a remedy would be supplied. CASUAL POOR. - - The Marquis of TOWNSHENDasked whether the practice adopted by the guardians of thepoor in the metro polis of turning out of workhouses at early hours in the morning casual poor persons who have no employment or places of residence had met with the direct sanction of the Poor Law Board ; and whether, on the contrary, in ac cordance with the law for the relief of the poor guardians ought not to provide food and shelter at all times for all destitute persons, irrespective of the places of settle ment, until they may choose to discontinue receiving it, or until they are passed to their respective parshes. The noble lord contended that the present state of this question was one that required immediate alteration on the ground of common humanity. It was at once cruel and unjust to allow a poor person to be ejected from a work house without being provided with food and shelter. He had witnessed a case of this description last week, when a poor man was wandering about the streets without means of or any chance of employment, and the sufferings that would be endured by a person under such circumstances and at this inclement season of the year could scarcely be described. Lord HOUGHTON said that he had moved for certain returns on this subject, which had been laid before the house, and similar returns had been moved for in the other House which he believed had not been produced. There was more difficulty in dealing with this matter than perhaps the noble Marquis imagined. The present was a matter that affected not only the administration of the poor law, but the character of the people of this country. The law had provided shelter and food for the poor, but private benevolence had interfered and supplied assistance for the vagrant poor, and nothing was more dangerous than to hold forth any attraction to the unfortunate from the coun try to come to the metropolis, believing that they. would receive greater comfort than was afforded by the legal dlc urn provided for their necessities. It was a pain ful spectacle the increase that had taken place in the number of vagrant poor wandering about the streets of London, and he repeated that any attraction held forth to that class to come to the metropolis was most injurious in its tendency. He regretted that there was not some repre sentative of the Poor-law Board in the house to give them information on the subject, and he believed that the Poor law authorities were most desirous of affording relief when in their power. Earl GRANVILLE said he thought the noble lord (Houghton) had clearly stated the difficulty that existed in reference to this matter. He could state that the Poor-law Board were quite unaware of any such cases of hardship as those alluded to by the noble marquis, and were always willing to give relief when it was proved that the appli cants ptood in want of it. The Earl of HARROWRY expressed a hope that this subject would receive ample consideration. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. NEW MEMBER. Lord CHARLES Bnucz took the oaths and his seat for North Wilts, in the room of Mr. Sothern Estcourt. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Poole and Bournemouth Railway ; Brighton, Hove, and Preston Constant Service Water; Crystal Palace District Gas ; and Great Eastern Railway (Bishop Stortford Rail way Purchase). PETITIONS. Mr. LASLETT presented a petition praying for a reduc tion in the duty on fire insurance. Mr. EWART presented similar petitions. Col. SYKES presented petitions from several Indian officers praying for redress. Sir G. BOWYER presented similar petitions. The O'CoN.NoR DON presented a petition praying for an alteration of the law as regards landlord and tenant. Sir J. SHELLEY presented a number of petitions for open ing the metropolitan bridges toll-free, and also petitions for the reduction of fire insurances. Mr. WYLD presented a petition from Bodmin praying for the reduction of fire insurances, and also for a reduction of the mileage duty. Mr. BANES presented petitions from Liverpool and Birkenhead in favour of the reduction of fire insurances. STAGE CARRIAGES. Mr. HUNT moved for a return connected with the stage carriage licences, in continuation of Parliamentary paper of session 1859. PATENT-OFFICE ACCOUNTS. Mr. HODGKINSON moved for a copy of the reports made to the Commissioners of Patents by Mr. Hindmarch, Q.C., and Mr. Greenwood, Q.C., the Commissioners ap pointed to institute inquiries in reference to the Patent office accounts, and of any evidence on which such reports were founded, and of any answers that may have been made thereto. The return was ordered. PROTECTION AGAINST FIRE. Mr. HANKEY asked the Secretary for State for the Home Department when he proposed to introduce his bill for the better protectiOn of life and property against fires in the metropolis. Mr. BARING said he hoped to introduce his bill very shortly. WATERWORKS RESERVOIRS. Mr. FERRAND asked the Secretary offiiate for the Home Department if Mr. R.awlinson, the Government en gineer, had made any other reports on the state of Water works Reservoirs than those already published ; and, if so, whether he would lay them upon the table of the house ? Sir G. GREY said a report had been made in the present year with respect to certain waterworks at Rochdale ; there would be no objection to lay the reports on the table if the hon. gentleman moved for it. PUBLIC E'XECUTIONS. Mr. LAWSON asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention had been called to the horrible scene which took place at the execution of Matthew Atkinson in Durham ; and whether he had made inquiry into the conduct of the authorities who had the management of the execution ? Sir G. GREY said he had made no inquiry, because the day after the unhappy occurrence the governor of the gaol had written to him with respect to the matter. He had, however, written to the high sheriff of the county express ing a hops that greater precautions would be taken for the future. CONSULAR REPORTS. Mr. BAINES asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it was intended to issue the con sular reports of the secretaries of legation, for the infor mation of the mercantile public, at shorter intervals ? Mr. LAYARD said arrangements had been made at the Foreign -office for the more speedy issuing of these reports. He hoped they would be laid on the table in future at the end of every month. OFFICE OF WOODS AND FORESTS. inciuirM.eA: SMITH rose t o move f or a se l ect comm itt ee to luto the Office of W or k s an d th e Offi ce o f Woods and Forests and Land Revenue. He stated that the ex penditure of the two offices some years ago was £36,000, whilst in the last LO g years increasing cost £68,000 a year, showing that there was a b amount from• year to year. Th e hon, member urged that the general management was so defective wasdenifecteiceinefficient and that the most searching inquiry imperatively demanded. There were error s connected withr re-building demolition of th e State Paper-offi ce of the new Government offices in D e o - wni . gding of the street which ought to be strictly inquired into. Thou with the woods and forests, there had been many of trheesPeesteattt°es disforested at the expense of the public whi c h ought not to have been permitted. The moneyreceived for the timber which had been cut down and sold, when these forests were converted into building land, ought to have been paid into the public exchequer, instead of which it had been appropriated by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests just as they pleased, without the slightest attempt to obtain the sanc tion of Parliament for its outlay. (Cries of "Divide, divide.") He should be extremely happy to divide, but he should not proceed to the division until he had concluded his statement, and it would be well for hon. members to give him their attention for a ;short time, because then they would know which side to take when the division came. Mr. NEATE thought it very desirable that the coin mittee should be granted, believing from personal experi ence it was certainly necessary. Mr. F. PEEL said there had been several i lquiries into the working of these two departments, °mkt iat here was no need for any further examination. _ The motion was then negatived with ):it a division. ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF AME YI MENT ACT. Mr. MONSELL then rose to move, in committee of the whole house, that the chairman be directed to move the house that leave be given to bring in a bill to substitute an oath for the oath required to be taken and subscribed by the statute of the tenth year of the reign of George IV., for the relief of his -Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. Though he could not appeal, he said, to authority on poli tical decisions, he thought he should receive the kind in dulgence of the house in the statements he was about to make. However unimportant the matter was to the vast majority of the members of that house, it was a question which certainly affected the honour and disturbed the con science of many persons who had to take this oath. Ho , thought the time for bringing the subject forward was op portune, because very great changes had happened of late years in the House of Commons in this particular. After the passing of the Emancipation Act, hon. gentlemen ranged themselves in groups under theological banners. All that had in a great measure passed away. Gentlemen now took their seats in that house according to their poli tical views. If that were so, it afforded an additional argu- Ment for as far as possible having the title of admission to that house the same for every one who came into it. It had frequently been said in former debates on this question that some compact . was made between the Roman Catholics and the Government of the Duke of Wellington before the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Bill. That idea, how ever, had been entirely dissipated by the statement of Earl Russell, that no communication took place before the pass ing of that bill, and therefore there couldhave been no com_ pact in the matter. He had been urged by many gentlemen in that house, as well as out of it, to extend the scope of his motion, and instead of dealing simply with the Roman Catholic oath, to propose to substitute for all the oaths now taken a simple oath of allegiance. (Hear, hear.) He entirely agreed with the feeling expressed by honourable gentlemen who said " Hear, hear" to that proposition. He should very much desire to have a simple oath of allegiance to take ; but there were reasons why he did not think it expedient himself to in troeluee such a bill. It was obvious that the oath still im posed on great functionaries of State, which dealt so harshly with the Roman Catholic religion, should be got rid of. (Hear, hear.) What could be more degrad ing than to make Lord Wodehouse, when surrounded by Roman Catholic law advisers and privy councillors, take an oath declaring the Roman Catholic religion to be damnable and idolatrous ? (Hear, hear.) He would now allude to the oath taken by members who did not belong to the Roman Catholic religion, in which every one swore that "no foreign prince, prelate, or potentate has any authority in this realm." He would give Lord Plunket's view of those words. That noble and learned lord said, "My idea of the oath of supremacy is, I confess, that in the strict and literal interpretation of the words it is impossible to be taken by any one ; for it not only denies that any foreign Power ought to have ecclesiastical or spi ritual authority within this realm, but it denies even that any foreign Power has such authority. Now if we admit that there are Roman Catholics in the country, the Pope must have spiritual power here." He then went on to say that " what is intended by the oath is, that no foreign Power has any authority over the Established Church." That was the interpretation given by Lord Plunket of the oath taken by Protestant members of that house. He recollected that the present Lord Chelmsford, when Sir Frederick Thesiger, had given another interpretation. He said that the oath meant that, " Legally, no foreign Power had any authority." (Hear, hear.) But when two such eminent authorities differed in opinion, it was high time that the oath should be abolished. At the same time he thought it would be presumptuous in him to deal with anything more than the very limited subject which he was going to propose to the house. In accordance with the views of the late Sir Robert Peel, he thought he might make an appeal to the house as to whether the small number of Roman Catholic members were likely to do any injustice or injury to the country, even if they were so disposed. But he confessed he rested his motion on other and higher grounds. What had been the Ministerial alterations made during the last 25 years commencing with the emancipation of the Catholics and ending with the emancipation of the Jews ? Those changes had been due to the same confidence that made the house extend the representation of the people, dispense with the taking of oaths by Quakers, and the other liberal measures which had been passed in that period. He asked the house therefore to carry out this principle of confidence, and to believe that the Catholic members of that house did not de sire to injure the institutions of the country, but to act in perfect harmony with other members of the house on the great political questions in which they were engaged. He was sure there were not more than two gentlemen there who would not agree that there should be one single mode of admission to that house for members who occupied the same position and discharged the same duties ; and that nothing could be worse than to divide that house into reli gious and theological parties, leading to discussions which , it was desirable to avoid. He maintainedthat this oath was an absolutely immoral thing, and tended to diminish the value of truth in the public mind. Mr. Speaker Onslow— who occupied the chair in that house for 30 years, and at the time of the disputed succession, when the prevailing toast at Oxford was, " God bless the King, the faith's defender; God bless—no harm in blessing—the Pretender. Who that Pretender is, and who that King, God bless us all, is quite another thing"— said that oaths were never secure except by the justice of them, and that no oaths should be put except in a judicial manner. Now, he maintained they were bound either to re peal that oath, or to make it clear and unequivocal. By the first clause they were required to renounce and abjure the doctrine that princes excommunicated might be murdered by their subjects, and they were to assent to this without any evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatso ever. This was formerly the Protestant oath, but was re moved from them in 1858. The next related to the settlement of property. Then they were required to "disclaim, dis avow, and solemnly abjure" any intention to subvert the present Church Establishr ent as settled by lawwithin these realms, and not to disturb the Protestant Government in the United Kingdom. Now many hon. gentlemen who had paid attention to this subject—most conscientious and in telligent men—had taken opposite views with regard to that clause. The Duke of Norfolk believed it prevented Catholics from interfering with Church property at all. Lord Althorp maintained the Catholics had the same rights as Protestants in all matters that came before that house. This oath, however, seemed to apply to the subverting of the Church by violent and unconstitutional and not by legislative means. It was imposed on students at Maynooth, and on mayors, magistrates, and councillors. There was a difficulty about the interpretation, and he thought it was an absolute crime to allow such an oath to remain. The Dean of Westminster in a recent speech had confessed that this appeared to him to be a - very dangerous and unjustifiable system, and held forth a temptation to gulph it down with out inquiry, or else to act under the paralysing torture of doubt. This was the oath imposed on Roman Catholic members of that house ; but it was not so with the hon. member for Birmingham or the hon. member for Sheffi3ld who believed the principle of this establishment was erro neous,and ought to be got rid of. (A laugh.) Was not that a monstrous thing ? (Hear.) The Roman Catholic members were actuated by every desire for the maintenance of the constitution and the support of their Sovereign, and while they joined in the prayer for support of the honour and dignity of the Crown, he thought they ought not to be bound by any differences which might interfere with the duties they had to discharge as members of that Legisla ture. (Hear.) Sir- G. GREY said her Majesty's Government gave a ready assent to the motion that had been made as far as regarded the preliminary step for the bringing in of the bill which it was proposed to lay before the house. It was impossible t o d eny that the subject was one which hs demanded opini consideration.opinion th al ths these ll e l d e e a r c a o t u i o l could swere not help individuallyexpressing offensive to some, not because they could not conscien tthioeurselywmeraekep exthreessdieoculsaraimtiopnustiiag to themtheycontain o e p d in , but because which they were supposed to be capable of entertaining. How far that might apply to oath s i mposed on Roman Catholic ruar tors of that house might b e th e subject of after discussion but as there was no objection t o th e b ringing in of the bill , it would be better, he thought, to postpone discussion until it came to a secondreading, when there would be an oppor tunity of considering the position of the Protestant religion as well as the claims submitted by Roman Catholic members. Mr. NEWDEGATE did not think the present time was exceedinglyfavourable to this subject. The whole of Europe was alarmed by a document from the Papacy called the Encyclical Letter of the Pope, which was of so much im portance that the French Government had been called on to interfere. No one would attribute to the Emperor of the French the probability of being excited by slight circum stances to put himself into the position of fighting the clergy of France on a qUestion of. that kind. Just at the moment when the Legislature of France had been occupied with the gravest discussion of the best mode of dealing with the late Papal aggression upon every Catholic State, it would be most unwise for the Legislature of England to lend any conntenance to that aggression. He was sorry to find the Home Secretary manifesting upon that occasion the same leaning towards Ultramontanism of which he had already given proof. (Laughter.) If the members of the British House of Commons would not resist the encroachments of the Pope, whence was a resistance to come? England ought to be mindful of her duty. Hitherto she had maintained the great cause of civil and religious liberty against the en croachments of a power which, although limited as her im mediate sphere of temporal government might be, was never liore active than of late in opposing the great prin ciples of civil and religious liberty throughout the world. He might cite the action of the Emperor of the French— he might cite the action of the Government of Spain—with respect to the Encyclical Letter, to show that Roman Catholi c p ower ; found ittbneerceesstspetiotnosimnfolinsteainreesdtriinctitohniss far more a bsolute than oath. He felt ho was doing his duty, not only t o hi s Protestant constituents, but likeygisot o hip Roman Catholic me SUN, LONDON ) WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 22, 1865. fellow countrymen, in deprecating such meddling with a grave matter—in deprecating any interference with an oath intended to prevent the disturbance of the Constitution. England respected and admired the Emperor of the French for the manner in which he had conducted the government of a noble but exciteable people. Well, it behoved them not to cast a slur upon the Emperor by discountenancing a policy which he felt compelled to adopt in order to secure order in his dominions. He felt, too, as a member of the Church of England, he ought to do nothing that would embarrass the Roman Catholics of France in the reasser tion of their old Gallican liberties. Mr. WHALLEY desired to point out to the Government that the proposal involved a constitutional change in the organisation of that house. He would take leave to observe that he for one would not discuss such a bill. He would vote against it, and he would tell the Government that they ought to take upon themselves the responsibility of introducing a proposal of the kind. Leave was then given to introduce the bill. FIRE INSURANCE DUTY. Mr. H. B. SHERIDAN rose to move that, in the opinion of that house, it was expedient that the reduction of fire in surance duty made in the last session be extended, at the earliest opportunity, to houses, household goods, and all descriptions of insurable property. The hon. member said there was nothing new in the terms of such a resolution, for the merits of the question at issue had been already settled by the decision of the house on a previous occasion. The whole question had been already fully debated and argued over and over again, and therefore it would be un necessary for him to detain them now with any length ened observations. The house had already arrived at the conclusion that the duty upon fire insurance was exces sive in amount, and that it ought to be reduced at the earliest opportunity. He had had a conversation with a right hon. gentleman, to whom he mentioned the fact that he intended to introduce a bill upon the subject. " Ah," said the right hon. gentleman, " you will make a mistake. There is nothing so binding on the Government as a resolution of the house, and, if you can only get the house to pass a resolution, it will be all-potent in effect." He accordingly had done so. The resolution was passed, and he waited to see its effect. Last year there was some attempt on the part of the Government to give effect to it, for they all remembered how the Government proposed a reduction of the duty upon a special item of insurable goods. Now he submitted that in proposing that reduction the Government had not fully and properly construed the wishes of the house ; and he therefore asked the house to remedy what he might term the oversight of the Govern ment in that last session by reminding them that they had not correctly interpreted the wishes of the house. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer were to reduce the duty to a uniform rate of one shilling per cent. he would not only earn the lasting gratitude of the country, but he would at the same time be pursuing a course which would enable • him to eventually replace in the exchequer the amount which he would temporarily lose. If the right hon. gentle man was not in a position to act upon the resolution this year, it might nevertheless remain as a sort of standing instruction to the Government that the duty on fire insur ances was the first duty which ought to be considered. He had always looked upon resolutions of that house as bind ing on the Government; if they were not, of what use could they possibly be ? To show what was the feeling of the country on this question of the fire insurance duty, ho need only call attention to the numerous petitions which had been presented on the subject from all parts of the kingdom. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then rose amid loud cries of "Divide," and said he should move the previous question, so the honourable member would per ceive he had no intention of entering on a debate with him on the question at issue. His remarks would be simply directed to the time at which the hon. member had pro posed this resolution. The hon. member had said that some right hon. gentleman, whom he did not name, had found fault with his infantine simplicity for submitting to the house a bill for reducing the duty, and informed him that a resolution would be all-potent and effective. Now in his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) opinion, the binding force of resolutions on the Government mate rially varied according to their subject-matter. No doubt resolutions of that house deserved the respect and attention of the Government, although they might not be precisely in accordance with the views which the Government enter tained, and such resolutions formed a material element in the consideration of financial proposals. (Hear, hear.) But he was bound to say that the sanguine mind of the hon. gentleman considerably overstated the all-potency and effectiveness of these resolutions, and he must certainly have forgotten the most famous among them all—that for the repeal of the paper duty. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was not aware of any single instance in which any public good or advantage had resulted from such reso lutions. Resolutions like the present, which picked out a single subject of taxation when other subjects of taxation were not before the house, were entirely contrary to the principle of our arrangements, which required that the en tire financial condition of the country should be placed as a whole before the country, and that the country should dis charge its duty and make the selection it thought fit be tween the respective burdens which had claims for relief. (Hear, hear.) Then, again, this resolution was not less hos tile to the principle which assigned the initiative in these matters to the Government. If the resolution were passed at this inopportune time, it would place the Government in such a position that they would seem to exhibit disre spect towards that house. He agreed with the two proposi tions of the hon. member—first, that the feeling of the house and the country had been against the duty, and secondly, that the last reduction was made not altogether in compli ance with the expressed wishes of the house. Now, the hon. gentleman said that the former decisions of the house amounted to a verdict. If so, why did ho want another ver dict ? He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) objected to the particular form of the hon. gentleman's verdict. This was a motion not merely indicating the reduction of the fire insurance duty, but indicating the peculiar manner and degree in which it was to be reduced. In his resolution he proposed a reduction of the duty to is. Gd. ; but in his speech he proposed a reduction to ls. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The two statements were in conflict with each other, and they clearly showed the inconvenience of such matters being discussed before the expiration of the finan cial year. The petitioners, he might remark, had never in dicated any opinion as to the amount of duty which it might be desirable to levy. Now, why should not the house reserve to itself a discretion to deal with the subject at large when the proper time arrived ? (Hear, hear.) He wished to pay proper respect to the feelings of the house, but he must say that the Government could not, without an abso lute abandonment of duty, accede to this resolution. (Hear.) Mr. CRAWFORD, who was met with loud cries of "Divide," said that, though ho had voted with his hon. friend on previous occasions, he must decline to do so now, because he considered his proposition inopportune. Mr. HUBBARD, who was received with loud cries of "Divide,"this country said tr that wasthe g q o u v e em stio e n d a e t ot is ir su el e y by was s th si e mly whe ther Admini stration for the time being, or in any degree by the House of coy Commons; because, if the House of Commons had any voice in the government of the country, it was right that they should express their opinion upon the expediency of retaining this tax at some time or other. If, however, the question was brought on before the budget, they were told that it was too soon. If it was brought on after the budget they were told it was too late. (Hear, hear.) He trusted that the house would seize the present opportunity of ex pressing its opinion by carrying the motion of the hon. member for Dudley. (Divide, divide.) Mr. JACKSON trusted that the hon. member for Dudley (Mr. Sheridan) would not divide the house on this ques tion. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had admitted the principle of a reduction of the duty on fire insurance, and he thought they might safely leave the question in his hands. Mr. MALINS said the idea of leaving this question in the hands of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was a mere delusion. It was not a favourite measure of his, and when he came to deal with it he threw overboard all his most cherished principles. No one could say a word in favour of a tax upon prudence, and ho trusted that the House of Commons would again record its opinion expli citly against it. (Divide, divide.) If they passed this reso lution by a large majority, it would be impossible for the right hon. gentleman to resist that resolution when he made his financial statement in the course of next month. Sir R. CLIFTON trusted that the member for Dudley would press his motion to a division. (Divide, divide.) He believed that the reduction of the duty would lead to a great increase in the number of fire insurances. (Divide, divide.) After a few words from Mr. SHERIDAN, The house divided on the previous question, when there were— For putting the question 137 Against it Majority -72 The result was received with loud cheers. The question was then put, and the resolution of the hon. member for Dudley was agreed to without further opposi tion. CHEMISTS AND DRUGGISTS. Sir J. SHELLEY then moved for leave to bring in a bill for regulating the qualifications of chemists and druggists in England and Wales. One main object of the bill was to obtain proper securities for the sale of poisons. Sir F. KELLY assented to the, introduction of the bill. The bill was then brought in and read a first time. SOLDIERS' LIBRARIES. Mr. WHALLEY moved an address for a catalogue of the books that are at present placed in the libraries and read ing-rooms to each troop, battery, or company in the British establishment, and for which an annual sum is sought by rote 15 of Army Estimates, page 60. The hon. member, as a reason for his motion, referred to several books com mon in regimental libraries, which in his opinion were ob jectionable on the score of the religious views which th e y contained. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said that the regi mental libraries were under the management of a com mittee, composed of officers and non-commissioned officers; that no books were allowed to be added except with the permission of the commanding officer, who was obliged to report quarterly what books have been added to the regimental library. Those reports were' submitted to the Council of Military Education. Those precautions were sufficient to ensure that no improper bookg were added, and as the return would be most difficult to obtain, and very voluminous, he was unable to comply with the wish of the hon. member. The motion was negatived without a division. TESTS ABOLITION (OXFORD). Mr. GOSCHEN then, in committee of the whole house, moved that the chairman bo directed to move the house that leave be given to bring in a bill to provide for the abo lition of certain tests in connection with academical degrees in the University of Oxford. The bill, he said, was identi - cal with that introduced by the hon. member for East Sussex (Mr. Dodson) last year ;lit was not therefore neces sary for him to make any statement. After a few words from Mr. WALPOLE and Mr. Donsox, The motion was agreed to, and the bill was subsequently read a first time. SUPPLY. The report of supply was brought up and agreed to. LAHORE BISHOPRIC BILL: The report on this bill was brought up and agreed to. BRITISH KAITRARIA BILL. - Tho Lords' amendments to this bill were considered and agreed to. The house adjourned at five minutes to nine o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS-MARCH 21. FIRE INSURANCE. Motion made and question proposed, " That, in the opinion of this house, it is expedient that the reduction of fire insurance duty, made in the last session, be extended, at the earliest opportunity, to houses, household goods, and all descriptions of insurable property." Whereupon previous question put, " That this question be now put." The house divided—Ayes, 137 ; Noes, 65. AYES —137. Adam,W. P. Gray, Lieut.-Col. Paget, C. Annesley, CoL H. Gri ffith, C. D. Pakington, Sir J. Astell, J. H. Grogan, Sir E. Palk, Sir L. Bagwell, J. Hadfield, G. Papillon, P. 0. Barnes, E. Hassard, 31. Parker, Major W. Barnes, T. Henderson, J. Pilkington, J. Bazley, T. Henley, Lord Ponsonby, A. Beresford, D. Hennessy, J. P. Powys - Lybbe, P. L. Blake, J. Hibbert, J. T. Redmond, J. E. Bowyer, Sir G. Hodgkinson, G. Repton, G. W. J. Bramley-Moore, J. Horsiall, T. B. Rogers, J. J. Bridges, Sir B. W. Hubbard , J. G. Rose, W. A. Brooks, R. Jolliffe, H. Russell, F. W. Browne, Lord J. T. Kelly, Sir F. Salomong,Aiderman Butler, C. S. Kendall, N. Schneider, H. W. Cave, S. • Knox, Major WS. Selwyn, C. J. Chapman, J. Lacon, Sir E. Seymour, A, Cheetham, J. Langton, W. G. Shelley, Sir J. V. Clay, J. Lanigan, J. Sidney, T. Cobbold, J. C. Leatham, E. A. Smith. Sir F. Cogan. W. H. Lee, W. Somes, J. Collins, T. Legh, W. J. Stanley, Lord Cox, W. Lewis, H. Stuart, Lt.-Cot W. Craufurd, E. H. J. Locke, J. Taylor, Col. Crossley, Sir F. Lopes, Sir 31. Taylor, P. A. Dalglish, R. Lyall, G. Tollemache, F. J. Dickson, Col. 31`Cann, J. Tollemache, J. Duke, Sir J. MacEvoy, E. Turner, J. A. Dunne, Col. Mackie, J. Turner, C. Edwards, Cot 31`Mahon, P. Vance, J. Ewart, W. Maguire, J. F. Vandeleur, Cot Ewart, J. C. Matins, R. Vansittart, W. Fane, Col. Martin, P. W. Verney, Sir H. Farquhar, Sir 31. Miller, T. J. • Walcott, Admiral Fellowes, E. Mills, J. R. Waldron, L. Fenwick, E. M. Mitchell, T. A. Waterhouse, S. Ferrand, W. Montaz u , Lord R. Watkin, E. W. Fitzgerald, W. S. Moor, k Westhead, J. P. B. Forster, C. Moore, C. Whalley, G. IL Gard, R. S. Morris,W. White, J. Gaskell, J. M. Morrison, W. Wyld, J. Gavin, Major Mowbray, J. R. Wynn, C. W. W. George, J. Murray, W. Yorke, J. R. Gower, G. W. L. O'Conor Don, The Greenall. G. O'Donoghue, The TELLERS, Greene, J. O'Ferrall, 31. Sheridan, H. B. Greville, Cot F. O'Loghlen, Sir C. Clifton, Sir R. NOES-65. Ayrton, A. S. Goschen, G. J. Potter, E. Baring, Sir F. Grey, Sir G. Pritchard, J. Baring, T. G. Harkey, T. Pugh, D. Bellew, R. M. Hartington,Marquis Robartes, T. J. A. Bonham-Carter, J. Headlam, T. E. Robertson. H. Bruce, Lord C. Ingham, R. Scourflelo, J. H. Bruce, H. A. Jackson, W. Smith, M. T. Bruen, H. Jervoise, Sir J. Stangeld, J. Bury, Viscount Kingscote, Col. Steel, J. Caird, J. Kinnaird, A. F. Tracy, C. It. D. Cardwell, E. Layard, A. H. Vernon, H. F. Childers, H. C. E. Marjoribanks, D. C. Villiers, C. P. - Cowper, W. F. Martin, J. Waloegrave-Leslie Crawford, R. W. Moffatt, G. Walpole, S. H. Dunbar, Sir W. Moncreiff, J. Whitbread, S. Dunlop, A. M. North, P. White, L. Enfield, Viscount Paget, Lord C. Winnington, Sir T. Fortescue, C. S, Palmer, Sir R. Wood, Sir C. Gallwey, Sir W. P. Palmerston, Visct. Wyvill, M. Gibson, T. M. Peel, Sir It. Gilpin, C. Peel, F. TELLERS. Gladstone, W. E. Peto, Sir M. Brand, H. Glyn, G. G. Pollard U rqu h ar t W Knatchbull-Hugess addition to any funds they might contribute to the men out in their own districts severally. To an emigration scheme the views of the districts were represented as favourable. The delegates were in favour of emigration to the British colonies, to Australia and New Zealand in particular, and not to the United States. It was designed that young men, puddlers, should be sent out, who desired to leave the business of ironmaking altogether. The districts were to vote ss. per member from their local funds towards establishing an emigration fund; and the subject was to be brought before the dis tricts at meetings to be held on the following day. From the metropolitan societies, and also from provincial associations, the council continues to re ceive promises of substantial help. The men in workshops in different parts of the country have begun to send contributions, which they promise shall be continued weekly as long as the lock-out lasts. The societies in the Birmingham district have called a meeting for Friday next, to which they invite delegates from the executive to state the case of the ironworkers. The authorities of the " National Association for the Prevention and Settlethent of Strikes rnd Lock outs " have forwarded communications to South Staffordshire offering their services towards bring ing about a restoration of peace—a state of things which they express themselves confident of secur ing ; bui we have not yet heard that the offer has any chance of being accepted. To-day nearly 100 able-bodied men who had been thrown out of work by the lock-out applied for relief at the special meeting of the Board of Guardians of the Wolverhampton Union. Most of them were Irishmen, and those whose e4ses were urgent were turned into the stone-yard at once, where on Saturday there were 35 men, but on Mon day only 27. All the 35 were married, and between them had 135 children. To-day also there was a meeting of puddlers in Wolverhampton, at which between 250 and 300 men of that class were present. Mr. Councillor Sidney presided, and " deeply sympathised " with the men in their trouble. The speakers all condemned the conduct of the masters, who, they maintained, were attempting to crush the Union, and to bring about a state of things similar to that which had been effected in Leeds. For this purpose the Ironmasters' Association had been remodelled. Ultimately it was resolved " That this meeting pledges itself to be true, and to refuse any offer on the part of the masters to begin to work on any other terms than those which the men left off at. At the same time they are willing to commence work at once, and desire that a security be given for the future, either by arbitration or by some other honourable means." By this it is meant that they require standing wages not less in amount than 9s. 6d. a ton, and that they must have a guarantee from the masters that there shall never again be a lock-out. MARCH 21, Evening. Two firms have discontinued the lock-out, and resumed work to-night. These are Messrs. E. Cresswell and Sons, of Tipton, and Mr. Thomas Wells, of Mosley. NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, Tuesday Afternoon. The Mayor of the borough, Lieut.-Col. Perkins, and L. L. Bell, both largely connected with the iron trade as manufacturers, but not involved in the lock-out, have appeared as mediators this morning. Mr. Bell, addressing the employers and workmen connected with the present strike and lock-out in the iron trade, says I have read with some care the observations of both sides in the conferences which have taken place between the ironmasters and delegates, and if, on the whole, I have been impressed with the forbear ance of the former, I have not been the less so by the temperate and sensible remarks which fell from some of the latter. Encouraged by this, my motive in now addressing you is to suggest whether the time has not arrived when the mediation of some one or more persons possessing the necessary acknowledged intelligence, honesty, and independence, might not advantageously to both sides be called in. It may be urged that you are perfectly competent to bring your dispute to a practical issue without any such intervention, and that ultimately those natural laws which regulate commercial questions will adjust this one for you. I venture to take the liberty of submitting this question for your earnest consideration, because I am in no way personally or otherwise connected with your dispute. Without being longer a bar iron maker, I have the advantage of former experience to guide me in any opinions I may have on the subject, while my position now as a mine owner and smelter binds me with you in the closest bonds of interest and sympathy. I look with apprehension to the re sult of continued inactivity in your mills and forges, on our collieries, iron mines, and blast furnaces ; and I am not without fear that you may afford other countries an opportunity of acquiring a footing in our own and other markets, to regain which a second struggle to meet increased competition may add to the perplexities which at present beset the iron trade." The Mayor of Newcastle (Mr. Perkins) says : " Much as I have regretted many steps which have been taken by the workmen's union, I have always been adverse to the lock-out. The works in which I am a partner are still in operation, although the men are under notice ; and it is my intention, now that my health is somewhat restored, to use my best endeavours to effect a reconciliation between the parties at issue." It is the general impression in commercial circles, in this town at least, that at this conjuncture, if some person of local influence, such as Mr. Joseph Pease, of Darlington, or his brother, Mr. Henry Pease, M.P., who, though not even manufacturers, have as large an interest in the prosperity of the north, and who have the confidence of both masters and men, were to offer to mediate, good results might follow. The Gateshead executive of the Ironworkers' As sociation, now that the lock-out is established, and there is no likelihood of a speedy settlement, have recommended to their several lodges not to make any further concessions to the masters, but to abide the result. In the meantime a scheme of extensive emi gration has been put forth, and the executive have sent the following circular to their lodges:— "Information having this day come to hand that provision has been made in New York to pay the passage of ironworkers desiring to emigrate, and that in the course of a few days an agent will be in Gates head, who will be prepared to make arrangements for the sending out of some hundreds of ironworkers, it is earnestly requested that each society, whose members are looked out, send to the Executive Council Rooms the names of parties wishing to emi grate ; and also whether they are married or single, and what number of children, so that the necessary arrangements may be made for the removing of them and their families ; and also their occupation, so that situations may be in readiness on their arrival at New York." Meetings of the workmen's lodges were held in the principal districts of the iron trade yesterday, but they were private. Mr. Bladen, the manager of the Jarrow Ironworks, proposed yesterday to the millmen and finishers that they should go and work a large quantity of iron which is lying in stock in the Jarrow yard, but after a meeting between the millmen and puddlers they resolved that the mill men do not resume work until the puddlers go on. About 130 men and boys were locked out at Messrs. Tysack, Bell, and Co.'s works at Sunderland on Saturday. Yesterday morning the Middlesborough town crier gave notice of a meeting of the iron workers to be held in the Odd Fellows Hall at 1 p.m. About 800 workmen were present. Prior to the meeting Mr. Rowlands, the delegate who represented the Tee-side workmen at the New castle and York meetings, was sent for by Mr. Hop kins to the office of the works, and an interview took place between them with regard to the questions at issue. It is reported that at that interview Mr. Hopkins made suggestions or remarks of which the following may be accepted as the gist :-1. If Mr. Kane would attend at the trade council, to be held in London to-morrow (Wednesday), and denounced the conduct of the North Staffordshire ironworkers, there might then be discovered means of putting an end to the lockout. 2. There should, forthwith, be a severance of the North of England, from the Staf- , fordshire Union. At the meeting a document was approved of, stating that the members of the vari ous lodges are determined that the Executive Coun cil acknowledged by Gateshead shall entirely sever their connection with the Brierley-hill committee from the 17th instant, until the members who are under the influence of Brierley-hill see it to be their duty to demand one executive, when they will be prepared to act in concert with them. Votes of thanks to and confidence in the delegates were en thusiastically accorded. An application was made by about 200 of the members of the union for assist ance from the funds to enable them to emigrate to America. It was decided that a committee meeting be held that evening to consider the application. The Lock-out in the Iron Trade. WOLVERHAMPTON, Tuesday, March 21. There are about 2,000 puddling furnaces in South Staffordshire:and East Worcestershire, belonging to about 112 firms ; and in North Staffordshire there are about 220 puddling furnaces, owned by five firms. The calculation is that in getting the coal used in a puddling furnace four men and boys are employed ; in the production of the pig-iron, from the taking of the ore from the earth to the delivery of the iron at the works of the finished iron maker, eight men and boys ; and in the converting of the pig-iron to the finished article, including its removal from the works, ten persons find regular occupation. Thus every one of the, say, 2,200, furnaces in Staf fordshire represents the labour of 22 persons, or a total of 48,400. If from the total furnaces we make a deduction of 15 per cent. for furnaces out of use or undergoing repair at the time when the lock-out commenced, we have a working total of 1,870 puddling furnaces, affording employment for 41,140 persons. If upon each of these persons we make the living four human beings to depend, we find that if these are unable to labour the subsistence of 164,560 persons is cut off. To ascertain the num ber of persons who in Staffordshire and East Wor cestershire alone depend upon the industry of those employed about the ironworks and pits there, we deduct three persons from the eight who produce the pig-iron used in every puddling-furnace. We make this deduction as a set-off for the pigs that are imported into Staffordshire from other dis tricts. We then find that in Staffordshire and East Worcestershire alone the stopping of the puddling furnaces therein would deprive 142,120 men, women, and children- of their usual means of support. At the present time, however, there are 120 furnaces belonging to six firms, that are being kept at work in the district named. Deducting the people who are supported by the operations of these furnaces, we have a total of 133,000 persons living around the Staffordshire masters who, if these six firms only should resume, will, as long as the lock out lasts,•be deprived of maintenance in immediate connexion with the ironworks so soon as the makers of pig-iron for puddling purposes decline any longer to make for stock. Taking the number of furnaces out of the North of England at 778, and applying the same calcula tions to them as we have employed upon competent authority to the Staffordshire and East Worcester shire district, we find that the hands thrown out there will number 14,782, representing 59,128 men, women, and children, all immediately dependent upon the ironworks. We have reason to know that the richer masters are employing their influence to prevent those who have less capital from being com pelled to open their gates. Arrangements are in progress whereby the banks will, we are assured, be able to arrange among themselves for the pro tracted currency of the " paper " on one or two no toriously weak firms. These bills should be met early next month. The banks will experience less difficulty respecting them, because, as the proba bilities are, no new paper will be " put on "by such firms in April. The insincerity of the delegates in Staffordshire, in relation to their expressed desire that the men in the northern division of that county should return to work, is being referred to by the masters as fur ther manifested by their allowing the London trade societies to determine to support North Staffordshire without any protest being raised by the I3rierley-hill Executive, notwithstanding they professed to have been aggrieved by the course which North Stafford shire was and still is pursuing. The delegatemeeting terminated on Monday night at a late hour. There were 20 districts represented. Those districts were Brierley-hill, Wolverhampton, West Bromwich, Wednesbury, Great Bridge, Tip ton, Tividale, Smethwiek,,Walsall, Pelsall, Kinver, Bilston, Morley, Derby, Shropshire, Liverpool, Manchester,Warrington, Openshaw, and Pendleton. They reported that the number of members locked out and entitled to receive relief were—Brierley-hill, 1,054 ; Wolverhampton, 370 ; West Bromwich, 430; Wednesbury, 260 ; Tipton, 460; Tividale, 85 ; Man chester, 110 ; Walsall, 87 ; Pelsall, 83 ; Kinver, 64; Morley, 87 ; Bilston, 28. It was explained that in Bilston the men belonged partly to the Gateshead and partly to the Brierley hill Executive, the members under the latter being those employed at the Regent Works of Messrs. Beard. Altogether, relief would be claimed by 3,749 members on the Brierley-hill Executive. In all, the number of members who would be able to contribute to the support of the rest locked out was 874. The opinions of these 874 having been canvassed, the delegates reported that they were willing to pay a levy of ss. per member per week in behalf of their brethren throughout the executiveo jurisdiction, in SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.--Another step towards the total abolition of the duty on fire insurance was taken last night by the House of Commons, which, in spite of the opposition of the Government, emphatically affirmed Mr. Sheridan's resolution by a large majority. There are few taxes of which it might not safely be said that their reduction is expedient " at the ear liest opportunity," and there are certainly none of which it can be said with greater truth than of that on fire insurance. The general impolicy of this impost is not even an open question. Though it may be the most convenient, it is the least defen sible way of taxing—not insurable property, but property the owners of which have hold the fore thought to insure it. If a house proprietor chooses to be his own insurer, as many shipowners are, he gets off with a house-tax, while his more prudent neighbour, after paying his, is heavily mulcted in an additional tax for his greater prudence. No other virtue, so far as we are aware, is so hardly treated, and even this virtue is exempt from taxa tion except when it manifests itself in this particu lar form. People may lay by money for their children, or become subscribers to friendly societies, without incurring any penalty ; it is only when they secure themselves against risk in the most sensible way that they fall into the hands of the taxgatherer. The injustice of this was so strongly felt by the country gentlemen in the year 1833 that they mag nanimously resolved to rid themselves and their tenants of it, leaving it to be borne by the rest of the community. Thenceforth farming stock was re lieved of the duty, and though no good reason for this exclusive privilege has *ever been given, the success of the farmers materially strengthened the case of all other insurers. It was always much easier to show that producers of all classes ought to stand on the same footing, that farmers are manufacturers to all financial intents and pur poses, and that no special favour is due to land, than to meet the unfailing argument of fiscal necessity. In the course of last session, however, a second anomaly found its way into a Customs and Inland Revenue Act. " Goods, wares, or merchandise, being stock in trade, machinery, fixtures, im plements, and utensils used for the purposes of any manufacture or trade," were subjected to a re duced duty of one shilling and sixpence for every hundred pounds insured, instead of the old per ten tage of three shillings. This partial exemption was expressly extended to goods in the hands of pawn brokers, but we presume would not cover such pro perty as the rolling stock of a railway company, which can hardly come within the designation of " trader" or " manufactures." It is obvious that such a remission, though fair enough in itself, can not be defended on any principle consistent with the maintenance of the full duty on other classes of prOperty. If it be said, for instance, that a shop keeper is compelled to keep on his premises a quan tity of commodities which he does not want for his own use, and of which the loss by fire may be ruin to him, it is equally true that a lodginghouse keeper, though neither a manufacturer nor a trader, is prac tically in the same position. He must fill his rooms with expensive furniture to suit the taste of his guests, whose carelessness may be the means of burning his house down. There is no end to such analogies, and no tenable ground for lightening the burden on stock-in-trade which does not more or less apply, in the words of Mr Sheridan's resolution, to " houses, household goods, and all descriptions of insurable property." All are exposed to the risk of fire, and if goods stored in a warehouse are liable to more wholesale destruction, this is a question to be settled between their owners and the insurance offices. The difference in hazard may be a very good reason for raising the rate of insurance on such property • but it is .no reason at all, so far as we can see, for lowering the rate of duty. If this policy were carried to an extreme it would amount to a mischievous kind of protection, and the more it is examined the more cogent will the arguments appear for an uniform duty, so long as we have any duty at all. The objection of Mr. Gladstone to the terms of the motion did not even purport to be founded on the merits of the case, but on the general inex pediency of legislating piecemeal on finance. He naturally deprecated an expression of opinion by the House which should prejudge the policy of his coming Midget and " stand as an instruction to the Government." Apart from this motive, however, the reluctance of a Chancellor of the Exchequer to part with a tax which produces a million annually deserves to be treated with some respect. It has been said that old chains are worn more easily than new ones, and the same is eminently true of finan cial burdens. The loss incurred by every remission has to be replaced from some quarter or another, and this is equally true although the increasing pro ductiveness of existing taxes may disguise the fact. A million sterling is a million sterling, and unless there is an actual reduction of expenditure, if it is not paid by the insurer it must be by the consumer of imports, or by some one else who is entitled to consideration. Not unfrequently it is paid by the same personS in a different capacity, and, as it were, out of a different pocket, with as much grumbling as if it were an entirely ne w d eman d. F rom t hi s point of view there is something to be said for the maintenance of the Fire Insurance Duty among indirect taxes, but nothing to be said against its re duction. Every fresh insurer would be a gainer in security, those who are now insured would gain in reduced premiums, and there is good reason to be lieve that the State would not be a loser to any great extent. Though it is very difficult to obtain trustworthy statistics on such a point, it is certain that a vast amount of property remains uninsured because the duty trebles the normal rate of insur ance. Great progress, indeed, has been made since the days of Adam Smith, when nothing like one house in twenty was insured against fire. Still the practice is far less general than it ought to be, and where property is insured it is constantly insured far below its true value. Mr. Sheridan was fully justified in stating that the increase of the duty has borne no fair proportion to the increase of national wealth. The proper inference from this is that it is too high for the just purposes of taxation, and as it is also most vexati ous th e H ouse of Commons turned a deaf ear to Mr. Gladstone's remonstrances, and pledged itself beforehand to a reduction " at the earliest opportunity." POST.—How long is Europe to be tormented with the nightmare from which she has suffered ever since she vainly endeavoured to digest the Schleswig- Holstein question ? We fondly hoped last year that, although everything resulted in a sense exactly the opposite of that desired by the British public, still that we should at least hear no more about it. Now it has come back upon us, if not in aggravated form, at least as prick and unpleasant to the touch as ever. It is probable that the very unsuccessful manner in which we handled it last year, will induce us to leave it as much alone as possible ; still we cannot remain altogether uninterested spectators of the dinortment of the play in which we figured so conspicuously in the first act. The scenes change so constantly that it is a matter of some difficulty to follow the complicated and still undeveloped intrigues upon which the plot of the piece turns. A letter which we published on Monday will have enabled our readers to form some idea of the diffe rent parts which at this moment the various cha racters are performing. There can be no question that the jeune premier is the versatile and unscru pulous Prussian Minister, who assured us solemnly in January of last year that his whole object in invading the Duchies was to rescue them from the clutches of democratic Germany, and restore them to their rightful owner. That his policy from that date to this should have been signalised by an un interrupted series of acts of bad faith is probably known to none better than to the ally whom he then dragged into the struggle, on the understand ing that she was to exercise some influence in the final settlement of the question, and derive some advantage from the unjustifiable war in which she engaged at his bidding. Unfortunately, it is no consolation either to the King of Denmark or to ourselves to know that M. de Bismark has be haved worse to Austria than he has to us. It may be a satisfaction to see Austria in the dilemma in which he has placed her, because there was a bold and decided course open to her, which, true to her political traditions, she declined to follow. We won't pity her, therefore, but we do regret that the instrument of her humiliation should be lie who most deserves to be trampled upon. To obtain a guarantee'of her own German possessions by Prussia, Austria sacrificed the popularity she had half earned in Germany in the previous year, incurred an expen sive war, alienated herself from this country, and achieved the most ridiculous position in the eyes of Europe which it has yet fallen to the lot of any. European Power to occupy—that of having ex pended blood and treasure in pulling chesnuts out of the- fire for her most hated rival. To neu tralise or foil your enemy in diplomacy is generally considered triumph enough ; but actually to make him fight for you, and deposit his spoils at your feet, is a " tour de force," upon the accomplishment of which we are magnanimous enough to congratulate M. de Bismark. With a little m ore t ra ining Austria will become a most invaluable retriever to the Prussian Government. The contempt manifested by M. de Bismark for Austria is only equalled by the arrogance of his attitude towards the rest of Germany. If the small States enjoy putting their necks under his heel, it is no affairs of ours ; but we should recommend a more docile behaviour, unless they are really going to displace a greate r amount of cohesion and independence than has dis tinguished their policy hitherto. The wish leudlY and openly expressed not by Austria alone, who has earned a right to have a voice in the matter, but in upwards of thirty small German States, is that the Duchies should be independent and governed by the Duke of Augustenburg ; and yet so paralysed are they by the mysterious elements of their cony' position, that this one mi',n in Berlin can afford t.o . ignore the whole of what they poetically call thew " Fatherland," but which, from the want of vigour by which it is characterised, might more appro" priately be named " Motherland.' Thus it would appear that the Prussian Government now has the audacity to declare its intention of an nexing the Duchies, though by way of gilding the pill to the Western Powers M. de Bismark talks about giving up the northern part of Schleswig. In the first place, perhaps, he will forgive us fo r saying so ; but the fact that he announces such to be his intention does not at all assure us that he wilt! ever carry it out ; and, in the second, we are 01 opinion that Denmark itself would lose more than it would gain by such an arrangement. The inevit able result of a first-class European Power being actually conterminous with it, would be to force on the absorption of Denmark into a Scandinavia. Th i° consummation will probably come about sooner or later, but we do not see that there is any immediate hurry, and in the meantime the independent Duchies would be a source of danger to no one. However much, therefore, we were opposed to the spoliation of Denmark a year ago, and however strongly Nve, resisted at that time the claims of the Duke 0.1 Augustenburg, we entertain no doubt that they are better than those of M. de Bismark ; and if the only alternative presented to us is one of other of these two, we unhesitatingly proclaim i n f avour of the Duke. The fact is, in spite of the timidity of Aus tria, and the impotence of Germany in the matter, the Prussian Prime Minister will not find the Duchies a very easy nut to crack. The population is stub born, brave, and intensely patriotic. A vigorou! Prussian propaganda which has now been prosecutecl for more than a year has had the precisely opposite effect to the one desired ; and the Schleswig-Hol steiners hate the Prussians with an intensity only comparable to that which in former times they re served for the Danes. It is not impossible that they would resist an actual annexation by an appeal to arras' and by invoking the countenance and aid of the chain; pion of the nationalityprinciple. In short, we shoal' not be surprised to see the Duchies a seco nd Polanat upon which the three Northern Powers willunite in a fresh Holy Alliance, to combat the liberal prineiP le which for the time will be represe n t e d i n this struggled It is the prospect of this which binds Austria 1 10 . 0 and foot to the Prussian chariot w heels ; „ 1 , the prospect of this which has induced M. de P r e marck to offer Russia exceptional privileges in , Baltic and North Sea Canal, and which has ill; duced Russia to become a shareholder, to a val.' large extent, in that undertaking ; and it is maul festly the policy of Prussia to make the question one affecting all Europe in the reactionary senses until at last he can induce those upon who Eh relies to believe that the peace and security a 1 c l i; rope as against revolutionary tendencies depen upon his adding th e D uc hi es t o th e Ki n gdom (3 . 8 Prussia. No man kno ws b e tt er h ow t o ev oke th il l e phantom of revolution, which s t r ik es t erro r into t rulers of Russia and Aust r i a , and would induce th em to assent to anything which he may persuade th e ; could avert the danger. The r e ma y, indeed, , other reasons why Russia should regard with a '., 3 1 ; vourable eye the project of M. de Bismark- - w% which we certainly do not sympathise—but wh,l u e t we do not now feel called upon to enter, we fail to see what possible advantage can accrue " Austria by concessions at, once humiliating an d t: jurious to her political status. As under any e' et i cumstances she is to get nothing by giving waY, ,a her at least retain the merit of holdi n g her own, 3 ` . 0 endeavour, if it is not too late, to come to so,t l e understanding with Germany which may enable I,ll e large majority of the popul a tio n to force upon 1 r Prussian Government the ac c omplishment of th e desires. COUNTRY MARKETS, BRIS T OL—T UESDAY. ch At our market to-day theie was a f a i r attendance. T "et and Indian corn is is per q r . d earer . B ar l ey very fiJ 6a 6d per qr. advance. Oats scarce, and inquired after itt o. advance. Beans and peas d u ll. Mill e tt see d fi rm in LIVERPOOL—T UESDAY. At this day's market there was a good attendance 0f.t116 town and country trad e , an d c onsiderable desire to get oat° stock was evinced. Wheat met with an active demand/ and a large business was done at 2d per 100 lb. advance the week. Flour, however, was neglected, and without material change in value. Oats were more inqu ire d for, and may be quoted at ld per 451 b. dealer. Oatmeal wag also the turn against th e b u y er s. In barley, beans, anu peas there was little offering, and rather higher prices Wer° insisted on. Indian corn was held for 6d per clr• 0 /D er r money ; fine Danube not being obtainable under 2 7 s 6 dPeo 4801 b., which rather checked sales, and few transactions were reported. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. # DCA There was an abundance of samples shown, buY , j much wheat set down in the bulk. Trade more anirell'ei,' and factors asked 2s per qr. advance. This checked bl i e s . ness, but ultimately a fair trade was done at is advau Seed oats from Is to 2s per qr. higher for best qualitieSi Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels.... iss Oct to ' 43Bi o d White do do ....175 Od . 1 , 8 6 Od New led do . do ...15s Od ;, -s Od New white do do '6s 61 al Beans do Peas, per qr. do ... l 4 s o as ( o d d 1 4 6 2 8 , c o a t Grinding tea ley, per qr 39s 01 ~3 2, ,s o l d Malting barley, i o 328 Od ` ‘ , l "-; Od Oats, do 2lB Od x, Flour...As 5d to 9d per 141 U. . At to-day's market there was a LEEDS—TUESDAY fair attendan ce , 0 „ f d ( t b o town and country trade, and m ore di s p o sition ev in-- -1 4 ad buy. Wheat met with a good demand, and sold at vance. Fine barley sold fr ee ly ; o th er so rts bad to (1 11 Oats and beans firm. The average prices for the week ending March 20 I V, e onto Wheat, 39s Did per qr. ; barley, 29s 80 ; 8 ° - 22s std. MONMOUTHSHIRE—MONDAY. at" The local markets of thi s coun t y h ave been 1 11.1 %" e veil tended by both buyers and sellers for the past s'.% Or days, and a considerable business was transacted., cor o show more disposition to purchase, and prices in, 10, 9 0 ., (1 sellers. Wheat of good quality had an improveu, S , fo' the recent advance fully maintained. Malting ba ne ' request. at, The following are the avera ge quo t a ti o ns :- 10 :20 5s to 5s 5d per bushel ; barley, 3s 2d to 3s 7d.; o 3" to 2s 6d. Of THE FORTIFICATIONS AT OSTEND.—The . a•oo a the Belgians has decided on dismantling the fortil'eh-.olde of Ostend, in accord with the municipal council. - cision has been received with great joy by the in" res ent as it will allow them to extend th e t own beyond its P' confined limits. on ADVERTISEMENT.i—HoIIoway's Pills.—Prernota . 00 of The opinion gains ground that di sease is a dinii n il f f i l u e to° vitality, and there is little doubt that the powers °•" principally depressed by imp ur iti es i n the syste s ' o ceL Y depravity can be corrected by taking a course or 0,001 sional dose of Holloway's famous purifying tigbli expel all morbid matters from the ci rcu l a tion and thotoio, cleanse and invigorate the glands, viscera, s i l n a p c lici, l3 ,l Through this wholesome influence Holloway's eittP'„l casts out the seeds of all fevers which in sultrY, n - r itY `'d prove so formidable to health, and in a vast nl i tk o rr, c l - 4 cases destroy life itself. Forewarmed should be , „ v e i n t —a position easily obtained by taking these exceo when lassitude, headache, or dejection distresses us' Births. LlT in Sll gf l o N r a c TON th .- 0 O w n ife the of 2O s t inst., at Aspenden ''':. lL- i• l i °I 11 T T 1 ft liit' Henry Lushin gton , " u 3-7 daughter. On t r e sj fe On of t .w he . 2 o o a th ke i s, ns E t., sq a . t , R of u a tla s n on d . w Lodge, erlsi'l 'e"i gtop : WILLSON.—On the 20th inst., at Hertford, Mrs' Willson, . pititr Wilson, of a daughter. . Marriages. ,f il, PO, - KERSIIAW—WILLIS.—On the 21st inst., at St. xu-, 9 ',,. - 'l,odj, beth, William Kershaw, jun., Esq., of SuffoT Ge org - WBrifixftis,onE-isq-oa.,d,oftorFaarnkn-tye,rryacoeu,nßgreisxttodna.ughter 01 •-ls t Pr i". LAMBERT—BENNETT.—On the 18th inst. at at -h° rg i Embassy, Paris, William Lambert, Esq . ., of 3 2, o f JO street, Regent-street, to Marie, eldest daughter late James Bennett, Esq., of Camberwell. Deaths. , 4 11" 111 BLAGDEN.—On the 19th inst., at the Rectory", 1 ; 3- li oi ti ' s' Sussex, the Rev. Thomas Nixon Blagden, rect.°. hurst, aged 81. 3 00 1 MADOX.—On the 18th inst., at Bath, Col. 11 0111 K.H., aged 82. . he 1-10 0 . : AN SDILANDS.—On the 18th inst t' Edin b ur gh, „P ° ice otel . and Rev. John Sandil an d s , rector at o f Coston, '-'' shire, aged 51. rE s ° e vE lle — On- w• Apo° Y.' TUCK. 4O' d Pg . — nin O t n hdse t o h 2r o ,ot 2 ahg Ot ein h ds iz to: B : t. H , the en wife of 0. Provo io ry Tuc k. 4 . stone Hall, Essex, and 128, Aldersgato street TrosPi t e! WENTWORTII.—On the 18th inst., at Greenwi,ch '`,twort'''' Retired Commander William Fitzwilliam "°— aged 73. -------- --- 4°' „oft° , t •z, London : Printed and Publibhed by WIL LIAJIL •L''' pjo of of No. 112, Strand, ranter, at THE SuN 0164e6ouati Strand, in the Precinct of the SAVOY, in t ile ?diddles= —Wedneoday, Nardi 22„1806. rto