The Sun. — London, England, 1835-02-17 00:00:00

PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS: Mr, ; ,Abercromby has not suffered from the assaultS of liisenemies alone, but has been irretrievably dis graced by the nature of the support which has been tendered to him, and by the quarters whence it comes. It is . to us almost inconceivable how the active interfe renee of the. Irish agitator and his tools, in the prepa ratory'mov`ements towards an election for the Speaker= ship, ha,s not effectually disgusted both the Right Hon. 'Gengfirrian orb whose behalf such canvassers pretend to interest themselves, and the whole party of English no bkmen_ana gentlemen whose more ostensible represen tative he is considered. Already they find .O'Connell •gettingithe , upper hand of them all, announcing from intVnded journey hither, to direct the plan OriVel'atioiirfdr the whole combined opposition— 'cleserihihg the n ext Ministry which he will permit to . bcappoilited,, and specifying the precise majority of `RAdicals oven Whigs to be exhibited in the Cabinet of .which •He —will condescend to form part ! Can it, 'then, be said that any English party is not deeply de graded by .'Stieh, an admixture—nay, such a prepon 'der:ince of the leaven of Irish hotility towards Great !Britain; in 'the' very Government to which the Whig - party }ropes intends to supersede the Conservative Cahrnet? to pretend that O'Connell and inllower,,v,vithhave no power to push their, or ra• his,.pecultiar tobjects by means of the restoration nornirtal. , 'Whig but in substance a revolutionary - d)vernnletit'; of *Mich he is to be a member. Is he al tOgettier s So'iiiir* :So generous,—nay, so philosophi • cal a poliziciatr,7 as to give away power gratis ? _Does any Man,. not a candidate for Bedlam, be lieve that 'O'Connell will throw the sixty votes 'Which the' last „report from . Dublin ..states that he has at his orders, into the scale of the Whig Speaker, Mr) ..41tercrombr, earal"exact nothing , in return ? Mr. Finn, a near connexion of O'Connell, Whom who attempted to - . 'pe'i-secri:te foi . glYing an` adektidelit yiate to the COnseryati,ye..candidate,for Carlow, begins, a ~pamphlet against the' vindictive 'tyrant by quoting the character drawn for birn by a Catholic cler,g3,;naati . of Carlow, ,the' Rev.: .Andrew Fitzgerald, which is — as follows O'Connell is a knave in politics, and a hypocrite in religion." The question, then, for the Whig Statesmen is, Ought they on any conditions to make an alliance with this man, who has never observed the obligations of his part of a contract since he was born, nor budged a step to right or left without exacting, in a tenfold shape, tenfold the value of every calculated movement ? If the Whigs have no scruple about recovering the posses sion of office through O'Connell's co-operation, while he at the same moment beards them, by threatening that he will make their return to the Government his chosen engine for breaking up of the empire, they in reality pledge themselves to at least an acquiescence, if not an absolute participation, in that nefarious and treasonable scheme ; nor can they afterwards, as fair dealing men, dismiss O'Connell from any place, in or under their Ministry, for promoting by all the means which his official rank and influence may afford him, that especial project, though it be for the dissolution of'the United Kingdom, which he publicly annbunced to them that he was preparing before they accepted his aid. In fact, then, this does become not an English party , question as to which set of men shall be in power; but it is, as has been demonstrated by an able evening Contemporary, a renewal of the old national question in another form from that which it formerly assumed ; viz., whether Ireland shall or shall not continue under the ; sway of the British sceptre ? Nay, O'Connell hiniself has affixed this character to the present ques tion'.' He says the c a us e i s th a t o f th e p eo pl e o f Ire land 'against the Irish Orangemen. We know whom he means by " the people." It is no more nor less than Daniel O'Connell himself. The better and truer description of the questipn therefore is, that of one side between the British nation, including the Protestants of 'lreland, and on the other side, the Agitator and his ignorant and servile banditti. With this conviction stronuty impressed upon us, can we be otherwise than astonished at the indifference of the old Engli s h Whigs to the consequencee of their actual impolicy ? Otber errors, and no mean ones, : in their present condrict, have been often already pointed at : the factious inconsistency, for example, with which they have turned round upon Sir C. Manners Sutton, no more than two years ago the subject of their extrava gant eulogies, and the glaring injustice with which they "have : holstered up a charge against him, improba ble at l ! east, if not upon the. face of it impossible, while they treat him exactly upon the same principle as they, do Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues—ca. balling.and pledging themselves against the -Speaker, before-they hear his defence, as they are for turning out the Ministers without waiting for the announce ment - of , their measures. It will be seen, however, that even Irish Catholics have more candour and more wisdom belnig,to English Whi gs . O ur correspon d ent un d er the title' of an "Irish Catholic," condemns the iniquity of refusing a fair trial to the King's Ministers, anddeclares the sense of, his well informed brethren of the same persuasion , to be, that the election of Mr. Abercromby to the Chair of the House will be the exclusive triumph of inoniiell and his faction, and a first step towards destroying the " integrity of the British Empire." In they mean' time, there is reason to believe that the catie which O'Connell protects begins to be infected with some of the rottenness of its patron. The " un donbted .majority" of the Whig-Radical force is melt ing gradually, as the battle approaches. In truth, the' "triumph of O'Connell," in the Speakership at least, is talked about, but Sir C. M. Sutton's election it at this moinent,more than safe.— Times. T:pa_sg_ nip talk or write about the Speakership Wri4olod;_talk. without ,knowledge, if they mean, by writing and talking to assure the public that Sir C,harlamers Sutton is to be the Speaker. of a Refol;nied , ' and Liberal House of Commons. We ktrowlhe-reverse to be the fact. The poll at the pre sdritA6ment is 294 to 315—the Tories having gained somewhat by the last arrivals of intelligence ; but so litile`doubti entertained of the result, that no one cares about the question, except as a question of prin ciple. .„,TJiat question is settled—Manners Sutton i s defeated; and gees to the House of Peers, as will be seen by the, vote on Thursday next, if the question shall .C. 41 e et a vote—and the principle of Reform triumphant-ever the spirit of Conservatism.—Mornink Advertiser. It eifri . SearCely be necessary to remind the Members of dier.HOuse-of Commons that Thursday next, the 19th,instali4 is the day of meeting, and that shortly afterAwelve o'clock on that day the House will proceed to the: question upon which there exists so much pub lie .anxiety at ,the present moment—, he election of a Speaker. ThOe who are desirous of supporting the the exercise of an undoubted prerogative— those who are desirous of defeating a factious Opposi tion, and of insuring to the-Administration chosen by tris7Majesty " a'fair trial," which is all that is asked behalf, *not fail to see the importance of an early muster„ preparatory to the division by which those inportain considerations are to be decided. In the name of the .people of England, therefore, we can upon'llie' friend's of the Constitution to be at their post, lest by surprise or by accident the ch arac t er o f Pat!lamentitself should be compromised at the first step: Of its advance. Never was a personal coritest more reprobated than this will be when the passions in which it originated have had time to cool, and the people - to itefleet ppon the aim and object of the whole proeeeding.-31,9rning Herald. We'are'not surprised that journals which endeavour to - influence:ifie inknds of the people of Great Britain in favour: of the Whig-Radical candidate for the Speakership :hotild labour strenuously to efface the impression which the Irish harangues of Mr. O'Con nell, corroboratedand confirmed by the whole train and sequen of 'circuin" stances has produced, that Mr. Abercromby in aspiring to the Speaker's chair is merely.an, instrument.in the hands of Mr. O'Connell, and that the succeSS:of Mr. Abercromby, if such a thing *ere; pOssible;' could not fail to increase the. power, encourage the audacity, and further the ,oWieets' of thelrish, agitator and rebel. All parties: seem 'to agree thai the, junction of the names of .Abercrorriby and O'Connell'must of necessity be fatal to 'the former in .the, estimation of the people of England, and of all, thoSe MernbeiS of Parliament who feel in common with that people..:Hene,e vehement disclaimeii in oppo sition to irresistible evidence ; hence the of ctation of THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1835. marks on the duty of attendance. He strongly observes, that " the man who stays away is worse than the man who votes badly ; and -the skulker should have th e t rea t men t o f an enemy. After', stating that Ireland would send over at the least sixty-three opponents of a Tory Speaker, he pro ceeds in this spirited and just course of remark :—; " No one is more ready to admit than I am the endearing! ties, for no man has more reason personally to be delighted! with ties of, a domestic circle than I am ; no man will more' readily admit the necessity for the attendance of a husband to, his wife in sickness, or his children in disease: but the time has arrived when that man must be considered a traitor to his country, who would attend to any domestic concerns until he had fulfilled his public duty.—( Hear, hear.) I say it is no excuse to have a sick family. If .the person were a physician, there might be some reason in his wishing to attend them. I say, then, there is no excuse. If; on the morning of the battle of Waterloo, one of the. soldiers were to say, ' I have a sick child or wife, and cannot go to the field offight,' would he not be shot as a traitor ?—( Hear, hear.) We have come to a mo ral Waterloo—( Cheers)—and the men who hare Enlisted themselves in the ranks of freedom are not to look to their per sonal convenience, their personal gratification, or their domes tic duties. They have duties of a more imperative nature and higher order to perform. The question is, whether we shall give the first staggering blow to this.' most fatal Administra tion ; so fatal, that it not only threatens the peace of the country, but the very security of the Crown, for neither can ba safe if they continue in office." Mr. O'Connell moved— " That the Secretary (of the' Anti-Tory Association) do write to-Mr. Cobbett, who has expressed his determination to vote against Mr. Abercromby. He has stated that he will not vote for Mr. Abercromby. We will not press him to that, provided he votes against Sir Charles Manners Sutton.— ( Hear.) He will be proposed as Speaker, and Abercrortk will be proposed as the amendment. The moment Sir Charles Manners Sutton is proposed, somebody will move as an amendment that all the words after " that" be left out, and that the words proposed to be left Otjt." tio - staila'iiirt of- the, quest:jou: We theli vote against 'Sir Charles Manners. Sutton.; and if we carry tbe,.atuentftment, Mrt:Cobbett will be at liberty to get up and opppse , Mr. ,Aburcromby ? an,l• j prtiposy in his. place anybody`p „. At tlie . firgtilieetitratr . 'thi',lleforinea . Parliament, . .Mr. C 45bgeCoiVe:the strongest' and most unalterable reasons for reststing`thd ilection - of . Sir C. !Tit.'SuttOn. His speech -puts tlid'-question‘ on its true 'grounds ; .• • and ik-e . haiee dieat lifea6re in reprmem a. o it, asbrief' and'inianwerable argument, beyond which a is unne cessary to go. The statement of the feeling of the country is as just as that of the merits of the clues. tion Mr. COBBETT.—" I am convinced that the whole country will condemn the re-election of the Right Honourable Gentle man. The Right Honourable Gentleman said that he had been Speaker of this House for a period of sixteen years. But for that service he received a salary of 6,0001. a-year, and a retiring pension of 4,0001. But he had also held some public office before he became Speaker. Indeed, almost from his in fancy he had been receiving money in some shape or other out of the public purse. This, then, is the man whom the House is determined to elect as its Speaker. It is a saying of farmers, Such as the sample, such is the sack ; and what a sack must that be of which the Right Honourable Gentleman is the sam ple ! Such as the Right Honourable Gentleman is the whole of the Representatives of their breeches pockets will be found, all of them putting their hands in the people's pockets. as they did in the old unreformed Parliament, and taking from them as much money as they can get. Is such conduct to be tolerated by those who are, or at least ought to be, the Repre sentatives of the People? IN SHORT, IF MR. MANNERS SUT TON IS RE-CHOSEN TO FILL THE CHAIR OF THIS HOUSE, HE WILL BE CONSIDERED BY THE COUNTRY AS A FAIR SPECIMEN OF THE HOUSE ITSELF. THE HOUSE, THEREFORE, BY ITS VOTE ON THIS MOTION, WILL DETERMINE ITS OWN CHARACTER WITH THE PEOPLE. I shall, then, oppose the motion ; although my opposition may be, and probably will be, unavailing."— Morning Chronicle. indifference to the Irish agitator by persons who have always shown themselves to be the most submissive and abject of his slaves ; hence the show of valiant independence on the part of those whose whole con duct hitherto has attested their subserviency to the man who can stir up insurrection at his pleasure, urge or arrest the progress of assassination, command the Roman Catholic pulpits of Ireland, and dictate thirty votes in the Imperial Parliament. Fortunately, how ever, it happens that Mr. O'Connell 'does not under stand or will not indulge the squeamishness of his Bri tish‘adlicrents ; that the cultivation of his power in Ireland—the true source of all the power lie exercises . on this side of the British Channel—requires a bolder policy than that of the truckling slaves in Great Bri-. min, who are willing to crawl, but would yet be thought to stand erect; that by his position he is sometimes compelled to speak truths which put to shame their ha bitual and systematic falsehoods. It is in conse quence of the position of Mr. O'Connell in Ire land, and the disclosures which that position has extorted from him, that we are now enabled to, unite the interests of the O'Connell and Aber cromby factions, and t o p rove th a t, however the latter may seek to cajole the people of Great Britain by repudiating the former, the natural and necessary end of their common labour is the same —that of exalting Mr. O'Connell, of strengthening his means, of promoting his purposes, of separating the empire into distinct and hostile portions, or of transferring the dominion of the whole . empire from the British nation to the most ignorant, degraded, and brutal portion of the Irish people under the guidance of the agitator. Mr. O'Connell is exerting himself to promote the election of Mr. Abercromby. Why ? Because lie thinks Mr. Abercromby will make as good A Speaker as Sir harks Manners StittOh? -1 110,*(ibes not pietexidthis. Becatise. he sympathises with the Whig party in' Great Britain'in - the policy %ditch - they pursued in office, and wishes to perPetuate that policy? Ner...such thing. 'He has - repeatedly declared' that . he condemns, • rejects, and - despises • the policy of the Whigs.; What, then, is it that gives Mr.' O'Connell goi deep an interest in - the efeCtiont'of the. Whig . candi date as Speaker of the new House of Commons? He has given to his adherents in Ireland, and fortunate it is that lie has done so, the fullest explanation upon this point. He joins the British opposition, and la bours to enhance his own value, and promote their success upon the question of the Speakership, not from any love he bears them, for lie pretends none, but because he considers this as the first of a series of Par liamentary struggles which may, as he imagines, open an arena in which the Whig party and his own will have to struggle for the future Government of Great Britain and Ireland, and in which he rightly judges that the triumph of his party, when pitted against such antagonists, would be secure. He has tried the Whigs, and he knows that they can bend to him. He has tried his own power over them, and he knows that their flexibility knows no limits ; that they are merely willows in his powerful hand. And he would now with their assistance dispose of the mace of the House of Commons, only because he believes that if he can do this, he may as the next step in his career of wicked ambition, snatch and wield the sceptre of Great Britain. For this delineation of the policy of Mr. O'Connell we do not draw upon our own imagination. It is no more than a faithful and correct epitome of his own recent speeches in Ireland. He has declared his intention to suspend the agitation of the Repeal question for the present, in order to assist the Whigs and Radicals of Great Britain to dis place the present Ministry. And he has acknowledged in terms equally explicit, that he expects the Whigs, if they should return to power, to find room for him in the. Cabinet, and that he is determined, whether room in the Cabinet be,' in the first instance, found for him or. not, to regard the return of the Whigs to power as the signal for reviving the Repeal agitation. The world is aware to what extent Mr. O'Connell governed and controlled the Whigs during the existence of the late Parliament, notwithstanding the numerical strength of their own party in the House of Com mons, and notwithstanding that then they were in no degree indebted to him or his Tail for the political power which they had acquired. How boundless, then, would be his dominion if the Whigs should return to office through his assistance, now that their own independent influence in Parliament is so greatly diminished by-the late general election, and his influence, in conjunction with that of his Radical English and Scotch allies, so much increased. Mr. O'Connell knows, and has declared to his Irish fol lowers, that in these circumstances he would be su- preme ; that there is no office in the Ministry to which he might not reasonably aspire, and no measure, how ever abhorent to the feelings and detrimental to the se curity and welfare of Great Britain, which he might not boldly and successfully enforce. Mr. O'Connell has left no pretence for doubt, no shadow of ambiguity upon these subjects. He has intimated in terms the most explicit and express, that in coming to England to vote for the election of Mr. Ahercromby as Speaker of the House of Commons, he and his Tail are wholly indifferent to the merits or demerits of Mr. Abercrom by ; that they care nothing for the difference between the late Ministers and the present ; and that every thing they do will be done with no other view than that of paving the way for Mr. O'Connell to an abso lute dictatorship in the affairs of the Empire, and of securing at no distant day the separation of Ireland from Great Britain. The question of Thursday next is not, in reality, who shall be Speaker of the House of Commons. It is whether Mr. O'Connell shall be come substantially the ruler of the British empire ; and whether, for his gratification and triumph, that empire shall be dismembered.—Morning Post. ,At a meeting of the Anti-Tory Association in Dub lin, Mr. O'Connell „exposed one of the Ministerial falsehoods as follows : " The Times newspaper, which lies as fast as a horse could trot--(Laughter)--first says, that I dictated Mr. Abercromby to Lord John Russell: whereas I expressed it as my opinion that either of the other two gentlemen named to me would be a better selection, though I am happier now that Mr. Abercromby will be put forward. --(Hear, hear.) The last lie is that Spring Rice was proposed. and that I put a negative upon him, and said that the Irish Members would not vote for him. There never, was a greater falsehood. If Spring Rice were proposed I would readily vote for him. This may appear un interesting to the meeting, but there is a pleasure in denying falsehoods." It must be in the recollection of most persons, that upon the dissolution of the Melbourne Ministry, Sir Charles Manners Sutton was named by the Tory organs as one of the pillars of the new Administration ; and the announcement only cor roborated the natural inferences which were drawn from the busy part which he was seen to act in the councils of the provisional government. The men disposed to think most favourably of Sir Charles Man ners Sutton, took it for granted that when he stepped into the Tory Council Chamber, he abandoned all pretensions to the chai; of the Reformed House ; and that as he had openly given his aid to the party, he would share its responsibilities and fortunes in some high ministerial office. At the time there was hardly any remark upon the impropriety of the Speaker's meddling, because it was generally understood that a man who so meddled must have determined to quit the Chair, and that its proprieties had virtually ceased to bind him. The Speakership, even before the dissolu tion, was considered as vacant ; and the dissolution, counselled as it was by Sir Charles Manners Sutton, certainly in the strongest way confirmed the im pression. Under the first prevalent conviction that Sir Charles Manners Sutton could not have acted as he did without the intention of taking office, the leading Whig' Reformers saw in Mr. Abercromby the most eligible candidate, and he was no sooner named than accepted by public opinion. Thus, before the neces sity of turning out Sir Charles Manners Sutton had appeared, and when, from the conduct incompatible with the duties of his office, it was charitably supposed that he intended to withdraw from the Chair, even so early Mr. Abercromby was the person desired as a candidate. We need not enter into the repetition of other oircumstarieeq-; and Mr. O'Ctinnell has stated !Nylat passed when Me. Abercromby was named to him •as the most eligible in the ijudgmerit of 'the ErigliSh RefoiirVers. lii these factS;;then, is the cOn futatiOn of:a yerY — favoinite 11 7 ,,,r3 , falsehood : and, as — Mr. O'Connell says, there is a - pleasp r a in denying: TalsehoodS; whether important or not. M i r: . o',COnnell has in — a 6: some excellent re- J .. TOWER HAMLETS. DINNER TO DR. LUSHINGTON AND MR. CLAY. Last evening, the united Reformers of the Tower Hamlets gawa a dinner at the London Tavern to their representatives, Dr. Lushington and Wm. Clay, Esq., to celebrate their tri umph over the Tory opposition at the late election. The company was so numerous, that any addition to the numbers must have been productive of positive inconvenience ; the room known as the " Great Room" appeared to be filled in every part. Amongst the visitors present we observed, be sides the two Hon. Members, Mr. Tooke, M. P. for Truro, who was in the chair, Mr. Charles Lushington, M. P. for Ashburton, Mr. Hume, Mr. Warburton, Mr. Ewart, M. P. for Hull, Mr. Prescott, the banker, Mr. Wadden, and others distinguished for their liberal principles. The cloth being removed, and Non nobis, Domine sung ; The CHAIRMAN rose to propose the first toast, which he said had been conceived in a spirit of manly and discriminating loyalty—it was " The King, and may he never forget the principles which placed his family on the Throne." Three times three and much cheering. The next toast proposed was " The Queen," which was no sooner announc e d th an th ere was a burst (hissing. There was some applause also, but it was very partial. The expression of disapprobation being continued however for a considerable time, the plaudits rather increased. While this state of things lasted, the company were asked to charge their glasses for the next toast, but it being supposed that the request referred to the toast of " The Queen," there was a loud and general cry of " No, no." The CHAI RMAN rose an d sa id th e h ea l t h o f t h e Queen had been drunk, they would therefore be pleased to charge glasses for the toast which, according to the order of their proceed ings, was to follow.--( Cheers.) He would give them " The Princess Victoria and the rest of the Royal Family."--(Great cheering. ) The CHAIRMAN next gave " Our patriot Prince, the Duke of Sussex."—( Cheers'.) The Hon. Gentleman pronounced a warm eulogium on the public and private character of his Royal Highness. " The People, the only source of legitimate power," was received with three times three. The CHAIRMAN now rose to propose " The health of the two Honourable Gentlemen—Dr. Lushington and Mr. Clay." The toast was received with four times four, and most en thusiastic cheering. Dr. LUSHINGTON, on presenting himself was greeted with many rounds of applause. He said he rose to address them at a period of unexampled public interest— when the various conflicting opinions in this kingdom were striving for the mas terdom, and when in his humble judgment the great c ntest was, whether this nation should advance in the cause of great and national reform, civil and religious, or whether, by being consigned to the power and custody of those who for so many years held them in trammels, they should retrogade in the path which they had chosen.—( Cheering.) At such an hour, at such a time, when the boldest must be appalled at the possible consequences, what greater consolation, what greater encouragement could he and his Honourable Friend and Colleague receive, than the support and approbation of the large meeting which he now had the honour to ad dress ? If, indeed, at any time he could have doubted— which, thank God, he never did—as to the soundness of the principles he had professed and endeavoured to carry into execution, the judgment of this assembly, numerous, independent, enlightened and competent to judge, would have re-assured - him—they would have given him confidence, had he faltered for an instant. But he had never doubted ; his principles had been the same from the earliest hour that he appeared before the public. The only doubt he ever entertained was as to the means by which he could most securely and efficiently carry those principles into practical effect. When the late change took place, he declared him self, in the face of the public, the most resolved and uncom promising foe of the new Administration.—( Cheers.) Again, he avowed, that at the very moment the intelligence reached him, the first object of his heart, and that object he had fol lowed up by every exertion in his power, was to unite—to combine, and consolidate in one effort, every individual who possessed the same principles that he did, however they might differ in degree. What cared he for the difference ? ( Cheers.) One might say he (Dr. Lushington) was an old Whig—( A laugh and ckeers)—another might call him a Ra dical ; another might admonish him as a Destructive—Re former signifying Destructive in the opinion of some. In all such cases, what he had acted on was this—was there A prin ciple of common union to be found in seeking to realize the just demands of the people by abolishing all abuses, by carry ing into effect reform, by satisfying the people of England, and saving from bloodshed the 1 p eo pl e o f Ireland ?—(Great cheering.) Was he not right ?—( Hear, hear.) Let them look at the present Administration, and see what they had to con. tend against. What was their policy ? Was it not to divide them all ?—( Hear, hear.) And they were to be divided, not because they differed in principle, but simply as to some of the details in carrying the principle into effect. Of what was the new Government composed ? Why, if they looked to Eng land they would see a union of rather discordant materials in Alexander Baring, the President of the Board of Trade, and Mr. Secretary Goulburn—( Cheers and laughter)—they would also see that ancient Whig, the Earl of Rosslyn, shaking hands with the Earl of Aberdeen—(Laughter)—and if they crossed the Channel, he would say (with indignation not exaggerated) they would behold the former eloquent and able supporter of the Roman Catholic claims, the Knight of Kerry, united with Colonel Percival—the intolerant Percival.—(Great cheers.) Why, when he saw such combinations as these—when he saw all minor differences sunk among these gentlemen—when he saw the professions, votes, and speeches of twenty-five years forgotten, and that they were marshalled in one array against the liberties and happiness of the country, was it not time to step forward and oppose them ?—( Cheers.) But he had been told that he had invaded his Majesty's prerogative—( A laugh) —that he had no right to take the line he had adopted till ex perience made the truth apparent ; why, he could not but remember that it had pleased his Majesty's advisers t appoint the Marquis of Loadnden'y 16 the 'ernl3assy` of St. Petersburgh, and was he to wait till the Noble Lord had done all the mischief that he had it in his 'Rimer to do ?--( Continuhd cheers.) Nay; but Stop'; if this were' the true principle, it.might have 'plqased his. Majesty's advisers to make the' Noble 'Maequis Secretary of State'ffor the Foreign Department---(sthouts , of laughter) ; nay, -le might- hav e stepped even into the shoes Robert Peel himself— ( Continued 'laughter. ). Could a-fgross.er fallacy „than this be stated ? However.the'existipg Administration Was compoSed, —of vvhatiiiiek 4pdterials - it- "carritiitedp-7-'hinilever uhfit they ight kno w it t o b e b y past exper i ence, — st ill t h ey were to give it their confidence for a time ; and when it had done the mischief, that mischief they were to endeavour to repair as best they could. Had they said that the House of Commons should appoint the Ministers, they would have violated the Constitution of the land ; but all past history, and even the annals of the House of Commons, would show that the course they had adopted was justifiable. The House of Commons had, before now, addressed the King, and said, " For God's sake, make a more efficient Administration, or the interests of this country are deeply injured."—( Hear, hear.) On both these principles—feeling the urgency, and seeing the addresses which had been made to the people,—addresses that were not, intended to be intelligible, but were framed much on , the principle as propounded by some learned divines of the thirty-nine articles, to induce as many as possible to enlist under the same flag—men who at tached different meanings to the same words—observing these things. they would abandon common sense, and the great principles of consistency, if they did not declare that they would endeavour to eject from present power men whose past conduct in public had demonstrated their unfitness to exercise it—men whose principles had ever been hostile to every measure which he from his heart had advocated as bene ficial for the mass of the people. There had, however, been indications of late of a far more serious tendency. They who had watched the progress of those publications which advo cated the interests of the present Administration could not have failed to observe an attempt to get the lower orders of the people into a union with the higher, in order to oppose the middle classes. It had been remarked, that " too much power had been given to the middle orders, and great benefit would arise from investing the lowest of all with still greater autho rity." None could have read these lines without seeing what was intended if the party had but the opportunity.—( Hear. ) They projected an extension of the franchise, not on the prin cipie that those should enjoy it who, by education, knowledge, and reflection, would exercise it for the benefit of the people, but intending to confer it on persons of the rank of_onr z aucienti freeman in the cor ru ptibl e an d corrqpt.,boroughs—men tv'ho could be induced by Tory Oa to form An with the Tories.—( Cheers.) To any fair extension of the franehise - he Was most friendly; 'but:With iegard to any of tliose proposi tions- whi,ch would tend merely . to enlarge: the sphere of cor-' ruption, and give perpetuity:to the power at present exercised ,by the ,party which was ever hbstile to- civil and religious li berty,,*.howeVer ipeeious , the . form, and - however calculated= to. seduce, the lower order's, at the cost. of any unpopularity he might iiicur, he:would stand i n th e gu lf, an d di e - rat h er than not - oppose them.,-(Cheering:) He and his friends were Re formers, and Would not refuse good measures come whence they might; If the:preseut:Administration continued in office, they would take really good measures from them, and by the: tileSs ing of God they would make them better and more efficacious. (Laughter.) But they would not intrust Goulburn with the religious liberties of this country.—(Mdch cheering.) They would net hand over Ireland to the merciless domination of those who must, if they followed the present system, deluge her in blood.—( Cheering.) And he would lay against the House of Lords their last damning offence, viz., their rejecting the Tithe Bill for Ireland, which, giving security to the Pro testant Establishment there, and a larger portion of wealth than could be realized by law or at the point of the bayonet, was rejected by that House, and of which the first fruits were the blood which had been shed at Rathcormac.—( Cheering.) At the door of that assembly he laid the guilt. A measure more likely to have attained that great and blessed end, the peace of Ireland, never yet was propounded to them. Never was there a measure in which greater sacrifices were made by their opponents for that great and desirable object. And one of the present Ministers, in whom they were now called on to put their trust, was the very individual who moved the rejection of that Bill. That this party would do better than they did, he knew well.—( A laugh.) That the Re form Bill could not be repealed, he knew as well as they did. The inestimable benefits of that measure could never be exaggerated. It had not only enabled their friends to do justice to the people, but it had disabled the enemy from doing them injury. They knew with what feelings he should go to Parliament. He had been the object of much obloquy. —( Shouts of " Don't mind it.") He was neither deterred nor frightened.—( Much cheering.) The abuse of his politi cal enemies was the next best thing to the approbation of his friends. Fortified by th e i r approbation, and confident in the soundness of his principles, he would proceed in the course he had hitherto adopted ; he never yet, in the most adverse days, despaired of the success of truth, and he never would.— ( Hear.) He had lived to see gratified the dearest hope of his earliest days, in the abolition of slavery and the reform of Parliament. He remembered the hour when he was ridiculed for both—when he was laughed at for a wild enthusiast. The cause of truth had triumphed—the cause would triumph : they might depend on it, whether the present struggle were long or short, let them but keep in view justice to themselves as well as others, and their cause was ultimately safe. For him self he cordially thanked them : he thanked them for that which was the proudest attribute of a British statesman, viz., the free power to enter the House of Commons, not as an in dividual nominated to his seat, or becoming possessed of it by purchase—not speaking merely the sentiments of himself, but the opinions of by far the larger mass of so great, so intelli gent, so wealthy, and so independent a constituency. This was his pride and his boast ; it was that which would uphold him in the hour of tribulation ; it was that which would com fort him in any temporary difficulty ; it was that which, he doubted not, would enable him to go along with others, so long as they were struggling to obtain the consummation they desired. Mr. CLAY then rose to return thanks. After expressing his gratitude to the electors of the Tower Hamlets for the con fidence which they reposed in him, and for the cordial welcome which they on this occasion had given him—he observed, that whilst he estimated highly the honour of being again the ob ject of their choice, he felt a greatly increased responsibility in undertaking at this moment the honourable yet arduous duty which it imposed on him. He was aware that public men were charged, and perhaps not unjustly, with a disposition to exaggerate the importance of the circumstances in which for the moment they happened to be placed, and to describe each epoch of our history as a crisis in national affairs. But it was in no such spirit that he ventured to give it as his opinion that the present aspect of public affairs, if not such as to make it more alarming was such as to furnish matter for more grave reflection, and for conduct more cautious on the part of those to whoni the people confided their in terests, than any state of the public affairs which had been known to more than one or two gene rations past. The great and glorious measure of Par liamentary Reform had effected changes in the very elements of the political system of this country, of which many persons, and some of them unhappily now seated in high places, as yet but very imperfectly appreciated the importance. That measure, by restoring to the people the choice of their repre sentatives, had invested them with resistless power.—( Cheers. ) If unhappily there should be wanting, on the part of those who ruled them, the wisdom to make timely concessions, or if, on the people, there should be wanting sobriety in the exercise of their newly-gained power, a collision, which was impossible when a corrupt oligarchy ruled the State; must inevitably take place between the popular and the aristocratic branches of the Legislature. This it was which constituted the danger of the present times. He was more afraid, he confessed, of the want of wisdom in our rulers than of calm and sound sense and so briety in the people.—( Cheers.) It was difficult to conceive that advisers of the Crown should be found so weak or so wicked as to recommend or sanction the motion of a hopeless contest between the prerogative of the Crown and the national will ; and yet he hardly knew in what other light than as a first step of such a contest he was to look on the recent exercise of the prerogative—a step which, before Parliamentary Reform, would have been a bold one—subsequently to that measure, it was more than bold. What was the character of that proceeding ? The former Ministry having professed their in tention to effect those reforms in Church and State which the peo;)le of England had determined should be effected, were dis missed, to make way for men whom the same people of Eng. land believed to be opposed to those reforms. But sue. were told that this was a mistake, and that the present Ministers were Reform Ministers—( Much laughter)—and that the Pre mier had never really been opposed to Reform.—( Continued laughter.) If so, then the age of miracles had not yet passed away. But he would test their character of being real, sincere, and competent Reformers by one simple consideration. They .had professed, through their leader, to intend a reform in the Church, and had declared that they were not unfriendly to a reform in the municipal Corporations, nor to the removal of the disabilities under which the Dissenters laboured. He would not speak of the more or the less which they might intend by these professions ; but he asked if any man of sound mind could believe that any reform in those particulars would have been possible without Parliamentary Reform ? There could be but one answer to that question ; and if that were so, how came it that those men pertinaciously opposed that very Reform which had only for its object the gaining of those ulterior reforms in Church and State which they now pro fessed to have so much at heart ? Either they were de void of statesmanlike sagacity and foresight to a degree which rendered them unfit to have the guardianship of a hen roost, or at this moment they were insincere. Now he con fessed lie could not so far compliment their sincerity as Re formers at the expense of their sagacity. He did not believe that they were Reformers in the sense in which the Reformers of England understood that term. To have taken office at the present day, avowing hostility to reform, would have been impossible ; but their intention was to sail as near the wind as possible, and to give that exact quantity of reform which would, as they hoped, suffice to retain them in office. Like the learned doctors, the casuists of old, whose duty it was to ascertain at how small a sacrifice of the agreeable or the pro fitalile peccadillos a person might indulge in the pleasures of this world without forfeiting his reversion in the next, the very able casuist, now the leader of the Tories—and a more able casuist than our Right Honourable Premier he knew not— appeared to be making the experiment to ascertain with how little sacrifice of Tory predilections he and his fol lowers might be able to retain the paradise of office— ( Cheers.) But he (Mr. Clay) would venture to tell the Right Honourable Baronet that the people of England were not to be so misled. They doubted these miracu lous conversions. They abhorred deceit. They were; rso friends to casuistry. In a single wortl, -and in :;plain, huts guage they repudiated his Ministry.—(Oreat cheering.) The theyß ere rrnmaedres t h i ,t a i d s .t h t e p e e n rs t o o i cl al t ,4 11 u a t 6 s t t i h o p n y_w b e e r :a e u " s e f a theircti ;r 1 a ' t 13 0 c w a o u r s d e to their candidates was al bo you oppose oriupport the Ministry ?" Why, 'it seas` the only test 'left 'to thein—:so rife-Was deceit, se full was the land 'of. this iniquerade of R e f or m--46 distinguish betvieen a Tory and a false biiither of the'creed. 13tit, really,' with regard 'to the charge of being factiou's, 1!!-i or leis Hon.' Colleague were factious in oppos ing thce Ministth-s before they had hid a fair trial, Dirsootti, why, 'tlien v ' v t h l ct ie , y, af t te h r e aßfeufimlol,. avowal a p i f o t f he his To a i n v d er h H is am e l o e i t i s 6g , were had returned them.—( Ch eers .) N ay, the 'CI4 - of piaricnticoiu;s;e; London was factious, Finsbury was factious, Mary-le-bonne, Southwark, Lambeth, Middlesex, were factious._( Cheers.) They were a factious people. Now, he could understand some few individuals being factious, but for such a charge to be brought against a whole people was so whimsiCal, that it ap. peared to him to be reserved for the last shift of the Tories to make use of.--( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Premier, at a cer tain meeting at Tamworth, where he probably had an audience not over critical, ventured upon a witticism which might as well have been spared, when he said that we, the Reformers; called ourselves " the people of England.;' In answer to that sneer, he (Mr. Clay) would ask hire to name one single great constituency in the empire—one which might be truly said to represent the property, the inteliigence, and the principles of the people of England, and among which there had not been left any of the damning old corruption—which had returned one supporter of his Administration ?—( Cheers. ) But whether he were right or wrong .as to the judgment which the people of England had formed with regard to the Ministry, would soon be put to the test. It would soon be seen whether they had chosen then who would permit those to do the work of Reform, whose hearts were alien from the cause. Immediately on the meetins , of the Parliament, one great question would be decided, which would be made the test of the strength of party—he alluded to the ques tion of the Speaker.—(Much cheering.) Gentlemen (con tinued Mr. Clay), I am happy to tell you that, so far as I know—unless some culpable remissness or negligence on the part of the Reformers should occur, the fate of that question is decided.—(Cheers.) There can be no doubt now that the complaisance—l may say, the indulgence—of the Re formers was ill-bestowed when, in the first Reformed Par liament, they placed a man not of their own principles in the Chair. Circumstances are now changed. We can no longer afford any idle compliments, and it is inconceivable to me upon what ground any man calling himself a Re former can vote 'for the re-election of the Right Honoura ble Charles Manners Sutton 16 the ehair:.:-(IJoAd ch'eerS4 Gentlemen, our opponents are never guilty of 'this misplaced candour.--:-(Hearr hear.) They tfeVei.' att : einht to execute that peculiar -, inaticeuVre which was felicitously described by one of their late - shining lights= Lord Castlereagh—' they covet " turn' their backs upon themselves.' That ma nceuvre, so difficult to'execitte,' ;atn sorry to,tay'ig more fre quently'reServed for tile - liberal 'party 'to attempt ; ''yet not withstanding: sortie few 'defeicticins - *our party- - -which I should have thought inipossible-- - -I" , reheat tbat'l- believe the issue of the question of the Speaker tcrbe settled:-4 Cheers'. ) Upon that question, or - at events . very shortly after thel meeting of Paeliandent, depend liponl it - this attempt of the: Toiik to asMinie•tbe reins of government cr:er 4 a reluctant and! distrustful people shall meet-with. ksineere-and• rebuke - . —(Chters. ) As. to” th'e - parCivhich I:myself shalt-take 'in these events, I need not waste a moment in' describing it to you. You know my principles. Such as my career has hi therto been, such shall it be to the end.—( Cheers.) Mr. CLAY proposed the toast of " The Constituency of the Tower Hamlets, as created by the Reform Bill, and may it ever prove true to the principles which gave it birth." (The toast was drunk amid great cheers.) The Rev. Mr. ASPLAND rose to return thanks. They, with the other metropolitan constituencies, had been charged with being Destructives—in one sense they were so, for they had destroyed Gatton and Old Sarum—( Cheers)—and here after, if any rotten sprouts should be observed to spring from their stools, they would be again ready to assist to destroy them.—( Cheers.) They were only desirous of handing down to their children the rights and just privileges of their fore fathers.—( Cheers.) Song, " England shall weather the storm.' The CHAIIIMAN then proposed " The health of that patrio tic Member for the county of Middlesex," whom he eulogized for his perseverance and integrity, which was drank with long continued cheers. Mr, HUAIE returned thanks. He had been taunted by a statement, that all his (Mr. Hume's) exertions tended to a mere matter of pounds, shillings, and pence—but, after all, if reform in that were carried fully into effect, it would produce the most beneficial results ; and if the aristocracy, instead of sharing in the plunder of the people, could be made to feel the proper weight of the taxes, they would soon be as clamo rous as as any of them for economy and retrenchment. The Cu AIRMAN then proposed " The - health o4' Mr. Ewart and the Reformers of Liverpool." He described the Hon. Gentleman as distinguished for his political and commercial ability, and for his love of constitutional liberty. The toast was drunk with cheers. Mr, EWART returned thanks, and admitted the difficulties of the liberal side in the old constituency of Liverpool. He de scribed the position of the present Ministry as a morally false one ; they were in the dilemma of either sacrificing their mo rals or their politics. The visit of the present Premier to Rome recalled some of his (Mr. Ewart's) recollections of that ancient city, particularly the Forum, where there was a tem ple of Janus—a divinity celebrated for two faces—there was no place more suited to the Right Honourable Gentlemen to in hale the spirit of that city than that of the double-faced god. The temptation of office had drawn the Right Honourable Gentleman back and overcome his scruples, and was a sort of enlarged imitation of turn again Whittington.—( Cheers. ) He had audaciously dissolved Parliament ; but it might be said of the Tories, without speaking irreverently, that many were called, but few chosen.--( Cheers.) They (the Tories) asked for a trial—the prisoners were already condemned. It had been said, do not proceed in patches of opposition ; but it was their duty to encounter the Tories at all points.—( Cheers. ) The late Speaker was said to be a discreet gentleman, si lent and impartial. They would, however, recollect that there • was before certain regiments a certain silent per son called a fugleman : such was, and will be, Charles Man ners Sutton. There were certain evolutions of his hand, which keep the whole troop in order ; and such would be the at ' tempt, unless they put them out, by throwing out the leader of the band.—( Cheers and laughter.) You will (concluded the Hon. Gentleman) back the Conimons of England, and I trust with-overwhelming power.—He sat down amidst great cheering. The CHAIRMAN, in rising to propose the health of an Hon. Gentleman present, stted that Lord Durham and Lord John Russell had only been prevented attending from ill-health, and Mr. Grote from an unavoidable engagement. Lord Brougham would also have attended, except for the reasons stated in the letter which he would read. The Hon. Gentle man then read the following letter : " Berkeley-square, Feb. 13, 1835. " SIR—I feel extremely honoured by the kind invita• 'ion of your brother-stewards, and I should have had much pleasure in accepting it, and in celebrating with you, a victory in which I rejoiced most heartily on every ground —public and private. But I regret that I am prevented by particular avocations, which cannot be put aside, on my return from a long absence. Be assured that the silly clamour which has been raised in quarters too contemptible to merit notice, against my attending, while in office, meetings of my fellow-countrymen, never would for a moment have in fluenced me on this occasion. I know of no reason why a Minister shOuld set himself above meeting his fellow-citizens. My predecessors have done so—even those of Tory principles; and as for one who has always lived and fought against power with the people—for him to become all of a sudden estranged from their society, would have been as impossible as to forget their kindness, or disregard their interests. " Yours truly, " BROUGHAM. " Addressed to Mr. Coats, chairman of the stewards." He concluded, amidst immense cheering, by proposing " The heal:.h of Mr. Warburton." Mr. WARBI I RTON returned thanks. The CHAIRMAN then proposed " The health of Charles Lushington, Esq., the independent Member for Ashburton." (Drank with applause.) Mr. CHARLES LustimoToN, on returning thanks, observed that there was some difference in the situation of his learned relative and himself. His learned relative had been distin guished by a long career of usefulness, both in political and foren,sic life, and still more distinguished by being a second time chosen the representative of one of the most numerous, influential, and independent constituencies in the kingdom ; whereas, he ( Mr. C. Lushington) had but just emerged from retirement, and to assume that public trust which had been delegated to him by one of the smallest constituencies in the empire. But although the constituency of Ashburton was small, it was not insignificant, and he believed not surpassed by any body of men in public spirit, disinterestedness, and in dependence. That, much, then, he must yield to his learned relative ; but he would not concede to him one jot or tittle in attachment to liberty, in abhorrence of oppression, and in a determination to uphold to the utmost the rights and privileges of the people.—( Cheers.) He had been called a Destructive. Was it because he advocated the repeal of the Septennial Act ?—or because, from conviction, he thought it essential to the upholding of the suffrage, to advocate vote by ballot ? Was it because he wished to see Church reform ? If so, then be assented to the designation. If, because by, his voice and by his writings, he had vindicated the Dis senters from the gross abuse of clerical defamers, and had suc ceeded in causing that abuse to be p ar ti a ll y , yet re l uctant l y withdrawn, that he was called a Destructive, then he hailed and exulted. in the title. He was about to enter Parliament for the first time, and he should soon have to give his vote on a most important question. That vote he should give in fa vour of him whom he believed would best defend and uphold the rights of Parliament, and the liberties , of the people. He should on every occasion give his feeble support to every measure calculated to develope, extend, and enforce the Re form Cheers.) , Other toasts were drank in the course of the evening, among which were " Lord Brougham—distinguished alike for his exertions for the advancemeet of education, and for his bril liant advocacy of the general happiness and liberty of his country." " The Chairman, and thanks to the constituency of Truro, who have returned so independent a Member to Parliament." 44 Ireland, and a speedy redress of all her wrongs;" which were accompanied with appropriate speech es , and the festivities of the evening were kept up with the most perfect good humour till a late hour. AN AMICABLE ARRANGEMENT.—A hardy : tar who has been weathering the storms_pf the last t‘to iiinters, the out-harbours- of N-ewfoundland t 'arrived- at : his native vil,, lage-in this colinty, -.4botit a fortnight-sinee, and one . day in the present week.his faithful rib, more to his-surprise_ than to his satisfaction,- presented him yith a "sob and- heir: "—:.Jack pondered on this unexpected honour until his -mind was dis_ tressed with doubts, -!' Devil. atit P' said he, "is he either son or heir of mine l' am thinking." ":Why will you make a fool of yourself (said his.wife) , by disturbing your mind about_ trifles ? Call the boy my son and your heir, and the thing is settled at once."— Western Times. • . • . . .t. , . A NECFATIVE INQUIRES.—A-Citiseh of the centary, havitig mislaid his hat at a tavern; inquired with tiueb vociferation, and in true coektiey-li i ke ,pfirase , ==. o If 'noboilil had saen nothinb of never a hat itofrheie's ?""-:-*Vh f at - afi; era_ is "of sense.'- - • - - - --:' c-"' - - - COURT OF. CIrANCERY. COCHRANE V. CURLEW'S. This was a motion by way of appeal from an order of the Vice-Chancellor restraining the defendant from suing out execution on a judgment i n an ac ti on a t law, by wh ich he obtained a verdict for a sum of 1,300/. against the plaintiff. The plaintiff, Mr. Peter Cochrane, is a voung man, who will become entitl e d t o a .sum of 30,000/. on his attaining the age of 25, and the defendants, fashionable tailors, in Hanover-street, Hanover , square, were in the habit yr giving him credit for expensive clothes, and supplying I li with - money, t o b e repa id w h en th e p l a i n tiff a ttained majority. For these advances, as well as for the debts op' tracted in the way of trade, tLe plaintiff gave his acct' ance, payable at dist an t d a t es . , by way of security. T he business in Hanover-street had been at first carried no by Curlewis the younger, but becoming embarrassed in his circumstances, he transferred it to the father, and afterwards took it back again, paying the father as c° °- sideration money a bill for 1,5001., drawn on and accepted by the plaintiff. On this bill Curlewis, the father , brought an action, w hi c h was t r i e d a t th e l a st assize s for Guildf or d,. an d a ver di c t t a k en f or 1,3001. an d a frac tion. The pl a i n tiff th en filed his bill in this Court, pray in g that the acceptance on w hi c h thi z ac ti on was b rou ght migh t be delivered up t o b e cance ll e d, on t h e groun d th a t it was obtained by fraud a nd m i sre p resen t a ti on ; f or , although I's admitted the a cce pt ance o f severa l bill s f or var i ous a mounts , yet he denied the existen ce o f an y bill f or 1,5001., alleging , that it was either a bill a lt ere d t o re p resent a l ar ger or' than that for which it was origin - 0-1y given, or a bill dra' on a blank stamp, to whicirfai-giaii-been induced to affil name. Uncle!' Illesé'cii:effrristaikes, granted an injunction to stir the furthe ii're(446 8 4 .53 ' IAs:V . ; and *Ooer - ed the :VII to be delivered upon the papiil into Court of the sum for which 'it %Vai a b" the issue of the suit.- - -• • Mr. , 411LFE, on the part of the defendant, now_rno.4 t° set aside this order of the Vice... Chancellor. A t-lthreelf..crock his Lordship said he, was,ohliged to g to. Westminster;. and the further hearing of the. case 1 0 ' therefore, postponed till - the-next day of motions. • , ""COURT'Or'KrNG'S BENCH. „rig 11.'1 - • ,• •. WILSON; ROARE ANI) °THEE& This was an action brought by Sir T. 'iNc-cviiskl 1 5111 ' the Lord of the Manor of Hampstead, against the ar a fendants to recove r cer t a i n f ees f or a d m i ss i on to a co pYh°l estate of that manor. The defendants were persons robs' bitants of Hampstead, who, up on th e nom i n ati on o f the IT of the manor, h a d b een a pp o i n t e d t rustees o f t h e We' Charity,, and as such were required to be admitted tenant s of the manor in right of their estate as such trustees. T he question in contest was, as it had been on two former ocer sions, the amount of the fines to be taken on a nominal ° of trustees. When the case was b e f ore t h e E xc hequer Chamber Lord Lyndhurst said that it was a case f the decision of actuaries on ly ; b u t t hi s suggest i on h a d n°t been adopted, and the present action had been brough, t " There were fourteen trustees of the charity. When their number became reduced to five it was necessary to m ake $ fresh nomination to fill up the vacancies. The nominate? ! in this case had been made, an d th e ques ti on was , h o w t"' fines were to be calculated. It was admitted that the plaintiff was the lord of the manor, and that the yearly val ue of the estate held by the trustees as tenants was 1,000/. The Jury, after retiring for about twenty minutes, re" turned a verdict for the defendants. COURT OF REQUESTS. KIN GS GATE-STREET. Mr. George Almar, the propriet or o f S a dl er ' s W e lls Theatre, appeared to answer the complaint of M r . Charles Cullen, one of the buskinites of that establishment, wh o t . presented himself before the Court in the attitude ° Othello, delivering his account of himself to the Venetian Senate. Having " sawed the air" several times with dexter hand, he proceeded, as he said, to " deliver a round unvarnished tale" of his " whole course" of dealing Wi th l defendant. He had been engaged by him to fret sever ( ' weary hours per night upon the stage in third-rate charac ters, for which he was to receive one pound fifteen shillings a week ; there had been no letters of agreement between them, but he relied upon " The Point of Honour" defend' ant's verbal promise of an engagement for two seasons in volved ; hence, hdwever, arose " The Devil to Pay," f °r ' having been once absent from rehearsal, and having been' during the same week, accused of being too familia r with " that good familiar creature, wine," he was in con' sequence fined three shillings and sixpence, which was stopped from him when " Th e R en t D ay " arr i ve d. KB had then entered Upon . the first night of a new weer and refused to play unless he had " A Rowland for 1115 Oliver" in the shape of his full pay, considering that a t the tender lamb that never nipped the grass was not mor e nocent" than he of th e c h arges a ll ege d aga i nst hi m. manager, having considered " How to Get Off" the horn: of this dilemm a , p rom i se d t o pay hi m t h e s hi ll i ng stoPP ell for absence from the rehearsal, but at the close of th e night declared th a t h e s h ou ld " never' more be officer °` r his," and he consequently got the " Turn-out," and " to vr in the winter of his discontent" summoned Mr. Almar for the salary of the week he had commenced, and the half crown fine which had been stopped for having put 0 9 enemy into his mouth to steal away his brains." Mr. Almar insisted that he had the right to impose those fines as he pleased, but acknowledged that the two instance'' *f irregularity recited were the only ones of which eon' plainant could be accused. _ . The COMMISSIONER considered that, if experience will a test, "a cup of sack" had often added to the theatt3eo energies of many of the brightest ornaments of the stage' and there were many players whom he would be glad c°, retain though they should drink "potations pottle deep every night. Mr. (Julien then proceeded to enlarge upon the profes' sional services be had rendered defendant. Althoug h scarcely a two-pounder per week, he had often performe d , the parts of four-pound ers ; an d on one occas i on b e had resigned an excellent part in order to impersonate a Gene" raCbecause he was the only military-looking person in the company ; nay, he was at ail times willing to drill proeer sions, lead armies, agitate mobs, or do anything to mak e the play the thing," and his reward was likely to be 1 being left to his " Ways and Means." The COURT, having consulted, made an order in favour of the complainant, who asserted thatothe Commission er was " a Daniel, a second Daniel," and declared that 11° 'would have the due and forftit of his bopd" for the gagement for the season, and would summon Mr. A.lnt weekly for hi s sa l ary , un l ess h e re i nstated h i m, although would rather prefer the compromise than see " The Manag e " in Distress." RF:MARKA*LE CIRCUMSTANCE.—It Will be is the recollection of our readers, that, some months ago, nctit was taken , of the loss o f th e Marion, of M on t rose , f rom Arch angel, angel, with a ll on b oar d, as no trace whatever of ship or ca,rb was discovered. O ne morn i ng l ast week, one of the boys ""k longing to that vessel presented himself to his horror-stru t e mother, as she sa t so li tary i n mourn i ng weeds lamenting tu,, " untimely fate of h er c hild. Th e cause of his " revisiting °- glimpses of the moon" for a little longer was sp ee dily el .plained. When the vessel was loading at Archangel, hell% pened to quarrel with one o f hi s s hi pmates, when he v itt the Marion und er n i g h t f or t h e i nter i or, where he roved alOi'e for some weeks ; but coming to the sea-side, in time for os l ect of the latest ve s s e l s l eav i ng f or M ontrose, the master reeeiVbe him on boa r d, an d l an d e d hi m sa f e l y on the Angus shore. „, above is paralleled by one of the men of the sloop H u nter, Montrose, lost during th e l a t e s t orm i n Dunbarßay, with b e on board. He, it appears, left the ship at London, w here i9 wandered about u n til th e f ate o f hi s f ormer bark reache d i. ears, when he thought of coming home to relieve the aPP r hensions of his friends.—Montrose Review. BIRTH. On the 13th in s t., a t L oug h ton R ectory, Bucks, the lady 0f tbe. Rev. John Athawes, of a son. On the 13th inst., a t S tam ford-hill, l, the lady of Alfred ‘ ,l - Esq., of a daughter. s(l4 At Wood End, Yorkshi re , th e l ady of Samuel Crompton, V M.P., of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 10th ; :nst., John Poingdestre, Esq , of HarleX-s ba t r ' , Cavendish-s quare , an d o f G ra i nv i lle House, Esq., to Illar"rf zounpst (laughter of th e l a t e J o h n Cl ement Ruding, EA" ° tlampton. DIED. f 8 6, At her residence i n S ou th- s t reet, an d at the advanced age ° se ; Mary Lady Affleck, widow of Richard Vassall, Esq., and sub quecitly married to the late Sir Gilbert Affieck, Bart. 11' On the 13th inst„ a t W arw i c k House, Worthing, Lieut.-Gen e Sir Richard Jones, K. C. 8., l a t e o f t h e Hon. East India ‘ ,OO. parry's Service, in his 83d year. late On the 15th inst., i u M ontagu - square, J u di t h , relict o f the Rear-Admiral Manby, of Northwold, Norfolk, in her 47thj ea • r t: or On the 15th inst., .i n N or f o lk- street, ' P ar k - l ane, Henry 'lra' Dairsie, in the county of Fife, Esq., in his 80th year. . o r On the 15th inst., at Cheltenham, aged 39, David, only David Pennant, Esq., of Downing. • ' ": 61r e0 1 —On the ~14th inst., Mr „ loseph . Chrisp, of Tower-street...-- •-- • - - „ifs t* On the 30th of November last, in Jamaica, Elizabeth Ma r Yo+l , lof William...Pods-atm, and daught er . o f the late Daniel Gr#"'"" ' EA., : Of iceuzington, its her 42d %aw year"' • I' l ' • • On the 12th in s t., i n S i . G eorge ' s-p l ace, Br i gli tnn,...6_°- relict of the late John Bridger Norton, Esq., aged 76. itrallarrn On the 16th inst., M a b e ll a I sa b e ll a, d aughter of Mr. R. " surgeons; , Hdekticy-road,' aged three years andfiVe "moiiths. " On the 7th inst., Susnnnalt, 'the Wife of Mr. Henry -Cope, c s, , .citor, of Agnes-place„ Waterloo-road, aged 53.! •-t . 1n the sth of September last, in George's River, gr Van-Die'll Lind, Wrecked and drowned, C apta i n R o be rt Mar ave of. f ihe' .• gal Native Infantry., „ 7 On the inAlpha-road, 7 Alex.. Biruie, Esq., 21. 11 18 72 :•••1 . • , • r I'4? on( on: . roit44 and Pubbibed by . MLTODO; ° „„atf 112, sirand, at 'the Office, No, .112 ) Sir ' cn - „,.. of Middlesex ' CON I T UNI T (10 hen Marin< Advert TH I ,„ o'Cloel CON/ RIN UNIT] do her( at o ne may b e or any ( ored ries at the 31st GE and Sou rtoTl- y and eery 117( as nNTN follows