The Sun. — London, England, 1865-06-03 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANcErt.ox took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. ROYAL COMMISSION, The Royal assent was given by commission to the fol lowing bills :—MetropolitanHouseless Poor; Public Offices (Site and Approaches); India Office (Site and Approaches); Tories, Robbers, and Rapparees ; Police Superannuation ; County Voters Registration; County of Sussex; Bristol Gas ; Bodmin Railway ; Littleborough Gas ; Brierly Hill Gas ; Newport Paguell Railway ; Preston Gas ; St. John' s Chapel, Portsea ; Glasgow Markets and Slaughterhouses; Gosport Gas ; Llaneily Local Board of Health ; London, Brighton, and. South Coast Railway (Additional Powers) ; Mersey Docks and Harbour Board ; Galway Water; Dundee Roads and Streets ; Forcett Railway; Great Eastern Railway (Somersham to Rumsey); Drigh lington and Gildersome Gas ; Glasgow and South W es t er n Railway (Kilmarnock Direct); School for the Indigent Blind Act (Amendment); North London R a il wa y ; Horsforth Water ; Whitehaven Junction Rail way ; Glasgow Corporation Water; Sunderland Corpora tion; and Ilfracombe Railway. The Commissioners were Lord Chancellor, Lord St. German; and Lord Sydney. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Teign Valley ; Burnham Tidal Harbour ; Tottenham and Hamp stead Junction Railway (Deviation, &c.) ; Cray's Gas; Ripon Local Board; Northampton and Bunbury Junction Railway (Deviation, &c.) ; Crieff Junction and Scottish Central Railway Companies; North British Railway; Edinburgh Station and Markets; North British Railway (Lasswada, dm., Branches.) The following bills were read a third time and passed : Great Torrington Roads ; Cirwen and Bala, and Bala and Dolgelly Railways ; Great Northern Railway ; Hornsey and Hertford (Barnet); Kidderminster, Stamford, and Bewdley Water; Glossop Water; Belfast Gas; Tiverton and North Devon Railway ; Bristol and Exeter Railway ; Bristol Joint Station ; Great Eastern and London and Blackwall Railways ; Metropolitan Railway ; and Hammer smith and City Railway. DULWICH COLLEGE. The Earl of HARROWBY moved for certain returns showing the revenue, expenditure, numbers of persons resident on the foundation, and other particulars in con nection with Dulwich College, which were ordered. THE CASE OF CATHERINE GAUGHAN. The Earl of BANDON asked why the sentence which was passed on or about the 20th of April last on Sub- Inspector Burke and other persons in the police force con cerned in the outrage on Catherine Gaughan at Ballisadore, in the county of Sligo, had not been carried into effect. Earl GRANVILLE was understood to say that there had been some misunderstanding in reference to this case ; the circumstances connected with it led to some changes being ordered with reference to the Irish constablary. The Earl of LEITRIM objected to the power vested in the police in Ireland, and he thought the law in this case had not been properly carried out. He considered that the Government should institute an in quiry into the general conduct of the police in Ireland. The Marquis of WESTMEATH agreed with the last speaker. DOGS REGULATION (IRELAND) BILL. I This bill passed through committee. The Commissioners of Supply (Scotland) Bill and the Parsonages Bill were read a third time and passed. Their lordships then adjourned until Monday, the 12th inst. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock. LOCAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLEMENTARY ACT (No. 4) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. WRITS REGISTRATION (SCOTLAND) BILL. The LORD-ADVOCATE moved that the house go into committee on this bill. Mr. DUNLOP opposed the motion, and moved that the bill be referred to a select committee. He objected to the proposition of the Lord Advocate to abolish the local re gisters and to keep up one general register in Edinburgh. In his opinion it would be much more advantageous to abolish the general and to maintain the local registers. This was the only point in dispute, and he regretted that the Scotch members had not been able to settle the matter up stairs without further appeal to the house. He thought that the present was not a time when the bill could be fairly considered ; and therefore, in his opinion, it would be better to withdraw the bill altogether and rein troduce it in the new Parliament. Sir J. FERGUSON seconded the motion. Lord H. SCOTT hoped the house would go into com mittee on the bill, in preference to adopting the motion of the hon. member for Greenock, which would, in fact, amount to a rejection of tho bill altogether. Colonel SYKES referred to the number of petitions presented against the bill of the Lord Advocate, which amounted to 70, whilst those in its favour only numbered 23. There was a great division of opinion on the measure, and he did not think that the house was in a condition to say definitely (there not being 20 members present) whether his bill should become the law of the land. Ile thought delay was preferable to proceeding under the present circumstances. Mr. FINLAY should support the motion for going into committee. Sir J. FERGUSON thought it best to refer the bill to a select committee, because he felt the house was not in a position to go into a discussion on the details of the mea sure. He objected to the system of centralization em bodied in the bill, and he thought that public opinion, which was the test of goodness of all Acts of Parliament, was against the measure. Mr. C. EWING supported the bill and the motion for going into committee. The LORD-ADVOCATE thought that it would be ad visable to take a division on the bill that day, especially as so many gentlemen had expressed their opinions with respect to the bill. The great majority of the Scotch mem bers wore in favour of the bill ; and, with respect to hasty legislation, why for the last ten years efforts had been made to obtain the passing of a bill similar to that now under notice. Mr. AYRT ON supported the motion for referring the bill to a select committee. Mr. CRAWFORD also supported the motion of the hon. momber for Greenock. The hon. member was addressing the house at the hour fixed by the standing order for the suspension of the de bate, when he was called to order by the Speaker. Mr. Crawford immediately resumed his seat, and Mr. Dunlop not being at that time in his place, no day was fixed for resuming the discussion. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Deputy Usher of the Black Rod here entered the house, and summoned the Speaker to the House of Peers, to hear the Royal assent given to several bills. On the return of the - Speaker the sitting of the house was suspended. At six o'clock the house resumed. THE CANADIAN DELEGATES. Mr. WARNER asked the Secretary for the Colonies whether there was any foundation for a statement which had appeared in a paper, supposed to bo semi-official, and which was called the Owl—(a laugh)—that a perfect under standing had been arrived at between her Majesty's Go vernment and the Canadian delegates ; and if so, when ho would be prepared to acquaint the house with the terms of the arrangement. Mr. CARDWELL said the conferences between her Ma jesty's Government and the Ministers from Canada had not yet been brought to a close,. but ho hoped to be soon able to report the result to the house. (Hear, hear.) PRINCE KUNG. In reply to a question from Col. SYKES, Mr. LAYARD said he was happy to be able to inform his hon. and gallant friend that Prince Kung had been ap pointed his own successor. Her Majesty's Government had received a telegram from Pekin to the effect that Prince Kung had been reinstated in all his dignities, and was again Prime Minister. They had not received any official report of the state of trade ; but on the whole the accounts seemed to be favourable, with the exception of those places occupied by marauders, and there was every prospect of trade increasing. MIDDLESEX INDUSTRIAL SHOOL BILL. In reply to a question from Mr. NEWDEGATE, Mr. HENNESSY stated he would submit a motion to the house with reference to this bill on Thursday next. UNIVERSITY OF LONDON. On the motion of Viscount PALMERSTON th a t th e house o G n its rising adjourn till Thursd a y nex t , universißtANT DUFF called attention t o th e c l a i ms o f t h e y of London, to be provided at the national ex pense with a building suitable for its purposes, and worthy of the position which it occupied amongst the educational institutions of the country The honourable member said the claims of the body which he was h desirous to bring be fore the house w ere different fromof any other establishment. Th e University of Londontose was to all in tents and purposes a department of the State. Its clrt cellor was appointed by the Crown ; three-fo . urth of senate were nominated by the Crown ; the s latio i s made by its senate did not become o perativ: e u gu ntil they ns were sanctioned by the Home Secretary ; and its accounts were required to pass through the Audit Office, like those of any other branch of the public service. It was obvious that, standing in this relation to the Go vernment, it was barred from many advantages that were open to other institutions. There had been a time when its name was the watchword of Party, but that epoch in its history had long since gone by. :The scheme for founding the University of London originated in 1825, when a number of gentlemen united together and raised a fund of £160,000. With this money they erected the large building in Gower street, the object being to establish an institution like one Of the Scotch universities, as the founders were dissatisfied with the position taken by the older universities towards dissenters. In the year 1835 that house addressed the Crown for a charter for the university, which was graciously granted. But the Liberal Government which succeeded the short-lived administration of Sir R. Peel, wishing to grant a greater concession to the University of London, called into existence the body now known as the University of Lon don, and the body then known as such retired into the background under the title of University College. The uni versity of London naturally thought, w ten th's distinction was conferred, that a building would b provided for it ; but since the year 1845, when the charter was granted, it had been driven from pillar to post, and, although it was now placed in a corner of Burlington House, it only held it as tenant-at-will. The University of London was an . . examining body, and had no teaching function whatever ; so that what it required wasa series of examination rooms, where it might examine 400 candidates at a time. It was essential that the building should occupy a central situation. The university had 1,600 graduates; its senate comprised some of the most distinguished names in the country. The Lord President of the Council was its chancellor, and Mr. Grote, one of the greatest of English historians,was its vice chancellor. Its B.A. examination was superior to that of Oxford and Cambridge ; it conferred every degree except those in theology, and the new degree which it invented was one of great importauce—that of Doctor of Letters. For all the work it was doing for the State It only received £5,500 a year. It was a mistake to suppose it had any local connec tion with the metropolis. The University of London had no more connection with University College than with Galway or Aberdeen. It was an imperial institution, which took no heed of creed, colour, or birthplace, but received every one who came up for examination. Such an institution, he thought, had a claim on the Government to have a suit able building provided it. The authorities of the Univer sity of London had no doubt that if they were provided with such a building the usefulness of the institution would be greatly extended ; and that instead of the number of candidates now examined, 8,000 candidates might be examined g 0 years hence. He was willing to rest his case in favour of the university having this building on the fact that at least one-third of the members of the House of Com mons had not the remotest idea what the University of London was ; or, if they formed any opinion, they fancied, most erroneously, that it was the building in Gower street. The First Commissioner of Works could not do a mum graceful thing, or one more creditable to the Govern ment. of which in this matter he was the organ, than frankly to admit that the case of the university was made out, and that it should have such a building as it desired. Mr. COWPER readily admitted the claim of the univer sity to respect and encouragement, and that additional ac commodation was necessary for that flourishing institu tion. This might be provided in the neighbourhood of the present site by the erection of another examination hall and an additional waiting room for candidates, which, he thought, would be sufficient for the time. The subject, however, was under the consideration of the Govern ment, and he hoped it would be dealt with in a manner that would prove to be satisfactory to the university authorities. Mr. H. BAILLIE once more directed attention to the proceedings of the ordnance select committee, which, he reiterated, had been characterised by mismanagement, in competence, and extravagance. The Ordnance Depart ment was, in fact, administered by a :committee of officers who were practically without responsibility,and had a very anomalous duty to perform, for whilst they were called upon to pronounce judgment upon the inventions (of other persons, they had become rival inventors and manufac turers themselves, and carried on their experiments at the cost cf the country. He complained that the Government seemed to treat the subject as if they considered that a committee of inventors were the best judges of their own inventions, and pointed out that great evils must result from persisting in the present course. The advice which the committee had recently given the War-office to reduce the size of the projectile and the weight of the charge for the newly-named seven-inch gun would, if acted upon, prove very costly to the country, inasmuch as the whole of the existing projectiles which had been purchased at an enormous sum would become utterly worthless. Mr. PEACOOKE contended that an inventor ought not to sit as a judge upon his own inventions in competition with those of other persons, and censured the manner in which some of the ordnance trials had been conducted. Mr. VIVIAN wished to know who was responsible for any particular arm, whether small or large, that might be adopted. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said there was no doubt that the responsibility rested with the Secretary for War. The ordnance committee first made their reports to the director of ordnance, who in return reported to the Minister, and by his advice the latter was chiefly guided. He ad mitted that the functions of the committee were not those of inventors, but it would be abused, if one of its members suggested a useful improvement or an important alteration or invention, that he should be debarred from having it considered. But during the seven years they had been in existence there were only two cases in which they had invented, and these were scarcely sufficient to constitute them an inventing body. Tho noble marquis also gene rally defended the proceedings of the committee, in re spect of the conduct of gunnery experiments, and the changes effected in various descriptions of ordnance. In answer to Colonel P. HERBERT, The Marquis of HARTINGTON further stated that no instructions had been sent to General Cameron to with draw from the clergymen acting as chaplains to the troops in New Zealand the pay and allowances given them while performing duty with the troops, and if any such orders had been given by general Cameron it must be the result of a misapprehension on his part. The motion for adjournment was agreed to. On the order for considering the report on the Azeem Jah petitions, Mr. C. Forster moved that George Morris Mitchell, who had fabricated signatures to the petitions, and knowingly procured others to be forged, was guilty of contempt and breach of the privileges of the house. Mr. HENNESSY objected to the motion that Strutt, the principal offender, had been allowed to escape, that Mitchell had acted merely as that person's agent, and that the inquiry had not been conducted with impartiality and fairness. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL vindicated the proceed ings of the committee from the imputation, and said it was the duty of the house to mark its sense of the reprehensi ble acts of Mitchell, which had been proved beyond the shadow of a doubt. With regard to Mr. Strutt it had never been pretended that he was a party to the forgeries. After some discussion, in which Mr. Cox, Mr. G. P. Bentinck, Sir J. Fergusson, and Mr. B. Carter took part, the motion was agreed to. Mr. C. FORSTER next moved that George Morris Mit chell be committed to her Majesty's gaol of Newgate, and that the Speaker issue his warrant accordingly. The motion was opposed by Mr. Hennessy and Mr. Ben tinck, and supported by Sir J. Forgusson and the Attor ney-General. Upon a division it was carried by 41 to 7. Mr. FORSTER having proposed that Marshall and Whitehead, who had acted in concert with Mitchell, had been guilty of contempt and breach of privilege, Mr. Hennessy, Mr. Cox, and Mr. Ayrton condemned the whole proceedings in the case as discreditable both to Parliament and the country, and Mr. D. Seymour declared that the house was acting in opposition to the principle of English law, in convicting men without trial and un heard. The house again divided. and the motion was agreed to by 39 to 5. An order was then made for committing Marshall and Whitehead to the custody of the Sergeant at-Arms ; after which the house went into committee of supply. Sir R. PEEL, in moving the vote of £235,583, the re mainder of the grant for public education in Ireland, briefly reviewed the operations of the National Board during the three decennial periods from 1834, and described the pre sent state of education in respect of the number of schools, scholars, and teachers, which he represented as being per fectly satisfactory, and working harmoniously for tho in terest of the country. In the course of the debate which followed, Mr. WHITE SIDE contrasted the system of the Church Education So ciety with that of tho National Board, and complained that the schools of the former were excluded from tho S tato grant, simply because the reading of the Scripture formed part of the instruction given there. Mr. CARDWELL said that if the Church Education Society complied with the conditions upon which grants were made, they might come in and take their share with rest. Ultimately the vote was agreed to, as were several others for miscellaneous services. The orders of the day were also gone through, and the house adjourned at 20 minutes before one. M. DE MoßNy's TREASURES.---The sale of pictures and works of art belonging to M. de Morny began yesterday. The catalogue contains 547 old and modern pictures, objects of art and curiosity, &c. Among the mo dern painters are Auguste Bonheur, Calonna, Castelli, Comte, Couder, Decamps, Desgoffe, Diaz, Faure, Gericault, Garome, Leys, Meissonnier (six Meissonniers), Robert- Fleury, Alphonse Roehn, Theodore Rousseau, Saint-Jean, Schopin, Willoms, and Ziem. In the productions of the old French school are those of Boucher, Boily, Chardin, Claude Lorraine, Drouais, Fragonard, Greuze, Pater Prua'hon, Joseph Verner, and Watteau. Of the Italians and Spaniards, Guardi, Murillo, Salvator Rosa, Velasquez. The pictures have been valued at two millions of francs (£80,000). The collection of "objects of art" consists of enamels, rock crystals of European and Chinese work, jade, alabaster, amethysts, malachite, schist, lapis-lazuli, Orien tal agate cups, hand screens, bas-reliefs, vases, Oriental scimitars, Indian poniards, the handles incrusted with rubies, emeralds, and other precious stones set in gold, Japanese sabres with rich lackered scabbards, knives of curious workmanship, porcelain of divers countries, Ja panese and Chinese bronzes, caskets, screens, flower stands, trays, boxes of various sizes and forms, flambeaux, pagodas inlaid i n gold, incrusted with jade and lapis lazuli. .Thei, there are snuff-boxes in gold and enam e l, bonbonnres, in the style of Louis XV. and XVI., jewelry, goldsmiths' work, nuggets of Australian gold, sculptures in marble, terracotta, ivory, wood, and silver. These objets d'art are valued, it is said, at a million of francs. The first day was occupied with what aro described in tho cata logue as modern pictures. ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. DOVER. On Thursday evening a large and influential meet ing of the Liberal party was held in the Town-hall. The meeting was convened to hear the exposition of the political views of Viscount Bury, M.P., and Mr. Eustace Smith, who offered themselves as candi dates in the Liberal interest. Mr. S. Finnis, the chairman of the Liberal Committee, presided. Lord BURY, after a few introductory remarks, said—Neither I nor my friend Mr. Eustace Smith have put forth, at present, any address. We are invited to come forward by the Liberal Committee, but the Liberal Committee told us with great fair ness that they could not answer for the Liberal party of Dover. All they could do was to obtain for us a fair hearing in speaking for ourselves, and to ask you to adopt us as your candidates. (Cheers.) I can hardly presume, perhaps, at this moment before you have even se lected me as your candidate to institute any comparison between the position in which I find myself placed and the position of the gentlemen who are now really candidates for Dover. But I feel quite confident that whether you select Mr. Eustace Smith and myself or not, they at any rate will not be the members for Dover, and you will certainly select as your representatives men belong , ing, not the party of obstruction, but to the party of progress. (Cheers). I observed in the address of Major Dickson that he said he is not opposed to Reform, but that, on the contrary, he is in fa vour of it. But I read Major Dickson's speech from the beginning to the end of it with very con siderable care, and I could not find out what his opinions really were. It is perfectly true he tells us that he is not opposed to Reform, and no one can differ from him when he says that no Englishman can be found who believes that the constitution under which he lives is so absolutely faultless as not by any possibility to be improved. Major Dickson must, of course, agree with every other Englishman in thinking that. But, coming to practice, would he give us any measure of Reform, or would he, if elected for Dover, ally himself with that party of obstructive politicians who, whenever there is an occasion on which it is possible for the Liberal party; to be delayed or obstructed, are ever ready with their obstruction ? Is there any doubt to which party Major Dickson would give his adherence ? Now, I come before you as a supporter of the states man whose portrait hangs upon your walls—Lord Palmerston. During the last six years he has been in power the Government of the country has marched steadily onward. You have found that all measures which could improve the condition of the country, or conduce to her honour and glory, have been steadily pursued by that great statesman. When you look to the opposite party you find that from first to last every great measure which has been brought forward has been received by them with entire disapproval. They have tried to resist each as long as they could, and when they have found it impossible longer to resist, and they have had to succumb to the influence which has pushed them forward, they have turned round and taken credit for the position of the country as if they themselves had been the persons who had brought such a state of things about. (Hear.) Passing from Major Dickson, then, I come to the other gentleman, Mr. Freshfield, whose address is before you. I find that after he has talked about supporting the trade of the country, or given expression to some such vague generality, easily enough put into an election bill, he declares it impossible to state his opinions within the narrow limits of an address, and that he hopes soon to have an opportunity of addressing a meeting of the electors. That meeting has now taken place, and I must confess that I read Mr. Freshfield's speech with considerable curiosity and interest. He told us a great deal of how many tons of goods pass over the line of railway of which he is solicitor, and that he would never rest satisfied till that tonnage was doubled. This was no doubt exceedingly interesting to his hearers, but does it give him any claim to sit in Parliament for the borough of Dover? (Hear, hear.) Towards the end of his address he said that his hon. colleague had addressed the meeting at such length that he had no time to detail what his sentiments were ; and he wound up his speech absolutely without one single word on the general politics of the day. The meeting he was addressing were kind enough to pass a vote of confidence in him and accept him as a candidate without knowing what his opinions were, unless, indeed, it may be possible that they had some peculiar means of information of which I have heard nothing, and which is not allowed to get into the public prints. (Hear.) At any rate, wanting that information which I think you have a right to demand, I do not myself see that he can compare with any advantage with men who come forward and state honestly what their opinions are. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, to refer to one great topic on which you are interested, the question of church rates, a great deal has been said in favour of Mr. Freshfield's view —a compromise that shall be at once acceptable to Dissenters and Churchmen. There is not such a course ; there is no middle course. The only course open to you is to remove church rates altogether. By their abolition every clergy man in the Church of England would find his hands strengthened and his power of persuasiveness in this direction increased. Another great question is the question of Reform. On that I shall speak very briefly, but very plainly and straightforwardly. 1 hold that the suffrage is a trust given by society to its members to be used for the benefit of all ; that every class ought to be called upon to bear its due share of the responsibility as well as the honours attached to it ; that every class ought to be ad mitted to a fair share of the representation, and not to more than a fair share. For that purpose it is necessary to have a well considered plan for ex tending the suffrage and taking in those at present excluded. No doubt you are all aware that a commission is about to be moved for by Lord Elcho to inquire into this subject. If that com mission be appointed, and I believe it will be, and if the inquiry is conducted, as I hope it will be, by some of the best qualified men England possesses, I am sure we shall arrive at a proper solution of a question which presents difficulties only in name, and which may be settled by a little good humour, and a little giving and taking on both sides. These are my sentments on Reform, and I trust they will be such as to meet your approval. I have no wish to go into Parliament as a pledged delegate for any particular cry. I want to set fully and franky be fore you all that passes through my mind on the great questions of the day, leaving you to determine after hearing a summary of my views, whether I am fitted as a candidate for your representation. I have just been reminded that I have omitted to refer to Free Trade and the blessings which have been brought upon this country from a Free-trade policy being carried out. If you want an extension of that policy, if you want the commerce of the country to be regulated by men who have hitherto proved themselves in troubled times and times of difficulty and danger fitted for the post, you must return Liberals to represent your borough in Par liament. (Cheers.) With regard to foreign policy, I believe that we have to thank Lord Palmerston's Government for our having maintained a state of absolute neutrality. If Lord Derby had been in office can you doubt that we should have been in volved in more than one struggle ? The Union Chargeability Bill I think to be one of the greatest free-trade measures we have had for a very long time introduced into Parliament. I wish to see also some of the principles of this bill extended, and the whole question of the law of settlement considered with a view to its being re-adjusted. [Lord Bury, after alluding to the efforts made by the present Government to diffuse education, and promising to give his best attention to local interests, in the event of his election, resumed his seat amid most enthu siastic cheering.] Mr. EUSTACE SMITH said—l come before you in a measure unprepared, and you will doubtless under stand this when I tell you that three nights ago I slept at Constantinople, and that I have to-day come from Paris. I hope, therefore, you will excuse me if I do not dwell at great length on the sub jects upon which I desire to address you. The first is the great question of Reform. During the past four Sessions a great many schemes of Reform have been mooted and a great many proiniaefi have rim .surs, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 3, 1866 been made, yet the result somehow is not so satis factory. I sincerely trust we shall have in the next Session of Parliament an extensive and thorough Reform Bill, one that will re-arrange the distribu tion of seats, which will extend the franchise to a great degree both in towns and counties, and which, last but not least, will give to the voter the protec tion of the ballot. (Loud cheering.) If you dome the honour to select me as one of the Liberal candi dates for the representation of Dover, and if I should be so fortunate as to be returned, if I see no signs of a more matured Reform Bill coming from the next Parliament, I shall, on the old adage that half a loaf is better. than no bread, vote for Mr. Baines's bill. (Cheers.) We are told that this is a revolutionary measure. We are told that the whole of the representation of the country would be merged in one class. Now, gentlemen, this appears to me to be nonsense. I do not believe that one class would by any possibility entirely govern the repre sentation of the country. (Hear.) But we are gravely told that the working classes of this country are revolutionary; and who tell us this, pray ? The people who know least about the working classes. We find some gentleman living in the country with two gardeners and a footboy, and he arrives at the conclusion that the working classes are revolutionary because the footboy goes to a Methodist meeting house. (Hear, and laughter.) You do not find our great employers of labour in the manufacturing dis tricts obstructing Reform. No, because they know the working classes are not revolutionary. I have myself for some years employed a great number of workpeople ; but I am not afraid of their revolution ary tendencies, because, indeed, I know such ten dencies do not exist. (Applause.) I alluded to the ballot as being a necessary supplement of any Reform bill. I have not an implicit faith in the ballot curing all evils. Ido not believe that it will put a stop to all bribery and corruption ; but I believe it would put a stop to a great deal. Mr. Smith then stated that, although a member of the Church of England, he desired to see church-rates abo lished, all attempts at compromise having failed. He desired to see strict economy exercised, but at the same time to maintain the army and navy so as to preserve our position as a great European Power. It was to him a source of great satisfaction that there was at the head of our financial department a man who had shown himself to be the greatest financier of his day. There was one matter connected with foreign affairs to which he should like to allude, and that was the misunderstandings which existed be tween England and America. The American Go vernment was making claims which he believed un just and unfounded ; but he was certain there was only one thing wished on both sides—that the sub ject of these claims should be impartially and legally settled. Whether this was possible depended a great on themselves. If they returned representatives favourable to the Government now in office, to that Government which during four years of unexampled difficulties had maintained an impartial neutrality between the two contending Powers, he believed that this would be possible. But if the result should be contrary—if the people should determine to put the reins of power into the hands of those who had always exulted in the misfortunes and laughed at and ridiculed the mistakes of America, what could they say then ? What could' they expect ? He had no hesitation in saying that if they were to have a Conservative Government within six months they would be at war with the United States. (Cheers.) On the motion of Mr. Alderman ROBINSON, seconded by Mr. Alderman WORSFORD, a resolution adopting Lord Bury and Mr. Eustace Smith as the Liberal candidates, and pledging the meeting to support their return to Parliament, was unanimously adopted; and after voting thanks to the Mayor for the use of the hall, and to the chairman for pre siding, the meeting broke up. LEWES. Mr. Brand has issued his address, in which he says : " I rest my claim to your suffrages mainly upon the ground that I have devoted myself zealously to the sup port of the Government of Lord Palmerston, which, I make bold to say, has deserved well of the country. That Go vernment has been in power for six eventfulyears. Among the striking events of that period we have seen Italy re generated. It has been a period of war abroad and of peace at home. On the continent of Europe, Italy, Poland, and Denmark have been, successively, the theatres of war ; and in America a civil war of unparalleled magnitude and in tensity has raged for four years. Yet this country has, under the blessing of God, enjoyed profound peace, which has been preserved by strictly adhering, in conformity with the sound public opinion of the country, to a policy of neutrality. Peace at home has brought in its train plenty and prosperity. During the last six years the wealth of the country has increased beyond all former example. Our foreign trade has been largely augmented, especially that with France, of which you have evidence at your own doors in the rapidly growing trade of Newhaven. Year by year taxes have been reduced, of which the aggregate sum, including the remissions of the present year, exceeds £10,000,000 ; yet in the face of such largo remissions the revenue continues to maintain its buoyancy. During the same time debt amounting to above £17,000,000 has been extinguished. Our annual expenditure since 1859 has also been reduced by above £3,000,000. Meanwile the country has been placed in a state of defence by fortifying naval arsenals, and, above all, by the institution of a volunteer army. Many domestic measures of practical usefulness have been passed, and especially some having for their object the wellbeing of the industrious classes. An attempt was loyally made in 1860 to enlarge and amend the repre sentation of the people in Parliament, but that measure failed, mainly because public opinion was not ripe for it. Such are some of the leading events of the last six years. They illustrate the career of an Administration which has guided the destinies of this country for that period, and to which lam proud to be attached. My political opinions are so well known to you that I need scarcely repeat them. They are not changed. I hold that our constitution would derive renewed vigour through judicious reforms in our representative system in accordance with the progress of society, and our Church, of which I am an attached mem ber, would be strengthened, and its true interests pro moted, by the removal of the vexatious impost of a com pulsory rate." CHATHAM. Mr. A. J. Otway, who has been brought for ward by the Liberals to contest this borough against Gen. Sir J. M. Fred. Smith, the Bitting member, has cora menced an active canvass, and during the week has addressed several meetings of his supporters. He declares himself a warm supporter of the present Administration and of the financial policy of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He is also in favour of the total abolition of Church-rates, a large measure of reform and vote by ballot, and an extended sys tem of national education. At all the meetings he has addressed resolutions approving his principles and pledging the voters to support him at the ensu ing election have been unanimously adopted. Mr. Otway's views are believed to be in harmony with those of the large majority of the electors, and from the highly favourable result of his canvass his com mittee speak with the utmost confidence of his being returned. Gen. Sir J. M. F. Smith has also addressed a meeting of the Conservative electors, at which he announced himself as again willing to contest the borough, if it was so desired. At the same time he intimated his willingness to give way to a younger man or any other candidate the party might prefer in his place. It cannot be denied that Gen. Sir J. M. Frederic Smith's recent speeches and votes in the House of Commons have given great dissatisfaction to his constituents, and especially his memorable speech in Parliament in which he denounced the work done in Chatham dockyard as inferior to that in private shipbuilding yards. This, together with the course he has pursued since he has been in Par liament, has alienated several of his best friends, and his defeat at the ensuing election is looked upon as certain. EDINBURGII. A meeting of the aggregate Liberal Committee was held on Wednesday, for the purpose of learning the intention of thepresent members—the Lord Ad vocate and Mr. Black. The chairman, Mr. James Richardson, said the meeting had been hastily called on its being found that a requisition to Mr. Duncan M‘Laren was in course of signature. Three reasons, he said, had been assigned for the movement—first, it was said that Mr. Black was likely to retire ; second, that it was necessary to place a person in the representation of the city who would get altered the mode of levying the local rates ; and, third, that a member was wanted who was more advanced than Mr. Black on the question of the franchise. He hoped Mr. Black would now state that he was not to retire ; as to the local rates, he believod they were willing to obey the present Act, and as to fur ther extension of the franchise it was a subject which had baffled every Government that had yet tried it. He had received a letter from the Lord- Advocate (who is in London) stating his intention again to offer himself to the electors, and that he hoped to be able to do so along with the same col leagues, whose counsel and co-operation he had found so valuable. Mr. Black addressed the meet ing, and expressed his willingness to be at the call of the electors. He said—l have generally sup ported Lord Palmerston's Government, and it has been with reluctance that I have opposed any of their measures, though I have sometimes felt com pelled to do so, and it may be that I have alienated some of those friends whose good opinion I value most highly. But I feel that there is a more for midable objection—an irremediable and growing objection—to my re-election—that is, my great age. (A laugh.) It may be justly said that it is prepos terous to elect a man above eighty years of age to a Parliament that may last for seven years. All these objections I feel strongly ; and, besides that, I have long wished to be relieved from public duties, and to enjoy some repose in my latter years. I have now served the city in one public capacity or another for more than fifty years—(loud cheers) — and I think that the time has now come when I ought to retire. I had almost resolved to do so, but I have been so frequently accosted by consti tuents of various classes who have urged me to con tinue, that I did not feel justified in adopting that course without first consulting those friends under whose advice I have always acted, and to whose spontaneous, friendly, and energetic exertions I have been so much indebted ; and if I find that there is a decided and unanimous, or nearly unanimous, opinion among them that I should stand, I will leave myself in yourhands, andbeguidedby your opinions. (Loud and prolonged applause.) Mr. Harrison re marked that the present members had been the first to grapple with a local grievance of 200 years' stand ing, and had reduced its magnitude and prevented its increase. It would doubtless have been easier for them to have earned a cheap popularity by propos ing measures which they could not carry. As to the franchise, those of the higher and middle classes who were excluded, not being householders, took their exclusion very philosophically, and the householders under £lO viewed the matter with equal indifference. He looked forward without fear to an extension of the suffrage, but the country had nothing to gain by it, and they could afford to wait for a better digested measure than they had yet seen. He moved, " That this committee, retaining the fullest confidence in the present members, request them to allow them selves to be put again in nomination for the repre sentation of the city." Mr. Joseph Grant seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously. Three cheers were then given for the two members, and the meeting separated. EAST RIDING. It is now stated that the Liberals will not follow up the start made before the revision by attempting to disturb either of the sitting members, the Hon. Admiral Duncombe and Lord Hotham, and that the Conservative hold on the riding will continue in the next Parliament. NORTH RIDING. The agents of Mr. Milbank have already com menced canvassing the electors, and, it is averred, are daily receiving new promises of support. The Liberal party are working hard to reverse the defeat sustained at the last election. The Hon. W. E. Duncombe, in addition to the circulation of his ad dress, has also addressed a short MS. letter to each elector, drawing attention to his address, and asking for continued support. Mr. Morritt has done no thing more than issue his address, and as the Cayley party have: made no sign, the struggle seems likely to be between the two Conservative sitting members and Mr. Milbank. MALTON. Some weeks ago it was stated that Mr. James Brown would retire from the representation of Mal ton ; but it is now stated that both he and Mr. Fitz william will re-offer themselves to the electors. The Conservative party has increased of late years, and there is some talk of trying to get a member re turned; but no steps have as yet been taken. ROCHESTER. Both parties in this city are now engaged in a vigorous canvass of the el9ctors, the Conservatives having brought forward Mr. A. Smee, F.R.S., until lately a member of the Reform Club, but now de scribing himself as a " progressive" Conservative, in opposition to Mr. P. Wykeham Martin and Mr. Sergeant Kinglake, the Recorder for Bristol, both of whom have represented the city for a number of years past. Mr. Smee has addressed several meet ings of his supporters, at all of which he has dealt in the most violent attacks on the present Government for their non-intervention, financial, and general policy, and has avowed himself a warm adherent of Lord Derby. From the present position of the two parties in the city Mr. Smee's chances of success wouldappear to be of the remotestpossible character, while the principal leaders of the Conservative party refuse to identify themselves in any way with him. The election of the two members may therefore be considered as certain. SCARBOROUGH. There is some probability that there will be a double contest for this borough at the general election. The present members, Sir J. V. B. Johnston and Mr. J. D. Dent, both Liberals, will offer themselves for re-election, and preliminary steps have been taken in favour of two local gentlemen. Mr. Robt. Champney and Godfrey Knight, both of whom profess to be moderate Conservatives. Each can didate stands alone, not being in coalition with any other. Metropolitan Board of Works• This Boakd held its usual weekly meeting yesterday at the offices in Spring-gardens. Sir John Thwaites, the president, took the chair at twelve o'clock. FINANCE. The cash statement for the current week shows a total balance of £430,424 17s. 9d. THE £lO,OOO GRATUITIES TO MR. BAZALGETTE AND HIS ASSISTANTS. Several protests wore read against the payment of £lO,OOO to Mr. Bazalgette, the engineer, 'and his assistants for the manner in which they had carried out the main drainage works. MILE-END OLD TOWN. Mr. 11. S. LEGGE was elected district surveyor for this hamlet, and expressed his acknowledgments to the Board upon the occasion, promising a duo personal attendance to the performance of the duties of the office. THAMES EMBANKMENT. A report from this committee was brought up, submit ting report by engineer as to the filling-in, &c., for the Thames Embankment, and recommending that so much of the report as relates to the material to be used for filling-in behind the Thames Embankment, be approved, on condi tion that the same be taken from that part of the river which will be contracted by the works of tho embankment. Also recommending—That a deputation be appointed to meet the Conservancy Board, to discuss the question of the price charged for material supplied from the river. Mr. NEWTON opposed its adoption, but in tho course of a long discussion it was supported by Mr. Healey and Mr. Roche, and opposed by Mr. Freeman, and Mr. Doulton, M.P. Eventually the report was rejected, and a deputation appointed to wait upon the Board of Conservators upon the subject of dredging the river opposite the embankment. SOUTHERN EMBANKMENT. Tenders for these works were ordered to be advertised for. After some formal business the Board adjourned. AUGMENTATION OF THE ITALIAN IRON-CLAD FLEET.—A royal decree has been published authorising the expenditure of 16,562,000 lire for the construction of two iron-clad frigates, two screw corvettes, and four iron clad gunboats. This sum will be distributed over the budgets of the Ministry of Marine for the years 1865, 1866, 1867, and 1868. The Senate and Chamber of Deputies have already approved the above expenditure. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills. — Security against Bad Health.—With the warm sunny days of spring, maladies will be made manifest unless the blood be pure and the skin active. Eruptions, blotches, and more formidable skin affections may be successfully sub jugated by the use of Holloway's deturgent ointment when it is aided by moderate doses of his purifying pills. Hoarse ness, sore throat, chronic cough, enlarged glands, and stiff neck will be at once relieved by rubbing this cooling oint ment upon the skin overlying or adjacent to the afflicted part. Holloway's remedies have for many years been re commended in preference to all other means of healing sores, wounds, and all varieties of ulcerations, and for giving smoothness and elasticity to the skin. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOITRNALS TIMES.—The great rhetorician of the day has opened the ball, and every lesser orator may now foot his measure. Mr. Gladstone has done the elec tors of Chester the honour of delivering before them the pattern hustings speech of the general election of 1865. We invite the attention of all coming candi dates to this masterpiece. The Conservative candi dates may study it for its breadth of handling and its tact in the choice of topics. They may make it the model of a thousand harangues, reducing it first to a skeleton outline, and filling up with Conserva tism of the requisite strength. They should turn it over by day and by night till its whole structure is impressed upon the mind. As to the Liberal can didates, they may as well get it off by heart at once. All the available points upon their side are carefully chosen and successfully made ; all dangerous mat ters are judiciously avoided; if any Reformer of any reasonable shade of Reform principles should expe rience a sudden lack of ideas upon the hustings, and should have half a column of this speech in his head, he may depend upon it as an immediate and trium phant resource. It is a specimen of the highest order of art in its peculiar line. It is as unlike a House of Commons speech as it ought to be ; it is not too argumentative, nor is it too florid ; it is not too familiar, nor is it offensively stately; it is not abusive, and it is not too encomiastic; it is not too specific, and it is not too vague ; it abounds with the exquisite finish of consummate art, yet art wrapped up in close concealment. We are speaking of it, not in approval or condemnation, not even in criticism of its matter, but simply as a work of art useful for imitation. Apart altogether from the public policy indicated in it, it is a model election eering speech, and as such we hold it up to study. It is pleasant to mark the exercise of great abi lity in an unaccustomed sphere. Mr. Gladstone has long been used to tell the House of Commons the great secret of the year, and to see men in listen ing attitudes and with upturned faces waiting to hear from his lips the important revelation which is to influence more or less the fortunes of them all. At Chester he had to deal with an audience some of whom seemed to think a certain Mr. Fenton, who, it seems, is a railway director, a much greater man than the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; many of whom preferred a Mr. Raikes ; and a few, but a noisy few, who were so little desirous of being charmed by Mr. Gladstone's eloquence that they tried to drown his voice by their hootings. In the House of Commons, whatever licence may some times be taken in self-defence, a leader is always listened to with decorum ; in Chester Mr. Glad stone was interrupted with the most ingenuous frankness, and the running criticisms upon his speech were prompt and pungent. The British public always takes pleasure in seeing one of their statesmen made to pass through the humours of the electoral saturnalia, and some of them do it very well, and seem even to take pleasure in the baiting. Lord Palmerston's periodical sparring match with the Tiverton Chartist always affords immense amusement, and the dexterity with which he takes the Chartist's own particular mob away from him, and gradually gets them round to his side, and then good-humouredly buffets their leader amid the laughter of his friends, is an achievement which is always looked for as the best part of the perform ances in a General Election. Mr. Gladstone has performed the same sort of feat at Chester. He did it not with the ready pleasantry of Lord Palmerston, but with tact and power and courage which fully deserved their success. It is a delicate matter, no doubt, for a man to have to praise his own son, for, however much we English sympathise in all the family affections, there is always a ridiculous point of view in Paterfamilias praising his own child, especially when unsympathising persons are pre sent who are not restrained by scruples of polite ness from saying what they think. He had also to justify his son's pretensions as a candidate before a multitude, some of whom had possibly sufficient reasons for preferring the railway director, and this involved a comparison of claims, which must neces sarily be disagreeable to some of the audience; and there were noisy demonstrations and expostulations from the chair. Amid all this the great orator, who has been used to such very different treatment; was seen in a patient attitude, waiting till it might please the freemen of Chester to hear him. Yet within half an hour he had tamed this vociferating crowd, he had delivered before that turbulent assembly, amid the silence of profound attention, a courageous eulogium upon his two colleagues, Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell. He had described them covered with achievements as with orders of merit, and had made his hostile hearers listen to a little history of the progress that had been made while these men held the Government. He had answered trium phantly Mr. Disraeli's taunt that the Administration is not a Government. He had even compelled the noisy dissentients to be silent while he recounted the statistics of the success of the French Treaty. When at last he told them how, when the Cotton Famine fell upon us, the French demand kept in action those strong English arms which but for that demand would have been left idle, he had thoroughly got them round to his side and awoke a burst of unanimous cheering. Thenceforward he had the whole assembly to himself, listening with attention and cheering with enthusiasm. This is a signal success, and we mark it as a result. It is nothing to carry with you an audience which comes prepared to applaud, nothing to gain the voices of invited friends ; but first to silence turbulent enemies, and then to bind them to you as applauding followers,is a victory which we may admire as a work of art, whether it be achieved by a friend or an enemy. Any political harangue by 11/r. Gladstone must be heavy with important matter, and that upon which we are now remarking comprises topics far too large to be grouped into a column of comment. To these we shall probably have occasion to recur. Our present object, however, is to utilize this oration as an example. There are nearly a thousand gentle men in England much disquieted within them selves as to what they shall say upon those in evitable hustings, or, still worse, at those equally inevitable preliminary meetings. If they will study this speech, they will learn from it not only what to say, but also what to avoid saying. They will find that no personality, no vehement language, no violent exaggeration occurs through out this long harangue, or was thought by the most accomplished orator of the time necessary to success. It was, notwithstanding, so successful that the crowd, which would not hear at the commencement, would scarcely allow the speaker to conclude, but urged him to go on when his strength and his topics seemed nearly exhausted. They will find, also, that there were no special pledges to the support of spe cial crotchets, and no engagements on behalf of himself or others that would fetter the exercise of an enlightened judgment. If it was an exception to this rule that Mr. Gladstone intimated a desire for an extension of the suffrage " downwards," it was, we venture to affirm, not an exception which contributed to his success with the audience he was addressing, or which would recommend him to the noisy friends of Mr. Raikes. The assembly which received with approbation an exposition of the policy of educating young men to the practice of Govern ment and the work of legislation was scarcely of nature to be greatly captivated by doctrines of an ultra-Democratic tendency ; and the freemen and burgesses who hold their franchises as an exclusive privilege were not likely to applaud an orator be cause he intimated a desire to throw those privileges open to the world. We are not now about to dis cuss these points with Mr. Gladstone, because we are dealing with this speech as a work of art, and not as a political exposition. At a moment when a model will be much needed, we wish to propose it for imitation for its tone, its manner, its eloquence, and its good taste. Few will be able to emulate its ability, but a multitude of speakers may do them selves credit by imitating those minor points of ex cellence for which it is so remarkable. POST.—The negotiations in which the Canadian delegates and her Majesty's Government have for some time past been engaged, though in fair train to a conclusion, have not yet definitively termi nated. Such was the substance of the reply given last evening in the House of Commons by the Sec retary of the Colonies to Mr. Warner. The rather novel relationship which has been recently created between Great Britain and her American colonies has placed both in a position of no little embarrass ment. The same friendly feelings happily continue to be entertained by each towards the other ; but circumstances have arisen which, whilst they have placed our colonies in apparent jeopardy, have also made them keenly alive to the necessity of being, if possible, self-dependent. The termination of the American war has put it in the power of the Go vernment of the United States, if they should be so ill-advised, to carry into execution a threat oft re iterated during the past three years, and in contem plation of this cessation of hostilities the British colonies in North America many months since started the scheme of a general Confederation for the pur poses of self-protection. The experience of the American war of independence has not been lost on this country, and, whatever follies we may hereafter commit, an attempt to hold any of our colonies in a state of unwilling subjection is not likely to be reckoned amongst them. No principle of colonial policy has been more firmly established in this coun try than the expediency of allowing any settlements we may found to shift for themselves whenever they are desirous of relinquishing the support they may derive from the mother country. But, on the other hand, so long as a colony continues to acknowledge our supremacy, we consider that it is entitled to claim our assistance, and, having called it into existence, we deem ourselves under an ob ligation not to see it overwhelmed by some foreign Power jealous of its prosperity. We consequently hailed with satisfaction the intimation that our American colonies were about to form a Confedera tion which, whilst acknowledging the sovereignty of the British Crown, would by its inherent strength probably render itself independent of that assistance which its several members would other wise be compelled to seek from Great Britain. When Mr. Cardwell, some two months since, in the course of the debate on the vote for the Canadian fortifications, said that war with Canada meant war with England, he inferentially, but at the same time, unmistakeably, defined the nature and extent of the obligations of the mother country towards the colony. Whether it be expedient or otherwise that the people of this kingdom should grant surna, of money to be expended on the construction 01 defensive works on the Canadian frontier, there call be no doubt that, if that frontier were invaded, the British Government would be bound to employ all the means at their command to repel what would in truth be an attack on British territory. On thiis point all were agreed, and the only matter on which a diversity of opinion existed was respect to the west efficacious way of rendering to the Canadians the assistance which they were entitled to demand. Smil e , considered the Canadian frontier so extensive th at it would be idle on the part either of the Coloni al or of the Home Government to attempt the con: struction of fortifications for its defence ; whit others, admitting the necessity of fortifying the principal frontier towns, found fault with the Haug Government for doling out with too niggard a hall'; the supplies which they confessed themselves bowl to grant. Acting in accordance with recommenda tions contained in a report made by an eminent en gineer officer, her Majesty's Government proposed to expend £200,000 on the fortification of Quebec, of which but £50,000 would be voted during th e present year, whilst the Colonial Legislature, as 1 was understood, ' would undertake the task putting Kingston, Montreal, and some other frontier towns in a defensive condition. Such was the vier of the relative engagements of the Home and Colo nial Governments presented to Parliament when the army estimates (of which the Canadian yet: formed one) were under consideration ; and, although not formally guaranteed to be correct, was generally understood as expressing with toler able accuracy the respective obligations which Great Britain and the colony were respectively prepared to undertake. Since then, however, dele gates from Canada arrived in London, and negotia tions were opened with her Majesty's Governmen t with the view of determining with suitable precision the relative proportions in which the cost of fortify ing Canada should be respectively be borne by th e British and Colonial Legislatures. The announce ment in our contemporary that these negotiations had terminated in an arrangement equally satisfac: tory to the Government and the delegates ne t unnaturally excited the curiosity of one of the members of the House of Commons, and evoked the question which was put in that house last even ing. Ministerial answers are so invariably unsa i t ..: L i , factory that we have no special reason to comply of that which was given to Mr. Warner's quest loll ' The nature of the negotiations which have been I" progress will probably not be fully known until thei ci are duly published in the shape of a blue book, al l the correspondence in which they are embodied Pre sented for perusal to both Houses of Parliamen t ' The Canadians probably consider themselves fled in driving as hard a bargain as possible, all: look to the mother country to protect them from danger which is supposed to be chiefly incurred _ a ll reason of their connection with it. The Canadian s ' and for that matter the population of the othe r British North American colonies, are desirous e e remaining subject to British ; but at the eal l2 time they feel the necessity of combining their re; soures for the purpose of mutual defence. W het ile o Great Britain would be willing, or, if willing, we" be in a position, to defend her American possessil in the event of their being invaded by the armies the United States, might be a matter of doubt ; bu ' in uniting themselves into a powerful Confederati on, those colonies have taken the best means of guardl r l against a prospective evil. How lo ng the oda a ' connection will subsist between us and our felloW' subjects in North America must depend mainlY„ ° , l ll the latter, but it is no slight testimony to the nu - '' ness and beneficence of B r iti s h ru l e , th a t, w ith eve," , " opportunity for secession, our American colonies should elect to maintain the original union '4 01°1; State which called them into existence. COUNTRY MARKETS L IVERP 0 OL.—FRIDAY. At this day's market there was only a very th e s o attendance of the town and country trade and a v ery sin business was transacted. Wheat declined ld per cental o 0 the week. Oats and oatmeal were a quiet s a l e at Tees , day's rates. Irish grinding barley without change value. Indian corn dull at a decline of 9d per 4801 b. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. The wheat trade has been quiet; with a fair show, at reduced rates. Averages, May 29':—Wheat, 2,131 qrs, at 44s 74d 136r ley, 70, at 31s Od ; oats, 100, at 23s Od. LINCOLN.—FRIDAY. New white wheat, 42s to 45s ; new red, 38s to 41s Per 86 stone. Barley for malting, 32s to 34s per qr • grin ~"1,„ 27s to 31s per 30 stone. O a t s , 22 s t o 25 8 . Beans, `x" 46s per qr. DERBY-- - FRIDAY. 3 6 New white wheat, 4Gs to 50 s ; new re d, 39 s to 448 inr y , stone. Barley for malti ng , 32 s t o 35s per qr . ; 0 1 ' to 28s to 30s per 30 stone. O a t s , new , 21 s t o 25 5; 0id,.2 55 0 c ; 28s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to 455; new, 3 88 t° per qr. S TAMP ORD.—FRIDAY. r 3 6 New white wheat, 41s to 445 ; new re d, 36 s t o 39s Pc - 30 stone. Barley, malting, 31 s t o 33 s ; grinding, 28s t° per qr. Oats, new, 22s to 26 5; o ld, — s t o — s per 24 a° Beans, 36s to 40s per 38 stone. Peas as heretofore. BRISTOL SUGAR—FRIDAY. The raw market has been qui e t thi s wee k, and - n 11 A' very limited amount of business h as b een transactedep prices rather in favour of the buyer. Refined Suga r 5 very slowly at Gd decline. Rum steady at late rates. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. _. J. s. d. v 0 17 9 Kelloe South Keno() ..... ....... ~ Tunstall Cowpen Hartley l5 6 East Hartlepool ...... . Hartlepool Heugh Hall l7 0 Hartley ................ , 6 tr_ Caradoc l7 3 Holywell Main .......• 1 6 ? Carway and Duffryn Walls End Byron ••• 1 8 u o Malting 22 0 Hetton South Hetton 1187 00 Walker Hastings r. H r i m a 10 l Hartley..." ...... .: ... ... 1 , 6 1 6 6 Braddyell's Hetton Walls End Harton Ships at market, 104; sold, 90. Foreign Mail Packet List. • iti. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton... • •J l.lllO . 5, 12. Ditto, via Marseilles n' Jo Brazil and Cape Verde. by British pac..et ...... .. • •J uzi f 22 , . Ditto, by French packet . Jon' 2 2. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. • • , - Two 18 , ~ne China, Penang. and Singapore. via Southa m pton. ..,, 12. Ditto, via Marseilles J1 10.3 Falkland Islands l l' Gibraltar, via Southampton -. -11111° 19 ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylo n , v i a S out h ampton .....°-.1: 12 , Ditto, via Marseilles June ,I .... ••••• ~ • Jon India (Bombay), via Southampton. jun° 6 i Ditto, via Marseilles . . .... 0 • Mauritius, via Southampton Jun e Ditto, via Marseilte i • el • Newfoundland .. J llll 6. ......... june Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... ....... United States and British North America, by pri" J a e f tish packet Ditto. by United States packet, via . . So . li . t . h . sin .. P : ton . ........ • , Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, vi a L on d on derry. 0 /. 00 °11 : 1 0 ' West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ...... ' West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cliba••,_„e 1 3 ' .. Jo" g 9, and Mexico •••• ....... ..... itio e Bahamas, via New York. ........................... " June 7. .. Bermuda, ditto .................................. „e . Cuba and Mexico ......... EVANS.—On the 28th ult. atthßs: chmond, Burr 7 f e Y ---° of George Evans, Esq.,,of a son. i h if If ° 1 , IC i n r s w ' r . o: —On oh . — One n O wtt n hihfeee t th e 3 31 0t r h . ult.,a . t K l i o d s , E t 0 1 n m , b o at a k - d a c r u e g s c h e t e n t i 1 . G 1 1 ::: s l t st ins u t. it , „ at a T t h 5, Bank House, the wife of Angus M. Leith, Esq. of a son. 0 0" FollO st : REED square, the wife of N. Reed, Esq S :, um of n a er da P u la g ebleg f us so lP SLADE.—On the 29th ult., at Cowes, Lady Slad e ' 0- a Marriages. sovie t c i MEADOWS—CROSSE.—On the Ist inst , at Pawlett, _, so set., Horace Haward Meadows, Esq:. of Teddinqie' e der, Lincoln's-inn-fields, solicitor,' to Mary An n 1S- L " Crosses eldest daughter of the Rev. J. D. Oland vicar of Pawlett. 4 .„,,,, SO; STOPFRD—HoRNBY.—On tho Ist inst., at Con l P7 pie" sex, O Rear-Admiral Robert Fanshawe Stopford, Vol.ol,y'l Hester, fourth daughter of Admiral Sir Phipps G.C.8., of Littlegreen, Sussex. Deatat Fr hs. Berr idge' BERRIDGE.—On the 31st ult iar-lane, Mr. S. - ~ ht of Leicester, solicitor, aged 64 . Rig GREY.—On the Ist inst., at Tunbridge -wells, flu) Hon. Sir Chas. E. Grey, G.C.H., aged 79. MILLER.—On the 31st ult., at Upper Norwood, Sur rel ' j H. Miller, Esq. Sale, Cllesiiit Slums.—On the 31st ult., at Prio r y Bank, J. S. Stubbs, Esq., aged 76 . 13• l' ri‘icia' TIDSWELL.—On the 30th ult. , at SothPort, well, Esq., of Manchester, solicitor, aged 49. N Lig /78' London :Printed and Published by WIL L.l.A.ll;iit, 50 VZ, , 0* of No. 112, Strand, Painter, at THE sox 0 . ce_ ... t y , Strand, in the Precinct of the savoy, In th e u " - Atiddlesex,--,3aturday, June 3, 1366. 11 eb k —__ T Tn cr £Z T Wl 1 : 71 1t; aIJO I 4( olo] 1, Vitt ] rat D' re. p( l'Utt Li ve \\T rote a, 1), I;i i , € .. Bt lie~ ~I ~ 1) ;%1 he titti ~~~~--'