The Sun. — London, England, 1835-02-27 00:00:00

Opposition on trifling, unimportant questions. That was not the case now. This was a great and patriotic question—a question to the decision of which the people look with the utmost anxiety, on which he was sure the House would well deliberate, ere they refused their assent to the amendment of the Noble Lord (Morpeth), and the suc cess of which would stamp the character of this House, and be a guarantee that it was prepared to adopt all constitutional improvements. He would, in conclusion, briefly advert to the statement that the dissolution of the late Go vernment was owing to the removal of Lord Althorp from the House of Commons to the House of Lords. Was it to be believed, that because a man highly respected, and who died in the fulness of years—could it be believed that that was a satisfactory reason why a British House of Commons should be dismissed like a flock of sheep on losing their head? —( Hear, hear.) As was remarked by an Irish Member (Mr. Sheil) the House of Commons was not sitting when the Noble Earl ( Spencer) died. He could not be deceived by any such pretext, for, as it was said by a man in whose honour and veracity he placed the most implicit confidence, the government of Lord Melbourne was prepared to go on, and to conduct the business of the country, even if Lord Althorp had withdrawn finally from the Cabinet, a step which did not fol low from his removal from the House of Commons. There fore, he was convinced that that was not the real reason why the Melbourne administration was dismissed, and as yet the House did not know what the real reason was.—( Hear.) Whatever reasons there might be, there were two points not cleared up, and which were, how came the Hon. Gentlemen into the seats which they occupy, and now that they were there what did they intend to do? How these Hon. Gentlemen came there he could not tell, but it appeared that it was in volved in a tale of mystery—in fact, their whole progress to office was involved in mystery.—( Loud cheering. He, therefore, not having confidence in them, would vote for the Amendment of the Noble Lord, the Member for York shire. Mr. DONALD NPLE AN said that they had met upon an occasion of a most singular nature. It was to present an Address to his Majesty in accordance with the views of his Prime Minister, or to adopt the Amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Yorkshire, who brought it forward upon the ground that his Majesty's gracious Speech was so indefinite that it did not speak the sense of his faithful Commons. He could assure the House that he listened with the greatest attention to all the arguments which had been advanced on the other side, and he really could not extract one single reason which could in any degree induce them to vote for the amendment of the Noble Lord, who considered the Speech from the Throne so vague and indefinite, that, to express the sense of the House of Commons, it was necessary to bring forward an amendment. He would ask how did that tally with the declaration of the Honourable Member for Southwark, as well as that of a Noble Lord who represents a part of Lancashire, who said that they never in their political life saw any thing so clear and definite as the speech or the Right Hon. Baronet. Every sentence of the speech delivered at Tamworth gave a fair exposition of the' old Whig principles.—( Hear.) It was said that the late dissolution of Parliament was an interruption to the pro gress of the Reform Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He thought no no such ground of complaint ought to exist. Did not the Reform Bill profess to be the advocate of the limited dura tion of PArliaments, as the oftener the people had the opportunity of exercising their franchise, so often would the principles of Reform progress ?—( Loud cheers.) And therefore lie thought, by the recent dissolution, the prin ciples of Refarm ran no risk of being impeded. Therefore, as the amendment went to censure the recent dissolution, he could not vote for it. It was not what it professed to be. They had been asked by the Gentlemen opposite upon what grounds the present. Administration had taken office ? Why, the most simple grounds possible. What was the language of Lord Melbourne when he accepted the seals ? Did he not acknowledge the great importance of Lord Althorp to his Government, and did he not declare that he had accepted office only upon the condition of having Lord Al thorp's assistance and co-operation ? Did not also Earl Grey declare, in alluding to Lord Althorp, that he could not con tinue in office after losing his " right arm ?"—( Hear, hear.) This, then, was sufficient to explain how the present Administration came into office ; and this should be a satisfactory answer to the gentlemen opposite, and was a sufficient reason for his Majesty to seek other servants. When also the retirement of Lord Althorp was accompanied by the declaration of Earl Grey, already alluded to, it was natural that it should have led to the breaking up of the Ad ministration.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It was to be expected that under such circumstances his Majesty should think that it was then proper and quite time for him to seek another Administration, especially when the chief members of the Government were themselves expressing their convic tion of the grievous loss they had met with by the retirement of Lord Althorp—( Hear, hear.) He would now refer to the observations which had been made by gentlemen oppo site on what had fallen from a Noble Lord near him. ( The Hon. Gentleman, no doubt, referred to Lord Stanley.) That Noble Lord was placed in a peculiarly delicate situation with regard to both sides of the House. It was impossible that the Noble Lord could join with the gentlemen opposite, for he (Mr. Maclean) did not doubt that when the Noble Lord con templated the discordant materials of which the Opposition was composed, his mind was filled with that sense of the ridi culous which inspired the Roman poet when he said, Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam Jungere si relit, et varias inducere formas Undique collatis membris ut turpiter strum ( Cries of " Oh, oh I") Desinat is piseem moiler formosa superne, Spectatum admissi risum teneatis &midi ? ( Cries of " Oh I" and great laughter.) Now, they were no doubt all admirers of the " mulier formosa superne," but few of them would, he thought, admire the " turpiter atrum desinat in piscem."—( Laughter.) He placed full confidence in the declaration of the Right Hon. Baronet, and be was ready to give him the fair trial he asked, because his ( Mr. M.'s) opinion of the chief utility of the House of Com mons consisted in its preserving that medium, which prevented it from being either an aristocratical senate, or a democratical as sembly. By adopting that course, they would be doing their duty by preserving the institutions of the country, and also by preserving the liberties of the people on one hand, and the privileges of the House of Lords on the other. Lord DUDLEY STUART said he had been called upon to vote on that occasion. He must confess that he found himself placed in a situation not quite free from embarrass ment. But before he applied himself to the consideration of the question immediately before the House, he should notice an observation which fell from an Hon. Gentleman opposite, in the course of last night's debate, and when he did so, he was surprised it had not been earlier replied to. Various opinions existed with regard to the dissolution of the late Mi nistry—variouscauses were assigned for the dismissal of that Government, but a declaration came from a Honour able Gentleman opposite, which he (Lord Dudley Stuart) confidently asserted any other man in that House or in the country would not have the assurance to pronounce.—( Cheers. ) The declaration made by the Honourable Gentleman was in substance quite an insult to the former Parliament, at least to a majority of the late House of Commons, as he believed it would be found to be inconsistent with the feelings of the majority of the present.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman declared his opinion that no honest man sincerely approved of the Melbourne Administration. He ( Lord D. Stuart) need only appeal to the country at large for an answer to the assertion. He for one claimed for himself the character of an honest man, and he would tell that Hon. Gentleman—he would tell that House and the country, that he approved of the Government of Lord Melbourne. He deeply regretted the dismissal of that Cabinet from office, and in the sentiments he then uttered, he believed the majority of that House would fully ccncur. Having said so much upon that point, he would now apply him self to the question before the House. He had no wish to join in any factious opposition to the Government ; he desired not to give against them any factious vote ; he declared that intention to his constituents on the hustings ; and they were pleased to approve of the course he intended to follow. He would re gard not men but measures ; and let good measures come from shat side of the House they might, they should have his cordial support. He would assist in carrying forward such enactments as appeared to him calculated to promote the prosperity of the country and to meet the just expectations of the people.— ( Cheers.) He could not concur in the Address proposed in answer to the speech from the Throne, because that Speech was not such as could, in his opinion, satisfy the country, or the majority of the House. There were many things in it which he was glad to hear ; there were many points of which he approved. He was glad that attentiGn would be paid to the agricultural interests, which were hitherto too much neglected.— ( Cheers from the Treasury benches.) He was happy to find that measures were in contemplation for the relief of these impoverished classes ; he rejoiced to hear that even to a certain extent the Dissenters would be relieved, and he heard with still greater satisfaction, from the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that relief would be ex tended still further than was mentioned in the Speech from the Throne. He found great fault with the Speech and with the Address, not so much for what it said, as for what it omitted. He was not satisfied with the speech which had been made by his Majesty, and the declaration of his Majesty's Ministers and their supporters had not been sufficient to remove that dissatis faction. The Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had excused himself from giving any pledge to any measure of municipal reform, by stating that the report of the Commis sioners appointed to inquire into the corporations of the coun try was not yet before the House—that excuse might, at first sight, appear very plausible. The Right Hon. Baronet said, " let us wait till we have more information before us— let us see what the report is, and then let us decide on what measures we ought to adopt ?" If the Right Hon. Baronet had said the same thing with regard to another commission of no less importance—if the speech from the throne had alluded to the commission appointed to inquire into the state of the Irish Church—( Hear, hear)—he (Lord Dudley Stuart) was not prepared to say that he would have voted against the address— ( Hear.) The Right . Hon. Baronet in a manner extremely creditable to himself, had come forward and stated, first, that he would take the entire responsibilty of assum ing the Government on himself, and then he stated the measures which he meant to introduce. Some Gentlemen had said, the Right Hon. Baronet was not sufficiently explicit in his statement, and that they could not make out what line the Right Honourable Baronet meant to pursue, or what measures he meant to introduce. Why, if there were any doubt as to the measures which the Right Hon. Gentleman meant to introduce, or if there were any doubt as to what he meant to do—no one could have any doubt as to what he meant not to do.—( Cheers and laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet find stated, in point of fact, that' whatever might be the report of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the Irish Church—whatever it might appear was the amount of the revenues of that Church—whatever were the murmurs of those for.whom those revenues were intended to be applied, THE SUN', LONDON, FRIDAY, icIEBAITARV 27 1 1835. and dispassionate legislation. It wanted something like arm and good Government, by which good and whole some measures would be well considered and carried into effect. So long as the Melbourne Cabinet continued such a result could not be obtained. Excitement was neces sary to their existence ; if they had not excitement, they would cease to live. There was excitement in every department, and if that Ministry returned to office that excitement would be resumed.—( Hear, hear.) The country wished anxiously for a period of tranquillity in which measures of safe legislation might be effected, for they had in their minds the words of Mr. Wyndham—That he was not a wise man who would unroof his house to add a story in the hurricane season.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was important that those who were to reform our institutions should do so with a friendly hand—that they should not overthrow whilst they professed to reform them.—( Hear.) Ile confessed that he was a zealous and devoted member of the Church of England, and he should not object to a reform of abuses from those in whom he could confide—whom he knew to be honest and de cided reformers of real abuses, but at the same time resolved, whilst they reformed, not to subvert.—(Hear, hear. ) This was a doctrine which was well worthy the considera tion of the House. He was sorry he had detained the House so long, but he was anxious to put this question upon a fair issue—namely, whether the House would have the present Cabinet or the Melbourne Cabinet ? They were between these two propositions, and he was sure there was not a man in the House—there were few, at all events, who would feel any hesitation in coming to a decision. He would con clude by calling upon Hon. Members to rally round those in stitutions under which the English empire had so long and so gloriously flourished.—( Cheers. ) Colonel G I SBO RN E ,could assure the House that he had no intention of detaining it by endeavouring to reply to the speech of the Hon. Member who had just sat down.—( Hear, hear.) He was anxious certainly to state in a few words what were the reasons which induced him to give his support to the amendrlps which had been so ably moved by his Honourable Friend, the Member for Yorkshire, as well as the reasons on which he differed from the address which had been moved and seconded on this occasion. He admitted that he was generally, though not universally, a supporter of the late Administration, and though he professed on the hustings to be a decided op ponent to the present, yet he would not on that account only give his vote in favour of the amendment, because he felt that this was not the most fit time, or the most fit subject, on which to oppose them. Nothing would have induced him if he did not conceive it to be absolutely necessary to move an amend ment to the Address which had been prepared, to have offered them any opposition on this question. He felt himself called on to state to the House why he differed from that ad. dress, which, in a very few words, he would now take the opportunity of doing. But that it was at so late a period of the discussion, he might have dwelt more at length on the topics which it embraced ; but as it now was, he should touch on them much more briefly than he had origi nally intended, if he had obtained a hearing at an earlier period of the debate. It appeared to him that there was but one intelligible reason given for the dissolution of the last parliament in the speech of the Right Hun. Baronet, than to which no one listened with more interest and attention than himself. That reason was, that his Majesty was advised to dissolve the last Parliament, in consequence of the country being said to agree with his Majesty in supposing that the last Parliament was proceeding with Reform without a due re gard to the preservation of the interests of the state. He was com pelled to believe this was the reason on which his Mesty had been induced to give his sanction to the late dissolution.— ( Loud cheers.) He apprehended that no Hon. Gentleman would maintain that the last Parliament was composed of men so unreasonable, ss that none could be found to form an administration founded on its own principles Hear, hear.) Out of its dissensions, even if such had existed, no necessity could have arisen for the assembling of the present Parliament. For the Right Hon. Baronet wished to identify himself with the principles of Lord Grey ; and it was his language in the King's Speech, that the measures which Lord Grey's Government supported, I support." It was his argument, that what Lord Grey 's Government supported he was anxious to carry into effect, and that what Lord Grey's Government opposed, he should oppose. The Right Hon. Baronet endeavoured to produce an impression that the principles on which Lord Grey's Government was con ducted were to be the abiding maxims of his own. Ile would ask, then, on the face of these things, where was the necessity for dismissing a Parliament which held these principles.—( Cheers.) They had no other resource left them in discovering their motives but to return to what he had before stated, that his Majesty was advised to dissolve the Parliament on the ground that the country agreed with his Majesty in thinking they would carry on reform incon sistent with a due regard to the preservation of its existing institu tions. He considered that it would neither be manly nor re. spectful to his Majesty if lie refused to give an answer to the appeal which his Majesty has made to every represen tative.—( Hear.) If he did not say to his Majesty " Your Majesty has put the question to my constituency, and they direct me most humbly and respectfully to convey to your Majesty that such is not their opinion,"—this Parliament could not, he thought, pass by this dissolution without obser vation. Well, then, the next ground on which he felt the ne cessity for the Amendment was this, though there were some points in the wording of the Amendment, yet he thought on the whole it was better to take it as it was, than to embarrass I its operations by expressing dissatisfaction at some of its details. The next point was, whether the words of the Address were satisfactory to the Dissenters ? Marriage alone had been al luded to in that speech ; but he should be very glad to find that the Dissenters were satisfied with the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman. But to come to the admission of dissenters into Universities—the Right Hon. Gentleman said that the Dissenters demand to be placed on an equal footing in law with the members of the establishment.—( Hear, hear.) hear.) But he replies, " I cannot permit that. I will not allow you even degrees of equal honour to those given to others, whatever your attainments ; but there are certain bodies in the country with whom I stand on good terms, and I will endeavour to procure some assistance from the Colleges, and I will apply to the benchers of Lincoln's Inn in your behalf " Did he suppose the Dissenters would be satisfied with such decla rations ?Was that an answer for the Minister of the Crown to give to those who justly claimed to be put on an equal footing with their fellow-countrymen ?—( Cheers.) If the Dissenters were satisfied with such statements, they were very different in spirit and sentiment to_ what he believed them to be. In fact, he thought they would reject with scorn and d isdain the propositions of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—( Cheers.) As to church-rates, which occupied so much of public atten tion, the scheme of the Right Hon. Gentleman is likely to fail. With respect to the Irish Church. he thought that this House was bound to recognize that dissatisfaction which pre vailed in Ireland on this subject ; it does not merely arise from tithes, the only source to which it is attributed in his Ma jesty's speech, but out of the state of the Irish Church gene rally.—( Hear.) He would not go into that question, how ever, as the House would have an early opportunity of dis cussing it in full. As to Corporations, the Right Hon. Gentleman said that " he uses nearly the same language which Lord Grey's Government did. You were satisfied with that, and why are you not satisfied now." But Lord Grey's Gc vernment went much further than that—it went to the establish ment of popular rights—it opened and reformed the Scotch Cor porations in the way the English Corporations ought to be opened.—( Cheers.) What had been the course of the Rt. Hon. Gentleman and those with whom he was connected? When a Bill was brought in to restrain the application of corporation funds to election purposes the Right Hon. Gentleman spoke against it, as well as Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst.—( Great cheering.) The Honourable Member for Leicester re commended them to peruse a book, and he in his turn would recommend to him the consideration of the words he was about to read.--( Hear, hear, hear.) That Noble Lord argued that Corporations ought to have influence in elections. He added, that they had as undoubted a right to use the influence of the purse as others had to defray the correct and proper expenditure of elections. He took the Corporation of Leicester, which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ( Mr. Gisborne) represented as an instance. They expended 27,0001. at one election for bringing out voters in from London and elsewhere. That election cost Mr. Evans 20,0001., and the Corporation 27,0001. The ob servations of the Noble Lord ( Lyndhurst) on this subject were taken from the Mirror of Parliament. " I see nothing uncon stitutional—( Cheers from the Opposition)—l see nothing un constitutional in a Corporation applying their funds in order to maintain its due influence in the town it is."—( Renewed cheers from the opposition.) Now, considering the speech of the Noble Lord, and of the Honourable and Learned Gentle man, they ought not to be surprised if he ( Mr. Gisborne) and those who thought with him doubted whether the report of the Corporation Commission, if ever laid on the table of the House would be acted upon. But the House would go farther than depending on these promises —they would test the honesty of Reformers—they would see who Reformers really were--who stood before and were re turned by popular constituencies, and whether they would assist the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel) in giving the " go-by" as the phrase was, to that plain and intelligible principle contained in the Noble Lord's Amendment, "that our Municipal Corporations should be placed under vigilant and popular controul." He would ask, did the Right Hon. Baronet, who said he was ready to remedy all practical gr i ev ances; acknowledge that the present state of Corporations was a grievance, but that Right Hon. Gentleman was rather a ticklish person to deal with respecting abuses, and the only effectual way to deal with him was to convince him of their existence by Parliamentary majorities. Therefore he (Mr. Gisborne) would say to those around him, keep your majo rities close together. If you part with them you part with the only means you have of proving to the Right Hon. Baronet the existence of, and of remedying abuses and grievances. They could not prove their existence to the Right Hon. Gentleman by evidence—No, no,—nor by argument—nor by assertion. He has a particular objection to any such way of demonstrating abuses. The only means of proving them is by Parliamentary majorities.—( Hear, hear.) That was the way in which the Corporation and Test Acts were proved to he a grievance.—( Hear, hear.) That was the way in which lie was convinced the disabilities under which the English and Irish Catholics laboured was a grievance. It was also the way, though he ( Mr. G.) doubted whether the Right Hon. Baronet was not inclined to alter his opinion, in which he was persuaded that the rotten boroughs were an abuse. In the whole course of his Parliamentary career he ( Sir R. Peel) never came forward to remedy an abuse. He (Mr. G. ) was willing to admit that the Right Hon. Baronet had shown an anxiety to improve the details of some unimportant measures, but he never had evinced any to remedy abuses connected with the seat of power, calculated to diminish its influence, and extend popular rights. If the Right Hon. Baronet attempted to remove any Corporation abuse, he would be guilty of suicide—of actual fe/o de se—and would not have the apology for it, even of temporary insanity. He (Mr. G.) would now briefly advert to certain remarks that had been made in reference to that part of the King's Speech which, alluding to our foreign relations, stated that the accession of the present Administration to office gave great satisfac tion to the chief powers of Europe. Yes. No doubt it gave unmingled satisfaction to the King of Poland (the Czar), the Emperor of Austria, the Ex-King of France, and to the rebel Pretender to the Kingdom of Portugal. No doubt they would be all rejoiced at it, since the Court of Petersburg was propitiated by the selection of an ambassador of sentiments in unison with its own. London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, were disgusted at the appointment, but shouts of joy were echoed through Petersburgh, Berlin, and Vienna.—( Loud cheering.) He would ask the Hon. Gentleman where was the late Go vernment popular ? Did they not possess the confidence of the three kingdoms ? And he would now ask where was the present favourite ? Was it not in Central and Eastern Europe, where liberty, where liberal principles, were not in fashion ? That was even a consolation. It put him in mind of that given to the Prince Regent in a little work called the Twopenny Post Bag, which, when it stated that Ireland would be lost, if the then present system was continued, but it also said that they had acquired Java, which they had already been in possession of.—( Cheers.) It was said that the late Government were disunited, and while sonic of them were for Reform, others thought the measures had gone too far, and another party thought they had not gone far enough. But he would ask were the present Government so united ?—( Cheers). Let them look to the combination of the present government. If the Right Hon. Baronet had felt the conviction of expediency, how could the Hon. Member for Essex (the Right Hon. A. Baring) join the Right Hon. Bart., unless he looked back upon his errors and repented of them in conjunction with the Hen. Members for Kent, and for the University of Cambridge, supported by the Noble Lord ( Stormont) Member for Norwich ? and last, though not least, the gallant Colonel who acknowledged himself the head of the Orangemen of Ireland.—( Cheers.) And those to be joined by the Hon. Member for Oxford f Surely this was a strange coalition—both parties said they were converted ; but he wondered upon which side the conversion took place.— ( Cheers and laughter.) The letter of the Hon. and Learned Member fcr Dublin had been attacked as being a most unfair attack upon the present Government. But he would ask the Right Hon. Baronet, did no statesman ever say that the present Government was composed of the worst materials? It was composed of men who were all their lives promoting bad government and opposing good.—( Loud cheers.) Was any 'Government ever placed in such a humiliating condition? Much had been said of the letter of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, as attacking the present Government, but he forgot to state that the letter in question was written in October, a month before the present Administration came into power.—(cheers.) It was only this day he understood that negotiations were going on to form a most material alliance against the best interests of the country.---( Cries of " Hear, hear." But they would find " The funeral baked meats, would coldly furnish the marriage tables."—(Loud cheers. ) Were there not among the supporters of the present admi nistration those who had formerly denounced the Bishop of Exeter, and who had placed on the books of that House no tices of motions which were sufficient to turn the Duke of Wel lington out of office ? The Gentlemen opposite, who taunted them for their divisions must depend upon that very thing for a majority. But could they trim their boat so well between con servative and liberal principles as not to lose the votes and support of either party? They might have chosen their sub ject better than to taunt his side of the House with inconsistency. A Noble Lord had given notice of a motion to abolish the malt tax, and this would cause a loss to the revenue of five millions, while they might perhaps hope, with great eco nomy, to have a surplus of 500,000/. It was unfortunate that the tax on shepherds' dogs had already been abo lished, for that was one which entirely suited the calibre of the Noble Lord.—( Laughter. ) There had been much lamentation at the fall which had, at vari els times, taken place in the public funds, and it might be recollected what a panic was once raised by the gentlemen opposite when the funds fell to the "enormous" extent of 1-1- per cent ; but to what extent would the funds fall when the Noble Member for Buckingham shire would carry—and carry it he was sure he would—the repeal of the Malt Tax ?—( Hear, hear.) And yet that Noble Member did not sit on their disunited, discordant side of the House, but on the other, the united side of the House, among those who were so united and unanimous in all their opinions and measures.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet told them that he and his friends were not apostates ; but to whom did he address himself? not to his own friends, for they were already converted to the opinion. It was, then, to that side of the House that he addressed him self. The Right Honourable Baronet said that reason and knowledge formed the doctrine of that side of the House ; but the Right Hon. Baronet said that prescription was more valuable and safe than either reason or knowledge. The Right Hon. Baronet had always opposed all their doc trines and measures, but he now offered to change his former opinions, and to propose new doctrines and measures if they would only take him back and give him a trial. But he (Mr. Gisborne) for one would declare he would not take him back, and that he would not give him that trial, be cause he could not place confidence in him.—( Hear, hear.) It was true that there might be a majority in that house against the Right Hon. Baronet. He believed there was a majority against him the other night, but then he could command a majority in the other House of Parliament. That he believed to be the most singular argument ever addressed by ministers to that house—the most singular and the least conservative of the rights and privileges of the Commons of England.— ( Cheers.) Without equivocation, without any ambiguity of language, he claimed for the Commons of England the right to determine who the Ministers in this country should be.— He claimed it negatively as to the persons, but positively as to the principles entertained by the servants of the Crown. There was one topic a hich it appeared to him ought to be com mented on in considering the Address and the Amendment. They had a right to know on what terms they sat there.— ( Cheers.) They had a right to learn from the Right Hon. Baronet whether their existence as Members of Parliament depended upon their support of Ministers on that occasion ( Cheers.) It had been hinted in another place, and not denied in that, that another appeal to the people was in contempla tion ; and they should be informed by the Right Hon. Gen tleman at the head of the Government, whether or not he meant to abide by that declaration. That was no new ques tion to be put to Ministers ; it was repeatedly put in 1784, and when the Government of that day answered in ambiguous terms, there was an appeal made to the throne. He asked it then, and if the Right Hon. Baronet re fused to answer, they might know what confidence could be placed in him by that House, and by a brave and determined people.--( Cheers.) There was only one topic more on which he would trouble the House. It had been asked what were the materials of that Act, of which an administration could be formed. On that lie (Mr. Gisborne) would only express first his confidence and next his wish. He had no doubt that a government could be found both unequivocally possessing the confidence of that House and perfectly de scry ing the approbation of the country.—( Cheers.) He hoped that in the formation of the next Administration there would be contained within it men of whom they might take as two samples the Hon. Members for London aid Bridport.—( Cheers from the Opposition, and loud cries of " Hear" from the Treasury benches.) He was confident these gentlemen represented classes in this eountry which were too powerful with safety to be excluded from any cabinet. Any government formed of such men would bring stability to their party, and possess the just confidence of the country. Mr. PR YSE was sorry it had fallen to his lot to speak after the eloquent gentleman who had just sat down, but he was anxious to ask their indulgence while he explained the reasons which induced him to withhold his support from the Amend ment.—( Hear, and cheers from the Treasury benches.) He was afraid gentlemen who cheered him would have - little cause for having done so, because he differed altogether from the motives which actuated the Learned Gentleman ( Sergeant Goulburn) who last spoke from the side on which he sat. He came into that House unfettered and unpledged, and he was determined to exercise his judgment upon every question which came before them. —( Hear.) A few months ago, when they first heard of the changes in the Government—they were asked to give the new ministers their confidence and a fair trial, and he (Mr. Pryse) was willing to say, in the words of Lord Chatham, " confidence is a plant of slow growth." I have it not , but you shall have what it is in my power to give, a fair trial. He would say in plain language, they must all be Reformers now, and the speech which they had heard the other night made by the Right Hon. Baronet, contained much sound Whig doctrine, and which, considering the quarter from whence it came, was a subject of congratulation to them (the Re formers). Hon. Gentlemen might recollect that Mr. Canning had said, in alluding to the phrase of " measures not men," that horses were the men and measures the harness, and it must be m anifest to every Member in that House, that having got the horses in harness, they possessed the power of dragging the team as they liked. He would own to them, and he made no secret of it, that they ought not to change horses suddenly—( Cries of " Hear, hear,")— and he had an impression which had not been weakened by any thing that had fallen from the political prospectus of the Honourable and Learned Sergeant beneath him, that if they were to change horses again, they would get them of a different kind, whose necks would be too large for their collars, whose heads would be too strong for their guidance, and whose paces would be too rapid for their approval—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—lightened and accelerated as it had been by those measures, in some of which I,e had had the honour of taking a part. —( Cheers.) That was the point at which he now stood, although he was afraid those who took the same view as himself, were looked upon as mild apostates from those principles they formerly advocated. With regard to the Amendment which was then before the House, he had no objection to it whatever, with the exception of two paragraphs, and were it not for those two paragraphs he (Mr. Pryse) believed the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues would not have objected to the amend ment.—( Cheers and laughter.) The first was with regard to the Reform Bill, and the next was with regard to the dissolution of Parliament. Every other paragraph he would have supported, but he could not, as it stood, conscientiously vote for it, for the reasons which he had stated.--( Hear, bear.) With regard to his Majesty's speech itself, had its strength been in proportion to its length, he should have been satisfied with it.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) There were many questions which ought to have been noticed in it.— There was the great question with respect to the Church in Ireland, that would, no doubt, before long, have to be discussed. Again, as to the principal Corporations he regretted that an opinion had been given by an individual high in power, and he was sorry to understand, that that opin • ion had been repeated to-night—(loud cries of " hear, hear") —because it amounted almost to a partial justification of the offensive condition in which the corporations of this country were now placed.—( Hear, hear.) But still he would give the Ministers u fair trial—{ Cries of " Oh, oh !")--he felt too much confidence in the strength-they possessed, and he for one would never exert that strength in support of a flimsy and useless amendment.—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial bench. ) He was disappointed with the meagreness of the amend ment which had been exposed by the speech of the Rieht Honourable Baronet, the member or Tnmworth. With respect to the Dissolution of the late Mini , . iry and Parliament it had been well said by the Member who hes) last addressed the House, that no reason had been meted why those events had taken place. As regarded the dissolution, of Perlie ment, he admitted that he was met with the prerogative of the Crown, but he also recollected, that with the just prerogative of the Crown came also the just rights of the subject, who in every exercise of the prerogative had the undouted right to say what he felt. (Cheers.) The Right lion. Baronet had brought forward several instances of the dissolution of Parliament under similar circumstances, especially in 1784 ; that, however, in his opinion, was in no way parallel with the dissolution of the late Parliament, as in that instance Mr. Pitt had succeeded ap unpopular Government, but in the present instance they had different men coming into power, but the dif ference of their measures was scaecely perceptible. He thought that the country required some explanation why it had been visited with the late dissolution, but entertaining that opi nion, he considered the present Government ought to have a fair trial. He had already told the House that his fear with respect to sudden changes, in the opinion of Tories, was not new, and as an instance of that, he would refer to the authority of Mr. Hume, ( A laugh.) Mr. David Hume he meant, who said—" The Tories have been so long obliged to doff the republican system that they seem to have made converts for themselves by their own hypocrisy."—( Hear.) In another passage of the same author stated—" There were, however, very considerable re mains of that party in England, with all their old prejudices." He would support the address, considering the Government ought to have a trial, and believing if it was dissolved it might be replaced by another more objectionable.—( Cheers. ) Lord HO WIC K rose to address the House amid much cheering. He was not surprised that the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, although he agreed with many opinions entertained on that side of the House had come to the conclusion he had, because it appeared to him (Lerd Howick) the question now under discussion had been greatly mis-stated in the speeches of the two Hon. Gentlemen who had just addressed the House. He was not surprised to hear the Hon. Member for Derbyshire acquiesce in the state ments of the Hon. and Learned Serjeant who had pre ceded him.—( Hear.) That Learned Gentleman had stated that the amendment was not fair, because it said one thing and meant another. He said that its object - was to reject the present Government, and restore its predecessor. That did not appear to him the meaning of the words of the amendment. As he understood it, it distrusted the promises as to the liberal policy in Reform which had been made by the present Mi nistry, and disapproved of the recent dissolution of Parliament. He asked them, how any one who had supported the policy of the Government for the last four years, could refuse his con sent to the amendment now before the House. Were the promises of reforming and liberal measures satisfactory to that House or to the country—he would go further and ask whether, had those promises been more liberal, could they, consistently with their duty and the wishes of their con stituents, agree to accept those promises from the indi viduals who formed the Government ?—( Cries of " Hear.") There never was a time in which it was more necessary that the reins of Government should be in the hands of those who would use their power with a strong hand, yet act with gentleness—in the hands of those who could see coming events, and knew how to yield in the proper place—of those who knew where con cessions were right and necessary, and where they were dangerous 2—( -leer, hear, hear.) If, in the present state of affairs in this country, and still more in the disturbed state of Ireland, the power of Government should be in hands like these, he would confidently ask whether the present Ministers answered that description ? The Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel) had shown himself most signally and fatally ignorant of the proper time when such concessions should be made. He would instance the case of the Test and Corporation Acts—the still more momentous question of Catholic Emancipation—the Re form question, preceded as it was by the question of whether East Retford should be disfranchised or not ?—( Im mense cheering. )" He had only to touch upon these points to satisfy every man who heard him on either side of the House. He would appeal to the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Kent, who opposed these measures throughout; and to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, who went much further than he (Lord Howick) went upon almost all questions, whe ther the Right Honourable Baronet, by his past con duct had shown himself deficient, not only in the res pect of seeing coming events, but of the most ordinary power of discovering dangers when they were closely impend ing—had he not shown himself as a pilot who, though pre viously warned, could not see the breakers till he was in the midst of them? He must admit that the conduct of the lion. Bart. during the last two years had been very different from that of the men with whom he was connected. But he found that all the other offices of the 'State were filled by men holding extreme opinions ; and he ( Lord H.) differed far less from the Right Hon. Baronet than many in whose company lie had the misfortune to sec him.—( Immense cheering from the Ministerial side, re-echoed by the Opposition.) But when' he saw that the three Secretaryships were placed in the last hands in which he wished to have seen them, .he could have no confidence in Governments. When he saw the Right Hon. the Member for Cambridge presiding over the domestic affairs, not only of this country but likewise of that of Ireland—but of that gentle man he would say no more, than that from his former conduct, he could hope for no reform from one who had been the Member fur the close, ecclesiastical, and orange borough of Armagh.—( Great cheering and laughter.) When he saw the Foreign and the Colonial Secretaryships in the hands of those whose conduct had been the opposite of the Right Hon. Baronet, his confidence was gone. Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had supported many measures of the late Government ; but how different had been the conduct of the two Secretaries of the House of Lords ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Could any man doubt but that it the conduct of those Secretaries had been of the same character as that of the Right Hon. Baronet, the country would still have had the services of the Noble Lord, the member for Lancashire,and those of his colleagues who went out with him. He had heard an expression of dissent from the Noble Lord, but he was sure that his Noble Friend opposite would admit that the change which led to the embarassments thrown in the way of those who wished to carry into effect the various measures of reform which the country demanded, was occasioned by those very individuals. Had the Government been allowed to proceed in the manner they wished, they would have had the strength to survive those other causes which led to the breaking up, and finally to the destruction of that Cabinet. ( Hear.) The opposition in the House of Lords was con ducted by the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Aberdeen. These were the two most active members of it, and they 'had lost no opportunity of embarrassing the Government. Let them look at the plan of Irish policy, where it had been at tempted to fan into a flame whatever remained of the old and forgotten prejudices that yet lurked in the minds of the English people. Let them look at the pains that had been taken to nourish the antipathy of one part of the Irish people against the other, and by those very persons who were now prepared, according to the Speech from the Throne, to pursue a liberal course. Not only upon this point, but also in our foreign policy the two Noble individuals to whom he had alluded went a length which had never been gone before in this country. They thought it not inconsistent with their duty to hold out encouragement to two foreign powers --to the King of Holland and the Usurper of Portugal—(loud cr i es of " Hear")—to hold out every encouragement in their power to those powers who were resisting the policy pursued by the then responsible advisers of the Crown.— ( Loud cheering.) The principles and opinions avowed by those noble individuals, in conducting this reckless and fac tious opposition, makes me say that—of all men in the world—they are the two most unfit to be entrusted with the momentous interests placed in their hands.—( Continued cheering.) With respect to our internal affairs, and those of Ireland, there is the control of this House to force the reluctant Minister to yield to the just demands of the people. But what control have we over our foreign policy ? How are we to know what orders were transmitted, at the be. ginning of this session, to the Governor of Canada by the Earl of Aberdeen ?—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Don't talk to me of a fair trial.—( Great cheering on both sides of the House.) Why should we commit the destinies of so large a portion of the earth to the controul of men whose opinions appear to me to be opposed to the welfare of the hu. man race—(continued cheering)—and whose acts were totally at variance with the whole policy pursued during the last five years by the late Government ?—( Hear, heat...) Sir, I say, then, that if the composition of the Government is not calculated to - give any satisfaction to the country, I ask Hon. Members what do they think of the first act of that Ministry ?—( Hear, her.) Their first act was the dis solution of the last Parliament, and, wherever they had the smallest influence, to exercise it in turning out even the most moderate Reformers.—( Cheers, and cries of " No.") The Right Hon. Baronet denies that statement, but if as he says his opinions have during the last two years been not very different from those of the late Government, I cannot help asking why a relation of my own was to be opposed on the part of the Government, in favour of an individual who only two years ago introduced himself as a Radical Reformer ?—( Loud cheering from the Opposition.) The Right Hon. Baronet was not perhaps cognizant of the fact, but I can tell him that the present Lord Chancellor canvassed for votes in favour of that individual.—( Cheers.) But the question of the late dissolution has been so long and so forcibly dwelt upon by other Hon. Mem bers that at this stage of proceedings, however much I condemn that measure, and the result of which has been to increase the number of persons holding extreme opinions on both sides, and to diminish the number of those holding moderate and sound Constitutional opinions,—l repeat, strongly as I feel on that subject, I shall not now allude further to Hear.) Entertaining those opinions which I have jolt expressed, and believing that those opinions are entertained by the very great majority of the country, I feel myself bound to vote for the Amendment proposed by my Noble Friend.—( Cheers.) I think that if that amendment is carried advantage will re sult. In the first place, it will do more than any other mea sure to calm the public mind. It will show to the people more to prevent that desire of which Hon. Gentlemen are afraid, viz. any further change in the constitution of this House—it will show to the people of England, that this House, constituted as it now is, even under the most unfavourable circumstances, fairly represents the opinions of the people, and believing that they will not ask for further changes—(Loud cheers)—l look, likewise, at the effect which the Amendment will produce in the composition of the present Govern ment. In saying this, I must acknowledge that had I thought that the necessary effect of carrying this amendment, would have been the summary removal of the present Adminis. tration from office, I should at least have had great difficulties in acquiescing in it—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches). -I felt so strongly the reasons urged by the Right Hon. Ba 1 ror ,t.t, the other night felt so 'strongly -tie. a-, ; runic °' my Noble Friend, the Member for Lane that I s!ir - nd. l,lot ; tif al without gr,..at appt.el:ension—l am n . - ran I you 's. J ug: y i it to m) should have had smme doul-t, and, at events, I could trt, wNlout great ulty approic,.- sic. give a vote might be the probable mclrs of at once ing the present Admittistrati. , n ) d 1 d.) not see that the .ttn nultre pro:' , osed by No`H F..; - nevessariiv hots thi- eff. et. i hay.• bad th ing frote. the alAt B Ponce •.; b . the sa. , ‘: ,ll ' r e with myself, a id in the event :.f :hea,ttendm , esrtie wi;l not consider irat , e;f compel:Pd o itiet • ( Cheers from the 'Midst: 11. A side. ) I hosed this iot , ot,tti .-0 Sri"' the very greatest sati.fAction, for though I deprecat e as the greatest calamity the resent Gev,..rnmer.t's pero.a-, nently continuing in cflice in its pies( nt state, yet own I cannot participate in the desire expressed by my n obe friend the member for Lancashire, for the formation of a Cabi net in which those extreme opinions which are represented by the members of Bridport and Londoii should have a preponderating influence. I have the greatest respect for those gentlemen, and I rejoice to sec them in the House, and in a great number of questions I concur with them ; but, at the same time, they have expressed themselves in this House in a manner that leads me to fear that they are disposed to carry their opinions to an extreme length, and to press on with in considerate and dangerous rapidity to accomplish there.-- ( Loud cheers.) I say, then, that Ido not think that I would vote for the amendment, if I thought it would b! a means of removing the present Cabinet from office ; but I think that most important benefits will arise from it in this way, that without producing the summary rejection of the present Ministry, it will oppose his Majesty in a manner the least repugnant to his feelings, and the most respectful on our part, and at the same time so plainly as not to be misun derstood—( Loud cheers)—that in the Cabinet as at present composed, this House and the country, which this House repre sents, do not place entire confidence.—( Tremendous cheering.) I retract the expression—l mean that degree of confidence which would enable them to carry on the Government. I base • explained sufficiently the grounds upon which I support the Amendment moved by my Noble Friend, and it only remains for use to say, that in expressing this opinion I sin afraid I have taken more than the situation I hold entitles me to do.—(N ° ' no.) I may have been imprudent ; for party. purposes it may have been very wrong and also very inexpedient in me to make the declaration I have just now made ; but I confess that the crisis in which we are placed is so alarming—it seems to me so full of the greatest and most imminent dangers' that no consideration of party interest—( Great cheering) —no consideration of individual friendship, could prevent me from expressing that opinion which I believe to be , just. —( Loud cheers.) I thiA that in this crisis it be comes me to postpone all consideration as to whose fault it is that the present state of things has arisen, and to apply mYse ll, to the consideration solely as to what is the best course, under the present circumstances, to pursue. I have stated what are my opinions, and I trust the House will believe that those opinions are sincere.—( Loud cheers.) An Hoa. MEMBER rose amidst much confusion, in cense' quence of several Members leaving the House. We u nder-. stood him to say, that there could be but one opinion on the straight-forward and high-minded integrity of the Noble Lord who had just sat down. If he was an opponent, he was an Honourable opponent. He for his own part considered it at t honour in him, in a crisis like this, to come forward so low fully, yet courteously, to deliver his sentiments. We under stood him to say that he differed from the Noble Lo l l in his opinions on the illustrious character who had formed so large a subject of his speech—his fame was built on a , pinnacle not to be hurt by the animadversions of the Noble Lord—it would live to eternity. The Duke of Wellington was an illustrious warrior —( The concluding part of this sen tence was lost amidst loud cries of " Hear, hear.") 10 continuation, he observed, that in passing from this subject' he would. just advert, yet with the utmost delicacy, to 6 ' l allusion which had been made by the Hon. Member for Derby shire, namely, that the funds had fallen when the present, Speaker was elected. - (Cheers, with cries of " Hear.") I t then such was !the effect produced on commerce, nothing' ho thought, could be conceived as conveying more completely wha t were the actual wishes of the country. He hoped that some firm hand would be found to hold the reins of Governmen t ' to support the present Ministry, and which would tend to sti lt which he was sorry to say he thought was in great activity at the present ti:ue, the excitement of a rebellion in Canada; It would have been much better if that Hon. Member ba d stated his opinions, that the House might know what esti:net° to form of his objections. The Amendment and the Address, were not so widely different that the recommendations of eac a might not be both stated at the same time. One statemen t had been made which was of the most serious nature,! namely, that a man who changed his political opinion° had forfeited his rank and station, and must become I t renegade in society. The bosom friend of Lord Rockingham in 1827, brought in an efficient measure of re' ' form ; yet at the end of two months he refased to ICI! . for such a measure (hear, hear, hear) but b e was not charged with inconsistency by his Hon. Friend Mr; Fox.—( Loud cries of " Question," " O'Connell," " Divide, • " Adjourn," and " Order," which lasted several minutes-) The Honourable Member continued, notwithstanding t° interruption. Suppose the present Administration were removed, where were those to be found who would follow and forl l3 , -- ) ministry ? Lord Melbourne's party were completely staff less.(" Question 1" ) A Government reconstructed from tb s. , party could not exist a fortnight.—(" Question 1" " divide I . If a Government should be formed of the Melbourne .Adin t ; nistration, those who join them must be their masters,:_(Lo a° cries of " QueStion l" and much confusion.) Mr. DUNCOMBE had not intended to intrude any servations upon the House, only he was ren i nested to do so la consequence of the speech made by Olt' Right Hon. Gen tle ; man, the President of the Board of Trade (Mr. Berl,' last night.—( Loud laughter from the Ministerialists.) •th; ' rose to give his unqualified contradiction to the statemen t made by that Right Hon. Gentleman—that the wealth, irst, e l ligence, and respectability of the metropolitan district and g the City of London, were not represented in that Hottsl He was obliged to confess, that when the Reform Bill oasse": he did not expect to hear of those little sarcasms that used `', to be levelled against reformers. They then made allowan ce for the irritation under which the Right Hon. holdall s !, must have naturally laboured, when he saw Gotten a n " Sarum sliding from under him ; but he (Mr. D.) e oo ' fessed that—as a Minister of the Crown, and set" want of the people, he was forced to say it was unbecolni°l of that Right Hon. Gentleman to treat with such disresPe c v the electors of the country as to say, that the wealth, re' spectability, and intelligence of the metropolita n districts 5re,. 1.6 „, not represented. He appealed to the recollection a t ''" House, and he would:ask:them how ti..• Right Hon. Gentlerosa supported his argument. Look said he at the city of London' and you will find that the address to the King on the accssion e the present government to power, had attached to it 5,000 Si tures. But did the House know how these signatures We t ! obtained, and of what description they were ? He would no state what they consisted of, for it was right that the 1 1 ° ° '" should know, and that the Crown should know, what tbef were. The address had 5,000 signatures no doubt, but, ° . ,, g • analysing it, it was found that only four-tenths of th were electors of the City, and that the remaining; three thousand were unauthorized signatures, some of the ) ; merchants' clerks, some of them pretending to the chara de of merchants, unless some of the fancy shopkeepers of Chear, side should be so regarded. He (Mr. D.) would ask, rt'i. there no wealth in the Bank of England ?—(Laugh te from the Ministerial side, and cheers from the OpP°, sl ; don. ) Who was the Governor of the Bank of Englaitu A gentleman who has been returned as a representative of th e ' city ; yet the Right Hon. Gentleman ( Mr. Baring) has th r i assurance to say that neither the wealth, intelligence, b - ,, respectability of the city was represented ! With respect to t metropolitan districts, with respect to himself, wbo representemt Finsbury—( Laughter from the ministerial side) —for electors of that place, who returned him, know that be tr _„, not, like the Right Hon. Gentleman, a consistent politicia n they contend as much wealth, respectability, and in tg o ligence as the places from which the Hon. Gentleln ed who composed the present Government were retui ll ar ii The Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer appe f os not to understand the object of the Amendment, that 'it, framed merely for the purpose of catching the votes 0 1 0, , Noble Lord, the Member for Lancashire, and of his colleatt i in office ; but the Right lion. Gentleman was totally mist's ) / for although the argument of the Noble Lord was in favour., - , the Amendment his vote was to be in favour of the Aildre rb, . He was sure that his eloquent and Hon. Friend worad be tc sl them. There were various motives attributed to these who w ° of give their votes on the present occasion; but th.question wa t :i o si Reformers would they support their opinions? And the que s ` t be • was, whether Parliament was prepared to submit to prejudices of the Peers and the caprices of the Coarttbe (Cheers)—or whether they were to carry into effect ~brs principles of the Reform Bill, which protected the ma so and liberties of the people ?—( Loud cheers.) With rege r the Noble Lord's amendment it was objected to because it tr . pressed a regret at the dismission of th e late Minis g ot He should say that he thought the a m en d m ent had :cur, gone far enough.—( Cheers.) If they examined the SP e- fe sS. • they would find it contained unmeaning p ro f ess ions and Pip regrets. If they would just examine what were thee dse r t :o tion of regrets.—(Laughter.—The first was, that Houses of Parliament were bu rne d—(l aug ht er an d cbee ri '• o o and what the cause of that was, no satisfactory explan a i l d • was given, except that a Report would be mu st: upon their table. However, lie supposed that they M oi.- submit to the prerogative of the Crown. There 109 .00 other regret in the Speech, and that was that s et' differences between Belgium and Holland have not bee n . 0 0 tied. But ht could tell why they were not. Th!,gere arose from the intrigues of the Gentlemen, n o w in power. li t he was another part of the address depl or i n g the state g e e' agricultural distress, yet it did not point out any re gl e k Even the Noble Lord would. be puzzled to find a r e ' ,- ,, 5 - ads The llon. Member then went o n to repudiate tore chargL t the by the Member for E s sex (Ba r i ng ) aga i ns t th e c harge tli- ore• 10 metropolitan boroughs did not re p resen t th e wealth 10 perty. If they would look to Ireland, he would askLjeir prospect had that wintry under the present Ao"-coer tration ?—( Hear, hear.) For this and many , reasons, with whi c h h e wou ld no t trou bl e the Hon f was deturtulued to give hi s vot e s t o th e amendment ° Noble Fiend the Member for Yorkshire.. Mr. A. BARING r o s e t o ex pl a i n , i n answ er to ti le t ° 11 11 ; servations of Mr. -Duncombe. He begged to sgtr the he had made no ob serva ti ons on t h e Member's {°r Os"' Tower Hamlets, or for th e borough of Finsbury; hot he merely stated in answer to the remarks from Member for the Tower Haerdets, that the Addrel t b $ 55 London, was signed by a l arge proport i on o f the we a be influence of the metrorelis ; but be begged to say tbat OA not criticize eith e r t h e taste or the discrimination borough of Finsk. asy. 01 41 ' Sir JAM GRAHAM d ec l are d h e was labOes- rt s , - and however disproportioned they might be, still he was de termined never to consent to appropriate ecclesiastical pro perty to any but ecclesiastical purposes.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Did he find fault with the Right Hon. Baronet for making that declaration ? Not at all. But while he entertained the opinions he did, he (Lord Dudley Stuart) could not sup port him. The opinions he held were shared by the majority of the House, and he did not believe any government acting en the principles which the Right Hon. Baronet had declared, could or ought to stand.—(Hear, hear.) In saying this he hoped no one would suppose that he was not actuates' by a proper regard and reverence for the doctrines of tht Protestant Church in which he had been brought up.— ( Hear, hear.) Every Member of that House must hays been glad to hear that his Majesty had received those assurances from Foreign Powers which led him t< hope for the continuance of the blessings of peace. They must all have heard that with pleasure ; but with no satisfaction and with no pleasure could they have heard the supporters of his Majesty's Government, congratulate themselves and the country upon the increasing degree of confidence placed in the Government by the despotic powers on the Continent—( Cries of " Hear, hear"). When he (Lord Dudley Stuart) recollected that the persons who felt that increased degree of confidence in his Majesty's Government were the despotic rulers of Austria, Russia, and Prussia—he felt no pleasure in that confidence—he felt no respect for the Government.---(Cries of " Hear.") The Right Hon. Baronet had made some observations condemning in the strongest terms a course sometimes pursued in that House of loading with personal obloquy and vitupera tion individuals who defended those despotic governments. He joined with the Right Honourable Baronet in deprecating that course, thinking it indecorous, indecent, and injurious to the cause it was intended to support. He never had adopted that course, nor did he find fault with the persons who did, but he denounced the acts of these Governmentar— ( Great cheering.) When he considered that these pefFons whose confidence the present Ministry said they had, had been at all times the enemies of liberty wherever it had dared to raise its head, when he recollected the conduct of one of those governments in Cracow, and lately in Switzerland, when he recollected that another of those powers had deleavoured to do all in its power to injure the interests of this country in the east of Europe, with a view to its own aggrandizement, when he considered that the third of those Powers was the spoliator of Poland, he could have but little satisfaction in learning that the present Government had their confidence. --(Cheers.) He lamented that any person could stand up in that House, and appear to take pride in having the confidence of such powers. Was it an honour to have the confidence of melt who had trampled upon treaties, and set humanity at defiance ? —(Cheers.) When the change took place in the administra tion, and when he heard the Duke of Wellington was to be Mi nister of Foreign Affairs,he thought the Noble Duke would have asserted the dignity of his country in a way it had not been as serted by the late Government. Though he had given his support to the Goverrinents of Lords Grey and Mel bourne in many instances, yet he never hesitated op posig. them when he thought they were wrong. One lamentable instance of that was that they had not taken advantage of the opportunity that was given them of saving Poland. He would now return to the subject of the address lie had stated his reasons why he could not concur in the the address, he wished he could say that he felt satisfied with the amendment. His great objection to the speech from the Throne was that it did not advert to the necessity of any en quiry into the Irish Church. The Amendment in his opinion would have been much better calculated for the object it had in view, if it had taken notice of so important a subject. He regretted that his Noble Friend had introduced into his Amendment an expression of regret at the dissolution of the late Parliament, even though there was no doubt that there was a precedent to be found for such an expression. He wished also that the amendment had not been framed in such a manner, that he could have supported it with more pleasure. He could not vote for the Address, because he had no confidence in the present Ministry.—( Cheers. ) Mr. Serjeant GOULBURN then rose, along with many other Members ; but being called upon, he proceeded to say that it was pith very great reluctance he rose after the pa• tience of the House had been worn out, but it was from a deep sense of the duty w hich he owed to a large constituency, that he felt himself called upon to say a few words and they would be few, upon so important an occasion. lie did not wish to say a word upon the topics which had already been worn out, but he must say that under an appearance of candour in the amendment, there was much of gall, and bitter ness, and party faction. He would ask what was the real question which the amendment raised—it was conceded to him that the meaning of' it was " shall we, or shall we not, eject the present Ministers."—(tremendous cheering.) Then, on the other side, it was, " Shall we allow the King to be forced to take back the Melbourne Cabinet."—( Great and continued cheering.) The whole of the parties oppo site, who had such different opinions upon many subjects appeared to be joined in the one wish, to have back the Mel bourne Cabinet at all hazards, and by all means. The first objection that he made to the amendment was, that it would be interfering with the undoubted prerogative of the King. The King most undoubtedly has the choice of his Ministers. What sort of a choice did they mean ? Free?—( Hear, and a laugh.) Was it to choose certain individuals whom they pre scribed, and to reject others? Free in that respect, but no matter what their capability for office might be —no matter what the talents of the individuals might be—no matter what their integrity might be, thy must be rejected.—( Hear, and a laugh.) The freedom which those gentlemen would concede to his ( Sergeant Goulburn's) side of the House was this-- " You shall take one, and reject the other."—( Loud cheer ing.) He had a right—scheers and laughter)—let them look a little—( Renewed laughter, followed by cries of " Order") — at the nature of the choice that they would give the King on the present occasion. At all events, they say that they e ill have back the. Melbourne Administration.—( Hear, and loud cries of " No," from the Opposition benches.) Then, who would they have back ?—( A laugh.) That simple question he believed put the Hon. Members on the other side out of the argument.—( A laugh.) Had any one among them cried out who they would have ?—( Laughter, and a cry of " No Tory.”) The Honourable Member for Middlesex should consider that the country could not do without a Government, and whoever they would have they most certainly would not have that Hon. Member at the head of it.— ( Cheers and laugh ter.) All who had spoken upon the subject had agreed that if the present Government were put out, there must he a return TO the Melbourne Administration.—(" No, no.") It was one of his arguments.—( Much laughter.) If the present Cabinet were sent out, what would they - put in its place? Let them look a little.—( Renewed laughter and cheering, fol lowed by cries of " Order, order.") He would put himself in the language of his profession, upon his country, and he would ask would they take the seals from Lord Lyndhurst—( Hear) and transfer them to Lord Brougham ? Did they wish to see them changed ?—( Cheering, and cries of " Yes.") With re spect to the foreign relations, it had been admitted by the No ble Lord opposite ( Stuart) that what they wanted in the foreign department was a man of comprehensive mind, and he would ask them would they cashier the Noble Duke at the head of that department, and put in his place the rejected of Hampshire ( Lord Palmerston) ?—( Laughter.) On that question he would go with them to the country, for there was not a single individual, high or low, who would not scout that comparison. With respect to the head of the Government and the leadership of that House, were they prepared to cashier the Right Hon. Baronet ?—( Loud cries of " He :r, hear ?") If so, he would ask, who would they put in his place ? who would they put in his place, whose presence restrained hint ( Sergeant G.) from saying what nine-tenths of the country are ready to concede to his abilities, and if he could not lead that House, who else was capable of doin g it ?—( Laughter.) He would ask them therefore—he would ask any fair and candid mind emit.: they make a real bona fide comparison between these gentlemen and any others. He was aware that objec tions might be raised against them for party purposes ; but no individual could make an honest comparison between them and any others. Well, if that be so—( Much laughter)—it that be the fact--(Renewed laughter, and cries of no, no) —to what were they to go when the object of the Amendment had been obtained, and the present Government removed from office ? Should they go to anything that would satisfy the House or the country, the weakest of the three parties in the House in point of number, and in talent not the strongest, were endeavouring to return to office. He ( Sergeant Goul burn) felt the greatest confidence in the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire ( Stanley), and the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Cumberland (Graham), but the House knew that if the Melbourne Cabinet came into office, they must come without these Gentleman. Ho was aware that everything felt was not avowed in that House—and when that Government would wish to destroy, they would call in the assistance of the Hon. Member for Dublin, the Member for Middlesex, and the Member for Southwark ; but when they wanted to conserve they would call in the high honour and manly feeling of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, and they would say to him that they were aware that he would do just the opposite to what the others were doing. They were placed between two parties—the weakest and feeblest in talent were to govern both. There was something excessively mean about this.—(Great cheers and laughter.) He was sorry to be obliged to use plain phrases, but he could not disguise in his mind that nothing was more con temptible.--( Renewed cheering.) The weakest both in num bers and in talent, they would be obliged to rely upon the generous aid of the Right Hon. Baronet, whom they meant to censure ; but in all other cases they must bend to these who were leagued to destroy our most valuable institutions. He would tell them that they would not succeed. They might very well place reliance upon the Right Hon. Baronet, for nothing could shake him from his high and honourable course; but he was not sure that those around him (Mr. Goulburn) would be so fond of lending them (the Whigs) that aid, and fighting for them the battle against the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. If that were the case, what would become of the State ?—( Cries of " Hear.") Did any man doubt that our institutions would be taken away one by one, that we should love every thing most valuable, and that we should soon see the Hon. and Learned Member Dublin reigning the undis puted ruler of that House and the country. He would ask if this would not be the precursor of the dismemberment of the em pire?—( Hear.) He would shortly state what were the rea sons why the country would regret the return of the Melbourne Cabinet to office. There was a general feel ing throughout the country, that the Ministers of that Cabinet we're incapable and inefficient in the transaction of the public business. There was not a man in the country who would trust them.—( Oh, oh !) He was sure that the House which had had experience of their manner of doing business, must be aware that that Ministry had proved themselves, on many occasions, incapable.--(" Oh, oh !" and " Hear, hear.") There was another reason, which he would shortly state to the House. If there was any one thing which the country desired morethan another it was a cessation from excitement—( Hear)—from the unceasing con flicts between parties; or above all things the country wanted calm