The Sun. — London, England, 1835-08-11 00:00:00

CORPORATION REFORM MEETINGS. GREAT LINCOLN MEETING. Immediately on receipt of the intelligence that the Peers had determined to hear evidence, in order to defeat the Bill by delay, a requisition was signed by 79 most respect able inhabitants, calling on the Mayor to convene a public meeting in the Guildhall. His Worship, after taking time to consider, refused ; whereupon the requisitionists on Fri day called a meeting themselves for the same evening in the large Butter Market, which was filled by an immense multitude. Alderman Watccutsworrx was called to the chair. Dr. BEATY proposed an address to the King, after a powerful and sarcastic speech upon the Lords and their ally, the Mayor of Lincoln, who, like them, thought, no doubt, th at the atmosphere would be as hot in the Lin coln Guildhall, as it was in another distinguished place where noblemen, like aldermen, sometimes forgot they were gen. tlemen, and showed that the temperature of their mind was oven hotter than that of the atmosphere.—( Excessive laughter and cheering.) He, however, was proud of meeting in that place, as it was there his fellow-citizens had done him the honour of deputing him to represent their interests in London, where he met with some of the best patriots in Eng land. After an eulogy upon the monarchical office and the Governments of Earl Grey and Lord Melbourne, as most likely to support that office, by surrounding it with the affec tions of the people, and giving a history of the purposes of the Reform Bill and its necessary result, the present Municipal Measure, the Learned Doctor concluded, amid loud cheers, with proposing the following Address, and that the same be presented to his Majesty by Earl Ripon, the Recorder of the city _ _ To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. The humble, dutiful, and loyal address of the undersigned alder men, councilmen, merchants, traders, and other inhabitants of the City, Bail, and Close of Lincoln. May it please your Majesty, The undersigned are deeply impressed with the most grateful f eelings towards your Majesty, for having called to your Majesty's councils those wise and patriotic statesmen who introduced the magnificent measure of Parliamentary Reform, and their succes sors, who have introduced the equally magnificent, beneficial, and necessary measure of Municipal Corporation Reform. The undersigned most humbly represent that they take the liveliest interest in the support of the monarchical office, and have the ia most l o y a l an d dutiful affection towards your most gracious hesty. eeling the greatest alarm that the consequences which may arise from the impediments which obstruct the measure of Corpo. ration Reform, introduced by your Majesty's Government, and carried by your Majesty's faithful Commons, will endanger the best interests of the country, the undersigned most humbly and earnestly implore your Majesty to continuo in your councils the present -Blexnbers of your Majesty's Government ; and to take such race- cures as to your Majesty shall seem meet, wise, and constitutional, 1 0 enable that Government to carry to a successful conclusion the tasis they have brought forward for the better regulation of the funicipal Institutions of your country. Mr. NORTHHOUSE (Editor of the Lincoln Gazette), amid loud cheers, rose to second the address, which he did, not be cause he Imd any fear for the success of the Bill, as of that or a stronger measure they might rest assured, but because he a pprehended danger to the public peace if the insane obstinacy of their Lordships were persevered in.—( Cheers.) He corn- Merited in very strong terms upon the dishonourable conduct e,f the majority of their Lordships in contracting to merely near Counsel without occasioning delay, and then letting in the evidence of all the town-clerks, and other creatures of the tYstem, who by it lived, moved, and had their being.--(Loud la ughter.) So far as the Duke of Wellington was concerned, this was not surprising, for the conqueror of Waterloo, the Hero of a hundred battles, exhibited his idea of good faith au keeping contracts, by permitting the illegal and unjustifiable isturder of the gallant Ney.—(Great cheering.) From him, t herefore, more honourable conduct was not to be expected ; but what should be said of the representatives of the aristocracy and chivalry of England, the chevaliers sans peu et sans reproche - -what should be said of their violation of a solemn compact le suit a mere party purpose, soiling their ermine with the tricks of Jew salesmen, and being willing to murder the measure be 'Pe them with the cowardice of bullies and the shroud of A nanias ; seeking its destruction by artifice, because they dared not to strike it to the heart openly.—( Great cheering.) The Inost humble of the artisans who heard him, would, if charged Wi th similar bad faith reply, not with his mouth, but with his bands, and knock down the calumniator who so traduced him. Vet such was the conduct of the illustrious and high-born peers of England.—( Cheers.) What did they want with further evidence ? Every one knew the fairness, fullness, and minuteness with which the inquiry was conducted by the Com .'issioners in that city—nothing could be more open, nothing „ .. 11m re impartial. It was the same everywhere else. Where , then, was the necessity for further evidence ? The whole pro ceeding was an idle and wicked mockery, and would recoil UPon the heads of those who adopted it most terrifically._ (C heers.) What had the peers to do with the Corporations, * the corporate property of England It was confessed on all harids that the Corporations and corporate property existed In trust for the use of the common people. Those who held it in trust, and those for whom it is held in trust, are both re- Presented in the Commons' House of Parliament. There 't h ere every interest is represented, no division takes place on the principle of the Biii—the parties who alone have anything do with the matter are perfectly satisfied, and only disagree 'Pon details. What right, therefore, have the Lords, who have, ' l f ought to have nothing . ; to do with Corporations or corporate Property, to interfere with what does not belong to them ? (Great cheering.) Are their Lordships wise in setting such an example of interference ? Would their Lordships like the nnons to retaliate, and interfere in what solely belonged to their Lordships ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) They all knew him (Mr. N.) to be moderate in his views, and to respect the rights property as being the basis of the greatness and glory of ugland. What, therefore, could he think of the sanity of ten of great property, who set such pernicious examples nf interference, and furnished such provocatives for s poliation ?—( Loud cheers.) He then went on to des tribe the conduct of himself, Dr. Beaty, and the other Deputies for the corporate cities and towns in London, and aXelted a strong feeling by an affecting picture of the exer tiOts and death of the late Mr. Shelley of Yarmouth, who I P A perished in the cause of the people.--( Cheers.) They L incoln threatened with a counter petition from the freemen of •Lanicoln ; but how came it to pass none of these freemen Would come here ? This was an open meetino•—every free lath was invited, what then kept them back? Surely the numerous body who had just received their two sovereigns e ach for their votes for Col. Sibthorp, and were fortified with P l enty of Canwick ale, were not afraid to meet their fellow tiz4ns•—(Laughter and cheers.) The pious hands of the C olonel's brother, and electioneering agent , had been most be nevolently employed in relieving their distresses—if they Were sick, or said they were—if they were poor , or said they Z e r▪ e--there was the money for them, provided always they voted for his brother—( Great laughter) — nay more , if o.ll°' eY were vi c i o us, bullies, ruffians, idle, or debauched, it was , Matter ; plumpers, like charity, " covered a multitude of 1- ----(lmmense laughter and cheers.) (Here a freeman of , s• • name of Jenkinson, alias Jinks, interrupted the proceed kir by shouting out, " that others beside the freemen would Te takn hemsheir money if they could have got it."—Cries of urn out," among which a voice was heard to say— " Jinks, Jinks, The money clinks." 'lncreased laughter. After which Mr. Northhouse pro teeded to second the address.) The CHAIRMAN put the affirmative. Every hand appeared to be held up—the negative, not one.—( Immense cheering.) 14 r• HF.BB rose to propose an address to the House of Lords, and in doing so commented upon the inconsistency and in 4:tice of their Lordships, in attempting to defeat a measure wi th which in fact they ought to have had nothing to do— Which , had been p a ssed by a large majority of the House of C ommons, where the principle of the Bill had been generally a dmitted, and w hi c h was l ou dly demanded by a great body of thet people. He concluded by proposing the adoption of the Petition to the House of Lords, and that the same be presented by Viscount Melbourne. Mr. Common Councilman BLYTHE seconded the proposi tion,.which was carried unanimously. The following is the Petition : Te the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled. The humble Petition of the undersigned aldermen, common coun cilmen, merchants, traders, and other inhabitants of the City, Bail, and Close of Lincoln. theby Shevreth,—That your etitioners viewed with delight Bill introduced by his Majesty's Government, for the better re- Nation of the municipal institutions of the country. That your petitioners can and do bear their honourable testimony the f a i rness , f u ll ness , an d imp ar ti a lit y , o f t h e i nqu i ry t h a t took Place in the city of Lincoln, regarding the corporation before the ec riunissioners deputed for that purpose by his Majesty. From the fullness and minuteness of the inquiries made at Lin 'tt, and as your petitioners have heard and believe at all other corporate towns,—your petitioners were alarmed at the institution th: crnishing i nqu i ries by your Lordships, lest the same should delay t e i tssing of this great remedial measure, distu r b th e p e ace of the ft trY, and endanger the existence of its most valued and most suable institutions. fat petitioners, therefore, most humbly and earnestly entreat, fo,Lteur Lord s hip s w ill, with the least possible delay, pass the Bill ..._a.reeregulation of municipal corporations, unmutilated, and un- Py din all its leading previsions, and your petitioners will ever r. NETTLESHIP, after a few eloquent remarks, in which enforced the necessity of every one doing his utmost to " w u In ,l?port the principle of tile important measure now threatened 1 1 : ! defeat in the House of Lords, proposed that the follow ing petition to the House of Commons be adopted, and that , ro • Bulwer, Esq., M. P., be requested to present it : t he Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled. ~.'rehe humble Petition, &c. ,10/1 weth—That your petitioners formerly addressed your Ho „ urable H o • . that your Honourable House w ou ld House, praying introduced by his 31ajesty's Government for the better re ..'",sl,on of Municipal CorporatiOns• set i s t e lat your petitioners felt the live:est delight and the profoundest s atisfa 6 e f gratitude on your Honourable House having so fully and torily responded to their prayers and the prayers of the ualtry. 4alha:, your petitioners have since viewed with apprehension and ta lin . he impediments which have been thrown in the way of the `,lllhg of this great remedial measure into a law. that your petitioners consider Corporations and corporate pro- That to belong to or to be held in trust for the common people, '""h that none but the Commons have any thing to do with them. et T hat your Hon. House having never divided upon the principle 1,„-n!s great measure, but on the contrary having unanimously ac tirrledged its necessity, your petitioners viewed with equal asto to3La ent and alarm the obstruction of others who have, or ought Tha, no interest connected therewith. yo ur petitioners apprehend the greatest danger from the r l3 : le of interference with property by others than its legal 'wars, or their elected representatives. That your petitioners are alarmed for the quiet of the oc•tuuel LRY. inicipal Re lIINSTER re led by the the further ,nger. The n the Town the Church ,ns impeach appointed. blame which contend and that it After a few ch from the ed two peti versation on ) then went a third time upied in re hey gave rise 'RN E handled nd searching .d to assure against the iad just ob n a London ilution of the ENEast, had ) which Lord Reform Bill now Muni mining frag made for his s were pre he seizure of ice, arose an übject of the lly declared. ay he would me questions given to the Lie the treaty 11 be brought lit tee, agree- Mr. Goo.- that some of )anish Auxi- Llk had been or the Queen the Spanish lk should be eerned requi , took place, ox stated, in ctice of this of the 150 ntation, rose Ls conveying it, vessel into le Queen of second read- r some warm le, was post ion (Ireland) committed. nquiring into vies was ad- Gentleman. mother part I. Repeated DINGS. )AY. Lding. Insideration ot ading (at 12. Reportatl2. Report ( atl2. port (at 12.) 12. ) 12.) (at 12. ) at 12.) to be con9i' be considered• ,nsideratlon of I for appoint- DAY. ing the Labost ,er in its stead• the East 100 Resolution 0- Tunnel. elative to Lot- e mode of 01' takin g the P° ll Wales. stration of jur ron de Bode• the annulment y Land Reve Post Cacti paper put bite the last nine' nervation (Ire' known to each NIGHT. )f Alagistrato Third ra4ii 3 g solution as as gacy Duty, g° present state ay, to call the (federation of tamp Duty O Bulwer's Mo" ,apers, That $ her by placing sion, contract kets, amending the rates of nit to admit of LiNCE• m Brighton; • Lawrence, Lvae de ROI' im Havre 0° Pearce, a t .om the Ea s., svenor-streeto lton.gardeu s, and fam ily' ; Earl Mil' .eet, for Ir e ' nt ; the Ear Esq., for lo s 1, for Esc c I Essex ; t he 'a Hotel, Al' nton's Hotel , I family frosu ranloy, frols Robert KO , Bart., fro lo W. Galu°' n a tour ; iral Sir ft°" t ; Dowage r Rodney, for family, from Al, for Bore" the Pulteney man, for the )r-street, fo r Park, Sus; air Rowlan d Shropshire atiful Ma?' vered Ala IP ate-chambe r, man she st!- 2y fine sena ello, See:' and the security of its institutions, should those obstructions to the passing of the Municipal Corporation Reform Bill bo successful in effecting its defeat. Your petitioners therefore humbly submit to your Hon. House to take such meet, strong, and constitutional steps, as to your Hon. House, being the guardians of the liberties of this kingdom, shall seem just, wise, and expedient, to procure the passing of the Bill for regulating Municipal Corporations, in all its integrity into a law. And your petitioners will ever pray, &c. The petition was seconded by Mr. COOPER, and carried unanimously. A vote of thanks was then proposed to the Chairman, Al derman WalooLicsworrn, which was carried amid loud cheering. Three hearty cheers were given for Lord Melbourne, and three tremendous groans were commenced for the Mayor of Lincoln, but owing to the interference of Mr. Northhouse were stopped. The petition was numerously signed in the course of Saturday, and on the following morning was despatched to London. NOTTINGHAM, AUG. 10. The people of Nottingham have done their duty in the pre sent alarming crisis of public affairs. At the meeting which took place to-day, about 2,000 persons assembled, and the address to the House of Lords, to pass the Municipal Reform Bill unimpaired, was all but unanimously carried. Amend ments were proposed by Mr. John Hicklin, the editor and proprietor of the Nottingham Journal, a paper in the interest of the Conservative and Newcastle clique here ; but he with difficulty could obtain a hearing. Lord Rancliffe, B. Boothby, Esq., Thomas Close, Esq., Dr. Pigot, Mr. Shoults, and Mr. Bradley, addressed the meeting in favour of the principles of the Bill ; and Lord Rancliffe, in a most splendid and spirited speech, pointed out the folly of the Peers in opposing this just and long-wanted measure, and shewed most pointedly the con sequences that would befal them, if they persisted in their opposition to the just and constitutional wishes of the people. His allusion to the mountebank exhibition made by the Bris tol Knight, and the other Knight, was most happy, and in concluding his speech he proposed three cheers for Lord Mel bourne, which was responded to by this great meeting with the most hearty and honest feeling. It must be observed that the Tories had done their best to carry their amendments by working upon the feelings of that class of burgesses who are always open to a bribe ; but on this occasion they were most signally defeated. Petitions are in the course of signature, and will be for warded by mail to-morrow. DUMFRIES.-A public meeting of the inhabitants of Dum fries was held on Saturday last, for the purpose of petitioning tile House of Lords in favour of the Irish Church Bill. Re soiutions, approving of the measure, and a petition to the s,t me effect, were cordially and unanimously agreed to. PAISLEY.—In Paisley, the decision of the Peers is held as tantamount to the throwing out of the English Corporation Reform Bill. We learn that a public meeting of the inhabi tants is likely to take place on the subject at an early day, and that it is most likely, that meeting will come to a very different esolution than agreeing to petition the House of Peers either to pass the Bill or do any thing else.—Glasgow Chronicle. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We could fill the Chronicle with accounts of meetings and preparations for meetings throughout the country. Our readers will find a report of the meeting of Lambeth. We observe that several of the speakers make themselves merry with the admirable device of the Lords to inspire the country with an idea of the justice of their hostility to the Municipal Reform Bill, viz., the hearing the evidence of the Town Clerks, the persons of all others most interested in preventing all reform. The meeting at Liverpool takes place to-day ; but a report of it will not reach town till this evening. The Lord Mayor of London has refused to call a Common Council ; but nothinc , which this functionary does will excite surprise. On Saturday' last the vestry of Marylebonc resolved to call a public meeting for Thurs day next, with a view to further the passing of the Corporation Reform Bill, and the preservation of the Lords, who, said Mr. Nelmes, one of the speakers, would if they refused to pass the Bill, " find themselves in danger." The vestrymen of St. Pancras, also, met on Saturday, and fixed on to-morrow (Wednesday) for a public meeting. St. Paul's Covent Garden meets on Wednesday evening. Ashton-under-Line met on Sa turday last, and a deputation was appointed to proceed to London to place a petition in the hand of Lord Spencer, which received 1,000 signatures in the course of a couple of hours, and will receive 5,000 signatures before the deputation starts. A public meeting took place at Hythe. A petition to the Lords was agreed on. It is signed by the Mayor, several of the present Corporation, and many most respectable electors and inhabitants ; and it would have received more signatures, but several inhabi tants pledged themselves never to petition the Lords till that House should be reformed. Petitions from Coventry, signed by 5,727 freemen and inhabitants, confirmatory of Mr. Cockburn's Report, by Mr. Marriott, contradicting Mr. Curtis's have been sent to Lord Melbourne, and anothcr petition by Mr. Browett, in contradiction of Mr. Woodcock's evidence, to Lord Brougham. The pe tition to the Lords, confirmatory of Mr. Cockburn's Re port, states— " That your petitioners have learnt with surprise and indig nation that an attack has been made, and gross reflections cast, at the bar of your Lordships' House, upon the Report and proceedings of the Municipal Corporation Commissioners who visited this city. " That in your petitioners' opinion and judgment the Com missioners acted with the greatest impartiality on the occasion, and that the whole of their Report is strictly true, and that the evils pointed out by such Report will be remedied by the pass ing of the Bill now before your Lordships' House for reform ing Municipal Corporations. " Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray that your Lordships will pass such Bill. And your petitioners further pray that they may be heard at the bar of your Lordships' House in support thereof and of the Commissioners' Report thereon." , Deputations are arriving from all quarters. Yesterday a deputation, headed by an alderman, from Rochester, waited on Lord Radnor, with a petition from that city. Paisley, Dumfries, South Molten, Plymouth, Reading, have already sent. Berwick-upon-Tweed is preparing to wipe away the aspersions cast upon it by the recent evidence, by a petition to the Lords. It appears that the public feeling of the inhabitants of that town has been grossly misrepre sented. Meetings to petition are announced for Falmouth, Truro, Scarborough, Shepton Mallet, Dartmouth, and Bridgewater. One word more, and we have done for the present. The Lords are evidently divided ; and it is in that division alone that there is any source of hope for the country at this time. On the more moderate the demon strations of the country may not be thrown away ; and we, therefore, repeat the advice to the people to speak out loudly and promptly. For the sake of union, the more moderate Peers might yield to the more violent, if the country did not loudly interpose.—Morning Chronicle. Lord Brougham is fighting the cause of his late Col leagues most vigorously ; in fact, they appear to have very little other efficient support in the House of Lords but his, yet the Woolsack is vacant—Lord Brougham is not ap pointed to it, and Lord Melbourne seems not to have the courage to appoint any one else. In the mean time, the state of the three Equity Courts is any thing but satisfac tory thet to thee country suitors,untry goingto th o e 4 wißar,th without u r to t atnhye great Judges as assistance themselves. tance fr from The Commissioners of the Great Seal, having more to do than they can satisfactorily get through with, move about from Court to Court, scarcely knowing which they shall attend next. Poor Sir Lancelot Shadwell seems, of all men, most to be pitied in this worrying, vexatious state of things. Of all things, and above all men, he hates official costume, and he, above most men, loves talking. He would much rather be rowing, or swimming, or at any athletic exer cise, than cooped up in his Court in gown and wig. But even there he has that greatest boon , liberty of speech. It is no un pleasant thing, to be sure, to have one - third of the patronage of the Great Seal. But then to be doomed , at the close of t h e day, and frequently till after midnight , to " the silent sys tem," which Sir Charles Forbes declares has worked such wonders—" There's the rub !" And to see Sir Lancelot Sliadwell presiding over an assembly in which he cannot open his mouth ; he himself a voluble Tory, the silent vic tim of the Whigs ; flesh and blood can hardly stand the mortifying spectacle. All 'the while not a stiver will John Bull afford to reward this patient endurance , this unprofes sional self-denial ; and the Vice - Chancellor , therefore , ho lds one-third of the Great Seal , and a silent seat on the Wool sack, without a single shilling at quarter - day in the shape of quantum meruit. In the mean while Lord Brougham fights arid fumes away, as if he were actually in office. Not be ing admitted to the meetings of the Ca bin et , t he Lea rned Lord now and then mistakes the reckoning , or in other words overshoots the mark , as in the case of adv oca tin g the bearing of Counsel on the Muni ci p al Reform Bill ; but still Lord Melbourne must be the m o s t un g rateful man alive if such self-devotion can for a moment be lost upon him. But leaving this strain of badin a g e, let us in sober earnest- ne z s ask, whether any thing can be mo re extraordinary— and we may add unconstitutional —than the Ministers of the Crown, at such a period as this , go in g throu g h a whole Session of Parliament with the highest la w office vacant— leaving the Crown and themselves without that adviser who is at all times most essential to th e g uidance of the one and the deliberations of' the other ; and in either case never so mach so as when alterations in established institutions are proposed , which , wh ether ri g ht or wrong in themselves, °tight at least to have the grave and solemn sanction of that perso n who ou g ht to be clothed at once with the soundest kn owled g e and the 4,2epest responsibility ? There was no part of Sir Charles Wetherell's late speech at the bar of the House of Lords nac,re cutting and sarcastic than his allu• sion to this vacancy ; but vrlia, as far as appearances go , seems as likely to extend through another Session as it has through this, We can understand the fore i gn po lic y of a Lord Chancellor in the Cabinet, though even in that re spectieciueimportant questions of o h f is in a t s e s r is n t a a t n io c n e a m l haw must not o n: : i u m n : f I pyrtant ; but the progress of measures at home, whisk tend THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 11, 1835. to alter or affect some of the most ancient and valuable of our institutions, as well as to extend and to curtail the prerogatives of the Crown, calls particularly for the counsel and the vigilance of such an officer ; and it seems to us as politic to withdraw the commander from the field of battle, on the eve of the most important military observations, as to see the office of Lord Chancellor placed in abeyance at the period of all others when the most active duties are called for at his hands.—Morning Herald. A considerable quantity of nonsense being talked about the manifestations of public spirit which have taken place within these few days in favour of the Corporate Reform Bill, or what is more the purpose of those who attach impor tance to such meetings—the evidences of popular hostility towards the actual proceedings of the House of Lords— we have hesitation in declaring our opinion, that many of The addresses, resolutions, petitions, &c., condemning their Lordships for the course they have adopted, have been got op in a way at once ludicrous in itself, and disgraceful to the parties who have devised them. It is in vain to look for any great or numerous meetings of the people upon this question of the examination of evidence before the Lords. There are none but the wretched hangers-on of a desperate faction, who now attempt to slander their Lordships, as being actuated by any desire to throw out the Bill, or to convert the mere delay occasioned by the investigation at their bar, into an instrument for defeating its essential principles. A petition from Manchester having been adduced by cer tain Peers as proof of the sentiments entertained by its po pulation, in favour of the Corporate Reform Bill, or in censure of their proceedings in their Lordships's House, it was stated by the Duke of Newcastle, (who is a man of truth, whatever else he may be), that the signatures to the petition had been obtained by placing tables at the corners of streets, and canvassing all passers-by to sign them ; that in this manner many boys and other ignorant personages signed the papers ; and, in cases where the petitioners thus pressed into the service were so illiterate as to be inca pable of writing their names, the hired journeyman, or factotum, of the political union, standing as footman in at tendance on the table, was asked, and of course assented, t o ao it for them ; and this is the power of political opinion, t ected to the instruction of the House of Lords in the Ligher duties of statesmen ! It is enough to make an honest man sick. The House of Lords has on this occasion rendered essential service to the people of England by opposing it sAf as a breakwater to the deluge of Radical violence, and encouraging men of sound principle to look about them, or to choose some safe position to rest upon, instead of blindly and precipitately yielding to the storm. If nothing more be effected by this (which we may call judicial) proceeding of the House of Lords, than the opportunity given to the people to consider whether all that goes under the name of " Reform " deserves in reality the sweeping encominm conveyed by such an epithet, much will have been done towards disabusing the imagination of the public, and tran quillizing those passions which have been so mischievously raised and perverted. For the sake of truth and justice, it cannot be too often repeated, that there is no wish in the majority of the House of Lords to deny the necessity of corporate reform, or to condemn the principles of the present Bill. But it is a little too insolent in any clique, official or unofficial, to maintain that the Upper House of Parliament ought to be cashiered for introducing alterations into the details of any bill for the avowed pur pose of rendering it more conformable to the ends of sound policy and of substantial justice, as if it was a model of con summate wisdom. It has been hinted, we know not on what authority, that the Corporation Bill may be postponed. We have no reason to believe such to be the intention ; but we have no doubt that the principle of the Bill will be formally recognized, and that the ground of the postpone ment, should it be postponed, will be so stated to the coun try as to divest the transaction of all invidious or suspicious character. In one respect the sinister asseverations of the Ultra-Radicals have been falsified already, for instead of the examination of witnesses continuing throughout the re mainder of the Session, it was substantially closed on Sa turday last, and the Bill goes into Commi, tee at five o'clock to-morrow. Our firm conviction is, that the House of Lords have not, nor never had, the intention of gratifying the Ministers by rejecting the Bill altogether.—Times. Railing against " hole-and-corner meetings" was formerly a part of the " stock in trade" of the Whigs: The times are, however, altered, and the same Whigs are now bolster ing up the late " bole-and-corner meeting" at Manchester, as if their tenure of office depended on the petition which emanated from that meeting working its intended share of delusion on the public mind. A few days ago nothing was spoken of in the journals of the faction but " the glorious meeting at Leeds." The " glorious meeting at Leeds" is now completely eclipsed. The boast had scarcely lasted " three glorious days," until, like the " three glorious days" in another quarter, it is fully understood to be a wretched fraud upon the people. To return, however, to the " Manchester petition," which, according to Lord Mel bourne's statement on Saturday in the House of Lords, ought to set aside the evidence on oath which has Litely been listened to with so much attention at their Lordships' bar ; this petition, notwithstanding the gross number of signatures, is in reality of less im portance than that from Leeds. The reason is obvious. At Leeds there really was a public meeting, although a very contemptible one, and attended by scarcely a single person of respectability. But at Manchester there was no meeting at all, except the laying together of the heads of Mr. Thomas Potter, Mr. Handley, and Mr. Eckersley, in the back room of Messrs. Potter's warehouse. These three gentlemen, without any other authority than what they had themselves assumed, had the effrontery to draw up a peti tion insulting the House of Lords. So long as mere chil dren are invited to affix their names to what they do not under stand—so long as persons are requested to " sign for their friends," which is merely an apology for writing the names of imaginary persons, which abuse frequently extends to ten or twenty signatures from the same hand—and so lnag as tables are placed at the corners of the streets for this worthless purpose, the wonder is, not that. 22,000 names were appended to the petition from Manchester with a population of 2(50,000 souls—the num ber amounting, therefore, only to about one in twelve—but, with such machinery, put in motion as we have accurately described, that the signatures did not amount to one hun dred thousand, which, with a little extra labour, might just as easily have been accomplished. There was a reason why ro public meeting was held at Manchester, and it is fitting that our readers should know the reason ; it was the fear that everything would not run so smooth as was desired. This apprehension arose from the following circumstances : During the passing of the Reform Bill, the Messrs. Potter, one of whom is Member for Wigan, were hailed by the Radicals of Manchester as among their warmest friends. '1 hey were among the humble followers of O'Connell and, Hume in " not refusing the first instalment of ten shil lings in the pound because they could not get the whole debt." The Manchester Radicals have now found out that while the 101. householders have got their forty shillings in the pound instead of their twenty, no extension of the suffrage to the great body of the householders can be expected of the honest Whigs. The consequence, there fore, is that, instead of seeing a meeting at Manchester of 100,000 men, as during the mania of the Reform Bill, we wit cress the former misleaders of the people skulking into a back parlour, and publishing privately what they had not the courage publicly to utter. This little knot of *Unita rian Dissenters, who have thus thrust themselves before the public gaze, as soon as they had got their petition signed, posted away to London, and were introduced by Mr. Richard Potter to the Whig Member for Manchester, Mr. Poulett Thomson, who took them under his arm to the Premier, Lord Melbourne, when the latter, after peru sing the petition, promised to make a proper flourish about it in the House of Lords. The London public will naturally ask who are these Manchester people who are thus intent on bearding the upper branch of the Legislature ? We will answer the question. Mr. Handley was sent down to Bradford at the last election to oppose Mr. Hardy, when, although well supported by the whole body of the Dis senters, he was sent back again to Manchester. Mr. Eckers ley is only heard of now and then at Whig meetings in Manchester, and seems only to have been hooked in to form a trio. Mr. T. Potter is the grand mover in obedience to the instructions received from his brother, the Member for Wigan, who, during the passing of the Reform Bill, and ever since, under the disguise of being of " no party," and of being " a true friend to the people," has been on every occasion, both in and out of Parliament, as convenient a tool in the hands of the Whigs as any they possess. In fact, were it not for the influence of these Gentlemen, as share holders over the Manchester Times, they would never be heard of, the great bulk of the people having on account of their subserviency to the Whigs entirely renounced them as leaders. Such, then, is the history of the "great Manchester petition," such the origin of the grand " flourish" from the Premier, on Saturday, and a more moderate flourish again list night in the House of Lords. The House of Lords will not, however, be terrified by this clandestine and bul lying petition into a forgetfulness of their duty to them :elves and to their country. On this occasion we may s.tfoly repeat the ejaculation of Cobbett, on a not very ii taut occasion—" Thank God, we have a House of Lords." This House affords an effectual guarantee, and it is the only guarantee which now exists, that the numerous 1 )o:ly of our countrymen who have inherited or acquired corporate rights shall not become the victims of a shameless robbery, for the mere purpose of bestowing an increase of po litical power npson a selfish and unprincipled faction. — Morning Post. CITY OF YORK ELECTION.--It is understood that there are in the hands of the Committee of the House of Commons for inquiring into this election, no fewer than 600 receipts for money paid to voters at the last York election, and contained in letters that went through the Post-office. A pretty specimen of Conservative election purity ! There is a iertrate Conijnittea Pl} OCctiVo,—ggili9Ofnea% IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Arousr 10. , The Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Woolsack at ten minutes before five o'clock. MUNICIPAL REEORM. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from a place, the name of which we could not catch, against the Mu • nicipal Reform Bill. The Duke of G RAFTON presented a petition from Bury St. Edmunds in favour of the Municipal Reform Bill. THE WESTMINSTER PETITION. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER said he had a petition to present from the inhabitants of Westminster in favour of the Municipal Corporation Bill. The petitioners expressed an anxious desire that the Bill should not be mutilated, or its effi ciency taken away. The moment the petitioners heard of any thing like an appearance of delay in the progress of the Bill, they met at the British Coffee House, and they had scarcely announced the meeting before the Room was crowded to excess, and hundreds of persons collected out side, so anxious were all to testify their approbation of the measure. Their Lordships, he thought, in determining to hear evidence had lost a great deal of time ; they had been doubt lessly much amused by the statements of Counsel, and also by the manner in which the Town-clerks of the different boroughs had given their evidence. He (the Marquis of West meath) thought that they were the very last persons that Counsel should have advised their Lordships to call to give evidence. They were the persons of all the most inclined to give favourable evidence for the Corporations, because upon the existence of the Corporations their own existence depended. He could not for the life of him see any necessity for hearing evidence. It must be in the recollection of their Lordships that they did one of the most important things they ever could do, namely, suspend the Habeas Corpus Act without hearing a tingle witness.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis in conclusion stated that so important a measure should be allowed to pass without any further delay. The Duke of WELLINGTON, after looking at the peti tion, observed that it was only signed by the Chairman. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER was aware of that fact, but h begged to state that thousands attended the meeting. The Duke of WELLINGTON—That might be so, but still the Noble Marquis must know, that in that House the petition was only the petition of the individual signing it. The Duke of CUMBERLAND observed that the Noble Marquis was in error, as to the number of days the House had been occupied in evidence. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER—At any rate great delay has taken place in the proceeding of the Bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON—The delay is only from Monday to Saturday. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER—The Bill would have been through the House ten days earlier, had it not been for the course adopted. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought, that in a measure of such public importance every step ought to betaken that was essentially necessary. SCOTCH CHURCH COMMISSION. . The Earl of ABERDEEN, after presenting a petition from Paisley in favour of the Church of Scotland, begged to call the attention of the Noble Marquis opposite to a few facts connected with the Church Commission appointed to enquire into the Church of Scotland. The nomina tion of that Commission had been received by the people of Scotland with great alarm, many of its members being persons who professed what was called the voluntary system, who had published works recommending those princi ples. He (the Earl of Aberdeen) thought Ministers were not friends of the Church to appoint such men, and he trusted the Noble Viscount would take the subject seriously into consideration. Lord MELBOURNE defended the conduct of the Com missioners, and observed, had not the Commissioners been com posed of such men as the Noble Lord had adverted to, he should think it ill calculated to discharge the duties it had to perform. The Earl of MINT 0 was attached to the Scotch church, and supported the petition, believing that church to be as safe as ever she was. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH said that many persons had expressed their alarm at the composition of this Com m•ssion, and he trusted the Noble Viscount would lay the report of that Commission upon the table shortly. CORPORATION REFORM. Lord STRAFFORD presented a petition from Poole in favour of the Corporation Reform Bill. The petitioners com plained that the Corporation of Poole consisted of a Mayor and four Magistrates, who were permanent, self-elected, and all related, and partners in business. This petition was signed by 700 persons. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, as their Lordships had declined hearing any more evidence against the Bill, they should not hear any more in favour of it.—(Laughter.) Lord RADNOR could not see either the wisdom or the justice of the remark made by the Noble Baron who had just sat down, and he hoped their Lordships would abstain from discussions upon every petition offered in favour of the Bill, for they would be so numerous, he believed, that if their Lord ships wished to put off the Bill by delay they could accomplish their purpose that way. The petition he rose to present was from Gravesend, in favour of the Bill, signed by 360 persons, of whom 10 are members of the Corporation. The Noble Lord also presented another petition to the same effect from Rochester, signed by 1,162 individuals, at a public meeting held on Friday, which the opposite party attempted to defeat, by publishing a hand-bill, about an hour before the time of meeting, stating that it was postponed. Among those who signed it were 104 Municipal Freemen. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY brought up the 13th Report of the Commissioners for building Churches. Lord LON SDALE presented a petition from Carlisle against the Corporation Reform Bill. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the city of Oxford, in favour of the Bill, and complaining of the state ments made by the witnesses at the bar of the House, which they were ready to rebut and disprove. It was signed by a great number of tradesmen, booksellers, printers, paper manufacturers, watch makers, &C. The Noble Lord also pre sented petitions to the same effect from Beverley, Warrington, Newport ( Isle of Wight) and Bristol. Lord DACRE presented a petition from Yeovil to the same effect, and explained that a petition from Devizes, pre sented last week, was in favour and not against the Bill, as had been erroneously stated in some of the public papers. MANCHESTER PETITION. Lord MELBOURNE then rose to present the petition of which he had given notice, from Manchester, in favour of the Municipal Corporation Bill. The Noble Viscount stated, that the petition had been signed by upwards of 22,832 persons in the short space of ten hours. His Noble and Learned Friend had stated ample reasons why in the presentation of petitions their Lordships should confine themselves to stating shortly the facts connected with them. The petition was signed by the greater portion of the respect able inhabitants of Manchester, which, to his mind, and which he thought to the mind of their Lordships, would show the ne cessity of this great and important measure. Lord BROUGHAM had been requested to support the petition. The reason, and the only reason, why the peti tioners did not adopt that, which certainly was the best and the most usual course, namely, calling a meeting, was that there was not time to call or give notice of a public meeting—( Cheers)—so urgent did the petitioners consider the case. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that as the Noble Lord seemed to have attached so much importance to the petition by giving notice of it, he thought it right to read a letter he had received from a good Conservative of Manchester, stating the improper manner in which the petition had been got up. The letter stated that the Radicals of the town were getting up a petition in favour of the Corporation Bill, inconsequence of the spirited majority of the House of Lords. The petition was got up by putting tables at the corner of the streets, and persons who could hardly write their names, men and boys, were requested to sign, and if they stated their inability to do so, the person who stood at the table signed for them. The writer then went on to say, that he trusted his Grace would state the circumstances to the House of Lords. Such, continued the writer, had been the effect of the con- duct of the blessed House of Commons.—( A laugh.) The Noble Dnke observed that the writer was not a great scho lar —( Laughter),—but still his statements were to be relied upon. Lord BROUGHAM thought that the Noble Duke had Prematurely made up his mind, and had resolved to be at once judge and executioner. He (Lord Brougham) would have no objection to take up the cause of the Commissioners, and to rest their defence upon the evidence that had been given against them. He conceived that the Noble Duke's Manchester cor respondent had not received much of the benefits of a school master. He wished that the Noble Duke would only let him see the individual's signature, as he longed to witness the spe cimen of his hand-writing. He believed that the writer was an individual who had been very well known for a long period, for stating on all occasions what he had favoured the Duke with on this. As to the assertion that only Radicals had got up the petition, he knew one or two persons who had got up the petition who were just as much Radicals as the Noble Duke himself. One Gentleman was Mr. Benjamin Heywood, a country banker, whose fortune might be the envy of many No ble Lords in that House, at least he knew that one twentieth part of it would satisfy many Members of the other House ; and this Gentleman was one of the most temperate politicians he had ever known. He had never been thought a Radical. Another Gentleman who had got up the petition, was Mr. G. W. Wood, who had represented Lancashire since the Reform Bill, whilst Mr. Heywood bad represented it in Parliament prior to the Bill, and under the old system. The Earl of WICK LOW made a few observations in a very low tone of voice respecting Lord Brougham not having cross-examined the witnesses at the bar. Lord BROUGHAM thought that the answers given by the witnesses to their own Counsel were so calculated to sa tisfy him that be did not deem a cross-examination necessary. Lord A SHBURTON maintained that the Bill, if it were to puss luta a law, would give annual elections and universal suffrage to Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, and to the other great manufacturing towns ; and, as far as his notions could go, he would say that malevolence itself could not intro duce in places of industry a greater curse. If he were belong ing to Manchester, and personally engaged in the industry of the place, nothing on earth would tempt him to give his as sent to such a Bill. Lord BROUGHAM observed that those who did live at Manchester, and who did exercise their industry, and employ theif .apital at that place, totally differed in opinion from his Noble Friend. They strongly desired that the provisions of the Bill should he ?Mended to tileir town. .00dy of the greatest infiticav Man.Ctester had met, the matter had been propounded to them, and they had desired that the provisions of the Bill should be extended to them. „ Lord Fl.44NportoUGH contended that if the people 91 M'AnciA'ster vocrc ow itt favour of the Bill they must have changed their minds in the last eight years. Eight years ago they had applied for a Constitution as different as possible from that which the Bill proposed to give to them. If the people wished to have this Bill they were petitioning, in fact, against the 240 gentlemen of respectability who now superin tended the police, and they were elected annually, or at least went out in thirds every year. These gentlemen were popu lar, and had no connection with the Corporation. Lord BROUGHAM explained, and the petition was then received. Viscount MELBOURNE presented a petition from the town of Leeds in favour of the Bill. The petition was signed by 16,000 people. Lord BROUGHAM said that to his knowledge the peti tion was signed by persons than whom none more respectable could be found in the county of York. Viscount MELBOURNE then rose, and presented the fol lowing petitions in favour of the Bill :—From (as we under stood the Noble Viscount) Bury St. Edmund's, Chichester, Hythe, Great Torrington, Swansea, Dudley, Watford, Scar borough, Selwood, Esher, Carmarthen, 13arnstaple, Wey mouth, Dover, Stockport, Bradford, Hinckley, Leicester, Hali fax, Great Yarmouth, Lincoln, Kendal, Bridgewater, and Coventry. Viscount STR ANG FORD would say a few words on the subject of the petition from Coventry. He bad received in formation that on Saturday last an excitement on this Bill bad prevailed in the ancient city of Coventry greater than any since the celebrated procession of the Lady Godiva. A hand bill had been circulated through the town, naming all the low public-houses at which the petition would lie for signature, and there blank sheets had been presented to the people, and those who signed it did not know what they were signing. People who had asked to see the petition itself received a refusal. He wished the Noble Viscount to state if the names to the petition had any places of address attached to them ? Viscouht ME LBO URNE—Certainly not; nor was it usual. Viscount STRANG FO RD—lt was always an evidence of respectability. Viscount MELBOURNE—Then it was an evidence that was usually wanting. Viscount MELBOURNE then proceeded to present simi lar petitions from Wakefield, Louth, Chester, Carlisle, Wor cester, Kingston-upon-Hull, Thornton, Huddersfield, and Warwick. LIBELS BY THE PRESS. The Duke of NEWCASTLE hoped that the Noble Vis count would feel it his duty, as head of his Majesty's Govern ment, to put down agitation, and to destroy the sources of agi tation, wherever they might make their appearance. He had seen an article in the newspapers the other day of a nature which ought to have attracted the attention of the Govern ment. He alluded to a paper called a Ministerial paper--the Morning Chronicle—in which appeared the following pas. sage . " The people of England have the satisfaction of knowing that they have a leader who will not desert them in the hour of difficulty and danger. It now rests with themselves whether they will weakly abandon the cause which they have all but won to the enemy ; or make one more exertion, by which that enemy must be for ever crushed. But we will not so far libel the character of our countrymen as for a moment to suppose that when victory is about to crown their efforts they will weakly turn their backs on the foe, and submit to be trampled on by infuriated oligarchs. Through out city, town, and village, we expect to see the people once more at their posts, prepared to crown the work which added so much to the national glory in 1832. Repose from incessant and most ha rassing agitation they never can expect till they humble the oli garchy in the dust ; for submission would only make these tyrants more insolent in their exactiens. With a hostile Court and a hos tile Peerage they must makeno truce till they have deprived both of the power of doing mischief. The Municipal Corporations Bill must be carried. Through the Corporations the Lords hope to make the Reform Bill a dead letter; and without their reform, all that we have achieved will avail us little. Well do the Tory Lords know this." _ He now asked did the Noble Viscount intend to charge his Majesty's Attorney-General to prosecute such a villainous publication? The articles against the King were of the same character, and he maintained that the Noble Viscount was bound to prosecute it. The Standard of the same evening had quoted this libellous matter, and he put it to the House whether Ministers ought to suffer such diabolical libels to be circulated ? Viscount MELBOURNE was not in the slightest degree answerable for the publication in question. The policy of prosecuting for libel had been so often discussed in that House that he would not enter into the question again, and be could only add that it was not his intention to prosecute the article to which the Noble Duke had just given such increased currency. The Duke of NEWCASTLE was sorry that the Noble Viscount did not feel it his duty to prevent the Kingly power being so much polluted. Several orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to Seven. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Auarsr 10. Tne SPEAKER entered the House at a quarter to four o clock, but as forty Members had not arrived till it was within one minute of the hour, it was four o'clock before he took the Chair. BOGNOR IMPROVEMENT BILL. Lord G. LENNOX moved that the House do agree to the amendments introduced by the House of Lords into this Bill. Mr. POTTER wished to know what those amendments were? Lord G. LENNOX—The only amendment was one by which those who transgressed the provisions of the Bill were to be sent to prison and kept to hard labour. Mr. POTTER—Such a provision was quite unusual in an Improvement Bill. He thought it too much that persons should be vent to prison, and kept to hard labour for trans gressing the enactments of such a Bill. Mr. E WART complained of the mysterious manner in which these amendments were introduced. He suggested that the amendment should be read. The Clerk unrolled the Bill amidst some laughter. Upon a moderate computation we should say that the Bill was up wards of 150 feet in length. Mr. POTTER submitted that many of the offences specified in this Act were not such as ought to subject persons to be sent to the tread-mill among felons. He moved that the amend ments be'printed, and taken into consideration on Wednesday. Lord G. LENNOX—These persons would have no com munication with the other prisoners, as the silent system was adopted in the gaol. It would be extremely hard if this Bill, after it had been in this House since February, should be now thrown out, and he would certainly take the sense of the House upon it. Mr. WARBURTON disclaimed any intention of throwing out this Bill. There were new offences occasioned by these amendments—at all events there were new punishments, and when this was the case it was only fitting that they should know what these punishments were before they passed this Bill. It was not a sufficient authority for them to pass these amendments that the House of Lords had thought proper to introduce them. Mr. O'CONNELL suggested to the Noble Lord (Len nox) that he had better consult those who had entrusted him with the care of the Bill, in order to see whether or not they should omit these objectionable clauses. If these clauses had been introduced with their assent, there must have been something wrong that they were not introduced in the first instance ; and if they had been introduced by the other House of Parliament, without the parties' assent, why, then, they might be disagreed to, and upon a conference with the House of Lords, it was not likely that their Lordships would persist in retaining them. The SPEAKER made some observation which was net heard in the gallery. Mr. WILKS thought the objection of the Hon. Member for Wigan perfectly right, and if he divided the House, he most certainly would support him. He thought, however, the matter might be arranged without any division by con sulting with the promoters of the Bill. Lord SANDON thought the House ought not to consent to inflict new penalties before they were enabled to know the offences to which certain penalties were attached. Lord GEORGE LENNOX observed that no new penal ties were inflicted by the Bill. After some observations from Mr. EWART, on the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL, the debate was adjourned till to-morrow. Sir EDWARD HAYES presented a petition from Do negal, complaining of the Excise Laws. Also a petition from Cork, against the Irish Church Bill. Mr. W. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from a pa- rish in the county of York, to the same effect. The O'CONROR DON presented a petition from the late Paymaster of the Forces of the Sixth Dragoon Guards, complaining of his being dismissed the service, in conse quence of a false statement, with respect to his accounts. It had been stated that he was in debt to the regiment, while the fact was that the regiment was indebted to him. The peti tioner prayed that enquiry might be made into his case, in order that justice might be done to him. Mr. C. ROSS objected to the petition being received, as it claimed money alleged to be due. The SPEAKER said it appeared to be an application for a settlement of money due to the petitioner. The O'CONNOR DON said the petition merely prayed for further inquiry. The SPEAKER suggested that the Hon. Member had better withdraw the petition.—Petition withdrawn. LIGHT HOUSES. Mr. WALLACE presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Greenock, complaining of the Light House Bill at present before Parliament. The petitioners objected to the system pursued by the Trinity Board, and suggested that a much more efficient Board could be selected in London, and upon more liberal principles. They thought it extremely hard that the shipping interest should be compelled to pay the whole of this tax, and recommended that the Government vessels should pay a portion. Or, on the other hand, that the dues should be collected at the Custom-house free of expense. The Hon. Member then presented a petition against the Con vention of Royal Burghs in Scotland. Mr. RUTH VEN protested against the doctrine laid down in the petition relative to Light Houses. The Irish Light Houses were conducted upon a system which combined great efficiency with economy. He suggested that the Hon. Mem ber for Middlesex should withdraw his Bill until next session, as the present sittinc , was fast coming to a close and the wea ther was extremely riot.—( Hear.) Let the Hon. Member transfer the Scotch Light Houses to Dublin, and they would be much better taken care of.—( Hear. ) Mr. LEFROY bore testimony to the efficient manner in which the Irish Board had conducted the affairs of the Light Houses in that country. Mr. A• CHAPMAN begged to know if the Member for ...oadlesex meant to pass the Bill this Session? Mr. HUME certainly intended to do so. It would effect a saving of at least 30,0001. per annum. Whether Ireland or Scotland submitted to be put under the wing of England it was for the House to decide, but at all events he was determined to press the Bill so far as regarded England. Mr. O'CONNELL merely asked for a dash at the pen scratch out Ireland. So far as that country was concerned; any alteration would not be an amendment, as the present ,- system had worked extremely . well. • Mr. H. GRATTAN suggested that the Irish system should ' be transferred to England. TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. Mr. WA RB URT 0 N presented a petition from Bridport, in favour of an unshackled Press. The Hon. Member then pre sented a petition from the medical men of Glasgow, against the proposed Scotch University Bill. Also a petition from the Medical Practitioners of the Province of Ulster, complaining of the Apothecaries' Act, as it regarded the regulation of County Hospitals and Infirmaries. Mr. RUT HVE N presented a petition from an individual from Dromore, in the County of Tyrone, complaining of op pressive treatment at Petty Sessions, under the law relating to summary convictions. HAND-LOOM WEAVERS. The HON. MEMBER then brought up the analysis of the evidence taken before the Committee on hand-loom weavers. Captain PECHELL presented petitions from Roehampton, Oxford, aid several other places, against: the tithes exacted on turnips used for feeding sheep. REGISTRATION OF VOTERS. The Marquis of CHANDOS rose to present a petition of which he had given notice, from certain freeholders of the county of Middlesex, resident in the parish of Marylebone, complaining of undue interference in the registration of elec tors. The petitioners complained, that after the list of voters had been completed, signed, and printed, under the authority of the proper officers, 425. were paid over to the the beadle, and 42 names were inserted in the list, amongst whom was the name of one of the Members for Marylebone, claiming a ♦ote in right of a certain freehold. The Noble Marquis observed that he had not the slightest connection with Marylebone, but as the petition came from so large a parish, it was important. Sir S. WHALLE Y said that, however willing he was to afford every facility for the right of petitioning in the House, he felt disposed to oppose the reception of this petition. —( Hear, hear.) The vestrymen of Marylebone by law bad the custody of the rate-books, to which the overseers had no access, and were therefore unable to perform the duties re quired of them by the Reform Bill without the assistance of that vestry, and this had been the course adopted for the last three years, during which time not a single suspi cion of a name being omitted was raised. He denied the allegations of the petition most positively, and asked the Noble Lord, who had kept his pledges amidst the general wreck of pledges on that side of the House ?---( Loud cries of" Order.") He asked the Noble Lord how he could reconcile it to his high sense of honour to bring forward a petition in that House, which was calculated to prejudice certain claims which were to be adjudicated upon before a legal tribunal ?—(Hear.) Mr. C. ROSS explained the purport of the petition. Mr. HUME said the whole question was one which was fit only for the Court of the Revising Barrister; and he protested against the time of the House being taken up with undecided cases as these were. If the House were to decide upon this case it would be prejudging the case which was to go before the Revising Barrister—the law had in fact provided for the case. _ _ Mr. AP K INNON wished to know whether the name of the Hon. Member for Marylebone was not in the list, and the names of others were not left out ? Mr. ROEBUCK protested against such a question being put—that House was not in a Court of Appeal from the legal a thority, the Revising Barristers. The case ought to go be fore them, and the petition ought not to be received. He would move that the petition be not received. Mr. O'CONNELL could not agree to such a proposition —any petition should be received which came from any part of the population. If the claim were good, the Revising Bar rister was endowed with power enough to decide upon it, and therefore it ought not to come before this House. Mr. G 0 UL BURN said that this petition did not complain that certain persons had been placed on the list of voters who were not duly qualified, but the petitioners com plained that, after the list of voters had been made up by the overseers and sent in to be printed, certain persons had got their names surreptitiously introduced into the list cf voters which ought never to have appeared there. He hoped the House would not reject th• petition, but order it to lie on the table. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought that the prayer of this petition could not be granted, as the House ought not to interfere with the right of voting unless ve'aere there was a gross violation of the law. It mtlit be said of this petition that adhuc sub judice iia est. If the names were improperly inscribed, they would be rejected by the Revising Barrister ; and if any names had been improperly omitted, they would be inserted. The House ought not to interfere to violate the privileges of the people. An HoN. MEMBER said that the overseers knew nothing at all of the names having been inserted in the list. He would not go into the subject, but he thought it rather odd that a burying ground should have furnished fifteen claimants, amongst whom the Member for Marylebone was one to vote for the county of Middlesex. The Cadmean teeth were never so prolific.—( Great laughter.) He supposed that henceforth they would be called the spectre-voters, and the Hon. Member opposite would be called the Spectre Member for Marylebone.—( Great laughter.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER saw no objection to the receiving of this petition, as the House allowed a great latitude in receiving petitions, but what they should afterwards do with it was a totally distinct thing. Lord S AND ON hoped some explanation would take place. It appeared that parties not overseers had contrived to thrust in names for publication, which none but overseers had a right to do. Mr. H. L. BULWER said the only question was, had these persons claimed to vote in an illegal and improper man ner ? And he thought no evidence of that had been laid before the House. Mr. WAKLE Y said it seemed to excite surprise that 15 persons should register out of a burying ground in Marylebone, but in Westminster there was a pretty building in the Strand, called Exeter Hall, out of which no less than 85 Conservative votes had been registered.--( Hear, and a laugh.) Sir T. FREMANTLE said the question could have been set at rest in five minutes, if any of the 42 persons alluded tct, had come forward and stated that they had sent in their claim to be registered. None of them having done so, he must say that it was evident the names had been introduced illegally and surreptitiously. The petition was then laid on the table. The Marquis of CH ANDO S presented a petition from a parish in Buckinghamshire against the Poor Laws Amendment Bill. Mr. WAKLEY supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. ROBINSON postponed his motion relative to the Rus sian Treaty to TtAirsday next. UNSTAMPED NEWSPAPERS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER trusted the House would allow the Hon. Member for Bath to present a petition of which he had given notice, and in which a direct charge was made against the Government. The petition could not be presented in the usual course, as several other matters had precedence ; but as it involved a charge against the Go vernment, he hoped that charge would not be allowed to re main unanswered. Mr. ROEBUCK then rose to present the petition which was from an individual named William Lovett, complaining of the seizure of his press and printing materials. He should state the circumstances as briefly as possible. It appeared that two persons named Hetherington and Cleave, had judgments issued against them, arising out of convictions for selling un stamped newspapers. These judgments had remained some months hanging over, when the government suddenly took active steps and its officers entered certain premises which they be- lieved belonged to these two individuals—seized and carried off the press, types, and printing materials, which in fact belonged to the petitioner. He did not complain of the Government carrrying the law into execution—he did not complain of the law being enforced for the protection of stamped newspapers, but what he complained of was, that the Government, wishing to punish persons for one act, had had recourse to the law enacted for the punishment of another. In the year 1795, a law was passed for the suppression of Cor responding Societies, which enacted that all printing presses not registered by a Magistrate of the district were liable to be seized upon. It happened that the parties to whom this Press belonged had not registered it, and the Government wishing to reach Hetherington and Cleave, said, we will take possession of this Press in vir tue of the law which had been passed in 1795. He (Mr. Roebuck) had been given to understand, but he would not vouch for the fact, that a large portion of the Printing Presses of the metropolis were not registered. It appeared then that the law had slept, and that the Government, wishing to punish the persons who had broken the Stamp Act had seized upon this Press which had been employed in print ing unstamped publications, and had punished parties for one act by a law passed for punishing another. The Act might be legal, but it was not justifiable, for it was his (Mr. R's.) opinion that no person should be punished until he had been tried and convicted. Here was a law passed in unfortunate times by an unfortunate Minister—one who eared nothing for the liberties of England, and who had done more to disgrace and dishonour the country than any other individual. Here was an Act, passed by Mr. Pitt for the suppression of discussion and the establishment of despotism, which after having slept for 36 years, had been called forth and vivified and brought into action by a liberal government. This law he ( Mr. R.) contended was not in accordance with the jurisprudence of England. In his opinion it was more in accordance with that of another country, where a monstre proces now disgraces humanity. He should Ise the last person to compare his Majesty's Government to a French Proeureur-Generale ; but it was an act emanating in si milar feelings, and somewhat in the same spirit.—( Hear.) 'The seizure in this case was one, not in the vindica tion of the law, but as a punishment. The Right Ho nourable Chancellor of the Exchequer had been led into a difficulty, as now he was obliged to be incon sistent, because he was not able to put the law into full force.—( Hear.) In the same Bill there was a clause which subjected the lender of every newspaper to a penalty. Every day this law was broken, and yet the Right Hon. Chancel lor would talk of vindicating the law. He was prepared to hear such a statement made, but there was something still more in this case. There was in the same Bill a clause which required that every lender of a stamped newspaper should be licensed, and it was therefore the law that all clubs should be licensed. He had been in the constant habit of breaking the law every day, and wherefore was it that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or the Attor ney-General, should have been so long quiescent? Were they consistent in letting the law he broken in one instance, and le- it go on in any other instance? Thp Honour able Gent l eman did, the t h a unstamped, ns t the laws of fpitternot ma n d ee ef . orastheweplrlosa4 he c on of kat tr the punishment of the stamper/ newspapers, AA