The Sun. — London, England, 1848-07-07 00:00:00

when in Yorkshire only York and S carb;ot h e i g e h er returned one one Member? Why, in the reignTtte wars of • the Roses there were only 28 boroughs. Honourable Friend wish destroyed them. Did his to go back to the time when the Crown nominated all the Members to that House ?—(Hear, hear.) And when his Honourable Friend talked rallying of round pro perty, he would ask, what traditionary ionar) influences there were in connexion with it? V it not ' well known the+ that great writer, the late Mr. Disraeli— (Cliee•s)— said it was the boast of the cavaliers w ho fou g ht at Edge Hill, that one troop of their guard possessed more ) B property in than the whole House of Commons ?—(Hear, hear.ut. spite ot all their property, they were defeated by the middle classes of the day.—( Hear, hear.) And when his lion. Friend said they were not a collective tPaar, as in Sir William Wynd hem's day, did he imagine that his oaws,, had any feeling. inn Honourable Friends, Newdegate and Sibthorp of this d common with the Wyndhams of that day 1 lie was sure the Honourable Members for Lincoln and Warwickshire would forgive him for bringing their nausea e cusaion— " The knights are dust, their good swords rust— Their.souls are with the saitrit e s. 'country gentlemen, and I trust" —(Hear, hear.) Then ther e were h a good deal was made of them. by of county} Honourable g rie e n h d : Now he (Mr. Osborne) respected by th i e lls class tlemen, but he had not been able to ofin T d ak t e hat H . t a h n e t } p . d h s a n d . ever o been the leaders of public opinion. He was cut by the gentlemen of his day; he positively would not have been asked out to dinner.— war? laug We they).elriadth: country gentleman resisted the American not opposed to Catholic emancipation and to the Reform Bill? Take the gentry of the present day. As a class they had been occupied in another p lace with throwing out a measure which had for its object tli edest off the chains imposed byruction of the last rusty link of persecution, arid the striking bigotry and intolerance upon a long injured race.—( Hear. hear.) In conclusion, he would say that he was no true friend to the institutions of this country who looked down either upon' the middle classes or the working classes.— (Hear, hear.) He believed that the perpetuation of our Go vernment, and the real safeguards to our liberty , consisted in the removal of all shackles upon thought , education, and religion ; and, entertaining these - sentiments , he should give his firm support to the resolutions moved by his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD said that having on former occasions sympathised, with and aided in the cause of re form, he felt bound on the present occasion to state why he was not guilty of inconsistency in opposing the motion of his Hon. Friend. And when he looked back at what had passed during the last thirty years, when he first en. tered upon public life, and took an ardent interest in the cause of progres—when he saw how the power of the aristo cracy had been diminished—what great additions had been made to the popular strength—when he remembered how the stability of a paper currency had at that time been maintained by the sanguinary execution of blood-shedding laws, and how the power or the press had in those days been visited by the cruel oppressions of bigotry and fear, and when he saw how immensely the direct influence of the aristocracy had beenl scur tailed by the Act of 1832—how every municipal corporation had been popularised — how free was the press in these' days, not when he recalled allot merely from prosecu tions, but even from annoyance theSe things to mind, he could not think that he was inconsistent in declining to proceed further in agitating for organic change, believing that he should act more wisely by striving to consolidate our exist ing institutions, and to impart to the people that knowledge which was essential to the exercise of public duties, and that piety without which knowledge was rather a bane than a benefit.—(Ministerial cheers.) Proceeding to examine the motion before them, he was struck, in the first place, by its Miscellaneous character. It appeared to be a small attempt to emulate a larger and infinitely nobler scheme. The People's Charter was a bold plan : this lesser charter seemed formed upon its model, only to induce the more timid politi cians to prefer it. It was developed, a 3 it was arranged, with little caution. In the original plan there were four proposals; but the Hon. Member for Montrose had since offered them a fifth point; as if to show with how little discretion the whole plan had been arranged, and how little judgment had been exercised in introducing mighty changes of the whole scheme of the British Constitution. The Honourable Mem ber's first point was the ballot. In his (the Learned Ser jeant s) view, there could be little objection to any change in the moue of voting, which could save the humble elector from the coercion of power and the temptation of gold. Looking at the ballot singly, and believing that the defect it was to remedy existed, if it had been singly proposed he should have been prepared to give it his support--(Hear, hear)—believing at the same time that its importance was greatly exaggerated both by friends and foes —(Cheer ing)—and entirely discrediting the notion that there was efficiency in any mechanical contrivance which could prevent the greatest act of a poor man's life from being known.— (Renewed cheers.) But the Hon. Gentleman confessed that if the constituency he proposed to create were left without this protection, then that the franchise would be rather a bane than a blessing to them. Why, surely, this was the greatest condemnation of his scheme Could they be pre pared to unsettle the whole system of the nation to establish scheme, the sole protection of which was a ballot-box? .—(Hear, hear.) Was that the ark by which the new born voters were to be saved from the waters of revolution which were seeking to engulf them ? Why, he wanted no better confession of the inefficiency of the plan—of its utter uselessness for the purposes it sought to realise.— (Much cheering.) But then came the next point—triennial Parliaments. Triennial Parliaments would produce so little practical change that he saw little solid argument either for or against them. The Charter gave annual Parliaments and this plan followed at a humble distance. Whether, like the earth-born giant of old, who, every time he fell in the struggle, acquired fresh strength for the contact, they were to derive renewed energies from each repeated refer ence to their constituents, he did not know, but that was about the only argument that could be used in favour of this branch of the proposition. But then came the substance of the Honourable Member's scheme—the extension of the franchise and the new distribution ( f the constituencies. And here he must admit that if the scheme was, as it was intended to be, a scheme for new electoral districts, then there would be a terrible consis•ency between the distresses of the time arid this attempt to tear asunder the oldest political ties and local associations. But having evolved a cloud of " family petitions" in favour of the plan the Member for Montrose started back as if at the sound himself had made, and cried "God forbid that I should propose anything of the sort. I have no wish to cut the Country up into parallelograms." But tire constituencies understood this to be a parallelogram project; and thatestudied being so, what must they not think on the one hand of h disguise of the projector, and on the other of the l t alueottt r, petitions 2—(Crieere.) Some of the petitioning ionin ' g earnestly prayed for " Mr. Hume's motion, which was safe enough ; others asked for electoral districts in particular. W hat must these worthy families think when they heard of Mr. Hume having got up to declare that he did not want electoral districts at all?—(Cheering.) The Hon. Member's treatment of the suffrage question was scarcely any better. His resolution, as set out to the world, was framed to include introduction of He pa s sed over the subsequent of the word " all." Mr. lIUME—That was a mere error. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD quite believed so. But the public understood the Hon. Member to go for " household suffrage." if there had been a dinner, though he would not insinuate that any such festivity had taken place, the toast would clearly have been " Hume and Household Suf frage:' Ihe universal cry was " Hume and Household Suffrage." The babbling gossip of the air repeated " Hume and Household suffrage." But when the Hon. Member came to explain his plan he introduced an interpretation clause; and, accustomed as he (Sergeant Talfourd) was to interpretation clauses, lie confe.ssed that this was the strangest he had ever seen. Some of them directed that every singu lar should include all the plurals; others that every mascu line was to include all the feminines ; but this interpretation clause n a rras still more curious, for (said the Learned Ser geaut ) it explained the denomination "household suffrage" to mean, not every man that holds a house, lint every house that holds a man.—(Loud laughter.) Household suffrage was, no doubt, an endearing term. It was especially so at the tea-tables of the family petitioners, but this plan of household suffrage included not householders alone, but every man alive in this country, except those who slept under gipsy tents. It was universal suffrage in another shape— less plain and undisguised ; and so the family petitions a second time had evidently prayed for something the Hon. Member never meant. But the reason he gave was still more edifying than the interpretation. " I did not put the words household suffrage in my resolution," said the Hon. Gentle man, "because, although the Committee on whose part I Ming forward these resolutions, agreed to the words house hold suffrage, they did not agree as to their meaning." A curious result of the combined deliberations of the Com mittee. The lion. Member had done well, however, in omitting the words, for the notion of household suffrage under the existing circumstances of the popular mind, and the variety of conceptions formed of it, was, of all notions, the most fantastic and delusive. Having thus touched upon his Hon. Friend's principal propositions, he now came to the question —was the contemplated measure intended as a settlement of the question, or merely as an instalment ? If it were put forth as a settlement, it was wholly untenable in argument. His lion. Friends must know that the more defi nite the suffrage was made, the more you extended it within certain limits, the more agitation did you excite among those who still remained without those limits. The very infini tude of the tenures upon which the elective franchise was held lessened the effect of their exclusion with those who did not exercise it, but once draw the line between a cer tain degree of poverty and the lower degree beyond it, and you would find those lower degrees assailing this definite line with the fiercest determination, and keeping up, until they gained their point, an agitation altogether destruc tive of the well-being of the State.—(Hear, hear.) Let him not be taken as advocating the principle that, with a people prepared for the exercise of their political rights, property should be the sole ground on which political power should rest. lie well knew that there was a nobler wealth than what consists in acres or gold ; he well knew that a deep attachment to country, a lofty patriotism, a generous pride in the institutions and ancient glories of his native land, held their existence among the very humblest classes of Englishmen, beneath the modest ml' of the peasant as within the palace of the Peer; but he could not derive hence the conclusion that these bumbler classes, in their present condition of knowledge, were fitted to take part in the legislation of this country, or to be admitted even in the wholesale way proposed, to the election of its legislators. To such a proposition the educa tion returns said No; the returns of crime, increasing not much in number, but in the atrocious character of the crimes reported, said No; the terrible outbreaks which had so dis turbed the country, said No; the conscience the h s tat tate to s ; states man, who felt h ow little had 3 of the people, 'et beendo r by done the spiritual and s ecu l ar educationemphati cally said No.—( He ar , h ear.) Could he ia tany corre sponding increase had t a k en p l ace in the intellectual t aggran disement of the country since 1832 , he would assent not to this motion merely, but the addission to the fran chise of all his fellow-count r y men without distinction:a to their having or bolding houses or simply living in them ; but he found that no suc h extension of intellec tualn power had taken place. I-P s H on. Friend the Member for Oldham had eloquently cited, in proof of the ad vancement of knowledge among us, the vast diffusion of cheap literature, and the names of several men, such as Thomas Cooper and Ebenezer Elliott, who, m en of the humblest class of life, had distinguished themselves by their glowing and powerful writings. The facts stated by his lion. Friend not merely proved nothing—they indicated nothing as to the existence of mental power among the masses. Li all ages it had pleased the Creator to bestow the gifts of genius upon the humblest among men as upon the highest. It had been so in the Dark Ages—it was so now; but this Proved nothing as to the general mind of the people, from among whom these meteors of genius arose. It could scarcely be said that the mind of Greece, after the Trojan war, was in a state of intellectual elevation, yet it was that age which pro duced these rhapsodies which had vivified, and embalmed the truths they narrated, and whose sublime diction had ever since been the rule of their art to critics—their inspiration to Poets. The Hon. Member for Oldham had cited the author of, the " Purgat ory o f S u i c id es " as a man, fitted by Iris merits h ing verse, to adorn the Legislatur e o f thi s country. The of Mr. Thomas Cooper, as a poet, no man better ap- Prevismd thau he (W. Sergeant Talfeurd) • did ; bat be THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 7, 1848. turn any Member, and the place having the smallest popula tion in the West Riding has a larger number of inhabitants than the largest of the boroughs returning two members. If there was a fair apportionment, the West Riding would have at least 30 members instead of only 18. This isnot a question between the people of the West Riding and the people of Wilt shire. Whatever representat ion Wiltshire and Buckingham shire are entitled to should be secured to them ; it should not be a mock representation, like that of Great Marlow, where an Hon. Member owning 120 houses comes in with his cousin, or like that of Aylesbury and other places. Something has been said about Middlesex. Now Middlesex is assessed upon an annual rental of 7,584,0001.; Dorsetshire at an annual rental of 799,000/. They both have fourteen Members. The amount of money actually raised for the support of the poor in Middlesex is as large, within 61., as the whole amount of property assessed to the poor in Dersetshire, yet they have the same number of re presentatives. Cook at the rental of Dfarylebone -1,660,000/. a year is there assessed to the poor, being more than the assessment in two counties returning thirty Mem bers? Will any one tell me that the metropolis is not en titled to its fair representation in this House, according to the amount of its property ?—( Hear, bear.) I behave the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London in his speech intimated his doubts as to the propriety of giving to the metropolis so large a number of representatives as they would be entitled to upon a fair system of representation. I am surprised to hear such an opinion from the Noble Lord. I think he might be quoted as an eminent example. proving that the people of London may be trusted with the franchise to the full extent.—(hear, hear., The Noble Lord has been elected in the city of London uncle- household snffrage. There is not a house within the walls of the city which has not a vote attached to it. Where, then, is the danger of giving to the metropolis its full share of political power? I believe that large cities, and the me tropolis especially, are more qualified than any other part of the empire to exercise the right of voting, because they generally comprise the most intelligent and industrious por n d. Well, por tion of the people. The inh a bit ants o f the metropolis are, I conceive, the hardest-wo r ki ng peop l e i n England. now, when Hon. Gentl emen ta lk o f a large community sending more Members, they have an idea that a great mob is to elect the Parliament. My idea is that you make a mob of your London elections, by making the constituency too large. 'fake, for instance, the Tower Hamlets, with 420,000 inhabitants, and Finsbury with 200,000 or 300,000. If you wish to give a fair proportion of Members to dif ferent parts of the metropolis, and to lay out the whole of it in wards as you do for the purposes of the civic elections, the whole would be more easily managed. And do not be alarmed by the supposition that they would return only Radicals; you would have some districts sending Conservatives, and others would be more liberal. The idea of danger from giving a fairer share of political power is a chimera. Ido not say that there should, on the whole, be an increased number of Representatives; 1 think we have quite as many in this House as we ought to have—(Hear, hear)—and, therefore, I will assume that if von give a larger number of Representatives in Some places, you would diminish the number in others. Wherever the power is, to• that power the Government will gravitate. The power is' now in the hands of the large proprietors in this House. It is they who govern the country—it is they who rule the Prime Minister of the day; aid I say that if the voice of the great mass of the people were heard in this House, the Prime Minister might rely on the country with more security and satisfaction.--(Hear, hear.) Now on the question of the ballot I will say very little, because the ballot stands at the head of those questions which are likely to be carried in this House.— (Hear, hear.) I mean to say that the ballot has the most strength amongst the farmers and the middle class of people.— (Cries of " Oh, oh !") It is not the farmers who say oh, oh, those who do so are landlords; the farmers are in favour of the ballot, for instance those of Lincolnshire.-- (Hear, hear.) The most ridiculous of all the arguments urged against the ballot is that it is un-English. , I say that, so far from that being the case, there is more voting by ballot in England than in all other countries. 'This is a country of clubs, of literary societies, of charitable institu tions, and of popularly governed infirmaries and hospitals ; and in all such institutions voting by ballot is constantly practised : and when men who come fresh from the Carlton Club. with the ballot- box ringing in their ears, and say that ballcting is un-English—when those who resort to the ballot-box in order to shield themselves from a passing frown —oppose the ballot on the ground that it is un-English-- when it is asked as a protection to the former, not merely against the frown, but the tyranny of his landlord—l say that such a course is preposterous. Something has been said by the Prime Minister about preferring one year to three years for the duration of Parliaments. Now, I think I could suggest an improvement upon both. It you adopted the system which prevails in municipal bodies, of letting all serve for three years, and one-third go out every year, you would thus have an opportunity of testing the opinion of the country, and avoid those shocks and con vulsions you all so much dread. Now, one word in conclu sion, on a subject to which the Hon. and Learned Member and the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire have both re ferred. It has been complained that leagues and associations are formed out of doors, and would be further encouraged by this alteration. Remember that whatever has been done to break down barbarism and abominations of every kind in this country, has been dons by leagues and associations out of this House. And why is this so ? Because Manchester can not have its fair share of representation in this House, it is obliged to organize a league which is heard through the length and breadth of the land. This is the indirect way in which Manchester makes itself felt, and will do so, by one means or another, in proportion to the power which it ought to exercise. De you want to get rid of these league agita tions out of Parliament ? Why. then, you must bring this House into harmony with the opinions of the' people. The abolition of slavery and other great triumphs which have seen achieved are your glory and exultation at this present moment. But is it not a most cumbrous machine—a House of Com mons, representing the people by a fiction ; the people out of doors obliged to organise themselves into leagues and asso ciations to do your work! There is a league or ',association at Liverpool, at the head of which, I believe, is the father of the Right Hon. Member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone). The object of this association is to eflect reform in cur national expenditure. This House is, par excellence, the guardian of the people's purse; its primary duty is to administer taxation justly, and to take care that expenditure is properly managed ; yet here is an association to compel it to effect that object. Now, Sir, it is not with a view of overturning our associations that I advocate this reform in our representative system. It is because I believe we must carry out reforms from time to time by discussions in this House that I take my part in advocating this mea sure in this legitimate manner; it is because I believe it must be so done, or else must be done as they do it on the Continent, with bayonets and muskets in the streets. Now I am not an advocate for any such pro ceedings ; and I say that those blembers who, having a political standing in this House, -advocate an extension of the suffrage at this moment, are the real security for the peace of this country. So long as the great ma s s o f th e people see that there are men here who are earne s t i n a d v ocating a large reform like this, they will wait p a ti ent l y. They may want more ; but if they believe that tho se are h one st who are trying to obtain thus much, in that b e li e f we h ave a guarantee for th e p eace and safety of the country which I value as much as any Conservative in this llouae.— (, heers.) Sir, my object in supporting this motion i s t o br(ing to bear upon the legisla tion of this House that talent and those virtues which have characterised the middle and industrious classes of this country. For, talk as you will of classes—l do net wish to go into that question—but if you talk of your aristocracy and your traditions, I must speak of the middle and indus trious classes; and I say it is to them, after all, that your glory is due.—(llear, hear.) The whole of what has been done for the last 151) years to elevate this country has been the work, not of the Government, but of the middle and in dustrious classes, whether we look at arts, manufactures, or commercial enterprise • and it is because I wish to brin g the virtues, the industry, ;he intelligence, and the frugality of those classes into this Hous e that I support the motion. Mr. URQUHART said, that in looking at this subject the country had now the advantage of experience, which they formerly had nota for on the great occasion when the Reform Bill was brought before the House, they had hope of improvement to induce them to proceed with the move ment, and could not of necessity have had any experience as to the operation, and proceedings of a reformed Parlia ment. The House had now the advantage of experience, and taking that as his guide, he (Mr. Urquhart) was bound to express his opinion that reform bad not mi t i gated the e vils which it was introduc e d to alleviate , but had aggra vated them. The failure of the Reform Bill in producing the benefits which bad been expected to result from it, was, in fact, the greatest which had ever been witnessed in any civilized nation. It had been stated that, in a financial point of view, the present House of Commons was useless, and that was the ground which he urged for a new reforma tion of the representation; but that argument went against the Hon. Member's own view, for it seemed that the re formed Parliament had not been efficient in carrying out economical views. His (Mr. Urquhart's) opinion was, that as a former reform had not reduced the expenditure or proved advantageous in a financial sense, so the proposed reforms would, it carried, also be found ineffectual in producing fi nancial advantage. The fact was, that in the conflict of parties which took place in that House , the advocates of practical measures fell asleep, and forgot their plans of prac tical refo fo ir reform rns and improvement, (iNlnHume), ), w He h) saw, opposite a great advocate at one time was to be foUnd urging on the Chanceltot of th e E xc h equer , or at the elbow of some clerk of some public department, make reductions; but what has he done of late to effect that re trenchment of which he was such an advocate? A great deal had been said about a ref ormed Parliament, and Parliamenthad tba re tt : yet they had increased the ex p en diture of the country, while for while the Tory and unreformed P Montrose e nt said comme nded reductions ; and , C i o n mmittee of Finance was appointed, 1828, a motion in favour of a reduction o f ex p enditur e was carried in an un reformed b e was not a reduction of 15 or 16 millions merely which was required, but such a re duction of expenditure as would leave l lo a u n s d e of the Co li m on tn . on m s, em a a surplus calculated seriously to reduce the national debt. The Hon. Member added, that if the country did not effect that reduction it did not know what it was about, and added that a country must be mad which did not pay proper • regard to reductions, and which did not in a tinof look peace to the expenditure which would be necessary in a time of war. That Committee was granted by an unreformed Parliament, but what had been done of late by the reformed Parliament to carry out these views ? He (Mr. Urquhart) would ref mind Hon. Members that the economy which would apply to individuals would apply eq ua ll a .. to nations, and that the same principles must regulate both. The reformed Parliament had been spoken of as the friend of retrench ment, yet the expenses of the country had in creased ; whilst Mr. Canning and Mr. lluskisson, in the unreformed Parliament, were eminently the friends of re trenchment ; and the Right Honourable Baronet the Mem ber for Tamworth was in favour of a financial reform before the passing of the Reform Bill. In 1835 the public expen diture was brought to a low point, but it had continually increased since, until it now reached . the highest point to which it had ever attained in England, unless in time of war. The honourable Member who had introduced this motion, and those who supported it, had spoken of the will of the public having a proper influence ; but to show in how far further retOrin would effect this object he could inform the Honourable Gentleman that he (Mr. Urquhart) had spent a great portion of his life in despotic countries, and he saw that what was often mere declamation here was real there, and that nothing of public importance was done without the will of tLe people in fact, that when they said a public Act was wrong, it would be as impossible to maintain it, as it would be wrong in this country to persevere in violati"g the decencies of life against the good-feeling of the com munity. What bad the Reform Government done in the way of reducing the expenditure ? No less then forty two millions had been lest up to the present day by departing from the lessened system of expenditure in 1835, and including the loss which had occurred from not adher ing to the recommendations of the Committee of 1817, the loss in both ways up to this present day would be 80 mil lions. The expenditure had increased under the Whigs— they had exhibited a deficiency while the Tories had a sur plus ; the Tories left a full revenue, and those who were now in office exhibited a deficiency of nine millions in three years. He was opposed to the motion as one which was cal culated, if carried, to be detrimental to the interests e this country, and to divert public attention during its discussion from the real and practical good of the nation ; and in doing so he firmly believed that he was a greater friend to the inte rests of the country in opposing it than those were who sup ported the motion. lie looked upon the liberties of the nation as sacred, and he thought that they could be only preserved by not giving a preference or predominance of power to any class in the state. He was opposed to this inotion, for he looked upon these additional reforms ;is a means of extending the basis upon which some if the usurped powers of Parliament were established. It was no argument in favour of the measure that the people of this country were in favour of it. There could not be a more loyal population than that of the Channel Islands, and vet they were not ambitious of sending Members into that House. To remedy the evils complained of there was but one course, and that was to go back to their duty as representatives of the people, to refuse to assent to any measure which was not strictly , demanded, and not to suffer a single penny to be expended unnecessarily. These duties ;hey had neglected entirely. Judging from pact experience, he considered that it would be worse than useless to pass a new Reform Act, and he therefore begged to move the following amendment :—" That experience has shown that change in the constitution of Parliament has failed to obtain the ends for which it was desirable. and with which it was eriginelly conjoined, viz., non-interference and retrench ment." Mr. ANSTEY seconded the amendment, which he con sidered would have stood better if the word " desired" had been inserted for " desirable" ; however, he would ac cept it as it stood. A more extensive measure than that now dreamed of had been submitted at the desire of the late King to the Grey Cabinet, and it WM the Noble Lord at the head of the Government who had cut it down and mangled it into the shape of the present Reform Act.— ( Hear, hear.) He had heard with great pleasure the state ment of the Honourable Member for the West Riding of his motives and his views in supporting the present resolution which, as the Honourable Member had stated, was only to obtain cheap and good government. He could not help, however, entertaining suspicion at anything coming from the school of which the Honourable Gentleman was a member. lie found him "et Ilona ferentem," especially when he remem bered a speech which he delivered, in which he referred to the example held forth by the United States of economy and other excellent qualities, which, he said, should be imitated by the Government of this country. "If," said the Honour aide Gentleman, " these changes are said to be incompatible with the maintenance of monarchy, then I answer, economy and retrenchment, coat cm/um." For his part he would desire that they should know the real object sought to be obtained. They should not be told it was one thing, when in reality it was another. If the Honourable Member for Montrose would bring in a Bill for the repeal of the Reform Act, he would second the motion. The amendment having been put, Mr. L. KING asked the indulgence of the House for a very few moments. He should not occupy them by replying to the two last speeches, the subjects and results of which were equally ill. timed. He would rather refer to the speech of the Learned Member for Reading, who appeared to have forgotten the old principle of the law of England, that every man who was taxed ought to be represented. Now since the passing of the Reform Act the intelligence of those who were not represented had increased in a most surprising manner. Commerce, shipping, steam navigation, railways, had all contributed to this great result. The central dis tricts of England were inhabited by a class of intelligent men earnestly desirous to be admitted to a participation in the franchise. For his part, he had no fear of admitting such a class within the pale of the constitution. Such a measure would do far more for the peace of the country than any Gagging Bill introduced, even as he hoped the last was, as a temporary measure. What saved this country in 1832 but the Reform Bill? Contrast England with France now, and mark the distincoion between the nations, the one which had passed a Reform Act, whilst the other had engulfed herself in revo lution. He wished to see the principle of our Reform Act carried out. The small boroughs must form the schedule A of a new Bill. They were the disgrace and the laughing stock of the country. It was said that men of talent found their way into the House by their agency ; but had not the people an interest in returning the best men, and was it not possible that selfishness and corruption found their way into e throu e gh boroughs g hthiss largelym ac hi machinery d r ri ? The Parliament iusinstances e e e s q o u f ay rr u with for an exension of the franchi se. He thought it would aue l l o have been better if the motion ha d been confined to that object. As he was called upon , how ever to say "Aye," or "No," to a mere general propositio n, he : had no difficulty in i t t i h o n talentin t h giving his assent to it.—(Cheering.) Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR said it was an admitted fact that every new political party and every new political question went through a certain ordeal. First, the leaders were laughed at, then scoffed at, then reviled, then persecuted, then their proposals were heard, then discussed, and after wards legislated on. This motion and its treatment by the Prime Minister of the Crown gave him a guarantee that he and his brother Chartists bad not laboured in vain. The speech of the Hon. Member for Reading had been much be praised. It bad been called able, poetical, astounding, and aston i s hing—(A laugh)—but it seemed to him to be a speech based upon ignorance of the question. The Hon. Member wanted education, but political rights must pre cede it. Enfranchise the people and ignorance would be come a crime; but do not keep the people in ignorance and punish them because they were so. The Honourable Mem ber for Montrose said that this motion was the motion now adopted by the majority of the working classes of this coun try. Ile (Mr. O'Connor) should be unworthy his place in Parliament if he did not give the flattest denial to the state ment. The majority of the people were for the people's Charter in all its integrity. He cautioned the Member for Montrose and the Government how they ventured to post pone the larger concession which the people required. Al that bad occurred in other countries had occurred in coned quence of withholding the people's rights. Nevertheless though it did not go far enough, it was his intention to vote, for the motion before them. lie should do so, if on no other ground, at least upon the ground that it proposed to shorten the duration of Parliaments. He declared that, after seeing how the time of the House was frittered away, he should prefer annual Parliaments without further change, to universal suffrage with a septennial Parliament. Annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, electoral districts, payment of Members, no property qualitication—all these, five out of the six points of the People's Charter, had been in former times fsatures in the constitution of these reslins. Why were they not again to be recognised ? As to the agitation by which the people ought to gain their legitimate aims, the gentlemen on the Ministerial benches certainly had no right to complain of it, since it was precisely themselves who, in former years, to gain their ends, had taught the people agita tation, and set the example of the very class of language which they now denounced as seditious. Those gentlemen stood by the Reform Bill of 1832, that measure which had wholly failed to fulfil the objects which it was announced to effect, whose motto was " Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform," And the delusive expectation from which was, high wages' cheap food, and plenty to do, almost as great a bubble as the Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" jargon of our neighbours across the Channel. He himself belonged to neither party, to neither faction in that House ; neither to the aristocracy faction on that side of the House, nor to the middle-class faction on the ether, the only difference between whom was, that the former had deceived the people once, while the latter had deceived the people twice ; he belonged to the party of the people, and lie would tell the House and the Government, that unless the just demands of the people, of the working classes, were conceded before long, Government would find themselves all at once in the position of the late Frenoh Government.—(fear, hear.) Not tLat this should be done by a violent revoluti on —G o d f o rbid ! He would heartily say, for lie knew that the first shot fired in suchw trusthh oat would could of c o elections. contest e . t e h t have then u ob been l e e l Je d unl i s g eegma juggled dert regarded exemplary xrd d ee o e d o ma m s p they conductaor y f thehtah had been asnbeh aeaumost iworkingno been Franco. e l a t e h s w It was said that the w or ki ng c l asses were no t fitted for the repudiated Ideeh o ofatl the e vote q essen tial teat of qualificati on , an d h e s h ou ld lik e t o k no w e conduct of the working c l asses o f E ng l an d am id a ll th e grievous miseries which they h a d su ff ere d f or th e l as t six years.—(lf it as r,h aa settlement the lion. lisoo longn. Mem ber's motion as bett er th an not hi ng at a ll ; b ut h e f ran kl y aught of influence and energy re m ained to him, that in fluence and that energy s h ould b e enthus i ast i ca ll y app li e d to es t i f o o n r ; the attainment of the great object of his life—the People's Charter. One class was set against another class, in order to promote the objects of a third party. That species of tactics was always resorted to in political struggles. The free-traders had done so, by setting the middle classes against the work ' ing classes. He would take that opportunity of saying to the Hon. Member for Montrose, that when, on a former evening, he had taunt e d th e lion. Member with having withdrawn his motion for reform, and the Hon. Member for the West Riding had charged him with ferocity in so doing, he did not intend to make any harsh observations, and he begged to ex press his regret if he had done so, for he never intended to allow any ferocity towards the Hon. Member. But, in say ing what he did on that occasion, the Hon. Member for the West Riding had only pursued the course to which he (Mr. F. O'Connor) had already referred, and had tried to set the middle classes against the working classes, who were in fa vour of the Charter. He would now conclude, only observ ing that if it had not been the intention of the Hon. Member to divide on his motion that evening, he should have reserved what he had to say until he had heard the sentiments of all those who were disposed to speak on the question before the House. But as it was for the advantage of the cause that the House should come to a division that evening he should con • tent himself with stating that, as the Protection party had adopted the cry of " No surrender," so he would take his stand upon the Charter, and say " The Charter, and no surrender." Mr. M. MILK ES should detain the House only a few minutes whilst he stated his reason for not supporting the new Reform Bill, at the same time that he was by no means opposed to reform. His objection to the motion of the lion. Member for Montrose was the fundamental one that there had been no grounds yet shown for the new reform league, or for the agitation which it professed to create in the country. In all organic reforms two things were necessary to inquire into —the first, what are the evils which it was sought to re medy ? The second, whether there was any great or general popular demand for that organic reform? Now he did not think that a sufficient case had been made out of great practical evils sufficient to show that such a reform as the one proposed was neces sary. A referm might be required, and he had no right to say, looking at the Corn-law League, and the successful in fluences which it brought to bear on the most distinguished minds in that House, together with its signal success, that agitation on behalf of reform was not necessary or right. But there was a very wide difference between the resolutions which were before the House and the one specific grievance which the Corn-law League sought to remedy. The motion of the Hon. Member was to elicit the declaration whether the people demanded organic change in the institutions of the country, and whether there were such evils in the present constitution of the kingdom as to require those organic changes. lie would not enter into the question of the suf frage. The most satisfactory view that he could take of that matter was to regard it not as a right or a privilege, but as a trust. The House, therefore, was bound to inquire whe• .ther it was demanded by the people, and if so, how was that demand demonstrated? Why should forty gentlemen con stitute themselves a committee in order to stimulate this demand? The question of the suffrage was not one on which the lion. Member or his fellow-committeemen could give any additional instruction to the people. They knew all that they ever could know on the subject of the franchise, and they knew, moreover, that if they went systemati cally to work in demanding it, the Parliament must at last grant it to them. On the ballot he had alre ad y expressed his sentiments in that House. He bad rather do if the without the ballot. But at the same time, in the people in any numbers complained of being coerced the case exercise of their franchise, if the complain ts made e h 'n would not of the Stamford election were well establis:d , tect the voters. deny that the ballot must be granted to p un-English in the It had been said that there was something u as a degree of openness ballot, and he must say that the re w which t ded to enable en in the social institutions of Eng land and if the practice of the people to dispense with the bal t lo w t , ; , s a higher mode of re open voting could be maintained , 1 the concealment of the ballot. cording their sentiments that political experience he had never In the course of his humble e as would render it necessary • witnessed any such intiinidatio et the voters. But as the Hon. to resort to the ballot topro.te bad truly said, the real Member for the West Riding Question under consideration was that of electoral divisions. • Neither the ballot nor tile buffrage constituted the import. wholly dissented from the proposition that Mr. Thomas Cooper was therefore the man fitted to legislate for the people of England, or to assist in guiding the helm of state. For, inquiring not into the political capacity, but into the po litical conduct of Mr. Cooper—what did he find? He found .11r. Cooper proceeding to the Staffordshire Potteries, at a time when, m consequence of sonic unhappy differences be tween the masters and the workmen, the minds of the workmen were in a highly excited state. He found Mr. Cooper haranguing those fierce and excited men in language of the most inflammatory description, in piercing words, which a day before, were sure to lead to deeds of violence. He found the hearers of those words, when the address urging them on was concluded, rushing forth to acts of plunder and of outrage, menacing the whole district with desolation and flames, and only deterred from their purpose by the armed interposition of the military, beneath whose enforced fire one of Mr. Cooper's victims— for such he must call the unhappy man--tell dead, checking by his fall the advance of his companions, and thus saving their lives by his death. He found that the outrages thus created by the glowing words of Mr. Cooper were the occa sion of a special commission which sat for three weeks, and spread terror and grief throughout hundreds of families com promised in the guilt of the insurgents. —(Elear, hear.) Surely the House and the country would not assent to the proposition that such a man as the inciter to these acts of violence was a fit and proper representative to legislate for England, or that his ignorant victims were fit recipients of the political power asserted for them.—(hear, hear.) The history of mankind was not the history of the masses think ing for the masses, but of the genius, wisdom, virtue, and he roism of the few vindicating the liberties of the many, creat • ing them by their genius, informing them by their wisdom, and confirming them by their virtue, and cementing them with the blood offered up by their heroism. The time would come when the masses might be safely entrusted with a full participation in the administra ion and legislation of the State, but that time had not yet arrived. The people, uninformed by knowledge, were as the .yclop in his cavern, gigantic but blind, blind with a dark ness, which could alone be dispelled by the light from science, by the light from learning, by the light from above. —(Hear, hear.) Ile would quote, to the purpose of these views a few lines from Coleridge:— " My son, of these old narrow ordinances Let us not hold too lightly-. They are weights Of priceless value, which oppress'd mankind Tied to the volatile will of their oppressors For always formidable was the league And partnership of free power with free will. The way of ancient ordinance, though it winds, Is yet no devious path. Straight forward goes, The lightnings path, and straight the fearful path Of the cannon ball ; direct it flies, and rapid— Shattering that it may reach, and shattering what it reaches. My son, the road the human being travels, That on which Bcwssiwu comes and goes,doth follow The river's course, the valley's playful windings, Curves round the corn-field and the hilt of vines, Honouring the holy bounds of property : And thus secure, though late, leads to its end." Before he sat down he would say a word or two about the petitions presented on this subject. There had been a great number of these, from very respectable parties, who in va rious points of view were dissatisfied with this or that fea ture in our present institutions, though probably for the most part with no very definite notion of the nature and extent of the Hon. Gentleman's motion ; but he denied that there had been manifested any pure enthusiasm throughout the country on the subject. He denied that there was any spirit of that kind which manifested a desire in the country at large for great changes. There was, on the contrary, a vast majority of right-minded and sound-thinking men who were of opinion that this was not the time to be talking about unsettling the institutions of this country. There were multitudes of petitioners who would never have come for ward but for a speech which had better never have been spoken.—(Hear, hear.) He did not believe the nostrums of the Honourable Member for Montrose were so inviting as to inspire any considerable number of English hearts with a desire to try them—(Hear, hear)—or to embark in the struggle which his Hon. Friend was endeavouring to excite. He believed, on the contrary, that there was a general feeling of humble gratitude entertained by the people At large for the institutions of the country, and also a senti ment of just pride, which was occasioned by the belief that there was something in them which rendered those institu tions worthy of living and dying for, and in behalf cf which the prayers of thousands of Christian hearts were daily raised. Was it at a moment when England, by virtue of her institutions, and by the providence of God, showed herself to be the Thermopylm of the world, that the House of Com mons was to be called upon to proceed with these miserable tamperings with institutions that weathered the shocks of a thousand storms? He should rejoice when the condition of the people was ameliorated, to enable them to exercise the franchise ; but, believing that the people of this country now were wholly unfit to receive such a boon—believing in his conscience that this resolution was founded on a principle leading to no end, presenting no settlement, but tending to a succession of endless and fruitless agitation, he entered his humble but solemn protest against the mischievous character of this new agitation, and gave his voice with all his heart, soul, and mind, against the first resolution, which was its first, its mangled, but no less destructive offspring.—( Hear.) Mr. COBDEN—Sir, I feel a difficulty in treating a ques tion of this kind in the same language in which the Hon . and Learned Gentleman has treated it, and if it were neces sary to possess the same flow of eloquence which he has used, I should not have presumed to follow him ; but I feel another disadvantage in following him, inasmuch as he has not given us any facts as a groundwork of the reasons with which he 11118 favoured us. lie has mentioned it as an alleged fact, that the country is not in favour of this motion for the mea sures of my Hon. Friend. Now that was the statement made by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government; and I think it is a most important question to us, more important probably than any other question which could engage our attention in this House, for certainly on almost any ether topic we may assume there would be great diversity of opi nion amongst the classes excluded from the franchise. But I now put it to the Honourable and Learned Gentle man, and I put it to the Noble Lord. the Member for the city of London, do they or do they not deliberately mean to say in this Huse, that the great mass of the nn enfranchised population of this country do not desire to possess political power? That is the question. Will any one in this House utter such a libel on the great mass of the people in this country, that they are excluded from political rights, and that they are so abject, so servile, that they even Flo not desire to possess political rights? Sir, I should be sorry to believe it, and Ido not believe it. I should have a very perir opinion of my countrymen, indeed, if I enter tained such an opinion of them. But this is a very important element in this discussion. If you admit with me—and there is no one here who will deny the proposition—that the people who are not enfranchised desire to be enfranchised, then you are in this position. that six out of seven of the adult population of this country are pressing, desiring, and claiming the right which you deny to them; and if, in ad dition to that serious dilemma, it can be demonstrated that a very large section of tae enfranchised middle class are in favour of the same views as the class not enfranchised, it becomes a serious element in the discussion of this question. Without venturing to anticipate the result of the division here to-night, I call Hon. Gentlemen to notice the division to-morrow, sad they will find that in the proportion that Members in this House represent large con stituencies, where the middle class, the ten-pounders, have the free and unbiassed exercise of their opi nion, just in that proportion will you find their repre sentatives vote in the lobby in favour of this motion. And mention this fact in anticipation, for I know it will prove to be the truth ; I mention it with satisfaction, because I tind in that fact a strong and most effectual appal to the great mass of the people to shnsysthem that it is not true, as has been attempted to be shown by more than one who has spokenmi middle this l deb, ass a es t e t o t l l v i a a t n t i h s e t r h e e i sa h working rk o i s o t g i lecspirit s o — n t t h h a e t part just in proportion as the middle classes can exercise their free and unbiassed will, they are disposed to open the portals of the constitution to their unenfranchised fellow-countrymen. These facts being admitted—and they must be admitted, for nobody can get up and say that the people who have not the franchise do nut desire it—what is the assertion of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman? That we have not had a great number of petitions and meetings. I have been long accustomed to watch the progress of opinion out of doors, and test: the progress of questions in this House by what was doing out of doors; and I have better op portunities of knowing than he has, that there has been a considerable movement in the country, at a short notice, and without organization, in support of the motion. I have taken the trouble to record the public meetings held in favour of the Honourable Gentleman's motion, recorded in the daily news since first he announced his intention of bringing it forward. There have been 130 public meetings held. I tell you that there have been more spontaneous movements throughout the country in favour of this motion than in favour of the repeal of the corn-laws after we had been at work agitating for five years, because I will frankly admit that in the movement for the repeal of the corn-laws, we galvanised from a centre, if you please; that meetings were got up at the instigation of a few men who were ex pected to attend; but on this question the meetings were ( I p, o ba c ji a :c l tossof fo ropinion,vuninvited,hichuninfluenced. operate meetingsple, do not deny the' discres thet h o ot th e nature so much o t l e i less di s cr e p ancy , muc h l ess of the heaven of dissension, than I have seen in times past, and lesi of discreditable dissen sion than many p eo pl e would like to see in those meetings, but they have been petitioners—they are in favour of the Charter; in favour of un i versa l suffrage in othercases; and eat majority lied ot the e cases ls r e mibneirlvf°ourr Montrose.motieSntaonfdminY honourable ia great here as the advocate of the m o ti on o f the Honnurable Gen tleman, universal suffrage,have nothin g orfor to who never a r enter n for te r the lists to oppose those men wh o a d vocate the right, as e the Honourable Gentleman advocates it, to the sff instead of any other test. I should feel I was notm fisd in taking the argument which the Hon. Gentlem an has i td, l e and which the Noble Lord the First Minister has taken -lls than e ; a addresses himself to the advocates of universal stiff he seems to me to argue that" they have more right those who are for household suffrage. I can understand the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, if he intends to voste for universal suffrage, I can understand the force of the ..argu ment; but as 1 am not going to oppose universal snffra 4 e, I do not stand here to support it on this occasion. I will leave the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and all those who a rgues as he does, in the hands of the advocates of universal I suf. frage, judging that they are quite disposed to make the most of the argument put into their hands. In advocatin g the suffrage which the lion. Member for Montrose introduced, and which he termed household suffrage, I must say that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman has not shown his usual legal knowledge ; and a difficulty and stumbling-bcock is thrown in our way as to the definition of household sr iffrage. To judge front the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speecb, household occupancy has always been considered as i tothir,g but occupying a house. Judging by the Hon. and I ,earr,ed Gentleman's argument, it has never been decided the.t a man living in a lodging is a householder. That I under stand to:be the lion. and Learned Member's argumen t. lam not learned in the law, but the Court of Common Pleas has decided that a lodger claiming to be rated to the poor may claim to have a right for voting.—(Hear, hear.) WI at I say, I say with some k now l e d ge o f th e matter. am s arry to have to correct the Hon. and Learned Sergeant in : mat ters of law, but under the Reform Act it has been rules 1 in the Court of Common Pleas that a lodger paying 101. a 3 'ear rent, where the landlord does not live on the premises, can claim to be rated, and be upon the list of voters. Then Hon. Friend th e M em b er f or M on t rose , w h en l ie a d voca stes household suffrage, merely takes a similar interpretation. ,to that which is taken by the Court of Commcn Pleas, ;end voters; says, m s Y without re qu i r i ng a 101 . t es t. if you h ave b een a lods;er v a er' claim to be put on the rate b o ok, a nd on the list of and ext s t really l rule a little ti very o to further r u a l n t d m s a a t ) t . e , r i f o f t a h r o r 5 fan 1: silent to lord does live on the premises, and you claim still to be rate d, 3° may be put on the list of:voters ; and then 1 . ae oafncitLheearned Gentleman will see this altogether gi its cal young m w e e n rid faces, that difficulty which he is throwing in cur opened a door should exclude clerks and econor p cea 'a [e e ad h e a d v , e and on that do not wish to get marl' ogorroatmodthwee haveelert s e w sc li a_p o s e e d e th an e s o e pr h i c os. , ithi 1 , 4 of th e 11011. 411 d Learned Gentleman. 'hors was one ;en; mark, which I am sorry he introduced, on the past career of a man who has since distinguished himself in a totally dif ferent walk, and who would be as glad to forget what hap pened in the petteries as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. He did that to prove what I need not give an example to prove, that a very good poet may be a very bad politician. Hear, hear," and laughter.) Now, the motion of my Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose is for leave to bring in a Bill to give votes to householders; his object is, that parties who not only pay taxes, but who also pay rates for the support of the poor, shall have a voice in the election of Members. Now, one of the first difficulties of those who op pose such a motion is, that we are in reality acting on the theory that that is the franchise in this country. It is an old constitutional theory that the people do elect the members who sit in this House. :Now, is that a sham or a reality ? If there be one thing more evident than another, it is, that the people of this country do not like shams.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government of this country were what is called a paternal or a despotic Government, desirous of first educat ing the people, and then handing over to them political privileges, I could understand the present position of affairs ; but the theory of the country is, that the people have political power, and there is no one on whom is devolved the responsibility imagined by the Honourable and Learned Member (Mr. Sergeant Talfourd) in his poetical flight, to exist somewhere, of educating the people, or preparing them fur the exercise of the franchise. If there had been any responsible party, I think the work would have been done long ago. Well, now, what danger can there be in giving the franchise to the house holders ? They are fathers of families, they are the people who fill our warehouses and our workshops ; and who will be endangered by their possessing the franchise ? When our institutions are talked of, it is commonly said that they live in the affections of the country. Are you afraid that electors will be adverse to monarchical institutions? Why we constantly hear that the Queen sits enthroned in the hearts of of the people.—( Hear, hear.) I have no fear as to the result of extending the franchise. Ido not believe that it will lead to any change in the form of Government ; and I sincerely hope that if there is to be a change in the form of Govern ment, I shall not live to witness it, for the existing genera tion could not reap the fruits of any change of that kind.— ( Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that the people of this coun country desire any change in the form of Government. Nor do I join with those who think that if the people had the wide extent of suffrage which is proposed, they would alto gether, or in any a great degree, change the class of persons from which they select their representatives. I tell you can didly that I do not think it would make any great change in that respect. The people would choose their representatives from the easy class—the men of fortune—as they do now. But I will tell you what I think would result from the change of which I speak— I believe it would bring not only the legistion of this House, but the. Executive Government also, into greater harmony with the wants, wishes, and interests of the people.— (Hear, hear.) I believe that if the people pos sessed household suffrage they would advocate a severe economy in the Government of this country. Ido not mean to deny that a wide extension of the suffrage might not be accompanied by some mistake, for the liability to error must always exist where th ere are great masses of voters, but I have a conviction th a t the electors would not make a mistake in the matter of economy and retrench ment—(Hear, hear)--and I have an equally firm persuasion that the taxation of the country would be more equitably levied. Well, now I ask what are the two things which are most wanted in this country at the present time ? W hat are the two things which the wisest political econo mists, and the greatest philosophers, if they sat down to consider the dangers and the destinies of this country. would regard as the most pressing necessities of our day? Why a great reduction in the expenditure of the country, and a more equitable apportionment of its taxation. By a snore equitable taxation, I mean that the taxation should be largely removed from the indirect sources from which it is at present levied, and more largely imposed on realised property. I believe that that is one of the objects which the people at large would accoinplish.—(Hear, hear.) The very instinct of selfishness would induce them to aim at this, and that is one of the things which is wanted for the safety of the country. Now do not let any one misrepresent me. Ido not mean to say that all taxation should be levied upon property—l would do no injustice to any one—but this I do maintain, that you should relieve taxation on consum able articles by reducing the Custom and Excise duties; that you should diminish the duty on tea, on coffee, and on wine, and, if you possibly can, remove every exciseman from the land; and I believe that the selfishness, to designate it by no higher name—the selfish instinct of the great body of the people, would, if they had the power, and could bring their will to bear on the question, lead to the accomplishment of those objects which it is so desirable to have secured in this country. Where, then, is the danger of giving to the people of this country their theoretical share of political power ? We shall be told, as we have been, that we should not settle the question by granting household suffrage. I admit it. You cannot settle any question for ever by legis lating in 1848. Nobody can tell what another generation will do, or what another Parliament will do. But will any one tell me that if you include in the list of those who are enfranchised the householders of this country, making the number of voters front 3,000,000 to 4,000,000, instead of 800,000, that will not have the effect of greatly conciliating the mass of the people to your institutions, and whatever dis affection might afterwards exist—and on that point I differ from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who has just spoken —that disaffection would not be so dangerous after you had thus extended the basis of the franchisee—( Hear, hear.) I do not think, however that the household test would produce discontent. The household test is not a test of property. Your present test is a test of property. It is a test of pro perty inasmuch as you say, •` you shall pay 101. a year, or have no vote." The Honourable and Learned Gentleman expended a great deal of eloquence on the subject of electoral districts. When vou approach this subject with a determina tion to deal with it in the cavilling spirit of a special pleader —singling out the isolated phrases or chance words of an opponent, instead of treating the subject in a broad point of view—it is very easy to raise an outcry and to pre judice the question.—(Cries of " llear, hear," and loud laughter.) As I understand my Honourable Friend the :[ember for Montrose, what he desires is, a fairer apportion ment of the representation of the people ; and when he said that he did not want "parallelograms or squares, separating people unnecessarily frOm their neighbours, I quite coincided with him. Any Member approaching this question in a proper spirit may deal with it without resorting to any such disruption of ties. The Hen. and Learned Gentleman would lead us to suppose that we are proposing to cut up some an cient landmarks, something which has existed from the time of the Saxons. He forgets that the Reform Act cut up counties into two parts, and enlarged all the boundaries of the country,—( Hear.) I will meet him fairly on that ques tion, and I will undertake to show that what my Honourable Friend wishes to do may be done without removing the boundaries of a single county, or of a single parish. I must here say, that I consider this question of the reappor tionment of Members to be the most important question before us.—( Hear.) When you ask me whether I would have a man vote at twenty-one years of age—whether he should vote for six months residence or for twelve months—whether he should be a householder or a lodger—there is no principle which I can fall back upon in order to assure myself that I am right in my view, I agree with those who say that they do not stand on natural right at all. I know of no natural right that I have to vote for Members of Parliament. 1 have a legal right, and of that legal right six-sevenths of my fellow countrymen are now deprived; but I know of no natural right whatever. And HI wished to cavil with an advocate of universal suffrage, I should deal with him as I once good humouredly did in private with one of the men who drew up the Charter. This man urged me to support universal suf frage, on the ground of principle. I said, "Ifit is a ground , of principle, and if the principle be that all should have a vote in making the laws by which they are governed, why allowingrliw ar N d vo e i n n ? e ' n ' should you refuse to allow a woman t o vo t e o r to servo the °FativicoeurotOf churchwarden?" t‘o‘ "Well," be eut replied, ie p d rOp " os l itio ' n 'a was a in s rejected."—(Laughter.) " Why, then," said I, "you are as unprincipled as 1 am : you gave up your principle, and adopted expediency." lint to return to the question of the reapportionment of Members. I say, there I have a prin ciple before me. I say, that whatever franchise you have — with 10/., 201., or household suffrage—the representation ought to be fairly apportioned. Now, what is the principle on which you proceed? I will not take the principle of po pulation, because I am not one of those who advocate uni versal suffrage. I will take the ground of property, and there is not a man in this House who can stand up and say a word in defence of the present system. The Hon. Member f r Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli) has alluded in playful terms to the representation of Manchester and Buckinghamshire, and he joked at the idea of Man chester having seven representatives. I must frankly av, that judging from the qualities of the two men whom Manchester has already sent to Parliament, I should be very glad if we had not only seven such, but seven times seven.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I want to know from the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, on what P rinciple he would propose to apportion the Members of this [louse. I will comp are his own favourite county of Buck ingham with Manchestee. The borough of Manchester is assessed to the poor-rate at an annual rental of upwards of 1,200,000/. The assessment on real property in Bucking hamshire is 760,0 00 . population of the former is 240,000, that of the latter 170,000. Buckinghamshire has eleven Members, Manchester two. Bear in mind that the er does not include assessment in the case of Manchest nd the other ha, I admit, for I the value of machinery. Oa do n o t wi s h t o s t a t e t h e case unfairly, that the a nnual value of land represents a larger real value th an the annual value of houses. Bat when you bear in mind that in Manchester into machinery is not valued, and when further y ou take account the enormous amount of accumulated personal property in Manchester, which, though it i s not valued pays taxation and sustains the commerce of the country, I think you will allow that I am not misrepresent ing the matter when I say that Manchester has double the amount of property to be found in Buckinghamshire. You must also remember that while the labourer in Buckingham shire receives about 11s. per week, the skilled opera tive of Manchester receives twice that sum. This is not a question, however, between the people of Buckinghamshire and the people of Manchester.—(Hear, hear.) The Pies tion to be decided is not whether the men of the former should or should not have rather more power than those of the latter. If the middle and industrious classes of Buckinghamshire had rather more power than the same classes in Manchester, the evil would assume a mitigated form.—(Hear, hear.) But when I come to look at this darling county of Buckinghamshire, I find that the eight borough Members are so distributed as, by an inge nious to give to certain landowners power to send their nominees to Parliament. I will undertake to show that three individuals in Buckinghamshire nominate the majority of the Members ; and if called upon to name them I can do so. What is that but these three individuals having the power to send Members to Parliament to tax the -people of Manchester?—(Hear, hear.) When this matter was alluded t o b e f ore , t h e lion. Member for Buckinghamshire treated very lightly and jocularly the right of Manchester to send its fair proportion of Members to this House; and that jocularity was cheered with so • • something like frantic de light. I venture to tell the House that that is the last time that the argument can ever be so received. I stand up for Manchester, and I say that it has a right to its fair propors tion of the representation of this country, taking as the basis, not its property, and not its population; and I ask why should men who are engaged in ministering to the power and greatness of the country in the four quarters of the globe be deprived of their fair share of political powers, aye. and not only deprived of their right, but mocked, jeered at, and insulted by the nominees of landowners ?—(Hear, hear.) Now, take my own case, and that of the West Riding of Yorkshire. There is not a man of property in this, House who will not go away in favour of a fie i sh appointment of Members as far as that Riding is concerned. The annual rent is there 3,r,76,000/. The an nual. rent in Wiltshire is 1,243,0001.—0ne third of the amount. Ti ev each return eighteen Members; but six of the boroughs Wiltshire are actually put down in " Dodd's Parliamentary Companion," as openly, avowedly, and notoriously under the influence of certain parties, who nominate the Members. hv should not the people of the West Riding have the sense proportionate share of political power as those of Wilt shire? Is there anything about a Yorkshireinan which ren ders him less capable of taking care of himself than other men are?—(Laughter.) I hold in my hand a list of ten boroughs ech returning two Members to Parliament. Os the some e' list I have ten tome in the 'greet Riding, which to mot to- ance of the present motion. He could not conceal from . change their sentiments in favour of it.—(l'lear, hear, and himself that the transference of large numbers of voters loud calls for a division.) from the counties to the town constituencies would be Mr. NEWDEGATE rose amidst renewed uproar, despite productive of a great and a hazardous change—for by of which he proceeded to make some remarks in reply, as that means the influence of the counties weuld be trans- we understood him, to Mr. Osborne, who, he said, had ferred to the towns. The latter certainly had no right to committed a mistake when he said that they (the agri complain of the manner in which the Reform Bill had culturists) had carried on their agitation by means of treated them. And it would be well to remember that it hired lecturers. He begged to remind those Honourable the country gentlemen were to be eliminated from the Gentlemen who were now so anxious for reform, that House, there would then exist great and well-grounded they had a few years ago attempted to disfranchise cause of complaint that landed property was not duly repre- nearly all the county voters of Warwickshire, and many sented there. The counties would never submit to see their in and about Birmingham, and that they had served Members transferred to the towns, without creating a great 23,000 notices of objection to voters. The Honourable sediment of discontent. He was aware that a gradual Member for Manchester had said that no Government change of this nature was operating in this country, as it should govern the country that did not represent the had done in the middle ages. But do not let it be too feelings of Manchester and Yorkshire, and take them as sudden, and above all do not operate such a change merely their guide ; and he begged also to remind them that because forty gentlemen met at a clubhouse in St. James's- they had created no less than 1,600 voters in the West square and said it must be done. Whatever might be said Riding of Yorkshire, thereby exercising as great corntp ot the constitution of the House, he knew that in the ulti- tion as any that had existed in tke days of Gatton and Old mate resort it did represent the people, and he believed Sarum.—( Divide, divide.) there was no true demand for a greater representation. Mr. VILLIERS said he was not going at that hour to no- It was true that a great preponderance was given to the Lice the attacks that had been made upon the party to which aristocracy in that House; but that preponderance was he belonged, nor to speak upon a question which was not be freely given—it was given because the people liked the fore the House. But as he intended to vote for his Hon. aristocracy. There was no doubt the people of England Friend's proposition, and as he did not agree with some of loved a Lord. There was no question that they preferred the terms of it, and still less agree in some of the reasons having an aristocracy. Take the instance of the Noble Lords which had been adduced in support of it, •he would state who sat in that House. Observe the habitual deference those which induced him to vote for it. All its supporters which was paid to them.—(Laughter and ironical cheers.) were agreed upon household suffrage; but they did not know Did any one ever see a Lord put down in that place?— what household suffrage was. They were agreed, however, (Laughter, and Hear, hear.) He never did; and if people upon the principle cf an extension of the franchise, and he would persist in giving such privileges to the aristocracy, thought it was wise to recognise that policy, because they they had no right in that House to complain of the aristo- could not in these days safely withhold the right of suffrage cratic elements which it contained. For all the reasons he from the people. He believed they had a right to it, and be had stated, he should not vote for the resolutions of the could not discover the reason for refusing it Hon. Member for Montrose; nor did he think they were when it was demanded. But he wished to steer called for. But he certainly did admit that the recent events clear of one subject. He did not think that of the Continent of Europe might leave traces of their oc- legislation would have been very different if the suffrage had currence in England; and that if in France, Germany, and been different since the time of the Reform Bill.—(Cheers Italy a share of political power was given to every man, he from the Opposition benches.) He did not believe that their could not deny that au echo of those events might resound legislation would have been very different if the Reform Bill throughout the land, and that they must be prepared to had not been passed at all.—( Renewed cheers.) He believed meet the demand, and to accede in some measure to the the House was much impressed by public opinion, and their cry that would be sent forth for increased political privi- sentiments much formed by public discussion—(Hear, hear) leges on the part of the people. lie thought that such an —and he believed there was nothing which was honestly de agglomerated measure, es that proposed by the Hon. Mem- sired by the country which that House would not give.— bar for Montrose; could only encourage the people in falla. (Loud cheers.) But he thought it would increase the public cious hopes, and therefore ho felt bound to record his vote confidence in the House if the suffrage were extended. As against it. to the existing system of bribery and intimidation ' they had Mr. S. HERBERT, who spoke in a very low tone of found no remedy whatever as yet for it. It had been voice, said that he was not about to trouble the House with brought before the House more during the present a very lengthy speech. His only reason for making any ob. year than in any other; and when there was a remedy pro servatiou, was his anxiety to show that in the vote he was posed for it by his Honourable Friend, it was not, in his about to give he was actuated by very different motives and opinion, right to resist it.. But he thought that extending held different opinions from many with whom he the franchise to the people, without giving suitable protec- I would retire into the lobby. He was not one of tion for the free exercise of it, would be doing no good, but those who believed that the present system of representation rather tending to demoralise them. He reminded the House was perfect, or that there were not many points in which it of the tyranny that was frequently exercised over voters by might be amended.—(Hear, hear.) But it was not neces- those who had power to influence them. He believed that sary to go deeply into that part of the subject, because it had that system existed quite as much in the towns as elsewhere. been already most clearly, wisely, and ably elucidated by the Many people thought they bad a right to deal with their Noble Lord at the head of the Government. He had heard tenants, or any persons dependent upon them, as they liked. with great pleasure that Noble Lord give up the doctrine of He thought they should endeavour to effect a change of that finality in legislation.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Herbert) was system, and perhaps they might be able to do so by making one of those who regretted that when the representation was such practices s infamous. But as the practice was at pre altered the suffrage was diminished. He feared it had been sent, every man who had tenants, even the owners of small too much the habit to confound means with ends, and to argue cottages, expected that his tenants would vote as he as if the objects of free institutions were to give the people pleased.—(Lord cries of "Hear, hear.") No places pro votes, not to obtain for them good government, whereas the bably suffered so much from the practices as large towns, former was only an incident, the latter the real object and owing to the intimidation exercised over shopkeepers end of such institutions. He thought they were bound to by those who were in the habit of dealing with them; ask themselves whether they had that system of legislation in fact, it was a constant struggle between custom and con which was most capable of carrying on the government of science. The consequence was, that a quarter of a million of the country; and secondly, whether their legislation was voters now on the register, and who were entitled to vote, such as to carry with it the sympathy of the great body of had not voted at the last election, and the fact was that to the people. He regretted the abolition of many franchises such persons as he referred to the franchise was a curse, and which had existed before the Reform Bill; for instance, he not a blessing. He must, therefore, differ with his Ilonout regretted what was called the potwalloping qualification.— able Friend, who said that the extension of the franchise (Hear, hear.) He thought it desirable that those classes was the first thing to be obtained, and that the ballot wa s should ' be represented, as he believed that among other good merely a secondary consideration. He believed that the things it would go far to cure them of their hero worship. ballot was a measure which ,gemerally speaking, all wealthy The power of sending a man to Parliament would cure the people were most afraid of ;it would be the measure that working classes of forming inordinate expectations, and their would strike most directly at their interests, and it would be representatives of the equally mischievous habit of making the most generous concession that could be made by that fallacious promises.—(Hear, hear.) He wondered whether House. He was sorry his Hon. Friend had not brought for. the Hon. Member near him, when he went back to his ward a proposition for the ballot separate from his other pro constituents in Nottingham, after haying been so long positions. He believed that if he made such a proposition, in the immediate proximity of the Thames without setting he would have a larger division than he would have on that it on fire, as he had promised—(A laugh)—would be able night, when he had included other questions of a more diffi to give his constituents a satisfactory account of his hack- cult nature.—(Cries of "Divide.") slidings. He would most likely find that a more diffi- Mr. HUME rose to reply amid loud calls for a division. cult task than telling an excited people what he would He assured the House that he should not long detain it, but do if he only were in Parliameut.—(Laughter.) There was there were a few points which he felt called upon to notice. one point connected with this motion which had not been With regard to what had fallen from his Honourable Friend touched on before, but which, in his opinion, should who had just sat down he could assure him he was altogether not be overlooked—namely, the effects which the introduc- under a mistake when he thought there was any difference Lion of similar measures had produced in neighbouring coon- amongst those who supported his resolution. There was tries. The Hon. Member for Montrose had said that Eng- merely a difference with reference to the extent to which the land, which had been formerly in the van of all countries in suffrage ought to go, and they were anxious to ascertain the adoption of free institutions, was in the rear; and the what the people of the country desired to obtain.—(Hear, Noble Lord at the head of the Government had with great hear.) He though his Hon. Friend was under a mistake in wisdom said in reply to that, " wait for the result."— supposing the ballot would be a remedy in the present state (Cheers.) Now, without waiting long, he would call the of things. He (Mr. Hume) had stated distinctly in the attention of the House to a few of the effects which such outset that he thought the extension of the suffrage was the measures had already produced in France. The Hon. principal point, but that he would not agree to take that Member for the West Riding had said that the measure except it was accompanied by the ballot. He said great object of extending the franchise would be to re- he thought the two measures were inseparable, and that all duce the expenses. Had that been the effect in Paris? must be carried to ensure to the, people that efficient reform They had increased their army by 30,000 men, besides which they required. He might possibly refrain from 320,000 National Guards. They had, in fact, under tkat saying one word with respect to any objection that bad been peaceful democratic Government the greatest amount of men made, or any answer that had been given in reference to the in arms that had ever been known in the time of peace. Had points he kad made, but as there were many Hon. Gentle democratic government diminished jobbing ?—(Hear, hear.) men who did attend to hear what his simple propositions There were the Ateliers Natiunaux, which were neither more were, he begged again to state in a few words what he had nor less than sinecure situations for 100,000 men.—(Hear, proposed. Ile said that Parliament ought to represent the hear.) There had been, no doubt, sinecures before the re- whole community, he said it did not represent the whole volution, but nothing like the enormous job of the ateliers. community, and he contended that no man in the country The Hon. Member for Middlesex had spoken of family corn- ought to be taxed without either through himself or his re pacts, and complained of the number of appointments presentative authorizing that taxation. He said the repre divided among persons rather curiously and inconveniently eentation, such as it is, was most unequally divided, and that related together.—(Laughter.) But things were much there could be no protection whatever to the property of the worse in Paris. Ile had seen it stated that the editor of the country when they saw that seven or eight boroughs, with Nationai, M. Marrast, with his printers and publishers, small constituencies, could send as many Members to that divided amongst them public emoluments to the amount of Ileuee as would overrule the whole representation of London, 40,000/.—(Hear, hear.) Now, in England, where the do- Liverpool, and Edinburgh.—(llear, hear.) lie did not See niestic feelings were strongest, they would prefer that per- any difficulty in providing a remedy, if the Douse would sons bound together by the recognised ties of family skunk] let him introduce a Bill ; he would save them all trouble, enjoy the good things rather than that they should be scat- and give them an opportunity of deciding upon the question. tered amongst persons wh o lly unfit through the interest of Ile did not ask the House to concur in opinion with hinvex. some party above them.— (A laugh.) Ile might ask the cept as a matter of right, because the people were entitled to Honourable Member whether he liked the manner in which have a voice in the constitution. Their Government was a, the secret service money had been disposed of by a r.preeentative one, and every man should be represented, but d e m o cratic Government.—( hear, hear.) Whether its the people were not represented. Four millions were ex disposal bad not given grounds for suspecting the eluded front the franchise, and what was the consequenc e ? most eminent men in the country of that meanest —discontent and dissatisfaction. The bases of the G o v ern _ o f all crimes, pecuniary speculation ?—( Hear, hear.) Then, meat were not sound, and he (Mr. Hume) proposed thi s f o r the liberty of the subject, that had been boon asserted measure, as the late Lord Grey had proposed his r e f orm by carrying off the comin inder of the National Guards. measure in 1831, as a measure of peace and conciliation, an d Ile might mention many other instances to show that experi- for the purpose of preventing evil consequences.—(H e a r , ments, such as the Hen. Member for Middlesex proposed, hear.) The Right Ron. Gentleman the Member for Wilt did not always lead to the results expected.—(Hear, hear.) shire (Mr. S. Herbert) had asked him to take into co ne d. Then there was Prussia, a country in which, if intellectual leration what was passing in France.—(Hear, he a r.) cultivation were to be taken as a standard, the people were When lie (Mr. Hume) considered what was passing in infinitely superior to the people of England. One of the France, he wished that England should not be sub changes there effected by the introduction of democratic jected to such an ordeal.—(Hear.) The Right Honourable principles was the payment of members, and the consequence Gentleman had referred to the proceedings which attended lied been that the legislative body was rapidly losing all the revolution in France, but he (Mr. Hume) submitted respect in the eyes of the people.—(Hear, hear.) They that they could have no reference to the circumstances in amused themselves in criticising the dress of their represen- which they were placed in that country.—(Hear, hear.) tatives, and making proposals that they should be paid by The people had a right to representation; let them deny taskwork, in order that they may get through their work that right, and they were injured; injury produced discon sooner. They were to be paid, it appeared, by the job, ac- tent, and with discontent in the country they were not safe. cording to the number of Bills, and no Member was to speak ( Hear, hear.) Why, a few months ago half a million of against time for the sake of his 7s. 6d. a day.—(A laugh.) people were called cut to keep down another half. Would He was proud to see the tranquillity of this country, know- they, then, prevent the people from having that due share ing as he did that there were causes of disturbance in this of political power which the constitution gave to them? country as great as any that had exploded in France. He The peace of the country could not be secure while they had great hopes of the country, but nut from the measure continued their injustice. lie called upon the House to de proposed by the Hon. Member for Montrose. He looked cide the question, and let the country judge of their acts for improvement from that House setting itself seriously to hereafter.—(Cries of " Divide.") consult the wants and wishes of the country, and from its The House then divided, when there appeared— remedying those defects and abuses in its own constitution For Mr. Hume's motion which recent election petitions had rendered so painfully Against it apparent. lie should merely further say, that his object in Majority ...... rising had been to explain that in giving his vote against The County Cess (Ireland) Bill was passed through the present motion, he was not recording his opinion fibs°. Committee. solutely in favour of our legislative system as it now The Places of Worship Sites (Scotland) Bill (report) was existed. postponed till Wednesday.' Lord D. STUART rose amidst loud cries of " Question " The Naval Medical Supplemental Fund Society Bill was and Divide." He congratulated the House upon one of read a second time. the results of the discussion that had taken plate—namely, Mr. FAGAN obtained leave to bring in a Bill to make life that it had induced the Noble Lord (J. Russell) to get rid of policies assignable at law. the principle of finality. The question was whether the The Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a people required such a measure as had been proposed by the second time on Wednesday, the 26th inst. Hon. Member for Montrose, and whether that measure was Mr. TRELAWNY moved for a return of the annual supported by the people out of doors? Upon the first point amount of salaries paid in the year 1847 to the sc hoolLasters he thought, after the debate that had taken p'ace, there and schoolmistr e s ses of each p oor-law union in Eng n d and could be no difference of opinion ; and as regarded the second, Wales, of the perq uisites and emoluments allowed th e tm, he believed the vast number of petitions that had been pre- and the various p rofession or occu p ation of such Persons in rented in its favour, was a convincing proof that it was sup- also , of the n umber of vacancies which have occurred ported by the great bulk of the people of that country. lie each union since its formation, in the of boys and regretted tie attacks that had been made upon the Noble master and schoolmistress; and the number ofeach union in Lord at the head of the Government, because be thought the girls respectively who attended the school services he had rendered to the cause of reform, during a ► the year 1847.—Ordered. offices of school (etaht long and active political life, ought not to be forgotten by Mr. PARKER gave notice thatuhfotshheouldiactorisenrrneeuwe is that House. Without affirming the absolute right of every day) take a few votes on account man to the franchise, it must be admitted that the principl e mates, and on account of the British of the British Constitution was to extend the basis of the tary of the Admiralty would likewise take more votes on ac representation as widely as possible ; and the only limit was count of the naval service. that required for the safety of the state. It was said that The ot her orders of the day.w. ere then disposed of , and the the greatest possible evils would result from the passing of House adj ourned at One o'u_a cis tke Reform Bill; but they bad now had considerable expe rience of its working, and up to the present time they had seen no ill effects arising from it. During the last twenty years taxation had been considerably diminished in this country, and it had also beets more equally distributed.— (Cries of " Divide.") lie believed, therefore, that the Reform Act had done some good, and he maintained that they ought to go on in the same course. He was not for finality; he was for gradual progress; and he believed if there ever was a time when the people of this country might be safely en trusted with increased political power, it was the present moment, when they were displaying so much moderation and love of order in the midst of the revolutions which had of late been agitating the greater portion of the nations of Europe. — (Loud cries for a division.) Mr. MUNTZ said it appeared to him that although they had had many speeches that night upon the subject, the real question had been very much shirked. The first ques tion which they really had to consider was, whether inepthat House the people of England were fully and faltly_ o r , i r h "; sented; and the next was, whether, if that ware not 5 would Hon. Gentleman below him, the Member for Bl e o u n t t e ro d. se , cause the people to be fully and fairly re.praesuf many T u h c es n e . were the real questions. It was the o Members that the present was a nursedPinalg(ittaiotniono,ugahutdttohbaet to be entitled to any attention such an . agi a ta rt, bad made no perfectly spontaneous. Well, he,forhhists commun i ca tion upon the subject to constituents. They p a r n a d p i s n i tfioorum soft d h m e had voluntarily communicatdedw/ihth hthilen, that they entirely Honourable Member agreed Montrose.—(mllgetirt, hear, laugh and if , laughter.) Honourable Gentlemen might intimate in such a man. they pleased. 'The y nor to him that they believed he was telling them a order, aid great noise.) The people falsehoods—(nh were greatly displeasedno' with the present condition of affairs. And it was t he conduct of the Government on the property tax, and on th e Gagging Bill, as it was called, that had cause d the present disaffection. But as to the constitution of the House itself, let them look at the number of Members that had been unseated for bribery and corruption this session.— (Hear, hear, and " Leicester and Derby.") He did not care what party they belonged to. The fact was all he looked at, and they need not tell him that those who had been brought forward and found out ware all who had been guilty. He did not believe they were the twentieth part of the whole number.—(Hear and a laugh.) As to the great objections t h a t had been made to th e extens i on of the suffrage,s they had already granted a 101. h ouse h old suffrage, and the Hon. Member for Montrose went only a very little way fur ther. But it was not enough to give the franchise—the voters should be protected in the exercise of it. The work ing classes were, to a great extent, as well educated as the aristocracy themsel ves , an d qu i te as well acquainted with their own wants. Th ey were easily to be governed, if only they were governed fairly, and he begged the House not to think that if even they went as far as universal suffrage, the people would change their constitutional government. He believed the proposition as now made by his lion. Friend was founded upon a sound, a just, and a right principle, and he gave it his most cordial support; and ,he believed that many lion. Gentlemen who now opposed it would shortly ----- HER MAJESTY'S THEATICH.—The Queen and his Royal Highness Prince Albert, aooompanied by hit. Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, honoured th e performances at her Majesty's Theatre yesterday even ing with their presence. In attendance upon her Majesty were the Viscountess Jocelyn, the Hon. Miss Kerr, the Earl of List owel, and Major General Wemyas. Her Roy e l highness the Duchess of Kent was attended by Lady Augßoya l A ug usta Bruce ; and his Royal Highness Prince - Albert by Li e utenant Colonel Seymour. His Highness Prince George also visited the theatre. the audience we ob serve d t h e Duke an d Duches s of Cleveland, the e Amongst his Excellency Rusiian Minis ter, Prince Lieven, the M arquis of Clanriarde, the Mar quis of Sligo, the Marquis of Anglesey, the Marquis of Donegal, the Earl of Lonsdale, the Count and Countess Batiste Metaxa, the Countess of Lovelace, tie Viscount Clifden, Lord Ward, th e Ladies Browne, Lady Domville, his Excellency the Prussian_ Minister (Chevalier Bun sen), 'Lord Southampton, Lord Gardner, General the Lion. H. Cavendish, Bart:, Colonel Bowers, Sir J. Bayley, Bart , Sir F. T renc h, M.P., Sir I. L. Goldsmid, Lady C. W. Taylor, Sir Edward Codrington, Lady Major Charlotte Guest, Buckley, Captain and Mrs. Griffiths, Mr. Tayl or , Mr. W. M'Gregor, Mr. and Mrs. Travers, Mr. and Mrs. Tudor, M. C. Koudriaffsky. Sherid an, Mr -13...r. __. Mr. Barry Baldwin, M.P. , and Miss Bald -7 blLeader and Miss Loder, a Mr. Frank Mills,,llll & , N . _ ROYAL MATsnrirrr CITARITY.—List evening the anniversary dinner of this philanthropic institution (which was established in 1737, for the purpose of de livering poor married women at their own habitations), was celebrated at the London Tavern, Bishopsgate street. Viscount Brackley presided, in the absence of Lord Robert Grosvenor from indisposition; and a goodly number of gentlemen sat down to dinner. In the course of the evening, the secretary (Dr. Rayner, F.S.A.), read the society's annual report, from which it appeared that the institution is advancing in prosperity, being enabled, by its steadily-increasing income, to ex tend its benefits to greater numbers of the class for whose especial behoof they are designed. During the past year a total number of 2.963 poor females were delivered, free of charge, at their own homes, within the 24 metropolitan districts. The last year's income of the charity amounted to 1,8714 10d., and the expendi ture left a balance in hand of 1371. 3s. 4d. The noble chairman ably advocated the claims of the charity to the support of the humans public, and the company substantially testified their sense of its merits by liberally contributing towards the funds during the evening. .ti: E.?, Mr. R. Graham bad an intertiew with Sir George Grey yesterday, at the Home-offiee. "'" '