The Sun. — London, England, 1866-01-24 00:00:00

The Right Hon. Milner. Gibson, M.P. ASHTON-UNDER-LYNE, Tuesday Evening. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade, addressed a numerous meeting of his constituents this evening, in the Town-hall. Mr. SMETHURST, t h e M a y or, who presided, in introducing the right hon. gentleman, expressed a hope that he would give them some very clear idea of a Reform Bill. (Loud cheers.) He had heard it said that since the right hon. gentleman had got into a snug berth he had been a little bit of a trimmer and had done very little for his constituents. He did not agree with that opinion, for the right hon. gentleman had done a great deal for them, and he certainly could not fear a Reform Bill, for an ex tension of the constituency would only increase his majority in the borough. He believed that the in fluence of the right hon. gentleman in the Cabinet, although quiet, had been very great, especially with respect to Mr. Gladstone, who had not come for ward and made himself known for those popular opinions which he now professed until Mr. Gibson joined the Cabinet. Mr. Gibson had, in fact, been a sort of schoolmaster to the Cabinet, and he would now be able to go back to his colleagues and tell them that Reform was no sham but an earnest reality. (Cheers.) Mr. MILNER GIBSON, who was received with great cheering, said—You have stated, Mr. Chair naan, that I have been very quiet of late ; but I think a business population like that of Ashton must be aware that when a gentleman is connected with a department of the Government, it is gene rally better that he should confine himself to the business with which he is entrusted than travel out of his road to do the business of other people. That has been my case since I have been connected with the Board of Trade. It is a department which has important business of its own, more than I have ability and physical power to look after well; and I should be neglecting my duty if I were to devote any time generally to the business of other branches of the Government. That may, perhaps, in some measure account for what you have been pleased to call my " quiet ness." We have now a new Parliament. Some 180 members have, I believe, replaced members of the former Parliament. It is therefore difficult to say what is the precise condition of the present House of Commons ; but I think it is generally admitted that there is a Liberal majority among the new mem bers—there are many who are already distinguished by their writings and intellect, and there are others who will no doubt be anxious to distinguish them selves. Our debates will be conducted with as great ability as the debates of any former Parliament ;and I certainly see no signs of that Conservative reaction which was confidently predicted before the late gene ral election, which has just taken place. None has given more general satisfaction than the return, of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for South Lanca shire. I do not think that his return is due, as has been said, to Conservative forbearance ; but, on the contrary, I believe him to have been returned by the fair strength of the Liberal party in the county. (Cheers.) I therefore think that he represents the Liberal policy which prevails in South Lancashire, and that he has not been returned by what is some times called Conservative forbearance. I do not claim for the present Administration any support from the present Parliament beyond the support of the principle which guided it. The gentlemen who form that Administration may be very good—as good as may be found to occupy their places; but what I believe to be the truth of the case is, that the country at the last general election signified emphatically that whoever are the men who are to carry on the administration of the public affairs of the country, their policy must be guided by the prin ciples acted upon since the Reform Bill of 1832. Gradual progress to political, to religious, and I may say the entire accomplishment of commercial free dom. These are the principles which I believe the country has indicated as the foundation of the po licy which any Administration must act on to enjoy the confidence of the House of Coi l umons. I may be permitted to say a few words on commercial questions, which come under my especial cognisance at th Board of Trade, and must be questions particularly in teresting to a constituency like Ashton. It is not necessary to touch on the French treaty, for which we are indebted to the late lamented Mr. Cobden. The direct benefits of that treaty have been fully understood and appreciated, but I would wish to refer to the indirect benefits arising from that treaty. I do not mean the merely moral advantages of having cemented more closely our relations with France, but the commercial benefits derived from it. If we take the trade of England with the whole of the Continent, we find a most remarkable increase since the ratification of the French treaty. The direct trade with France has not only been largely aug mented, but the exports to the whole of Europe have increased from something like 60 millions of value in 1860 to upwards of 100 millions in 1865. Tis great increase of trade has arisen from this— that the French treaty was the first step to break in upon the prohibitory system of Europe. France not having granted to other countries those reduc tions of duties which she granted to England, has made use of the power of granting those reductions to secure from other countries a material reduction in their tariffs; England has then stepped in, and claimed from those ceZntries, under the favoured nation clause, equal reductions with those which have been accorded to France ; so that France, as it were, has necessarily and inevitably become the pioneer of the extension of English free trade. The result, no doubt, has been very advantageous ; but it has struck many, and I think with great truth, that if England is only to obtain an equal partici pation in those reductions which France may be able to secure, the reduction in tariffs will not be made so entirely in English interests, or so moulded by English influences, and will not be so much to the advantage of English trade as if England herself were permitted to co-operate in the revision of Continental tariffs. The Austrian treaty, which has lately been concluded, is the first step in the di rection to which I have just referred. England has not there waited merely to obtain an equal share in those reductions which France may be able to secure. She has been permitted by the Austrian Go vernment to advise in the revision of the Austrian tariff, and to make such counsels as will enable Austria to revise her tariff, not exclusively in the interests of other countries, but also in the interest of England. This I consider to be a most important principle. Austria has consented to a treaty that for the future no duty shall exceed 25 per cent.—a very high duty, no doubt ; but recollect that that is the limit to possible protection—she has done more ; she has agreed that in the spring of the present year British commissioners shall be called in in order to advise with the Austrian commissioners as to the settlement of actual duties within the limit of 25 per cent. ; and I have every reason to hope that in the settlement of these duties a groat step will be taken by the lowness of their scale toward the adoption of free trade in Austria. And if the immenseresources of that country, with 36,000,000 of population, can be developed, as I firmly believe they will be, by the adoption of a more free commercial policy, the benefit, though great to Austria,will extend through out the whole European commonwealth. The pre dictions which were made at the time Mr. Cobden was suc cessful in obtaining the French treaty will, I think, be fulfilled, and we shall in time see the whole of Europe to a great extent imbued by that spirit of free trade which has influenced the commercial policy of England. In the negotations which have taken place with Austria great services have been rendered by Lord Bloomfield, our ambassador at Vienna ; Mr. Malet, of the Board of Trade ; Mr. Morier, by the International Commission of Inquiry held at Vienna, which was conducted by Sir William Hutt and by Mr. Somerset B ea umont. I may be per mitted on this commercial question to remark on the revival of trade with the United States. I be lieve the exports to the United States have now recovered to what they were in 1860. They were £21,000,000 of value in 1860, and I believe they were about £21,000,000 in round numbers in 1865. There has been some alarm raised about over trading, but I think that we need not disturb our minds on that score, for the addition to our exports to the United States during last year was only about £4,000,000, and I do not think that an , increase of that amount ought to cause any alarm with respect to what is called over-trading. It is gratifying to find that this great trade is reviving. When we look back we have reason to congratulate the people of this country—those of Ashton certainly —on the course taken during the continuance of that dreadful civil war. The instincts of the great body of the people, and in Ashton especially of the working classes, kept them right on this American question ; they knew that the issue was between slavery and freedom—(cheers)—and although it might be that many of the masters in many parts of South Lancashire sympathised with the Southern cause, yet I will undertake to say that I am not exaggerating when I assert that the great body of the industrious classes sympathised with the United States Government, desired the restoration of the Union, were anxiously endeavouring to avoid every cause of alienation with the people of the North, and never had any sympathy with the attempt made in the Southern insurrection to create a new Power on the foundation of slavery. (Cheers.) The result had proved they were right in the view which they entertained as to the result of that great conflict. But how remarkable it was that there should have been this sympathy with the cause of the North on the part of a great body of the working classes, inas much as it appeared that their interests were the other way, because it was constantly stated that the Southern insurrection disturbed the supply of cot ton, and that it was only on its success that the cul tivation of cotton could be resumed, and our manu facturing districts supplied again with a sufficient quantity of that great raw material. Notwithstand ing this appeal to their interests, notwithstanding the assertions that cotton would be king, the natural convictions of the great body of the working people of England went necessarily on the side of freedom and against slavery, and would not permit any sel fishness to trample on the great moral considera tions which kept them right on this important question. (Cheers.) Our worthy chairman has reminded me, in his opening address, that I am expected to say something about Reform, and to give a clear idea of what a Reform Bill ought to be. That is not quite so easy. I know what my own individual opinions are, and I state them freely ; but not so as an official—(laughter and cheers)—as one who is acting, and who knows per fectly well that in order to carry anything success fully through in this world you must cordially co operate with others. Many say," Why touch reform at all ? There was a bill brought in in 1852 ; there was another in 1854 ; there was the bill of Lord Derby in 1859, and there was the bill of Lord Pal merston's Government in 1860. Four Prime Minis ters—all able statesmen—Earl Russell, Lord Aber deen, Lord Derby, and Lord Palmerston—have all tried their hands, and all failed ; and do you not think you had better give it up too ?" My answer to this is, that there is no instance of a great public question having been proposed by the Crown and re peatedly submitted to the consideration of Parlia ment that had not been ultimately disposed of ; and the very fact of its having been frequently submit ted to Parliament, instead of being a reason for not making a proposal at the present time, is a very good cause for now submitting such a proposal. So strongly was this felt by Lord Derby's Administra tion in 1859 that both Mr. Walpole and Mr. Hen ley, both gentlemen of high Conservative princi ples, said that it was indispensably necessary for Lord Derby to undertake to deal with the question of Reform ; indeed, Mr. Henley stated in my hear ing in the House of Commons that the only condi tion that he made with Lord Derby, on joining his Government, was that he should deal with this ques tion. Mr. Walpole also expressed his opinion that any person who undertook the guidance of public affairs must deal with this question of reform. Will anybody in the country at this time stand up and say there ought to be no reform ? Some people say that that is what we want ; that if some very great authority will get up and say there shall be no re form, the Reformers will set to work and carry re form with a vigour that does not seem to be appa rent at the present. But there is nobody to say there shall be no reform ; and if there is to be re form at all, why not now, in the present year 1866? Thirty-four years have elapsed since the passing of the Reform Bill. Great changes have taken place during these 34 years. The working classes of the country are greatly improved, and there has been a great spread of education, a great diffusion of knowledge ; and there could not have been a more remarkable testimony to the moral condition of the working classes than the patient manner in which they bore the great sufferings which were endured during the time of the cotton famine. What is the condition of the suffrage at the present moment ? The bill of 1832 very largely extended the suffrage of what may be called the middle classes of this country ; but since then I am prepared to contend that that suffrage has been stationary. That may be regarded as an extraordinary statement, seeing that there are in absolute numbers considerably more voters in boroughs and counties now than there were in 1832. But if you take the increase of the adult males, you will find the proportion of electors to adult males in 1832 was one in five, and it is oue in five now. Then I say, that if there has been such great progress in education and wealth among the working classes, the proportion of voters among the male adults ought to be larger now than in 1832, seeing that 34 years of constant improvement and advance have elapsed. Is it not, therefore, a correct view of the question to say that there is something in our present electoral arrangements which prevents the enfranchisement of the working classes ? As things go on, however much they may progress in educa tion, morals, or wealth, it does not appear probable, judging from the experience of the last 34 years, that we shall get any increased proportion of the working classes borne upon our electoral registers. I have taken the trouble, in order to be accurate, to put down one or two figures in reference to this ques tion. Excluding Ireland—in which there has been' a decrease of the population and an exceptional state of things—and Scotland, which would not materi ally alter the general result, the percentage of total electors to total males in England and Wales in 1832 did not exceed 19.3, and in 1865 it was 19.1. In 1832 it was one in five ; in 1865 it was still one in five. There has been a remarkable increase in education and in property among the working classes. In 1831, in England and Wales, the population between 5 and 15 years of ago was 3,532,000 ; in 1865 it was 5,582,000. In 1831 there were only 1,276,947 of such young persons receiving instruction, whereas in 1865 there were three millions. In 1831 the depositors in savings banks amounted to one out of every 35 persons; in 1864-5 they amounted to one out of every 15, show ing a remarkable increase in habits of frugality and saving, and in education and in the spread of know ledge. I may be asked how we mean to extend the suffrage to the working classes. What I say is this : —That the Government, whatever may be the details of the bill, will propose a measure which will admit to electoral privileges a fair number of the upper portion of the working classes of the country. (Cheers.) That, I believe, will be the substantial effect of the measure. I cannot tell you—to use the words of Jeremy Bentham—what the vote-making habitation is to be, but I suppose some sort of vote making houses. What I should like to see is a household suffrage, but that is not the plan likely to be submitted. I shall be prepared to give my support to any measure which does not compromise principles, and which is in itself a substantial boon to the working classes of the country. (Cheers.) The difference between one and another for the admission of new voters, provided that it makes a sensible addition to the number of electors, is a dif ference in degree, and not a difference in principle ; and I think that every true Reformer should be guided, not by a pedantic adherence to some parti cular figure, but by the consideration whether the bill on the whole does admit a sensible num ber of the electors which it proposes to enfranchise to the electoral list. I think that every true Reformer should be guided by the substantial merits of a Reform Bill on the whole, and not base his opinions on some particular point of detail. When you see the bill you will be able to judge whether the Government is acting honestly, and whether it desires to make a step in the direction of enfranchising the great body of the people. It will speak for itself; but until then I must leave the matter where it is, as I feel that I could not with propriety enter into details. Whatever Earl Rus sell will propose, I have no doubt he will endeavour to the utmost of his ability and all his energy to pass into law. He will not propose a measure for the success of which there is no chance ; but I have no doubt—although there may be a fair chance for the success of the measure which he will propose—that it will not be carried without a very considerable struggle. A great deal has been said about instal ments, and that any measure will be a lever by which something else is to be carried. The spirit in which the Government—l speak for them—will propose a measure is, that it shall be a measure which, at the present time, will confer a benefit on the public ; and, with regard to the future, will leave the future to take care of itself, and leave other statesmen, if they think fit to deal with the question, to decide what is best for their time. The Government will endeavour to do what they believe will be in itself advantageous and confer practical benefits on the people of this country. There is another question which has occupied a great deal of attention—it is the question of Jamaica. When the news arrived of the shameful proceedings which had occurred in that island it was felt at once by the Government that there was a prima facie case for an inquiry ; and I may say that at the very time when a large and important deputation was urging on the Colonial Minister the propriety of holding an inquiry, at that very time Sir H. Storks, the Chief Commissioner, was on his way from Malta to con duct it. I can say, most unfeignedly, that nothing could have given greater pain to the head of the Government, and to all his colleagues, than the nar rative of those dreadful proceedings in Jamaica. It is not for me either to condemn or to indem nify, it is not for me standing here to pass any opinion whilst the inquiry is still going on ; but I have no doubt, from what I know of the character of the commissioners—who are men of honour and of great knowledge—that the inquiry will be a dispassionate and a fair one, and that the British public will be put in possession of the whole truth, and can then act for itself as it thinks best. I may be wrong, but I am one of those who con scientiously believe that it is possible for a black and white community to live together on good terms, provided you enact just and equal laws. I believe that all men, without reference to colour, are all conscious whether the laws under which they live are enacted in a spirit of justice and equality ; and I hope that the result of this inquiry will not only make clear what has been the justification for the great severity that has taken place, but also show to the country what ought to be the policy and the laws calculated to carry on a quiet and happy government in that island. (Cheers.) The negro population no doubt is powerful in numbers; and if so, I can easily understand that the white in habitants might be seized with a sudden panic. But the best preventative of a sudden panic of this kind will be the general consciousness that the laws by which they are governed are just and generous, and that the people, whether black or white, are con tented with the system under which they live. I thank you for the kindness and patience with which you have heard me, and for the confidence which you have invariably reposed in me. I have never been invited to support a narrow and selfish policy, but I have been invited to do my best to support a broad, enlightened, and liberal administration of affairs. In this district we have reaped great tri umphs. We have seen this district take a promi nent part in carrying free trade, the emancipation of the press, and various measures of vast im portance to the welfare of the country. There are other triumphs in store for us, and I hope that Lancashire and the manufacturing districts, in which are seated almost the whole political energies of England and Wales, will take the lead in this question of reform, and that if the Governmentbring forward a measure worthy of your support, you will give that support in no grudging spirit (Cheers.) I believe that your support is, of all others, the most likely to ensure success—that to Lancashire and the manufacturing districts we are mainly indebted for the progress which has been made in civil liberty, religious equality, and commercial freedom; and upon those three great principles, I believe that England's greatness is founded. The right hon. gentleman resumed his seat amid great cheering. In reply to questions from the body of the hall, Mr. GIBSON said the Government had given power to the local authorities to make almost any regula tions they might consider necessary for the preven tion of the spread of the cattle disease. lle had re ceived no information with regard to the Fenian conspiracy. He had no objection to fancy fran chises, although he was not particularly fond of them. The bill of Lord Derby proposed that a man who paid Bs. a-week, or £2O a-year, in furnished or unfurnished apartments, should have a vote. He thought if they were to have a lodger franchise, that that was too high. With regard to doing away with the Irish Church Establishment, that was not so easy a matter as many supposed. At the same time, he had no objection to say that he considered the Irish Church Establishment unsuited to the population of Ireland. He thought it was a mon strous thing that they should have in Ireland an establishment of one religion, while the great ma jority of the people were of another. (Cheers.) The proceedings were then brought to a close by a vote of thanks to the right hon. gentleman. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 24, 1866. The Reform Meeting at Leeds. The Leeds Mercury states that the reform meeting held in that town on Monday was one of the most enthusiastic assemblages that ever gathered within the Victoria-hall. The meeting had been called by the Mayor, in compliance with one of the most numerously signed requisitions ever presented to any chief magistrate of the borough, and the large building in which all such gatherings (called in re sponse to the general expression of the wishes of the inhabitants of the town) arc held, was densely crowded, the audience overflowing the aisles and passages of the hall. "A more encouraging meeting could not have been held, and the proceedings throughout, which were most cordial and unanimous, gave a decisive and unmistakable refutation of the oft-repeated statement that the people are apathetic and lukewarm on this important subject." _ _ _ The speakers were Mr. T. G. Marshall, Aldermen Luccock, Carter, and Kelsall, Lord Houghton, Mr. J. Wilson, Mr. J. Lupton, and Mr. Baines, M.P. The principal resolution was—" That this meeting is convinced that a large number of the working classes of the country are entitled by their loyalty, intelligence, industry, and frugality to a share in the representation, and expresses a hope that the Government measure will so far extend the suffrage as to satisfy every fair, just, and reasonable demand made by this class of the community." Lord HOUGIITON, in supporting a resolution ex pressing satisfaction in the announced intention of the Government to bring in a reform bill, said—l interpret the cordial reception that you have given me to mean this—that you have met here together in this great assembly to advocate the cause of the increased representation of the people ; meaning by that, that you do not wish to exclude from the con sideration of the question any class whatever of the great community of the people. (Hear, hear.) I interpret it to mean that your cause here to-day is a cause not of change for change's sake, or of alte ration leading to revolution—(hear, hear)--but that it is the free development, the historical and con tinual development of the English people and of the English history that yon are met here to desire. (Cheers.) Therefore it is that I am thankful to be here to-day, because I feel that repre senting, however humbly, one class of the commu nity, your reception means that you are not hostile to that class—(hear, hear)—and that, while assert ing your own rights, you are willing to maintain and support the rights of others—(hear, hear)---but being yourselves employed and employers, each in your turn, belonging to this great city, of which it was told to me to-day that one of your ,citizens said it was like Napoleon's army, because it was a place where every man may rise to be a marshal— (repeated cheers)—this being so, you are not un willing to meet me here as representing, perhaps, another section of this great community. We are met here to-day, I understand, for a plain, practi cal purpose ; to declare that the imputation which has been brought against large bodies of this Eng lish community of ours, that they are apathetic as regards the question of reform, is not true. (Repeated cheers.) For my part I should be very sorry if that were true, because I have come to this conclusion from any study that I could give to the history of my country, that the dangers of England do not arise from any inordinate love of change or desire of mutability, but from the apathy or the ignorance of the people. (Applause.) Let the people of this country have such an education as will make them generally intelligent, let them fully understand the blessings of the great constitution under which Providence has placed us for centuries, and there is no fear of the pecple of this country. (Cheers.) I read the other day—only yesterday —in a political review, supposed to be written by one of the leading Conservative states men of the country, that " trusting the English people" meant consigning the Govern ment of the country to poverty and ignorance. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) Well, I should like that nobleman to see you here vindicating this causein the temperate spirit which I know actuates you, and I would tellhim that if we did not trust the English people, no one of us could lie peacefully and happy in our beds to-night. (Hear, hear.) With the hard, with the laborious, with the austere lives of the great part of this great community; with the sacrifices that they daily make, with the little hope that many of them have of a happy future and yet nevertheless with the quiet, unostentatious, simple, honest labour of their lives, I cannot understand how he could say he cannot trust the English people. (Applause.) We are not governed by any inordinate army, we are not go verned by any other force than that of law. There is no town in this England of ours which would not be at the mercy of the English people, if they rose in insane wrath and in fury at theconditionin which they are placed ; but we rest in confidence, believing that they as well as we understand the simple prin ciples of political economy, the simple conditions of the life which we all live, the principles which affect equally the rights of the employer and employed, the poor and the rich, and by which a poor man ' knows that if he violated those laws to-night he would be a pauper to-morrow. And thus it is that, belong ing to the class in which I happen to be placed, I have no fear whatever of increasing the privileges and the power of the people to representthemselves in a fuller form than they now do. For my own part, I will not say where the limit is to be placed. I do not think that in so multitudinous a meeting as this we can possibly enter into details. I think think we shall be rather accomplishing the object of this meeting by expressing as fully and clearly as we can our desire, I will not say our decisive inten tion, to support the present Government in the mea sure of reform which they are likely to bring for ward. Remember that they have strong, vigilant, intellectual opponents to meet ; and if they are not supported by you, if your doubtful, and hesitating, and capricious, and fanciful upon these matters, the Reform Bill will go to the ground, as it has gone aground before. The Ministry may fall with it ; you may have a dissolution of Parliament, but nevertheless you may fail in yourgreat and practical object, which, as I understand it, is to extend the representation of the people. I would therefore ask you to merge your differences. Amongst so large a body of men as compose the Cabinet, probably each with his own theory and his own opinion of what is best to be done, there will certainly be differences of opinion, but, nevertheless, they may all agree to what is most practicable ; and I ask you to have some confidence in that Cabinet,and to support Lord Russell in the measure which it is probable he will bring forward. (Hear, hear.) I know no more of it than you do. I know nothing of it except by public report ; but I do know this—that I have seen Lord Russell moved even to tears when he was obliged to abandon his own reform bill. You know that people approach this question of reform in different points of view, theoretical and practical. Now, great injustice on that point has been done to a statesman with whom I have lived in great inti timacy for many years. There is no man in Eng land who ever valued constitutional government more than the late Lord Palmerston. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) There is no man in England who more believed that constitutional govern ment was the depository of the happiness of the people and the great safeguard from revolution ; but he was not a political theorist. He formed no parti cular opinions of constitutions and of politics, but nevertheless he did believe—l have heard it from his QWII wouth frequently—that the gradual and legitimate development of reform was the only just principle under which English constitutional govern ment could live. He was not enthusiastic enough upon that matter to say that be would carry it in the face of an unwilling Parliament and an un willing Cabinet, but it would be most unjust to his memory to say that he did not recognise the prac tical effect and the practical value of such a measure in the development of the English constitution. But I say that practical men just as well as theoretical men can agree upon the point which we are met this evening to discuss. I have ever felt and ever maintained the principle of the increase of the representation upon the sole and simple ground that I believe the political education of this people to be the most useful and practical part of their education, because I think that as far as you intelligently, safely, and gradually extend that representation, so far you will extend and establish the safety and permanence of the in stitutions of the country. (Applause.) I may con gratulate you upon the occasion on which we are now met. With general prosperity about us, with a firm confidence in the honesty, and some confi dence at least in the talents of the government that guides the country, with a belief th a t L or d R usse ll is sincere —(cheers) —with a belief th a t M r . Glad stone is sincere —(renewed cheers)—with a belief that whether the reform bill accomplishes all our hopes, it at any rate will be a reality and not a sham —(cheers)—with this belief let us this evening, by our hands and our voices, declare our desire to sup port this resolution, and augur for the statesman who at this moment guides the helm of affairs in this country that, after a life in which he has parti cipated in so many great Pleasures of popular im provement,, he may have for his government an illustrious close. (Loud cheers.) Meetings in favour of Parliamentary Reform were also held on Monday evening at Stafford and Dalkeith, at both of which resolutions were passed urging the Government to bring in a measure which should give to the working classes a real and effec tive voice in the representation. [ADVERTISEMENT. —Holloway's Ointment and Pills.— Every-day Want.— 'kin diseases, blotches, and unseemly eruptions, which prevent so frequently and annoy so much, can bo removed With facility by this cleansing and cooling Ointment, the salutary properties which over all cutaneous affections have been long and indubitably established. Moderate doses of Holloway's Pills should be taken while the outward ailment is being treated with his Oinment ; they will depurate the blood and free it from every taint that might induce a relapse, deteriorate the general health, or otherwise act injuriously. By promoting digestion, and by purifying the circulation, Holloway's Pills ever help to keep the skin clear, and to eradicate the many rashes and spots so frequently denoting an infirm stomach. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Dyspepsia (Indigestion), constipa tion, debility, consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach, and liver complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and ac celeraced by drugs of every description, but perfectly cur able by Du Barry's health -restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been con sidered hopeless, such as-cough, asthma, also diarrheas, hzemorrholds, liver complaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, levers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head and ears, rheum .tism, gout, im purities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleepless ness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in preg nancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains in the pit of the stomach and between the shou'ders, Sze. We quote a few :—Cure No. 46,276. Sir James Roberts, timber merchant, of Eriml , y, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and par tial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacob ,, , of ex treme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings; low spirits, and nervous fancies. -Cure ho. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decks, lord lieut. of Waterford, of many 3 ears' dyspepsia. -No. 49,832. Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting—Maria Joly.—Cure No. 51,816. The Rev. James T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torpid ity of the liver, which had resisted all medical treatment.— In tins, 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. Cd ; 5 b, lls. ; 121 b., 2:s. ; 241 b. 40s.—Barry Du Barry and co,, No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street; likewise at 61, Graceehureh-street; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate st-eet Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Strand ; 54, Upper Baker-street; 103, Tottenham-court-road; 96, Upper-street, Islington, N.; Harvey, Notting-hill ; Close Brothers, 65, firgh-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St. John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and che mists.—Beware of spurious imitations. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Just twenty-six years ago—that is, on I the 10th of January, 1840—the new system of a penny postage came into operation in this country. It was a grand, and, for those days, an alarming experiment, for the old Post-office yielded a pretty little revenue of £1,500,000 a year, and we had not then become accustomed to annual millions coming in without trouble. We could not afford the loss which was certain to ensue at first, and which might possibly not be recovered, but there weremany con ditions favourable to the trial, and it was boldly made. The Post-office, it must be understood, is an institution perfectly unique in this kingdom. It is the one single example of a Royal monop o ly--th e one department of business which is carried on by Government itself. It is a pure bit of centralisa tion in the midst of our self-government. It is as essentially and directly a part of the Royal esta blishments as the Queen's own household. Every , letter-box, letter-pillar, lamp, or station belonging to the Post Office displays the Royal Arms ; the letter-bags arc her Majesty's mails, the guards wear the royal livery, and so do the very letter-carriers who deliver the letters at our doors. The result is that in this one instance, and through this one chan nel alone, our Government can act like the Govern ments of Continental States. When the Govern ment decided on undertaking a little commercial business on behalf of the public, as in money-orders, savings-banks, and small annuities, the Post Office was employed—not only because the agency was really suitable, but because there was no other at command. So, when it was resolved that the ser vice of the Post Office should be remodelled, the simple resolution was sufficient, for the requisite machinery was entirely under control. For the rest, the originator of the reform relied, and, as the event proved, with perfect justice, on his own calculations and foresight. What it cost to Carry letters for a penny apiece may be understood from the fact that for the first five years of the new system the net revenue or profit accruing from the Post Office ave raged only £500,000. But Sir Rowland Hill reckoned confidently on such an increase of cor respondence as would gradually bring the receipts up again, and the second five years did see the re venue almost doubled. Just now we have got a Report of the Department for 1864, and here the revenue is upwards of £4,000,000, while the profits are about £1,160,000. From this it will be seen that the service, though a growing gain to the pub lic, is never a loss to the Government, but, on the contrary, a source of considerable income. The improvements, however, have been peculiar and confined to certain directions. Substantially the Post Office service has never been cheapened to the public since 1840. The Office will not carry the weight for the same money. Every letter still re quires its penny stamp at the least, and in some respects the co-operation of the public in the work of the Department has been exacted. The object of the Office is to sell the greatest possible number of stamps, or, in other words, to carry the greatest possible number of letters, and so make the greatest possible profit. In pursuing this subject it neces sarily gives the public the benefit of multiplied and accelerated communications, and this, in fact, is where we have gained, and are gaining every year. The Post-office will not carry letters for us more cheaply nor to a greater distance than it did six and-twenty years ago, but it will carry them with greater expedition, and deliver them with greater frequency, while it puts us to less trouble in posting them. We are no longer obliged to walk a mile, or even half a mile, to " the Post-office," for recep tacles in various forms are brought to our very doors. We can write from London to the country, and from many parts of the country to London, two or three times a day instead of only once. W e can post letters up to a later hour, and thus, in a variety of ways, we get more done for our money. We do see in the Report now before us that a cer tain alteration in the progressive scale of duties was " in contemplation " at the end of 1864, but with this exception all the improvement in the service of the Department has been in the collective convey anae and delivery of letters, the charge for the work performed remaining the same. When, therefore, the office renders its account of business executed and service done, it simply tells us how many more letter-boxes have been opened, how many more mails have been put on, how many more deliveries have I een organised, and, as a natural sequel, how many more letters have been car ried, stamps sold, and pounds realised. That is the framework and substance of a modern Post office report, but the details are interesting and in some respects valuable. It concerns the office, for instance, to know the number of inhabited houses in the country, and the number of inhabi tants also, and the censequence is that we obtain information on these points much more recent than that of our last Census. At Christmas, 1864, the population of the United Kingdom was so nearly 30,000,000 that probably those figures ex press almost the exact truth at this moment. The numbers were 29,710,077, having been 29,569,364 in 1863 ; so that, if we allow for a proportionate increase in 1865, we shall get as close to the round sum as possible. The inhabited h ouses were 3,893,991, having increased during the year by nearly 10,000 in London, and 30,000 in the rest of the kingdom. The total number of letters delivered to the inhabitants of those houses in the year 1864 was 679,084,822, and this, which is the culminating piece of Post Office statistics, undoubtedly expresses a very won derful fact. In France, for instance, with a larger population,the total deliveries are under 300,000,000, and even in America, with its free, educated, and enterprising people, they are barely 470,000,000. Yet, if we could analyse this mass of correspondence, we should probably be surprised at the results. It appears to us, from such glimpses of the facts as the report affords, that the great multiplication of letters is in what is termed the district service of large towns, and, above all, in the metropolis; for whereas the letters delivered in the whole of Eng land and Wales, London excepted, were but 390,000,000, they were 170,000,000 in London alone. It is in this immense capital, where, though we are all inhabitants of one city, we are, neverthe less, all out of each other's reach, that letters are made to do so much work for us. The Post Office is every-man's servant, carrying small messages at all hours of the day. There are not nearly so many letters written in all Scotland and Ireland together as in the London district. Nothing like so many are despatched to all the States of the Continent and all our colonies. We believe this to be the grand secret not only of the present but also of the future prosperity of the Post Office. The practice of em ploying the post for small purposes of hourly com munication will probably creep into all our towns in proportion as deliveries are multiplied. It pre vails more or less even now whe rever th ere i s more than one delivery, for nothing is cheaper or more convenient than to get an errand promptly done for a penny. Orders for the day can be sent to tradesmen, and a very considerable part of the work , of a household transacted through this agency. It is not the old-fashioned "correspondence" that has increased with the penny postage ; in fact, we should be disposed to doubt whether the ancient fashion of letter-writing between friends--young ladies excepted—has not rather declined than ex tended itself in this busy age. It is in the small brief communications arising from our daily needs that the Post Office has found its modern sphere of action, and is likely, as we think, to expand it. We suspect that much more would follow from the multiplication of deliveries in populous towns than from the extension of free deliveries to thinly-inha bited spots. These latter are increasing, and it is fit they should, but a village just brought within the pale of the post will not add much to its busi ness. We have looked, therefore, with some interest to the statistics of " Day Mails"—that is, double or multiplied deliveries in large towns—and hero there is some improvement, but not much. The towns with two mails daily were 393 in 1863, and 397 in 1864. The towns with three mails rose from 73 to 78, those with four from seven to ten. Above these figures there was no increase at all. There are only three towns in the kingdom with five mails daily from London, and only six with as many to London. For the direct purpose of communication with the metropolis this service is no doubt sufficient, but we are much disposed to think that an extension of the double or triple mail would yield its return in a large increase of local business. HERALD. —The annual speech of the Emperor of the French at the opening of the session of the two houses of the Legislature has been looked forward to this year with more than usual anxiety. It was known that certain unpleasant passages between the Governments of France and the United States on the question of Mexico had disturbed the serenity of the French Foreign-office to such an extent that, except at the cost of surrendering a brilliant con quest, it had become a matter of some difficulty to maintain much longer on an amicable footing the intercourse between the French Empire and the Republican leviathan which now again overwhelms half a continent. The attitude of the American Government, it can no longer be denied, is one of decided and uncompromising hostility to the Empe ror Maximilian and his rule. His introduction to the country was the result of the triumph of the French arms over the Republican Government inaugurated under Juarez, in 1861. On the other hand, as the Emperor was in a manner chosen by universal suffrage, the wishes of France being seconded by the voice of the Mexican nation, he cannot be said to have been forced upon his subjects against their will. His right to reign is not merely based on this election ; he is de facto Sovereign of Mexico ; his enemies are few and weak, and unable any longer to take the field against him. The custom of recognising a de facto Government has grown up in Europe into a fixed rule. It may be said to take its place among the axioms of inter national law. The United States have been ever foremost in recognising such a Government wherever or however it may be established in this hemisphere. Their unwillingness to take cognisance of the exist ence of the Mexican Empire is a departure from ordinary practice, which may be accounted for, but can hardly be justified, by the peculiar circumstances of the case. The Americans of late years have looked upon Mexico in much the same light as on their own outlying territories not yet settled into states. They have regarded this country as a field for the exten sion of their dominion, as certain in the lapse of time to fall into their hands. A strong Government established there by a foreign power is an outrage, because it seems to shut out this prospect of annexa tion. It is not difficult to understand the indigna tion which, in the midst of their own domestic troubles, they have felt at the progress of the French conquest in Mexico, the aversion which they express for the orderly Government which is erected as a barrier to their further extension southward. We need scarcely explain it by their devotion to republican insti tutions, with which the mass of the Americans are not just now so particularly enamoured, nor even by their respect for the dictum of President Munroe. The " Alonroe doctrine," as it is absurdly called, does not apply to the case of Mexico at all. France has not gained for herself a foot of ground in America. Mexico is still for the Mexicans, and has only accepted a change for the better in her rulers and her form of government. In presence of the declared hostility of the Government of the United States it has never occurred to us, even for a moment, as possible that Napoleon 111. could contemplate the abandonment of his prote'ge,.the Emperor Maximilian. To do this would be such a sacrifice of the prestige of France that it might be as much as his throne is worth to attempt it. Whatever he might have intended be fore, the bluster of American statesmen, orators, and generals, seemed to have made it a matter of honour that he should not recede an inch from the position which he had assumed. Yet because the Mexican expedition, in which a little glory has been gained at a great cost, has always been unpopular with a large section of the French people, it had been supposed by many in Paris that the annual Speech would convey the announcement of the im mediate withdrawal of the French contingent from Mexico. A parallel was drawn between the case of Mexico and that of Rome. The Sovereigns in either state had been established by French arms, but a French army should not seek perpetually to maintain .them. Yet the error, if error it be, was, in both cases, committed at the outset. In under taking the expeditions, whether to Rome or Mexico, France deliberately incurred responsibilities from which she cannot escape without dishonour. She can neither allow Rome to be seized upon by the Piedmontese, nor permit the Mexican Empire to be swamped by the United States. The Emperor has spoken, and while his Speech fully accords to our anticipations it does not altogether disappoint the hopes of those who had looked for an announce ment of the withdrawal of the army from Mexico. His language, it is true, is less decided than that of last year's Speech. In January, 1865, he said, " Already our troops are on their way back from Mexico." In January, 1866, he says— " In accordance with the hope which I expressed last year, our expedition approaches its com pletion. I am coming to an understanding with the Emperor Maximilian to fix the time of the recall of our troops so that their return may be effected." The comparison of the two Speeches is instructive. If, when the Emperor said " Our troops are on their way home," he meant it to be understood that they might be a very long time coming, we know how to interpret the phrase about " coming to an understanding to fix the time." It leaves the two Emperors perfectly free to delay or hasten the evacuation as they may find desirable. The French Emperor adds that he does not wish to compromise the French interests that he " went to defend in that remote country." As the French army there is maintained by the Government of Mexico its absence is by no means a drain on the resources of its Government. To abandon Mexico would be to renounce all prospect of the repayment of the Mexican loan raised in France, and would, therefore, be seriously detrimental to French in terests, to say nothing of the probable consequences of the step, the humiliation of France, and her sub mission to the arrogant pretensions of the United States Government. What sort of an understanding , the Emperor Napoleon will come to with the Em peror Maximilian, and how far we are justified in expecting the immediate withdrawal of the French force, may be judged from the tone of the diplo matic correspondence of which a summary appeared in our columns on Monday. Mr. Johnson has pre sented to Congress the documents that have been ex changed on the subject of the " so-called empire of Mexico." Writing to M. de Montholon on July 18th last, Mr. Seward declines to receive a communi cation from the Emperor Maximilian. On August 9th he refuses to recognise his agent, 1)on Louis Arroyo, affirming that the United States Govern ment did not admit the existence of any Govern ment in Mexico except that of Juarez. On Novem ber 6 Mr. Seward addresses Mr. Bigelow at Paris, desiring him to remonstrate seriously with the French Government on the subject of the operations of its army in Mexico, and stating that he regarded " the attempt to establish permanently a foreign and Imperial Government in Mexico as disallowable and impracticable." He claims credit for frankness, and his language certainly could not have been much plainer. The despatch was read to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who " felt obliged to say that he derived neither plea sure nor satisfaction from its contents." On Oct. 18th the French Minister offered to withdraw the expeditionary army on the condition that the United States Government would recognise the Emperor Maximilian. On Decemb er 6 t h M r . S ewar d sa y s that this condition " seems to be impracticable ;" and on December 16th an nounc es d e cidedly that the United States " will not recognise Maximilian even if the French t roo p s s h ou ld b e w ithd rawn f rom Mexico." Each Government has taken up its posi tion, and will find it difficult to recede from it with out dishonour. It is clear that France at least can not be cowed by the menaces of Mr. Seward into an abject retirement and s t u ltifi ca ti on of he r poli c y. It remains to be seen how far and in what manner the Government of the United States is prepared to second its brave word s by b raver d ee d s , an d w h e th er it is prepared to bid defiance to a power which will be even more formidable than the Confederacy in its palmy days. The Negro in Georgia. The Boston Advertiser has a very intelligent correspon dent travelling through Georgia. We extract as follows from one of his late letters, concerning the situation of the black population in that State : That many of the leading mon desire to see the negro have a fair chance is beyond all question. I have mot many such men. They take pains to 411 mo that he was very docile and trustworthy during the war, that he is not to blame for being free, and that he ought to be justly treated now. A few mon even go so far as to urge that he must be educated. Two good men are at work upon the code for the government of the freedmen, and will have it ready for presentation to the Legislature within a fort night. I have some special reason for believing that this code will be a great deal less obnoxious than that presented to the South Carolina Legislature. Judge Starne, at the head of the commission, is represented as a man of liberal views and quite well disposed toward the freedmen. General Tilison assured mo he had letters from many _ending men in the upper section of the State, which indi cate that he could rely upon them in his efforts to do jus tice to the colored man. This is the bright side of the picture. On the contrary, there is a general disposition among the middle and lower classes of whites to trample upon the few rights already guaranteed to the negro. I have heretofore said that I know there are members elect of the Legislature who aro pledged to vote against allowing him the simple right to give evidence in cases where his own people are concerned ; and I am very positive that the freemen's code will be of very obnoxious, not to say bar barous, spirit when it leaves that body, unless the voice of the North is heeded more than now appears probable. There was an exciting season in the recent Methodist. annual conference at Macon over the case of a certain Rev. J. IL Caldwell, whose only offence appeared to be that he had preached two sermons on the "Abuses of Slavery." One would think a minister of the Gospel might speak upon that subject, but the native Georgian loves the spirit of slavery as well now as he ever did, and the action of the Presiding Elder in removing Mr. Caldwell was sus tained by the conference. And this in the month of November, 1865 ! " Take the troops away and admit the Congressional delegation," said a gentleman from the neighbourhood of Atlanta to me, "and I give you my solemn word that I believe three-fourths of the counties of the State would vote for such a penal code as will reduce half the negroes to a state of slavery within a year." The colonisation scheme appears to have very few friends in Georgia, but large numbers of men believe in the exter mination of the negro. "The two races cannot possibly live together," said one of the most enlightened members of the convention, and I f►nd that he only gave expression to the view of a large body of the people. That the blacks are loth to enter into contracts is a fact that no honest man will dispute. The plantation negro s of the lower half of the State aro the most degraded speci mens of the race I have anywhere found, and they are very slow to comprehend the fact that liberty does not mean idleness and lawlessness. The idea that what be longed to old master now belongs to his former slaves is more sharply defined in that section than in any other quarter I have visited. They are utterly without con science in respect to the sin of theft, and can as yet be restrained only by fear. In other parts of the State the negro is more intelligent, and his repugnance to regular work rests upon better foundation. Tho complaint that the negro will not work is even more common than in South Carolina. There I found many persons anxious to argue the point—anxious to show me why he would not work ; but hero the fact is assumed in a somewhat lofty manner that precludes discussion. That the negro will not work simply because he is free is the most insolent of all humbugs of Southern Society. Thus, a Macon gentleman, who has a plantation below Albany, told me of his experience. He was in the army of Johnston, and came home in tho early part of Juno. go heard that many planters were losing their help, and at once went - down to his plantation, called his negroes toge ther, made them a little speech, told them they were fro, and could go where they pleased, said he would be glad to have them remain where they were, and would pay them fair wages for fair work. Some conference followed, re sulting in arrangements mutually satisfactory. The negroes were faithful to their work all through the season, he has fairly set off to them their share of the crops made, and everything on his plantation has prospered. 11 0 h as added about fifty to the hands thereon, and rna,do a con tract for the coming year with the whole number. Yet his neighbours, proceeding on the assumption that the negroes will not work, have of course found all kinds of difficulty with them, and are generally unable to make contracts for next season. I have yet to hear of a single instanc,o in which the method adopted by this gentleman has failed in securing work. The truth in respect to the situation is, that the negroes are uncommonly ignorant of their rights and responsibi lities. The State is very large, and the regular agents of the Freedmen's Bureau are very few in number.. The old negro in Macon who said to me, " One say dis, an' on° , say dat, an' we don' know, an' so hol' till Janerwar9l' expressed the feeling of his people. The negro is lazy, he is improvident, and he prefers job work to season-contra ct work, but where he is honestly informed and fairly treated, I believe he does quite as well as any one had n right to expect that he would. Bad whites aro using the poor blacks to accomplish their wicked purposes. There aro numberless gangs ° f marauders—white leaders and negro followers ; and a large proportion of the worst crimes committed by the freedmen are instigated by vicious and designing whites. That they are not a little given to potty larceny is true ; but in all sections of the State I have been assured that much of their rascality is properly chargeable to the dominant race• General Tillson has many letters from leading men which convey this assurance, and offer to sustain the Bureau in rigorous measures for the correction of this evil and the protection of the negroes in this regard. Tho negro's prospects are not, on the whole, as good as they ought to be in this great State. He has freedom in name, but it will be some time before he gets it in fact. His hope lies in the continued military occupation of the State, and the continued existence of the Freedmen's Bureau. Even with those for his aid and protection, his condition is bad enough ; take these away, and in a good portion of the counties he would very soon not have left the name of freedman. And, in a word, and at the least, there is for him much weary waiting and much conflict with hardheaded prejudice before he can reach even th e lowest place in civil society and the body politic. COUNTRY MARKETS GAINSBOROUGH-TUESDAY. Rather more wheat on offer ; prices were very firm' white, 52s to 54s ; red and mixed, 49s to 52s per 36 stone' Barley a middling show, at late rates. Oats unchanged 10 value. Beans a fair show, and sold at top prices. NEWCASTLE-TUESDAY. A fair demand for wheat, at Saturday's full rates. Bar ley unaltered. Oats a shade easier. Beans and peas dull. Flour supports late quotations. LEEDS—TUESDAY. Fine old wheat decidedly dearer, factors generally ask ing 50s, but millers do not respond. D new moots s ry good sale at full rates. Barley us dear. Choice samPler i made long prices. Beans, oats, and other articles witho ut alteration. The average prices for the week ending Jan. 22 were Wheat, 46s 111-d per qr. ; barley, 87s 6fd ; and osts l 25s SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. Wo had a fair supply of wheat at our corn mark et to-day, and prices were rather higher than in the NirePi previous. lied wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....l7s 6d 193 04 White do do ....19s 6d to 2 B °I New red do do ....17s Od ,83 OI New white do do .... 8s 6d 20S 6 _l Beans do do ....179 Od liis r, Feas, per qr Grinding be. ley , per qr 3.e Od 34s Oil Malting barley, co as Od 3 ' , 9, d Oats, do 26s Od 20 5 .' F10ur....1a Od to 2. 2d per 141 b. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. We had a good attendance at our market to-day, but tb: business transacted was only to a moderate extent. li r il e3 „ firm at full prices. Flour dull but not lower. Indian co rn in moderate request at 29s per 4801 b. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TUESDAY. A moderate supply of wheat at fully recent currenclet o Old white wheat, 50s to 56s ; new red. 42s to 52s per stone. Barley, fine, 36s ; other kinds, 27s to 2's per ; I , l _'" Oats, now, 22s to 24s ; old, 26s to 30e per qr. Beans, ° ' .7 458 to 525; new, 42s to 458 per qr. IgtlS TOL—TUESDAY. l a st At our market to-day wheat was selling freely at week's prices, and in some cases Gd dearer. Barley, sw,t,' ii 6d dearer. Oats vory firm. Beans and peas firm. illw u corn not much demand, and no dearer. Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Feb. 10. Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 13. Brazil and Cape Voids. by British packet Feb. 4 . Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Feb. 22 ' China, Penang. and Singapore. via Southampton Feb. 2. Ditto, via Marseilles Jan. 27 ' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Jan. 21 ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... Feb 2 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Ditto, via Marseilles Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Mansell e 3 Newfoundland Portugal • . jaF F FFaaee e eenn b bb::: 2742:7;63 Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet Jan. 31• Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork • • • Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry. Jan. 2 6. West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe Feb. 11 ' West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, and Mexico Cuba and Mexico . _ - ... J ...J J a a n. n . 22: Bahamas, via New 1 ork. Feb. 8 • Bermuda, ditto Feb. LIBERAL DEMONSTRATION AT DERBY.—Last even ing the Liberal party of the Southern Division of th e county of Derby assembled in the spacious b anq uettief i room of the Exch ange H a ll, D er b y, t o ce l e b ratet h e triule n ,P of their cause by th e re t urn o f th e i r t wo can did a t es , Mr. W. Evans, of Allestree-hall ; and Mr. C. R. Colviles of Lullington, at the late general election, in opposition to the Tory candidate and late member. Tho attendance v t 4i /4 . 0 large, and the proceedings wer e o f a mos t enthusiti s ' s character, the occasion being intended t o serve n ot 001% a well-deservod compliment to the chief guests, but also 9 a truly Liberal demonstration, a n d as i nsp i r i ng t h e P ertY to .:d fresh energy and increased uni on . Th e c h a i r was octal)/, by the Hon. E. Coke, president of Mr. Evans's commit tee and the vice-chair by Mr. Thos. Clarke, president of 3 11 : 0 : Colvile's committee; and among the list of stewards we' v the Marquis of Hartington, M.P., Lord F. Cavendish, 1 0 „;.: Lord Waterpark, the Hon. A. H. Vernon, the Hon. W. I ' ll . Vernon, the Hon. A. Strutt, Mr. M. T. Bass, M.P., 141% _ . .,.. A. Bass, M.P., Lieut.-Col. Gooch, Sir M. Blakiston, Ba . `" Mr. S. Bottle (late M.P. for Derby), &c. The importations of copper ore into this couut r i ..o from the Cape of Good Hope. by the mail steamers ai i ` o almost double what they were a twelvemonth since. mail packet Saxon, which has just arrived from the Oe brought nearly 150 tons of copper ore. Births. AYnToN.—On tho 23d inst., at 52, Regent's-park-road' wife of Alfred Ayrton, Esq., of Doctors'-commons, ° son. LLOYD.—On the 21st inst., at Dublin, the wife of Ida P r General air Lloyd, R.E., of a daughter. MOCATTA.—On the 22d inst., at Bryn-y-gws, Skettyl - morganshire, Mrs. George Moeatta, of a daughter. Idarriages. rbe l , MAPLES— GOLDING.—On the 22d inst., at St. liiikeSt sea, Jarvis Maples, jun., to M ar y An n , y ou ngest 0 13 ' ter of James Golding, Esq., Cheyne-walk, Chelsea. 0, THROCKMORTON—MOORE.—On the 23d inst at Brig, V.,11 Richard Charles Acton Throckmorton, 87 th Rerri, l e rt Fusiliers, second surviving son of the late Sir iv- George Throckmorton, Bart., of Coughtou Court', into wickshire, to Frances Stewart, only daughter of tutor Major John Arthur Moore, of 19, Portland-plac e, don. Deaths if , 11- ALT,Ix.—On the 22d inst., at Willoughby, Grantha ua l colnshire, Charles Affix, Esq., aged 84. ~0031 CARTER.—On the 18th inst., at Kenilworth, P`' - Carter, Esq., aged 92. C r ENGLAND.—On the 18th inst., at Oak Hall, Nell - Henry England, Esq. oSlef LETCHWORTH.—On the 21st inst. at at his residence, 47( Guise, Bedford s hi re , T. Letchworth, Esq., aged •-• ipi MAITLAND.—On the 19th inst., tho Rev. Samuel fir ° - Maitland, D.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., aged 74. bi• NAYLOR.—On the 20th inst., at Ponder's-end, Leeds, Naylor, Esq., aged 73. , 15S WHITTINGHAM.—On the 14th inst., at 39, Piccad ili n Hannah Whittingham, aged 69. _..........!.--• London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.Ii AN "' 1,1%, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tin: SUN Oin j co , na l , us Strand, in the Preoinot of the Ss.voY• in the C - Ididdlesexp—Wednesdsy, January. 24, 1860, A