The Sun. — London, England, 1848-08-26 00:00:00

YENING-, AUGUST 26, 1848. 1,250/. a year, and, as he had stated yesterday, his re tirement took place solely on the ground of ill health. The Treasury had awarded him the full amount of pen sion which they had power to award, namely, 800/., but not, as he had stated yesterday, by mistake, his full salary. He might be allowed to add, that before Mr. Ker was appointed to the office of Auditor-General he was Assistant Auditor General, and stood next in rota-. tion for the appointment. In answer to a question by Lord G. BENTINCK, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the Copper and Lead Duties Bill and the Spirits Bill would be taken at five o'clock on Monday. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then moved the order of the day for going into a,Coramittee of Ways and Means. EMPLOYMENT OF THE POOR IN IRELAND. Mr. P. SCROPE rose to move " That no further ap propriation of moneys taken from general taxation be made in aid of the poor-rate of Irish unions except on condition-1. That it be expended on the productive employment of the able-bodied poor. 2. That repay ment be secured by a lien on the property improved by the works, as well as on the rateable property of the union." He complained that the Poor-law Commis sioners employed the poor in stone-breaking, which was an unproductive occupation, and refused the request which had been made to them by several boards of guardians that the able-bodied paupers might be em ployed in productive labour on the land. There was no difficult,/ in finding employment for productive labour in Ireland, and experience had shown, according to the statement of Dr. Harrison, that the able-bodied poor might be most successfully engaged in reclaiming waste land. What could be more demoralizing than feeding men in a state of perfect idleness ? If any public money was to be contributed out of the hard earnings of the people of this country in aid of the poor-rates of some of the Irish unions, he contended that it ought to be spent in such a manner as would be productive of some profit, so as to afford same chance of the money being repaid. It would be unjust to the English public if some condition of this kind did not attach to the loan of English money. Sir W. SOMERVILLE thought the Hon. Gentleman bad very unfairly thrown blame on the Poor-law Com missioners for not doing that which the law did not em power them to do. He complained that the able-bodied paupers were not provided for by the Poor-law Com missioners, and kept in employment. Now, it was enough-, to say that the law absolutely prohibited the Commissioners from giving relief in the way the Hon. Gentleman proposed. The law might be right or wrong; but. unquestionably it prohibited the able-bodied being relieved except in the workhouse. He entirely differed from the Hon. Gentleman in the View he took of the question. He did not think that the employment of pauper labourers on what the Hon. Gentleman called " reproductive works" would be attended with success; he did not think they would be reproductive works at all. The Hon. Gentleman did not say what those fe productive works ought to be. He merely quoted from Alison's pamphlet on that part of the question. Now, the essence of Dr. Alison's plan was, that forcible pos session should be taken of waste lands; but it was im possible the Poor-law Commissioners could do this, as no such compulsory powers were given them. He be lieved that if such a plan as that proposed by the Hon. Gentleman was carried out, they would turn the whole country into one mass of pauperism; and he therefore hoped that the propositions submitted by the Hon. Member would not receive the sanctio❑ of the House. Lord G. BENTINCK said, the report of the Commis sioners of Public Works in Ireland contained a complete refutation .of the crotchets put iforward by the Hon. Member for Stroud, and showed that it was impossible to carry out the reclamation of waste lands in the manner ho proposed. The report, however, gave, on the other hand, much encouragement to the House to grant loans to Irish proprietors for the improvement of their estates. The Commissioners showed that great advantages had followed the drainage and other works, and that they apticipated no difficulty in a gradual repayment of the expenditure in half-yearly instalments. Mr. HUME thought the portions of the report to which the Noble Lord had referred were in favour of the propositions of the Hon. Member for Stroud. He con curred in the principles laid down by the Hon. Gentle man, and he thought the House was obliged to him for calling their attention to the way in which future pay inents for works in Ireland ought to be made. He was clearly in favour of a system by which able-bodied pau pers should be relieved by means of labour, provided that labour was of a productive character; and he did not see, therefore, why the proposal of the Hon. Gentleman should not be agreed to by the House. Lord J. RUSSELL—I think I can agree generally with the principles laid down on this subject by the Hon. Member for Montrose, but I do not go along with him in thinking that the view which he has so far com mended is at one with the object which my Honourable Friend the Member for Stroud has proposed. It may be very useful to advance money from the State on par ticular occasions, with the view of getting work exe cuted for the improvement of estates, and that is what the Noble Lord (Lord George Bentinck) referred to as having been done under the Land Improvement Act. In a case of that kind a loan is advanced to the proprietor, and the Board of Works sees that the particular work is executed; but the work is executed by the ordinary means of giving due wages to those who are employed, t~iz., the able-bodied labourers, who, in return for those wages, perform the work given to them to do. In that way property may be much improved; a fair return may be obtained for the money expended ; employment is given; and the whole result of such money being ad vanced is very beneficial to all parties. There is another mode in which the State may be called on to assist, and that is the mode in which relief is afforded in this coun try in a time of great distress and destitution. In those periods when there are a great many destitute poor those destitute poor are allowed a certain amount of re lief ; and in order to obtain proof that those persons are really destitee, and that they would not come for relief if they could find employment elsewhere, some work which is of an irksome kind is given them to do—the work being of value, as a proof that they are persons to whom relief should be afforded That is the way in which we spend several millions a year in this country for the relief of destitution. Now both these things may be exceedingly right to be undertaken, and both have their separate uses. But if we attempt to combine these two things—if you say you will employ all the paupers in a district, and, at the same time, undertake useful works, by means of which regular wages will be earned, you are just doing the very thing to which the llon. Meo*ier for Montrose objects; because he says, and says truly, that if the Government undertake works and employs labour, it interferes with the labour mar ket, and therefore the whole result is very unsatisfactory. —(Hear, hear.) I agree with him in that respect. If you say these persons are destitute, and therefore you must employ them, you will find that their labour is not worth that which it pretends to be worth, and that you are paying them money in the way of wages while you are not getting work equal to the amount of those wages. On the other hand, you find a number of persons coming to these public works who are not really destitute, and to whom you would not otherwise think of affording relief.—(Hear, hear.) There are, however, as I have said, two courses, both of which may be ne cessary. The one is, to advance money to proprietors, to be laid out in labour for the improvement of their es tates; and the Oiler is, that in cases of extreme destitu tion you afford relief for the purpose of preventing the misery that may be induced. But when you attempt to combine them, as the Hon. Member for Stroud attempts to do, you will inevitably fall into an error that cannot fail to be prejudicial.—(Hear, hear.) I believe the Hon. Member for Montrose, and I perfectly agree in these propositions; but then these are not the objects sought for by the Hon. Member for Stroud. I have only to say that I do not think it would be safe to adopt the proposal of the Honourable Member, as it would, I am afraid, lead to some highly injurious modes of pro.. ceeding with reference to Ireland. After a few words from Mr. P. SCROPE in explana- lion, - Mr. BRIGHT thought that, as the present was in all probability the last opportunity which would be afforded this session of referring to the state of Ireland, a short time mat be very usefully employed in considering that important subject. A more convenient time could hardly be chosen for throwing out suggestions with re ference to Ireland, seeing the Ministry had some months of leisure belore them, which, no doubt, they would wish to employ in considering what course it would be their duty to pursue, and especially as he understood the Noble Lord at the head of the Government was about to pay a visit to Ireland for the purpose of getting more infor :nation than he now possessed as to the mournful con dition of that unhappy country.—(Hear, hear.) It was admitted by all that tho condition of Ireland was worse now than it had ever been ; and, so far as they could see at present, there was no prospect that they would find that country under different circumstances for a long tisne to come, unless some new path was struck out by which the people would be enabled to secure for themselves comfort and independence. One prominent consequence of the miserable state of matters in Ireland was the effect which it was every day producing on cer tain districts of this country.—(Hear, hear.) They had seen attempted disturbances and disaffection of an ex ceedingly unpleasant character manifested here and there in England. Now, if they took Lancashire, they would find that it exhibited in many respects the results flowing from a large importation of the unhappy population of Ireland. In Liverpool, Manchester, and all the large towns, there were great numbers of Irish residents ; in deed, iu every one of them there was what was called an •. Irish quarter ;" and he spoke from personal knowledge when he said, that though many of them were steady, respectable, and industrious, yet a large portion of them w country opp os it e o f a ll thi s ; that they brought to this all th ose v i ces t h at h a d so l ong p reva iled in Ire land, and that they spread influences of a character very unlavourablQ to the native population, which was of it self as quiet, well conducted, and industrious, as that of any other p ar t of the kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) It was found that crime and violence prevailed in Lancashire and Yorkshire to and outaage s werea meatchiefly t extent, but that those crimes committed by persons who had come over fr om Ireland, because th ere th e y f oun d it impossible to find the meansoin h of subsistence.----(llenr.) Another most important t to be c ons id ere d was , t h at w herever an Irishman plantedp foot, no matter in what rart of the world it was, th ere h (ainty.(Elear.) bitter, implacable enemy — o f t e his stood a n "nemy — In the United States of America thereedewere millions richer of actual Irish or persons of Irish and in descent; and in the that country they exercised an impcorottalgurteisnesfleaunhe elections of the representatives in of ever there first officer of the American Government. Ifalso t h e re came a time when questions of a critical nature a rose between Grea t Britain and the Unite d States, it was certain that those Irish would throw all the weight of their influence and clamour into the scale, so that the peace betwixt the two countries should be disturbed. (Hear.) Through the misdoings of the Government o f Ireland, or by the misdoings of the population of Ire land themselves, these people had been transplanted to America, and there, 3,000 miles off, having got rid of they exercised an i n fl uence aga i nst their pauperism , this empire yen times grey ter than th e y cou ld h ave ex erted within limits. - -/,Hear, hear.) Those particu lar instances, b, ,, sides ti rose general reasons which might be urged, all tended to show that either the Government or the people of Ireland had been greatly at fault. Ile would admitlt hat both had been at fault. He thought Government h ad been too negligent of Ireland—though certainly Brea, ter solicitude had never been shown for its welfare by t tny other Government than the present — but by all Governments Ireland had been too negli gently dealt with ; and, though the people of Ireland did not, perhaps, possess some of the qualities which characterized the industrious inhabitants of this island, they, nevertheless, exhibited many high and generous characteristics. They ought not to despair that the time would come when the population of Ireland would be on a par with the population of this island. Ireland had been described as the difficulty of all Governments; the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tam worth had acknowledged that it was his chief diffi culty. But the difficulty of remedying the evils of Ire land would not be so great as the difficulty which would yet arise if they were not remedied. Some causes of the existing difficulty might be found partly in the consti tution of the general Government and partly in the local administration. The Government in this House and the other was almost entirely an aristocratic Govern ment. On the Treasury bench aristocracy was supreme. Seven Members, being one-half of the Cabinet, sat in the House of Lords, and every other Member of the Cabinet was either " Lord" by title or connected with the peerage. In Parliament, it might be, 14 better men could not be found; but, looking to human nature as generally exhibited, it was not to be expected that 14 gentlemen so circumstanced could meet round the coun cil-table and discuss with an unbiassed mind the ques tion of Ireland as it presented itself to the country and to the world. The condition of Ireland required two kinds of remedies;—the one political, and the other so cial. It was hard to say where the one question left off, and the other began. At present, the people throughout three fourths of Ireland had a total unbelief in the honesty and integrity of this Government as regarded its govern ment of Ireland. There ought to be some great mea sure or measures, which being offered to the people of Ireland, would afford a complete demonstration that bygones should be bygones as respected the conduct of the British Government, and that henceforth an equal system as between the two countries must be adopted. So great was his belief of the necessity of those mea sures, and his confidence in the excellent results which would be attained if they were adopted, that he would venture to explain them again. Ireland had been a country of jars and turmoils beyond the memory of any man living, owing chiefly to religious dissensions. They governed it on that point in a manner totally unknown in England and Scotland. If they were to govern England and Scotland as they now governed Ireland— if they maintained ecclesiastical establishments in the sister kingdoms as they maintained an ecclesiastical es tablishment in Ireland, they ought to establish Prelacy in Scotland and Catholicism in England. And if they were to try the experiment in either case, it would not be a sham but a real insurrection they would provoke. They must have equality be tween the great religious sects of Ireland—between Protestant and Catholics. On political grounds they could not defer bringing about that equality. It was said her Majesty's Government had the intention, if they could find the people of England napping, to pro pose that the Roman Catholic priests should be paid. On two grounds he objected to that proposition; first, be cause he did not think Parliament could, from any funds it might obtain, contrive to place the Roman Catholic priests on an equality with the Protestant clergy of Ireland. And it they could not produce that equality, the experiment was not worth attempting. It would be infinitely more easy, infinitely more in accordance with the principles of political truth and with the real inte rests of Ireland, to withdraw the existing establishment from the position it now occupied, to withdraw so much of its funds the present application of which could be proved to be totally unnecessary with refe rence to the wants of the people. He did not say they were to withdraw every sixpence from tho establish ment, but they ought to withdraw it from all con nexion with the state, and appropriate the funds they received to some general purpose,—for giving educa tion, it might be, under a system such as now existed. That appropriation would lead to an entire change of feeling among the people. With respect to the Parliamentary representation of Ireland, he must say, after having spent:seventy-three days in a most wearisome examination involving that question, that the representa tion of Ireland was at this moment a fraud. It would be better if there were no representation. The rates and taxes to be paid as a condition of exercising the franchise were so numerous, that it was utterly impos sible a constituency could be maintained, and the honest real opinions of the intelligent classes of Ireland find a decent representation in the Imperial Parliament. The system of registration was disgraceful. The questions of religious equality and of the representation must both be discussed next session. Political remedies, it was true, would not feed the hungry, but it would give an assurance to Ireland that it would be trusted as a por tion of the United Kingdom. They would throw oil on the water. With respect to the social evils of Ireland, they arose from the way in which the land was owned, held, and cultivated. There were large tracts in Ireland, which, if left in the hands of their present possessors till the end of the world, would never support the population they ought to support. The true solution of the problem was to get the lands out of the hands of those men who were nominal, but not real possessors. Then the effects of the law of entail and the custom of primogeniture were not mitigated by counteracting in• fluences, as in England and Scotland. Were he com missioned to propose an arrangement on the subject, he would establish a court especially for the purpose of ad judicating on matters of title and of preparing certain forms of conveyance, which should render the transfer of landed property as short a process as the transfer of railway stock. The state of Ireland had long been matter of reproach ; some Hon. Members had grown from boy to man, and still the reproach was the same; the condition of Ireland was most disgraceful to this country and Government. It was theirs to think of Ireland as if it were one of their own counties, to think of the numbers who had died of starvation, exceed ing the numbers that had ever at any time fallen by the sword in battle, to think of the countless horrors which were even now growing up in that country, and to see whether it could not be brought under-the opera tion of those laws and principles by which nature in tended that nations and individuals should become pro vident and industrious. He did not want to puff any nostrums of his own, though be was supposed to cherish some peculiar notions with respect to the constitution of the country; but whether it advanced democracy or aristocracy, or any other system whatsoever, he would fling to the winds any prej udice, it he had it, or any principle almost, if he were not convinced of its sound ness, could he thereby do one single thing to hasten by one single day the time when Ireland might be made equal to England in the attainment of that comfort and independence which an industrious people might pos sess, and be believed would have, if the Government were only just.—(Cheers.) Mr. BROTHERTON thought it was far easier to find fault, describe evils, and prescribe remedies, than to carry them out. He would introduce a property tax into Ireland, and have its produce appropriated for the benefit of that country.` Mr. LABOUCHERE suggested that the House should consent to give his Right Hon. Friend the Chan cellor of the Exchequer an opportunity of making his financial statement in Committee, before they entered further on a discussion involving so great a variety of considerations as that which had arisen with respect to the state of Ireland. Mr. J. O'CONNELL felt it his duty to make some remarks on the subject now before the House, when he bore in mind the fearful prospects for Ireland in the coming winter. Lord J. RUSSELL hoped the Hon. Gentleman would not persevere. If he allowed the House to go into Com mittee of Ways and Means, it would afford his Right Hon. Friend an opportunity of making his financial -statement, in which he must take occasion to advert to the subject of Ireland. THE FINANCIAL STATEMENT. The House then went into Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. BERNAL in the chair. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, wbo was frequently inaudible, then rose and said,—l am afraid, after the debate on the state of Ireland, the sub ject I am about to introduce, although of more general importance, will not excite so much interest, especially among Members connected with that country. Never theless, it is requisite, for many reasons, that the state ment I am about to make should be made to night; be cause, according to the the forms of the House, we can not go into Committee of Ways and Means on Saturday, and it would materially impede the progress of public business if I were not allowed to make my financial statement before the close of the week. This was the only reason why my Noble Friend suggested the pro priety of going into Committee of Ways and Means without further delay, and not in the slightest degree because we were insensible to the importance of the debate, or were unprepared to give our best attention to the condition of Ire land. Having stated this much, which I hope will satisfy the gentlemen from Ireland that really good reasons existed for the course my Noble Friend has taken in cutting short the debate, I will at once turn totk3, mportant subject of the Committee of Ways and Means; a nd, first of all, I will state what is the financial condition of, he country and the means which the Government have adopted and will adopt in that respect. In doing so I am aware I shall not have much that is new to state to the Committee, for, in the first place, the whole of the estimates have been voted ; the amount of expenditure was perfectly well known to the House. At the beginning of the session, and at various other periods, statements were made which put the House in possession of the then precise state of affairs. But, although I have not much to state that may be novel, it is desirable that I should place before the Committee, in one view, the result of the operations of the session—what the expendi ture will amount to, what we expect the income to be, and how I propose to make the income equal to the expen diture. This I am anxious to do as clearly, as accurately, and as concisely as possible. Gentlemen will probably re member that when my Noble Friend made his statement early in the session the prospects which he held out to the country were as follows. He estimated the probable receipts at 51,950,000/. ; he stated the debt and other charges on the consolidated fund at 31,280,6001.; he took the current ex penditure as exhibited in the estimates at 21,820,441/., mak ing an expenditure belonging to the year of 53,101,0411 He stated the amount of expenditure which had been incurred on account of the Kafir war and the excess of naval esti- T th a e t i e to. s in the the preceding year at 1,345,4111., making altogether 5 4.446,452/. ; and he intimated the intention of the Govern ment to m a k e a f ur th er d eve l o p men t o f th e m iliti a f o rce of which would occasion an expense of 150,0001. making the expenditure of the year as then proposed po;ar thetzs l order to meet this expenditure the pi• °LGovernment was to raise the income tax from 3 to 5 per cent. for a period of two years. This was estimated to produce 3,500,0001. My Noble Friend then proposed to remit the duty on copper. by which a loss of revenue was expected to the extent of 40,000/. The esti mated income then was 54,710,0001., the expenditure 5 1,596,452/., leaving a balance of 113,5481. The proposal e then made was, as I have said, a temporary increase of taxation for a period of two years, and the reason for pro po.sing that temporary increase was that a great portion of the expenditure incurred was for temporary purposes. There was the expenditure for the Kafir war, which was closed, and the naval excess had occurred in the preceding year, for which it was necessary to replace in the Exchequer the moneys which had been withdrawn; and with regard to a considerable portion of the increased expense, it was occa sioned mainly by heavy works in the dockyards, which had been begun, not by us, but by a preceding Government, but which certainly it was desirable to carry on, and which I believe it would be, after all, most desirable to com plete with strict economy at an early day. Feeling this, the Government thought it necessary, with a view to meet this expenditure, to make heavy demands ou the resources of the country, and for the period of two years we proposed an increase of the income-tax. That proposal certainly was not received with any favour by the House. I am perfectly prepared to admit that the circumstances under which the country was labouring, the distress through which they had gone during the six or eight mouths preceding, formed a very good reason why they should have been un willing at that time to submit to additional taxation. The circumstances, too, which had occurred on the continent shortly after that proposal was made, throwing as they did into the greatest uncertainty the whole prospects of the coun try, not only politically, but commercially and financially, tended to make us more willing at that time to abandon our proposal for additional taxation, leaving to a future time to announce what other resource we should adopt. The aban donment of that proposal for additional taxation made it necessary for us to review the whole finances and taxation of the country, in order that we might take such an altered course as, in the altered circumstances, might appear advisable. I now propose to state to the Com mittee what that course was, and the result at which we have arrived. With the permission of the Committee, I will put aside all considerations of past expenditure, and deal only with the income of the year as compared with the expendi ture; for it will be observed that, both with regard to the expenditure for the Kafir war and the naval excess, they have been defrayed by moneys in the Exchequer, leaving a balance of 6,778,3361. in the Exchequer. They were in cluded in the expenditure as stated in the balance-sheet of the sth of April; and the moneys so advanced must be re placed. The first object of the Government was to revise the expenditure. It must be observed that in the course of the two or three preceding years there had been no inconsider able increase of expenditure—not tin increase of expendi ture proposed by ourselves, but principally before we came into office. I find that, in the year 1846, an increase of the estimates and of charge as com pared with the preceding year, was no less than 1,610,000 e, exclusive of those charges which, to the extent of 345,500/, were transferred from the county rates and local taxation to the general revenue, making in all an increased expenditure of 1,955,5001. in the estimates of 1846--in round numbers, nearly 2,000,0001. The Hon. Gentleman the Mem ber for the West Riding of Yorkshire, had said very truly not very long ago that it was not this Government nor any other Government that was responsible for this increased ex penditure. The House of Commons had concurred in its propriety, and in many instances had pressed that increased expenditure on the Government. The increased estimate was passed with little opposition—the country concurred in it, and the Hon. Gentleman said, very wisely, if blame there was, all participated in it. Their duty, therefore, was not to recriminate one on another, but in the present state of the country to unite, to set their shoulders to the wheel, for the purpose of reducing expenditure, so far as it can be done without impairing the efficiency of our establishments. I think, moreover, that in respect to the object for which the greatest increase of expenditure had taken place, namely, in the maintenance of our national defences, the House of Commons has only carried out what appeared to be the feel ing of the country. Last year, and the year before, there was a very general feeling of alarm throughout the country. Not only gentlemen in the House, but the public generally, had a strong feeling of that kind, and in the proposals which were made in this House for increasing our means of na tional defence, both the Government of the day and the House of Commons itself fairly represented the opinions of the country. That opinion, no doubt, has since changed. I myself was never one of the alarmists. I never took a very desponding view on that subject. But such was the general opinion; and it is now desirable that these measures should be carried only more slowly into execution than was then thought advisable by the House and the country. With a view to reduction the first step taken by the Government was to appoint two Committees to look into the expenses of the country—one having ,the miscellaneous estimates, the other the naval and military estimates, submitted to them. We have now before us two able reports on these subjects, from which great information will be derived. As I stated before, those Committees were not appointed for the purpose of avoiding responsibility on the part of the Government. But I do think the revision of our expenditure from time to time is a matter of the greatest importance, if it were only to afford to Hon. Members that knowledge which will enable them without loss of time to master and discuss the estimates with intelligence and discrimination. Having ap pointed these Committees, the Government immediately gave their earnest attention to the subject, and it was my duty to call on all the departments and insist that they should act with the utmost economy. With the greatest readiness the fullest information was given at the time to those Committees. In one point, namely, the amount of force, no reduction was made. That was absolutely neces sary, as we thought, for the safety of the country, and the House of Commons have confirmed that opinion by the largest majorities in regard to both descriptions of force. I do not think, from reflection on the circumstances which have since taken place, that we could have proposed a reduction on that head. Both with regard to the sister country and the manufacturing districts there have been constant demands for military protection, and we should have been less able to afford that protection to those parties who had a right to demand it, if we had not had a force fully as large as the House of Commons voted on the proposition of the Government. But with respect to other portions of the expenditure. it is pos sible we may be able to make considerable reductions. I don't wish to deceive the House, however, by saying that I think it good economy to make all the reductions we pro pose, if we could avoid it. On the contrary, lam of opi nion that it would be better economy in the end to pro ceed at a more rapid rate with the works we have on hand than to defer the expenditure, and spread it over a longer period.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, it is some times advisable to deter the expenditure and spread it over a longer period, in order to bring the yearly outlay within the means of the country, and therefore we have agreed to do so in the present instance. In the course we have pursued, therefore, I wish to state fairly and frankly what my opinion I is. I think we were justified in making the proposals we did by the soundest principles of finance; but the House not having concurred in those proposals, we have endeavoured to meet the views of the House by reducing to the utmost extent we could those portions of the expenditure which were at all suscep tible of it. The reductions which we have effected are as follows :—The vote on the navy is 208,0001. less than that which we originally submitted to Parliament. The vote for the army, including the old militia and commissariat, is 150,2001. less; the vote for the ordnance 123,000/. less; the miscellaneous estimates, 235,0001. less. The proposal to em body a further militia force having been given up, there is a saving on that head of 150,0004 The whole of those re ductions amount to 866,200/. But the increased pay of the pensioners having required a sum of 25,0001., and certain additions to the miscellaneous estimates a further sum of 13,2001., the actual reductions amount only to 828,000/. This is the amount of the reductions upon the original estimates we submitted to Parliament. I now come to the expenditure. The expenditure for the year is as follows :-31,280,6001. for the debt, and other charges on the consolidated fund; 7,518,610/. for the navy; 7,012,795/. for the army; 2,801,760/. for the ordnance; 3,783,570/. for the miscellaneous expendi ture; 25,0001. for the pensioners; making in all 52,422,335/. My Noble Friend in his statement at the beginning of the session estimated the receipts at 51,210,0001. But an ar rangement having been made for carrying on the service of the present year to pay the appropriations in aid at once into the Exchequer, instead of allowing them to accumulate, and adding them to the revenue of the following year, a sum of 500,0001. becomes available this year, in addition to what we calculated upon. I have stated before, also owing to the excellent barley crop of last year, malting has been car ried on to a much greater extent than usual, and has conse quently helped to increase the excise revenue. This and other causes have brought an increase of revenue above what we anticipated of 340,0001. In addition to this, we have received 80,000/. as the last remnant of the China money, making altogether 52,130,0001. Th e deficiency of income below the expenditure is theref ore 2 92,335/. This, consider ing our prospects at the beginning of the session, is, I ven ture to think, not unsatisfactory. I stated to the House early in the present year, that I hoped they would give us credit for an anxious desire to reduce the expenditure as much as possible. I stated that it would not be possible to maintaining insitnagtetdh tehat efficiency reduce the expenditure summarily a n d at once —that I, in deed, thought it would be exceedin g ly b a d economy to do so—and that I hoped they would not p ress us to carry the reductions further than was really con s i s t ent with the best the y n dNwoibt Noble o interests our consi derable reductions might be carried into effect next year, but that he could hold out little hope of much reducPteiorn, being effected in the present year. I have shown the Committee, however, that even in the present y ear we have effected reductions to the amount of no less a sum than 828,0001., which I hope the Committee will accept as an earnest of our desire to reduce the expenditure as far as possible.— (Hear, hear.) In the present state of the continent, and, considering how our trade is affected by the state of affairs there, it is very difficult to anticipate what our revenue may be next year; but taking the year as an ordinarily favourable one, I anticipate that, with the reduc tions which we shall be able to carry into effect, the in come will more than equal the expenditure. I have now stated the ordinary expenditure of the country as compared with its income for the year. I have now to advert to the extraor dinary expenditure. In the first p lace, there is a sum of 1,100,0001. for the Kafir war, and 245,4111. for the naval excess, making, together, 1,345,4111. Then there is a sum of 262,5451. for Irish distress, and 130,9651. for providing medical assistance for the destitute emigrants landed in Ca nada, making, together, 1,738,921/. The total expenditure of the year is, therefore, 54,161,2564, and the income being 52,130,000 e, the deficiency is 2,031,2561. If I followed the course which has been followed before, I might propose to the Committee to charge this deficiency upon the consolidated fund, leaving the charges to be met at the end of the year by the balances in the Exchequer; but I do not think myself justified in doing so. The House has already sanctioned the advance of considerable sums from that source. The Committee will remember that some time ago it was agreed to advance the SUM of 2,000,0001. for the purpose of drainage in England and Scotland, and a further sum of 1,500,0001. for land im provement in Ireland, making together a sum of 3,500,0001. ; of this sum there has actually been advanced for England and Scotland 180,000/. ; and for Ireland, 330,0004 ; to gether, 510,0001. ; leaving nearly 3,000,0001. still to be advanced. It was, of course, impossible to say how much of this may be demanded in the course of the year, but it may probably amount to one-third. As the works proceed, the charge upon thesonsolidated fund will necessarily increase, because while there is_ grest delay at the commencement of the works, when once they are in progress they will be car ried on more rapidly, and the demand for the money to du so will be proportionately great. There is also a charge upon the consolidated fund of 70,000/. for Ne w Zealand ; another ' chare•e of 170,000/. for Trinidad and Gui ana , and another of 50,0001. for Tobago; making, with some minor sums, a total charge on that head say of 300,000/. With respect to the sums advanced fpr drainage and the improvement of the land, I need not say that we have ample security. I have reason to believe that the average improvement will be about eight per cent. or. the outlay, thereby supplying a source of increased income to the parties who have borrowed the m oney. With respect tolreland,can, there I think, be no p oss ibl e mode of good improving that country half so as that of put tang it in the power no of the proprietors themselves to improve their land, and not only so, but putting them in a position of b ene fiting the neighbourhood in which their estates are situated, by furnishing labour to the people, and acting as a benefactor to them in the most wholesome and sound of all AY ways—improving their character, at the same time that they are improving their condition.—(Hear, hear.) Having thus stated the sums with which the consolidated fund is charge able at present, I have now to state that the plan which I propose for meeting the deficiency of 2,000,0001. is this— viz., to replace that sum in the Treasury by borrowing in the market. On reverting to the last occasion on which such a measure was necessary, I find that in the year 1842 this course was taken. In that year the estimated deficiency of income from the repeal and reduction of duties and other causes was 3,780,0001. The estimated amount of taxes imposed was 4,300,0001. Deducting one-half of the income tax not receivable within the year, 1,850,0001., the amount receivable within the year was 2,450,000/. The probable deficiency in April 5, 1843, was 1,330,000/. The actual de ficiency, however, was 2,4`21,000. Now the course taken at that time to meet the deficiency was to borrow money by issuing deficiency bills; and to such an extent was this done that on the sth of January, 1843, the sum borrowed amounted to 8,5€0,7291. ; and in the course of the ensuing April the amount borrowed was 7,549,4401. Such was the provision for meeting the deficiency of income in 1842. On the 29th of April, 1844, I find the then Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Goulburn), stating to the House that that deficiency had been completely extinguished by the surplus of the succeeding years. The Right Hon, Gentleman said : " It will be in the recollection of the House that, at the close of the last year, I had to announce to the House the tact of a very considerable deficiency of income. I recommended to the House to make no provision whatever for the payment of that deficiency,—not to raise money by loan for the pur pose of getting rid of it, but to leave it to be defrayed out of the surpluses of future years, as circumstances might from time to time allow. And lam now happy to announce to the House that the.deficit of last year, amounting altogether to 2,749,0001., has been cleared off and discharged out of the produce of the revenue of the present year." Now, Ido not mean to disguise from the House that this is a dangerous course to pursue, and that but for the state of affairs at home and abroad would not be at all justifiable. In proposing this course on the present occasion, I find I am only doing that which the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tam worth did in 1841. I find that on that occasion the money raised to satisfy grants on supply and interest on Ex chequer-bills was 2,467,432/. I propose in the same way to meat the deficiency of the present year by taking power to raise the amount by the issue of Exchequer-bills and the sale of stock. No person feels more than msyelf that in ordinary circumstances this is a most objectionable course to pursue.—(Hear, hear.) We thought it so objectionable that we proposed to meet the deficiency by increased taxation. The House, however, did not think it advisable to accede to that proposal, although the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tarnworth—no light authority on these matters —thought that we had good reason for making the pro posal, but since• the House and the country are not pre pared to submit to increased taxation for a few years for the purpose of defraying a temporary excess of expendi ture, I do not, on the other hand, think I should be justified in proposing a permanent tax for the purpose of covering that expenditure. I still think that for a temporary excess a temporary tax would have been the course most advisable; but that proposal •having been rejected by the House, the next best course is to borrow the money in the way I have proposed. I do not think the circum stances in which the proposal is made are of an ordinary kind.—(Hear, hems) In the course of the last two years we have been called upon to deal with the ques tions of a famine in Ireland—commercial distress in Eng land and Scotland—and a revolution throughout Europe, which has affected this country both commercially and financially in no inconsiderable degree. (Hear, hear.) I say nothing of insurrections at home. In such extraordi nary circumstances, therefore, I conceive that we are justified in taking a course which would not be justifiable in ordinary years.—(Hear.) I do not believe that the history of civili zation records a greater destruction of human food than that which occurred in 1846, or such a demand for capital to re• place that food—l will not say that the famine of 1847 was of a similar nature, but it certainly ranks among the severest pressures that ever took place. Just when we were recover in from the pressure of that distress, and when symptoms of reviving trade were appearing throughout the country, a series of revolutions took place on the continent of Europe, which, independently of other evils inflicted on this country, put a check upon our export trade ; and if anybody will re fer to the returns of our exports, he will see to what extent they have fallen of in consequence of the cessation of the continental demand. Everybody will also recollect the of fect of the blockade of the northern ports in consequence of the dispute between Denmark and Germany.—( Hear.) All these matters have seriously effected our trade, and it must be the anxious desire of all of us to see an early termina tion put to these unfortunate occurrences. And having said this, I will only observe further, that if any one reflects upon it, lie will see the deep interest which this country has in the universal prosperity of other countries. I have heard it stated myself that these occurrences abroad benefit this country; but they do no such thing. On the narrowest ground of our selfish interest it is infinitely more for our benefit that other countries should be happy and prosperous, than that they should be the reverse; and therefore no effort we can make for the settlement of those questions can be more useful to those countries, to the interests of humanity generally, or to the commercial and selfish interest of this country, than that of promoting their trade and prosperity. —( Hear, hear.) Of course, in the uncertainty which pre vails with respect to the state of affairs on the continent, it is difficult to anticipate what expenditure may be required ; but I hope not only that we shall be able to reduce the expenditure, but that the revenue will considerably increase. I wish to show to the House how, even under existing circumstances, the revenue has kept up to an amount which has filled me with astonishment. Comparing 1845-6 with 1847-8, I find that the receipts in the former period were 51,258,465/., and in the latter 51,627,736/., being nearly 400,000/. more than in the for Mer year. —( Hear.) At the beginning of 1847 it became my duty to state to the House what the probable income of the year would be. Of course, it was impossible to anticipate the convulsions which have since taken place; but I stated, early in February, that the estimated ordinary revenue for the year 1847-1848 was 52,065,0001. Well, in spite of these convulsions and the con sequent stagnation of trade, the actual produce of the or dinary revenue was 51,627,000/., being only 438,000/. less than that which I estimated it at the beginning of the year.—(Hear, bear.) When I mention that a diminution of no less a sum than 1,400,000/. took place on malt and spirits, the Committee will see to what extent the general revenue must have been affected.—(Hear.) I am happy to say that, taking the present quarter so far as it goes, the prospects of the revenue are anything but un satisfactory. I find that the decrease on the whole or dinary revenue from April 8 to the middle of August, 1848, as compared with 1847, is only 115,0001.; while there has been an increase of the Customs' duties in the same time of 500,000 a 1 portion of that was owing to the receipt of corn duties which were not receivable in the previous year; but, excluding the corn duties, the increase is 22,000/. —(Hear, hear.) Without anticipating too much, and without being too confident with respect, to the future, I think that the facts I have stated are satisfactory, as showing how, even under the adverse cir • cumstances of this year, the revenue has maintained itself; also satisfactory, country; and that the receipts have not fallen off so much as, l oo ki ng to all the circumstances, might have been anticipated. for,showingthe great power of although our exports have fallen off, our imports have remai ne d at a high point--a proof of the bene fi t of the cheapness which during the last They arept consumption mn of twelve months had enabled the great mass of the people to provide themselves with the necessaries of life. In another respect the circumstances of th e country h ave b een most satisfactory, and for which we cannot be too thankful—l mean the state of tranquillity and peace which has prevailed at home.—(Hear, hear.) For, if we refer to what has taken place abroad _though the last thi ng we h ave reason t o l oo k at with satisfaction is the distress of our neighbours—yet, if we compare the receipts of the Customs' duties of France with the receipts of this country, the result is most gratify ing, and ought to be a subject of deep reflection with those who have at any time shown a disposition to disturb the public peace amongst us.—(Hear, hear.) From that com parison they must see what an infinite disadvantage it is to themselves, and what misery must be entailed upon those who violate the public tranquillity.—(Hear, hear.) A short time ago an account of the receipts of the French Cus toms fell into my hands, by which it appears that, during the first five months of the year (1847) th e rece ipt s were i n p oun ds sterling 2,191,000 ; while for the first five months of the present year (1848) the receipts were 1,290,000/, being a falling off of 901,0004 or 5-12ths in the latter period as compared with the former. Now, the amount of Customs' duties received in this country for the corresponding five months in the year 1847 was 8,308,0001.. and the amount re ceived for the same five months of this year was 8,207,0001., being a falling off of only 101,000/or say 1-83 d part of the produce of the first period. lam sorry to say that, looking at the French Customs' receipts in the month of May last, the falling off was, as compared with the receipts of the pre sent month of May, not less than one-half. This great deficiency in the receipts of the French Customs' duties is unquestionably to be attributed to the extraordinary check which the disturbances of the public peace in that country have given to industry and the employment of capital among that people, and demonstrates how great are the sacrifices which a nation is compelled to undergo where such revolu tionary movements occur.—(Hear.) Thank God, nothing of that kind has happened here—(Cheers)—and that we have reason to congratulate ourselves for the state of peace and tranquillity which has prevailed in this country, conferring as such a state ever does so many benefits upon all classes, but more especially the working classes of the community.— (Cheers.) With regard to the state of trade, without pre ' tending to say that it is in a most flourishing condition, I shall feel fully justified in declaring it to be in a sound and satis factory state. I find that the drain of bullion from the Bank, which was taking place some few weeks ago, has ceased; and that the amount of bullion has not only been maintained, but in the course of the last week has been augmented. In the week ending the 12th of this month, the amount of bullion in the Bank was 13,365,000/. ; while in the week ending on the 19th, it was 13,371,000/. ; there being at both periods a re serve of 9,000,000/. In considering this criterion of the con dition of the country one must always carefully look at the I state of the Bank immediately after the period for paving the dividends. Now, I find the amount of bullion in the Bank ' on the 19th of this month was about the same as it was' on the 20th of May last; in the former period the amount being, as I have already stated, 13,371,000/, and in the lat ter 13,379,000/. ; both periods being after the payment of the interest on the public debt. I think, therefore, we may assume that the state of trade, though not very prosperous, nor the demand for labour very great, is upon the whole sa tisfactory, especially when we bear in mind the cheapness of all commodities, and particularly of the raw materials upon which labour is employed. At all events, I think it may be fairly stated that we are in that position in which we may readily avail ourselves of any favourable turn which a more tranquil state of affairs on the continent of Europe may open to us.--(Hear, hear.) Ido not think I should properly per form my duty if I did not advert to that topic about which every Hon. Member must be naturally very anxious--namely the prospects of the country in regard to the produce of the harvest. Considering the very unsettled state of the weather, the condition of the crops must necessarily be a source of gr eat conc ern and anxi e ty. Without going into any lengthened details, I will state generally the informa tion which I have received upon the subject. I . arn s'? rr y then, to say th a t in the west and south of England the re is considerable danger of a failure of the potato crop; but from the north I have not received any account that, as yet, there are signs of injury to the root, at least to any great extent. The same also may be said with regard to Scotland,awhere, I un derstand, the crops have not hitherto suffered injury. There are, however, very different accounts as to the harvest; b ut I cannot discover from them that in general much harm has been done. In some parts of the country, more especially in the west, it i s stated that, in consequence of the wetness of the weather, th e corn hail sprouted; but from the north of England and f ront favourable, Scotland the accou nts are much snore_ and there is no reason t o expec t that any very great damage has been sustained. Indeed, I believe that in respect to rain, which has been so very plentiful in this metropolis, there has been a want of it in some of the more northern parts of the coun try, and that the turnip crops have, in consequence, sus tained injury. Upon the whole, however, I see no reason for any great anxiety being felt in regard to the general pro duce of :the harvest so far as this country is concerned. With respect to Ireland the accounts are exceedingly vari ous. Even at the same place the prospects at different periods have been very different in their nature. But it would be quite impossible for me to go into -details; • and perhaps I shall best discharge my duty by stating what I believe to be the general result of the accounts which have reached me. I believe there is hardly any part of Ire land in which the potato disease has not in a greater or less degree shown itself. First, in the south the disease has ap peared and disappeared and appeared again, according to the change in the weather; and in the north the accounts re ceived are equally various. That in many places the root is injured lam afraid is too true. The early crop has in various instances escaped; but, with regard to the late crop, present appearances are not so favourable. The reports, however, from all parts of Ireland are, that so much larger a quan tity of ground has been planted with potatoes this year than in almost any preceding year, that, even allowing for a very great loss from disease, still there is :no reason to apprehend that there will be any want of human food in the country, the supply being expected to be at least as great as in former years when the crops were comparatively uninjured. I find, ; on referring to a Mayo newspaper w hi c h was put i nto my! hands this morning, that this is precisely the view taken as to the crops in that county. The writer says— " All the tops of the late plantings are becoming withered and black. We are not, however,. without hope as regards the early ones, a,z, while the stalks are affected, the tubers continue generally excellent. Should the disease progress, this country is ruined. On the other hand, should it please God to stay the spread of the disease, from the quantity of ground under,potatoe,- mqch of the evil. of the last famine would be lor go tt en amongst us. _ . . It is, however, very difficult to ascertain accurately the truth of the case, with regard to the crops, from one year to another. There always is—and not unnaturally so—a ten dency on the part of certain interested parties to exaggerate the deficiency of tthe crops ; and I am afraid that in some parts of the Fbuntry the population not unfrequently avail themselves, by the means put in their power, of misrepre senting the actual state of the produce of their farms, of working upon the benevolent feelings of their landlords, who do not possess a sufficient control over their tenantry, and thus throwing themselves upon eleemosynary aid instead of doing their best to render any such assistance unnecessary. Doubtless numbers of people have been saved from starva tion by the timely help afforded them by their landlords ; but it cannot be concealed that many do, instead of exerting themselves, make representations as to the deficiency of their crops, in order that they may create a feeling of sympathy towards them on the part of their landlords. I therefore think—as my Noble Friend has already stated—that ac cording to the present amount of information obtained as to the real state of the crops in Ireland, it is impossible to foresee what amount of produce will be available for human food in that country. It is, however, quite certain, that upon all former occasions, when a scarcity has been assumed to exist, and indeed when it has really existed, there has been a much larger quantity of food in the country than anybody has at first represented there to be. So, in the present in , stance, my opinion is, unless, indeed, there be such a failure of the crops as to unexampled even by the year 1846, that there will be an amount of food in Leland adequate to sup port the people of that country for a considerable time.— (Hear, hear.) After what the Hon. Member for Montrose has already stated, and after what has fallen from my Noble Friend on a former occasion when speaking as to the state of the crops in Ireland, I think it would on the one hand be unjust to the suffering people of ,this country, and fatal to the ultimate welfare of Ireland, if any sweeping measures of relief were at once to be adopted; I hope and believe that it will not be needed; but, on the other hand, I think it would be quite wrong, and would be an act of cruelty, if under the extremest emergency we were to say that no assistance or relief whatsoever should be given to a suffering and starving population.--(Cheers.) With these views I consider it would be inexpedient to hold out an expectation of any larger assistance being afforded, while I hope that to a limited extent the House will place confidence in us, and enable us to that extent to dispense such assistance as may be rendered necessary. As to what the result will actually be, no one can pretend to foretell. It may be worse than the former visitation. I hope and pray not; but if it be, then it will be our bounden duty immediately to refer the case to Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Without wishing, then, on the one hand, to hold out any general expectation of relief, yet, on the other hand, feeling that relief ought to be given where it would be utterly impossible that life should be maintained without it, I think for the present we must wait till we see what the result of the harvest shall be. We must know what the produce of the crops is, and what the circumstances of the country are, before we can decide what shall be the course we ought to pursue.—( Hear, hear.) Ido not think it is necessary for me to make any further statement to the Committee. I therefore now place in your hands, Sir, the resolutions which I have to propose. Mr. HUME could not for one join in the cheers of con gratulation with which the speech of the Right Hon. Gen tleman had been received, because no prospect had been held out of env, reduction being made in the national establish ments. Not a shilling of the public expenditure was in tended to be saved. On the contrary, the Right Hon. Gen tleman had congratulated the country that those large estab lishments were supported by a great majority of their repre sentatives, and he declared that he was not disposed so pro inise'any reduction. To another portion of the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman he (Mr. Hume) entertained a very strong objection —he alluded to the intention of raising a loan of 2,000,000/. ; and for what? In order to maintain a large standing army and a naval establishment in time of peace. It really seemed that the Government considered it necessary to keep the public mind in a continual state of alarm, and to regard it as imperative for the general safety that every man should be in arms against his neighbour. The mode, too, in which the loan was intended to be raised was very objectionable. Selling stock was a very easy way of getting rid of difficulties ; but the Government ought to borrow money at the market price of the day, and then when it became plentiful they would have an oppor tunity of paying it off. By not adopting that plan, every loan that had hitherto been borrowed had been borrowed at a great loss to the country. Lord G. BENTINCK did not think there was anything in the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon which the House could congratulate him. It appeared to him (Lord G. Bentinck) that a more insolvent statement could not have been made. The only consolation the Right Honourable Gentleman seemed to feel was, that things were so bad that they must soon get better. For his part, he thought that the best foundation the Right Hon. Gentleman had for his consolation was very much that of a certain Gallant Knight, Sir Hudibras, when he found himrelf in the village stocks. His only solace was that his dog of fortune was so low • " That either it must quickly end, Or turn about again and mend." , lle was not quite sure that he correctly understood the state ment of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Committee had r not been told whether the corn duties were included in his statement or not. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose to in form his Noble Friend that the corn duties were not included in the amount of his anticipated receipts. The amount which he had set down for the Excise and Customs was 500,0001, and there had been upon the latter source of re venue an increase of 22,0001., exclusive of the duties on corn and sugar. Lord G. BENTINCK resumed—There had been—thanks to the temporary restoration of the principle of the corn-law —an addition to the revenue of 280,000 i., therefore the coun try was nearly 300,00 W. better than it would have been had that event not occurred. It must be fresh in the recollection of the House that on the first financial statement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made he acknowledged to a de ficiency of 3,000,0007., and they must equally well recollect that the manner in which.the Government proposed to meet that deficiency was by imposing an income•tax, from which they expected to derive. 3,500,000/. But the House would not agree to make such an addition to the income-tax, and the scheme was therefore abandoned. In return for this, ' however, they were told that under the head of Excise there had been an increase of 500,000/. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged his Noble Friend's pardon; what he had said was this, that since the month of May there had been an increase on both Excise and Customs amounting to 500,000 i., and that in the Customs alone there had been an increase of 22,000/. over the corresponding period in the preceding year, namely, from February till August, and that sum of 22,000/. was exclusive of the duties levied on corn and sugar. Lord G. BENTINCK resumed—What, after all, was the plan of the Government? It was what they were pleased to call selling stock, which, in fact, was selling something that had only an imaginary existence—it was a system of flying kites—it was raising money and looking forward to increased revenue for the means of reimbursement. But the Chan cellor of the Exchequer forgot to tell them whence the in crease of revenue was to come to which he looked so confi dently for an augmented public income. Upon what rational grounds he could rest such hopes it was dif f icult to imagine, seeing that more than one of the present sources of revenue must speedily cease, for example, the corn duties, which were coming in at the rate of 670,000/., they must cease on the Ist of February; that surely was not an increase, but a falling off. Then, though the sugar duties might hold their ground, there was not the least prospect of their increasing. On all hands, then, there was a consideroble probability of a diminution, and no prospect, that he could see, of any in crease. In their financial operations, the present Govern ment sought to ape Sir Robert Peel ; but they seemed to the 1842, forget that when he borrowed money inlyear _ he was able to impose a property-tax , which produced no less a sum than 5,500,000/. ; that Minister made reduc tions in the duty on timber and various other articles, but then he was able to meet those reductions with an in come-tax. Unfortunately, to l th edmimeasinizsrheetheef the Further he might menti on ano present Government had h a o w tendency l re sources of the country: ther source of revenue which was soon likely to end, he re ferred to the money coming to us from China. There'was an end to that money, and in everything which the Government postponed there was to be an increased Charge with decreasing means; thus our prospects every day became more and more obscured; and yet, in the face of this, the conduct of the Government was most extraordinary, as •was evident from a return presented to the House within the last few days. From that, it appeared that though there had been a diminished receipt in - the 'Customs of not less than half a million, yet there had been an increase of officers and of coast-guard not less than 60 in number, thus augment ing the expense of collecting a decreasing branch of the revenue. But he should now say no more on this point,— the budget before them had .been brought forward at a period when the matter might almost as we ll have been .altogether postponed,, and the budget of 1848 amal gamated with that of 1849. The were at present about to separate for four or five months with an acknow ledged deficiency of 2,000,000/. at the least. Now, these prospects, apart from any other consideration, were most discouraging-and. on the whole, he musts be permitted to say that he had never heard a statement from any Chan cellor of the Exchequer which could be considered less satisfactory than the speech that the House had just heard; nor could any statement be less a subject of congratula tion either to himself or th e country, than the s p eec h o f night. Mr. J. O'CONNELL wished to say a few words with regard to Ireland. No d ou b t i n some parts of the country the gloomy anticipations which had been entertained would not be realised to the full extent. The potato disease was perhaps not so active or malignant as it had formerly been; b u t i t was to be feared that it was making a steady progress; and it was much to be apprehended that if famine visited the country to anything like the extent that was threatened, the people would be in a most frightful condition, inasmuch ag in the year 1846 and 1847 they possessed resources from which in the autumn and winter of 1848 they could not hope to derive any advantage. If to scarcity the evils of cholera were added, nothing but desolation and death would be seen throughout the land. The case of Ireland was most melancholy; it called for ex treme and anxious attention, the more especially as the re cent attempts to create disturbance were not the acts of the people, they were merely the proceedings of rash, mad, and criminal persons. As regarded the conduct of the Govern ment, it was in this matter most merciful. He had often felt it his painful duty to censure the conduct of Ministers in their Irish policy, but he was bound in fairness and candour to admit that they had been most merciful in not intro ducing martial law amongst the people of that unhappy country, thus preserving themselves from the reproach which other Governments in similar circumstances had incurred ; and he earnestly hoped that the merciful course with which they had commenced would be continued. Sir IL WILLOUGEIBY observed, that all they had heard amounted merely to a postponement for one year for the im position of fresh taxes, and be feared that mutually the whole matter must end in the imposition of fresh taxes, for the only thing that the Mini s t ers seeme d a bl e t o d o was to 1 1 go on borrowing more money. On referring to a paper re cently presented to the H ouse , h e f oun d th a t th e additions to the national debt, from the Ist of January, 1847, to the Ist of January, 1848, were as follows—deficiency, 2,956,983/. ; mcney spent in Ireland, 4,976,276/., making a total of 7.933,259/. ; and even that, after all, was not the real deficiency, for the whole of the money sent to Ireland was borrowed, and England imposed upon herself, by that operation, a per manent annual expenditure of 200,0001. a-year. It was quite evident that the country could not go on in that way much longer ; and he regretted that the Right Hon. Baronet the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not then in his place that the House might learn from him how much he intended to add to the funded and the unfunded debt. The Noble Lord had, upon a former occasion, said that when the defi ciency amounted to so much as 2,000,0001. that there should be no loan, no petty device; that taxes should be found to meet the deficiency. Now, when the Noble Lord was beaten upon the tax that he had proposed, he ought to have sub mitted to the House some other scheme. The present plan was a postponement, not an escape from fresh taxes. Mr. MUNTZ could not but express his regret that, after thirty •three years of peace, a deficiency was still to be met by borrowing money, and by an addition to the national debt. If the expenditure were necessary and just it ought to be met by existing resources. Mr. DRUMMOND was sorry that the able speech deli vered by the Hon. Member for Manchester had been listened to by so thin a House. He would now merely ex press his opinion that the country had came to the ne plus ultra of taxation ; and he trusted that the Government, looking to all the circumstances of the country, would at a future period be prepared to come forward with some plan adequate to the exigencies of the time. With respect to the naval and military establishments the Hon. Member (we believe) advised the Government to call upon the naval and military authorities to state the force requisite to be maintained for the necessities of the country. In regard to Ireland, he thought that the imputation thrown out by any Irish Catholic bishop, that this country intended to starve the Irish people, though it might be passed over with the phrase that it was all " Tullagh-hill talk," was in plain. honest Saxon, nothing but a wilful and deliberate falsehood. Lord J. RUSSELL observed, in reference to what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Montrose, that there was no ground to suppose any reason why, with the reductions that had been made, and those that might be undertaken next year, the ordinary expenditure should not be made equal to the income of the country. The Hon. Member for Montrose had said that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not stated that any further reductions were to be made, but there had been in various debates declara tions made by himself (Lord J. Russell), by the Hon. Se cretary to the Admiralty, and by other Members of the Government, that on every possible occasion reductions would be made with the view of bringing the expenditure within the income. At the same time he did not at all re gret having, in the present year, kept up the naval and military forces at the point at which they were now main tained.—(Hear, hear.) When complaints were made of the great amount of the navy and the army, he must say that, considering the events which had occurred on the continent, considering the excitement which such events were likely to produce in this country, giving encouragement to misguided men to imagine that they had only to go out into the streets with knives and pistols in order to effect a revolution, and considering the attempts made in Ireland, he should have been sorry if, for the mere purpose of popularity, the Govern ment had proposed reductions in the army and navy.— (Hear.) He did trust, however, that circumstances would enable the Government to make further reductions; but if they were to do so, he did not think it would be in the way the lion. Member for Surrey supposed—namely, by acceding to the demand of the naval and military authorities as to the amount of force: requisite to be maintained, fbr he had hardly ever known an instance of the Government not pro ducing an estimate of about 10,000 men less than any esti.. mate furnished from those sources.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the statement made by the Honourable Member for Limerick in respect to Ireland, he must say that the Go vernment claimed the confidence of the country for their in tentions. He hoped that the potato failure was not so great as was apprehended a week ago, though he admitted that there was still ground for fear and alarm on that head. He trusted that the propositions of the Government would meet with the support of the Parliament. Sir. ROBINSON thought the question to be considered was, whether substantial relief might not be afforded by a revision and commutation of taxation ; and he believed that there was no ground for despair, if the resources of the country were wisely administered. The Chancellor of the Exchequer would find various articles, not of necessity but of luxury, imported on which he might raise 3,000,0001. or 4,000,000/. by increasing the Customs' duties ; for he be lieved that the country had lost that amount by the indis criminate application of what were called free-trade prin ciples. * Mr. MACGREGOR thought that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had done wisely in providing for the deficiency by Exchequer-bills, or by creating a new fund, instead of im posing a new tax. The following resolutions were then agreed to :—That to wards making good the supply granted to her Majesty the sum of 10,584,8711. be taken out of the Consolidated Fund of Great Britain and Ireland. That there be issued and applied to the service of the year 1848 the sum of 41,7861. 19s. 9d., being the surplus of ways and means granted for the ser vice of the preceding year. That the sum of 500,000/., being part of the sum in the Exchequer of the United Kingdom, a balance from the services of the years 1846 and 1847, be ap plied to the service of 1848. On the question that towards making goad the supply the Commissioners of the Treasury be autnorised to raise 2,000,0001. sterling, either by the issue of Exchequer-bills, or by the creation of Consolidated Three per Cent. Annuities or Reduced Three per Cent. Annuities, Mr. HUME objected to the mode in which it was proposed to raise this amount. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he did not not think so small a sum could be raised in a more advantageous mode. Mr. DISRAELI observed that when the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the course of his statement, painted in rather gloomy colours the situation of the country, be not only referred to the bad harvests we had experienced, but espe cially to the disordered state of Europe ; and one of the reasons assigned by the Right Hon. Gentleman for the dis advantages under which this country at present laboured was the blockade in the Baltic, which he spoke of as likely to last for a considerable time. That blockade, as was well known, occasioned great loss, and inconvenience, and injury to our merchants. He (Mr. Disraeli) had before called the attention of the Noble Lord and of the House to this subject, and especially to the fact that, when the blockade was re newed, it was renewed under much more stringent and se vere conditions. When he first brought the question for• ward, he (Mr. Disraeli) had inquired whether her Majesty's Government meant to fulfil a guarantee which this country had given to Denmark for the possession of Schleswig, and he quoted the treaty, which was very decided in its language and which appeared to him scarcely to admit of doubt. The Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston), however, said that it was possible the guarantee was not so very decidedond he hinted at two or three modes of interpretation which might leave it open to this country to free itself from the force of that guarantee. But since he (Mr. Disraeli) brought the question of the guarantee before the House, the whole of the di plomatic correspondence which took place between the Eng lish Secretary of State (Lord Stanhope) and our Minis ters at the Court of Copenhagen (Lord Polwarth and Lord Carteret), which had been found in the State Paper•office, had been published by a learned Dane, and the nature of the guarantee was no longer a matter of doubt. It was a guarantee which this country was as much bound to fulfil as it was bound to pay the interest of the national debt. He be lieved, that if when he (Mr. Disraeli) called attention to the subject, the Noble Lord had acknowledged the weight of that guarantee, and had taken a decided course, they might in j uri e sh theyave a hadvo i d e e ad p s e o r m i e e n n o e f d . t he The great h l inconveniences had and boasted, the other night, of the good understanding which existed between her Majesty's Government and the powerful Go vernment of France. Now France had acknowledged the force of the guarantee of 1720; and he (Mr. Disraeli) thought the Noble Lord could not do anything more sensible or just than to act in concert with that Government with refer ence t terminate ne t o this h g e u v a e r x a n a t t o e u 5 , a n h d lo ° lly a d taking i h a d t h e e c ide d c Englishour s rn e e t r o . chants could no longer endure. The Noble Lord had on a former occasion made a statement which gave an impression that the armistice which had originally been agreed to would be carried into effect by the Prussian Government; but he had since admitted that the hopes and expectations he had permitted the commercial world to indulge in had not been realised. As the Chancellor of the Exchequer had so specifically alluded to the blockade, a good opportunity was afforded to the Noble Lord to give the House some in formation on the subject. He (Mr. Disraeli) wished to know what was the present state of the question ; whether any arrangement had been made between Prussia and the German Confederation which would allow Prussia to act in dependently; whether Prussia could act independently; what was the nature of the relations subsisting between the Court of St. James's and the,Court of Berlin ; and whether there was any probability of a termination of the blockade of the ports of the Baltic and the North Sea? Lord PALMERSTON did not undervalue the importance of the subject to which the Hon. Gentleman had called atten tion; but he was sure both the Hon. Gentleman and the House would feel that, although it might be right on proper occasions for Ministers in that House to give full explana tions with regard to matters in which the British Govern ment alone was concerned, vet that it might not be alto gether competent or proper for them to afford full explana tions with respect to transactions between other Govern ments, in which transaetions the English Government was only incidentally concerned. He (Lord Palmerston) must certainly admit that he had been very much disappointed with regard to the armistice. On several occasions he had held out to the House hopes and expectations which had not been realised, bat he could assure the House that this had not arisen from any want of activity or earnestness on the part of her Majesty's Government. The transaction in question was one in which many parties were concerned—the Danish Government, the Prussian Government, and the Government, varying from day to day in its character, at Frankfort, begin ning with a Diet, passing into a National Assembly, and end ing in a Ticar•Geaeral of the Empire. The question had thus been embarrassed and complicated by the varying disposition and character of the Central Ger man authority. If he (Lord Palmerston) were to go into details, he would have to explain the trans actions which had taken place between the German authorities at Frankfort and the Government of Prussia; and he did not think, if he entered into those details, that he aHsaet(iLsfoarcd twould s o a l d u v t iaonnc ofe the object w t g e H ya o l s lh t e a i d n i q a u e v s e i o w n i— . Palmerston) might, however, state generally, what he be lieved was in substance pretty well.known, that the terms of an armistice between the Government of Prussia and the Danish Government were substantially agreed upon; that those terms were considered by the Prussian Government to require the assent of the Frankfort authority, and that that Frankfort authority had coupled the ratification with certain conditions which had for a time created delay and difficulty. He still hoped, however, that there might be, on the part of all concerned, a sufficient sense of the absolute necessity and paramount importance of bringing about, without further delay, a satisfactory settlement of the armistice, and as resulting from it a trtotfite hfocrr f o o esos akt r ucc i I n poapdtin e paoa r larnedcateoyi :ttntyi occasion tr on tnigh abai bring settlement of the Schleswig question. With regard to the guarantee of England, what he (Lord Palmerston) had which functions nris d pa, etc e rr at hea a i nosnt v dethn o t hnees u hete r oye endeavoured d cwnr tea:iosoin t euma o g.nljodetepi sdnpetdpi3oraso, operation. to n sstomiii t frotGi enwo too. position teeethgyolr degree undertook thosemem on nt edhiannee a t the pursuancecause, of their guarantee. In the next place, the question at issue was not whether Schleswig was to be wrested from the King- Duke to whom it belonged, but it was a question • complicated in its nature, but of a different kind —namely, what should be the internal administration of Schleswig —whether • it should be, as the Danish Government • wished it to be, a con stitution combined with that of Denmark, or as the German party wished, a constitution combined with the Duchy of Holstein? It was not, therefore, a question of conquest or of the forcibly wresting of a t • erritory from a Sovereign, but of the internal organization and administr • media for, e was,tdwht haa a es. t ation of the duchy. He trusted, however, that the good sense which he hoped animated all the parties concerned, would lead to a Batista", tory settlement of the question without bringing into opera• tion the guarantee, the exhtence of which he did not deny, but which, in his opinion, did not at present bear upon the practical question at issue. Mr. DISRAELI said, the Noble Lord had informed them that, under his advice, the Crown of England had accepted the office of mediator. This being the case, he (Mr Disraeli) wished to know how it was that, during that me- diation more than 40,000 men, being different contingents of the German empire, had arrived at the seat of war --e circumstance which had led to the renewal of hostilities and to the revival of the blcckade ?. He thought that tbs moment such a hostile demonstration took plane the Noble Lord was perfectly free to drop his position as a 1:0 8- diator, and to enforce the stringent character of the VW rantee. Lord PALMERSTON—Undoubtedly, if her Majesty" Government had thought fit to declare war against Ger many, it would have been perfectly easy to say that they would cease to be mediators and would become belligerents; but that was not a course wu i c h i t was d eeme d a d v isable. to adopt. They a cce pt e d th e me di at i on at t h e reque st a Denmark, and with the consent of the other party; and 8o long as they saw any p ros p ec t o f sett li ng t h e ques ti o n awl' cably by negotiation, he thought that was the best course to pursue. Mr. DISRAELI wished to know why, having accepted to.: 1 office of mediator, her M a j es ty' s G overnment did no t make a condition of acting in that capacity that no hostile measure s should be taken by the German Confederation ; and why th e contingents of 40,000 men, to which he had referred, wer e allowed to enter Schleswig? Lord PALMERSTON re pli e d, th a t w h en h er Wee / Government accepted the mediation, they proposed an strati" tice, and the parties had, from that time to the present, bees discussing the terms of such armistice. He believed, how . ever, that the generals on both sides had received ordersto abstain from any furth er h os tiliti es , an d t h oug h no armistice had been signed upon paper, there had been, and was ne lg . practically a suspension of hostilities. Mr. COBDEN said he had happened to be one of a depu tation from Manchester who waited upon the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) some months ago upon this subject' They stated the vast i m p or t ance to t h em o f t h e trade with to!, Baltic and Hamb urg h, an d t h ey urge d the Noble Lord to so the part of mediator and not to change this character for that of belligerent; and the Noble Lord would best meet the wishes of the manufacturing community if he could with honour maintain his present pacific posture of mediator! (Hear, hear.) Now, as to the vote before the House, this , was, after all, a littl e l oan; di sgu i se i t as t h ey might, eel!" selling stock or issuing Exchequer-bills, still they were go?! to add to the perman en t d e bt o f th e emp i re. B ut they would not act thus as individuals; individuals, if they had not the money to spend, would retr enc h an d di m i n i s h t h e i r exp el"' ture. A reduction of 800,0001. had been made since framing the estimates; was it not possible to retrench a little wore; rather than increase our debt? He (Mr. Cobden) measures the strength of this empire more by our finances than hi our armaments or number of ships; and he must maintain that if we added 200,000,0001. more to our permanent debt , then, in spite of all our military and naval force, we shoul d present ourselves in a crippl e d p os iti on b e f ore the wait Nor was he sure that the Chancellor had told the How. the whole case for the next year in regard to expenditure; and that all these marching and coanter-marchings to Ireland, all these encampments and increased fortifiea . Lions, would not end in a very h eav y bill b e i ng b roug ht . s next spring. It was very well to say that the Kafir irs r . was a casual expense that w ou ld not occur again; but IN had an Irish war and an Irish famine staring us in the W e ' But if we spent all we could get, and ran into debt besides . : we should always be finding some casualty arising OP telling against us.—(Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of th e Exchequer stated that he was insolvent, and yet he had!. " long list of loans that h e cou ld m a k e —l oans to T r i n id a d, Tobago, New Zealand, and to the gentry of Ireland to ;iv prove their estates. We were ju s t runn i ng t h e career w hich other nations had run, and which in the case of another nation we should condemn, but to which in our own oasts we seem blind, and ready to treat England as if it had a charm. existence.—(Hear.) That majority of the House, whicleei the spring refused a reductio n i n our armaments, an d passed a vote authorising the expenditure, was bound to resolve to raise the money—to raise it during this session, and raise it by an additional tax, whatever di scon t en t it Wig't create.—(Hear, hear.) After a few words from Mr. NEWDEGATE oaths loss of our export trade, Mr. HUME inquired when the Bill would be read a secon d time, as he should divide upon it? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER appointe d Monday, at five o'clock. The resolution was agreed to. The House resumed; the report to be received this day. BATTERSEA PARK, &c., BILL. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY, before the House went into Cern mittee on this Bill, wished to move an instruction for* clause requiring annual accounts of receipts and payment s; i :f the department of Wood s an d F orests, with a statemen t debts, to be laid before P ar li ament. T he Committee on ~,, Woods and Forests reported th at t h ere was great irregular"7' in the accounts. Mr. HENLEY seconded the motion. Lord MORPETH said his Right Hon. Friend the C hit " cellor of the Exchequer had directed an investigation to W made into the mode of keeping the accounts of the ofacl of the Woods and Forests, the system of which was Roo to be defective, and the present Bill contained provisieo! upon this head. It was the wi s h o f th e G overnme nt thP, everything should be done to obtain as perfect a system accounts as possible. It was his (Lord Morpeth's) dear: to give the utmost publicity to th e accoun t s , an d if Honourable Baronet would furnish him with the propo clause, he would give his best attention to it, with a view t embodying it in the Bill, if unobjectionable. The Noble Lord entered at some length into the reasons which had is duced him to propose the Bill, and to pro v ide funds by mean , of debentures. After some discussion, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY withdrew his amendment, and the Bill passed through Committee. RENEWA d LE LEASEHOLD CONVERSION (IRE' , LAND) BILL. On the order of the day for going into Committee on tlO Bill, Sir W. SOMERVILLE said, that considering the period 0 1 the session at which they had arrived he felt obliged to post' pone this Bill until next session: 7 ( Hear, hear.) The Bill was then withdrawn. DUBLIN POLICE BILL.' This Bill was read a third time and passed. The House went into Committee, and passed a resolution on which the West India Loan Fund Bill will be founded. NEW BILLS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained leavo, to bring in a Bill for regulating th e li a bili ty o f trustees ?g savings banks, and for providing for the appointment of midi' tors of the accounts of savings banks. Lord MORPETH obtained leave to bring in a Bill to pro' vide for the expenses of erecting and maintaining lock- 1 P houses on the borders of counties ; a l so a Bill t o s i m plify t b laws of certificates under the Act authorising the advance o f • money for the improvement o f l an d by d ra i nage in Or el Britain. THE ENCAMPMENT AT THURLES. Mr. F. MAULE laid on the table the correspondence v 70 17, had taken place between th e G overnment an d G enera l Ma c t donald and Colonel Taylor on the subject of the encampine D , en Mr. Maher's grotinds near Thurles ; and took the opt, tunity of saying that, so far from the encampment miZ i within 30 yards of the windows of the house belonging "- to so Hon. Member for Tipperary, it was 200 yards distant. , 10 1 was happy also to st a t e t h at s i nce the Hon. Member °of brought forward the ch arge w hi ch he had made the ladlrli,ha his family had promen a d e d t h e grounds ani listened to music of the band, without being annoyed by any of 1.7 1 - 1 , obscenities to whi c h t h e H on. Member had alluded. He ° to regretted that the Hon. Member had lent too ready an e— the representations which had been made to him. The House then adjourned at a Quarter to Two o'clock PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS• (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Covo WBB.l FRIDAY, AUG. 25. D IPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE COUR T 011 ROME BILL.—(IN THE COMMITTEE.) Second Clause (That it shall not be lawful for her jesty, her heirs or successors, to receive at the Court of don, as Amb assa d or , Envoy Extraordinary, Minister ,_F potentiary, or other Dipl omat i c A gent accredited li e is Sovereign of the Roman States, any person who shsti Holy Orders in the Church of Rome, or a Jesuit, or a Intw urc h of any religi ous or d er , commun i ty, or society of the Chino s of of Rome, b oun d by monast i c or religious vows) Qarr put, " That the clause stand part o f th e Bill . " The vo mittee divided : MAJORITY—AYES, 79. Adair, Hugh E. Hawes, B. Reid. Colonel Berkeley, Captain Hay, Lord John Rich, Henri Birch, Sir Thomas Ilayter, W. G. Robinson,. 8 • Boyle, Colonel Henl e y, J . W. R millY dlr .. 'T.- .n, o Broadley, Henry H o bh ouse, Sir John Russell, Lord -:. Brockman, E. D. H o d ges, T. L. Saadars, Jose' Brotherton, J. Hood, Sir Alexander Scrope, G. P. Liven, Colonel Houldsworth, T. Shell, R. L. ir . Buller, Charles J ones, Captain Somerville, Sir itichard Chichester, Lord J. Knox, Colonel Spooner. --___int ~ , Clay, James Labouchere, Henry Taltoard, Salle , Cowper, W. F. Lascelles, W. S. Tancred,lL__,%,, s l Craig, W. G. Lennard, T. B. Thompson, (2 9 , 3 17.4 Dick, Quintin Lewis, G. C. Thompson, ur,r Dodd, George M'Gregor, John Turner, Eden. Dundas, Admiral Mandeville, Viscount rrell, S ir "' •-• Ebrington, Lord Masterman, John Vy se, B . li. ~ Estcourt, J. B. B. Maule, Fox Watkins, H. CO Evans, Sir De Lacy Maxwell, J. P. Fitzgerald, W. R. Napier, Joseph Wellesley, 1. 0 ' 4 ,.. Forester, G. C. . i ' Newdegate, C. l'i. Williams. J ° r,. Jo. .. . • Frewen, C. H. Ogle, S. C. Willoughbf._..."' vr ;. Goring„C. Parke, C. W. Wilson, Maw . .. Grentell, Charles W. Palmerston, Via. ___.. ~ Grey, Sir G. Parker, John Tzw.•, igt io Grogan, E. Pearson, Charles Hill, Lord AI., Grosvenor, Earl Pigott, Francis Bellew, K. PI. Hamilton, G. A. Pinney, William r. J. :,0 MI-----------NORITY--NOES, 22. , • , , Brown Anstey, T. C. G reene, John Tollemache. rid Barron, Sir H. Keogh, Willia m Urquhart. it, W. Mackinnon, W.:A. V ane , L o rd ' • Clements, Charles M oore, G. H. Villiers, Chub Drumlanrig, Via. O'Connell. J oh , Drummond, Henry O'Connell, M. J. "re • k Duncan, George P ower, Dr. Arundel. ..a. , 1"." Fagan, James Reynolds, John Howard Fox, W. J. Thornely, Thomas —i..41 w a s PO On the 29th u lt ., at Passy, Paris, M a d a me Rate de Villamil), of a son. toss-6 416 On the 24th i nst., at Hyde -park-gate, Kensinc- Mrs. C. W. Graham (née de Villamil), of a claughtf i • 00 0 ,, ' On the 22d i nst . , at Thames Ditton, the wife of b Edwards, Esq., of a daughter. . Popellr On the 23d inst., at Covent pf , the wife 04 • M.D., of a daughter. MAAILIO. On the 23d inst., at Horton Ki l rby, the Rev. A. aide° side, vicar of Farningham, Kent, to Mary Fran daughter of the Rev. George Rashleigh. vicar of KiOnyrb, Kent. the 24th inst., at Elston Church, Edward Andra °I , F.. 1 ; Esq., 31st R eg i ment, e ld est son of the H on . and P's)liter Noel, of Teston, Kent, to Sarah Guy est daug , young Notting the late W. B. Darwin, Esq f t n ball . 04°I op S shire. DI. roi l " On the 9th of J une , a t Cape C oast A Castle, John u• men, Esq., Surgeon on the Staff, eldest son of W. C• mell, Esq., of Oxford-terrace, Hyde-park. A „austAg On the 11th ult., at Sindia, near Antioch, Syria., •7,.. - Inerfr . Henry Frazer, Esq., late a Captain in the Royal eldest son of the late Colonel Sir Augustus Frazer, P•• of the same regiment, aged 36. „ for On the 19th inst., at the Albany, J. Cartwright/ L'sn",.n. upwards of 25 years H. B. M. Consul-General at Cou' l tin On oe. • thil pl the 23d inst., at Peckham, Charles Fosters E s .,%paa Association Secretary of the British Society for the. gation of the Gospel among the Jews. • .1 111 40 IC London: Printed and Published by MURDO TO No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Su's Office, at Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the cOUSV iiiiddleipax, Saturday, Auguat 26, 1848. CI The THRO Itettal Pointed tare. The . 37 0 hoi J.anctio fear he 1. p Zing, in t h e narte 2. p In the t erm)* ♦ttern Vale. Aug E' .0 - ur n acc rue Thr ( th —.a us In 1 ASSUr t Thg ?MI N M e mi ts 4 9 11 11•4 1 4tts Th e S v ery ... 4 1 It 'PDIy Will 4 0,1, s t et b 11 ,„bsel moil ,T) , thsei Const lIAN Item 46 L 2, 0, 2 001, 20 0 20.0 20.0 i 4,0 1003 10,0,0 v e Z„ Jg it qyi for ot, , ba e -11/1