The Sun. — London, England, 1866-12-14 00:00:00

COURT 0: C OIirNCLL. Yesterday a meeting of the Common Council was held at Guildhall for the despatch of business— the Lord Mayor presiding. A communication was read from the directors of the Albert Orphan Asylum, thanking the Court for the loan of the Guildhall for holding a bazaar, and stating that the net profits to the institution from the bazaar had amounted to £1,400. THE CITY OF LONDON SCHOOL. On the motion of Mr. Alderman HALE, chairman of the City of London School Committee, the sala ries of 16 of the under-masters of the school were raised by sumsvarying from £3O to £lO a year each. NEW CENSUS OF THE CITY. Mr. LAWLEY, chairman of the Local Government and Taxation Committee, presented a report on a census which had been obtained in reference to the city, from which it appeared that the night popula tion of the city and liberties, consisting chiefly of " care-takers" of property and the humbler classes, numbered 113,387 ; the mercantile and commercial population engaged -in the city daily, but no t in cluded in the last-mentioned number, amounted to 170,133 ; the total day population residing in the city to 283,520 ; and the number of persons resort ing to the city daily, in 16 hours, not included in the above, being customers, clients, and others, to 509,611. The persons frequenting the city daily in 12 hours, from 6 a.m. to 9 p.m., were 549,613 ; in 16 hours, from 5 a.m..to 9 p.m., they were 679,744, and in 24 hours they were 728,986. Mr. Lawley stated, in reply to Mr. Dresser Rogers, that the committee had not received any :official communi cation from parties now engaged in the movement for creating metropolitan municipalities, but that movement had his entire sympathy. A HISTORICAL PICTURE. Mr. J. E. SAUNDERS, chairman of the City Lands Committee, brought up a report from that body, recommending that the picture painted by Mr. Alexander Melville, representing ,the ceremony of the presentation of the freedom of the city to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, should be purchased by the corporation for a sum not exceed ing £5,000. The report stated that the picture was 15ft. long and about 10ft. high, and covered 150 superficial feet of canvass ; that it represented 582 figures, of which 482 were absolute portraits, in cluding those of many members of the Royal family, and of about 80 members of the nobility. Mr. Saunders, in moving the adoption of the report, said in effect that the late Prince Consort was a eteady patron of the painter, Mr. Melville, and that the latter had painted as many as 20 portraits of the Queen. He read a letter addressed to the painter by Sir F. Grant, President of the Royal Academy, in which the writer stated that the picture was care fully and well executed, and that all the portraits bore the stamp of individuality, which would lead him to suppose they were faithful representations. • He likewise read a letter from Mr. Frith, R.A., to much the same effect, and adding that the painter deserved credit for the industry and perseverance with which he hadcarried out a most laborious work. Mr. Saunders caused some amusement by stating incidentally that no member of the committee or of the corporation had been asked his opinion as to his own likeness in the picture, though in his opinion, when members of that Court had assumed a con spicuous position in its proceedings their heads be came public property. He argued as a whole, from his own knowledge, that the picture was historically correct, but he . admitted in one or two cases that persons were represented iu it who were not then members of the Common Council, though they were members now. He stated, in reply to Mr. R. P. Taylor, that the painting was not undertaken in any wayat the request of the corporation. He moved, in conclusion, the adoption of the report, and ,that it be referred back to the committee for execution. There were 41 members of the committee recom mending the purchase of the picture, and it was , stated by the Town Clerk, in reply to a question, that their report was signed by seven of them. Mr. JOIINSON ridiculed the notion of its historical accuracy, and contended that it, was a fancy picture. Mr. D. ROGERS moved, as an amendment, that I the report be referred back to the committee for them to consider whether the picture was historically correct, but it fell to the ground for want of a se- conder. Mr. FRICKER then moved an amendment that the report lie on the table, that being the usual means of avoiding a decision on the merits of a question under consideration: Deputy BURNELL," having asked whether it was delicate in them as a public body to sit in judgment upon a picture composed for the most part of like nesses of themselves, contended that no one would venture to say that to give 15,000 for it as a work of art would be a proper disposition of public money, and money, too, muck needed for urgent purposes. M r . R. P. TAYLOR opposed the purchase of the picture, and created some laughter by saying, on the point of historical accuracy, that his friend Mr. D. Rogers was represented i n it, and in uniform ' too, though not at that time a member of the Com mon Council. co contending a ntendi Mr. BEDFORD took the same side that it was not worthy their considerationa work of art, and that if the w corporation purchased it they would be guilty of an immense wa s t e of public money. As to its historical accuracy, he put it t o the Court whether—pointing to the painting in the Council Chamber representing the sie ge of Gibral tar—if the figure of General Abercrombie were de capitated and the head of Mr. D. Roger substituted, it would be any lodger a historical picture. (Laughter.) lie did not recognize in Mr. Mel ville's picture a single portrait to which the epithet " speaking" could be applied. Likenesses there were, but there was no mind, no soul in any of them. (A laugh.) It was chiefly made up of like nesses of Common Councilmen with the Prince of Wales in the background. (A laugh.) Mr. Deputy DE JERSEY urged that the artist was never in any way commissioned to paint the pic ture, and said he should be ashamed of being a party to spending public money for their own self glorification. Mr. C. REED argued, on the other hand, that the occasion represented by the picture was one of the greatest events of recent times, and one upon which the corporation spent a large sum of money at the time, and was, therefore, worthy of commemoration. It would have been desirable, he said, for the cor poration originally to have given a proper commis sion for such a work, but having let the opportunity go by it was desirable for them to possess them selves of the work of Mr. Melville, who had laboured at it continuously for three years. a Deputy ELLIOTT held that they, as trustees of public money, were bound to spend it for municipal purposes, of which this was not one, and suggested that every member of the Common Council who was represented in the picture should subscribe from his own pocket £lO to compensate the artist for his labour and skill. He bitterly regretted, he said, having been caught in a weak moment to sit for his portrait on the occasion —(a laugh)—but he should be willing to atone for that by entering into an ar rangement such as he had suggested. Dr. Saunders and Deputy Fry strongly urged the claim of Mr. Melville upon the consideration of the Common Council, and that the occasion was every way worthy commemoration. Mr. Ellis, D eputy Jones, and other members spoke on the same side. The TOWN-CLERK stated in reply to a qu es ti on, that the painting belonging' to the corporation, and representing the pre s e n t ation of their address to ' the l a t e King Louis Philipp e at Windsor Castle, was painted by a famous French artist, at the desire and expense of the late King, and gi ven to ' the cor tiou. pora- the amendme n t reject- Eventually, on a division, ing the purchase of the picture vas carrier] b y a Ina _ jority of 33 in a court of 151 members. Mr. Sheriff WATERLOW then moved a fresh amendment to the effect that the Court grant £5OO to Mr. and Mrs. Melville to requite them for the time, trouble, and great labour they had bestowed on the picture. lie explained - that, while wishing the Court to grant that sum, he did not absolve him self as an individual or other members of the corpo ration from the duty of subscribing privately in addi tion, if they ch ose so to remunerate th e art i s t. The amendment was pronounced to be out of order for want of previous notice, inasmuch as it dealt with funds of the corporation. Mr. H. L. TAYLOR, as a means of getting out of the difficulty, moved the committee be empowered to confer with the artist and ascertain from him the minimum price at which the corporation might pos sess themselves of the picture when finished to their entire satisfaction. The amendment was negatived, on a division, by 12. Mr. C. REED then moved to refer the matter back to the committee to take professional advice as to the merits of the picture, but that also was lost on a show of hands. In the end the Court adjourned without coming to a definitive decision. Mr. Doulton, M.P., and his ConstituentE. Last night Mr. Doulton, M.P. for Lambeth, met his constituents at the Walworth Institution, with a view to explain to them his conduct with refer ence to the Reform question in the last session of Parliament. The hon. member's invitation was ad dressed to " the electors and the non-electors," both of whom attended in as great numbers-as the hall, which is not of very large dimensions, would per mit. Seven o'clock was the time fixed for commenc ing the proceedings, but nearly an hour before that the platform and about half the body of the hall were filled by persons admitted chiefly at the side entrance, the rest of the building being speedily occupied after the doors were opened. The audience, one, of course, of a somewhat mixed character, in cluded a considerable proportion of "roughs," who, though scattered here and there in different other parts of the assemblage, had most thickly con gregated in the gallery. When Mr. Doulton presented himself on the platform, accompanied by some of his principal supporters, his appearance was the signal for vehement and apparently very general cheering, with the waving of hats and handkerchiefs, interspersed, however, with groans and hisses, which, beginning low, gradually swelled into a louder and still louder chorus, until the conflicting manifestations, which lasted several minutes, grew almost deafening. Amid the din Mr. T. P. Alder took the chair, and essayed to open the business, but the tumult drowned every syllable that fell from him. Mr. DOULTON then stood forward to claim a hear ing, and was again greeted with mingled cheers and yells, the uproar apparently proceeding chiefly from the roughs and costermonger lads posted in the gallery. The hon. member's friends gathered round him as if to hold a consultation upon what was to be done to allay, or at least to meet, the rising storm, and several gentlemen in succession beckoned earnestly for silence, but in vain. There was at length a momentary lull, which was seized by a Mr. Weston, as we understood, who announced that he had an amendment to move to whatever resolution might be proposed to the meeting. His amend ment, he said, would be to this effect :- 44 That this meeting, having heard Mr. Doulton's so called explanation of his recent conduct in Parliament, hereby declare that they have no confidence in him, and that he no longer represents the borough of Lambeth in the House of Commons." This amendment, however, rather prematurely assumed one condition to have been fulfilled, which was more than its author could guarantee--namely, that Mr. Doulton should first receive a hearing. This the hon. member now tried again, if possible, to secure ; but he was assailed with another wild out burst of clamour ; and, utterly despairing of being able to make himself audible to any considerable sec tion of the meeting he advanced to the very edge of the platform, and addressed himself exclusively to the representatives of the press who sat immediately below. Although he bent . his head low towards the reporters, and strained his voice to its utmost pitch, it was with extreme difficulty that they could catch a few fragmentary and disjointed sentences of his speech. The hon. gentleman courageously perse vered in tlie face of the most incessant and discor dant interruptions, his indomitable persistence, while drawing repeated rounds of cheering from his sup porters, who seemed to form the great bulk of the assemblage, especially in the front sections of the hall, apparently served only still further to in furiate his opponents. Amid a scene which wholly defies description, Mr. DOULTON was understood to say that, in ac cordance with his usual custom, which he conceived to be a good one, he had convened that meeting, and in doing so he needel no - other promptings than those wl ich he had always felt since he had had the honour of representing that borough. He was quite aware that on that occasion he would meet with hose who were opposed to the course he had felt it its duty to take ; but, nev er th e l ess, h e saw no rea _ _ _ , son why he should depart f rom th e ru l e w hi c h he dividual vote which h e h a d g i ven, wou l d in the main had heretofore observed, or re f ra i n f rom com i ng endorse the poli cy h e h a d pursued in reference to there, as he had done that night, to offer them such the recent Reform Bill. Yet, if that were not so, i explanations as might seem t o b e necessary w i t h re f through the li ne th a t h e h a d taken on that ques tion the connexio n w hi c h h a d l ong subsisted between ference,. to the line be had a d opte d d ur i ng the last Session of Parliament. It wou ld b e use l ess for h i m him and that b oroug h were to be dissolved, even then to attempt anything like a review of the pro- that were better far than that he should retain his ceedings of the last Session. Suffice it to say, that position by the sa cr ifi ce o f hi s own individual con upon the Reform measure su b m i tte d to t h e H ouse victions, and endor se a po li cy w hi c h i n his conscience he believed wou ld not serve the interests of his con by the late Government, h e f e l t i t t o b e hi s d uty to vote in opposition to th o s e w ith w h om h e h a d pre - stituent s , an d w hi c h would be fatal to the well-being viously been politically associ a t e d. I n hi s pl ace h e of the comm un it y at l arge. had stated at length the grounds upon which he had Loud cheers and renewed uproar greeted Mr. done so. It was, therefo re , now on ly necessary for Doulton's conclusion, a n d w hil e th e confus i on was a him to say that the m a i n groun d s o f hi s oppos i t i on t its hei g ht th e f orm, i f not the farce, was gone through of propo s i ng , secon di ng,. and declaring to Mr. Gladstone's F ranc hi se Bill were these—first, that it was a n i ncomp l e t e Bill ; next, t h at i t pro- unan i mously carried a resolution to this effect : posed a uniform l ower i ngo f t h e f ranc hi se ; and next, , That this meeti ng , h av i ng h ear d M r. Doulton ' s expo that the Redistribution Bill, which was afterwards his political views, desires to express its entire connected with the Franchise Bill, would increase and hearty concurrence sition of in his Parliamentary conduct, and th its admiration of his manly and straightforward vindica e anomalies and evils under which they now tion of the principle of independent political action." suffered. A uniform franchise, lowering the Mr. H. Hunt and Mr. J. Alderson were given as suffrage alike in all cities and boroughs, was a . the names of the mover and seconder of this reso principle that would not stand the test of examina tion. lotion. tion. That might be proved one or two strikin g illustrations. There was at by Another resolution, moved amid similar difficul present on the part tics by Mr. GEORGE TAYLOR, and seconded by Mr. of some a demand f„ household, suffrage ; but while household suffrage in STANTON, was declared to have been passed with Lambeth would not add more than 50 voters to the constituent equal unanimity—viz., y, it would " That with a view of securing the return of Mr. Doul add something like 2,000,000 voters to the entire ton at any future election committees be forthwith organ electoral list of the country. After referrin g to the isod for the division of the borough into dist r i c t s , an d f or ome bor o n case of Preston, and assertin g t h at in s equal to the effective canvass of the individual el ec t ors ." ghs a a £6 franchise would not be more than The amendment of which Mr. Weston had pre £lo franchise in others, the hon. gentleman ad- viously given notice was, therefore, understood to verted to the agitation which had recently take n have been declared rejected. place in the metropolis and the provinces. it -,.,., he Mr. DOULTON, in responding, promised that said, there was any significance at all in that agita- whenever the time came for another election for tion, it had been in favour not of the bill introduced I Lambeth to be held he would do his part if they but of uni versalsuffrag e . by the late Government, would do theirs. (Cheers and uproar.) He was It was well, therefore, that they should ask them- satisfied that the course he had adopted was approved selves what universal suffrage meant. It did not Iby the great body of his constituents, and he should mean simply the admission of the industrious and be ashamed of himself if he did not stand and afford intelligent portion of the working classes to elec- to every elector an opportunity of expressing his toral rights; it meant also the admission to political Views. (Great confusion.) He was not to be de power of that class which the secretary of the Re- i terred from that trhich he believed to be his bou n - form League described in the public journals of the ! den duty b y attempts such as th ose ma d e th a t previous day as " rou g hs and thieves of too much the lowest night. lie h a d t confidence in the fairness order." Someti mes A mer i ca wa s held out to them of Englishmen to believe they would allow that m of intimidation to prevail at public m e e ti ngs . uni- ' system as an example, a n d some ti mes F ran ce, where . r .,. . e wished them adieu, and would meet them again vernal suffrage prevailed ; but God forbid that free 1-1 at Philippi. (Cheers England should be reduced to either the political ,laughter, and renewed uproar.) 1 Mr. Doulton then withdrew debasement and corruption of the one, or the cen- 1 rew, escorted by a sort of body guard of his supporter tralised despotism of the other. What was the a, whereupon the dis of the platform, complaint at present o f our wor ki ng c l asses ? Why, turbing element took possession and held a counter-demonstration, t . in which the a ton, that in the existing H ouse o f C ommons t h e i r or der a course of proceedings wasalmost was not truly represented. He did not for one mo- previous reversed, with the exception that the opponents of ment deny that. He yielded to no man in his desire hon. member, being now nearly completemasters freely represented. B u t h e as k e d th e work i ng classes, ' the to see the working classes of this count r y f u lly and of the situation, were enable to go t h rough their who were now compl a i n i ng , w h a t wou ld b e t h e state I part of the farce with comparatively littl e l et or of things if to the milli on or so o f ex i st i ng voters hindrance. addressed the assembl age, which four millions mo re were a dd e d ? If he understood and other persons, the principle of r ep resen t a ti on at a ll , it was that agreed with fully as much unanimity as had b een a brief half hour or so before in pr o p osa l s they should give a f u ll, f a i r, an d f ree represen- displayed to resolutions of quite an opposite charactern de neither ted the Cation to all classes o f th e commun i ty, b ut that daring in effect that Mr. oulton had forfeited one c l ass nor another should gain that Mr. Gladston e , such a s u p remacy as to b e able to overbear all confidence of his constituents, Mr. Bright, Mr. Mill, and Mr. Hughes deserved the rest. That was the principle which had been laid down the confidence of ReformerB, and that manhood by Mr. Gladstone, and advocated by Lord Russell suffrage, protected by the ballot, is the only sound • He might be told that his argument against universal d not really apply toMr. Bright, suffrag d' basis of 4 satisfactory representative system. suffrage did the leader of the present movement, because that The strange and almost unprecedented scene then gentleman wa s not in favour terminated. His reply was__more wan the of universal suffrage. honesty if, with t h e gifts viz. h pity for Mr. B r i g ht' s God had endowed him, he encour age d an acitatiico n from the results of which he shrank, and laboured for the triumph o principles in which he did not agree, i f in orde r to ex- BYRON AND BURNS.—Mr. Bruce, M.P., at Liver pool, said, the other day, he remembered the witty retort made in reply to the argument used by a champion of pub lic schools, that Byron was a Harrow boy. "He was ; and Burns was a ploughboy." cite an antagonism against tire middle classes, and against those who felt it their duty to oppose the Reform Bill of last session. At almost every meet ing he had lately addressed Mr. Bright had urged the working classes to hang 11Q in their workshops certain expressions alleged to have been used in the House of Commons, charging those classes as a body with ignorance, venality, and drunkenness. Now, he was not there to apologise for what had been said in that way; but when he found Mr. Bright so con tinually reiterating such advice he could not help entertaining a wish that, side by side with those ex pressions there should be placed extracts from what had very lately been uttered by the ultra-Radical leaders and their newspapers with regard to the House of Commons, and what were called the ruling classes. And, to surmount the whole, there ought t be a statement of those measures proposed during the last 10 or 15 years to the House of Commons for the amelioration of the social condition of the working classes which Mr. Bright had in any way supported. Whether those measures related to the abridgment of the hours of labour in factories, to the regulation of the labour of women and children in mines, or to any other question affecting the social or domestic condition of the working classes, not one of them had Mr. Bright assisted to pass. Therefore, when members of the House of Commons were accused—justly or unjustly he did not say—of expressing sentiments de rogatory to the character of the working men, he ventured to as ser t th a t th e l anguage used at the Reform meeting held at Beaufort-house last Mon day week towards the House of Commons was in finitely more reprehensible. Hitherto Mr. Doulton's remarks had been not so much " interrupted" as overpowered by one con tinuous accompaniment of deafening clamour, an swered now and again by loud cheers and waving of hats on the part of his sympathisers ; but at this point increased confusion arose from an " ugly rush" towards the platform by some turbulent spirits in the body of the hall. The pressure from this cause soon became so great as to drive the reporters from their seats, and force theca to take refuge as best they might upon the platform. Mr. Doulton, how ever, still maintained his ground, and strove to re sume the thread of his discourse, some of his stalwart friends forming a circle round him, and acting as a sort of breakwater against the angry living sea which threatened to sweep all before it. The hon. gentle man, continuing his observations to his immediate entourage amid the eame, or, if possible, a louder and fiercer din than before, said, that if anything were needed to show the tyranny of those who pro fessed at the present moment to be the peoples' leaders, and to show how they would exercise their influence, he thought it would be found in the infuriated at tempts which had been made by a portion of the press during the last few weeks to render that meeting of his impossible. To some extent, undoubtedly, those attempts had succeeded, but he thought it would be apparent to those around him that night that five sixths of those whom he had the honour of address ing were prepared, if not to agree with all the sen timents he might have uttered, at least to give to him that which every accused man had a right to expect—a fair hearing to vindicate his character. He did not regret the agitation which had occurred in this country for the last few weeks—he did not re gret the attempt made that night to stifle his voice, and prevent him from defending the course which he had pursued. It had taught him, and also, he be lieved, the great bulk of the middle class, what they were to expect if those who were at the bottom of interruptions of that kind once obtained a position that would give them power. To adopt a phrase very often used during the last session of Parlia ment by Mr. Gladstone, " they now knew with whom they had to deal ;" and he would be much surprised if the middle classes of England did not resent as one man the attempts that were being made to suppress that free discussion which they had been accustomed to regard as the birthright of English men. It needed but a glance at those who were then disturbing that meeting to see that they were not the working men who walked in order and pro priety last Monday week from the park to Beaufort house. Yet they were those who would inevitably be enfranchised by the adoption of the principles advocated by the Reform League. Ilis life had been spent among the working men ; and amid all that clamour he challenged any person to lay his finger on any act of his which could be fairly construed into an attempt to deprive them of their liberty. One word more and he had done. It was impossible for him then to go into the statement which he had in tended to make ; but this he wished to say, that he felt mon.: than ever assured since he entered that room that the great body of the electors of Lambeth though many of them might not approve every in VIE S'UN', LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 14, 186 G. The Members for Finsbury and their Constituents. Mr. TOrrens, M.P., and Alderman Lusk, M.P., met their constituents last evening in the theatre of the London Mechanics' Institution, to deliver ad dresses upon the last Session of Parliament, accord ing to a promise given by them at their election. Mr. R. Willshere, of Islington, was voted to the chair. The hon. members were loudly cheered when they entered the room. After a few remarks from the chairman, Mr. TORRENS, M.P., addressed the meeting. He said since he last met his constituents events had taken place that had materially changed the aspect of political affairs both abroad and at home. Many of the States of Europe that then existed existed no longer ; they had been incorporated into one great monarchy, and another vast mili tary power had arisen to add to the chances of war, and it remained to be seen whether it might not also add to the embarrassments of other contingen states. Austria had lost her old position, and, it was stated, was setting her house in order. And she had need to do so, for her very existence was in peril. The Greeks were once more endeavouring to liberate themselves from a barbarous yoke. (Hear, hear.) Russia, wisely biding her time, with English gold and skill, was making vast military railroads, the use of which, when she was asked, she did not hesitate to avow was to try and do better next time. (Laughter.) France, nettled by thefailure of her attempt to found a new empire in Mexico, and by the sudden uprising of Prussia, announced that less than 800,000 regu lar troops would not suffice for her future dignity, besides 300,000 home guards, making a total of 1,100,000 men. Spain lay garrotted by her own police. (Cheers.) Belgium sat trembling and smiling, afraid of being asked whether she suspected anyone of wishing to do her foul play. And where was England ? He trusted the answer in every heart would be a consciousness of the security that a great nation could only justly feel when she wished no ill to her neighbours, and had put away that am bition that weighed upon the national heart, of in termeddling in the quarrels of other people. (Cheers.) All that had happened in Europe had a direct influence upon us. On either hand there were whisperings and bustlings of preparations for future fight, and there had always unhappily been men amongst the ruling classes who fancied that, because others were armed we should be armed, too, notwithstanding their knowledge that those who were armed were powerless to' pay without new taxes or increased debt. He feared that before next session was over, the Government would have to be asked to give a firm and decided negative to the proposal that England should again commit the folly of our fathers. They sinned and were not, and we bore their iniquities. We had eight hundred millions of reasons why we should not vote another shilling for further army estimates. (Cheers.) He trusted that the present administra tion would not commit that fault. We were told that we wanted more moneyand men to defend our shores. Last year 25 millions of money were voted for ordnance, navy, and regular troops, and now we were told by people who loved warfare and soldier ing that this was not enough, and that the country was not safe notwithstanding that great expendi ture. If that were so, the sole impression upon his mind was, that we should cut down the army esti mates and,save the money. (Cheers.) But he be lieved there was no truth whatever in the fear of any power being developed in Europe that ought to make us afraid. If reform in the army were neces sary, more shame for those who had had the expen diture of such sums of money as Lord Grey, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Melbourne, and the late Sir Robert Peel never thought of asking from Par liament. If we were to have an army reform let us have it in treating soldiers as we would other men. (Cheers.) There was mental pluck and physical pluck, which we were told must be stimulated upon twopence a day more pension, and two extra ounces of beef, bone included, for the soldier on duty. Let the mode of recruiting be changed by desisting from catchin g the runaway and scapegrace, and from buying the recruit drunk and beating him into dis cipline. (Cheers.) There was grief in the work ing man's family and sorrow around his hearth whenever it was whispered the son had ab sconded to enlist. The very idea of enlistment was a reproach, and was synonymous with the confession that a man was good for nothing better, and would settle down to nothing useful. What was wanted was to see the army representa tive of every class in the nation, and not collected from the scum and refuse of society, and to have it looked upon as a profession in which the pride of a man's heart might exult, in which the hope of a youth might have its legitimate ambition, and in which the virtues, self-denial, order, and dignity that befitted a free man might be exercised. Give up the lash, abandon degrading punishments, break down promotion by p ur chase — (cheers)—and let the man know that the career is open to him, and that he who shed his blood for the state was its honoured child, and that he who had the merit to command the troops of the state should have the command. (Cheers.) It was said something more than regular troops were wanted, and while not dis puting that he looked to the true reserve forces of he country in the reorganisation upon old const' _ . cutional principles of the militia. They should no, be raised by ballot or compulsory enlistment, but by a system that would enable a man to go out for a few days' drill near his home, and return to his family with that pride which the volunteer felt when called out to parade. Then we should have .without expense and demoralisation a militia com posed of men of all ranks to be a reserved power, that would render us secure against possible attack or insult. No doubt it was true what the Horse- Guards and A% ar-office asserted, that what with re lief for Canada and India, it was no longer easy to find men enough for the regular troops to keep up the rotation of regiments the service required. This was an excellent reason for abandoning the extra vagant and ill-advised attempt to hold down 150 millions of people in India by British 'youth and vigour. If we could not govern India more cheaply —that was more justly and more wisely—that was more economically ; if India could not be governed by the Indian people, we confessed we were mere usurpers in the country—(cheers)—and sooner or later the empire would crumble to dust. As for Canada, the day had gone by when we could afford to affect to garrison that colony by English troops. The best thing we could do for Canada was to assure her of our neutrality, enabling, en titling, and binding us to withdraw those small garrisons that, not enough for practical defence, were just sufficient to provoke and tantalise a neigh bour. There was another use of our army which unhappily could not in the present hour be omitted. Our camps, arsenals, and garrisons in England were being denuded of troops, not because we had found it necessary to send them against a threaten ing foreign foe, not as reliefs to a conquered laud like India, not for a distant colony like Canada, but it was grievous to know that they were being borne across the Channel to hold down by force an apprehended rising in a portion of the United King dom with which we had been associated for 600 years. (Cheers.) Many of the rumours of the last three weeks were probably due to panic and mis taken fears. He knew something of the Irish people. He had read their history, and had lived amongst them, and in acknowledging the great discontent that existed in Ireland he could not forget the fatal, blind, arrogant, and cruel policy which bad con verted the country for generations into a condition which every hour might make a field of blood. Let no man go away with the impression he was pony ing with siEdition. The duty of our executive was to keep the peace ; and he thought the greatest kindness they could exercise towards a susceptible, excitable, and irritable population was to keep them back from the brink towards which they were struggling. But while hoping the Govern ment would perform its duty vigilantly and suc cessfully, he could not help looking forward to a time when an account must be called for of what had been done, and when the executive—Whig or Tory —must be asked, " How long halt ye between two opinions ? If Ireland be part of the United Kingdom why do you not govern her in a way to content her? If she be not part of the United Kingdom, wipe out the hypocrisy —the lie of the thing you call an Act of Union, and tell Europe, if you dare, that you do not know how to govern a country within four hours' sail of your shores, speaking your own language, subjected to your own laws for generations, and represented in your House of Commons." (Loud cheers.) Do not tell him that the masses of an intelligent and educated popu lation, numbering millions in the ranks of the dis affected, had become disaffected without a cause. Was there not a cause ? (Cheers.) Did ever the world see a people living from father to son for generations hesitating between the pains of exile and the perils of sedition without reason. Twenty three years ago he sat under the gallery of thellouse of Commons in an hour of anxiety like the present. Ireland was said to be ou the brink of revolt. A Conservative Government was then in power, and he heard the great head of the Whig party tell the executive they ought to be ashamed of the existing state of things in Ireland, and that Ireland was oc cupied, not governed. At the present time Ireland was occupied —was she governed? (No, no.) Why not, then? The first vote asked of the house of Commons last session was to suspend the habeas corpus ; and its last act was to renew the suspen sioia. The late Mr, Cobden said, " Judging of the Irish by ourselves, Englishmen, peace and prosperity never should be hoped for, and never ought to be hoped for in Ireland, while the present system of law remains unaltered." (Cheers.) The late Viceroy of Ireland, Lord Kimberley, declared in the House of Lords that danger and trouble would never abate in Ireland until the essential laws of land and creed were fundamentally settled. (Hear.) If these things were to be trusted, the electors of Finsbury would authorise their members to go back to the House of Commons, not to grant favours or gratui ties, or to do anything for Ireland but what they would wish Ireland to do for us if she were the stronger country—namely, justice. (Cheers.) The hon. member then reviewed the business of the last session, commenting upon the questions of interna tional law and extradition treaties, arguing respect ing the latter that the action taken by himself and others when the matter came before the house, although reproached at the time, was justified within six weeks by the well-known case of Lamirande. Referring to his bill to improve the dwellings of the working classes, Mr. Torrens entreated the electors to give their support to that measure, the third read ing of which he feared would not be passed without a struggle. He was surprised to find that at the Man chester Social Science Congress it was argued that the promoters of the bill had no right to ask the Treasury for money at 31 per cent. to rebuild the homes of the working classes. Those classes had, by their savings up to the end of the past year, banked with the Treasury no less than £47,000,000, and out of those balances the Chancellor of the Exchequer had granted thousands and tens of thou sands of pounds to the country gentlemen to drain their estates. (Shame.) In applying for loans at 31 per cent., the working classes were only asking for their own. The question of the day was Parliamen tary Reform. (Cheers.) In former Parliaments he had under all circumstances voted for household suffrage. He believed a rate-paying suffrage might be made almost co-equal with household suffrage, but the latter would be simpler and more just. At present 200 shillings rent entitled a man to vote, and the best mechanic that ever lived was disfranchisel if he only paid 195 shillings of rent, whereas the most disreputable beer-seller in Totnes, if he paid the 200 shillings, had &Vote to sell. (Laughter and cheers.) The fate of Mr. Gladstone's bill was well known. They now wanted to see what the new Go vernment would do. (Hisses.) It was said that they were about to propose a measure more liberal than their predecessors. (" Walker," and laughter.) He sincerely hoped it might turn out so. He should take it for what it was worth. If it enfranchised any great class of the community without taking away with the other hand, he should think it a pleasure and duty to support it ; if, on the other hand, it should turn out to be what the opponents of the present Government suspected, it was probable that the ad judication of the affair would be thrown back to the electors. For himself he believed nothing short of household suffrage would be satisfactory to the com munity. (Loud cheers.) The hon. gentleman, after a few more remarks, thanking the electors for their kindness, and assuring them of his attention to the:r interests in the future, resumed his seat amidst loud applause. Alderman Lusx, M.P., next a ldressel the meet ing. Before their scats in the House of Commons were warm the members, he said, were occupied with the interminable subject of the cattle plague, and night after night they heard of nothing but hides, horns, and hoofs. (Laughter.) The end of it was the house legislated upon the subject in a panic, and the Government were left by the country gentlemen in a minority. This was his first experience of the landed interest, and it convinced him that a preponderance of that class was not desirable. (Cheers.) As to the Irish ques tion, there was one irritating sore that ought to be cured at once—viz., the Irish Church. Mr. White's motion on the reduction of expenditure, though very important, fell on the house flat, stale, and unpro fitable, and nobody seemed to care anything about expenditure, which was one of those matters to which members should pay special attention. Legislation should look after the outgoings as well as the incom ings. (Cheers.) On the principle that a felonyought not to be compounded, the attempted compromise on church rates met with his strenuous opposition. It was absolutely necessary, now that Churchmen were teaching things popular in the dark ages, and making our salvation depend on rihands, that the power held by the country over the Church should not be given up. (Cheers.) If Church cler gymen, who were in the pay of the State, and there fore of the people, wished to act contrary to law and custom, they must leave the Church. (Cheers.) A great deal of good was done by the discussions on reform, in bringing to the surface principles and facts not before popularly known. The Liberals in the late reform debates failed a little perhaps in over estimating their own strength, and underrating that of their opponents; in fact they were rather " bump tious." (Laughter.) The loss of the bill was not so great as it was considered to be at the time, because probably a little more would be asked for now. (Cheers.) A lesson should be learnt from the past, and an additional pressure should at once be put upon the constituencies to send right men to Parlia ment. Believing that men grew more by industry than violence, he had given particular attention to questions affecting trade and commerce. Our bank ruptcy laws were a disgrace to the country, and en couraged fraud. (Hear, hear.) He took considerable interest in the bill respecting reformatory and in dustrial schools, his wish being to get children sent to school before committting crime, instead of afterwards. The religious element in the house was very troublesome, and the passing of the measure was much hindered by sectarianism. He, with his hon. colleague, voted for the ballot, although, owing to a variety of circumstances, they were beaten. After referring to the supply of gas and water in the metropolis, the hon. member in sisted that the first question to be considered next session was reform, and he was ready to support a reform bill, as he did last session. • A VOICE—How far will you go ? Alderman LUSK-01), as far as you like, pretty well. (Loud laughter and cheers.) He then pro mised to oppose a large expenditure, to promote a compulsory system of education, and to do all he could to improve our good institutions and destroy the bad. Speeches were then made by Dr. Bruce, Mr. An son, Mr. A. Walker, Mr. R. N. Philips, Mr. J. Baxter Lang!ey, Mr. G. Brook, and others. A resolution was then unanimously passed ex pressing entire approval of and confidence in the hon. members. A second was submitted, assert ing that our representative system imperatively demanded the immediate action of Parliament, and hoping that a measure would be passed in the en suing session that would meet the just expectations of the people. To this motion an amendment was proposed, urging manhood suffrage and . the ballot. The amendment was carried by a large majority. After Mqssrs. Torrens and Lusk had acknowledged the vote of thanks the business terminated with for mal votes of thanks. The meeting separated after 11 o'clock. SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—If we have lately in these columns some what shunned the subject of the re-organisation of the Austrian empire, it is not because we deemed it at any time destitute of interest, or because it did not earnestly, and we may almost say painfully, engage our attention. It is only because we saw no appa rent progress in the question—none, at least, which we couldfeel justifiedin confidently reporting. There are threads in the web of human affairs which all our boasted foresight, as grounded on experience, will hardly enable us to u nrave l ; c h anges which it, is as difficult to trace to their first causes as to follow up to their ultimate effects. It is not enough in some cases that " Providence should shape our ends ;" the mere task of " rough-hewing" them is above our powers. It may not be difficult, for instance, to dive boldly into the future so far as the West of Europe is concerned. Happen what may, we need not anti cipate any material alterations in the present inter national arrangements. The Gaul and the Teuton, the Latin, the Iberian, and the Briton, will, in all probability, - within a century be found within their present territories. Some trifling squabbles about border lines, the extinction of minor Stotes, much as such events ought to be deprecated, would not per manently disturb the balance which makes the west ern nations all so many members of one family. But foreknowledge is at fault when we turn our eyes to the East. It is difficult to look forward to the inde finite continuance of the Turkish empire, nor can one be free from misgiving about the stability of the Austrian monarchy. How those two States may stand or fall, and, in the latter event, what new edifices may be reared in their stead, are the pro blems of the age —problems for which there is not even any attempt to volunteer a solution. To limit our remarks to that part of the subject from which we took our start, on what policy, home or foreign, is Austria about to settle after the disas trous struggle which shut her out both of Italy and Germany ? Some of the German Austrians seem indisposed to acquiesce in the disposition of the Treaty of Prague, and to look upon their es trangement from the Fatherland as, at the ut most, a temporary arrangement. For what concerns the German provinces the existence of the Empire must be based on that supremacy of their own race over the other nationalities on which it has ever stood. They have in their favour the seat of govern ment, the military and bureaucratic organization of the Monarchy, a superior culture, powers of combi nation, gregarious instincts. They will be sure to do stout battle for their precedence, but were they worsted, they would always have their brethren of North or South Germany to fall back upon. In antagonism with the Germans the Magyars aspire to absolute independence of their kingdom on the footing of mere personal union, failing in which, they threaten a dissolution of the Empire, with some vague prospects of the formation of an Eastern State, with its centre at Pesth. Th ey h ave on their side the old traditions of their kingdom, their signal services performed in behalf of the Hapsburgs, their high metal and dash in battle, and a certain apti tude for political broil and intrigue. The Magyars, however, can do more than demolish. Did they even succeed in cutting Vienna and all the German Pro vinces adrift, and in making Pesth the seat of em pire, they could not by their numbers, by their wis dom and real valour, govern all the non-German Austrian Provinces, or even the old dependencies of their own kingdom. The first law of the Empire is existence, and this must needs be bound up with that capital and those German Provinces with which the Monarchy has always been identified. The Magyars could at the Utmost only reproduce 1848, and that year, if it had not ended with their subju gation, would have led to the dismemberment no less of their kingdom than of the whole Austrian Empire. The Magyars seem to be aware of this fact and the moderate party, headed by Deak, have just put forth a draught of an address which they would fain represent as conciliatory. The main point in dispute is, however, of the simplest. These so called Moderate Magyars demand the immediate re-establishment of their Constitution, the con tinuity of their right as claimed in 1848, the sanction by a constituted Government of con cessions wrested from a Government overthrown by revolution. Such demands may well be grounded on old rights and privileges ; but the practical question is, are they compatible with the existence of the Austrian monarchy ? The Magyars are so convinced of the difficulty of recon ciling their own with the common Imperial interests that they profess themselves ready to enter into all desirable compromises. But they must have their demands admitted to the full in the meanwhile; future arrangements are left for negotiation and discussion, which may as easily lead to nothing as anything. Should this draught of the address be voted by the Chamber ; should the terms be ac cepted by the Emperor, the Magyars would have all they ask for, and their Sovereign would get back only what they, in their magnanimity, might f el inclined to give up. The admission of the Magyar claims, as at present preferred, would lead to a dualism, -reducing Austria to the conditi'm of Sweden and Norway; with this difference, how - ever, that the two Scandinavian kingdoms consist of two compact and homogeneous nations, while in Austria each of the component parts would be an aggregate of hostile races which either sheer force or mutual jealousy has hitherto kept together, and which would be amenable to no other cohesive policy. General events may, indeed, sweep on with such irresistible strength as either to crumble Austria or to give her a decisive bias eastward ; but even if, either under the Hapsburgs or under any other dynasty, the Empire were to look for a new centre in the Lower Danube, it would hardly gravitate upon Pesth, or ground its power on Magyar supremacy. The German element being eliminated from the Austrian community, there would be a struggle among the other races, which, however it might begin, would scarcely terminate in favour of the Magyar. The new agglo meration of races on the Lower Austrian Danube could hardly take place without a simultaneous stir among the other tribes further down on the banks of the same stream. The Austrian atoms would come into collision with the Turkish atoms, and some new birth would struggle into existence, of which it would be difficult to pre-conceive the na ture, but in which a' Roman, and not a Magyar, element would in all probability preponderate. There is nothing that we are less disposed to indulge in than any idle speculation on remote contingent ies. We deem it more profitable to deal with Austria and Turkey as they are than to cast about for what may happen when they cease to be. From any im mediate apprehension of danger from abroad we believe both those empires perfectly free. Austria's policy at the present moment should not look be yond the limits of her own territory. Her dispute just now is not with Prussia or Russia, nor should her hope rest on France. The great point is the settlement of the Magyar claims. Concession or resistance may be equally fraught with peril ; but no sacredness of M agyar rights should prevail upon Austria to cut her own throat. No fair words of M. Deak and his colleagues should induce the Em peror to put himself at their discretion. Restore the Constitution of 1848, and you pull down Aus tria without building up Hungary. So long as Austria is what s h e i s, h er real element of strength lies in her German provinces. It is in that element that, in extreme cases, she must seek her salvation. POST.—The education of the people is a matter of the greatest importance at all times, but in these days, when a general demand is being made for their admission to a larger, and even to the largest, share of power in the State, and when there seems so much probability of at least a part of the demand being conceded, it is of the first importance that attention should be drawn to the means of fitting them, so far as can be done by education, for the discharge of political duties and the comprehension of political responsibility. It is unquestionable that our present system—that is to say, what there is of a system—of national education is so deplo rably defective that the mental state of our lower classes is a reproach to us among the nations of Europe. The recruiting returns for the year 1364, which have just been issued, show that in that year one man out of every three who presented them selves to the recruiting officer was unable to read or to write, while one out of every five was unable to do more than read. Considering the classes from which recruits are drawn, they may be taken not unfairly to represent what are called " the masses," and, considering that the recruits do not include women, who are generally worse instructed than the other sex, it is probable that it would be understating the case to say that of the lower classes only two out of three are able both to read and to write. Such a state of things is hardly creditable to our state of civilisation, and the disgrace of it has long been recognised by all who have thought upon the question ; indeed, the whole history of it is a record of the independent, and often misdi rected, efforts of private individuals to accomplish what is properly the business of the State, but what the State has hitherto failed to do. The personal opinions and religious tendencies of those who thus have from lime to time come forward to promote education have naturally been very apparent in what they have done, and the presence of so many anta gonistic elements has indeed always been one of the greatest sources of difficulty in bringing the power of the State into beneficent action upon the question. If it were a question of funds supplied by the State alone, it would not be difficult to devise a plan of general education ; but, under the pre sen t system, the principle followed is to acquire a certain control over the expenditure of money provided by private persons, in consideration of a smaller sum provided by the State ; and even this has awakened much jealousy and distrust, and given rise to the most interminable disputes. The difficulties of carrying, out such a system to the extent requisite to make available for the e d uca ti on o f the entire population be increased a th ousan df o ld , and i t i 3 o b v ious that, if a complete national system is to be devised, it must be upon some other basis, including some further elements, than that now in existence. An attempt to sketch out a system which would sue' plement and harmonise with the present was mad e on Monday last at a mee ti ng i n Manchester, where the matter seems t o h ave attracted much atten tion , The chief feature of the proposal is that the matte r should be left to th e management of t h e local authorities and be s u p por t e d b y l ocal rates. There are, however, some o bj ec ti ons to t hi s p l an , an t one of them is that as long as it is held t.u e . secular education should b e connecte d w i t h relig,i" ous instruction the re wou ld a l ways b e grea t difh culty in inducing ra t epayers to tax themselves •, the support of a school as to the merits of which ne, two of them wo u ld b e agree d , and the resu l t w ould _ very probably b e ra th er more quarrelling an d ru, more education th a n i s pro d uce d from the p r esent system. • Another f ea t ure o f t h e p l an i s t h at pewcr , should be given to en f orce a t ten d ance at school of all children within th e j ur i s di ct i on o f the l oca l autho rities referred to. For this part, if it were clis, severed from, and co u ld b e carr i e d out w i t h ou t, th e other, there is undoubtedly a great deal to be Eau l ' In Mr. Kennedy' s report to t h e Educational D e part , ment for 1865 is this passage :—" Amongst the many defects connected with the education of the poor which come under my observation in the larg e towns which I visit, tile most sad is that such larg e numbers of children are still receiving e ither ll°, schooling at all, or so li t tl e as to b e worthless ;"an(' he goes on to say that the result of a house-to-holl,s e visitation in Manchest er , i n N ovem b er, 1865, vt to show that " out of fifteen children between th e ages of three and twelve, one was at work, suc„ school, and the remaining eight totally neglected i regards education." " Two , main causes o f this evil," he says, as regards the parents of the chil dren, are poverty and carelessness." Such is the strength of the latt er cause, i n d ee d , t h at pos itively nothing short of actual compulsion will induce many -h e re is, to send th e i r c hild ren to school. abere is, it is true, a great di s lik e of the word " comPili: ; w an," especially with r egar d t o education, which is truly said should be looked upon as a blessloo conferred and not as a duty imposed. But, as 3- 11 ' Bennett remarked at the meeting referred to, " We are all being compelled every day of o n : lives in one way or other," and if ever there were. a case for the i n t er f erence o f authority it d that of parents who, either through apathy at carelessness, or positive brutality, refuse to their children to obtain the educational a dvantagr within their reach. B es id es , th e pr i nc i p l e has al ready been recognised and enforced in the Factory Act, which absolut e ly d oes ma k e i t compulsory tO give every child employed for wages at least r many hours of inst ruc ti on as are emp l oye d i n vforr Whatever reasons can be ad vance d f or this regula tion are equally st rong i n f avour o f i ts f ur ther ex . . tension. It is, unhappily, b u t t oo c l ear th a t pove rty and ignorance react upon this question to such a n extent that nothing short of a system of compulsory attendance at school w ill ever b e e ff ectua l to pro" it o , duce general educ a ti on . A n d as t h e importance o f becomes every day greate r , it is to be hoped that those who take an inte r e s t i n thi s ques ti on will n ° let it rest till e ith er b y thi s or b y some ot h er means , provision has been mad e f or th e elementary instro n tion of every child throughout the kingdom. COUNTRY MARKETS. BIRMINGHAM—THuitsDAY. During the present week wheat has been firmly held for last week's rates, with which buyers would not coroPlY; Barley tendi ng d ownwar d s, a l so b eans and peas. °'11", fully as dear. At thi s d ay ' s mar k et t h ere was a f a i r sUPPof English wheat, which was cleared off at an advance 0 ls per firmly held foi quite as much money. Beans and peas are offeri n g cheaper. BRISTOL—THURSDAY. English wheat was in short supply, and sold at abollt last week's prices. Foreign held for 6d to is per qr. au vance. Malting barley plentiful, and is per qr. to For oats a limited d eman d, a t a re d uct i on o f 6d per cl" For Indian corn scarcely any inquiry. BURY ST. EDMUNDS —WEDNESDAY. There was only a limited supply of wheat here to-( l4s c+ which was freely taken by millers, at an advance of is Pao qr. The supply of barley was not large, and the to t r commenced slowly, at a reducti on o f fully is to 2s Pe" (1 on all qualities. 1 EDINBURGH—WEDNESDAY. Wheat on the top, 2s Od down average, Os 10d doscli, • Barley on the top, 7s Od down average, Os 5( 1 up', . Oats on the top, Os 6d down Beans on the top, Gs Od down Total supply and. average Os Wheat 722 qrs sold 604 Barley 2091 qrs sold 1641 Oats 2191 qrs sold 1126 Beans 96 qrs sold 5 5 Average prices. i t 1 2 0 ad d d o e: Wheat, 59s 4d j Oats, 27s 4.1 Barley, 39s ld 1 Beans 42s 1041 Town-made flour'sells as follows :—White, 53s GI; oxtr a superfine, 52s Od ; superfine, 50s 6il; fine, 49s Od. GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY. This day's market was fairly attended. An active s,fid quiry for wheat at about previous rates. Maize receded and barley is per qr. Oats declined about Gd and beans is to 2s per qr. Foreign Mail Packet List. NAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton...... Dec. 2° ' Ditto, via Marseilles Brazil and Cape V e rd e . by British packet **** ~,Dec.. ...Jan. 1, .. 4 Ditto, by French packet Del 2 3 8 : Cape of Good Hope, A scens i on, and St. Helena.•••D 4 , ' ;‘). China, Penang. and Singap ore . via Sou t hampton Dec - 4 Ditto, via Marseilles „Dec. ~.. Falkland Islands 3. Gibraltar, via Southampton Deo. 14 , India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, v i a Southampton Dea 2'. Ditto, via Marseilles * ' ^ —.pea. 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton. Dec. it' Ditto, via Marseilles Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Dec 14 ' Ditto, via Marseilles. Dec. 14 Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseille] Dee. !' Newfoundland . Portugal ,•• Jan 4. Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. United ;States and British North America, by Bri tish packet. . . Dea 19 * Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton ...... •••• Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry ..Dec. 14 ' West Cout of Africa, Madeira, and - .Valeria ~..Dec. ' 2 ' West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Honduras) •••• De e. 14 Bahann,,d, via New York. Jan. 19. Cuba ald Mexico Bermuda, via Halifax Dec, 19 PLYMOUTH, Thursday.—The schooner Carolin e Goodyear, Captain Ri ce , n i ne d ays f rom S t. Mi c h ae l's, `Wi th a cargo of oran ges f or L on d on, was 10 miles south-east °f , 1 the Eddystone at 10 o ' c l oc k yes t er d ay morn i ng; wit" south-east—a fresh breeze. [AnvEwrisEmr.yr.l —Holloway's Ointment and Additional Testimony.—F or th e cure o f coughs, als7. sweats, and incipient consump ti on, t hi s excellent o i n trne% rubbed upon the back and chest, aided by the internal lis y . of liolloway's purifying pills, stands unrivalled. M r ".,..y, Leonard, of Benbulben G range , Sli go, wr i tes :—' sorry, lam I did not use your ointment and pills in 0 nuary last. The wondro us c h ange th ey effected on 01 00 after one week's trial astonishes ever y one, an d encourag me to proceed till they have entirely cured my diso s % This plainly expresses the power possessed by Hollow , O r g remedies in checking the course of thoso chest disorde which, when slighted or improperly treated, entail rou e suffering, and end unfavourably. Births. ROBINSON—On the Gth ult., at the Governor's Cott l t s e Nuwera Ellya, Ceylon, the Hon. Lady Robinson, ° son. SHEE—On the 12th inst., at 20, R Prince's-square, Nen sinf : ton-gardens, W., the wife of R. J. Shee, Esq., barris ter at-law, of a son. SALMON—On tke 12th inst., at Westbrook House, UPI:: Dorset, the wife of Capt a i n N. S a l mon, V.C., R.NI ° daughter. lit ° TIWRSBY -On the 12th inst., at 12, H y d e - par k -place s wife of Major J. H. Thursby, of a daughter. Marriages. COURTHOPE—COOKER—On the 11th inst , at Christ Ch u m Brixton-road, Charles Fr e d er i c k , son •of the late F; to Courthope, Esq., of Albert-square, Clapham-roa d ' r- Sarah Anne, widow of the late Jas. Cookas, of Lavenu e hill, Surrey. WELLS—DARTNELL—O n the 12th inst Henl e y -ii :; Arden, Lieut.-C o l one l F . W ells, the Royal• Regira,"Vsq., Georgina Mary, thi r d . d aughter of G. It. Dartnelh of Arden House, Warwickshire. Deaths. „ BUSIIBY—On the 12th in s t., J osep h Bushby,. Esq" -f g Halkin-street, Grosvenor-place, aged 82. f lk, DIGBY—On the 12th i ns t., a t Tittl es h a ll R ec t or y, Caroline, wife of the lion. and Rev. Kunelna . 13. Deb aged 57. GOLDSMID—On the 10th inst., at Kin"- ° -street, Porb low square, L. P. Guldsinid, Esq., aged 69. sjet- Ilion—On the 12th inst., Sir C. 11. J. Rich, Bart., of tingham-placo, Regent's-park, aged 54. SAMSON—On the 9th inst., Madame Samson aged 6 6 . QuroEaAd7}—figOngtahtoo_hl2iitil: Charlesinst.,at Q6,llBoaealge,raEvseq-.7aagde, dJuBn4c. Junction' WYLIE—On the Bth inst., at 7, Crown-circus, Bowan -I ' l a Glasgow, Robert Wylie, Esq late of Messrs. Wylie an d . 7 Lochhead. London : Printed /tad Pabliahed by IVILLrAm ANDR , - of No. 112, Strand, Printer et Tug a UN ()TOO, l'i a ' l : c f Strand, in the Precinct of the Savly, in the C00 2 t 7 hilddlesem—Friday, December 14, ISetl. • • • -vf', 1 0 This D ahli a It i s Bor n ,. Sold i the 4 1' I, lll a . 04 1 , Pr o 411 -__ C°1 -r Ftri t , s wont}, a' At 5, Azs V *l' e BRAEn s te,o] in f 44 4 e T tpiliar c I`Tot to t I 'o h., , Aoli ow -u n C. 1-,1 ku k r st i Vice. moat ( Th e t xe4 at f 41140,vnat 10 ' l st ect g , 1 uE 111 8 : 1 -1, men of] lo rt , an ( qua b i I. a to 4st 4 4 ; exp Oltal 911,114;lz °Ptit;r t. ;. o Ati - oz () Riot 0.'"")$, jet % zthThe al ,„. 4 ho TitB ea zt. tle lst ot t o g. 30 z a+ e - 1 , hOOOB ti '4l e r - vi, of t 11 0 ;'. 1 2 1 Di:int 4'Y le` eessar kop Ad 114 elty, , ° Ptee th laat e . at into the the ITT Ettc 77'. 1 M