The Sun. — London, England, 1835-05-02 00:00:00

vett , t he ;C• s Sq. )' lido° o tio" s toP: oh . '" teV P of io lc ns tble ' A 5 °tit oz to °l' be Church Est a bli s h ment i n Ireland, and much of i ts property, W ere absolutely doing nothing; and that many of its Protes tant clergymen instead of being useful to Ireland, were nsmt, and speeding their incomes in Bath or Ireland. The ta me now raised .was not a new one, it was not the first f ate th a t i t had been agitated. It was admitted by the grant ', l ' Maynooth College in 1795, for the education of Roman ._,atholic Clergy, a grant, too, that was conceded by the ' i fori es, and to its principle they had never objected, so 'ag as the gFttnt was paid out o f th e taxes—they only ob leeted when it was proposed to meet all such expenditure ° o nt of the Property of the Church.—( Cheers. ) Then, and " Church then, forsooth, there was the outcry, "No Popery," 111 -; i arch in dangc( Cheers and laughter. ) The same dnt be said en the question of general education ; it also j4,,been before agitated and conceded. After what had passed, 'l v u ... yer, he expected that Sir Robert Peel's Administration Rea d of protest against grants for general education ; but in si,(l.of that resistance, in reply to a Noble Lord, who had ii 47.0 whether a grant would be continued, the Duke of We 1,0404 , 0 4 0 4 replied in the affirmative, not only that it would be t e ,.. ) ut le'd, but that it would be increased.—( Cheers and laugh ‘e,. ' On that occasion, no Conservative Lord, no Right Re tioliend Prelate rose to make any remark on such avowed inten br of the late Government. ..Loud cheers.) All that was ~...I )°se d by the resolution was, to use what was now of no t iZ ee aad to do good with what was now doing no good—( Loud 1,14) --and believing that he had the greatest experience luerlghest intelligence to bring to the consideration of every tild ;I°ll, agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing.—( Loud beatlong continued cheering.) On these grounds, be had kieasure in seconding the nomination of Lord John Rus so;kCheers)—believing that that Noble Lord was not a he „as all Catholic i n h eart —( G reat cheering)—believing that . k,, 4 a s incere supporter of the Protestant religion.—( Re ' kr Vb. • I ' NI . .ALDWYN FeLronn, cf Fulford, then came forward, H uSt the cheers of the Bide party, to propo,..e Mr. Parker. t‘: ta • te d that he came forward to perform a duty which he to stewedei to be an honour, and felt to be a pleasure—he came il lk the opinion of a large—he believed a very large Iri ik r s it Y of the yeomanry of South Devon.—( Cheers from the p all y : \ and cries of " No, no," from the Purple and Orange ttly k i ., if there were any doubt upon the point, it would tit ve 'v necessary to point out the large and respectable body I „,itsli n ° ,, nla n, l 7 by whom Mr. Parker had been escorted to the hadHonteat mornir, g —(Laughter and cries of cc No, no.") 'tcl . Gentlema i n . who had nominated' the Noble Lord I t lesti on the „ meeting, and told them truly, that the- great Ze h r i s i.mo? at issue in the Legislature, was the question of ‘ge e , - 1 . •,Church. Upon that report a motion similar to the i i i , - ; l4 „,_ttolt of the Noble Lord, was brought forward in At e tVession o f P ar li ament , when the Noble Lord was ° Pllose m d of the Cabinet.—(Cheers.) That motion was e t 4 o LuY the Mi n i stry o f w hi c h th e N o ble Lord was Po o t ar, upon the ground that they had no information 4ioire •• sehject—that a C o mmission had been issued to 4 tl i r 1 ,140 the subject_and that, until they had the report ate t," ln tlissioners, they were not in a situation to legis t'4llrllllt.--(Cheers from the Blues.) Yet that resolu !otp.47, rn 13..the_present Session of Parliament, been brought ~, he apposed Noble Lord himself. The Noble Lord feel :sar, aPPosed that the information which he deemed ne- Z , li er Ze i n be was acting in the responsible situation of an Ni le h lee Crown was not at all necessary for any object vs' the Dad in view, when he found himself upon the Benches *J4 to b-PPosition.—( Cheers from the Blues.) The resolu kletti retight forward by the Noble Lord had received the 1,44 0 - ,.. 611 nf the House of Commons. The Noble Lord being k •tig”, Lu ig to lend the sanction of his support.to any resolu tlil444lP,trOP the purposes that he had in view, he could unite 1. .(1 4 ,,,, the enemies of the Protestant Church Establishment. ' 9 4 . 42 Cheers and great groaning.) The Hon.. Gentleman %Ittllitold them that the object of the resolution, after the Sol e d fps of the Protestants of Ireland had been properly ilial kd or, f l ,was to apply the surplus revenues of . the Esta !;zr.B-igurcifolirdt)o the purposes of general education. Now denied that that was to be the case.- 1 , ity ) The effect of the resolution would be this—that if toe Was w Part of Ireland there should be found a parish in which Pr ~4 li nt a given number of Protestants, the proceeds of k Fe ll I,: t g°:ti Yof the Church in that parish should be applied, tees.clui as to whether they might be required for Church n e ed 4 Other parts of the kingdom, to the purposes of ge t 111 4 eati °o•--( Cries of "Ohl") What was to be the natur `44lotißeneral education? The supporters of the Noble Lord's ire d id not for a moment inquire whether the Protestant i:_e wl; e 'lltired a Protestant education ; neither did they in (.ll t o t t h t lier, for the purpose of properly teaching the Scrip \,.4ol..._;e, People, the whole of the surplus revenues of the 11,:m r 'glIt ;,'' indeed, there should turn out to be any surplus I ' ‘ l3 (I',l -°t be absolutely necessary. Neither of these q ' 6 '' the 'te, ~ t i supporters of the resolution propose to do. %11„" t4 1)1 4A ''`Or do you know ?") They proposed to apply k t ,' it, bto the education—the mixed education as they k,' tot ,n,t one in which the reading of the Scriptures t Ncl . " tn ' t ed--( Laughter, cheers, and groans.) They :; e4l l - h a PPly the surplus ' to the education of the people ,Lot Y l v ; i -ti t in that general education Protestantism was ,'le e r•„, 4i st sight of. Mr. Sillifant, in the course of i h a %, l -fts in seconding the nomination of the Noble :.,41--tisto, 14 them a good deal about the introduction of kl,`aLf Queenthat h e (Mr. Fulford) ever hear d t h at Q ueen Eli za - Oth, Reformation, kingdcms.—(Laughter and cheers.) At the Whin„' e formation, Scotland had a King of her own, and ire Qt ,% ',. t . ° do with England. „r t ? s, L r - A 'raNT.—l did not say that Queen Elizabeth took t tl . Ik t -a with respect to Scotland. l i' l lits PcI RD continued.—The Noble Lord, for the purpose ti 4 o l. th nut the Ministry of Sir Robert Peel, had allied him -4,, 5 44 ,,_ e Z e rY party who, whilst he was in power himself, he ''k,%o,eagues most emphatically denounced. Knowing t.4 0 `4. cioottable it must be to all whom he had the honour Lt k i hide the pelting of so pitiless a storm, he would 0(0 th e '44 1 Nip HI longer than to say that he came forward on i l le to kith the greatest pleasure and satisfaction to 4 4 11tt e • Parker, as a fit and proper person to represent t, t 1 15, t i l t in - ,11 1 , 0 1 - l a i n v . ision of Devon in Parliament.—(Great '4 ":: lt ly L 4 l l , Nowireto)Ts seconded the nomination, speaking 't' 'llls "" an hour, during which the rain fell heavily and ~ ,,,e . --i, gi lk it Nio pi., l l'P then demanded whether any Gentleman pro i. tl f sr lv e ,,.., e anY other candidate in nomination ? No person yetti - s the Sheriff again shortly addressed the meet- J., +t er - at that silence might be preserved while the can ,'',h,,,4!l ,1 0 , e speaking. )' , i .4l "t, ie a li.. 4 ussE . Li. then presented himself, and was most 4 r k t j received by his supporters, who composed the ti n ' Nis unat.the crowd. The uproar raised by the Blue I,,Y,Leti oo r ' t 2t impossible to proceed for some minutes ; but k; ti O:elit• ah ," 4B Partially restored, he said, Gentlemen, whe 4ttilittil t ot; pot a fit and proper person to represent you i s t„' • I 1 1 ,,,;_` ant entitled to a fair and . impartial hearing, t ite,, 4 H e that hearing I shall wait patiently for your I t l ik L ill ` N: e i re the uproar was renewed with tenfold vio -41,7' ''''t,st%' °e le Lord leaned against the hand-rail in front ie 4 ,. 4 4 111 , 0, and calmly waited until the noise should sub -o,s4ftl4Possession appeared to rouse the utmost indig -0101 c 'nes, for the noise, if possible increased.) to b 'tz e l 4 . l. e, amidst the greatest confusion, stepped for , N•,( R e 'tned in a loud tone, Mr. Sheriff, we demand a 0 1 4att e e ,ewed uproar.) 'S, 4 ii,‘ interposed and intreat.A the meeting to hear (iklot :e e(4 `,' sell. The appeal was perfectly fruitless, for • • Pe t „ e "oued ; after some considerable time Lord John I?3' pr, l4 °c ied to say, you have beard from the Sheriff -0 h t5l ll tj, t he Blues " You're afraid to hear him, are s„. N., ,„ e .., . , NN f r ,„_ "PPosite party, and loud cheering.) . You ii t , , t to ' ii t ,`" the Sheriff that it is his duty to keep silence q . ' 1 ,to p orte nt occasion, gentlemen. I, on my own be ,k,qiesij'itai, rc) nglY my right to be heard, that I shall wait VI e liillijilat hearing, even though I am forced to wait iN I 4I t l ugs until sun-set for that purpose.—Loud 4 ,, it eveNremendous uproar.) A long time having been 33 T et tet: att ernPt to restore silence having been made 17, 1 ( 11„ 1 !Itt„ fq sti h o ?tCLAND stepped hastily forward. As soon as w in t 4 ei V ith Which he was hailed had subsided, he ad ( etlik,_ltos t r et °rs, amidst the most profound silence, in the ) lii i ` , sp, a t ic :—Alr. Sheriff, I request to be allowed for one I : t, 4l er e d :° order, and to be allowed as a man, than whom th'i'4%t, ePly alive to the honour and credit of his coup. ,‘l t e,,cli gr ,,. ( hat y ou, gentlemen, will not lay yourselves again '‘ 1- Ae c r a ee of refusing to hear your own county Member, 041,‘ h• by , , Igh Your common Sovereign by being called L '‘k r t i t in., e ,m!utl responsible office under him, and on his pro i.G% .e tilfi e ",ll now, to know whether, as your representative, 0 4 4, , ,,,, 0 , yo n accepting that office or not. Oh, gentlemen, 1 .1 1 k i . .e. eanire man amongst us ? There are few men to '''01)4„ 114 4--Ai ra l 1 , 4 n h Dm, to say, in all England—who o — h.4tit. Biti ell',e o „, a . 1446 " - Stllt . a ' situa . tion, i . vith a formi- V% .3*--- - "lcsting your verdict against him, a full and iyo wltililteitewed cheers.) Gentlemen, if an old friend i4 t ti, tit old f f !ee( l em with you, I do ask one favour at your i \ , ) tit at wh.rlendship z!nd ancient kindness, I beseech you i tt itt 44 to t b ic h is more due to yourselves even, if I may Xtio N t 2 Noble Lord • I ''one and trust you will not yle 'di u 4 e this favour. 'r, " -, it is not the way h ow spi lt , syentie;ren, . . Our ;,o„ t o - ,to be inquire into its early beginning. O 1.,1 kos °P and attend. I set you 010 example by J e• i % S. 'lst (Tremendous cheering.) t 'eltl IN I e essßl4 ..—Gentlemen, what you have just 1 ,2 ai 'agh ek_xPected from the justice, the honour, firm -1,.ti1..a h.."ll!cter of my friend, Sir Thomas Acland. ,i'S i l 'a 113,7 said, that it is more necessary for your cha- Ohltin 1 / 1 Y ( *lt that you - should give me a fair and im . - tp:Litiallt--(Loud heers.) Gentlemen, for that fair fr e L e arine. 1 disposed Si t 4 ^ -eu o l de ~. -amui to wait, because 1 think V %II t o wil who hopes to give his vote conscientiously 6"I li 4 t th e a t may be said by the different candidates, 1 ° le s , ? r , should hear what is to be'said by one who km il ee rk) "Oen three times a candidate for their suffra- V N' i sh to ni t let-Oen, it is no doubt the interest of par e , bei,„ , ea s el; isr resent the truth, to prevent the can- L titii:te Recce .rd, but the freeholder who wishes to h t lie, Isle di ,`_""g: to truth and fact has no interest in k otpne.4d, cussion. His interest is that every one 1/4j‘‘' 8 fro ar 'd that truth should prevail.—(Cheering t ti, k4l es' ill t he Blu 4 , y ap u ]R the rns , es• ) I can . assure those gentlemen h her i u ' that the"es by making a noise on the other k t ot -.4 4 th _ ey may have to wait here two or three 00,4,0 e et a YY would otherwise do, and that they will 4 'sat 'l i ng here until sunset, lam heard. h L t' tt 4 que stion before you is, whom you will think 1?-1440t;01,(71r_vrepresentative for this Southern Division 4.k t 'le t i , eg et ,: ou at the present eventful crisis of public 1 ,0 11 !!), ~13, acne the necessity of this election has been ~ores, Pr o l oil ce l;tance of office.—( Here the Uproar was e lm th e r .F.eu fora consid era bl e t i me . Whil e i t was 4 gIeZIP which had been falling in torrents, '4B °fStlnShille burst through the clouds. When the Blues were exhausted, his Lordship proceeded.) We are none the worse off for having waited a short time, Gentlemen, for the sun seems about lo shine on us ; and I dare say we shall now proceed somewhat more comfortably.— ( Cheers and laughter.) I was about to say that the necessity for this election has been occasioned by my having accepted the high and important office of Secretary of State for the Home Department. That must be my excuse for one ground of disqualification which the gentleman who proposed my opponent urged against me, namely, that I am not usually resident in the county. Having important duties to perform in the councils of my Sovereign, I cannot but admit that the performance of those duties will keep me during the greater part of the year resident in Loudon ; but precisely the same thing would happen if my opponent were to be called upon by his Sovereign to accept, and did accept the office of Secre tary of State.—( Cheers, and " That's very likely—you'd cut a pretty figure in office, wouldn't you Mister Parker?") So, Gentlemen, unless you think it a fair ground of objection to a candidate, that he has been highly trusted by a great number of the Members of the Commons House of Parliament, and that he is placed high in the councils of his Sovereign, you will not think it an objection to me that I shall be able to visit this county but for a small portion of the year.—( Cheers. ) Gentlemen, the position which this county will occupy in the eyes of England, and I may say in the eyes of Europe, will not be lessened because its representative holds a high office— because he has weight in his Majesty's Councils, or because he takes a leading part in the deliberations of one of the legislative branches.—( Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, the pro poser of my opponent told you that this was a struggle for place and honour. This may be the understanding of the oppo site party certainly, but I have never so considered it—(cheers) —I have considered it a struggle for the maintenance and pro. motion of great principles. By the maintenance and promotion of those principles I was content to abide when those principles were out of fashion, and did not prevail. I was content, along with Lord Grey, and other members of the Whig party, to re main for more than twenty years out of office ; and when, at last, those principles can be promoted by my acceptance of office, I am content, with those colleagues to accept office to effect their promotion.—( Tremendous cheering.) Gentlemen, it was in this way, after our acceptance of office, that we effected the restoration to the people of the right of electing their representatives. Gentlemen, by our present acceptance of office, likewise, we hope to promote the great principles of Reform. We hope to promote the restoration to the people of the right of electing the officers of their Muni cipal Corporations.—( Great cheering.) We are of opinion, that next to the abuse of individuals nominating the repre sentatives of the people, is the still existing abuse of the go verning body of our great towns naming their own suc cessors and colleagues apart from every election of the com munity which they govern or represent.—( Cheers.) There fore it is; Gentlemen, that I hope to see such a reform of the Corporations, as will provide that the distribution and ex penditure of their funds shall be devoted to useful, and not to private or party purposes. We know by the Report of the Commissioners of Corporation Inquiry, that the members of these Corporations have very often thought that the lands which were originally given for the benefit of the community —the lands which were given and granted for the purposes of charity—had a perfect right to be devoted to their own par ticular benefit. We know in other instances that their funds have been applied to party purposes, and we have an instance in this very county of a Corporation, who, several years ago, during a party contest, gave 1001. from its funds for the support of one candidate against the other. These abuses we wish to correct, and we have declared that the best principle upon which, in our opinion, they can be corrected, is the introduction of " vigilant popular controul" over those municipal bodies.—(Loud cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, this is one of the promises upon which I have accepted office, and upon which I have to ask your verdict—as Sir Thomas Acland has put it,. whether, in accepting office for such a pur pose, among others, I have, or have not, fairly represented my constituents.—( Great cheering.) Now, Gentlemen, I come to the great question at issue with respect to the Church.-.- (Cheers.) With regard to the Church in this country, I long ago declared my opinion that it ought to be scrupulously main tained, because I thought it conducive to the promotion of religion, conducive to the good order of society, and in accord ance with the general wishes of the people. But, Gentlemen, I thought at the same time that its abuses ought to be cor rected, and its revenues more equally distributed. Gentlemen, this opinion of mine was by some treated as an act of heresy, of which only an enemy of the Church could possibly be guilty ; but I am happy to say there is now lying upon my table as Secretary of State—there is now lying upon my table in London, the Report of a Commission, at the head of which stood the names of two archbishops and three bishops, in which they recommended that the incomes of the Bishops should be made more equal than they now are.—( Loud cheeis.) There is then no very great difference of opinion between the heads of the English Church and myself upon that point, although there may be some difference in degree and in extent. With respect to the Church of Ireland, there has been a great and a broad difference—a difference which I am not disposed to disguise or to palliate—a difference which lam ready to explain. All I ask is, that the resolutions I have proposed, and the speeches I have made, should not be misrepresented, and that the Committee of my oppo nent should not put into my mouth sentiments which I never uttered—that I be judged by what I have ac tually declared, not by what it may be convenient for them to suppose I have said.—(Great cheering.) Now, Gentlemen, the proposer of my opponent has stated that last year I opposed a Resolution upon the subject of the Church of Ireland, and that this year I have myself introduced one. Now, Gentlemen, the difference between my conduct at the two periods is this—l declared last year that I was for applying the surplus revenues of the Church of Ireland to the education of the people. I declared that as a Minister of the Crown ; but I added that it was better, the Ministers of the Crown being prepared to maintain that opinion, that they should have the report of the ,Commission before them, previous to introducing any measure upon the subject. Gen tlemen, if the Government of Sir Robert Peel had said the same thing—if they had said—" We will judge of the report of the Commissioners, and if that report justifies your opinion, we will adopt it," they never would have heard of any resolu tion from us.—( Loud cheers.) They would have heard of nothing but my cordial support of their line of conduct. But, Gentlemen, so far from making any such declaration, they distinctly said, " Whatever the Report of that Commis sion may be, we will lay it upon the table of the House of Commons, but we will pay no regard to it, so far as to divert any of the revenues of the Church from those pur poses which we consider strictly ecclesiastical."—(Renewed cheering.) Seeing the start on the outset, they declared their opposition to the principle which I wished to assert, and seeing, moreover, that they introduced a measure on the sub ject of tithe, which would have closed for ever the qUestion of Church Reform in Ireland, I did think it necessary to ask the House of Commons to come to a definitive decision—whether they were prepared to stand on by the principle of Sir Robert Peel's Government, or by mine. Now, Gentlemen, let me describe what is the present state of Church and Tithes in Ireland, and what is the system which I propose to sub stitute in its place. Under the present system, there are in many parishes large owners paid for tithes amounting to 8001., 1,0001., and 1,500/. a year, out of which a very small sum is paid to the Curate, the Rector being altogether absent, some times there being no church, and oftentimes no congregation. Gentlemen, repeated instances of the working of this system have been brought under my notice. One— I may say five— Mr. Sergeant Perrin quoted in his place in the House of Com mons. Another was stated to me by one of the Commissioners, another was stated in a letter which was sent to me, signed by a Protestant Curate, who gives his name and place of abode; another instance has been stated to me to this effect. That in a parish in Mayo, there is a large sum, say 1,0001. a year, paid to the Rector in tithe, that the Rector himself is never seen, that the Curate is paid only 75/. a year, and some times less, and that, consequently, a very large sum is raised from. the population, in return for which no religious education whatever is given. Now, Gentlemen, my argu ment is, that the purpose—the main and sole purpose—of this Church Establishment is to provide religious in struction for the people. When I see a Rector, with a large sum devoted to his support, which ought to be ap plied to religious instruction, I point to that Rector, and I say, that he is himself the surplus which some gentlemen complain they canrot discover the existence of.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) Gentlemen, what would I do? I would di vide the available funds in a different manner. I would not only take care that there was a Protestant clergyman, but I would give him sufficient to live upon ; I would double or tri ple his 751. a-year. I would take care that he was resident and efficient ; and I. would devote the residue of the money to the religious and moral instruction of all classes of the people, without distinction.—(Tremendous cheers.) Well, gentle men, but I am told that this education which I propose to give is an education in the errors and superstitions of the Church of Rome. Gentlemen, that assertion is totally and entirely with out foundation. The education which it is proposed to give them is an education upon which one of the heads of the Pro testant Church—namely, the Protestant Archbishop of Dub lin, in conjunction with a Catholic Archbishop--has agreed. It consists of 'lnstruction in those principles of Christianity in which Catholics and Protestants do not differ, and it leaves to both Protestants and Catholics other days of the week for receiving that special instruction which belongs to their different modes of faith. By the introduction of this system I do not promote the Roman Catholic faith, but the moral and religious instruction of the people, leav ing it afterwards to the people of Ireland to say whether they prefer, after acquiring religious and moral knowledge, the Pro testant or Roman Catholic religion, and whatever others may say, who, under the name of religion wish to protect sinecures, I am not the Protestant to declare that I think the cause of the Protestant religion will be injured by the diffusion and in crease of knowledge—( Loud cheers)—on the contrary, I hold that the Protestant r egion had its first rise in the progress of knowledge getting the better of the errors and superstitions of the Romish Church. I wish to increase that knowledge in Ireland ' • and whether the people become at once Protestant or no, which one would be too sanguine certainly to expect, I do look forward to this result—that gross error& and supersti tions will fade before the light which instruction and religion will cast upon a nation.—( Deafening cheers.) Now, Gentle men, I ask whether, in respect to religion—in respect to the Protestant religion in particular—he is the best friend of it who proposes to maintain these sinecures, to maintain rich rectors where there are no congregations, where even the 'clerk, per haps, does not reside in the parish, but attends the ministry in a church on Sunday, where there is no congregation ; or whe ther it is better that a sufficient sum should be granted to in struct all the Protestants there may be in the district, hi the principles of the Protestant religion, and the Ipmainder applied to the promotion of religion and raoraliiysw purposes nearest akin to those for which the Church Establishment was originally founded. Gentlemen, I will quote to you an instance which was stated in the House of Commons. I know nothing more of the birth of it than this statement. I presume it to be accurate, and I cite it as show ing the system which prevails in some of the Irish parishes. In the case to which I allude, it was stated that the oldest man in the parish had never seen the Rector—that he never had been there but to collect his tithes—that the Curate lived sixteen miles off—that the sexton was the only one of the Es tablishment resident in the parish, and that he was exceedingly well known to its inhabitants generally, because he kept a shop at the gate of the church-yard, where he sold spirits without a licence.—( Great cheering and laughter.) I have now ex plained this question to you as it affects the religious instruc tion of the people. I have shown you, I hope, that in many parts and parishes of Ireland, which is called the Protestant Establishment, does nothing for the promotion of religion ; and that the system I propose to establish would at least tend to the promotion and increase of religious knowledge. But, Gentlemen, there is another view in which this subject re mains to be considered. I mean the political—the State view on a comparison of the present system with that which I pro pose to introduce, as it affects the tranquillity of Ireland--as it affects the loyalty and attachment of her people to the Crown and Parliament of this country. I am told—l have even stated on authority—that military force was not used to collect tithe in Irelar.d. Gentlemen, the fact is notoriously the reverse.—(Cheers, and cries of " Will any one forget Rathcormac ?") The fact is—and melancholy is it to be acknowledged—that the last blood that vvas• shed by the troops of England, by the soldiers of this country,, was not shed in battle against a foreign enemy, to ensure our national independence—it was not shed in a manly struggle with those who wished to deprive this country either of its naval supre macy or of its political liberty—it was not shed in a fierce con test against foreign usurpation, but in a campaign at home against a poor widow, against whom there was a claim of 3/. 15s. for tithes.—( Shame ) Why, then, Gentlemen, seeing that the existing system has been productive of no benefit to reli gion, or to the object for which the Church ought to be insti tuted—that it is fraught with these political evils—that it is productive of bloodshed—that it alienates the affections of the people of Ireland from this country, from its Government, from its Constitution, and from its supremacy,—l say that the time is come when it should be altered, and when we should endeavour to establish some better system in its place. I say that this better system is one which will make the tithes lighter in Ireland, as lighter they ought to be, and which will give a portion of those tithes to some objects on which the people generally can feel that they have an interest. Why, Gentle men, I think it will be purchasing what is valuable at a cheap price, if, by giving a portion of the tithe for the promotion of general education, we cay buy the attachment and affec tions of the people o f Ireland. If you can rely upon the people of Ireland as implicitly as you do upon the people of England, you will have no more necessity for keeping up a military force in Leinstcr, that you now for preserving one in York shire. These, then, gentlemen, were the grounds on which I proposed the resolution which I had the honour of submitting to the House of Commons, and which was supported by up wards of 330 Members, forming a majority of the whole House of . Commons.—( Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, were all these Honourable Members enemies to the Protestant religion ? Were they- all inclined to Popery? Were they all anxious to subvert the Church ? On the contray, the majority was com posed of men who, like my Honourable Friend who proposed me to-day, were most of them warmly attached to the Protes tant Church and Protestant religion.—( Cheers.) But, gen tlemen, they likewise entertained the feeling that it is by doing justice that the cause of truth is best promoted. They are ready to do justice to the people of Ireland. They are ready to promote the increase of knowledge ; they felt no doubt— convinced as they were in their own minds that the Protestant religion was the truth—that it would gain by the change. Such was the, conviction expressed by me, not only by many of these gentlemen, but with several very religious men out of Parliament, who spoke with me upon the subject.—( Great cheering.) [A voice in the crowd, " So has Mr. O'Connell1") I come now to another question, or rather to a name men tioned by a person in the crowd, with the view, I sup pose, of intimating that my resolution was supported by Mr. O'Connell. Now, I have a word or two to say to you upon this subject. re we to declare that a cause must be bad because Mr. O'Connell has supported it.—(" Yes," from the Blues.) Why, gentlemen, if this be the case, what are we to say of the Reform Bill_( Loud cheers)—which was opposed by a host of men who now, it seems, take the Reform Bill as the charter by which they are determined to abide? I was opposed by those Anti-Reformers, who are now such great and determined Reforms in those days.— ( Cheers.) I certainly did feel that it was of very great use to us to have the support of that Mr. O'Connell, and some thirty or forty Irish Members, who were found, on having a division, supporting the Reform Bill against those who wished to maintain old abuses. With respect to the questions that have yet to be brought forward, I have made no terms. My Lord Melbourne, or the Government, have made no terms or conditions with Mr. O'Connell ; but when we propose mea sures which we are convinced are right—when we propose measures which we think will tend to benefit England, and which we think will conduce to the peace of Ireland—we will not shrink from or abandon these measures, merely because the name of O'Connell may appear among the list of our sup porters.—( Cheei s.) Why, gentlemen, no man in the House of Commons, with the exception, perhaps, of Lord Stanley, has more opposed Mr. O'Connell, or his projects of repeal, or other suggestions which we think injurious to the country, than I have done. I never' hesitated yet, and I never would have purchased his support by acceding to any measure which, in my opinion, tended to the eablic detriment, or to the separation of the two countries.—(Cheers.) But is there no statesman in this country who has yielded to Mr. O'Con nell? There is such a statesman, and that statesman is the Duke of Wellington.—( Loud and continued cheering.) The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel declared, as I remember, and I think the majority of the electors of this county will also recollect, that the concession of the Roman Catholic claims would be destructive of the religion and Church of the country. Such he declared to be his firm conviction—such Sir Robert Peel announced as his unalterable determination. 1 But, Gentlemen, Mr. O'Connell organized an association in Ireland—he raised up that association against the powers of the law, and he reared it until it became of such force and such power, that the Duke of Wellington thought it dangerous to persevere in a contest which could only end in a civil war ; and then, he who had opposed the Catholic Claims—he who had opposed them on the ground of right—he who had opposed them on the ground of policy and on the ground of justice, directly yielded to Mr. O'Connell.—(Cheers.) Yes, he and Sir Robert Peel bent before the mighty force of the Irish mul titude, and declared, " Our opinion is not changed, our fear of the danger is not diminished; but rather than encounter in a civil war the popular force of Ireland, we will yield that which we have hitherto maintained is an essential part of the Protestant Constitution of these realms." Do I say anything of this kind ? On the contrary, I say that I am in the right ; that if I feel I am in the right, I will defy the whole force of Irish agitation ; I will appeal to the Parliament and the force of England against the force of that agitation ; but when I feel that Ireland is wrong ; when I feel that the Legislature of this country is in the array, I will yield—not to force, but to justice. I will yield a policy, I will make a concession, which shall not increase the burdens of—which shall not excite con tempt among—the people of Ireland, but which shall conci liate their affections, when they see we have made it—not be cause they are strong—not because they are prepared to use arms, but because you think them your fellow subjects, and your brethren, and are determined that the principles 'of conciliation and justice shall prevail in all parts of the Irish dominions.—(Tremendous cheering.) Gentlemen, it was for such reasons—it was upon such grounds, that I was formerly an advocate for reform in Parliament. It was upon such grounds that I was for repealing the restrictions which the Corporation and Test Acts imposed upon the Dissenters ; it was upon such grounds that I was for abolishing and de stroying those bonds of slavery in which the Africans were held in the West Indies. Gentlemen, it is upon such grounds that the present Administration is disposed to stand by the country ; they will not yield to any policy they may consider unjust or inexpedient, but they will introduce their measures as well considered as time and opportunity will allow : they will take care that they shall be known to the House of Commons and to the country. By the judgment and decision of that country they will abide. If they are supported they will perseveringly carry on the measures ; if they are not supported they will cheerfully resign their power. I have only a few more words to say. There is, perhaps, one other topic to which I ought to refer, and I will trouble you no farther. My opponent is put forth in his bills and placards as the farmer's friend. I hope, as he will soon have an opportunity of addressing you, you will listen attentively to the plans he has to propose for the relief of the farmer.—( A laugh.) I have heard the party to which he belongs represented, when in opposition, as the farmer's friends. I thought one of the first things they intended to do was to take off the malt tax. But, gentlemen, when the Parliament met, with a Tory Ministry in power, it appeared that they were not prepared to reduce a single shilling a bushel of that duty, but that they resolved to maintain it as it is. It may be that they intended to bring in a bill for the commuta tion of tithe. The only measure they proposed on the subject was a plan for the voluntary commutation of tithe, by which, when parties were agreed, the evil might certainly be remedied ; but whenever there was any difference of opinion—whenever the tithe-owner asked more than the tithe-payer was willing tt pay, it would remain undiminished. I do not conceive this to be a sufficient remedy for the present evil. I am, therefore, curious to know what is that particular measure—what is that particular specific—what is that panacea, to use the words of one of my opponents, which the gentleman, who stands for ward as a candidate for your suffrages, is prepared to propose for the relief of agriculture. Those who stand near the hus tings will be glad to hear that I have now almost concluded. I have another observation to make.--( Uproar from the Blue party.) I pray you listen a moment.—l have been very much gratified, not only by the reception I have met with from the majority of this meeting, but with my receptiou in the few parts of the county I have been able to visit to-day ; but I must add, that I am riot a little gratified by the noise that is made in that corner of the meeting (pointing to the Blues), because I know perfectly well that if those gentle. men thought they could answer the facts and arguments I have adduced, they would have listened to me patiently, and then have waited to hear one of their own friends supply the arguments by which all I had advanced would have been refuted and overthrown. I am now, however, convinced of what I suspected before, namely, that they know very well that if they did allow a fair stage for discussion, our arguments are so much the stronger and heavier, that their claims would be deprived of all hopes of success—(Cheers.) While I a little complain of their conduct therefore, as freeholders of this country, I admire their prudence, excuse their policy, and advise them, if they rti4ll to liuppon the hipped and prejudiced prin. eiples of the Tory party, to fill their ears with cotton, to listen to nothing, to hear nothing, to read nothing, but to go decoyed and bliud to the poll, and to refuse to let any fair dis- Thanks were returned to the Sheriff, and the immense meeting quietly dispersed. GREAT MEETING at PLYMOUTH of the FRIENDS and SUPPORTERS of LORD JOHN RUSSELL. FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) Plymouth, Friday Evening, April 30. This day a public meeting of the friends and supporters of Lord John Russell was held at the Royal Hotel, by adjourn ment from the Mechanics' Institute in this town. Long be fore one o'clock, the hour appointed for the meeting, the large room in the Institute was crowded to excess. In consequence of this, the Committee determined to adjourn the meeting to the area in front of the Royal Hotel, which was accordingly done. Hustings were soon erected, and in a short time up wards of 4,000 persons assembled. The greatest order, how ever, prevailed throughout. About one o'clock Lord John Russell, accompanied by Lady Russell, arrived . amidst the cheers of the assembly. The business of the meeting shortly after commenced. G. W. Soltan, Esq., took the Chair. The CHAIRMAN then addressed the meeting as follows : When I had the honour to address you in December last, I stated that his Majesty, in the exercise of his just prerogative, had dismiised the Whig Ministry, and elected in their stead a Tory Administration. Since then the representatives of the people, in the exercise of their duty, have dismissed the Tory Ministry.—(Cheers.) His Majesty has, therefore, called to his councils a Whig Ministry, and among them there is no one on whom greater reliance can be placed than on the Noble Lord who now seeks our suffrages. It is, I concive, quite unnecessary to advert to his claims on us. The high station which he now occupies in his Majesty's Councils, and his having been returned by you to three successive Parliaments, are sufficient proofs, if any were wanting, of his worth and ex cellence.---( Continued cheering.) The part he took in pro curing the repeal of the Test Act, and in procuring the passing of the Reform Bill, also confirm this. Mr. S. then referred to the cry raised by the Tories of the Church being in danger, and after proving the fallacy of it, quoted the following lines on the elleect, which he said he had met with while reading— " Whenever you hear a Tory prate About Constitution in Church and State, Do you think he cares one tittle or jot Whether religion is honoured or not ? He solves Canon and Civil Law Just as he estimates a straw ; For place and pension prateth he, His zeal burns only for L. S. D."—(Loud cheering.) Mr. S. concluded by calling on all present who desired sub stantial and vital Reforms to be adopted, to render their sup port to Lord John Russell at the ensuing election. Lord Joins RUSSELL then rose to address the meeting, and was received with the most enthusiastic cheers, which con tinued for some time. As soon as they had subsided, his Lordship spoke to the following effect :—I have the honour to present myself befcre this numerous and respectable assembly, because I have accepted an office under the Crown. I have accepted this office, because I believed that by so doing I could render measures of Reform more effectual than by re maining in the independent situation in which you placed me at the last election. I come forward now with the same pro fessions and principles, asking for a renewal of the confidence which you placed in me on the last occasion. It was because the late Ministry did not propose those measures of Reform which I conceived to be necessary that I was opposed to them. The first question of difference which arose was upon the sub ject of Municipal Corporations. Upon this subject I hold the same principles as I do with respect to others—that though good' in themselves, and worthy to be maintained, yet they require to be restored to their original vigour and purity; and I am more convinced of this, since the Commissioners have made their Report on the subject.—The Noble Lord here referred to several parts of that Report, and mentioned instances of undisputed Corporation abuses ; and added, that he knew of no way of remedying them but by putting them under vigilant popular controul. Lord John then alluded to the abuses in the Established Church, and the course which Sir Robert Peel had declared it to be his intention of adopting on the subject. He next spoke of the Irish Church question, and after stating Sir Robert Peel's and his own well-known respective opinions on this important subject, went on to show the existence of a surplus revenue, although this had been de nied by Sir Robert Peel and his Administration. The Noble Lord added, with reference to this question, " When I pro pose to correct this abuse, though accompanied with the safe guard that, in every district, complete care of the Protestant interests should be taken, I am met with a cry of spoliation and plunder;" and his Lordship proceeded to show the ab surdity, and utter want- of foundation of such charges. He stated that he had referred to these various topics because he had been totally misrepresented by his opponents, and that he could entertain no respect for persons who could, knowingly and wilfully, misrepresent him. Lord John then referred to Mr. Parker, the Tory candidate's, claims on the electors, as well as his own, and satisfactorily demonstrated the superiority of the latter, and concluded by calling on the electors, seeing that the eyes—not only of all England, but of all Europe— were upon them, to bear in mind that the approaching contest must decide whether or not they were desirous to continue the preses abuses in offer various institutions, or whether they wished them to be remedied, and the institutions themselves thereby strengthened and consolidated. (The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud and long -continued bursts of applause.) Three cheers were then given for Lady Russell. C. B. CALMUDY, Esq., of Wenbury, after an appropriate speech, moved a Resolution to the effect that the electors of the Southern Division of Devon and others present, having heard from Lord J. Russell a most satisfactory exposition of his views in relation to the Irish Church, Municipal Corpora tions, and other subjects connected with the general welfare of the country, took that opportunity of expressing to his Lord ship their grateful sense of his past services in the cause of Reform, and pledged themselves to use every effort to secure his re-election. JOHN COLLIER, Esq., M. P. for Plymouth, in an able ad dress seconded the Resolution. J. C. BULTEEL, Esq., JonN RUNDEL, Esq., M.P. for Tavistock, and THOMAS BEWES, Esq., M.P. for Plymouth, severally supported the Resolution with great ability. The CHAIRMAN then put the Resolution, which was carried amidst loud acclamation. Lord JOHN RUSSELL returned thanks, and in doing so ad verted to one topic which he said he had before omitted to mention—the supposed alliance between Mr. O'Connell and the present Government—he referred to Lord Melbourne's recent declaration on the subject, and added his own testimony, which was to the same effect. The CHAIRMAN, after a short address, then dissolved the meeting. About four o'clock Lord John Russell and his Lady left this place (Plymouth) for the seat of R. W. Newman, Esq., in, order to enable the Noble Lord to be present in person at the nomination, which is to take place to• morrow at Exeter. ' The Noble Lord was in excellent spirits, and looked as well as could be expected after the great fatigue which he has had to endure of late. Every thing in this district augurs well for the cause of the Noble Lord : in fact his friends in the South of Devon are, from all we can learn, in excellent spirits, and quite confident as to the result of the approaching election. HANOVER. SQUARE ROOMS.—The application for tickets yesterday by subscribers, for the first subscription ball to be held at these rooms on Monday next, were very numerous. We understand that Captain Marshall, the master of the ce remonies, will attend at • the '"Hanover-square Roomi on Monday, until five o'clock, to answer further applications. • 4 THE SUN, LONDON, SA'`, ITRDAB% MAY 2, 1835. ' cussion take place, convinced as I am, mid as they are, that in that fairliscussion they must be worsted—( Cheers.) Gentle men, I thank youfor the reception you have given me here to day, and I trust that upon the day of polling you will consider that lam as fit as I was at the three last elections, to repre sent your sentiments, and to speak your voice at the head of the Commons House of Parliament.—( After entreating silence for Mr. Parker, the Noble Lord concluded his address amidst deafening and enthusiastic cheers.) It rained incessantly dur ing the whole of its delivery, and the steam rose in clouds from the saturated clothes of the dense mass in front of the hustings. Mr. PARKEU then came forward amidst the cheers of his friends. He had to request, as a young candidate, their indul gence whilst he delivered those sentiments by which he had been called upon by a large body of friends. He would not trespass long upon their patience, it had already been put to a severe trial. He did not come forward, as was said, merely to oppose the Ministers of the Crown, but he had been called for by a large majority of the electors, whose opinions were ad verse to any measures that savoured of spoliation, and who said that their feelings had not been fairly represented.— ( Cheers and groans.) No part of the kingdom was more devoted to the institutions of the country than the county of Devon, and they had called upon him to come for ward as their Representative to support the Protestant Church. —(Laughter and cheers.) It had not been satisfactorily proved to him that the Irish Church was overpaid. At all events there was no proof of a surplus—(cheers and groans)__ but it had been said that the present Church system had led to bloodshed. It was not the Irish Church, Lut the spirit of in subordination which had long existed in that country. They might throw themselves upon the tender mercies of Mr. O'Connell.—( Great uproar.) Would they believe that a man whole motto had been, " Agitate, agitate I"—(General confu sion, in which the Hon. Gentleman became wholly inaudible.) It was his belief, that so far from this being a sufficient sop in the pan, that the repeal of the union would soon follow. He would now, as briefly as possible, declare what his views were upon the subject of agriculture—(cheers)--and although he might not be prepared with any panacea at that moment, yet, at the same time he would, if he was returned as their representative, give his best attention to every branch of it. But he would not go up to Parliament bound by any pledge. He should disdain to obtain a few stray votes by giving a pledge. One word on the subject of tithe. They had heard of the abolition of the tithes. But what would they say, when it was admitted that the, Church property in England was not too large ? He was favourable ton fair and equitable commutation of tithes— ( Cheers and uproar)—but he never would consent to any measure which tended to bring religion into contempt. He would merely repeat the grounds upon which he came for ward. It was to uphold the principle of the great body who had called upon him to come forward—a principle which set some bounds to Reform. He could have no confidence in a Ministry in which the little finger of Mr. O'Connell was hea vier than all the rest of the Government.—( Uproar.) He was proud to say that he, an humble individual, was thought worthy by the electors of that division of the county to stand forth as a candidate for the honour of representing them in Parliament. He felt the utmost confidence in the event. The show of hands was then taken, and was declared to be greatly in favour of Lord John Russell. A poll was demanded on the part of Mr. Parker, which will commence on Monday next. MANCHESTER ELECTION, MANCIIESTTE; R, Timmer. PUBLIC DINNER TO MR THOMSON. Immediately after the victory. triumphantly gained over the self-named " Friends of Order," it was resolved to give an en tertainment to Mr. Thomson the same evening, as the Right Hon. Gentleman's presence in town being urgently required, he could not prolong his stay without inconvenience to the public service. A dinner for about 300 was therefore hastily provided, by Mr. Hayward, of the Hotel in Bridge-street, by six o'clock in the evening. So great was the anxiety .to be present on this occasion, that although the design was hastily formed and imperfectly announced, not a ticket was to be pro cured, as people sometimes say, " either for love or money," an hour after it was known. The spacious room at the back of the Hotel was found to be much too small for the accom modation of the numerous friends and admirers of Mr. Thom son, and therefore many gentlemen dined below, and when the cloth was withdrawn took their positions in the great room. THOMAS HAItBOTTLE, Esq., f u lfill e d t h e duties of Pre sident. On his right sat the Right Hon. C. P. Thorn-r,i, M. P., J. C. Dyer, Esq., Thomas Gisborne, Esq., M. P., Fenton, Esq., late M.P. for Rochdr.o.c , , C. Hadfield, Esq. E. Baxter,. Esq., &c. &c. To the left were Mark Philips, Esq., M. P., George Wood, Esq., - Thode, Esq., S. Stocks, jua., Esq., - Shials, Esq., of Durham, &c. &c. The vice-presidents, being one at each table, were James Kershaw, C. J. S. Walker, and Thomas Hopkins, Esqs. The first toasts proposed, were of course, th ose o f royalty, the King, the Queen, the Duke of Sussex, and the Royal Family. They were drank with the usual manifestations of loyal feeling, especially the health of the Duke of Sussex. The PRESIDENT next proposed with three times three cheers, the toast of " Lord Melbourne and his Majesty's Ministers." The Right Hon. C. P. TnomsoN, M. P., in reply to the toast said, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen—Our worthy presi dent has told you that within a few short months we have seen rapid changes. The administration of Lord Melbourne was, as he has said, abruptly dismissed from power. I regret that dismissal principally on account of what has since intervened with regard to the House of . Commons. That Government was an untried Government—that Go vernment had measures in contemplation which it believed to be not only in accordance with the spirit of the country, but which it believed also that with that House of Commons might have been carried triumphantly through, and would have met with but little resistance.—(Cheers.) The dissolution has placed matters in not so favourable a light. It has, as is well known to you, raised up a powerful Tory opposition within the walls of St. Stephen, in com parison to any which before had shewn itself there. There may, then, there must be, more difficulties in fighting the battle of the people now than then. But, gentlemen, what do I read in this with regard to the toast you have drank ? I see in that a greater necessity for a liberal administration—( Tremendous cheering)—to rely upon the support of the people—(Long and deafening cheers followed this sentence)—to carry out those measures, or at least en deavour to do so, which they believe in their consciences to be de manded by the intelligence of the people of England—l read in that toast, gentlemen, a greater necessity for your confidence--( Great applause)—but a greater necessity likewise for the ministers to prove themselves worthy of it--(Cheers)—by a determination stea dily to proceed in the great cause of reform of abuses, wherever they be acknowledged to exist.—( Continued cheering.) I see in it likewise reasons for your extending indulgence and patience to that administration.—(Loud and long cheers follo we d, in the midst of which the Right Hon. gentleman sat down. The PRESIDENT, with a very high eulogium on the character of the Noble Lord for consistency and integrity of public conduct, proposed the toast of— " Earl Grey, and the second charter of our liberties—the Re. form Bill." Mr. E. BAXTER responded to the toast in an appropriate address, and said he believed that no man in the world could have carried the Reform Bill but Lord Grey. He begged to read a note he had received since entering the room, containing 5/. It was as fol lows:—" Sir, I beg to enclose you 51., being the amount of a donation subscribed by three or four friends of freedom towards defraying the expemes of Lord John Russell's election for Devon shire." The PRESIDENT proposed, in a neat address, the health of the Right Hon. C. P. Thomson, elected representative of Manchester by a majority of 1,366.—( Cheers. ) Mr. THOMSON—The present has been a fair struggle between parties professing different political opinions ; the present has been a contest between those who have always been the friends of free dom on the one side, and those who have always been its opponents on the other.—(Cheers.) The contest has been between those on the one hand who would drive back the march of events, and on the other of those who would lead forward the public mind, and give to the intelligence of the country the institutions it demands.— ( Cheers.) The contest has been one far more triumphant than ever took place before, but it was a struggle under circumstances which our opponents deemed favourable to them selves ; the triumph has been far more exalted than could have been anticipated even by those most sanguine, and at the same time from the interest they took in the result, still doubtful as to its success, or of those who supposeda re-action had taken place in Manchester.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, our opponents dragged into their cause all the artillery they could by possibility have brought to bear. No trick, no device, no calumny was neglected. The first, as regards our cause, has been successfully exposed ; the second, as regards myself personally, I pass now as I have ever passed it, with the contempt it deserves.—(Cheers.) Let such tricks--such de vices—let such calumnies benefit a sinking, cause if they can._ (Cheers. ) I rely upon truth and honesty ; and whilst we disdain ourselves to use such arms, we equally disdain to reply to such at tacks.—(Cheers.) I have now twice had the honour of sitting as your representative—to-morrow I shall again be placed in that proud situation. I have never canvassed a vote—l have never so licited a promise. lam as ignorant as a stranger can be of all the details of the election proceedings. I have never given one farthing towards any single item of expense connected with any election. I have thought it my duty, and you have been pleased to set the seal of your approbation upon what I did, to accept the responsibi lities and the duties of office. I have done so, as you well know, because, in my opinion, I could render myself more useful in that quality than if I stood in the simple capacity of your representative. But still there are drawbacks to that sacrifice of independency. There is not the same libetty of action. There is necessarily a cer tain compromise of opinion for the sake of unity of purpose, which will, I feel, oblige me to draw upon your indulgence and your con fidence.—(Hear, hear.) If, then, upon any occasion, I should lag behind your wishes, I should not keep up with your expectations, I must trust to that indulgence I entreat ; and, believe me, that after what we have now seen, after what is before me to-day, there is no prize which power can give which I could value half so highly as your confidence and approbation.—(Loud cheers. ) I feel satisfied that with patience and forbearance on the part of the people, with determination—and I know there will be determina tion—on the part of the Government, great and advantageous re sults may be anticipated.—(Loud cheers.) One is not more neces sary than the other. What gave strength to the hopes of the Tories ? It was the idea that the Reformers were disunited. What induced them to seize the reins of power ? It was the vain idea that the friends of improvement were separated and divided from each other—that the liberal cause had become depopularised—that they by protests on the one hand to those who might be deluded amongst the friends of freedom, and by cajolery upon the other to those amongst its enemies who would have opposed their measures had they really believed them to be good, but supported them merely because they supposed they were yielding merely to a pas sing necessity, and would do nothing otherwise—they were enabled through these means to enjey a momentary share of power, and to place, as we have all seen, the cause of Reform and improvement in jeopardy, for a considerable period. Let us beware how we again permit them any opportunity of this kind. The country will not bear these oft-repeated experiments. The country, anxious for a settled, for a stable Government determined to carry out mea sures of reform and improvement, will yet, if it cannot obtain that, put up with any Government rather than none at all. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing " Mr. Thomas Potter, and the Electors of Manchester.' Mr. Vice-President HorxiNs replied on the part of the electors, and in the course of his observations exposed the falsehoods put forth in the Wednesday's newspaper. The PRESIDENT proposed the health of " Mark Phillips, Esq. M.P." Mr. PHILIPS on rising was received with many distinct rounds of applause. Mr. Thomson, with great justice, bad painted out some of those difficulties by which the new administration would find themselves surrounded. He (Mr. Philips) had that day dis charged in his own person the most agreeable duty—for it was his duty as well as that of the electors—of recording for the first time IA vote as an elector of Manchester, in favour of his Right Hon. Colleague.—(lmmense cheering.) In voting for his Right Hon. Colleague, he voted for him not merely because he esteemed him as a man, not merely because he felt confidence in the principles he held, but because in taking office in connection with the adminis tration just formed, he did feel strongly that there was a guarantee to the electors of Manchesters, as well as to the country at large, that Mr. Thomson would not have consented to have taken office with any administration unless that administration were prepared to carry out those great principles of reform to which that meeting was friendly.—(Loud cheers.) This would require patience at their hands. It would require prudence on all parts to bring the ship safely into harbour ; but he trusted to the continued exercise of that discretion which they would admit, equally with himself, had distinguished the whole proceedings of the opposition against the late administration. Before he sat down he begged to propose as a toast the health of a distinguished individual who he was happy to see present—of one whose eloquence was proverbial in the contest the Reformers had lately been engaged in—the health of " Thomas Gisborne, Esq., M.P., and the Liberal Members of the House of Commons." Mr. GISBORNE rose and was received with deafening plaudits, and spoke as follows :—Lam going to say a thing which will, per haps surprise you. I am almost sorry that we drove the Tories from office so soon as we did. We had got them pretty well pledged to a good many things, but there were many others to which I would like to have pledged them also. I dare say you have often heard it said that a lawyer's opinion is worth nothing, unless he receives a fee for it.—(Laughter.) Now, you cannot think what additional value the opinion of any Member of Parlia ment, and particularly of any great Parliamentary leader gains, when it is given under a grave official sanction. 1 should like to have had the opinion, in this way, of Sir Robert Peel on Cor poration Reform— (Cheers)— of his collca.ues, and of a great many of his thick and thin supporters in the House of Com mons, who, as Mr. Whittle Harvey once wittily said, " made his back sore %vial the impertinence of their knees."— (Great laughter.) I should like to have had the opinion of the Honourable Me caber for the immaculate corporation of Leices ter, upon Sir Robert Peel's plan of Corporation Reform.— (Loud cheers and laughter.) I should like to have had the opinion of Lord Sandon, of Mr. Charles Ross of Northampton, for they also would have been given under a grave official sanction. —(Laughter.) I regret on these grounds that we did expel the Tories quite as soon as we effected it. However, as I said before, we did get them pledged to some matters—we got them pledged to this point, that the Church wanted reform.—( Cheers and laughter. ) They made that discovery at last, but they made it in a very Tory like fashion, for what did they tell us about it ? ."Why," said they, " we have at last found out that the Church wants reforming, but you stupid Whigs, you thick-headed Radicals, though you saw clearly enough that the Church wanted reforming, you could not tell how or why ;" we have found out why—it is for want of dis cipline that it wants reforming.—(Loud laughter.) " Ah," said they, " the staff of the Church is not large—we will reform it by giving two new Bishops—(loud laughter)—the Bishop of Man chester and his Eminence of Ripon.—(Cheers.) Oh ! we will elevate the town of Manchester in the scale of the towns of this kingdom—we will make it the seat of an Episcopal See—it is a sail ungodly place—(laughter) —we will convert it to old ortho dox principles, and we will give it a Bishop to reform its pr;nciples and to mend its manners."—(Loud and continued laughter.) Well, gentlemen, but as I said before, we were obliged to fight the battle as well as we could, and the result was that we turned the Tories out, which is so far highly satisfactory, though I somewhat regret having turned them out so soon. We hunted them step b step—(Laughter)— we never lost the. seent. — =(Loud laughter.) I was a fox-lninter in my younger days, and the hunt after the ITories reminded me of many a good fox-chase I had. We never lost the scent—we ran them to ground, and we dug them out at last.—(Loud laughter.) When we had turned the 'I cries out, they threatened to beat us in an appeal to the country. They threatened to get up the old cry of " The Church is in danger !"—(Laughter.) Now nothing, apprehend, so exceedingly distresses and gravels the Tories, as the country beginning to find out what the Church really is. The Tory doctrine with regard to the Church is, that it is only the receivers which constitute the Church—(Laughter)--but the country wilt let them know that the payers are a part, and the constituent part, of the Church.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Well, then, they hoped a great "re-action" would take place! What a while they were talking of "re-action !" It was to take place particularly now up on this great principle, that Englishmen were, above all things, at , tached to the Church, and that the Church was now in the greatest danger !—( Loud cheers.) Now where ha, this '• *.-e- action" taken place? Really I cannot find it. I! i_as not taken place in Man chester !—( Cheers ; an:l of " No, no.") No, the "re-action" there is all Cia other way !--(lmmense cheering.) Oh ! hew dis '..ressing this Manchester election will be to the Tories, beginning _ from the head of them, Sir Robert Peel, through every one of them down to their late whipper-in, 'Mr. William Holmes ! Where is this " re-action" gone ? Has there been any at Cambridge, where my Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has been returned again, no Tory daring to show his face ?—(Hear, hear.) Now, if ." re-action" is not to take pl ace i n one of the Universities, I want to know where, in the name of goodness, we arc to look for it?—.(Loud laughter.) I have the most confident hope and expec tation, from what I have heard to-day, that a " re-action" won't prove to have taken place in Devonshire ; and if it does not there,. lam sure it won't take place in the West Riding of Yorkshire. I will only say a single word with regard to myself and my own Par liamentary conduct. When a Reform Ministry were before in . office, I frequently modified my own principles when I saw them in difficulties, in order to get their assistance.—( Cheers. ) I shall. pursue the same course again.—( Cheers.) I will again modify my principles, and if it be necessary postpone them though I won't de sert them.--( The Hon. Gentleman concluded, his brilliant speech amid loud cheers.) After some other toasts had been drunk, the party broke up. BERWICK ELECTION. ----..... The following is th e speech made by Sir Rufane Donkin upon being returned, without opposition, for the borough of Berwick-on-Tweed : — " Gentlemen,—My first words ought to be those of congratula tion to you, my friends and supporters, on your having so triumph antly given effect to your political principles by electing me, with out opposition, to be this, a third time, the representative of those principles in Parliament. " You came forward in such a way as insured me complete sue cess, by the time I had gone through about half my first day's canvas. " I am elated and gratified, when I contemplate the independent and constitutional manner in which you, the Electors of Berwick, have stepped forth, not so much to be solicited for your votes by me, as to press your votes upon me, in order at once to insure a true representation of your political principles in the House of Commons. " You gentlemen, yourselves, have reason to be proud of the energy and independence which you have shewn on this occasion, and by which you have prevented an opposition which, although it would have been unavailing, would have given trouble. " I need not tell you, gentlemen, that it is my intention firmly and steadily to support Lord Melbourne's administration. It pro fesses Reform for its leading principle, and we are afraid of neither the word nor the thing. I hope and believe that this Government will carry into effect all those beneficial reforms which the people of England have a right to expect, and which you well know they do expect—and when those, who fear that R e f orm may - lead to rev o l u ti on , s h a ll see one abase after another cleared away by an enlightened and honest adm . • o tration, not only witho u t convulsion, but i m p ar ti ng health, r, and prosperity to th e State, the most ti m id w ill b e enc i aged ; and those who may now hold back under the impression of their fears, will gradually be convinced, and acknowledge that experience has opened their cles, and shewn them that Reform is a healing medicine—a preventor of discontent and convulsion—and the only true means of securing and fixing on an immoveable basis the rights and privileges of the Sove reign, the Parliament, and the people. " Gentlemen, I beg leave to offer to you my warmest and most sincere thanks for your kindness and honourable support on this occasion. • " I trust that I shall continue so to conduct myself in Parliament as to strengthen, if possible, your confidence in me. My confi dence in you is such, that whenever there shall be a dissolution of Parliament, (an event I think not at all likely to happen for a con- siderable time to come) I shall throw myself upon you, as I have now done, without f ear or d ou b t as to t h e result., ' IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Mir 1. The House sat at twel ve o ' c l oc k, w h en t h e E ar l o f SIIAFTESBURY took his seat on the woolsack as Speaker. A witness was sworn in to give evidence before the Gaol Committee, after which the House adjourned during pleasure. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY resumed his scat on the woolsack at half-past three o'clock. The Earl of Scarborough and the Earl of Lonsdale took the oaths, and subscribed the Parliamentary Roll. CONYER'S DIVORCE BILL. This Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday the 18th inst. HEARING OF APPEALS. Lord BROUGHAM thought it would be as well to state, by way of giving notice to the suitors, that the ar rangements made with respect to causes, would prevent any cause being heard till Thursday. There were four Scotch cases which it was expected would have been ready for hearing yesterday, and probably the parties would be ready in those by next Tuesday. It was stated by the par ties at the bar that two of the causes would be ready by Tuesday. His LORDSHIP then said he would take them on Tues day, unless contrary notice were given, and that then they would be taken on Thursday. His Lordship also wished to state, in consequence of an application which had been made by a Learned Counsel, that " Small v. Attwood," would not be taken till after the 12th. The Peers present were the Duke of Richmond, Earls Radnor, Scarborough, and Lonsdalc ; and Lords Brougham and Kenyon. Their y Lordships then adjourned till half-past twelve o'clock on Tuesday. COURT CIRCULAR. The Duchess of Kent visited the exhibition -of the Royal Academy )esterday. 11cr Royal Highness at rived there at twelve o'clock, and was received by Sir Martin Archer Shoe, the President of the Academy, and the ether officers. Her Royal Highness was attended by the Earls of Ilchester and Liverpool, Sir John Conroy, and Sir George Anson, Ladies Flora and Selina Hastings, Lady Theresa and Caroline Strang ways, Ladies Catherine and Louisa Jenkinson, and Lady Conroy. The Princess Victoria was prevented accompanying her Royal mother, not being quite recovered from a cold which her Royal Highness has had. The Duchess of Kent's parties on the 4th, 11th, and 18th of May, will not be full dress ones. A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon, at the Fqreign Office. It was attended by Viscount Melbourne, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Viscount Daneannon, Viscount Pal. merston, the Right Hon. C. Grant, Mr. Spring Rice, Lord Auckland, Sir John Hobhouse, Lord Holland, Mr. Poulett Thomson, and Viscount Howick. The Council met at three, and sat till half-past five o'clock. Captain Mackinnon arrived in town yesterday afternoon, with despatches from Lord Aylmer at Lower Canada. Capt. Mackinnon attended at the Colonial Office, and had an inter view with the Right Hon. Charles Grant. A Deputation, including the Duke of Wellington and Sir Edward Knatchbull, had an interview yesterday, respecting Dover Harbour, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the Treasury. The Master of the Rolls and Lord Suffield had interviews yesterday with Viscount Melbourne at the Treasury. Count Sebastiani, the French Ambassador, visited Viscount Palmerston yesterday at the Foreign Office. M. Tricoupi, the Greek Minister, transacted business yesterday at the Foreign Office. The Right Hon. Poulett Thomson arrived in town at an early hour yesterday morning from Manchester. Sir Rufane Donkin returned to town yesterday from attend ing his election for Berwick. Sir Rufane visited Viscount Melbourne and Mr. Spring Rice. SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) FROM LLOYD'S. DEAL, MAY I.—Wind W. to N.E.—Arrived the Philemon, Swaffin, from Tralee ; Charlotte and Hannah, from'Newcastle for Fowey ; and John, Welch, from Antwerp to Liverpool—left Ant werp the 28th April, in company with the American ship Atkin, bound for New York. Arrived from the river and remain the Canton, Polton, for Sidney, towed by a steam- :cat ; and sailed the Concord, Martin, for Alicant ; Ncy, Holland, —, for Genoa; West Indian, Simpson, fsir Jamaica; J. S. Reeves, Bailey, for Cork; and Triton, Carnell, for Belfast. Six p.m.—Wind Southerly.—The West Indian putting back. PoRTSMOUTII, MAY I.—Calm. FA LAIO UTZ', APRIL 30.—Wind N.E., moderate breezes. PENzANcE, APRIL 30.—Arrived off port the Cornwall, Bell, from Calcutta. Musottn, APRIL 30.—Arrived off port the Favourite, Tre vavas, from Palermo. BELFAST, APRIL 29.—Arrived the Pomona, Davies, from Sicily. LIVERPOOL, APRIL 30.—Sailed the Cape Breton, Maxwell, tor the Cape of Good Hope. The Gambia, Nowells, of Sandwich, was on shore near Blyth the 30th ult. The Hero, Michie, from Newcastle to Dublin ; Constant Truth, Waite, from Berwick to Liverpool ; and Phoenix, M'lnnes, front Brora to Liverpool were totally wrecked near Thurso during a gale on Sunday night—crews saved. " SKETCHES AND RECOLLECTION ," BY THE AUTHOR OF " PAUL PRY."—The Libraries, we understand, are actually besieged for this work.—" Here," says the Athe flaunt, " are two capital volumes—rich, racy, and full of hu. mour. They will be delightful to our readers. Mr. Poole, in his own peauliar vein, is the most finished writer of the day; he one of the few who seem to have a becoming regard for name and fame, and he works out his virgin fancies with as much elaborate care as if he were the elder branch of the 13a rings. His sketches of character are often inimitable; ti ey are portraits from the life, and yet so broad and general in their characteristics that every reader will be prepared to . swear to the eyes, nose, and mouth of a friend or acquaintance.' Disk Ferret; for instance—the late Mr. Tardy, Sir Harry High. flyer, are all "gentlemen well known about town." 1 ' _Sit ands p' 1 the ---- w