The Sun. — London, England, 1866-12-05 00:00:00

question. I have taken the number of votes given at the last election held for every borough andcounty in the United Kingdom which was contested—the last of all those elections which have been held since the passing of the Reform Bill, and I find that there having been as far as I know, or nearly so, at least one contest in every place since that time—though I am not sure that I am absolutely correct in that—l find that the whole number of votes given at a con tested election in every borough and county is short of the number of 900,000, which is really about one in eight of the men in this country ; and if you de duct from that number the double votes—that is, men who may vote for more than one county, or may vote for a county and borough—in all probability there would not be recorded more than 800,000 votes at a general election in the United Kingdom were there a contest in every county and every is borough. Well, I take the election of 1859, which the last of which information is given in the "Imperial Poll book," and 1 find there that the whole number of votes recorded, so far as I could make them out at the general election of 1859, was under 370,000. Now, deducting double votes from these, in all pro bability there would not at that general election, or at the general election last year, be more than 300,000 or 320,000 men who would record their votes. Some other allowances must be made, because there are boroughs and there may be counties in which opinion flows so much on one side that there could be no chance of a contest; as, for example, in the borough I am permitted to represent, there would be no contest, and that borough would not supply any figures to those I am quoting ; but there are many boroughs, as we all know, in which there is no con test—small boroughs because there is no freedom of election there—(cheers)—and there are many coun ties also in which there is no contest, because there is no freedom of election in thosecounties. (Cheers.) I quote those numbers to show to you that when the Queen orders through her Ministerswhat is generally called an appeal to the country—(cheers)—it is at the very utmost an appeal to 800,000 electors, and and in all probability that appeal is answered by the registered voters to the number of from 300,000 to 400,000. (Cheers.) Well, after this, then, I undertake to say that the people are not, in the sense of our constitution, a party to the laws, and that the Government of the United Kingdom, inthe sense indicated in the quotation I have made from William Penn's preface to his Constitution, is not free to this people. (Cheers.) And let me tell you, what doubtless many men have not thought of, that there is no form of government much worse than the government of a sham representation. (Cheers.) A Parliament like our Parliament has numbers enough, and just enough of the semblance of representation, to make it safe for it to do almost anything it likes against the true interests of the nation. There is nothing so safe in a Parliament like this as the commission of what is evil ; but there is not representation enough to make it truly re sponsible to the intelligenci,, and the virtue, and the opinions of the nation. (Cheers.) Take the case which is in the recollection of all of us—is there one who believes that any monarch who ever sat on the British throne would dared in 1815 to have passed the Corn Law—to have brought into force and into action in this city of London horse, foot, and artillery, to have surrounded his own palace, to have beaten off the people who were protesting against the enactment of that law? But the Parliament of England did that, and a Parliament of landowners, for the express and only purpose of increasing their own rents by the sacrifice of comfort, and plenty, and health, and life among the great body of the people. I won't go back to the time before the Reform Act, but only to the last session of Parliament. Look at their re & sponsibility, their sense of responsibility then. Look at the moderation of the bill which was brought in by the late Government ; look at the fact that if anything was to be done at all, if the slightest step was to be taken to improve the representation of the people and extend the suffrage to the now unen franchised, was it possible for the greatest modera tion to have proposed a more moderate measure than that one was ? Well, but what happened ? Why, the Parliament of landowners and rich men either were wholly ignorant of, or they wholly de. spisel, that great national opinion which has been exhibited during the last three or four months ; and they reiisted that bill with a pertinacity never ex ceeded, with an amount of intrigue, with an amount of unfairness to the Govenment which they durst not for one night have attempted if they had ever felt any real responsibility to the English nation. (Cheers.) And now they resist up to this moment, and fur aught I know they may possibly resist when they meet at the beginning of next February, until the discontent which is now so general shall become universal, and that which is now only a great exhibition of opinion may become neces sarily and inevitably a great and menacing exhibi tion of force. (Loud cheers, accompanied by the waving of hats.) And those opponents of ours— many:of them in Parliament openly, and many of them secretly in the Press —charge us with being the pro moters of a dangerous excitement. They say that we are the source of the danger which threatens ; and they absolutely have the effrontery to charge me with being a friend of public disorder. (Hisses and cheers.) lam one of the people. (Renewed cheers.) Surely, if the re b e one thing in a free country more clear than another it is that any one of the people may speak openly to the people. (Hear, hear.) if I speak to the people of their rights and indicate to them the way to secure them —if I speak to the monopolists of power of their danger, am I not a wise counsellor both to the people and to their rulers ? (Loud cheers.) Suppose that, standi ng at the foot of Vesuvius or Etna, I saw a hamlet or a homestead situated upon its slope, and I said to the dwellers in that hamlet or that homestead, " You see that vapour which ascends from the sum mit of the mountain. That vapour may become a dense black smoke that will obscure the sky. You see that trickling of lava from a crevice or fissure on the side of the mountain. That trickling of lava may become a river of fire. You hear that mutter ing in the bowels of the mountain. That mutte rin g may become a bellowing thunder—the voice of a convulsion that may shake half a continent. You know that at your feetis the grave in which lie buried great cities, for which there is no resurrection, as history tells us that dynasties and aristocracies have passed away, and their name has been known no more for ever"—if I say this to the dwellers upon the slope of that mountain, and if there comes here after a catastrophe which makes the world to shud- der, am I responsible for that catastrophe? I did not build the mountain, or fill it with explosive material. I merely warned the men who were in danger. (Loud cheers—a portion of the assemblage rising and waving their hats enthusiastically.) So . __. .. now it is not I who am stimulating men to aviolent pursuit of their acknowledged constitutional rights. We are merely about our lawful business—(cheers) —as citizens of a country that calls itself free, but citizens to whom is denied the greatest and the first blessing of the Constitution under which we live. If the truth must be told, the Tory party is the tur bulent party in the nation. (Cheers.) I left Par liament last session just about the time when the Present Ministers, succeeding in their intrigues, a of ec ti ed nez to s, O o ili f ce. I left Parliament with a feeli ng ‘, I disgust , and of apprehension. I s aid to myself, may as well judge of th e f u t ure b y the past. The Parliament of England will not d o justice to the people there happens something that will suddenlyle until its eyes." I remem bered what took price e e i n n the year 1829, when the Duke of 'Wellington said, " Either give political power and representation, through Catholic mem bers, to the Catholics of th e Unitedcivillingdona, or enc ounter the peril and the loss of (cheers) —and up to th a t moment Parliament in Ire land" had refused to do it. Then Parliament consentedou and the thing wars y s done. Again, in 1832 , were within 24 hours of revolutio n i n this country. Th e great class which sits omnipotent in the one house, e and hardly less so in the other, might then, a n d would probably, have been extinguished; and what there would have been Lit, except the people, it is difficult to imagine. (Laughter and cheers.) Again, in 1846, although every intelligent man in every country in the world admitted the justice and the force of our arguments against the corn law, still it required the occurrence of a crushing and desolating famine in Ireland—a famine whieh destroyed as many lives in that country as would have been de stroyed by a great war, and which drove into exile as many of the people of that island as would have been driven into exile by the most cruel and relent less conquest—it required all that before the Parlia ment of England, the men among whom I sat,among whom I sit now, whose faces are as familiar to me as those of any persons whom I have known in life, —I say it required all that before they would consent to give up that intolerable wrong, and cease to tax the bread of an industrious community. (Cheers.) Now, suppose that the bill which was brought into the house last session as a franchise bill only—a course taken, as was admitted by Lord Russell, in accordance with advice which I had publicly given to the Government, and which advice I believe was eminently sound and ought to be followed whenever this question is dealt with again by a Liberal and honest Government—l say suppose that that bill, instead of being met with every kind of unfair and ungenerous opposition, had been accepted by the House of Commons, and had become law. What would have been the state of the country during the present autumn and winter ? It would have been one of rejoicing and congratulation everywhere— not because the bill included everybody or satisfied everybody ; but all working men would have felt that the barrier created by the last Reform Bill, if not absolutely broken down, was at least so much lowered that the exclusion was much less general, and less offensive. (Hear, hear.) You would have bad this result—that we as a people in these islands would have been no longer two nations ; we should have felt more that henceforth we were one people. Every element of strength in the country would have been immeasurably strengthened, and even to the humblest of the unenfranchised would have been given a feeling of hope which would lead him to believe in and to strive after something higher and better than that to which hitherto he had been able to attain. (Cheers.) Now, who prevented this? Surely we did not prevent it. We, who thought we were speaking the general opinion of the people, ac cepted the measure with an honourable sincerity and fidelity. We said, " It is good to the point to which it steps forward. It is perfectly honest, it has no trick or subterfuge about it ; it will give satisfac tion to some hundreds of thousands ; it will give what is as great a boon—hope and confidence to millions whom it does not include." And, there fore, if not without some difficulty, yet with a per fect honourableness, we accepted that measure. Well, who opposed it ? Surely none other than Lord Derby and the party of which he is the acknow ledged and trusted leader. They and he opposed and rejected it, and they and he are responsible for all that has since been done in the country as a necessary and inevitable consequence of that rejec tion. (Cheers.) Lord Derby now stands nearest to the Throne ; I venture to say not as a strength, but as a weakness to the Throne—(cheers)—for in his conduct last session—the conduct of his party which he adopts—he thwarted at once the benevolent inten tions of the Crown and the just expectations of the people. (Cheers.) I confess that lam rather sur prised at the conduct of the Tory party in this matter. When the bill was introduced into the House of Commons it appeared to me to be the very least that any Ministers with a spark of sense or honesty could offer on this question ; and I did not believe that on the other sida of the House there was, I will say, if you like, bitter parti sanship enough, or stupidity enough, to induce them to fight a combined battle with all who would join them for the purpose of rejecting that bill. And now one would suppose that the present Govern ment had troubles enough on hand in what is called the sister country without urging the people to ex citement here. (Cheers.) In Ireland —lreland, which I have described before Irishmen as the favoured field on which all the power of the Tory party has been displayed and tried—in Ireland the Habeas Corpus Act is suspended; individual liberty, ex cept by the consent of the Executive, is abolished ; troops are pouring into the country ; ironclads, it is said, are ordered to the coast to meet some, I hope and believe, imaginary foe; country gentlemen, it is 'said, are flying from their ancestral homes to find refuge in garrison towns ; and all this is the magni ficent result of the policy of the Tory party of which Lord Derby is the head. (Cheers.) And even up to this very last session of Parliament that party had no remedy for that state of things but the ancient and rude and savage remedy of military force. But, with all this cause for apprehension in Ireland—as I hope and believe greatly exaggerated by some public writers, but still enough to cause pain and anxiety—was it a judicious course for the present party in power to create a great excitement in Great Britain ? I say that Lord Derby, as the representa tive of his party in Parliament, is himself the fomentor of discord, and that his party and not our party is at thii moment the turbulent element in English political society. (Cheers.) And let me tell this party—l tell them nothing from this plat form that I have not told them from the floor of the House of Commons—let me tell them that this ques tion will not sleep. Some months ago a remarkable Convention was held in Switzerland, composed of men of eminence and character there, by which Con vention an address or memorial was prepared and forwarded to the Government of the United States, congratulating them upon the close of their gigantic struggle and upon the establishment of universal freedom throughout the wide bounds of the Re- public. There was a passage in the memorial—a passage of true philosophy and of true statesmanship, and it was this :—" Unfinished questions have no pity for the repose of nations." It referred to the great question of negro slavery ; but it is just as true when applied to th e ques ti on b e f ore us , w h ere from 5 ,000,000 to 6,000,000 grown men in this United Kingdom, under a constitutional Govern ment,, are left without w i t h a representative system, are shut out directly and purposely representation. from that ( l,e a r , constitution,h shoar.) r.) an Thisd great question questio l l e l we are debating to-night is an have no pity on the'(zr unfinished, se of this nation until it be a and as the Swiss express it, it will some I observe to-day in an finished question. article, supposed by to to ld be of great authority, that the working men are told by they what are called their betters—for that paper only wr it es hand betters—(laughter)— havethatfor our probably th are and they are exhorted by the very enough, which during the whole of the last sessio n nd ey ment was doing all it could against thero— of Parlia. exhorted, I say, to stand still and to wait in confi dence for the action of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Well, but it is the same Parliament. (Hear.) It is the same House of Commons which I left with sadness and apprehension in July last. There may be—l suppose there are yet—the men who on our side of the House betrayed the cause which they were supposed to sit there to defend. And the only change I know of is that the men who threw out with all terms of ignominy the bill which we wished to pass last session are now, or will be in February next, if they do not break in pieces before (laughter)--on the Treasury Bench, and will take that leading and authoritative position in the House which belongs to the Ministers of the Crown. Now, __. . 1 I differ from this writer altogether. I would not put any confidence in the course of that House of Com mons if I were a man unenfranchised and asking for a vote. I should like them to tell me they had wholly repented of the cheers with which they met all those vile and violent imputations upon your character. (Cheers.) My opinion is this, that your duty, your obvious duty, the duty from which you cannot escape, is to go on as you have gone on. It is to perfect in every part of the coun try your organisation in favour of your own enfran• chisemeut. (Cheers.) It is to bring every society with which you are connected to give itself for a time—it will be only for a short time—to the work- ing out of your political redemption. (Cheers.) I should advise you, whether you are the supporters of theßeform League in London, or whether connected in any way with the Reform Union in Manchester, or With any other association, to establish a system of small weeklyor monthly contributions. (Cheers.) Do not allow my friend Mr. Beales—(cheers)—or my ancient friend and political brother, Mr. Geo. Wilson, of Manchester —to want money to carry on and to direct the great societiesof which they are the chiefs. (Cheers.) And let rue beg of you more than all else to have no jealousies of each other. Give to our chairman his due—(cheers)—give to Mr. Beales and his council their due—(cheers) — give to every one who, with a single eye to this great question, is working in your name, give him his due—(cheers) ; and help in every way you can every honest endeavour to bring this great national question to that state of final issue when it shall no longer disturb the repose of this nation. Finally, I beg of you to raise yourselves to a just contempla tion of what the great issueis for which you are con tending—it is to make you citizens, full citizens, of one of the noblest nations on the face of the earth— of a nation which has a grand history in the past, which I trust, partly through your help, will have a still grander history in the future. Let me beg of you, then, as the final word I shall speak to you to night, that in all you do you be animated with a great and noble spirit, for you have set your hands and your hearts to a great and noble work. (Mr. Bright sat down amid loud and continued cheering.) Mr. UPSIIALL then moved the following resolu tion : " That this meeting desires to acknowledge the services of the Right Hon.'. E. Gladstone (cheers), Mr. John Bright (cheers), and Mr. John Stuart Mill, who have supported the people's claims, and vindicated their character in Par liament, and further express their confidence in Mr. John Bright as the champion of the national cause in the House of Commons." (Cheers.) He referred to the absence of the metro politan members as a proof that they were not re presented in the House of Commons. When the working men of London met to advance the work of Reform the metropolitan members were conspicuous by their absence. They altogether failed to put in an appearance. The working men of London had yesterday shown that they were not apathetic in the cause of Reform ; and it would be dangerous for the Government to withdraw their rights much longer. Mr. THOMAS seconded the resolution. Mr. MASON JONES rose to support it, and said that when he went to Bolt-court some six weeks ago and had a conversation with the leader of the Working Men's Association at that place, he sug • gested that with a view to an effective demonstra tion on the subject of Reform a wider range should be taken, so as to have delegates from the trades in the country. This suggestion was acted on, and the result was the magnificent demonstration made on the previous day as regarded the feelings of the working classes in favour of Reform. (Hear, hear.) Those who managed the procession of the working men on that occasion deserved the greatest credit for the manner in whioh it was carried out. (Hear, hear.) He would not quarrel with those who said that the procession of the working men did not con sist of more than 30,000 or 40,000 persons ; but this at least was clear, that the public who lined the streets on its route from St. James's Park to Beau fort House, and who evidently deei.ly sympathised with the demonstration, amounted to from 500,000 to 750,000. (Hear, hear.) This present state of things as regarded the Reform question arose out of the conduct of the Adullamites, and what had oc curred in Hyde Park when the people wanted to meet was the consequence of the conduct of that class of politicians. (Hear, hear.) And here he might say that he was glad the railings at Hyde Park had been pulled down—it was the first triumph of the Reformers. (Hear, hear.) The late Reform Bill was lost through the most glaring lying and the most spiteful tricks, and especially by the leader of the party to whom he had referred drawing up a bill of indictment against the great body of the working classes. (Hear, hear.) But he believed that Mr. Lowe was punished enough for what he had done in this respect. (Hear, hear.) But if it v'.4 true that the people were what Mr. Lowe stated them to be, then the governing party ought to have gone into sackcloth and ashes, for on their shoulders ought to rest the blame that the people were ignorant ; that they got drunk, and were im moral ; and where did the money go that ought to be expended in enlightening the people ? Why, in sustaining our boasted armaments and other extra vagant and worthless purposes. The question had arrived at a new era, the tide was still rising, and unless the opposition to Reform ceased, it would overflow its barriers and sweep every thing before it. (Hear, hear.) They had now risen from the con sideration of the rating clause, and such like topics. They eschewed figures and statistics, and they took their ground upon the great question of registered manhood suffrage. (Hear, hear.) It had been urged against Reformers that they had not brought much argument t,) bear in favour of the extension of the franchise. But in the face of the existing state of facts, why should they argue w:th the Tories, who openly proclaimed that they were insensible to ar gument, and that they listened only to the voice of fear. Then, again, it was stated that in this agita tion they were setting class against class ; but was it not the Tory party, who never missed an oppor tunity of exciting that class animosity which they must all so deeply deplore ? The great demonstra tions which had taken place at Manchester, Bir mingham, Leeds, Glasgow, and in London yesterday, showed that the people were interested in the ques tion, and that they desired to see the constitution of the House of Commons considerably improved. Another reason why they asked for a measure of Reform was that labour might be properly repre sented in the House of Commons, where it really never had been represented at all. What harm could possibly arise to other classes and interests, if the working men were allowed to have a fair share in the representation of the country ? He believed that one immediate result would be the abolition of strikes. The present state of things could not long continue. If the Tory party were wise they would at once yield to the popular demands for Reform, or perhaps by and bye the ugly rush about which they had heard so often might come at last. They might rely that the working men were not going to stand much longer exclusion from the pale of the Constitution. Before concluding he desired, as an Irishman, to express his heartfelt thanks to Mr. Bright for his noble advocacy of the rights of Ire land, and the extension of justice to the unhappy people of that misgoverned land. He urged that Irish landlords ought to be purchased out, and half the evils of Ireland would cease. In carrying out the present agitation for Reform they did not seek to injure any one, but simply to obtain equal and impartial justice. (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN next read a letter from Mr. Ed mond Beales, apologising for his absence from the meeting, as he was obliged to leave town, and a telegram from the National Scottish Reform League, complimenting them on the success of their move ment, after which the resolution was unanimously carried. The CHAIRMAN introduced to the meeting, amid loud cheers, Sir JOHN GRAIL', who said he did not come to speak, but to hear what was said, and he had to express his thanks for the manner in which his own country was spoken of and received whenever it was alluded to. He had seen yesterday one of the most magnificent scenes he ever witnessed, and the more so because of its peaceable aspect and termina tion. He had been in London on Lord Mayor's-day, and did not see the " roughs" controlled. He had been in London on the opening of Parliament, and did not see them controlled, but yesterday they seemed to have for gotten their qualities as "roughs," if ever they possessed any, and conducted themselves much better than many of those who called themselves gentlemen. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) They also desired to have an extension of the franchise in Ireland, and above all and before all they wished to have the vote by ballot. (Hear.) He had seen many voters coerced to go to the poll to support their landlords, but he promised them they would at all times get a hearty and generous support i n all their demands from the Irish members both outside and inside of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) Mr. POTTER, M.P., said that he had no claim upon the attention of the working men of London, and his presence there on that occasion was simply to hear his glorious countryman, Mr. Bright, address them on the all-important subject of Reform. This was, however, no t th e first time t h at h o h a d addressed the working men of London. He had great qttetion in h relating tthis country, to the 7 n a il n i d c t he o n Americado n e so when wa h was under utndeerconsideration was happy to say that ho deeply sympathised with Air. Bright's views on that subject. (Hear, hear.) He saw the demonstration yesterday, and he hoped after that display of order and right feeling on the part of the working classes the objection to the manhood franchise would be given up, and that the demonstration which was to take place between this and the meeting of Parliament would result in the concession of manhood suffrage to the demands of the people. (Hear.) _ . Mr. Ayrton, M.P. for the Tower Hamlets, at this moment appeared upon the platform, and there were loud cries of. " Como forward." Mr. AYRTON, in complying with this request, said ho had just looked in upon tho meeting, haying neon occupied THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAVEVE.NING, DECEMBER 5, 1866 during the previous part of the eve; ning in presiding eve an assembly which was called for a purpose quite as in teresting to those taking part in it, and perhaps more in teresting to them than the occasion which had brought them together in that hall. (Cries of No, no.") Ho was quite sure of this, that the question was a practical one, and quite as interesting to the working classes of this metropolis as was the question which they had been con sidering in that meeting. (Repeated cries; of "No, no," and disapprobation.) He made this observation because he had been told that some remarks had been made at the consistent absence of all the metropolitan mem bers from that meeting. Now, he was bound to say that there was a good reason why they should be absent —(cries of "Oh")—because it was an old adage which said that "What is the business of everybody is the business of nobody." (Hear, and a laugh.) When he looked at the handbill announcing this meeting, and did not see the same of any metropolitan member, but a general announcement that the metropolitan members would be present, he thought it not improbable that each member would suppose that he was not wanted, and that therefore otheifs would bo present. (Laughter.) Ho dared to say that he w ould have been one of those absent if he had not seen Mr. Potter, who unde ceived him upon this question, and he a'iso undeceived him upon another in connexion with which many persons had fallen into error—This was not a meeting in favour of Parliamentary Reform in general. (Cries of "No, no.") There were some remarkable circumstances connected with the demonstration which he might venture to notice. Ho could not help regretting that when. the assembly was gathered in one of her Majesty's parks, in front of her palace, she should not have been so well advised as to have enjoyed the gratifying spectacle of looking on her assem bled people. I think it one of the duties of Royalty (con tinued the hon. gentleman) to have an active sympathy with the people, who are alive, and that they demand quite as much consideration as the affectionate remembrance of the dead. (Disapprobation and cheering.) There is one trait in this procession which I think speaks well for the people who walked in it. When they cou ld not pay t h e i r homage to their Sovereign as they passed along, they elected a Queen for themselves, and found her in one who is, in truth, in this metropolis the queen of benevolence and virtue. By a natural impulse they rendered her that hom age which they invariably rendered to the Queen who reigns over them. I cannot conceive anything that shows better how deeply the people are affected by the highest feelings, and enter into the relations of the other classes. (Impatience.) As the procession passed by those repulsive and somewhat defiant defences of Hyde Park they exhi bited none of those emotions which might have been ex pected or recognised, in mere deferenoe, the expression of the law of the land and the maintenance of legal rights. (No, no.) He who undertook to say "No" knew in all proba bility less of the subject than he (Mr. Ayrton) knew. There could be no doubt of the legal right of her Majesty's Go vernment to take care of the public property, and no set of men had a right to take the public property into their possession and deal with it as they pleased. (Great con fusion, and a Voice, "We don't want to hear that.") If the people, or any part of them, wished at any time to meet in one of the parks, and the Government exercised an im proper discretion in refusing their request, the proper mode of bringing them to account was in the House of Commons. (Great uproar.) Colonel DICKSON said that his friend Mr. Beales held a different opinion from the hon. and learned gentleman. Ho had no confidence in the House of Commons, and he would not think it worth his while to bring the Government to account before them. Mr. AYRTON said now that they had passed through that storm by the pacification of the gallant colonel—(cri es of " Time," "Shut up," " Order, order")—he hoped he might be permitted to say that the cominittoo deserved all praise for the way in which they brought the procession to a conclusion yesterday. He believed that they might assume that there were 200,000 skilled workmen in the metropolis, and he could imagine their deep feeling of interest in favour of the procession that yesterday took place, and the sympathy they must have felt for those who underwent the trouble of taking part in those proceedings. Out of the 200,000 there were 175,000 absent, thus giving a striking proof of the love of industry of the great body of the work people, and of the love they have for their own families and their own homes. (Loud expressions of disapproba tion, and cries of " Time.") The hon. member after some further observations concluded. The honourable gentleman, amid a perfect storm of hooting and hissing, in vain attempted to continue his ad dress, but the meeting would not hear him, and he was ultimately obliged to withdraw. This ho did with an evi dent unwillingness. Colonel DICKSON said that had their friend Mr. Beales been present he should not have interposed to notice any of the remarks which fell from Mr. Ayrton. Ono lawyer could answer another, and he considered that Mr. Beales was quite as good a lawyer as the hon. gentleman who re presented Tower Hamlets. When he (Col. Dickson) stated in the presence of Mr. Mill, and other gentlemen, his belief that nut more than a dozen members in the House of Com mons were sincere and really anxious on the question of Reform, Mr. Mill observed that he did not believe there were a dozen, and amongst the dozen members he (Col. Dick son) never for one moment thought of including Mr. Ayr ton. (Hear, hear.) Tho weather might be foggy outside, and probably Mr. Ayrton, intending to enter the cave of Adullam, had lost his way and walked into St. James's Hall. (Cheers.) Mr. BRYAN proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Potter for the able and impartial manner in which he presided over the meeting, and in doing so ho availed himself of the op portunity to comment on the remarkable absence from their proceedings of all the metropolitan members, with one ex ception—Mr. Ayrton—about NYhom ho should only say that it would have been very much more satisfactory if ho had not put in an appearance. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Mr. Ayrton occasionally took some trouble to explain his poli tical opinions, and he had favoured them that evening with a statement of his views on certain phases of political life ; but he nevercould remove the impression from the minds of the working men that he was to all intents and purposes a member of the Cave.—(Cries of "Hoar, hear," and cheers.) Mr. CONNOLLY seconded the resolution, expressing to Mr. Potter the great pleasure it afforded himself and the working men of London to have that opportunity of paying him the tribute of their respect and thankfulness. So long as the rights of the people were withheld and they wore ex cluded from the privileges of citizenship, so long wore they determined to march and agitate. Through centuries of misrule, injustice, and oppression the people of Ireland were driven almost to despair, and at last they had taken into their own hands the redress of those grievances so loudly protested against. If the rights of Englishmen were long withheld they would be led to resistance far more dis astrous than that which Was passed upon the people of Ireland. As regarded the right of meeting in Hyde Park, ho hoped that question would be 4 4 , „ pu t to test before long. In his opinion the park was the p ro p er t y o f t h e people, and no moral or legal right existed to deprive them of its free and unrestricted enjoyment. (Cheers.) The resolution was about being put to the meeting by Mr. occupied the chair while e Potter was being moved t P h o e T r t o M f f h . a , n w ii h s o to te 3 m i p r. o G ra e r o il r y g and seconded, when Mr. BRIGHT presented himself amid considerable applause and said--I rise for ono moment with the view of making an observation before the veto of thanks to Mr. Potter is put from the chair. 1 need not say how heartily and en tirely I concur in the resolution, and I wish, as I am sure will be the case, that it mayrecsive tho unanimous support of the meeting. But my immediate object in now address ing you is for the purpose, in one sentence, of making re ference to the speech of Mr. Ayrton, which I hope I did not fully apprehend, but which, if I did apprehend, lam totally unable to concur in. (Cheers.) Mr. Ayrton made some allusion to the first meeting proposed to bo held in the park, not far from the neighbourhood of the palace, and an observation escaped him with regard to the Queen which in my opinion no meeting of people in this country— cer tainly no meeting of Reformers—should have listened to with approbation. Let it be remembered that on each oc casion when Ministers proposed to improve the representa tion of the people, the Queen gave a cordial, unhesitating, and hearty approval to the proposition. (Cheers.) If there be now at her side a Minister opposed to a liberal extension of tho suffrage, it is because, in obedience to the well known rules of constitutional practice, the decision of the House of Commons on the Government Reform Bill ren dered it necessary for her to take the course she did take. (Hear.) But Mr. Ayrton referred further to the sup posed absorption of the sympathy of the Queen with her lost husband to the exclusion of her sympathy with the people. lam not the person to stand up for those who are possessors of crowns, but I could not sit in this assembly and hear that observation without a sensation of wonder and of pain. (Hear, hear.) I think that by many persons great injustice has been done to the Queen in reference to her desolate and widowed position, and I venture to say that the woman, be she Queen of these great realms or the wife of one of your labouring men, who can keep alive in her heart great sorrow for the object of her love and her affection, is not likely —is not the least likely—nay, more, is not at all likely, to bo wanting in great and generous sympathy for the people. (At the conclusion of this brief address, which was delivered in Mr. Bright's impressive style, the meeting rose as one man, gave vent to their loyalty in er,thusias bursts of applause, and sang the National Anthem.) The vote of thanks to Mr. Potter was then put from the chair aud carried unanimously. Mr. POTTER briefly acknowledged the compliment, and called for three cheers for Mr. Bright, which were heartily given. Ono of the working men on the platform came forward and announced that on tho Monday before the meeting of Parliament there would be another Reform demonstration of the London working classes, and that it would be held in Hyde Park, an announcement which seemed to give considerable satisfaction. Mr. AYRTON again presented himself amid considerable uproar. The meeting declined to hear him. He was under stood to say that Mr. Bright entirely misunderstood the remarks ho had made with reference to the Queen. The meeting separated about eleven o'clock, cheering for Mr. Bright and Mr. Potter. AMERICAN THANKSGIVING DAY. A day of general thanksgiving set apart by the head of the nation, to be observed throughout the United States, is a very happy and pleasant„' but purely American custom. It has grown into a solemn national festival. A morning for prayer ; an evening for festivity and family reunions. The habit of old was for the Governors of States, each within his own limits, to decide on and proclaim this day. One of the instances of the tendency of centralisation of power in the Union, is shown in the fact that this national holyday is now pro claimed by the President, and held at the same time, wherever a few Americans can meet and spread above them the dear flag of the Stars and Stripes. Americans are fondly attached to this custom, for it is their own—grown up among them selves, and derived from no foreign land. They meet to give thanks for the blessings they have received during the past year--for the fruits of the earth gathered into their barns—and to pray for a continuation of the blessings with which the Great Ruler of the universe has so bounti fully favoured them. It would have been sur prising had such a day as this passed over in London without being observed in some public manner by the American residents ; in such a manner, indeed, as would enable the pass ing stream to meet their countrymen at the festive board. It was announced in our columns that the Langham Hotel would open its grand saloon, and arrangements be made for the accommodation of some eighty guests, under the skilful management of Colonel Sanderson. In the absence of the United States Minister, Mr. Morse, the Consul, presided. He was supported on the right by the young and gallant General Ames, and on his left by the Rev. C. W. Denison. Mr. Curtiss and Colonel San derson filled the other prominent places at the table. Several ladies graced the entertainment. Amongst those present were the following :—General Ames, of the United States army ; G. A. Smith, banker, London; W. W. Clarke, Mrs. Clarke, and Miss H. Lilla Clarke, of New York ; Mr. Jacot, banker, New York ; Van Prague, shipping agent, Boston, U.S. ; Rev. Dr. Denison, Philadelphia ; Colonel Sanderson, United States army, &c. Colonel Sanderson, the manager of the Lang ham, furnished his largest and most elegant room for the occasion, which was handsomely decorated with the American and English flags, and portraits of distinguished citizens of both countries. The dinner was all that the taste of any one could desire, embracing several dishes peculiar to the cuisine of the United States. There were forty-four ladies and gentlemen present. The thanksgiving invocation was offered by the Rev. Charles W. Denison. The proclamation of the President of the United States, appointing the day, was read by Mr. Edward Curtiss. After an ample discussion of the good things provided so abun dantly by our host of the Langham, Mr. MonsE rose and gave a brief sketch of the history of Thanksgiving in America, and showed some of the many causes that exist for national thankfulness in that country. There was no day among all the holidays observed by the Americans which brought back so many pleasant recollections as this one. At this hour thousands upon thousands of Americans were gathered around the festive board all through the United States, and he begged to propose, as their first toast on this occasion, " The American National Thanksgiving Day." (Cheers.) The Rev. Mr. DENISON, in replying to the toast, said this day was one of the national holidays of the United States. Their banks were closed, busi ness was suspended, and men retired from the busy walks of commerce, and met their families around the family board. As Americans they might re joice that they were permitted to assemble on such an occasion as this. If they could not celebrate their thanksgiving day at their homes in America, the next best thing they could do was to celebrate it at the Langham Hotel, in London. (Laughter and cheers.) It was right and proper that the Americans in London should celebrate this day, because there were so many ties in common be tween England and America that they could not afford to be envious. They had many sympathies that should unite their hands and hearts toge ther, and love should be the cement. Let them express a hope that those who celebrated this thanksgiving in England, while not for getting their homes in America would experi ence a new joy as they took the hand of new friends here assembled. (Loud cheers.) There are many reasons, said the reverend gentle man, why the people of the American Union should be especially thankful at the present time. They should not only be thankful for the great blessings conferred on them by the increased bounties of the season, but, above all, for the glorious peace which had resulted in the restoration of the Union on a just and permanent basis. They should be thank ful for the complete abolition of slavery in America —that the last fetter is broken, the last bond shat tered, and the last captive forever free. They snouisi be thankful that there is such a wide-spread deter mination among the American people to do unto others as they would that others should do unto them, by providing the emancipated of their number with fair wages, and with the bless ings of religion, education, and civil rights. Surely these are causes for devout thanksgiving. We feel them here in a foreign land as our brethren do at home. By a reference to the difference of time, we may readily call to mind the position of those who are participating in the pleasures of this day on the other side of the Atlantic. Could we speak to them at this moment, and could they respond to us through the cable, what pleasant scenes would they describe to us as we sit at these tables ! The gather ing of the clans, the coming together of kindred hearts at the dear old household hearth, in some cases from distances of hundreds of miles ; the music of the happy parties as they follow the jingling sleigh bells over the glistening snow ; the smoking viands on the boards of the poor, that the hand of benevolence has filled it to overflowing, the words of welcome, of praise, and prayer that sound on everyside ; all these unite to make America a pros perous and a thankful land. 0 that she may do all she can to make other lands as free and happy as she is, on this our National Thanksgiving Day ! This speech was followed by "Yankee Doodle," performed by Mr. HARRY SANDERSON on the piano. The ClininmAN proposed what he termed the next dearest toast to all Americans, which was, " Their own dear country." (Cheers.) What a vast change had come over that land during the last four or five years! A great war had been brought to a conclusion, and the most gigantic system of slavery which ever darkened the earth had been overthrown. (Cheers.) And further, an undertaking which had been attempted several times had at last been successful, and America and England were now united by the Atlantic Cable. (Cheers.) It would be out of place for him in an assembly of this character to point out the vast re sources of America ; though, for the information of any Englishman who did not know it, he might say, in proof of the great extent of the country, that a man might get on the steamboat at New Orleans, and travel 5,000 miles on the same river. (Hear, hear.) And a vast portion of the country through which they would thus travel contained gold, silver, lead, and iron, and, in fact, all the riches which the earth could afford. The valley of the Mississippi, with its tributaries alone, furnished 30,000 miles of navigable water. This would give them some idea of the extent of America, to which all the Americans present, no doubt, hoped to return at no distant date. A performance of " Hail, Columbia," on the harp, by Mr. T. H. Wright and Mr. Harry Sanderson, accompanied this toast. Toasts were given to the President and Congress of the United States, the Queen, International Amity between England and America, the Army and Navy of the Union, the Press, and the Ladies. In response to that on amity between the two nations, speeches were made by GERARD RALSTON, Esq., Consul for Liberia, and Dr. JAMES EDMUNDS, of London. Both these gentlemen spoke effectively and were received with applause. Colonel Muter of the Anglo-American Times, was called out in response to the Press, but declined making a speech, although expressing his pleasure at being present. Mr. Harriette Lea sang two sweet songs, with fine effect, producing a favourable impression by her vocalisation that will long be remembered by all who had the happiness to hear her. The performance of Mr. Wright on the harp was loudly applauded. The festivities continued until a late hour, closing with thanks to the Chairman, to Colonel Sander son, and the good old tune. " Home, Sweet Home." Letters, expressing regret at their inability to attend, were received from the Hon. Charles Francis Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States at the Court of St. James's ; Benjamin Moran, Esq., Secretary of Legation ; Right Rev. Dr. Whitehouse, Bishop of Illinois; Thomas Raw lings, Esq., F.R.G.S., London, and other gen tlemen. THE PARIS EXHIBITION IN 1867, On the British Executive taking possession of one of the Palaces on the Champs Elysee, we desire to publish for reference the names of the Executive and secretaries for classes, &c., for the United Kingdom : At the head of the official list appears the Lord President of the Committee of Council on Educa tion, his Grace the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos ; with the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education, the Right Hon. H. T. L. Corry, M.P. The immediate executive is composed of—Execu tive Commissioner, Henry Cole, C.B. ; Assistant Executive Commissioners, R. A. Thompson and P. Cunliffe Owen ; Secretary R. G. Wylde ; Chief Clerk, A. J. R. Trendell ; Clerks, A. IL Gasparini, A. S. Bury, F. R. Fowke, M. M. Cundall, and W. L. Pringle. The secretaries for classes who attend to all in quiries and applications from exhibitors are : In Group I.—Fine Arts, Classes 1 to s. —Messrs. Samuel Redgrave, H. A. Bowler, Eyre Crowe, Charles A. Collins, A. C. King, A. S. Cole (stained glass). In Group 11.-Apparatus and Application of the Liberal Arts.-Class 6. Printing and Books. Rev. W. H. Brookfield. 7. Paper, Stationery, &c. G. C. T. Bartley. 8. Applications of Drawing and Modelling to common Arts. 11. A. Bowler. 9. Pho tography. Captain J. F. D. Donelly, R.E. 10. Musical Instruments. P. B. B. Peile. 11. Surgical Instruments. F. Seymour Haden, F.R.C.S. 12. Mathematical Instruments, &c. Captain J. F. D. Donelly, R.E. 13. Maps, &c. G. C. T. Bartley. In Group 111.--Furniture and other objects for the use of Dwellings.-Class 14. Furniture. E. P. Bartlett. 15. Upholstery and Decorative Work. E. P. Bartlett. 16.. Crystal and Stained Glass. R. H. Soden Smith. 17. Porcelain and Earthen ware. R. H. Soden Smith. 18. Carpets, Tapestry, &c. Ernest Corbiere. 19. Paperhangings. E. P. Bartlett. 20. Cutlery. C. A. Pierce. 21. Plate and Jewellery. R. H. Soden Smith. 22. Bronzes and Repousse Work. It. H. Soden Smith. 23. Clocks and Watches. R. H. Soden Smith. 24. Heating and Lighting Processes. Captain E. R. Festing, R.E. 25. Perfumery. C. A. Pierce. 26. Leather Work, &c. C. A. Pierce. In Group IV.-Clothing (including Fabrics) and other objects worn on the person.-Class 27. Cotton. G. Wallis. 28. Linen. G. Wallis. 29. Worsted Fabrics. G. Wallis. 30. Woollen Fabrics. G. Wallis. 31. Silk. G. Wallis. 32. Shawls. G. Wallis. 33. Lace, &c. G. F. Duncombe. 34. Hosiery. G. F. Duncombe. 35. Clothing gene rally. G. F. Duncombe. 36. Jewellery and Plate. R. H. Soden Smith. 37. (See Special Committee). 38. Travelling Equipage. A. J. R. Trendell. 39. Toys. A. J. R. Trendell. In Group V.-Products (raw and manufactured) of Mining, Industry, Forestry, &c.-Class 40. Pro ducts of Mining. Trenham Reeks. 41. Products of Cultivation of Forests. MacLeod of MacLeod. 42. Products of Shooting and Fishing. MacLeod of MacLeod. 43. Agricultural Products (not used as food). Dr. Frankland. 44. Chemical Products, &c. Dr. Frankland. 45. Chemical Process for Bleacbing, Dyeing, &c. Dr. Frankland. 46. Leather and Skins. W. Matchwick. In Group VI.-Apparatus and Process used in the Common Arts (Machinery).-Class 47. Mining. Captain lichens, R.E. 48. Agricultural Apparatus, B. T. Brandeth Gibbs. 49. Fishing Tackle, &c. MacLeod of MacLeod. 50. Agricultural Works, Major Malcolm, R.E. 51. Chemistry. Captain Webber, R.E. 52. Prime Movers. Captain Beau mont, R.E. 53. Machines in General. Captain Beaumont, R.E. 54. Machine Tools. Captain Beaumont, R.E. 55. Spinning Apparatus. Captain lichens, R.E. 56. Weaving Apparatus. Captain lichens, R.E. 57. Sewing Machines, &c. Captain lichens, R.E. 58. Apparatus for Manufacturing Furniture, &c. Captain lichens, R.E. 59. Print ing and Paper Machinery. Captain Webber, R.E. 60. Miscellaneous Machinery. Captain Webber, R.E. 61. Carriages, &c. Henry Sandham. 62. Harness and Saddlery. Henry Sandham. 63. Railway Apparatus. Major Malcolm, R.E. 64. Telegraphic Apparatus. Captain Webber, R.E 65. Civil Engineering, &c. Major Malcolm, R.E. 66. (See Special Committee.) In Group VII.-Food, fresh or preserved, in various states of preparation.-Class 67. Cereals 68. Bread and Pastry ; 69 Milk, Eggs. &c. ; 70, Meat and fish ; and 71. Vegetables and Fruit-W. Matchwick. 72. Stimulants and Condiments. 73. Fermented Drinks-Captain E. R. Festing, R E. In Group VIII.-Live Stock and Specimens of Agricultural Buildings.-Class 74. Farm Buildings B. T. Brandreth Gibbs. 75. Horses -S. Sidney 76. Bulls ; 77. Sheep ; and 78. Pigs-B. T. Brand. reth Gibbs. 79. Poultry. 80. Dogs. S. Sidney. 81. Useful Insects. A. J. R. Trendell. In Group IX.-Live Produce and Specimens ol Horticultural Works.-Classes 83 to 88. Lieut.- Colonel Scott, R.E., Captain J. Cockerel!, Dr. Masters, Dr. Hogg. In Group X.—Articles exhibited with the special object of improving the Physical and Moral Condi tion of the People.--Class 89. Children's Instruc tion.—C. W. Merrifield. 90. Adults' Instruction.— Dr. Appell. 91. Cheap :Furniture, &c.—P. Le Neve Foster. 92. National Clothing. Dr. Appell. 93. Cheap Dwellings ; 94. Skilled Workmen's Work ; 95. Skilled Workmen's Instruments—Major Malcolm, R.E. History of Labour before 1800 (a Loan Collection of Works of Art).—S. Redgrave, G. Wallis, Rev. James Beck, and C. C. Black. In the Special Committees for the Representation of Objects for the use of the Army, Navy, and Navigation, are classed—Class 37 (including Objects for the use of the Army).—captain J. F. D. Do • ielly, R.E., and J. W. Cooper. Class 66 (Navy and Navigation).—Admiralty.—Rev. J. Woolley, LL.D. ; Mercantile Marine, H. E. Acton ; Marine Engineering ; Trinity House, &c., Commander Scott, R.N. ; Yachts and Pleasure Boats, C. Wylde. The Engineer is Captain Festing, R.E. ; the Principal Draghtsman is Gilbert Redgrave ; the Secretary to the Juries is Captain Donelly, R.E., with his assistant, G. C. T. Bartley. Superinten dent for Arrangement, T. Wright ; Assistants, G. WTallis, W. Matchwick, T. Clack, C. A. Pierce, C. T. Thompson, Mr. Bury. Superintendent of Buildings and Park, Captain Festing, R.E. ; As sistant, H. Sandham. Superintendents for Machi nery, Lieutenant Colonel Ewart, R.E. ; Major Malcolm, R.E. ; Captain llitchens, R.E. ; Cap tain Webber, R. E. ; Assistant, 11. Sandham. Superintendent of Machinery in Motion, Captain Beaumont, R.E. ; Assistant, H. Sandham ; General Superintendent for Fine Arts and History of La bour, S. Redgrave ; Assistants (Fine Arts), Capt. Hitchens, R.E., Gilbert Redgrave ; Assistants (History of Labour), G. WTallis, C. B. Worsnop ; Superintendent of Trophies and Stained Glass, A. S. Cole. Superintendent of Traffic Port, Engineer ing, and Refreshment Department, Major Malcolm, R.E. In the compilation of the Catalogue the Editor and Translator is G. F. Duncombe ; Compiler of Statistics, H. R. Lack; Superintendent, J. Cun dall ; Superintendent of Collection of Literature, C. Collins; Superintendent of Agricultural Machinery, &c., C. T. Brandreth Gibbs ; Superintendents of "War Material, Army--War Office, Captain D. Galton, C.B. For the Marine the Admiralty is responsible ; and the Superintendent of Experi • ments in the Testing House for Heating, Lighting, &c., is Captain: Webber, with his Assistant, W. T. Bowden ; and the general French Agent in Paris, who completes the list, is M. E. Cappe. The following notice to exhibitors at the Pari s Universal Exhibition of 1867 is published :-1. Th e , Exhibition is t o b e opene d on Monday, the I s t Os April, 1867, and the Imperial Commission will have a review of the Exhibition complete on Thtu'sdq , March 28. 2. To enable the British department to open with punctuality exhibitors are requested 0 make the following arrangements. 3. Machinery and Heavy Manufactures. When foundations are required the exhibitor must cause them to be et' menced before the sth of January, 1867. 4 . heavy machinery and objects of a cumbrous natu re , must be deposited in the building before the 10th e A February. 5. Furniture and manufactures of 3 heavy description must be deposited in the buildi n g by the Ist of March ; jewellery and textile fah ri ce before the 10th o f M arc h. 6 . E x hibi tors are required' either personally or by their agents, to see to the transmission and reception of their goods is the building. 7. Exhibitors must state to th e British Executi ve on or b efore the sth of January if they intend themselves personal s being in Paris to rece i ve an d i nsta l their gou ci • in the building, or if they intend emplor ing an agent ; if the latter, they must transmit by the same date the name an d a dd ress o f t h e agen t who will represent them. 8. A list of the pers° ll 2 who offer their services as agents may be seen at th e Paris offices at South Kensington Museum ; but th e Executive Commission do not undertake any re : . sponsibility whatever in the n a m i ng o f age nts. The British Executive will mark out on the flour the building the sites of the different allotmen made to exhibitors. Those allotments which by th e 15th of February are no t t a k en possess i on o f Nvi'' be treated as resigned, and be appropriated to the purposes of the Exhibition. 10. The Executiv e Commission will mark the floor and place th e packages in their proper places, but the ImPer le/ Commission require exhibitors to pay all expos e ! of transmission and installation of their goods I n the building, the storage of their packing-cases, 34 . c _; 11. All packages mus t be labelled with the °LB,' addresses which will be supplied by the Executive Commission. 12. The office of the British Exec °. tive will be at 71, Champs Elysees, and Will be i open there on the 7th of J anuary , 1867, f r om 9 t 5 p.m. By order—R. G..Wylde, Secretary to the Executive Commission. COUNTRY MARKETS. BRISTOL—TUESDAY. There was about the usual attendance of buyers tO-d l at market. The demand for wheat was extremely slow, sell is to 2s per quarter less money must have been 0 1; Barley quiet. .Oats fully as d ear as l ast wee k. De and peas firm. LYNN—TUESDAY. The demand for wheat was flat, and declined 28 Pol o Barley rath er c h eaper. Oats mule no advance upon week. New wheat, 54s to 58s ; new rQd, 40s to 48s; old w- for 67s to 71s ; o ld re d , 59s to 63s per 36 stone. BarloY malting, 46s to 52s ; secondary, 37s to 38s. Oats, 03 g 24s to 28s per 24 s t one . B eans, small 42s to 449. 36s to 40s per 28 stone. , LEEDS—TUESDAY. There was a little more demand for wheat to-daY7 a few transactions took place, but at no advance upon i, A eS • Tuesday's rates. Fi ne b ar l ey b r i ngs previous vi,Au-a• other sorts nearly unsa l ea bl e . O a t s, b eans, an d peas vr. unchanged. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. of At this day's market there was a fair attendance jt the town and country trad e , an d w h eat me t w ith f i ' t is demand at 6d per 1001 b lower in p r i ces . Fl our also Ine, bo fair retail sale at 2s per sa c k an d b arre l d ec li ne fronl i ir highest point. Oats and oatm ea l me t w ith a mo derate u,,, mand—the former declined id per 451 b an d th e latter 10 o w 2s per load. Barley was in favour of buyers. Beans lower, and peas remained at l a t e p r i ces . A li m ited b i u s e d ness was done in Indian c o rn , a t 39 s 9d f or pr ime I:0 American. MARKET HARBOROUGII.—T IYESDAY. o f A fair quantity of wh e at, an d pr i ces were i n favour the purchaser. .1 36 Old white wheat, 58s to 68 s ; new re d , 55 s t o 62s pt 6t. stone. Barley, fine, 48s ; oth er ki n d s, 23 s t o 36s per 3 0 Oats, new, 22s to 235; old, 30s to ills per qr. Beaus, ° 508 to ob's; new, 46s to 48s per qr. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. There was a f a ir sh ow o f w h eat to-day, and the 0 0(10 ruloil heavy at 2s below form er rates. Barley sloe 3 rather lower iii price. 0 lied wheat, per load of 3 imp. bu s h e l s ....23 s O d to 216 od White (to do , ....258 Od 276 pi New red do New white do do ...21s Od 2,,'3.1 td . do ...Ms Od 2 . o i Beans do do ....20s Od 246 6 j Peas, per qr.. 1' s Gd IP 0 (;rinding ea ley, per qr 15. Od 3" od Matting burley, , o Ws Od 486 - d Oats, do 2's Od 3.44 '' F10ur....1s 10d to 2 Ld per 141 b. Foreign Mail Packet List. -*- MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via South a mpt o n D es ao• Ditto, via Marseilles Dee.ti 1 4. 4. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. ..... ..• •.T a - ' Ditto, by French packet . Del 22 ' .28. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, a n d St . llelena„,,De o . 0. China. Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton.. De° 2 Ditto, via Marseilles ... .. Des 0 Faikland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampto n Dec. 14' ~ 20. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, v i a Southampton....., -,-, e- 2rDitto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton.` Dee- 14 ' Ditto, via Marseilles .. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, v i a S out h ampton Dee. 17. Ditto, via Marseilles Dee. 8 ' Mauritius, via Southampt on Dee- 2, Ditto, via Marseill e3 D es 1 4. Newfoundland ... Portuga), ...........Jan. i Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet - Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton _. _ Ditto, via Cork . Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londo n d erry , .Deo• 7 West Coaist of Africa, Madeira, and Teueriffe ....Dec. l' iirest Indies and Paolila (except Bahamas and Honduras) Dec .l4 Baham'...4, via New York. De. 11 Cuba vad Mexico Bermuda, via Haiti's/ ....... Dec. 19 - - We learn, says the Chi cago R epu bli c an, tha t Messrs. Scott, Thompson, Perry, and other par t 7, associated in the construction of the Kansas branc; of the Union Pacific R a il roa d, h ave j ust pa id Georg Francis Train fifty thousand dollars of the three hundred and fifty thousand due to him as conlin is. sions in earlier negotiations of that enterprise. LADVEIITISEMENT.I —Holloway's Ointment and rin' o f These admirable medic amen t s are a d apte d to t h e wants all ages, ranks, and classes of the community. Ulceration* bad legs, and enlargement of glands should be Erst f° : mentod with warm water, and then dressed with this 01 meet. In a very few days it will display its cooling 6° , curative powers over the diseas e d p ar t s . Wh e n the 0991 plaint has been chronic, or has weakened the c oustitutil Holloway's pills should be take n w hil e hi s o i n t men t is use to free the body from any tai n ts or f ou l h umour s. 13° ' ointment and pills may be employed with the utmost et fidence ; they • contain no ingredi e nt w hi c h can do ; slightest harm or cause any sho c k t o th e mos t nervous ° delicate. Births. BARINGTON—On the 2d inst., at Gibliston House, Fife, the wife of Lieut.-Col. Barington, of a daughter. BROWNE—On the 3d inst., at Spenser Villa, Edgb ast ,,{ l3 ; Birmingham, the wife of Charles T. Browne, Beck , " daughter. BUTLER—On the 3d inst., at Harrow, the wife of th e geT. Dr. Butler, Head Master of Harrow School, of a sou. MONTAGU—On the 2d inst., at 72, Inverness-terrse e i the Lady Robert Montagu, of a daughter. Marriages. BROWNE —WHITE-0 n the Ist inst., at St. Peter's, t ,. ° l r t; square, W. A. Browne, Esq., LL.D , of her guie s ,..l e r Civil Service, to Caroli ne Charlotte, LL.D., daug" of the late J. White, Esq. Davis —Ginsox—On the lot inst., at St. Andrew's, to born, Wm. W. Davis, of Woodford-green, Esser, Emma Gibson, of High Holborn. Deaths. BRAMWELL— On the Ist inst., at Hardwick Hall, Durbanlf C. Bramwell, Esq., aged 72. COLEMAN—On th© Ist inst., A Head-street, Colchester, W. Coleman, Esq., aged 79. FRASER—On the 2d inst., at 4, Dundas-street, Edinburgbi Hugh Fraser, Esq., W.S, HUFFAM—On the 2d inst., at Claremont-place , E ust°l3- road, S. fluffarn, Esq., aged 88. .hor, MERYWEATIIER —On the 29th ult., Wm. S. Merywea&.-- Esq., of Woodcote, Surrey, aged BG. TURNER—On the Ist iust., Charles H. Turner, lat e - - Grenadier Guards, of Rooksnest, Godstone, aged 34. TRYON—On the 4th inst., at Surbiton, Captain S. Try °llr R.N., aged 73. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN151101:,$1: of No. 112, strand, ranter at TIN; Sun Ofree, N O : h n i Strand, In the Preetnet of the Savoy, in the CO llll - M-iddleeez•—Wednesday, December 5, 18C6. 1 1 ~~ .le 4 ,r!'• ,? 0 0 !_