The Sun. — London, England, 1865-11-07 00:00:00

Lord Stanley on Physical Education. L a st evening Lord Stanley formally opened the Liverpool new Gymnasium. He was received with applause, and addressed the assembly as follows : In proceeding to open this gymnasium, which I be lieve to be, in point of size, of arrangements, and of its fittings, one of the most perfect yet established anywhere in Europe, I need not trouble you with more than a few introductory observations. You probably know its history as well as I do. You know that in the main it owes its existence to the persever ance and energy of a townsman of yours,—l mean our friend Mr. Melly. It was mainly by his efforts, aided by those of a few supporters as zealous as him self, that the requisite sum of £lO,OOO was raised for its construction ; and I think it is creditable to Liverpool that such an amount could be raised, without thought of profit to the contributors, for such a purpose. I say, without thought of profit, for believe those who have invested in it most largely will be the first to tell you that, though for the sake of the example and as an encouragement to others, they will be glad to see an ample return, yet, so far as their personal interests are concerned, every one of them will be perfectly satisfied, if the concern only pays its way ; and that it will pay its way I think you have every reason to expect, from the very brief statement of facts which I shall give. The total cost has been under £14,000, of which £lO,OOO has been raised by shares, and the remaining £4,000 by a mortgage on the building. The yearly expenses, including interest, are calculated not to exceed £1,000; and since the returns for the first six months are £7,ooo,with the arrangements hardly completed, and the whole plan still untried, I think there is no reasonable doubt of the institution being self-sup porting. N ow, I lay some stress on that, not for the sake of the thing itself. Liverpool is rich enough to pay both for its pleasures and its wants, but because the experiment is new. lam not aware that it has been, or is being tried on an equally large scale any where else in the United Kingdom except in Edin burgh ; if it can be made to work there, there is no reason whyit should not work equally well in every large town throughout the country. I hear it said, and I believe it is true, that in Manchester they are only waiting to see the result, and if that result be what we expect a similar building will very soon be set on foot there. I will just mention, before leav ing that part of the subject, that the subscribers for evening attendance are 500, who pay £1 each for six months, and £1 10s. for the year. There are in addition other subscribers at a higher rate, entitled to daily admission. The number of these last as yet is not great, 60 or 70 I believe, but increasing daily; and there is yet a third class, young lads chiefly, for whom the place is open on certain days of the week and special training provided. Of the arrangements I need say nothing. You can judge of them for yourselves, but I congratulate the managers upon having in Mr. flulley a director, who is working not merely. for the salary which he earns, and which they will be the first to admit is a very inadequate recompense for his labour, but who is working out of a real and enthusiastic interest in the business which he is employed to do. And now one word as to the object, or rather the objects, which the pro moters have in view. Many people look on a gym nasium—a place of teaching, that is, for athletic exercises—as though it were a yacht club, or a chess club, or an Alpine club—a thing which is a hobby to a few individuals, and which others join for amusement, or because it is the fashion, or because it helps to pass the time. Now, if it were only that, though I should say nothing against it, and though I should think the promoters had made a very sen sible investment of their spare cash and their spare time, I should hardly have considered that it re quired or deserved the formality of a ceremonial opening, and assuredly I should not have done that which to me is never perfectly agreeable—l should not have stood up to make a speech on the subject. `VBut I should hold that it is far more than a mere place of amusement. We, i n E uro p e , an d more - • ` especially in England, are entering on a new phase of social existence. Already more than half the population of England reside in towns. With peace maintained, and with an increase, or even a continuance, of our present rate of prosperity, the population will in a few years be far greater. But I need not appeal to general statistics. We who have lived to middle age in this neighbourhood—we who have seen the great city extending from the New Docks of Garston, on the one side, to the SandhilLs of Bootle on the other—who have watched the gra dual disappearance of the green fields, and the spread in their place of streets and lanes, and who have daily before their eyes the long line of villas which spring up at every adjoining railway station —at Broad-green, at Hurton, and at Roby—should require no proof from books or Parliamentary re turns to tell them how rapid and how continuous is the increase of that part of the population engaged in some one of the many branches of commerce, and destined, for the most part, to sedentary pursuits in crowded localities. What is happening here is, though not to an equal extent, happening also in a great part of England. But we all know also some thing else ; we know that, even under the greatly improved sanitary conditions of the last few years —and let me say, in passing, that it is nothing less than a shame to us that, notwithstanding all that has been effected (and it is a great deal), Liverpool should stand nearly highest on the death-rate of England—even after all that has been done, all that drainage, and water supply, and wide streets, and parks can do, urban life is never so healthy as that which is passed in the pure air and active pursuits of the country. What are the causes of that differ ence ? I am now speaking of the labouring and ar tisan class, with whom I admit at once this institu tion has little to do. But if I come to the class above them—to the class of clerks, of young men engaged in shops, of all whose days are passed sit ting on stools, in offices often close and crowded— and I might take in a higher class still—l say at once that one great cause of feeble constitution and de pressed energies is the absence of bodily or muscular exertion, combined with the pressure of what is in some degree mental occupation—though often mental occupation of a very mechanical kind. Of Course, habit will do much. Of course, also, indi vidual constitutions vary. But every medical man, and every one who has studied sanitary matters, knows that life passed within four walls during the week, with only the variety of a walk on Saturdays and Sundays, will very seldom be a healthy life in the true sense. For, by « healthy" we mean, or ought to mean, not the mere absence of disease, not the mere capacity to go through an ordinary day's work, but that state in which existence itself is felt to be an enjoyment, in which all simple and natural pleasures are appreciated, and the little every -day anxieties of our business sit lightly upon us. If there are, as is undoubtedly the case, classes among us who run all to muscle and with whom brainnever gets a chance of being developed—navvies, plough men, and the like—so there are classes who seem to have no further idea of using their muscles than is implied in walking to their place of business (and even they very often use an omnibus to save time), and whose utmost bodily exertion is driving a pen for hours together and handling a knife and fork at dinner. Now, I say, and I hope without offence, that in the latter clam the human result is, to my mind, hardly more satisfactory than in the former. Take your navvy, and you have a fine sample of animal development ; but I am afraid you have very little else. Take your clerk, shut up from year's end to year's end : you have a quick active brain, the nervous system ever excitable, but the animal frame feeble and badly developed. I respect him. I am very sorry for him. The fault is not his, but that of the life he leads. Butl say of him that he is not, physically speaking, the stuff out of which we wish the middle classes of Englishmen to be made. If it were possible—which 1 fear it hardly is—to trace the history of families in detail, we should be startled to find how many of those engaged in Purely sedentary pursuits die out, and how the gaps have to be filled up, year after year, from the hardier rural popula tion. There are other evils of a purely sedentary lif e to which in this company I can scarcely advert ; one is that physical feebleness leads to depression. That depression may be relieved by the easy a n d always accepted resource of drink, and then, sooner or later, we know the end. In other respects, too, medical men and all who have studied health ques- tions, will understand the very vague phrases I have used. It is not easy to overrate the degree to which habits of morality, among men under middle age, are connected with healthy physical conditions, and, above all, with sufficient bodily exercise. Well, then, I think we shall agree as to this proposition, that in Liverpool, as in all great towns, there exists a class exceedingly numerous and yearly increasing, for whom, in the course of their busines3, no opportunity of bodily training or exercise is provided. Can they make such opportunities for themselves ? Of course, in a certain sense they can. There is no physical impossibility in it. But our climate is damp and dull, our streets are not attractive, and perhaps one of the least entertaining of human occupations is that which is termed " taking a constitutional " on the high road. There is, also, the expenditure of time. An establishment like this gives exercise in a concentrated form, and its rooms will be open_ will probably be most frequented--in the evening —that is, at the time of day when during several months in the year out-door nature, especially in the town, is not very agreeable. So much I have to say of the uses of this building. Only one word more. Ido not fear that support will be wanted. Those who have watched the progress of the move ment tell me that among the young men who take to these exercises many do so with a kind of en thusiasm which is quite remarkable. Still, I find no fault with that. We all like to see men take up with a thing in earnest, whether it be work or play. But to those who are keenest about it I would offer one word of warning. Recollect that it is a thing that may be easily overdone. Don't ride a hobby too hard. The object, the natural object, of a training of this kind is not to make athletes out of men who have not to live by their muscles, but to develope sound health and manly constitutions. His lordship concluded by expressing an earnest wish for the suczess of the institution. English Subscribers to the Confederate Loan The Philadelphia correspondent of the Time 3 gives tho following account of the origin of the published list of sub scribers to the Confederate cotton loan : " The just indignation caused in England, by the publi cation in America of the names of Englishmen said to have invested money in the Confederate Cotton Loan, has led to some inquiry here as to the authorship of the list. I have learnt from good authority how the list was procured and published. The "New York Associated Press" is, no doubt, well known in Europe. It is an association for procuring the news, and is supposed to be composed of the leading journals throughout America. This is a mistake. The sum and substance of the "Associated Press " is a person named D. H. Craig, who having, years ago, pro-- cured an exclusive contract with the Nova Scotia telegraph lines, by which he alone could have the European news from the steamers touching at Cape Race, Father Point, and Halifax, has built upon it a huge system professing to furnish news for the entire American press—although the way in which it is done is shockingly bad. Craig receives a subsidy from every American newspaper, and has made an immense fortune. Every one of our editors grumbles at the insufficiency of his system, but none dare to openly denounce him, for the invariable punishment is a deprivation of the foreign news of which Craig has the monopoly. The only way in which enterprise can be shown is by employing " special correspondence," and every journal of note now has them, and while secretly Craig and his system are detested, no journal openly de nounces him. " 02 course this man yields an enormous power, and what ever he wishes to print is simultaneously published in every American newspaper. He has agents in all the large cities, whose business is to collect news and to send it to other parts of the country. His own profits by this system are at least $5OO a week. In Washington the agent is L. A. Gobright. Of course, it was the object of the Government, early in the war, to control Craig, as by this means all 'the newspapers could be firmly held. The military censor was, therefore, established at Washington, who supervised every despatch forwarded from that office, which was acknowledged to be the p::ncipal news centre in the United States. Eut this did not work well; it caused endless quarrels, the news the Government 'did not like frequently escaped the censor. An arrangement was then made by the Secretary of War and the Associated Press, by which the department would furnish all the news if the Associated Press would print it as sent. This was gladly acquiesced in, and continues to this day in force. Stanton's war bulletins were furnished in this way, and Craig was even made to promise that he would dep:•ive any newspaper of these bulletins if it in any way changed them from the copy furnished. Mr. Gobright, at Washington, is the immediate agent to whom the War Department communicates, and the list of alleged Con federate Loan holders was sent -to him from the depa:t ment. He sea; tered it over the country through the medium of the telegraph. It passed under the supervi sion of Mr. Craig or his confidential agent at New York, as everything dons, and, with several insulting comments, was printed. I have every reason to believe that this list was manufactured in our War-office. The Government detectives in England, for our secret service had many spies there dui;ng the war, picked up a few names of loan holders, as they were heard floating about in the gossip of London, and with these as a foundation the list was made up. If what I hear be true, and I have no reason to doubt it, the war Department has been guilty of an act of great meanness, to say the least of it. Some one there has placed upon the list the names of Englishmen who are dis liked on account of their having wished the South succea in the late war. Every distinguished Englishman who espoused the Southern cause, or desired fair play in the contest, was put upon the list, and imaginary figures set opposite his name, inorder to show, as far as so transparent a. trick could, that he had a mercenary motive for his course. The War Department is responsible for this latest act of meanness, and Mr. Craig, for pandering to a vulgar prejudice in permitting the list to be printed, deserves reprobation." An Argument for the Free Trade in Iron. (From the New York Commercial Advertiser.) Mr. Daniel J. Morrell, General Superintendent of the Cambria Iron Works of Johnstown, Pa., in a letter re cently addressed to the American Iron and Steel Associa tion of Pittsburgh, reveals somo remarkable facts in regard to the production of iron in this country. Ho states that to produce a gross ton of railroad bars it requires 32 days' actual direct labor, and further, the equivalent of 18 days' labor to cover the wear and tear of furnace; machinery, buildings, interest on capital, and royally for the minerals consumed, so that the actual cost of producing a ton of rails is equivalent to 50 days' labor, exclusive of excise taxes. Estimating labor at $2 per day, $lOO is therefore the normal cost of producing a ton of rails in this country. Now, as long as this is the case, how can our manufacturers ever compete with other na tions in foreign markots when a ton of rails can bo pro duced in England and Belgium at about five pounds per ton, say twenty-five dollars is gold, and other iron in the same proportion ? Is it not evidently to the interest of American industry to abandon the manufacture of iron, and to obtain it from Europe in exchange for other pro ducts which Europe needs, if thereby we can save this enormous tax, imposed on every species of industry, merely with a view to continue the production of an article in ra gard to which we are so unfavourably placed compared to England and Belgium? Why should every industry of the country be thus unnecessarily burthened merely to permit the existence of a single branch of industry, the manufac ture of iron ? But upon further investigation of the facts presented by Mr. Morrell, we are led to believe that Free Trade would not only liberate every industry of the country from this unnecessary' and unjust burthen, but, further, that it would greatly stimulate the production of iron itself, by placing it under the healthy influence of competition, the lack of which has evidently produced the usual results which attend monopolies and Government protection of in dustry—i, e., undue extravagance and waste, as well as a diminution or cessation of efforts to improve the methods and processes of production. We believe this statement shows either that the work men in the iron districts idle their time away instead of laboring as the British workmen do, or else that there is the greatest extravagance and waste in the iron districts of Pennsylvania. In either case it imposes an unjust and unnecessary burden on all the other producers of the country, who should unite to free themselves from this terrible incubus, which does not even contribute to the welfare of the labor employed in the production of iron, since if these cannot reduce the cost of producing iron, they can readily and beneficially be absorbed in the other, more productive, industries of the country, thus increasing the profits of our industry to the extent of the reduc tion in the cost of the iron they consume. We be lieve, however, that with perfect free trade, the pro duction of iron will be greater and more profitable than under protection. The only effect of Protection is to turn producers into non-producing government officials, who have to be maintained upon the taxes levied on the •pro ducers of the country. How long will laborers believe this to be beneficial to themselves ? 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The following is the official report to the Secre tary of the Marine Board, Port Adelaide, dated July 13, 1865 Sir,-I do myself the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 12th inst., convey ing an application from the Marine Board to hold an official investigation into the circumstances con nected with the grounding of the Aunt Lizzie, of Sunderland, on June 22 last, on the coast near Whitton's Bluff, Gulf St. Vincent, in this province, when it is alleged she received material damage, and I have now to state that, assisted by Capt. H. D. Dale, as nautical assessor, I have complied with the Board's application, and now beg to make the fol lowing report:—Having examined the mate, Mr. E. Griffiths, the boatswain, Mr. D. Crighton, on oath, and heard the statement of the master, I beg to state the Aunt Lizzie is an iron barque of 536 tons, regis tered at Sunderland, and owned by T. Scott, of Sunderland, and Wm. Scott, of Barlestown, Staffordshire. The master is Mr. A. Crighton, who holds an ordinary certificate as master, under the Board of Trade, dated Aberdeen, Jan. 12, 1863. She left London on the 31st Dec. last, with a general cargo for this port, and was drawing 17ft. aft and 15ft. 10in. forward. She sighted Kan garos Island, on this coast, on June 19th last, the wind being from the northward. She passed to the southward of the island, and beat through Backstairs Passage. At 7 a.m. on the 21st the ship was off Point Marsden. At noon the ship was in lat. 35 26 N., but no bearing is given in the log, neither are cross bearings given at sunset. The first entry in the log book by whichthe ship's position can be estimated is that the Trowbridge Light at 11 30 p.m., after the ship was tacked to the eastward, bore W. by N N. (by compass corrected for deviation) distant 10 miles. This distance was estimated by the eye, corrected by the time and distance run when the light was lost sight of, taking the light as visible from the deck 16 miles. The wind at this time was fresh from the northward, the ship on the port tack standing to the eastward, and according to the mate's estimategoing about seven knots. The light was lost sight of at 045 a.m. of the 22d. But by the evidence of the boatswain, who had the first watch, it appears the light was first seen at 9 30 p.m., when the ship was standing to the westward, on the starboard tack. The master was on deck, and went below at 11, when, by the boatswain's evidence, the ship was put about and was going• about five knots, standing to the eastward under all plain sail, including royals. The master, on going below at 11 20, told the boatswain to keep a good - look-out, and to tell the mate to call him in good time. The boatswain states it was the rule of the ship to heave the log every two hours ; that it was hove at 10, when she was going five knots, but not at midnight. No orders were given by the master to the boatswain to heave the lead, or to direct the mate to do so, in the middle watch. Referring again to the evidence of the mate, it ap pears that the ship was going about six knots at midnight, the night being clear ; about six, at 1 ; and between 1 and 2, from five to six knots. At 2 the mate called the master, fancying he saw a light. On the master coming on deck he ordered the mate to get a cast of the deep-sea lead. The deep-sea lead was hove, and 20 fathoms obtained. A few minutes afterwards a second cast of 17 fathoms was got, and about 10 minutes afterwaids the third cast of about 10 fathoms, the master being on deck, who ordered the hands to be called to tack ship to the westward. No cast was got after the third, although the ship was in 10 fathoms, standing towards the shore at the rate of five knots. About 10 or 15 minutes after the hands were called, the ship was put in stays, but before coming round she grounded. The mate states that the only order he got from the boatswain on relieving the deck at midnight was to call the master in good time. He received no course, in the event of the wind becom ing fair, neither to heave the lead, nor as to the dis tance he was to stand on the port tack before acquainting the master. On the ship grounding the small sails were taken in, and an attempt was made to back her off the ground. A stream anchor was run out, but without effect, until the tide rose in the afternoon. Whilst aground, the ship made 41 feet water. During the passage out she made little or no water. The ship arrived at Port Adelaide on the 23d of June, still making water, but the pumps keeping her free. The master, in his statement in defence, states he left orders that the mate was to call him if any change oc curred ; that he did not tell him to heave the lead, 1 but that it was customary to heave the lead on nearing the land. The master also states he had been up the two previous nights. Both officers agree that the master did not go to his bed, but lay down in his clothes in the cabin. Having taken the evi dence of the officers and the statement of the master into consideration, I consider that Mr. Alexander Crighton, the master of the Aunt Lizzie, failed in this case to exercise proper care in the navigation of his ship. In coming to this conclusion lam guided by the following facts, elicited in evidence :-1. No cross bearings are given in the log-book for sunset on the 21st; there is nothing, therefore, by which the ship's position can be accurately determined before dark. 2. It appears, by - the evidence of the boatswain, that when the ship was on the starboard tack, or standing to the westward, the Trowbridge Light was seen at 9 30 p.m. ; that she stood on till 11, going at the rate of five knots, when she was tacked to the eastward. The chief mate, by refe rence to the log, states that at 11 30 the light bore W. by N. N. 10 miles. If this be the case, allow ing that the ship was tacked at 11, and ran 2} miles to the eastward in half an hour, the light must have been first seen at a distance of 17i miles. But op posed to this view is the statement of the boats wain, that the light was lost sight of at 12 15, by which it would appear the ship had made 8 miles in the 45 minutes which elapsed between 11 30 and 12 15. Working back the course and distance from the position when the ship grounded, it would ap pear that at 11 30 p.m. the light must have been at least 15 miles distant ; but the evidence is so con flicting as to the speed at which' the ship was going, combined with the uncertainty which exists asto the distance the ship was from the light at 11 and 11 30 p.m., I am of opinion she was going consider ably faster through the smooth water than was estimated ; and here I would point out is a proof of the want of care and supervision on the part of the master, as it does not appear the log was hove after 10 p.m. No special orders were given as to heaving the log. No orders were given to call the master after the ship had run a certain distance after losing sight of the light. No orders were given as to heav ing the lead, and no course was given in the event of the wind becoming fair. Although the master did not go to his bed, it appears he was nearly two hours below after the light was lost eight of, and did not come on deck until callei by the mate at 2 a.m., when a light was supposed to be seen ahead. Up to this moment no soundings had been obtained ; and although the water shoaled from 20 to 10 fathoms in from 20 to 25 minutes, the ship was kept standing towards the land from 10 to 15 minutes without the lead going, although the hand lead was on deck. An inspection of the charts would have satisfied the master that when he was in 17 fathoms it was time to have the ship ready for going about; or, that if he shoaled the water 10 fathoms in 20 to 25 minutes, he must soon be too close in. 3. While thus con- demning the conduct of the master in this case, I take into consideration the fact that it is stated he had been up for two nights, and that he appears to some extent to have exercised a certain amount of vigilance over the officersduring the night, and when the ship grounded. lam therefore unwilling to re commend the suspension of his certificate in this port, as such a course would deprive him of the com mand of his ship; but I am of opinion he should be reprimanded, and that this report, with the evidence, should be sent home to the Board of Trade, in order that their lordships may, if they deem fit, suspend his certificate for such a period as they may deem requisite. 4. Had Mr. Crighton held a South Aus- tralian certificate, and been in command of a ship trading from this port, I should have unhesitatingly recommended a suspension of his certificate for six months. 5. In eonelusion, I would state that some blame is to be attributed to the mate for not, as usual in all properly navigated ships, heaving the log every THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDA Y EVENIA G, NOVEMBER 7, 1865. two hours, or more frequently, when close to the land.—l have, &c., B. DOUGLAS, Stipendiary Magistrate. I concur in this report and recommendation. H. D. DALE, Nautical Assessor. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. POST.—The Emperor of the French must be one the most hard-working Sovereigns that ever ruled over a great nation. The form of the Imperial Go vernment and its executive action invite the personal initiative of the Chief of the State in most import ant legislative affairs, which he must be ever revis ing and watching, imposing an immense amount of detail. The ministers of Napoleon 111. are more the instruments of the Sovereign's supreme direction of affairs than advisers of the Crown ; the Emperor means an individual ruler who reigns by universal suffrage. Amid the complicated and multifarious cares and labours of State the Emperor finds time to employ his pen and periodically to treat the world with a literary surprise. Before he mounted his charger for the Italian campaign Louis Napoleon had prepared the world by a pamphlet on the unsatisfactory state of Italy, which attracted universal attention. He has since published the first volume of the " Life of Caesar," and now he gives to the crowd a remarkable pamphlet on. Algeria, crowded with local information con cerning the Government administration of the French colony, and proposing a series of remedial reforms which could only have grown out of an intimate study of a very complicated question. The Emperor is reported to have exclaimed on more than one occasion whilst asking questions about Algeria—" I never can get two facts alike or two similar views from any two men who have lived in Algeria." Whether these un satisfactory and contradictory answers to the Emperor's interrogations were the cause of his taking the subject himself in hand—viz., an endeavour, by a new system of administra tion, to tranquillise the Arab tribes, improve the condition of the people, and make Algeria a gain and not a loss to France—whether or not such was the cause, the Emperor, we know, visited the French colony in May last.. His object was to make himself personally acquainted with the condition of the country in every respect. But before leaving France the author of the " Lettre sur la Politique de la France en Alg6rie" studied the ground, and the people, and the system of rule which had been adopted since the French conquest in 1830. The officers he interrogated in Algeria were a little surprised to find the Sovereign so well up in information belonging to this or that district ; at least so say those who have recorded the Empe ror's visit to Algeria in 1865. The results of all this previous study and personal observation are pre sented to the French people in a series of sugges tions for improving a colony on which France has been expending untold life and treasure. The pre vailing impressions in the Imperial mind appear to be these. It is believed that the various wild Arab tribes which people this old Turkish settlement can be civilised and made to mingle with the Christian and Jewish foreign populations. It is desired that the military character of the French colonisation should be diminished, and civil rule promoted in proportion. The substance of the whole of the mili tary reforms is thus stated :—" 1. To reduce the number of military centres. 2. To place the greatest portion of the forces on the boundary of the Tell. 3. To diminish insensibly the political and military importance of the posts of Geryville, Laghouat, and Djelfa ; to connect the tribes of the centre with those of the boundary of the Tell, amongst which these latter come to obtain supplies; to call back from that part of the country all the colonists. 4. To create on the boundary of the Tell stationary tribes. 5. To reduce by degrees the strength of the army to 50,000 men and to create movable columns, each 1,800 strong. 6. To pay the greatest atten tion to the choice of the heads of military subdivi sions and of the Arab bureaux ; to avoid frequent changes in the chiefs of those bureaux, and to keep them at the same'post as long as the interests of their military career will permit ; not to ap point as heads of the bureau any but captains ; to admit to that service officers of the special arms ; to reduce them to be only staff officers of the commanders of subdivisions ; to give the strictest recommendation to have consideration shown in every circumstance to the self-love of the Arab chiefs, and to leave to these latter the command of the goums when called under arms. 7. To organise a European militia, by exempting the young men who have been drawn from service in France, and to place them on the reserve in Algeria, according to the rules established for the constitution of the re serve in the mother country. 8. To augment the strength and number of the battalions of Turcos, and to reduce in France a company in each in fantry regiment. 9. To ameliorate the smalas of the Spahis, to create a marching regiment, and form a special corps for the Arab bureaux. And, 10. To simplify the system of fortifications, and of the military servitude around them. Another prevailing conviction of the imperial author is that the religion, manners, and customs, and some laws of these Mahometan tribes, should be respected ; in a word, the Emperor's policy in Algeria is reconciliation and education in the direc tion of modern European civilisation. The pamphlet is occupied with a variety of subjects of detail—re form of laws, education, colonisation, regulation of taxes, &c. It is not our intention to intrude on any of these local subjects ; we wish to keep the main questions in view. Can the nine distinct races of these wild children of the Prophet, the mountain, and the desert be brought to identify themselves with the laws, agriculture, and commerce of modern Europe ? The natives of Algeria are a strange mixed race, • descended from Romans, Vandals, Turks, Circassians, Greeks, Italians—in fact, born of the early emigrants to a land which attracted the enterprising of the Old World from the days of the Phoenicians, as well as at variou s p er i o d s down to the French invasion in 1830. This people, eminently imbued with the fanatical faith of the Crescent, the Ruler of France proposes, by an im proved organisation, to invite from their tents and wildernesses, and turn them into soldiers and agri culturists, mechanics and citizens of commercial towns, if w po lli ssible new element of strength. The Arab s , res t ra i ne d and conciliated, will give us what th ey can b es t beio "says the Emperor, "us longer a burden, but a give, namely, soldiers ; and the colony, become flourishing by the development of its territorial riches, will Create a commercial movement emi nently favourable to the mother c oun t ry . T o us the two grand.,:difficulties appar en t i n accomplish ing the generous intentions of the S overe i gn seem , in the first place, the difficulty of inc or p ora ti n g the Oriental with the Christian world; and secondly, the very little interest the French people take in the most naturally wealthy colony on the face of the earth. We have no instance of any of the foreign occupations of Algeria t a ki ng root ; an d i n the time of Turkish occupation, the a u th or ity o f the Dey went little beyond the coast towns, which were the nests of the pirates and Jew merchants. The French occupation, had it b een con fi ned to t h e city of Algiers for trading purposes, might have proved profitable to the m o th er country. As i n British India, the ambition of the soldier has caused foreign arms and authority to spread over an im• mense territory, which must be occupied at a costly expenditure of life a n d money . Th e F renc h occu pation of Algeria has made no more impression on the Arab, in a civilising sense, than a century of British occupation of India has changed the cha racter of the Hindoo as regards social relations with the conquerors. France has sent nothing to Algeria comparatively but soldiers and, strange to say, corn. After you leave the society of Marseilles you seldom hear the word " Algerie" pronounced in France. There is no overgrown population in that country, and a little commercial attraction to induce a Frenchman to leave his family, his cafe, and a general well-to-do position at home, for a life of toil and advent ure i n th e notoriously rich lands of Algeria. The Irishman and the German prefer the New World, where they have neither a fanatic al race nor a military Government to contend with and influence their free actions. The Emperor Napoleon has made an effort to modify and ame liorate, we Might almost say, the laws of climate, religion, and experience. If his suggested . new ad . - ministration of the governing system in succeeds, and Christian European civilisation is enabled to incorporate the wildest tribes of the Oriental and Mahometa n world, a work of incal culable importance will have been accomplished, and will date a new era i n the history of - the East. We can only wish France every success, and applaud the Emperor's noble inspirations. TIMES.—The public will see with satisfaction that the diplomatic rupture between this country and Brazil has been termi n ated by a formal reconcilia tion of the two Governments. Her Majesty has accredited an Envoy in special mission to 'the-Bra zihan Court, and the Emperor of Brazil has received this Minister at an interview in which expressions of amity and satisfaction were interchanged. The customary relations, therefore, between friendly States have now been renewed, and Brazil and Eng land stand once more on good terms with each other. It would be neither timely nor politic to revive the history of the past quarrel, or to venture upon a balance of the wrongs endured and the claims pre ferred. Partly by arbitration, and partly by means less satisfactory, these differences have been ad justed, and if we, in the last resort, appealed to the right of the strongest, we have now accepted a cor responding obligation iu being the first to propose reconciliation and friendship. There would be no utility in reopening the old story of the rupture. A student of political history will see in it an example of the manner in which small things become great when bad blood exists already. Perhaps we should have to go back to the old controversies about the slave trade for the first germs of ill-feeling, but in the end a slight wound became liable to gangrene, and the diplomatic catastrophe at length occured. The occasion was signalized by more than usual discussion, and it was evident that the Brazilians were by no means disposed to let the judgment of the English public go against them by default. We need not, however, ascribe exclusively to the zeal of Brazilian " agents" the interest which was un doubtedly created in this quarrel. Brazil is one of our best customers. Considering the smallness of its population, our commercial transactions with the Empire are on an extraordinary scale, and the intercourse is singularly profitable to both countries. Of the whole imports into Brazil, a good half comes from Great Britain or British pos sessions ; of her whole exports, nearly a third finds its way to England. Cotton, sugar, and hides are very useful commodities to us, and we return in cotton stuffs more than we receive in the raw mate rial. But these were not the only considerations in ducing regret at the rupture between the two Go vernments. Brazil, excepting apparently within the sphere of diplomacy, was a peculiarly inoffensive State. She was given neither to cheating nor bully ing. She never traded on her comparative weakness as promising protection in the wrong, nor did she make any parade of political position. In the whole of the New World there was net a State which ap peared to give so little trouble and offer so much profit to us as Brazil, so that the regret, therefore, of the community was exceedingly natural when an unpleasantness which they could hardly understand was gradually developed into a serious quarrel. In some quarters we think it fortunate and creditable to preserve peace ; with Brazil it seemed something hard and unaccountable when peace was disturbed. Let us now hope that the little bickerings which led by accumulation to this rupture may have been ex tinguished in the process, and that the old grounds of ill-feeling may have been fairly effaced. From this point we may make a fresh start, and do better, per haps, than before. The slave questio n can hardly trouble us again, and, indeed, if Brazil did cling to the institution somewhat tenaciously at one time, there was always a characteristic in the position of the Brazilian negro which deserved consideration. In Brazil alone, of all countries in the world, the negro was not an outcast. To a great extent he was admitted to that equality which only the extreme Abolitionists in the United States venture to advo cate, -and which few Americans seem prepared to support. There was a free intermixture between the black and white races of the Empire. Europeans, Africans, and Indians married and intermarried, until now, as it is thought, an actual majority of the whole population of Brazil is of mixed extraction. This, we believe, has never oc curred elsewhere, and the fact is worth recording. For the rest, it is almost impossible to conceive a country with a greater wealth of resources than Brazil. The Empire has never been surveyed with sufficient accuracy to determine its area within half a million of square miles or so, but it is larger than the United States, and inferior only in extent of territory to•the prodigious Empires of Russia and China. This immense country maintains at present a population of probably less than B,ooo,ooo—re presenting three inhabitants to the square mile, or about one-sixth of the proportion found even in Sweden and Norway. The riches of the interior may be said to be unexplored, for the population at present is clustered on the coast almost as com pletely as in New Zealand or Australia. In one particular the possible development of Brazilian production is especially interesting. If it should ever happen, as seems within the limits of specula tion, that we should resort to foreign countries for supplies, not only of living animals, but of pre served meats, Brazil will furnish the chief p or t s o f trade. In that country meat, which is here becom ing dearer and dearer, is almost without value in the market. Oxen are killed for their horns and hides, as sheep were formerly slain in Australia for their wool. The finest beasts are next to worthless ex cept for their skins and the tallow that may be ex tracted from their bodies. It is obvious that if any method of preserving meat successfully should here after be discovered, the exports from Brazil may be as valuable as those from Odessa or Dantsic. We may come to import beef as freely as corn, and to get cheap meat as surely and as regularly as we get cheap bread. It need hardly be added, how ever, that considerations of this kind will never in duce a British Government to submit to wrongs; and wrongs, as we have had good reason to know, are as likely to be committed by a weak State as a strong one. No Power in dealing with England must pre sume either upon its strength or its weakness. We persuade ourselves that we are not very quick to take offence, but if there is a wrong it must be redressed. We repeat that we have no intention of opening a controversy now closed, but the Brazilians may be invited to observe that not even the peculiar kindliness and sympathy with which Englishmen re gard them were sufficient to prevent a rupture when grievances had been created. Brazil had many friends in this business, perhaps not a few advocates, and all that could be said for that country and urged against England and her representatives was set' forth to good purpose. Yet this did not avail, and it is only now that a renewal of amicable relations has been at length accomplished. The lesson should not be lost in either country. If we allow that we ourselves have something to remember, we may im press the same truth up on B raz il . The two States ought to be the best friends in the world, and we are using only the language of friends when we add that we should rejoice to see the young empire escaping from the risks and charges of war, and devoting its energies and resources to the enterprises and achievements of peace. " THE SATURDAY REVIEW" ON MR. GLADSTONE'S DOING IT RATHER TOO GINGERLY 1-Mr. Gladstone's friends have lately been urging on him the neces sity of being exceedingly cautious. They have made no secret of the causes of their alarm, and have very freely explained to him and to the world that he is apt to be irritable and indiscreet. He says the wrong thing sometimes, and sometimes he says a great deal too much. If only he will control himself, learn to be civil and a little unmeaning, then they will look on him with as much confidence as they now feel admiration for him. his enemies, on the contrary, hope that he will stumble into the pitfalls which fate is supposed to be continually setting for him. Ac cordingly, his first public display in his new capa city as leader of the Commons and associate Pre- infer has been anticipated with feelings of anxiety and exultation. He has gone through the ordeal, and acquitted himself to perfection. He made three speeches at Glasgow in one day—one of them to a Reform Society, and another in reply to an address from an unascertained number of working men. Here were two yawning pitfalls. He has before tumbled into a very big hole on the subject of re form, and working men have suggested to him a theoretical abyss about the burden of proof in re fusing or according universal suffrage, of which he himself cannot pretend to measure the depth. But he has gone over this dangerous ground with the most triumphant safety. He was caution personi fied. What he said might have been said by Sir G. Grey, or the Bishop of London, or perhaps by Mr. Walpole himself. He touched on two delicate sub jects, and he touched on them so softly that at any rate the Goddess of Prudence, if there still is one, may claim him as her favourite child. He almost carried caution to an extreme, and exaggerated it as if for the fun and novelty of showing that he could be as safe and enigmatical as the slowest Tory squire that ever sat in the house. He gave his views on Reform, and he gave his views on the Government of Lord Russell. With regard to Reform, he ven tured to declare his settled conviction that although, of course, disappointment might baffle human hopes here as elsewhere, yet he believed that if Parlia ment took up the subj ec t in the right spirit, and acted boldly and yet wisely, it would arrive at a result that would contribute to the happiness of all classes of this great empire. Even the statesmen in Sir Bulwer Lytton's novels make political declara tions from which more may be learnt than from this. As to Earl Russell, he declared that the name of that respected peer was its own guarantee, and he surmised that, after living 73 honourable years, the noble lord would be very unlikely to turn his back upon himself, and show that he had unlearnt the lesson of his whole career. This every one will allow is exceedingly unlikely; and even the severest and most hostile critic would be satisfied with know ing that it is as certain that Lord Russell has ever learnt the lesson of his long career as that, if he has learnt it, no mortal man will ever succeed in making him think that what he has learnt is wrong. We hope now the agitated public will be satisfied that Mr. Gladstone can be cautious when he likes. It is the beauty of the elephant's trunk that it can either pick up a pin or rend a tree ; and it is the excellence, as we now know, of Mr. Glad stone's intellect, that he can either convulse the House of Commons by his utterances on Reform, denounce Mr. Disraeli as if he were the vilest of mankind, and provoke the hostility of countless societies, companies, and boards by a single speech ; or else, at his plea sure, inform a gaping and admiring provincial audi ence, if listening t o hi s wor d s as they were a revela tion, that if Parliament passes a wise measure of Reform, the measure it passes will most probably be wise, and that Lord Russell's name is a sufficient guarantee that Lord Russell's Government will be carried on in the manner to be expected from Lord Russell. A brother of Mr. Jefferson Davis has arrived in London, and taken apartments in the "foreigners' quar ter," in Leicester-square. SOUTHWARD HO Professor J. D. B. De Bow, editor of De Bow's Review, and one of the most eminent political economists of the Southern States, has lately addressed a very important letter to Governor Perry, of South Carolina, on the Future of the South and on the necessity of Emigration. The letter is too long for re-production in our columns, but we quote some of the more important passages : It has been evident to thoughtful men at the South for a number of years that her career in prosperity and wealth, in comparison with other sections, was greatly re tarded by a deficiency of labor ; and many among us went so far, even, as to theorize upon the reopening of communi cations with the coast of Africa and with Asia for the pur pose of securing laborers, either as coolies, apprentices, or under some other name. It occurred to scarcely any one that it was practicable, or even desirable, to open the doors to free - white immigrants, a prejudice being understood to exist in the minds of such everywhere against coming into competition with slave labor; and even if such prejudice did not exist, influences adverse to existing institutions upon which the prosperity of the South was believed mainly to rest, was likely to be exerted by that competition. It followed that whilst the Northern and Western States, from the constant stream of hardy and industrious immigrants who were pouring in, exhibited miracles of progress and development, the South, with vast natural resources for mining, manufactures and agriculture, ad vanced in but the slow ratio of its natural increase, and immense dominions capable of contributing untold trea sures to the commerce of the world remained hermetically sealed. The slavery question having been settled, by the military power of the United States, and the South having accepted in good faith the solution (slavery being recog nized as an issue of the war in which she has lost), and so framed her legislation as to recognize the negro, in the future, as a freedman, under no other obligation to labor than those which bind every other freeman, of whatever color, it becomes a matter of very anxious inquiry, outside of the social and political questions involved, what effect may be expected upon the great questions of labor and production already disturbed by previously existing causes. Before going further, it is well to remark, what your own judgment and information will bear me out fully in, that the people of the South, universally, are willing to give a fair and honest trial to the experiment of negro emancipation, which has been forced upon them, and that if let alone, to manage affairs in their own way, and with their intimate knowledge of negro character, and that sympathy with him and his fortunes which is but the natural result of long and close association, everything possible will be done, in good time, for the social, physical, and political advancement of the race; clashing as little as practicable at the same time with the great material in terests of the country. Those of us who are familiar with the South are well advised that the restoration of slavery within its limits, even were it desired, would now be an impossibility, for reasons induced by the war, and by the subsequent action of the authorities, both State and Federal. While it must be admitted that experiments in negro emancipation have resulted unfavorably in other countries similarly situated, I cannot but derive hope from the con sideration, that there were causes at work in most of those countries which do not exist in our own, which may modify and control the result. I refer to the inferior civilization of the blacks in the case referred to, their small contact with the whites, the great disproportion between the colors, the nature of the climate, requiring little clothing and producing food spontaneously, etc. Taking these facts into account I am not despondent of the result, when time and judicious measures have been allowed to mature a system. Bat what is to be done in the meanwhile is a point of grave interest, and one which will occupy a prominent place at the meeting of the State Legislatures during the present winter. Is there anything to be accomplished, and what, beyond the adoption of such local measures as relate to the status of the negro and his character as a producing agent ? There is but one answer, and that may be condensed into a few words : The South must throw her immense uncultivated domain into the market at a low price ; reduce the quan tity of land held by individual proprietors, and resort to intelligent and vigorous measures at the earliest moment, to induce an influx of population and capital from abroad. This is entirely practicable. That the landed properties of the South have been, in general, too large, and that great benefit would result to the proprietors by disposing at low rates of the surplus, can scarcely be considered open to argumentation. The staples of the South are of such inestimable value to the commerce of the world, that they have, in the past, and promise beyond all contingency in the future to come into triumphant competition with those of every country upon the face of the earth. Sugar, cotton, rice, tobacco, hemp and naval stores are all articles of universal and almost unlimited demand, at prices which, considering the cost of production upon cheap land, will yield results to agricultural labor for which there is no parallel. But beyond these staple growths, the climates and soils of the vast region which stretches from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, are favorable to every product upon which in thistly and capital are expended in any country. The vast mineral resources which geological surveys have divulged, which no hand of industry has yet attempted to develop, and the infinite number of manufacturing sites, all present the most tempting baits to enterprise, and will open results for it which nothing in the history of the times has equalled, dazzling and magnificent as have been its past achievements. In the single article cotton is found the most striking illustration of what has just been said. "King" he may not be in the sense in which many of us formerly recog nized him, but the sway. which the potentate exercises over the finances of the nations is by no means to be sneered at, and the hold which he has upon the neces sities of the world seems to be fixed as irremovable. Four years of non-exportation, whilst it has given the most in tense stimulus and energy to the growth of cotton in other countries and increased the production in them several hundred per cent., have not left the South without the virtual control of the markets of the world. We may gather this trom the fact that the million and a half o bales (an outside calculation) available for exportation during tho Summer and Fall, from her ports, have a gold value greater than that of the four or five millions which were the product of tho South in the days of her palmiest prosperity. Admitting it to be true, as has been already maintained by Southern writers, that climatic conditions existing in many sections aro unfavourable to European and North American constitutions, there can be no doubt of the fact, that a large portion, and in most cases by far the larger portion, of each of the Southern States is well adapted to white labor, and that actual mortuary returns indicate a much higher degree of physical health in these localities than in the New England and North Western States. Here there is a territory, vast in extent, and susceptible of development by white labor, from whatever quarter in- troduced:capable of maintaining a population as dense and wealthy as can be found in any other part of the Union, and yet in 1850 its density to the square mile as compared with other sections, was : Persons. Persons, Slaveholding States... 11.35 Texas New-England States.. 41.94 Ohio 49.55 Middle States 57.79 Massachusetts 127.50 In what manner, then, shall we proceed to invite capital and population to the South? I answer: Consult and abide by the experience of those States and communities which have grown populous and rich by the success which attended their efforts to secure immigration. At first I would suggest the appointment of one or two commissioners from each of the States, who shall meet at some contral point, say at Atlanta, Ga., or at Montgomery, Ala., and, in order that no time may be lost, I would suggest that the commissioners be nominated by the Pro- visional Governors. The object of the commission would be to advertise the world that our people are in earnest in the matter and in accord, and it would tend to secure such harmony of action between the States as would be most conducive to success. The commission should be a permanent body, and should at once open correspondence with every section and dis- trict of the several States, inviting information upon the character and value of soils, and the quantity available for settlement, and the lowest cash and credit prices for the same. This information ought to be given to the public in the form of circulars and addresses, translated into German and French, and distributed abroad through our Consular agents. It is needless, however, to suggest what would be the duties of such a commission. The intelligent and ex- perienced minds thus brought together would soon develops the wisest system, and upon their recommendation, aid, and legislation, as might be necessary, would readily be afforded by the State Government. In a matter of such delicacy, it is evident that any con flict or rivalry between the States would be productive of lasting injury, especially in presence of the great induce- manta to emigrants which are held out in other quarters, and the organized and well-established systems which exist for their introduction. Everything will depend upon the earlier results, and if mistakesare made from the circulation of false information, and disappointments ensue, it will be difficult, almost im possible, to correct them. Knowledge of these disappoint ments it will be the purpose of interested parties to circu late, so that in a little while it will reach every village and town or hamlet in Europe. Active and independent com petition for emigrants between the States will, it is to be feared, lead to these results. There are two points, New York and New Orleans, which will probably continue to be the most prominent ones, at which immigrants will be landed, and at these it will be indispensable to locate agencies to look after their interests and to afford such information as will direct them, with as little inconvenience, loss of time and expense, as possible to their several Southern destinations. This can be effected without much expense. In a single year, taken at random, which gave an aggregate immigration of 398,470, it appeared that there arrived at New York 304,876 I 8a1tim0re,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 14,148 New Orleans 32,316 I Galveston ........... 2,600 Philadelphia 1 7 ,956 Charleston . 1 , 517 The United States, alive to the importance of securing the largest number of immigrants, have established a Bureau of Immigration attached to the State Department at Washington, and also an Emigrant Office in the City of New York, under charge of a Superintendent. This legis lation, in connection with the Homestead Law, whic h passed Congress on the 20th of May, 1862, and makes donation of 160 acres to each settler, is having a very marked effect, and should advise the South of the difficul ties which encompass her experiment, and of the course of action likely to remove them. How much of th e p rogress an d d eve lopment of the United States has been due to immigration may be deduced from the fact that the total number of foreigners wh o landed on its shores to the year 1860 reached the enor mous aggregate of 5,062,414, a number nearly equal to the entire white population of the South, if we exclrde the Border States from the calculation. In this number were included : Merchants 231,852 Engineers ............... 52186 Farmers 764,837 Teachers ............... 3120 Laborers 527,639 Manufacturers ......... Miners 37,523 I Artists ..........2,490 ........ Weavers 11,557 Servants .................. 49,494 The countries from which these vast numbers we re thrown upon our soil to become prosperous and flourishing citizens, and to exercise important influences over its destinies were : .... 37,733 Great Britain 2,75 0 ,874 S w i tzer l an d ........ Germany 1,615 , 586 S pa i n ..................... 1116,22u4^28 France 20 8 ,063 I taly ..................... British America 117.142 The localities which they sought as represented id th e report of the cens us o f 1860 , prepare d by Mr. Kennedy, which is our authority for this and other statistical data, were : Alabama Arkansas North Carolina South Carolina 1 33 2 27 3 4, 5 9 2 1 Pl New elinnnosiys York .la. n. a. . ............................. L 3 O 49 ! ~156 10 4 1, 1 8 9,986 Ohio ..................... 3 7 Virginia 35 ,0 5 8 Wisconsin ............276, 92 Texas 43,442 he The figures, it will b e rememb ered, re f e r only to Or_ original stock, and do n o t t a k e i n t o accoun t the desc end ' ants of foreigners born in the country. In 1860 the Per centage of foreign-born residents in some of the lea ding cities was as follows : Baltimore Charleston Cincinnati 4 12 55 4 .. . 75 7 15 1 SR C t h i .ci Richmond a n l o o ins . d . 1 ; 3 1 If there ever was then a period in the history of a Pe °l3 e when it became necessary for th em t o b e aroused as on man into action, and to put their shoulders to the wh e „ el :, and with energy and spirit and the determination to Ma: a giant and ma s t er s t rugg l e, t h at per i od h as corn° forth a South. With a country wasted by long and devas tating war, with habits of l a b or broken up, with th e mach inery at of industry dest r oy e d, an d a gre social and industrial problem to be solved, under an extraneous pressure , w hi at times is most unreasoning and unreasonable, the 00- dition of the South has scarcely a parallel in modern o ° s ' But dark as is the picture, there is a redeeming feaillre.o All is not lost where the unconquerable will is left. ' ril l , giant convulsion, which has just shaken the lan d , t° ,1 1 ,0 centre, has not been without its beneficial effects. ",, c h which hd u l p ve a ra ne b w ro a u n g d h h t ig i h n e to r s p p l i a ri y t. by Th a e rna ezergieS t Z i . „ tellectual resources which were called forth and ex and boited i . themselves in the thousand appliances and resorts to Wu — d a people, without machinery, without preparation/ ' 4l •without access to the external world, were driven to port a conflict with the most po wer f u l nat i on u pon ca f or each and all are the harbinge rs an d augury o f a future ', 4 . the South from which she need not shrink. Ils a n ii : - 9 her place in the mighty empire of States no son 01 will have reason to be ashamed of her place in the The successive waves of population which have bed sweeping westward from the Atl an ti c , l eav i n g as it °I O , behind them a deposit of vast States and populous e d ~,,, the pride and hope of a g rea t na ti on , h ave n ow rea e " the slopes of the Rocky Mountains, and here the tide , ; the opinion of the th oug htf u l men a t th e N o rth, r an o. turn ; and there a re su b s t an ti a l reasons f or th e °pill! Such a turn in tho tide can only be in one direction, 'A that is to the southward; and in this respect it may ai r t ° l l o be regarded provid en ti a l, th a t at the very instant °I contingency the boundless domains of the South reei°— their dikes and barriers and invite the inundation. „ 4 The whole subject, Sir, is one of so much interest t° all that it would afford me great pleasure upon this °ent : A d .. sion to elaborat e it more at length, but lam admo sia ';„ that the time and s p ace are not at my control. At . th early day I will resume the subject, and illustrate it a variety of statistical data, which I have collected Wl', some care. With great regard, your obedient servant, J. D. B. DE BO °. No. 40, Broadway, New York,' Thursday, Oct. 12, 1865. f NOTE.— Sinca the above was written, I have been r i o f in possession of the latest report of the Superintendent Immigration at New York. By this it appears that the number of immigrants reached New York in 1864 was 185,208, in 577 vessel tr , and from 18 different ports. Of these, 92,109 intended reside in New York, 23,518 in Pennsylvania and N e " Jersey, 21,014 in New En g l an d , 34 , 662 i n O h i o, I n diatT Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, lowa, Minnesota, and 031 ; forma, 4,979 in K ansas , N e b raska, Canada, &c., and 8,11" ; in the South e r n St a t es . I n t h e years 1863-4, despite f the war, the number of German immigrants was larg e * than in the preceding years. IMMIGRANTS AT NEW YORK. Total. Germans. 1861 67,258 27,248 1863 l l?3,l 2l . 3Ge rri t ai 1862 76,700 24,172 1864 185,208 s°l"- COUNTRY MARKETS - " - -4--- NORTHAMPTON—Nov. 4. ol a New white wheat, 40 s t o 44 s • new re d , 39 s t o 420; ley . white, 44s to 48s ; old red, 40s to 46s per 36 stone. D ar r 30 for malting, 38s to 44s p er qr . ; gr i n di ng, 26 s t o 355 que• ' stone. Oats, old, 28s to 32 s • new, 22s to 25s per 24 ~,,..9,9, Beans, old, 44s to 48s ; new, 38s to 40s per 38 stone. •" 34s to 37s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER—Nov. 4. to 211 A moderate supply o f w h eat ; t h e trade b r i s k a t 1 0 , 11 0 per qr. advance. Barley of all sorts is to 2s per qr. ; and peas scarce, and is per qr. dearer. gig Wheat, white 40 s 5 4 8 B eans, Mazagan..f•••!Z t. ; 40 0 red 36 3 48 s M i d dle and smal l 42 1 Barley •_Bs 40s Peas, white .........• 380 Oats ...20s 2,5 s grey ...365 CHELMSFORD—Nov. 3. EIS ill A short supply of w h ea t t o -d ay cause d a briskn! v er the market, an d th e b est wheat realised from 2s t o usu or qr. above la s t wee k' s pr i ces; wh i le an advance o f 2s off, ferior qualities was obtained, with a middling sale' with , ley, beans, peas, and oats were fully is per qr. dearer, a fair amount of business doing. ~ O f Whest, old white.... 4 69 53 e Peas, Partridge ...... 3,0 s4O new .44s sis White •• • •V: 42 0 t. ...... old red 40 s 44 8 B ilino• .. "" 3 0 _, new. 36s 40 s D un 310 . ...0 Barley.. ..25s 32s -.4 0 dit , o, new.. 3 340 I d Chevalier 26e 33e Beans, Tick, old•••••- 0 ••• - Grind ng •40s 8s new. • -„"; - 1 Malt... 6ls 67s Harrow W 0 .04 4 Chevalier Ms 68d new. ••• -4 ...., 40 3d , Oats ... 2os 26s Mangan . ..... 6 GRANTHAM —Nov. 4. • pel t Old white wheat, 50 s t o 565; old red, 44s to 5 18 , vas white, 45s to 52s ; new re d , 39s to 45s per 36 stone. ley for malting, 32s to 38s per qr. • grinding, 27s to 30s P,1 4 30 stone. Oats, old, 258 to 28s ;' new, 20s to 24s per 0 . 38 800 stone. Beans, old, 46s to 495 ; new, 40s to 43$ per Peas, 35s to 39s per 36 stone. ABERDEEN—Nov. 3. The deliveries are on the increase, and here to -clay the show for samples were f u ll er than for many week s P 3s ce There was a good dem an d f or a ll gra i n ; oats a t an advall - 0 of 6d per qr. and barley o f i s t o i s 6d per qr. on t h e rat of last week. Flour has advanced to our quotations. ;668s Odod too 37542 s 0 0 d d i t 621 b White wheat Red wheatif! bush el ' Potato oats 2 2 1 1 5 s 6 6 d d to 22s 2 2 2 2 8 s 0 6 d d } 4Ofb l bushel. 22s 6d to 23 s Od t Common oats 228 6d to 23s Odf 531 t 1 01 A oi Bere el• Barley Oatmeal 16s 6d to 18s Od 10 boll of 140tb' Flour, fine ib 86s Od to 87s Od IP sack Of 28°• KIRKCALDY—Noy. 4. brisk' Large supplies of all kinds of grain. sales , i Ii Wheat 2s per qr. d earer . B ar l ey an d oats b ro ught Po . 1 last week's prices. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First...... 46s td I 29s Od 1 238 6d second.... 47s Od 318 Od 248 6d Ttord ..... sus Od 32s Od 258 6d _....... Births, BUNCOMBE.—On the 6th inst., at York-place, Bo - Mrs. Buncombe, of a son. HASTIE.—On the sth inst., at Newport, the wife of Ro V. Hastie, Esq, of a son. $l3O THELLIISSON.—On the 3d inst., at Aldeburgh, Suffau 4 wife of Lieut.-Col. Thellusson, of a daughter. Marriages. 00 , ' Kentish-town' CLINE—CREws.—On th e 4th inst at - 1 * - W. Cline, LL.D. , second son of G. R. Cline, Esq ," myth habad, to Liilia, eldest daughter of Chas. yr" Esq., of Leighton -crescent. ED WARDS .— LONG.—On the 4th inst , at Saint BotolPh 8r vv . Bishopsgate, Thomas Dony Roger ' s Edwards, of , mersmith, to Hannah Cuttin g , s econ d d a ughter of Benj. Long, of Bishopsgate-street. Deaths. w of ANSLEY.—On the 12th ult., at Margate, Sophia, wa d -... John Ansley, Esq., formerly Lord Mayor of Lonclom" . BALLARD.—On the 4th inst., at 27, Canonbury-square, GO Ballard, Esq., aged 82. . tile CIIBITT.—On the sth inst , at Worthing, Mab e- 4 , o ne youngest child of George Cubitt, Esq., M.P., 30- year. HYDE.—On the 6th inst., M argare t, th e youngest da u g hter of Edmund Hyde, Esq., of Surbiton. Deputy Of LORKIN.—On the sth inst., J o h n L or ki n , Esq De,,P u rn - ° 'rs" 24, Aldersgato-stre e t, 50 years mem b er o f ilia ti°' 4.. tion of the City of London, aged 85. MrrcHiNsoN.--On the 6th inst , Elizabeth, wife of "-- Mitchinson, 161, Strand. STODART.—On the sth in s t. , at his residence, .Alba I .' °d° Hendon, Edward Stod ar t, Esq MDa d 62. • aged ws London : Printed and Published by WILLIAMANT-)9 t of No. 112, Strand, PAnter, at Tits StIN 01 11 C e, ° t v Of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy. in the CO I "' ' Mied.leoes.—Tuesday, November 7, 1885. ,4 P.VAN ~~Ti~ This Prize 31 It 14 t 301 d 1 111 `-' AZe it B ,G Obmer 14, LEN T of t 2O t( e, tw o Non ens ,inqu t' directed '°'ise b terms VVE bri ncr . th e ou r NO. SG fru.. 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