The Sun. — London, England, 1865-06-02 00:00:00

- _ - The Chancellor of the Exchequer on Parlia-• mentary Reform, [A summary report of the following speech appeared in our yesterday's impression.] (From the Liverpool Mercury.) Last evening a public meeting of the Chester electors, favourable to the election of Mr. W. H. Gladstone, one of the representatives of the city,was held in the Music-hall, Chester. The hall was crowded in every part, and Mr. Gladstone was most enthu siastically received when he entered the building. Mr. GLAD STONE, who met with a very cordial re ception, spoke as follows :—Mr. Chairman, freemen, and independent electors of the city of Chester,—l assure you it gives me great pleasure to meet this immense audience to-night, and to hear the very favourable indications with which you have been pleased to greet my rising. I may as well state at once that I am not going this evening to de liver to you a very lengthy oration ; but I was anxious to take an early opportunity of coming to meet the electors face to face in order that they might be satisfied of my existence, and might be able to form a judgment as to whether I was a proper person or not to be returned to Parliament to re present the Liberal party in Chester. (Loud cheers.) I wish, indeed, I could say that I was the only gentleman who was anxious to get your votes as the representative of the Liberal party ; but no man can regret more than I do the division that seems likely to take place in that party. I have, however, at least this consolation—that, if division there must be, the responsibility for it will not fall upon me. (Cheers, and mingled cries of Yes, yes, and No, no.) Just listen to the fact of the case. This day week I received a requisition (Oh, oh ! and laughter), signed by about 800 people. (Cheers.) You must remember that I was almost unknown in Chester, and then you will be better able to judge of the value of the requisition. What was Ito do ? Was I to say, " Oh, this is nothing ; go back with it ;" or was Ito come out ? (Cries of " Come out.") I believe you will agree with me in thinking that I was justified in coming out (cheers), and I made a proposal to the other Liberal candidate that he should endeavour to exhibit a similar manifestation of strength if he could. (Cheers.) That proposal, as you know by the printed letters which have ap peared on the walls, was declined. Well, what was the inference from that? I suppose every reason able man will agree with me that the only inference to be drawn from that refusal was that Mr. Fenton was unable to show a similar amount of strength. (Cheers, and some confusion.) I wish to call your attention more particularly to one of the reasons which Mr. Fenton gives for declining that proposal. I will read you what he says of the requisition in his own words :—" I. myself, in the course of my canvass, have met with several —nay, many—who considered that in signing they were paying the compliment to the distinguished family of which you are a member of asking you to state your views upon political questions. How can I, therefore, accept your proposal, which as a test would be altogether illusory ?" (A Voice—" Read it all.") Now, I wish you to recollect what were the words which stood at the head of the requisition presented to me. They were these :—" We pledge ourselves to use our best exertions to secure his return." (Cheers, and a voice, "That's false.") I want to know whether it is considered right for people to sign a requisition like that and then hold themselves at liberty to " cut and run ?" (Laugh ter and applause.) I have yet to learn that the people of Chester attach no more weight to their pledges than that, and I confidently hope that all who signed that requisition will stick to it. (C h eers.) Now, I wish to mention an objection that has been currently made against me. I have been strongly objected to being the son of my father. (Cheers and laughter.) It has been argued that because my father is endowed with talents which very few can boast of (loud cheers)—theref ore it follows that I must be, I think they said, a Lord Dundreary. (Laughter.) Well, I wish you to judge for yourselves on that matter. (Cheers.) But it has been said that lam put forward entirely on the merits of my father. Well, gentlemen, if any will give me their votes on that ground I certainly will not decline them. (Cheers and laughter, and a voice, " We would rather have your father.") lam anxious that you should all come here to form your own judgment on that point. (Cheers.) Ido not want to be forced down your throats; I wish you to judge for yourselves and select the man you like. (Cheers.) There is another objection which has been made against me —namely, that my father has supported the Dee and Mersey Railway Bill. Well, that is no reason, I suppose, why I should do the same. (Cheers and laughter.) Perhaps you will be good enough to take my promise that if you are so kind as to re turn me for Chester the interests of Chester shall thenceforth become my own. (Loud cheers.) I will certainly overthrow every private consideration for the interests of Chester, and be exactly as if such a place as Hawarden were not in existence. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, the vacant seat which is being contested will be vacated by Mr. Humberstone. I have no personal knowledge of Mr.Humberstone, but from all I have heard of himl believe he is a most excellent representative of Con servative politics, and I sincerely respect him. (Hear, hear.) But I wish to put this question to you—ls Chester to return another Conservative candidate in the place of .Mr. Humberstone ? (Loud cries of " No, no.") I believe lam correct in say ing that ever since the passing of the Reform Bill Chester returned two Liberal members until the election of Mr. Humberstone. (Hear, hear.) I call upon you to be true to your old traditions this time, and not to elect Mr. Raikes. (Cheers.) Now, Mr. Raikes has been making a speech, or rather he has been making two speeches ; but on looking at the second speech I thought it was principally com posed of fanciful allusions, poetical quotations, stories from the "Arabian Nights," anecdotes about country maidens, and so forth. In the first speech, however, he touched upon political questions ; and what was his object ? He was unable to substitute any pro gramme for what he wished to overthrow, but he em ployed himself in picking holes in the Ministerial policy. What does he say ? He says that " for the last six years we have had an American Admi nistration, indeed, but we have had no Govern ment." (Laughter.) Now, I think, I can answer that by asking another question. If that be true, why did not the,Tories walk in ? (Loud cheers.) We all know that they were not able to do it, and if they had done it they would very soon have had to go out again. (Laughter and cheers.) Then Mr. Raikes went on to say, among other things, that the commercial treaty with France had failed to satisfy its friends. I think this statemant must have astonished even those Conservatives who were listening to that address. I thought every man, woman, and child knew of the enormous increase that had been given to trade and the immense sti mulus which had been given to industry by the French treaty. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) One fact is stated very simply. Since the French treaty our trade with France has increased 90 per cent. (Hear.) That is a little fact which I should recommend Mr. Raike ß to put in his pipe and smoke. (Laughter and applause.) But the commercial treaty has not only done this. It n h ce. as also bound us in bonds of amity with Fra were here called (Three cheers for Mr. Cobden for, and heartily given). Some time ago the re was a eat panic i n this country, and everybody thought we were going to be invaded. The Volunteer force was got Volunteer force still thrives— up eand though the and long may it thrive (hear, hear)—yet that panic has disappeared ; and I venture to say that, alth ough fear be one means of preventing war between two nations, yet there is another motive still more powerful, a n d that is self-interest (hear, hear) ; and I think that it is no small boast of Government that they have been able, by establishing [motives of self-interest, between the two countries, also to prese rve the peace of Europe. (Hear, hear). Well, th e financial policy of the Government was disparaged in the same way. Mr. Raikes did not deny the pro sperity of the country, but he tried all possible means to refer it to another cause than the true one. He said it was owing to the energy of the people, or to climate, or to Providence. Well, perhaps it was ; but I think he was very like Job Trotter, in " Pickwick," when he did not wish to see Samuel Weller, when he looked up the lane and down the lane, and up to the sky and down to his boots—anywhere but just straight in front of him. (Laughter and applause, and cries of Go on, my boy, and Bravo !) Of course, it must be attributed to the measures of the overnment. When certain measures are proposed with the object of producing certain effects and those follow, I sup pose you must call them the effects of those mea sures. But Mr. Raikes did not mention several very prominent features in financial policy which were not convenient to the tenour of his speech. (Hear, hear.) He did not mention that during the present Parliament the net reduction of taxation amounted to 11+ millions of money. (Applause.) He did not speak of the benefits of free trade. Free trade is rather an awkward theme for a Tory. That is the rock on which their party split, which split it has never yet recovered. That is the good work in which they refused to follow their great leader, Sir Robert Peel ; and, although since that time they have been compelled to acquiesce in free trade mea sures, yet they have always resisted them when they could, and invariably accepted them with reluctance. (Applause.) The Government is to be blamed for not carrying the Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Well, in 1860 Lord John Russell brought in a Reform Bill, embodying the amendment by which he had turned out Lord Derby. That bill failed. It was not defeated by adverse majorities, but failed principally from delays. Well, under ordinary circumstances, per haps it would have been the duty of the Govern ment to press the matter in the following session. But the circumstances were 'not ordinary. After that measure had failed a decided reaction began to set in in public opinion. (Oh, and order.) No popular meetings were held ; the press did not echo the voice of the people ; both within and without the walls of Parliament the subject was treated with coldness. Was the Government, then, to endeavour to force Reform, down the throats of a reluctant country ? (Hear, hear.) That reaction which I have been speaking of has been going on ever since, and I think I may say it attained its culminating point in the speech of Mr. Lowe the other day. Mr. Lowe, as you know, is a staunch Liberal. (No, no.) He professes to be so (oh), and yet he delivered the most determined anti-reforming speech that has been heard for a long time. I think if there is anything which would have been more calculated to rouse the spirit of Reform in the country than another it was that speech of Mr. Lowe's. But it appears to mete have failed to do so. There has been no more ex citement in the country since that speech was de livered than before it. (Hear, hear.) Now, gen tlemen, I will come a little nearer home, and I will speak about my own idea as to Reform. (Hear, hear, and applause.) I have stated in an address which I have issued that I am in favour of a liberal extension of the franchise, and I would give a fair and careful consideration to any measure with that object in view. (Hear, hear.) Ido think indeed that, considering the improved condition of the la bouring classes, considering the high qualities that they have sometimes displayed —as, for instance, during the late cotton famine in Lancashire—con sidering that the education of the lower classes has increased in a greater ratio than their wealth, I think that they are justly entitled to an extension of the franchise. (Cheers.) What is Mr. Baines's statement of the state of representation in this country ? I think he said in his speech the other day that out of a population of 20 millions, 19 mil lions were unrepresented. Well, this fact is very significant, and it will show you that when we boast of our representative institutions we must use the word in a very modified sense. I have said lam in favour of a liberal extension of the franchise; but when you come to look at particular propositions you are met by a great difficulty. You are met by the difficulty of letting in large numbers of voters who would drown property and the higher education of the country. (Hear, hear.) I would not pledge myself to go so far as to vote for Mr. Baines's bill. (Oh, and cheers and groans.) At the same time I will not bind myself to look upon the £lO borough franchise as a finality. (A Voice—" Then you are as good as Mr. Raikes," and cheers.) There has been a great controversy going on as to whether there is such a thing as an abstract right in every man to have a vote. It has been argued in opposition to that, that if it were so, if you prevented any man exercising that vote, he would have a right to resist you, and that the doctrine of abstract right is the same as that which arms the hand of the assassin. (Oh, groans, hisses, and cheers, and a.voice, " What about the ballot ?") I will come to the ballot pre sently. It seems to me that this argument supposes that there is no such thing as political expediency sufficient to control those abstract rights. If you ask me for an opinion I will candidly say that I think there is such a thing as the abstract right to vote. (Cheers.) I do not see what meaning the maxim has that representation must accompany taxation unless that is the case ; but I do say that that doctrine must be controlled by prudential considerations — (hear) —and I would never let these abstract rights prevail against the ascendancy of a class. I wish now to speak of another subject—church-rates. I have said something about church-rates in my address. I said, " As respects the present law of church-rates, I consider it vexatious and impolitic, and in the ab sence of any such plan for its amendment as shall fully meet the demands of religious liberty, I should be disposed to vote for its abolition." (Applause.) I wish you to understand that I am a firm adherent of the Church of England. Ido not surrender the right of the State to tax members of the Church of England for the support of the fabric of the church. At the same time justice compels me to admit that it has no . right to take the money of Nonconformists and apply it to purposes from which they derive no benefit. (Applause.) No question has caused greater difficulties or been a greater puzzle to states men than this. Twenty-five years ago it was pro posed in Parliament to exempt Dissenters. This found no favour either with Dissenters or with the Church. The Dissenters objected to being marked off by so precise a line, while the Church found it inexpedient—that it put a premium upon dissent. (Applause.) Since then various compromises have been tried, but none have met with success. I would gladly hail any device which, while saving the rights of the Established Church, would satisfy Dissenters and might receive the sanction of Par liament ; but if no such third course should prove feasible, rather than that the inconvenience, the hardship, the anomalies of the present law should continue, I would vote for its abolition. (Loud applause.) Now I will come to the subject which has been alluded to by my friend in the mid dle there—the ballot. (Hear, and cheers.) Ido not know if many of you are in favour of the ballot. (Cries of no, no, and yes, yes.) I have no hesita tion, gentlemen, in saying that lam not. (Cheers, followed by a cry of "Three cheers for the ballot," which was partially responded to, the performer on the penny trumpet renewing his efforts and excit ing some laughter.) The ballot received one quietus a long time ago from the pen of Sydney Smith, and it has received another quietus very lately from the pen of Mr. Mill. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps you will allow me to give you the idea of Mr. Mill on the subject, because it is rather a remarkable conver sion. He says in his address to the electors of West minster, " Voting for a member of Parliament is a public and political act, and my conviction is that in a free country all such acts should be done in the face of, and be subject to the comments and the criticisms of, the entire public. (hear, hear, and applause.) I wish that the elector should feel an honourable shame in voting contrary to his known opinions, and in not being able to give for his vote a reason which he can avow. The publicity which lets in these salutary influences admitted unfortu nately also some noxious ones ; and if I thought the electors of this country were in a state of hopeless and slavish dependence on particular landlords, I should be, as I once was, a supporter of the ballot." (Hear, hear, cheers, and a cry of " All my eye and Betty Martin.") I ask you, gentlemen, would the ballot insure secrecy ? (Cries of both Yes and No.) I believe that in America it has totally failed to do so. (Loud cries of no, no, and yes, yes, followed by " Yo u h ave i t in your lubs.") And even if it did insure secrecy, there would be the same mo tives for co rrupt i on and the same room for morality for decep tion, while th a t great safeguard of public —if it is not too muc h to call it—the ity neighbour's opinio n , wou ld b e entirelyr respect e f a r u w o a; with. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, oentlo I am not going to touch upon political topics, for ; there would be too many of them. I would just refer, however, to the Permissive Bill, and I will do so but briefly, as I hope on a future occasion to have an opportunity of stating my views upon it more at length ; but I will take this opportunity of saying that I am against the Permissive Bill. (Cheers.) I think it unjust in principle, and that if it were passed by Parliament it would be quite ineffectual in prac tice. (Cries of " Hear, hear," " No, no," and " Yes.") I can only add that if I have been obscure upon any points on which you wish to know how I would go, I shall be happy to answer any questions to the best of my power. (Cheers.) [At this stage of the proceedings, the father of the candidate, the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, made his appearence on the platform, and was greeted with the most rapturous applause, again and again repeated. When quietness had been restored Mr. Gladstone, jun., resumed his address. In conclusion he said,]—l ask you to prefer me to Mr. Fenton—(cries of " Yes, yes," and " No, no.") —for two reasons—first because I contend that he has no right to divide the Liberal party—(cheers, followed by interruption)—and secondly, because he advocates certain doctrines which I don't think ,of use to the country . . (Hisses.) I ask you to pre fer me to Mr. Raikes—(cries of " Yes, yes," and " No, no") because if he is returned he would sit on the wrong side of the house. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Depend upon it that if you want your taxes reduced and your pockets filled, as they have been during the last few years—(A voice—" Fenton will do it." Laughter)—if you want to have happi ness and content throughout the country and in every class—(The voice—" Fenton will do it." Laughter)—if you want economy in the national defences—(" Fenton will do it." Laughter)—if, as the people of this country, you want to receive sym pathy and aid from your rulers—(The voice—" Go to Fenton." Laughter)—then, I say, you must re turn a Liberal candidate—(hear, and cheers)—and I have the utmost confidence from the result of the can vass I have been pursuing during the last week that I shall be the honoured object of your choice. (Great cheering, after which three cheers were heartily given for the Chancellor of the Exchequer.) The Right Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE, on rising to address the meeting, was received with the utmost enthusiasm. He said—Mr. Mayor, electors, and gentlemen, although I have not the honour to be either a candidate or an elector for the city of Chester, yet I hope it will not appear to you strange or un natural thatl should come among you on the present occasion —(hear, hear, and cheers)—when the imme diate question concerns one in whom I am so nearly and dearly interested—(hear, hear, and cheers)—and of whom I, at least, never have had cause, and I believe that I never shall have cause, to be ashamed. (Hear, hear, and great cheering.) But, gentlemen, there is a special reason which brings me here, and which makes me feel it to be my duty, if I am fa voured for a while with your patience and attention, to explain distinctly the position in which we stand. (Hear, hear.) We have in the field four candidates for Chester; or if I set apart one, about whose re turn I trust there is no shadow of doubt, and who need not be considered as a party to this contest, we have three candidates for a single seat. Gentlemen, that is not at first sight a promising position of affairs —and who are these three candidates ? One of them is Mr. Raikes. (A Voice—" A Chester man") —and Mr. Raikes has that claim to represent this consti tuency in Parliament which can be boasted by a man who notoriously entertains opinions that are those only of a very small minority of the consti tuency. (Loud cheers.) And how came Mr. Raikes among you ? He came, gentlemen, in consequence of divisions existing in the body of the majority of the constituency. (Hear, hear.) And I am sure you will agree with me that it is only those divisions which could give to Mr. Raikes even the ghost of a chance. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Well, then, gentlemen—for I wish to make this a prac tical occasion—(interruption)—it is a grave matter to consider who is responsible for this division. (A. Voice—" Your son.") I, at least, have felt that responsibility deeply, and I have gone, I am afraid, to the point of giving reasonable offence to many who are the warmest and most influential supporters of my son by my disinclination—nay, more, by my resistance, to his coming here for any purpose which could involve disparagement or dan ger to the predilections and the opinions of the ma jority. (Hear, hear, and applause.) And what, gentlemen, was the first communication made by my son, and made by my advice ? Generally, gentle men, I presume to say I leave him to the formation of free opinions. (Cheers.) Never shall I attempt to interfere with his conscientious conviction. (Hear.) I am a lover of freedom for the nation. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) lam a lover of freedom in the family—(cheers)---but I did feel, gentlemen, that it was my duty strenuously to urge upon him and to adopt for myself this rule of conduct, that we would not be governedby considerations of personal ambi tion ; that the flattering prospect of gaining your suffrages should not bring him into the field to the possible danger of that party -which comprises three fourths of the constituency, unless we were con vinced that it was by him and by him alone that representation of the opinions of that party could be secured. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) And there fore his first pledge and promise was that he would not be a candidate at all unless invited in a manner so unequivocal as to be reasonably and morally sure 1 that he would be the object of your choice. (Hear, hear, and cheers) But, gentlemen, it may be said —" That is all very well, but what is to be the test ?"' Very well, gentlemen, each of us has had a test. Mr. Fenton has proposed a test— a Voice—" And he has run away," laughter) —and we have proposed a test ; and gentle men, if I refer to Mr. Fenton, and if I say that this responsibility lies not at our door, but at his (A Voice—" It does not," followed by cries of " Turn him out !" " Order, order !"), I shall endeavour to do so in terms that can give no offence to the gen tleman who has just now expressed his opinion opposite to me—(hear, hear, and laughter)—nor to anybody else—(hear)—and no word of intentional disrespect to him, or his friends, or to his opinions will escape me upon this occasion. (Applause.) " But," said Mr. Fenton, " decide the question be tween us two by a meeting of the Liberal electors." (Laughter.) Well, now, I frankly own I have no doubt Mr. Fenton, with his other accomplishments, must be a gentleman of great humour, and that he saw or knew we were very simple, and knew we were very young. (Laughter.) He knew we were little better than babies—(laughter)—and I really think that he considered that a very fair joke might be passed off upon us. (Laughter.) Because, gen tlemen, nobody will tell me in earnest that a man could really suppose that a seat for Chester was to be disposed of by a meeting called, forsooth, and denominated one of the Liberal electors. How was a meeting of Liberal electors to be held ? Were there to be doorkeepers to ask every man in the first place his opinions, and whether he was a Parliamentary elector ; and, in the second place, whether he was a Liberal elector? (Laughter.) Suppose he thinks he is a Liberal elector and the doorkeeper does not think so, is the doorkeeper to bang the door in his face ? No, the doorkeeper is not to bang the door in his face ; but, if the doorkeeper is not to exercise a judgment, how are you to secure a meeting of the Liberal electors ? I take it this is for the most part a meeting of the Liberal electors, and delighted I am to see it—(applause) —but at the same time it would not be very easy to decide at this meeting, crowded and packed as you are, who shall be the member for Chester. (Hear, hear.) I think a good deal might depend, under some circum stances, upon who was in the chair. (Hear, hear.) The truth is, gentlemen, that was a method of declining altogether a reference to any trustworthy criterion. (Hear, hear, and cries of "No.") IVell, gentlemen, we took our cri terion. We did not come into the field, we took no step, until a requisition signed by 400 persons was presented, and we then said what, I am bound to say, was not very civil, though it was taken quite as kindly as it was expected it would be—we then said —" That won't do ; there is no proof in that requisi tion that my son is to be the object of the choice of the bulk of the party which forms the majority of the constituency, and unless that condition is ful filled we will not come into the field—we will not divide the party." (Hear, and cheers.) Well, there- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 2, 1865. upon our friends, not discouraged, and, I must say, putting a good face upon the matter, went back to the work and raised the 400 to 800. (Cheers.) I speak in round numbers. (Hear, hear.) Well, con sidering that after all Mr. Raikes has a party in Chester, and considering that the number that can be polled in Chester is, as I am told, not more than 1,900, the presentation of a requisition with 800 names did appear to show—at any rate, to show presump tively—that the man who received it was the choice of the majority of this city. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But even then, gentlemen, we did not hurry to a conclusion ; but we said to Mr. Fenton—Produce a superior or equal manifes tation of strength, and we will retire from the field. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Nay, more, we say so now. I make the promise again. (A voice—" He can't do it ;" which the chairman reported to the right hen. gentleman to be " He can do it.") By all means let him do it. (Hear.) We made that proposition, and what was Mr. Fenton's answer? He looked with a critical eye at the requisition and he said —" Here are 100 men that I knock off upon one plea or another. Three have signed thrice ; 15 having signed twice ; 15 more, or 40 more, are not qualified to vote, and some more invited your son to come out, but did not pro mise to support him." In that way about 100 names were made up. (A Voice—" Four hundred.") Now, wait a mo ment, my friend ; don't be in a hurry. My good friend, if you will just take one thing at a time we shall sooner get to the end. As regards those hundred names, I trust to the supporters of my son—(renewed interruption, during which Mr. R. Sherlock, as on several previous occasions, exclaimed, " Order, order ; chair, chair !")—I trust to the supporters of my son and the framers of the requisition to deal with those particular criticisms ; but for the present, for the sake of argument, I will suppose that they are good and I will suppose that 100 were knocked off : but then, as my friend opposite has reminded me—and I had not for gotten it—Mr. Fenton took broader grounds and said— " Good heaven ! worse than all, here are 294 Conservatives" —(cheers and laughter)—all of whom this ruthless man proposed to disfranchise at a stroke. Now, that was a ter rible proceeding, and what was the ground of it? The ground was that they had voted for Mr. Humberstone at the last election. Now, gentlemen, you know thehistory of Chester better than I do ; but I am told not 294 simply, but that the number of 500 or 600 voted for Mr. Humberstone. (A Voice—" 600 or 'NO.") And therefore I confess lam not prepared to disfranchise 294 gentlemen. (Hear, hear.) I do not approve the conduct of the party which calls itself Conservative. (Hear, and cheers.) Ido not think it is a Conservative party. (Hear.) Ido not think its measures tend to the real preservation of the interests of the country —(hear, and cheers)—but for a great many of the gentle men in that party I have a great respect, and I must say that upon their votes I am by no means prepared to say that I do not set some value. Suppose that to be true, then, and suppose Mr. Fenton could bring down the names on the requisition from 800 to 400, did not he see that that made it not the less necessary that he should accept the test? (Hear, and cheers.) His business was to say, "I decline your•men in buckram, but your real men I'll tackle, and I will show you a list on my side better than yours." (Cheers,) But Mr. Fenton has done so such thing. (A Voice.—" Not yet.") We cannot wait for ever. (Cheers.) Mr. Fenton did not say he wanted a reasonable time to do it in ; he said he would not do it at all, and therefore it is not a question of "Not yet, my friend." (Laughter and applause.) Mr. Fenton declines to do it at all. Mr. Fenton, the man of business, the chairman of the Great Western Railway, really becomes poetical and mystical, and he talks about anonymous and unknown personages, about agents, and Heavens knows what, a,nd the supporters he has got, but he does not produce them in black and white. (Loud cheers and laughter.) Now, gentlemen, I hold that this demand of ours was a reasonable demand, and that we have thrown by that challenge upon Mr. Fenton the re sponsibility of the division that exists at Chester. (Loud cheers, and a few cries of No, no.) Well, gentlemen, that is the part in these election proceedings for which I am especially responsible. If this contest proceeds, if it goes on to its natural consummation, there will be a good deal ban died backward and forward.about who was the cause of this mischief ; and as my conscience is clear, I wished to lay the case before you, that we have not moved except upon a re quisition signed by 800 men, from a constituency in which not more than 1,900 can be polled. (Cheers.) Now, gen tlemen,lhave been brought into this contest rather more— (At this point the hon. gentleman was interrupted by the noisy demonstrations of a few persons who had before shown a disposition to disturb the proceedings.) My sin cere desire is (said the Chancellor of the Exchequer) that you should hear; but that must depend on yourselves. The CHAIRMAN (rising with great indignation)—Cla mour, and insult your own understandings ! (Hisses and groans, which were received with increased vehemence.) , When the Chairman again exclaimed, " Clamour, and in sult your own understandings ;" adding, "the Chancellor is a better talker than any of you." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER having patiently waited till there was a lull proceeded—Well, now, gentle men, I am going to make you a fair offer. The mayor is so kind as to give me a good character, hut at the same time it rests with you entirely to determine by your own wishes and nothing else whether I am to address you on any matter connected with this election. (Loud cheers, mingled with cries of disapprobation from a few malcontents.) All I would venture to suggest is, and I think it is a fair ap peal, that if it bo the desire of the great majority of the meeting that I should say something upon the state of this election, the minority, and the small minority, of the meet ing should pay some attention to the wishes of the majo rity. (Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I have taken some interest in this contest, and I have been endeavouring to improve my mind by a reference to the political literature of Chester, in which I have found some interest from my self forming the subject of a considerable portion of it. (Laughter.) I refer particularly to speeches that have been made by and in the presence of the gentleman called the Tory candidate—l mean Mr. Raikes. (Slight interruption.) Now, I must express my regret that the discussions at that gentleman's meetings have not been confined to political matters, but that matters affecting personal character, and even matters which might be designated as foul calumny (loud cheers) have been in troduced either by the error of the reporters or by the error of the speakers. I shall not allude, gentlemen, to subjects of that class. I shall deal with them not here, but elsewhere. (Cheers.) But I hope, and I give it as my best advice and injunction to my son, and I trust I may address it as an earnest entreaty to his friends, that on their parts in this contest everything of this kind shall be sedu lously avoided. (Cheers.) I pass on from that to the question of politics of large and general interest, and these are matters of fair remark. (Hear.) I have read Mr. Raikes's speech. I think he seems to be a young gentleman of con siderable readiness, and he has got cut-and-dried opinions upon all the questions of the day. (A laugh.) Not only so, but he has contrived to form judgments upon all the men, old enough to be his father or grandfather, who have been spending, 30, 40, 50, or 60 years in the service of their country. (Laughter.) Now, Mr. Raikes is reported to have said that for the last six years there has been no Govern ment in this country. Well, there has been no Government of the kind Mr. Raikes wishes to have. (Loud cheers and laughter.) There has been no Government such as there was 50 years ago, when the Corn-laws and Six Acts were passed. (Cheers.) There has been no Government of any description, Mr. Raikes says; but I submit to you that there has been a Government of some kind or another. Who are the men forming the Government of the country? Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell. (A Voice—" You are the pillar," and loud cheers.) Lord Palmerston is a man who has established what I may justly call a world-wide repu tation. (Cheers.) Almost wherever the name of England is known his name is known along with it, and I must add that he is a man whose services, whose experience, whose esti mable and popular qualities have given him a high place in the favour and affections of his countrymen. (Cheers.) And yet, forsooth, there has been no Government daring the last six years! (Renewed applause.) And what is Lord Russell ? Who will write the history of this country for this generation without giving in that history to Lord Russell ono of the proudest places? (Cheers.) It is the practice, gentlemen, and the just practice, to decorate the breasts of our soldiery with medals and with clasps for the gallant actions in which they may have fought ; and if it were the practice likewise to decorate the breasts of statesmen with medals and clasps for the good laws they have passed and for the benefits they have conferred upon the country, why the breast of Lord John Russell would be nothing but one mass of clasps and medals. (Loud cheers.) And yet, forsooth, there has been no Government in the country during the last six years ! (Renewed applause.) But I did pick out in a part of that same speech that some thing was passed—l scarcely know what to call it—l be lieve it is known as the Commercial Treaty with France. (Laughter and applause.) It seems there was a treaty of that kind made about the year 1860, though there was no Government in this country, and, says Mr. Raikes, that treaty has very much disappointed the expectations of its friends and the expectations of its enemies. Now, it is said to be a good rule in this wicked world in which we live just to believe one-half of what you hear. (Laughter.) Therefore, I believe one-half of what I hear from Mr. Raikes in this matter ; I believe the French commercial treaty has disappointed the expectations of its enemies. (Laughter and applause.) But with regard to the expectations of its friends, I want to know where in the world Mr. Raikes got his information about the French treaty. I venture to say there is not one of its friends along with him. He must come eavesdropping at some of your meetings in order to know what the friends of the treaty have wanted. (A laugh.) Now, I will not presume to say what the expectations of the friends of the 'treaty have been, but I might say that not only no lawyer, but no dreamer ever invented a state ment more exaggerated or more absurd than the statement that their expectations were disappointed in regard to that treaty. (Loud cheers.) What has that treaty done ? It has added to the value of trade between England and France 23 millions of money (cheers), and besides adding so much to the value of the trade with France, inasmuch as the legislation of that treaty was not confined to France, it has added, I believe I might say, more than as much, but I will venture to say at least as much more to our trade with other countries of the world (cheers), and if we are able to say that 40 or 50 millions of money in the shape of benefi cial exchange have been added to the transactions of this country by the conclusion of that great instrument, is that m c m A , -- - a cause of disappointment ? (Loud cheers.) And what is the meaning of all this ? You see the figures in statistical tables, but do you reflect upon the deep and pregnant mean ing ? They mean this—that so many millioas are added to the profits upon capital, to the rewards upon skill, to the payment of honest labour in this country. (Cheers.) They mean comfort carried into cottages where but for that de mand no employment would have been found, and want would have prevailed. (Cheers.) They mean that when the great calamity of the American war came upon the world, and a great gap was occasioned in commerce by the cessation of the American demand, then the French demand, as if by some providential design, came into operation, and kept in action those strong English arms which but for the treaty would have hung idly by the side. (Loud and long conti nued cheering.) And that, forsooth, is disappointment, that is insignificance, that is the act of a period when there has been no Government in the country ! (Renewed ap plause.) What is Mr. Raikes's idea of the Government of a country ? What does he think is the business of a Government ? Does he think it consists in the regulation of prisons and workhouses, and in the passing and adminis tration of criminal laws ? I hold that we are in our best and in our happiest employment when a fortunate and pro vidential combination of circumstances enables us to devise means for raising the condition and increasing the happi ness of the great body of our fellow-countrymen. (Loud cheers.) Well, gentlemen, I will not trouble you more upon the subject of the French treaty, but I must say be on your guard against those who, when they look back over the legislation of the last thirty-three years, say, "We do not object to the repeal of the Corn Laws, that was all very well, but take care of the men who carried the re peal of the Corn Laws ; beware of the men who es tablished the system of free trade ; beware of the men who have endeavoured to mitigate and remove religious disabilities ; beware of the men who have taught the doc trine of a liberal extension of the franchise." These are the modest demands which Mr. Raikes makes upon you, and for himself he says "he is perfectly willing to consent to the removal of proved abuses." (Much laughter and cheer ing.) Yes, gentlemen, "proved abuses," no doubt; but who is to prove them, and who are to be the judges of the proof ? (Renewed laughter.) If Mr. Raikes and his friends are to be the judges of the proof, then I should like to know in what manner they would pass judgement on the proof. (Hear, hear.) If I am to understand how they would pass judgment upon the proof I must look to their past acts. And what have they been about ? At the time when there was no Government in the country, and when the French treaty was making, what were the Opposition about ? Why, offering every obstacle to the making of that treaty which the ingenuity, vigour, and zeal of Par liamentary opposition could devise. (Loud cheers.) I have told you its character—l have told you its results ; judge of them for yourselves, and judge whether you ought to give the high honour of the proud duty of repre senting Chester into the hands of those who mean to fol low the men who resisted the conferring of that benefit upon the country, or into the hands of those who will sup port the party who carried that measure and who do their best to secure for the country other similar advantages. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, I am going to say a few words that are strictly relevant to this occasion. My son appears before you as a very young man, and Mr. Fenton appears before you as a man known and approved by expe rience in business. (A Voice—Where does he come from ?) Where do I come from ? (No, Mr. Fenton.) Oh, I am known. (Laughter.) I am going to answer, gentlemen, that I came from London to-day by the 2.45 train. (Laughter and applause.) But, gentlemen, I wish to state this case fairly ; for my son is a man necessarily without experience in what is termed business. Mr. Fenton is a man of experience in business, and I think that naturally enough a certain presumption may arise in favour of a man of experience in business ; but I wish to state to you our position in House of Commons. The future well-being of this country depends mainly on the manner in which the House of Commons is composed. (Hear, hear). Now, gentlemen, what is parliamentary or political life ? What is the life of a man in office? It is a profession, and it is just as much a profession and a trade as any profession or trade driven in this city ; and allow me to say that if you intend to have that profession carried on, experience has proved that you must have it carried on in the main by men who have taken to it when they were young. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, I will elucidate this, if you please. Suppose there is any man among you who is a master carpenter or a master smith, and I was to knock at his door one morning, and say, " I want you to take me in as a journeyman," he would say to me, "My good fellow, do you know anything about the business ?" and I should say, "No ; but I am willing to learn." He would say, You are a great deal too old ;go and think of something else." (Laughter.) Now, there are ample space and occupation in the House of Commons for what are called men of business—country gentlemen and magistrates from the rural districts, manufacturers, mer chants, shipowners, railway directors, and all other sorts, generally speaking, from the, towns. What the House of Commons wants is every possible diversity of elements. You see a diversity of elements in this very hall—you are not all absolutely of one mind. In the House of Commons we want every class, every interest, every faculty and capacity of mind; but if you want to have the business of the country carried on you must be content to return to the House of Commons a certain number of men who are to make it the profession and occupation of their lives. (Applause.) And, therefore, gentlemen, I do not in the least feel ashamed of recommending—if, indeed, it were in my power to recommend to you—the choice of one whose education has been such as to qualify him for the discharge of public duty ; whose character has always deserved my confidence ; whose judgment I know already, young though he be, to be sound and good—(hear, hear)—and who, I am confident, will prove to be an honest and able representative of the people. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, I entered this hall, I came to the vicinity of this hall, at a moment when my son had proceeded far in ad dressing you. Perhaps you will be surprised if I tell you that I am not aware of his precise opinions upon- several points which are no doubt matters of great interest among you. I wish to leave them to a free growth in an intelli gent mind—(applause)—and I am confident, from what I know of English constituencies and of the character of my fellow couutrymen, that you likewise will be disposed to leave to him some freedom of discussion. (Hear, hear, and applause.) You may get a cut and dried representative who will answer political questions as if they were his cate chism, and who will go like a parrot wherever you like to send him, and will say "Aye" or "No," as a parrot might do. But, gentlemen, if at 24, as Mr. Raikes seems to think —or at 25, if that be his age—he ought to understand the whole wide range of English politics and to be a perfect master of all these subjects, and not only a master of them for himself, but in a condition to smite every other man with denunciation, I say this, if a man can get to that at the age of 24, what a wonderful fellow he will be by the time he is 50 or 60—(laughter and applause)—and I really do think that if Mr. Raikes's education advances in future years at such a rate as he appears to think it has advanced of late, I will not tell to what enormous dimensions—moral dimensions, I mean—ho may not swell in future times. But this is not the lot of ordinary men. Trust is what your representative must always ask of you; trust is what I admit your youthful representative must ask of you in a peculiar degree ; but if you look back over the long line of statesmen of this country who have ever, on the whole, been the best leaders of,opinion—if you take Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Mr. Canning, Lord Macaulay, Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston, and many other leaders, an infinite number of whom I might quote, you will find they are all of them men who have been elected in early youth upon the principle of trust—(applause)—and having honest English minds, and leading their political life in the light of day, and enjoying from day to day that inestimable pri vilege which we do enjoy of the free and unrestrained com ments of our countrymen in general, and of the press in particular, upon all we say or do. Rely upon it, where the conscience and character are right, the result will be right too. (Applause.) The mind will open out under the teach ing of experience like a flower under the rain and the sun, and from those whom you have sent to represent you in youth you will see spring up by degrees the men who are to make the name of England respected abroad, and to promote the happiness of the people of England at home. (Applause.) And now, gentlemen, how much do you sup pose has my advice ever been to my son with regard to all these questions? I have advised him to declare himself among you an adherent of Liberal principles—not to mea sure too nicely and too stingily the application of these principles, but to take the principles themselves. And what do I understand by Liberal principles ? I understand in the main this by Liberal principles—the principle of trust in the people only relieved by prudence; but by the prin ciples of their opponents, I understand mistrust in the people only relieved by fear. (Applause.) And why, gen tlemen, do I make that recommendation ? Because I look back over the history of the last 50 years—since the peace of 1815—and mark to myself the change that has taken piece in the condition of this country. Why, those of us who are old enough to recollect that period have been wit nesses of that change, and all others have the means of judging of its extent. Let us go back to.that state:of things. What was then the condition of the masses of the country? Their food was shortened by unnatural and artificial laws —(hear, hear)—and those very same laws which made their food dear and scarce, made scarce also the employ ment by means of which their food was to be paid for. (Rear, hear, and applause.) The consequence of that was discontent. And how was that discontent met ? By laws for repressing the press, and for diminishing the action of personal liberty; and making more severe the penalties applicable to those who might seem to manifest discontent. And the consequence was that the great old venerable monarchy of England—which, as I trust, we shall band down to our children stronger and healthier than we received it from our forefathers—(hear, and ap plause)—that 30 or 40 years ago the ancient foundations of that monarchy were sadly weakened in the hearts and minds of the great masses of the people. What has taken place since ? A new and a different tone has come over legislation. Another spirit guides the deliberations of Parliament. Parliament has striven to heal differences and controversy, to extend the franchise, to mitigate penal laws, to improve and enlarge education, to make justice acceptable and the law respected, and to remove every oc casion of collision and conflict between classes. All these things, and many more, make up in the main the chapter of the legislation of the last 35 years. (Applause.) And I not only this, gentlemen, but in another great chapter of politics—l mean the foreign policy of the country—they have endeavoured, while observing every international, at the same time honestly to extend the hand of sympathy and friendship to the promoters of free institutions in the world. (Applause.) Now, by whom is itjthat this change has been brought about ? Has it been brought about by those whom Mr. Raikes asks you to support ? (No.) No, gentlemen, it has not. It has been brought about mainly by the direct action of the party termed the Liberal party while in possession of the Government ; but partly, also I may be permitted and I am bound to say, by the example and the exertions of men like Mr. Canning and Sir R. Peel, whose minds were too large for the contracted space in which they found themselves, and who, be cause of the benefits that they conferred upon their countrymen, lost the confidence of their party. (Applause.) But the party of which they lost the confidence was that party which Mr. Raikes invites you to support. Now, I don't deny—on the contrary, I rejoice to believe— that in that party there are not only many excellent men, many high, generous, upright, intelligent, enlightened men ; but the great and beneficial change which we have seen, which has rendered our people more happy, our laws more respected, our institutions more secure than those of any people in the world, are changes which have been made not by the agency, but generally in opposition to the endea vours, of that party. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, I have detained you very long (cries of "Go on," and applause), and I don't think that there is any reason why I should detain you longer, but if you like I will say one word upon a subject which I know interests you much, and on which I heard the remarks that fell from my son—l mean the franchise. Now gentlemen, as far as I can understand, the position of that question in Chester is very peculiar, and the constituency of Chester, if I am rightly informed, is very differently composed from the constituencies—l mean the town constituencies—of the country in general. As I understand the matter, out of about 1,900 or 2,000 voters in Chester, about 900 are supposed to belong to the working class—that is to say, not very far short of one-half of the whole. Well, now, when we look over the country at large, so far is it from being true that one-half of the whole constituency is composed of the working class that the working class only forms an exceedingly small fraction of that constituency. It is very difficult to estimate the fraction exactly, and I will not pretend to do so, but I believe that if we take the whole constituency of the country at about 1,000,000, some think that the working men in that 1,000,000 do not exceed 50,000, and I believe hardly any one thinks that they exceed 100,000. Now that in my opinion is a very small portion of the constituency to be composed of working men. Gentleman, I frankly own to you, lam against all sudden and sweeping changes. The characteristic of our country is to go forward surely and steadily; but I confess I lament that the mind of the country is not more prepared than at present it seems to be for a sensible ex tension of the franchise to the working man. (Cheers.) lam not speaking of Chester I frankly own that I am by no means sure that a better system might not be invented for Chester—prospectively, I mean. Of course, lam for dis franchising no one, but for the future I am by no means sure that a better system may not be invented for Chester than the present system, which practically as I understand, ad mits the working man only in the character of a freeman, and no man can deny that the working men have a large share in the constituency of Chester, but certainly no Go vernment with which I have ever been connected, and n o statesmen with whom I have ever acted, have ever thought that it would be wise to introduce laws which would at once hand over the majority of the votes In the country into the hands of the working men. Now, I say that not from mistrust. I had 13 years' experience of a working man's constituency in the borough of Newark. It was not a very large borough, but when I went there there were 1,600 voters, and out of them between 1,100 and 1,200 were work ing men, but those working men never dreamt of voting together as a class, or of setting up as a separate interest. But still, gentlemen, I say go surely and steadily. (Hear, hear.) Those scot and lot constituencies have been extin guished. lam very sorry for it. 1 wish those old scot and lct constituencies had continued. It was a good old sound English franchise, and it secured this effect—that if there was a question in which the working man had a peculiar interest, in those boroughs at any rate, they had, when the occasion arose, the means of making their wants and wishes clearly known; and that, gentlemen, I think, was not a bad thing but a good thing for the constitution. (Cheers.) Now, we are in this predicament. I believe at this present moment a smaller proportion of the working men enjoy the franchise than enjoyed it 30 years ago at the time of the Reform Bill. But what changes have taken place ! If the number of electors in the working class has diminished, what has happened to the working class itself? Has it diminished or has it increased ? Has it deteriorated or has it improved? Is the education of the working classes worse ? No ; it is infinitely extended, Is the loyalty of the working classes more doubtful ? No ;it glows more fervently than ever. (Hear, hear.) Is there a feeling of greater hostility towards the Government? No; as I have the best means of knowing. (Hear, and cheers.) No ; so far from mistrusting the Goveinment, the Government is the very agent which they are like to make guardians of their savings. Has the character of the working classes been especially tested in the interval ? Yes. It was tried in the fire of affliction—in that fire of affliction which burned in Lancashire when, in a day, the employment of the people was swept away, and yet public order was secured. The laws were adhered to, respect was paid to more fortunate classes, want was endured in silence and patience, with heroic fortitude; and I must say that proofs of confidence such as those ought to have some influence on the spirit of the privileged classes, to induce them, not as a matter of abstract right, but upon practical grounds with a view to strengthening the laws and institutions of the country, to make some sensible, some liberal, though some safe ex tension of the franchise. (Hear, hear.) It would be futile to enter into what should be the form of that extension. I agree it would be most wise to include in that extension all those who, being not holders of property, but equal to the possession of the franchise, are excluded from it. That is a measure, gentlemen, which has received aid from a very distinguished gentleman—from Mr. Disraeli. He calls it " lateral extension"—extension sideways. That is a very good thing, but it is not enough. There should also be given to the country at large an extension downwards, the effect of which would be that in the borough coestituencies in general the working classes would exist as a sensible fraction or portion of the constituency, and that their voices would be more frealy and truly heard in the House of Parliament, and their feelings would be more warmly enlisted in the interest and welfare of our common country. (Loud applause.) Naval and Military Intelligence. A telegraph from our Plymouth correspondent, dated Plymouth, yesterday evening, states that five ships belonging to the Channel squadron—the Ed gar, Black Prince, Defence, Hector, and Prince Consort—were observed at noon yesterday by the fishing boat John and Sarah. They were one league south of the Eddystone Lighthouse, steering for Start Point, under full steam only ; wind, E.S.E., a strong breeze ; weather thick. The Edgar was leading. The Achilles,. which arrived at Plymouth from Portland on Tuesday night, continues in the Sound, and will probably go up harbour. The cautionary drum, indicating gales, was hoisted at Plymouth yesterday. The screw corvette, Charybdis, 21, 1,506 tons, 400-horse power, Capt. E. B. Tumour, from the Pacific station, arrived at the Nore on Wednesday evening, and exchanged salutes with the Formid able, 84, flagship of Tice Admiral Sir C. Talbot, K.C.8., Nac,al Commander-in-Chief. She has un dershipped her powder and shell, which has been placed in the Government powder magazines, Up nor Castle, Chatham. The Charybdis has been nearly five years in commission, and she will at once go into harbour to be dismantled and paid off into the Chatham Steam Reserve. Her guns and other War Department stores will be landed at the Ordnance-wharf. The ironclad frigate Lord Warden, 24, 1,000- horse power (nominal), has received her iron masts, and has commenced shipping her boilers and heavy portions of her machinery in Chatham harbour. Her Iron masts are the largest yet constructed for an ironclad frigate, and are similar to those sup plied by the Woodside Graving Dock Company for the Bellerophon. The length of the mainmast is 111 ft. Bin., and the diameter 35in ; the foremast is 98ft. Bin. in length, and 33in. diameter; and the mizenmast, 84ft. 4in. long, and 22in. diameter. The whole of the masts are hollow, and are so con structed as to serve as ventilators between the decks. The Lord Warden is to be docked on the 22d inst. The deaths of the following officers have been officially reported at the War-office since the Ist of May :—Lieut.-Col. J. J. Grier, 93d Highlanders. Capts. H. Alde, 18th Dragoons ; J. G. Humphrys, Coldstream Guards ; T. P. Mitchell, 69th Regi ment ; W. Forde, and F. A. Baron Holle, 2d Line Battalion, King's German Legion. Lieuts. K. W. S. M. Cameron, Royal Artillery ; R. J. Bouchier, 2d Queen's Royals ; T. Benwell, 4th King's Own ; G. Sweeting, 7th Royal Fusileers ; G. Robinson, 60th Rifles ; J. Mawby, 3d Provisional Battalion ; D. C. Napier ; and F. Thorold, Cornet M. Kickard, Waggon Train ; Second Lieut. L. Hagemann ; Ensign J. Galway, 103 d Royal Bombay Fusileers ; Ridingmaster A. Webster, Royal Artillery ; Inspec tor-General of Hospitals M. Thomas, Royal Artillery. Surgeon R. Brown, M.D. Royal National Lifeboat Association. Yesterday a meeting of this institution was hel at its house, John-street, Adelphi, Thos. Chapman, Esq., F.R.S., V.P., in the chair. There were also present—Sir Edward Perrott, Bart., Admiral HA C. 8., F.R.S., Alexander Boetefuer, Esq., Capt. De St. Croix, Stephen Cave, Esq., M.P., W. H • liar' ton, Esq., and Richard Lewis, Esq., the secretary The minutes of the previous meeting having been read, a reward of £26 was voted to the crew of the Whitby lifeboat of the institution, for putting off twice during the past few weeks through a very heavy sea, and saving 15 persons, including the cap tain's wife and a lad, 12 years of age, from the screw steamer Ocean Queen, of Newcastle, and 19 persons from the barque Maria Somes, of London, both of which vessels were wrecked on the rocks off Whitby. A reward of £5 was also voted to the crew of the life boat of the institution stationed at Rosslao, Co. Wet' ford, for going off and rescuing the crew of six men from the lugger Peep-o'day, of Wexford, which was totally wrecked during a strong win d from E.N.E. on the Dogger Bank, off that place, on the 21st of April. A reward of £4los. was likewise granted to the crew of the institution' s lifeboat of Fowey, Cornwall, for putting off and re maining alongside the Hanoverian galliot Einbracht, which was in distress on a lee shore in St. Austell Bay, during a very strong wind from the &E., e n April N. A reward of £4 was also voted to th e crew of the institution's lifeboatstationedat Moelfre, Anglesey, for going out and saving a man from a ship's boat which had been carried far out to sea during a strong wind at Redwharf Bay, on the 16th ult. The boat had drifted a distance of five miles from the shore when she was fortunately overtaken by the lifeboat. Rewards amounting to £35 7 8 • were also granted to the crews of the lifeboats of the institution at Pembrey, Llanelly, Cemlyn, Port rush, Cahore, and Scarborough for different services during the past month. Various other rewards were also voted to the crews of shore boats and others for saving life from shipwreck on the coast of the United Kingdom. A contribution of £2O had been received from Miss - Florence Nightingale, and, in sending it/ she expressed her highest admiration of the objects of the Lifeboat Institution, and of the heroes, as she termed them, who are ever ready to man its life' boats. Payments amounting to upward of £2,000 were made during the past two months on the life' boat establishments of the institution. The institu tion had recently sent new lifeboats to Sunderland and Dunbar. The cost of the Sunderland boat had been raised in the town and county of Derby 13 1 T. Roe, Esq., the mayor ; William Peat, Beg"' and other friends. A new lifeboat and trans Po r t: ing carriage had also been sent, during the Pa s " month, to Holy Island, Northumberland. The boat was called the Grace Darling, after t he heroine of that name. The institution had likewi se sent a new lifeboat to New Quay, Cornwall, to r f ; place one previously there, which had become tin',„ for service. The several railway companies had, usual, readily given free conveyances over the lf , lines to their respective stations. It was repor ted that the inspector and assistant-inspector were P r ' suing their annual visits to the lifeboats of th society on the Irish and Scotch coasts. A rePe; was read from the inspector of lifeboats on O p comparative trials which had recently been made at Cherbourg with three lifeboats. One of the 13 0 1 was built in London, under the superintendence the institution, for the Paris Shipwreck Societl ; the two others were the invention of French persons' and were built at Havre. The English lifeboat/ which is the result of great experience, had the a el vantage. A letter was read from a benevolent ladi f t expressing her desire to give the institution the ec l t of a lifeboat, to be called the Admiral Fitzroy was stated that the late William Hollins, ° Over Wallop, near Southampton, had left the in stitution a legacy of £5OO Consols. It was repo rted that the subscribers to the Dundee People's Jolot had, through the proprietor of that journal, W• Latto, Esq., contributed £BOO to pay the cost 0' the two new lifeboats, and transporting carriages' which the institution is about to station at Pete r head and Arbroath. Many of the subscribers t l the fund are fishermen residing on the east coast 6) Scotland. The Rev. E. S. Corrie has also forward° ,, , to the institution £2 155., being the sum collected for it by an invalid boy, from his friends vislti e g him. He is confined entirely to his couch, but e takes great interest in the welfare of the socie t Y The proceeedings then terminated. COUNTRY MARKETS BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. be e° During the present week transactions have sgt l - 11 .0 l er on a limited scale, owing to the very favourable vi e - d $ of for the crops,.but holders are generally firm for all kill ac' grain except barley, for which lower prices have be el v of cepted. At this day's market there was a short suloPli l i3 wheat, which could only be sold at is per qr. und e ., l ' . o o day se'nnight. Barley and oats 6d per qr. lower. unaltered. Peas neglected. d,393 Currencies :—English wheat, white, 43s to 47s ; re cob to 44s per 36 stone. Malting barley, 30s to 35s ; gr' ll , 22s to 25s per qr. Oats, 24s to 30s ; Irish, 21s to 4 30 stone. Beans, 42s to 45s ; and peas, 405 to 42s per `I• BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WEDNESDAY. bich This market to-day was well supplied with wheat, t met a dull sale at is per qr. less money than last we e ite red' large quantity of grinding barley offenng ; prices u nl ' Oats, beans, and pease also unaltered in value. 1 , 0 ,510, 5 Talavera wheat, 44s to 495; red ditto, 37s to 40$ 30s to 325; secondary ditto, 27s to 29s per qr. 4 06 Averages : —Wheat, 1,050 f qrs., 418 7d ; bar' e d' qrs., 28s 9d; oats, qrs., —s Od. MANCHESTER-THURSDAY. istir cl Yt t s ,---;„ There was an average attendance at this day', but few transactions occurred. English wheat de ng pe per qr., and foreign ld to 2d per 100 lb. Flour 6 d t° ves ll : sack less money. Oats and oatmeal rather easier . la r e ' maintained late currencies, while Indian corn via ° qr. cheaper. RIS T OL—THURSDAY. , od e On our market E to duet English wheat, although 't i° ; rate supply, could only be sold by submitting to re. vow; of is per qr. Foreign is per qr. lower, but little, otiP Grinding and malting barleys 6d per qr. lower. same as last week. In beans nothing doing. EDINBURGH—WEDNESDAY. Average prices. Wheat, 40s 1d I Oats, 23s Oa Barley, 27s 3d 1 Beans, 39810 d Total supply and sales. OA gd Wheat on the top, Os 6d down average, Os •Z i c ie",, Barley on the top, is Od down average, is I oil ; Oats on the top, is Od up Beans on the top, Os 3d up 1099 qrs aavveeraraggee: OOss 5°(1": Wheatla 61 ' so g o Barley 462 qrs sold 4 ' 6 5 Oats 1497 qrs sold 1040 3 Beans 4B qrs old Of° s d . e Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 68 , ° superfine, 34s 6d ; superfine, 33s Od; fine, 31s 604 GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY. ut 0 55 :: • This day's market was pretty well attended , t ness very dull. Wheat receded 8d to 6d, flour 6 d t o barley neglected ; all spring corn and meal 3d t° - per boll and load. qie larch °C4 Another accidental poisoning case on a 000 has taken place at Liverpool. A number of i ; thel playing on a rubbish heap picked up somethi n g wb voirfr ate, and which afterwards turned out to be igt i o i i Several of them were ill in consequence, and on e t gro° dangerous state. The drug had been careleseli away amongst the rubbish. Births. .„01(1 le r c le-r A Han.—On the Ist inst., at 6, Oxford-square, -71370, g dy the wife of James Eardley Hill, Esq., of " Temple, of a son. he vio,t- RENDALL.—On the 30th inst., at Notting-l a ill, t oioter John Rendall, Esq., of the Inner U.'emple7 1)`• BRIDGES— iII GRIFFITH. law, of a dauihtei.. Griffith —Monarrthieafset Marriages. •, 'at Sititilfal: a o n l. d Comdt. R.A. to Frances Matilda, only daughter of Tau enhedlers,Escill:norYfTWaviisistoo%!sciheuasreec,oiddsßoirnehof, 1iliei.,1000001". of Sutherland- place, BROWN f o el, E Eccleston-square, Pimlico, He Brown, B,_ 8 1; El l Emily, youngest daughter of W. C. Ilarrie° ' liereAlß -SpOlNa.co-20pnitmhieic209.th inst ,at Ecelestonglg: Bunnouuxs.—On the IDsteiantsht.,s'at 425, New cross -r , °33 : j Davy, late of Jessamine. Cottage, Mr. Thomas Burroughs, aged 65. Fre derick DAVY.—On the 28th ult , at Mansfield, Notts, AcQuEs.—On the 27th ult at Birstall llouse, peg coster, James '7 , Jacques, Esq., aged 61. et 134' LUO.A.S.—On the 28th ult , at Clifton, Bud Lila late of Long Ashton, So.mersetshire• tbe il l STONOR.—On the 28th ult., at 11, Stratton-street, ,ge Thomas E. Stoner, eldest son of Lord Careo9ll 40. 0 ,5 ' N0t.4.;. , liPPer Clapton. _I. I,oi, London : Printed and Publibhed by WIL LI II A 5 0 1.; of No. 112, Ntrand, pi inter, at THE SEN ()111°e'uty 0` Strand, in the Precin ct of the Savoy, to the MickileseL—Friday, June .4, 1865. sbmi Ob "Rir t bAy Pi N C4l; Wit] geta ii tnti of 10 Sian Ore Lod C( Purp Who th e their C a ra re q . ) , only 'io n , se e d th e j out Blip, T te_rt oa,i Ass as f