The Sun. — London, England, 1835-04-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Peel Ministry, it will be seen by the Parlia mentary report, is now at an end. The real nature of the question by which the fate of that short-lived Administration was precipitated has been well set forth in the several speeches of Sir Robert Peel, with remarkable force and clearness. Nor are the succes sive phases which the proposition of Lord John Rus sell assumed from the first vote on the Ist instant to the last and decisive one on Tuesday evening pointed out by the Right Hon. Baronet in less discrimating terms. The first resolution, which underwent a dis cussion of three fatiguing nights, asserted merely a general rule of action for a case which might never happen. A surplus being taken for granted, al though the instrument through which the mover of the resolution had himself agreed to ascertain the fact, was still in a state of unfinished operation, and although his Lordship had but a few months ago refused to anticipate the report of the Com missioners, or to legislate on a vague hypothesis. The Noble Lord and his allies, however, thought fit, at once, to condemn their declarations and votes of last June, and virtually to supersede their own Commis sion which had, at that tune, served them for a pre tence whereon to ground their dissent from the propo sition which they have now, under circumstances precisely similar, forced through an almost equally divided House of Commons. But the resolution of Tuesday last appeared in quite a different shape from the former one, which had prescribed a gene ral application of an imaginary surplus. The reso lution of last Tuesday went to annul, so far as a preliminary pledge could do, the right of Parliament to pass any measure for the commutation of tithe upon which this alien and exotic resolution should not be ingrafted. Why, then, such a confusion of things in trinsically separate ? What is there of necessity com mon between a law which enacts that what is now tithe shall hereafter be land-tax, and one which appropriates an assumed surplus of such land-tax (already short of the tithe by 25 per cent.) to certain, or rather uncertain, uses ? Sed aliter visum. The resolutions were car ried, and 40 others, however anomalous, would have been so, had they proceeded from the same quarter, and contemplated the same purpose—a purpose which has now been fulfilled. For the detailed and all but insu perable difficulties which must attend the application of the new principle, and which were so strikingly illus trated by Sir Robert Peel in his reference to the opposite condition of parishes without Protestants where there are large incomes enjoyed by the clergyman, and parishes where the clergyman is on the verge of famine, but in which Protestant parishioners abound, we apprehend that there will be ample opportunity to enlarge upon such cases, and upon the gross injustice of the rule avowed by Lord John Russell, who refuses to let the wants of the ill-paid incumbent be provided for out of the superfluous revenues of a sinecure, but would in pre ference turn them over to the uses of Roman Catholic education. In truth, the question is not now the maintenance of this or that general proposition. We have a near and overwhelming interest at stake— namely, the existence of those institutions, munici pal and ecclesiastical, in which is embodied the Pro testant commonwealth—that is, the essence of British power throughout the whole of Ireland. To us, we confess, no doctrine upon the subject is half so fright ful as is the practical necessity under which the suc cessful assertion of that doctrine, just broached by Lord John Russell and his party may, by possibility, have placed the Crown, of transferrinr- its confidence, its authority, and patronage, from th ,e Ministers who feel a sympathy and anxiety for the Church, to others who seem blind to the dangers in which their recent policy has involved her. It is to be remarked, that, whatever construction the words of Lord John Russell's resolution may naturally bear, the construc tion put upon it by some of his prominent supporters goes directly to identify it with the downfall of the established church of Ireland. The whole of --Mr. Gisborne's speech in defence of the resolution was an attack upon the Irish church—not in its superfluities, not in its abuses, not in its degeneracy, not in its want or its susceptibility of improvement, but in its exis tence as a political and religious institution. Are we, then, blameable for asserting that when such facts are combined with the obvious and extreme difficulty of so constructing a Whig Administration as to guard against O'Connell becoming one of its chief functionaries in the Irish department, the whole Church of Ireland and the Protestant institutions of .that country, being the most solid bonds of its con nexion with Great Britain, run an imminent risk of immediate and irrecoverable ruin ? Nothing can be more manifest than the close concert which exists between the Destructives of Great Britain and Ire land. The former have, we sincerely believe, no worse offence to answer for than a rash and shallow applica tion to the latter country of reasonings drawn from English habits and experience. But it will not do. There is a power at work in Ireland unknown to the written Constitution—to the legislative and executive authorities of the State—a power before which the law quails, and allegiance pays the penalties of treason. This power, the joint progeny of barbarism, supersti tion, privation, and oppression, governs three-fourths of human action in Ireland ; yet it is little taken into account here by those Englishmen who interpose most busily in suggesting nostrums, for the cure of Irish evil. But it is well understood by the Irish revo lutionary party themselves, who aid the blindness of English theorists, and craftily join in and swell their exclamation against coercive laws in a country where a tyranny against law has taken root, more fierce and dreadful than any civilized Legislature had ever yet to cope with. Our alarm is, therefore, occasioned by the likelihood to which we cannot be insensible, that those who are willing to uphold the 'onstitutional authorities in Ireland, and to obey the law, will be laid more than ever prostrate before the enemies of both. With a repeal project staring all England in the face, what must be the mind of that British Minister who would strip our Protestant instit u ti ons o f even t h e weakest of their outworks ?—Times. Since the above observations were written we have read the report of Sir Robert Peel's farewell speech, formally announcing the dissolution of his Ministry. Had anything been wanting to crown the public repu tation of the Right Hon. Baronet, or to enhance the honour of that moral victory which he has achieved, not only over political obstructions alone, but over an entire host of political adversaries, his address in taking leave of both yesterday evening would have abundantly supplied the want. Clothed in a simpli city of language which the least instructed member of the poorest constituency in England cannot fail to comprehend, there are to be found in this speech of the late Prime Minister, a command of temper, a modera tion of spirit, a respect for Parliament, a considerate anxiety for the convenience even of his hostile succes sors, and above all a scrupulous tenderness towards the safety and integrity of the Constitution, with a brave scorn of becoming a party to blemish or impair it, which must greatly augment the general regret that so • able and . right-minded a statesman is even for the shortest time withdrawn from the national service. Sir Robert Peel might unquestionably have clung longer to office, had he valued office merely for its own sake: but he judged in a manner more worthy of a British statesman. He felt that it was of evil precedent to exhibit to the country a Government enjoying the King's confidence, and continuing to act in unseemly defiance of the ascertained, if not formally signified, distrust of the House of Commons. To exhibit the Government in a state of hopeless feebleness, Sir Ro bert Peel judged rightly to be an outrage inflicted on the Crown, not so much by the House of Commons as by its own advisers. The vote, moreover, of Tues day evening not being, as the Right Hon. Baronet con ceived, at all necessary towards any end of legislative policy, was construed by him and his colleagues into a substantial vote of distrust in the Government. The threatened resolution for an address to the Throne was stated by Sir R. Peel to be a further ground on which his resignation became still more una voidable, especially as it would have compelled the Government to carry into effect, in relation to Ireland, a measure in itself, as the Right Hon. Baronet had al ready shown, impracticable, and even in the attempt most pernicious. Manfully, therefore, have the Right Hon. Baronet and his colleagues decided (and the de cision was, -as Sir R. Peel informs us, unanimous) to maintain their principles and sacrifice their power ; thus giving a contemptuous refutation to the charge of corrupt • apostacy which had been so often and so shamefully brought against them by the lowest of their factious assailants. We have not time nor space at present to pursue this topic further. Enough appeared in the deference and kindness shown to the departing Minister, by the assembly which listened to him, to convince any man of the least foresight or discernment, that let who will henceforth be in possession of the Government, it is morally impossible for such a statesman, and such a Parliamentary leader, as Sir Robert Peel, to remain long in opposition. The country, we repeat, cannot afford the loss of such a functionary, nor the Sovereign that of such a servant, nor the Administration, whose fortune it is to succeed him, a protracted struggle against so formidable an antagonist on the Opposition benches. His Majesty, it is understood, was greatly affected by the resignation of his Ministers, though his reason was convinced of its propriety. His Majesty, we be lieve, did not send for any adviser yesterday. The im portance of the crisis no doubt requires great delibera tion in all who will have to form a decision upon it. —Times. If ever there was a moment of which we had reason, since our connexion with this journal, to be more proud than another, it is the present-----when, after having " nailed our flag to the mast " of Reform, and reforming Ministers, we have the proud gratification of declaring that " victory sits on our helm," and that the object which we had in view, not only in point of consistency, but in point of principle, being accom plished, that flag is again unfurled—without a stain of enmity towards those whom it has at length compelled to strike their colours—and, if we may be permitted to say so, as an emblem of forgetfulness on our part of every thing harsh or hard which may have been said against us, or which the excitement of a great national crisis may have prompted us to say in turn. That the Tories have been driven out of office, after one of the most desperate efforts to retain it that was ever made by any English Administra tion, we most sincerely rejoice ; but we trample not on the fallen foe—and we rejoice simply because the good principle has triumphed over the evil—be cause an anti-Reform Administration has been at length compelled to yield submission to the national will, and that it must be succeeded by another accor dant with the feelings, wishes, and just expectations and desires, of the people. Of what materials that Administration is to be composed, we have yet to learn. Lords Melbourne and Lansdowne were yester day, if we are not misinformed, with the King, and the general expectation is that the former nobleman will be the head of the new Government, not only in jus tice to his unquestionable talents, but as some apo logy for the unceremonious manner in which his untried Administration was dismissed ; but whoever may be the head of that Government, we trust that it will be self-evident to him that it must be formed upon the most broad and liberal basis. Pure Whiggism is as completely extinct, in point of popular favour and regard, as moderate Toryism, and to attempt a pure Whig Government at the present moment, would be just about as insane as to try one of purely Radical ma terials. The country will not be satisfied with the former—it is not prepared for the latter ; tut a combina tion of the best materials of both would, we doubt not, ensure the confidence of all parties, and give that repose to the country which is so necessary to the revival of its trade, I.hee sncouragement of its industry, and the uphole;-g of its influence with foreign powers. For the adoption of such a plan of Government, we believe Lord Melbourne to be not only prepared, but anxious; and should he succeed in gaining the confidence of the King for the formation of such a Cabinet, we need scarcely add that he will as certainly have our best support, as the late Administration had our most stern and uncompromising opposition.—MorningAdvertiser. At length the Tory Ministers have submitted to the verdict of the people of England, pronounced on them by their representatives in Parliament. Though they have given much trouble by " dying hard," as we pre dicted they would, they have been at last " turned off" in the proper quarter, with satisfaction to everybody but themselves. The Ministry of the Tories has been, in fact, nothing but a long-dying agony, and it is better for their own sake, as well as for the spectators of their desperate but useless struggles, that the coup de grace has at length terminated the painful and somewhat disreputable exhibition. The Duke of Wel lington announced the resignation of Ministers last night, in the House of Lords, in a laconic style which seemed to imply that the " least said was soonest mended." Sir Robert Peel, in announcing the same gratifying result, was more discursive—or rather, we should say, that his whole speech bore evidence of the distraction of mind under which he laboured in making the communication—that he had come " post haste" from Rome for nothing but to be subjected to five weeks' humiliation, in attempting an experiment which had signally failed. One admission of Sir Robert was remarkably reiterated, and most satisfactory, as decisive of the final extinction of Toryism. The ex-Premier admitted that he had had a fair trial. He has, in deed ! Thanks to the patient moderation of the Commons of England I he has had the " fair stand-up fight" claimed for the Tories by Lord Durham, and he and they have been beaten " deaf to time" under the ropes. We hope they have got full satisfaction. If the Right Hon. Baronet has demonstrated—as we are willing to admit he has—considerable bottom, pluck, and science in fighting a battle most pernicious in point of precedent—it must be equally admitted, on the other hand, that his victorious opponents have deserved their triumph by the skill and p erseveran c e they showed in winning the victory, and the modera tion which, on the occasion of Sir Robert's rambling apology for his "hundred day" administration, they displayed in soothing his defeat, and letting him gently down. The cheers of the Opposition were considerately generous to the self-humiliated and fallen Minister.—Morning Advertiser. In the House of Lords, yesterday, after several pe titions had been presented on both sides of the guess tion of Church accommodation in Scotland, and Lord Brougham had given notice of a motion respecting education for Tuesday, the Duke of 'Wellington sta ted, in a very few words, that his Majesty's Ministers had tendered their resignation, and only held office till their successors were appointed. In the Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer also made a commu nication that all the Ministers had felt it to be their duty to tender their resignations to his Majesty, and that they nosy onlyheld the seals of office until successors should be appointed. He made this communication as soon as the hour for commencing public business (five o'clock) had arrived, on moving the third read ing of the Mutiny Bill. It will be seen, on reference to the Parliamentary report,. that he fully and tem perately described the motives which had led all the Ministers to tender their resignations. They were founded on the continued majorities against them, and on the final adoption of a principle to the car rying of which into effect the Ministers could be no party. Further the vote of Tuesday night was tanta mount to a declaration of want of confidence in the Mi nisters, for it assumed that the House had no confidence in any measure that the Ministers might bring forward on the subject of tithes in Ireland. They had con tinued in office as long as they saw any chance of ef fectually and honourably promoting the public service, not allowing disgust, disappointment, or the conside ration of private feelings to have any weight with them. That submission, however, had its limit ; that limit they had now approached ; for, looking to the little progress made with public business, and the de cisions on the last four debates, they saw that the time had come for them to withdraw from further con test. The motion of Tuesday night not merely went to declare want of confidence, but positively to recom mend a change of system in the government of Ireland. To the introduction of that change the Ministers could be no party ; they, therefore, under all these circumstances, and believing that the Government of the country could not continue beneficially to act against decided majorities, felt that perseverance would be fruitless. He suggested that there should be an adjournment to Monday, except as regarded this day, there being a ballot for an Election Committee. The House would, therefore, meet, but not for public business. Lord J. Russell (who entered the House THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 9, 1835. only a few minutes before the Chancellor of the Ex chequer concluded his speech) briefly observed that all must admit that the course of the Right Hon. Baronet had been marked with perfect honour and pro priety. Nearly all the Members then quitted the House.—Morning Herald. Yesterday the whole of the Ministers came to the determination of resigning, and had actually proceeded to resign their offices, in consequence of the decision of the House of Commons the night before, upon Lord John Russell's motion. The fact was communicated afterwards to both Houses of Parliament, the Duke of Wellington having, with characteristic brevity and straightforwardness, announced it to their Lordships, and Sir Robert Peel, with more circumlocution and eloquence, but certainly with an equal degree of can dour and manliness, to the Commons. It was in the latter House, of course, where the battle had been fought, and the fortune of the day decided, that the deepest interest was felt. From the view which the Right Hon. Baronet had taken of the resolution in his speech on Tuesday night, it was evident that he regarded that resolution as the most direct blow which had been levelled against the Minis try, and that, especially when coupled with the pre ceding defeats, he considered it as indicating a want of confidence which must be fatal to his Government. Indeed it was evident, for some weeks past, even to those who did not regard it as a necessaey consequence of his position from the commencement, that the ground was giving way from under him, and that increasing difficulties rendered his power not only more precarious every moment, but more certain to break down at last. There was, therefore, no mixture of surprise in the regret with which many attached friends of the Constitution looked upon the surrender of the Minis try. That the resignation of Sir R. Peel was inevita ble, under all the circumstanees, either as regarded his own personal dignity, or the dignity of his Majesty's Government, or the praetical working of its machinery, which had been for some time standing still in his hands, the perusal of his own eloquent exposition will be sufficient to establish. It is true that a great and influential party in the country look up to him with more confidence than ever, having witnessed his desire to promote useful and moderate reforms ; it is true that Addresses pouring in from all quarters prove him to possess the affections of a large portion of the people, still the experiment of carrying on the Go vernment in the face of repeated majorities of the House of Commons would be an experiment not only new in itself, but in its very nature absurd and im practicable. There was, in fact, no other course for Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues but the course which they have adopted. We may truly say that they leave office with the respect even of their adver saries. Let us hope that their successors will not supply us with additional reasons to regret them, by furnishing a contrast to the moderation of their plans and the consistency of their conduct. A variety of conjectures are afloat, and rumours, which always fol low in the rear of conjectures, as to the probable con struction of the new Cabinet ; but instead of collecting the hints which have been scattered abroad, and draw ing upon our own imagination to make up . the defi ciency, we prefer the exercise of a little patience, not only because it is a virtue in itself, but because it is more likely to guide us to the truth.—Morn. Herald. It will be seen by the proceedings in the two Houses of Parliament last night that the Ministry of Sir Ro bert Peel have unanimously adopted the resolution of retiring from office—that they yesterday tendered their resignations to his Majesty—and that they now retain the seals of their respective departments for the dis charge of the routine of official business until the King shall have been enabled to make the necessary arrange ments for carrying on the Government of the country. However we may lament the circumstance which ren dered this step necessary--and for the sake of the in terests and safety of the country we do lament them most sincerely—it seems to us that in resigning office the Ad ministration has fairly, honourably, and fully followed up the principles which presided over its formation, and which have governed the whole of its conduct during its brief possession of power. Sir R. Peel and his virtuous and high-minded colleagues accept ed office not with a view to the emoluments, the patronage, or the power by which ogee is attended ; not with the view of achieving a party triumph over their political opponents ; not with a view of acqui ring for themselves distinction in the eyes of their country or of Europe, for the leading members of the Cabinet already enjoyed an European reputation which could scarcely be enhanced; they entered upon the arduous duties of administration in the hope that they might be enabled to render to their country, not merely the ordinary duties of a wise and vigilant ad ministration of its affairs, but the special services of which, in their judgment, the country stood pecu liarly in need in the actual crisis into which its affairs had been brought. An Administration in whose hands the powerful Conservative party of Great Britain could feel that the fundamental principles of the Constitu tion and the solid groundwork of our national in stitutions were safe—an Administration whose cha racter might afford a satisfactory guarantee that in proposing just and necessary reforms they did not intend them as the means and instruments of ef fecting ulterior changes of questionable utility or jus tice—an Administration which would carry on with alacrity, talent, and zeal such practical improvements in the laws and institutions of the State as promised to promote the real welfare of the people, without en deavouring to excite among them a headstrong passion for indefinite and ceaseless change, or stimulating the frenzy of democratic ambition—an Administration, in a word, which should be at once Reforming and Con servative in the best sense of the expressions, and which, by the undisputed possession of these qualities, should possess the necessary influence to reform with effect where reform was required, and preserve with steadfast vigilance where preservation is a duty—such an Administration it was the high and noble ambi tion of Sir Robert Peel to form and to direct, and it cannot be denied that in the pursuit of this elevated and patriotic enterprise he was completely success ful. The Administration was eminently fitted to ac complish all the national purposes which constitute the end and object of Government, and if it has been denied the privilege of fulfilling them, this is to be ascribed, not to anything defective in its consti tution or anything erroneous in its conduct, but to the fact that it was opposed by a reckless and desperate faction in the House of Commons to whom the welfare and the peace of the country were matters of mere indifference when compared with the gratifica tion of their ambition or of their resentment. It must be a high gratification to the friends of Sir R. Peel's Administration, as it is undoubtedly an auspicious omen of the eventual triumph of the cause of order, religion, and good Government in Great Britain, that the present Ministers of the Crown carry popularityrrywiththemthinanto ever rir before, retirem perhaps,entagreate in r share of popularity than ever before, perhaps, in Eng- Eng land attended the retreat of any body of Ministers. Since the meeting of Parliament scarcely a day has gone by in which the head of this Administration has not exhibited qualifications for the public ser vice of a higher order than, eminent as his former re putation was, his most partial friends had supposed him to possess ; scarcely a day in which some new de velopment of his policy did not show to the nation that he fully understood its real wants, and was fully prepared with the means of supplying them ; scarcely a day in which his envious competitors were not compelled to acknowledge his measureless supe riority; scarcely a day in which the country had not some new ground for the conviction that upon Sir Ro bert Peel and his colleagues it must place its last re maining hope of prudent, vigorous, and successful Go vernment. In the present state of the country, and of the political parties who are now competitors for power, it is impossible to overrate the heavy, the awful, responsibility which attaches to Lord John Russell and his confederates, whose factious and un principled opposition has at length succeeded in breaking up an Administration to which, whether we regard the qualifications o f it s m e mb ers or th e degree of public confidence that it possessed, th ere seems so little chance of obtaining, we do not say any equal, for that is completely out of the question, but any tolerable successors. What materials do the vic torious Opposition present to the choice of the Sove reign for the construction of a new Government ? Is there any one of its leaders who dare undertake the task of forming an Administration, in which place and power shall be given to its various sections in propor tion to the degree in which they have severally contri buted to the common achievement ? Or is there the least hope that its component parts can be kept in har monious co-operation, in the face of a compact and united body of three hundred antagonists, after a divi sion of the spoil essentially repugnant to so equitable a law of partition ? What is Lord John Russell, or any other Whig statesman, for whose attempt at the construction of a Government his efforts have prepared the way, to do with Mr. O'Connell and the tail ? What with the English Radicals ? Is the nation prepared for the open and visible acces sion of either of these important sections of Lord John Russell's majority to political power ? Is either section prepared to support an Administration in the constitution of which they are to have no part ? Or will the Whigs, if they skould be recalled to power, now resort to the measure of a dissolution, in the vain hope of getting rid of the English, Irish, and Scotch Radicals, their recent allies, or in the still more ab surd expectation of reducing the number of their Conservative opponents ? The subject is surrounded with difficulties on every side—difficulties which we believe it will be impossible to surmount, but which Lord John Russell, and the Whigs who have acted with him in the House of Commons, are bound to encounter and subdue, or submit to the fatal imputa tion of having advisedly brought their Sovereign and their country into a situation of inextricable em barrassment. The party of Sir R. Peel, with which Lord Stanley and his political friends are by their character, their position, and their recent conduct com pletely identified, enjoy the entire and unreserved con fidence of the Sovereign. They have a decided and unalterable majority in the House of Lords, and they constitute an united and inseparable phalanx of 300 Members of the House of Commons. What we beg to ask has Lord John Russell or any other Whig-Ra dical Lord to oppose to these great constitutional powers ? A numerical majority of thirty in the present House of Commons, which majority is sure to be anni hilated on the next appeal to the people, by whom soever made ; and in addition to this, a resolution car ried by the above insignificant and insecure majority, and placed by them upon the journals of the House, that nothing shall be done to tranquillise Ireland, or give prosperity and safety to the empire, unless it be accompanied by a measure for despoiling the Protestant Church in Ireland, and surrendering its entire revenues to the hands of the Papist Agitator of country, to be by him ap plied to the maintenance and propagation of the religion of Rome. Was ever a triumphant party in so deplorable a position ? The Whig-Radical fac tion must already, we should imagine, begin to tremble for the consequences of their victory. It is a victory which can by no possibility produce to them anything but disgrace. They have boasted of their power to form a Government. We do not hesitate to say, that for them to form a Government is impossible, if we are to understand by the term Government anything capabl.e of passing laws applicable to the actual circum stances, and responding to the urgent demands of the country. Ireland requires, for example, a measure for the settlement of the tithe question. And they have had the discretion to qualify themselves for the consi deration of this subject, surrounded as it is by in herent difficulties of its own, by a solemn pledge never to look at it, unless in connection with another question of still greater difficulty, and with which it has in reality nothing whatever to do. The welfare of the country, the regular and effec tive progress of Government and legislation, demand that the Executive shall possess the confidence of both Houses of Parliament ; and, as a preparation for entering upon the duties of an Executive Government, the Whig-Radical party in the House of Commons have taken care unnecessarily to identify themselves with a principle of legislation to which the Upper House of Parliament is known to be strongly and un alterably opposed. They have condemned themselves to incurable impotency as an Administration, for sake of being formidable as an Opposition ; and if they should obtain an opportunity of showing that nothing can really be more dangerous to the country than an Administration without power, they will complete their dishonourable evolutions by becoming an impotent Opposition. The present situation of the Govern ment is undoubtedly an inconvenient one. But, so far from giving way to any feeling of despair, we be lieve very sincerely that the prospects of the Conser vative party in this country have not for several years been so bright as they are at the present moment.— No ming Post. The Peel-Wellington Ministry ceases to exist. The announcement was made in both Houses last night, that Ministers had tendered their resignation, and held office only for the public convenience, till their suc cessors should be appointed. In the House of Lords the announcement was drily made by the Duke of Wellington ; but Sir Robert Peel entered at conside rable length into the motives which induced him to con tinue the attempt to conduct public affairs to the latest moment, and the circumstances which reluctantly com pelled him to resign. His speech, of which a very frill and faithful report will be found in our columns, will amply-repay a perusal. We are willing to make great al lowance for the difficulty of Sir Robert Peel's position. A Tory Ministry could not have been formed without him ; and if he had refused to respond to the call made on him by his party in November last, he would have been accused as the betrayer of the Tory cause. His own better judgment must, at the same time, have satisfied him of the utter hopelessness of the attempt to conduct the Government on Tory principles, and that the at tempt could not be made without exposing the best interests of the country to hazard, and creating abun dant sources of embarrassment to all public men. In No vember last the country was in a most prosperous state; the Melbourne Ministry were in possession of ge neral confidence, and the dismissal of that Ministry, followed by a dissolution of Parliament of which the second Session had only terminated, was not only un called for, but, under the circumstances, the most in sane course which could possibly be devised. The result was foreseen and predicted by all men of the least reflection. The Reform Bill had rendered it im possible to obtain a Tory majority; and the idea of conducting the Government with a minority in the House of Commons is the height of absurdity. A. duration of two months after the meeting of Parlia ment was the utmost that could be hoped for the Peel Ministry. It must be admitted that Sir Robert Peel, in the attempt to conduct the Government under such circumstances, has displayed no ordinary powers ; but his very talents and skill have only served to ren der more evident the political annihilation of the Tory party ; for if with his resources, his dexterity, hi s mastery of all the plausibilities, his skill in parading his strong points, and in concealing his weak, he was, no twithstanding, soon placed in an impossibility of moving, it is quite certain, that under any other guidance, the result would have been less favourable. Sir Robert has no cause personally to regret the termination of his Ministry. It relieves him from a task which must have become almost in supportable, and he retires with the satisfaction of knowing that justice is generally done to the mode in which he fought the hopeless fight of the Tories. He boasts, we see, of being " in the entire c onfidence of the King." This boast ought not to be disregarded by the men who may be invited by the Ki n g to accept office. The Right Hon. Baronet en joys the confidence of the King, but he does not enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons ; are we to i n f e r that men who enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons cannot also enjoy the King's confidence ? _W e are glad to perceive, from what fell from Sir Robert, towards the close of his speech, that he does . not countenance the attempt of ieome of his party to create the delusion, that the House of Commons does not speak the sense of the country The whole of my political life (said the Right Hon. Baronet) has been spent in the House of Commons : the remainder of it will be spent here ; and whatever may be the conflicts of parties, I for one shall always be anxious to stand well with the House. whether I be in a majority or in a mino- Loud cheers.) I do not hesitate to declare that, under no circumstances —under the pressure of no difficulties, would I ever have advised the Crown to resign that great source of moral strength, which consists in a strict adherence to the practice, to the principles, to the letter, and to the spirit of the Constitution of this country. I am cnntlent, then, that adherence will be the surest method of warding off eventful dangers. It is because I believe, in ' conformity with that Constitution, a Government ought not to persist in carry ing on public affairs, after a fair trial, against the decided opi nion of a majority of the House of Commons—it is because I have that conviction deeply-rooted in my mind, that I have re linquished my post ; although I do sincerely regret the neces sity which has compelled me to abandon the King's service at the present moment."—( Much cheering.) There is evidently more here than meets the eye. In the anxiety to manifest his determination to adhere to the practice, to the principles, to the letter, and to the spirit of the Constitution of this country, and to pro test against a Government carrying on public affairs, Oer a fair trial, against the decided opinion of a ma jority of the House of Commons, we think we can perceive something like a vindication of his conduct addressed to those who would have wished him to dis regard both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution, and to wage a hopeless battle with the people of Eng land. Sir Robert indicates that he is not the dupe of the pretended Addresses—that he knows this House of Commons contains more Tories than any future House will contain—and that he is fully aware of the difference between his situation and that of Mr. Pitt, in 1784. The majority against him continued, as he observes, to increase, which could only arise from a firm conviction on the part of the representatives that their conduct was approved of by their constituents. Another dissolution, under such circumstances, could have had no other result than in rousing a strong feel ing of discontent from one end of the country to the other.—Morning Chronicle. DISCOVERY OF AN EXTENSIVE ROBBERY, AND ATTEMPTED SUICIDE. On Sunday night last, at a late hour, as police constable Crawford, of G division, was going his rounds through Bleeding Hart-yard, Holborn, he observed three men drunk, and he took them to the station-house, where they gave their names John Willis, George Wright, and Thomas Edgeall. On the two former were found Bank post-bills, and other property, to upwards of the amount of 7001. The prisoners Wright and Wiiiis, said they were shoe makers, and had come from Southampton, to look after work, and had been in London hut a few days. Wright and Willis were remanded, but Edgeall was discharged. The account of their apprehension having appeared in the newspapers inquiries were made, and it was discovered that the house of E. Hartley, Esq., a wealthy gentleman of Southampton, had been broken into by thieves during his absence on the Continent, and Bank post-bills and property to a considerable amount had been stolen from an iron chest, which had been forcibly opened by the thieves. Tony, the officer of the Southampton police, yesterday came to London, by direction of Mr. Leferne the Mayor, and the Magistrates, to state that the robbery had been committed, and that the prisoner Wallis was a noto rious character, who had been once transported for felony, and he had a short time ago attempted to destroy himself by taking poison. He was a violent and desperate man. It appears, that shortly after he entered the House of Cor rection, be took some poison, which he had concealed about his person, which nearly affected his life. He was imme diately admitted into the gaol infirmary, and the medical at tendant of the prison rendered him every assistance, and extracted the poi son from his stomach, and he is now in a weakly condition. Yesterday Tony visited the prison, and identified Willis as a " Southamptoner," but he did not know Wright. The Magistrates of Hatton-Garden ordered that infor mation should be sent to Mr. Hartley, and that after a written communication from the Magistrates of Southamp ton, the prisoners would be forwarded down there, with the officers of police who apprehended them, for examination. Tony expressed his fullest conviction that Willis (if he was not strictly watched) would perpetrate suicide. He is a sullen downcast-looking fellow, about thirty yearS of age. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT. Mr. Richard Davies, a straw-plait warehouseman and ostrich-feather merchant, late of Noble-street, Cheapside, was opposed on his application to be discharged, by Mr. Woodroffe, on the part of Mr. George Knott, dealer in straw-plait, residing in King-street, Snow-hill. He was supported by Mr. Cooke. The insolvent had for many years carried on an extensive business. His debts in the aggregate were stated at 8,7001. and his credits at upwards of 2,0001. He had received no consideration for 2,8181. of his debts. It appeared that he was indebted to Mr. Knott in the sum of 501. on a bill of exchange, and in September last, an action was commenced for its recovery. The insolvent pleaded the general issue, but on the trial made no defence. It was stated that the costs had been taxed at 30/. 7s. 6d., of which two-thirds had been incurred by the defence to the action. The cause was tried in November, but prior to that time the insolvent was declared a bankrupt, and he bad now passed his last examination ; but not having obtaioßd his certificate he was compelled to petition this Court far his discharge. _ Mr. Commissioner BOWEN sentenced the insolvent to four months' imprisonment from the date of filing his petition. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. George Cooper was indicted for feloniously wounding Louisa Palmer with intent to murder her. Prosecutrix, a girl 16 years of .age, of rather prepossess ing appearance, had known the prisoner for nine or ten months, he paying his addresses to her. They were inva riably the best of friends. On the 9th of March they were out walking together, and went to Portland-place. They then went into the Dover Castle, where they partook of two or three glasses of gin and water. Prisoner then soli licited her to take some oysters, which she did. The pri soner followed the oysterman into a public-house, and re turned out with an oyster-knife, with which he swore he would stab himself. She intreat ed him to be calm, and took the knife away from him. It was afterwards returned to the oysterman. A few minutes elapsed, when the pri soner desired her to go on and he would follow. She did so, and after proceeding a few paces felt a severe bl ow on the back, which wounded her. In her cross-examination she :said that he had always used her very kindly until this affair', and that he was drunk at the time. _ _ The police sergeant said that the prisoner afterwards ex pressed much regret at the circumstance. The Jury returned a verdict of acquittal. Thomas Parkington, labourer, aged 17 ; Nicholas Way ling, painter, aged 19 ; James P4trker, labourer, aged 18 ; and George Newman, labourer, aged 19, were indicted for breaking into the dwelling-house of Richard Brook and another, and stealing therefrom a box and the sum of 55., his property and monies. The Jury found a verdict of Guilty against all the pri soners. At twenty minutes past five o'clock, the Learned Judges left the Court, and the REccatirEß took his seat upon the Bench. James Rider was indicted for stealing several silver table spoons (a dozen) from the Freern asons' Tavern on the 17th of March last, being the property of Mr. Cuff and his part ner, the proprietors of the tavern.. The Jury found a verdict—Guilty of stealing under 51. The prosecutors strongly reconnaended him to mercy. NEW COURT. Thomas Brown was indicted for embezzling the sum of 3/. 10s. 9id., the money of J. Amor Wells, his master.-.- Guilty. Jane Johnson was indicted for stealing a Bible and other articles.—Not Guilty. Sarah Weston was indicted for stealing a jacket, value 18s. Verdict—Guilty. Mary Ann Williams was indicted for stealing a cloak Verdict—Guilty. William Richards, a respectable-looking young man, wars indicted for stealing a quantity o f li nen , damask, &c., the pro perty of his employers, John Sargeant and Co., linen drapers.. It appeared by the evidence of Mr. Nicholson, one of the partners, that property had been frequently missed from the premises, and suspicion having fallen upon the prisoner, his lodgings in Union-street, Southwark, were searched, and the property found there. The prisoner alleged, in his defence, that he had been driven by distress to act as he had done. His 'wages, which only amounted to 15s. or 17s. a-week, were insrtfficient to support his family. He had been for a considerabhe time in the en3L ployment of the prosecutors, and receivech a very excellentt character from several respectable persons. The Jury found him guilty, and recomrnanded him to mercy. Edward Grant Noseworthy, 14, a chimz ley-sweep, was in dicted for stealing a silk handkerchief, tiro boxes, brushes, and various other articles, the property of Thomas Morris, and another, two boys belonging to the Royal Naval Asy lum, Greenwich. _ The prisoner was employed to sweep the chimnies of the Naval School, and contrived to carry off the property in his soot-bag.—Guilty. - - The prisoner was sentenced to be whipped and imprisoned for three days. - - In consequence of the present state of political af fairs Lord Durham is expected in town from Durham Castle sooner than he some days ago intended. The Russian Ambassador, in consequence of AA betrnham House having been completely refurnished and em bellished, has issued cards for his first party on Monday next. It will be a diplomatic dinner party. When the Counts: ss Pozzo di Borgo, his Excellenov's neice, arrives from the Con tinent, which is daily expected, a series of splendid parties will be given, aqd the noble mansion thrown open to the fas;h. idnable world. COURT FOR THE RELIEF OF INSOL- VENT DEBTORS. The Matters of the Petitions and Schedules of the Prisoners hereinafter named (the same having been filed in the Court) are appointed to be heard at the Court-house, in Portugal' street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, on Friday, the 10th day of April, 1835, at Nine o'clock in the Forenoon. Bate, J., Redditch, Worcestershire, needle-maker. Dibdin, T. J., Pleasant-row, King's-cross, Pentonville, author. Sparrow, E., Gravel-lane, Southwark, dairyman. Abson, T., Russell-court, Drury-lane shoemaker. Sercombe, J., Seabright-terrace, Hackney-road, chief mate in the merchant service. - Dore, T., Henrietta-street, Manchester-square, eating-housekeep er. Redpath, G., York-square, Regent's-park, baker. Mills, T., High-street, Poplar, baker. Maynard, R., Cheyne -walk, Chelsea, debt and rent collector. Simpson, J. V., Crown-court, Old Broad-street, City, bill-broker . Learmonth, A., Clarence-street, Old Kent-road, chemist. Williams, W., Cromer-street, Brunswick-square, butcher. On Monday, April 13.—Same Hour and Place. Whicker, J. E., Coal-harbour, Blaekwall, mariner. Robinson, W., Goswell-street, bookseller. Quick, S., College-street, Chelsea, carpenter. Fry, F. F., Princes-road, Kennington-cross, coachman. South, J., Green-street, Bethnal-green, labourer. Radcliffe, T., Greenhill's-rents, Smithfield Bars, silver-worker. Snow, T., George-street, Blackfriars-road, victualler. Stainforth, J., New Rutland-street, Stepney, coachman- Tomlins, T. E., Staple Inn, attorney. Gwynne, S. F., Brighton, stage-coach proprietor. Norris, T., Strand, livery-stable-keeper. Cobham, W. H., Sherrard-street, Golden-square, music professor. Adjourned case from the 25th February. Blake, R., Red Lion-street, Holborn, builder. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE• ADVICES, ARRIVALS____ ,,,,,e..... , AND . DEPARTURES AT THE SCOTCH WHARFS. APRIL 8. HOARE'S WHARF.—Advice : the Peterhead Packet, WU' Liam Taylor master, sailed from Peterhead for London, th e 4th inst., with a general cargo. Departure : the Robert, W l° ' Pringle master, for Fisherrow, with a general cargo. DOWNE'S WHARF.—Departures : this morning, the Dunde e ' Perth, and London Shipping Company's steam-ship Perth, . John Spink, commander, for Dundee, with a general cargo • and the Montrose Shipping Company's smack Vigilant, John Strachan, for Montrose. MILLER'S WHARF.—Advice : the Aberdeen and Londe° Shipping Company's smack Nimrod, Philip, sailed from Aber deco for London, 4th April. ABERDEEN STEAM WHARF.--.Arrival : the steam-ship Qu e : of Scotland, John Pearson commander, at seven A. M. , w i a horses, cattle, and an extensive cargo of merchandise, an several passengers. LEITH AND BERWICK WHARF.—Departure : the Ber wict Shipping Company's smack King William, Thomas Dagl ig master, for Berwick, with a general cargo. The Sir David Milne (schooner) was taken into Shield* sth inst., abandoned, by the Thomas and Amelia. tp Nine vessels have arrived at Lerwick on their voyag e the Greenland Seas. VESSELS ENTERED INWARDS AT THE CUSTO HOUSE, APRIL 8. Dolphin, Le Mesurier, from Demerara ; Elbe, RolsT jun., Trieste; Colonist, Smith, Barbadoes; Robinson, °':' Guernsey ; Northam, Charrosin, Harlingen ; Sans Ret Verstrarte, Antwerp ; Nautilus, Tate, Sierra Leene ; V al toria, Bargum, Nyberg; Bedford, Wardrapper, Oporto ; of Liverpool, Lomax, Ostend ; Resolution, Cock, Schiel: Newcastle, Darling, Groningen ; Erbgrosshevzog Paul , Bu Rostock ; Temperance, Simon, Messina ; Ariel, Dye, Leg b°rn" ''' ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING, Area' S .:, Dart, Stranack, for Ostend ; Flora, Manning, Harl in g e "; Commerce, Duriez, Brussels; Anne, Wilson, Dunkirk; ViLey' Jennings, Constantinople and Odessa ; Jemima, Johns, vh deira; Dart, Letch, Havre; Dolphin, Schumacher, Stettio• CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO, Aegil' B er . John Peddar, Atkinson, for Trinidad; Bermuda, Teo". Naples. CLEARED OUTWARDS IN BALLAST, Are;ll.B' Earl of Moira, Terry, for Quebec; Conference, Bu ckuP- 0 1 Quebec ; Herald, Alderson, Quebec • Asia, Quebec ; Hickman, Wright, Quebec ; Princess Mary , i e mo , s°' River St. Lawrence ; Nelcus, Sims, Petersburg; Er uu— Wellbank, Mediterranean. Kilvinsto VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. Selima, Liverpool to Newfoundland, 25th March, lat. s°'4i by the Matilda, Bowen, arrived off Cork. Hercult4b, Nantes, 15th Feb. lat. 7; N. long. 14. W. by the D is l"" to Cortland, arrived off Dartmouth. Factor, Copenhaff e : st Brazil, Ist inst. lat. 48. long. by the Eliza Jane, aro , elt , Bristol. Superb, Stewart, Dundee to New York, lat. 31. long. 44. ; Tally Ho, Liverpool to Virginia, 2 6t i 0 01. lat. 49. long. 18., by the Ellen, arrived at Live triet Agenora, Fyfe, Liverpool to Mobile, 31st ult. lat. 48- 1 . 7., by the Princess Victoria, arrived at Liverpool ; Me n b . ft est 2d July, 186 barrels of oil, out 4f months ; Gleiofr—or Brown, 7th Sept., 2,000 barrels of oil, out 32 months; 4 9, lossus, Wylie, from Mobile to Liverpool, 17th March li t poi • 30. long. 51., by the Napoleon, Smith, arrived at Liven,' Neva, bound westward, 25th March, lat. 49. 38. long' . /". by the Emma, Hudson, arrived at Liverpool. EAST INDIA SHIPPING. foal ARRIVALS AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—The Atlas, tik Mauritius, Feb. 23, for London ; Memnon, from Ca, lc s bi? Nov. 13, and sailed 27, for Liverpool. His Majesty t to Wolf, the Minerva, Cervantes, and Globe, were driven olio, sea by the S. E. wind. The Richard Bell, from M ai s l ior Nov. 14, and sailed 29, for Liverpool ; Hamilton, fronl jot, apore ; Harmony, from New South Wales, Sept. 30; S erW il ; shire, from Canton ; Demerara, from Rio Janeiro, De c l. r oal Gilmore, from Bombay ; Boyne, from ditto ; and Harrie t, New South Wales. for St' DEPARTURES FROM THE CAPE.—The Lord Hobart, ; Helena ; Cervantes, for Liverpool; William Shan d f.e r tt baO cension; Jane and Henry, for New South Wales; m s Nett Plummer, for the West Coast; and Royal George , for South Wales. 'rap per' ARRIVALS AT NEW SOUTH WALES.—The Henry, Iv,r from London ; Ulitea, from Society Islands, Sopt. 2 3 ;),, dora, from Hobart Town ; Genii, from whaling (30 tUiliArogif DEPARTURES FROM NEW SOUTH WALES.- - -The Wm. Metcalf, Roslin Castle, Governor Harcourt , I,oir meda, Adelaide, John Barry, and British Sovereign , for don ; Medora, for Liverpool. corb el ' ARRIVALS AT BOMBAY.—The Charlotte, Charle s and Lonzie Family, from China ; John Adam and . I t . o - 00 1 ; from Bengal ; Lady Gordon and John Marsh, from Llv his Majesty's ship, Melville, from Madras. A Oc f " ► ARRIVALS AT CEYLON—The Gang es, from gao ls 22, and was to sail Dec. 1., for London. The Tot, from Liverpool, has arrived at Calcutta- DREADFUL EXPLOSION BY A 11A--- pi e NADE AT A GAMBLING-HOUSE.—Tuesday night, be tvieza and ten o'clock, the inhabitants of Picket-place, St. street, and which contains only six houses, wero,_,Elc' alarmed in consequence of a tremendous explosion, see: immediately followed by the smashing of the windows ° vii, rat of the houses. After they had recovered from theP b o it was found that at No. 5, which is a notorious PTA I , house, and from which place the inmates were ru.shinE s oOl report had taken place. At first it was supposed tl' a e att gas had ignited, but upon further enquiry it was as certa:ocio; a hand-grenade had been flung into the area by some „„d or; person. Some engines were promptly on the spot; 0 information being communicated to the station-house in street, immediate means were taken to trace out t he de r This is the third occurrence of the sort within a few which has happened at hells in this neighbourhood. C The Gent r 3 SEGO this Ki Britchl first bu Ge e r; to dis BI• n Carr ..._.. --=" Vi e, ov- B IR TH S. SO On the 20th ult., at Florence, the lady of Matthe i of Esq., of a daughter. On the 6th inst., Mrs. William Burbidge, Aldersgates to e 4 01( a daughter. ~i ge 11' On the 7th inst., in York-street, Portman-square, '."-. ( . Bacon, of a son, still-born. lady On the sth inst., at Bevis-hill, near Southampton, th e / F. Falwasser, Esq., of twin sons. ....---."*".... D eft , ---- MARRIED. fr ga g h On the 7th inst., at Mary-le-Bow, MiddleseX, l' 'a dO 5 Fletcher, of Cottage-grove, Mile-end-road, to Jane, see ° te ll ter of Joseph Adams, Esq., of Bow. I CALI 1)6 On the 7th inst., Thomas Hayward Southby, Esqv ° House, Berks, Berks, to Elizabeth, only dau g ht er o f Charles S ' , t ee Esq., of Lymington, Hants. -w" 10_ 1 4 til e On the 6th inst., at St. James's Church, William ~„,. v , Pearson, Esq., to Lady Angela Alexander, only &V's - es' Earl of Stirling. -----------"-' -0 14 DIED. s On the 7th inst., at Gilston Park, Sophia Anne, only rem •el daughter of R. R. Plumer Ward, Esq. Ps iii On the 6th inst., at Woodford, Essex, in his 78th year , d Cloves, Esq. 9 44 On the 4th inst., in his 63d year, Joseph Lathan , loo s, Limpsfield, Surrey. On the 6th inst., at Upper Tooting, Surrey, n enr/ Esq., in his 76th year. as. .10 0 On the 7th inst., in Berkeley-square, Miss Mary Th o re 10-_., Is li ng ton, . ..tiar% On the 7th inst., at Barnsbury-terrace, youngest daughter of the late Jacob Jones, Esq., of FinsburTfrei On the 6th inst., in Walcot-place, Kennington, Eli zabe t ton, eldest daughter of Edward Smith. itlf ° tile' On the 6th inst., at Rye, Sussex, Valentine Brocket , OF son of S. B. Brocket, Esq. r Mr. On the 6th inst. Arthur Rogers, second son 0, o pthg•,,o Watmore, vestry-clerk of Lambeth, aged 4 years and 2 T o , A' On the 24th of September, at Bolaurum (Madras), P iat i " Maria Guess, aged 97. i f job Lately, Mr. Jonathan Andrew, of Waterhouse, parish of bear under-Line. He has left nine sons and two daught ers of his tie, remains to their earthly mansion. The united weight s. Lier daughters is 434 lbs., and their height 11 feet 3 ,l" A, a pd IP' father and sons were respectively measured and weigue" ages taken, which were as follow : g Wei bto years. ft. in. 20° l". Jonathan Andrew... __, James Samuel '34 Aaron William John Jonah ... 27 Jonathan .. Richard Matthew ......... 8 310 ... ... .. .. i ) ~.. 303 60 1 4 4 ~....• London : Printed and Published by MURDO . . -1, 1 - 46, r to to . 112, Strand, at Me Sun Otte, No, 112, S - A 0 of Middlarsesc. AO"' K. of the TI/0 A'