The Sun. — London, England, 1835-09-03 00:00:00

himself obnoxious to a knot of individuals, who might sue him by a joint-stock purse. Ho w w a s a tradesman to know what Lis property was at the time a party failed who owed him looney ? That might be taken advantage of, and the man ruined. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that if he conceded himself to this qualification clause which had been introduced, be must still say that he was of opinion it would be found to deteriorate from the Bill. But if a qualification were intro duced, it appeared to him, as had been stated yesterday, when the matter was discussed, that it would be altogether nugatory, unless the qualification was one which was to be continuous. He admitted the presence of the difficulty, but he said that difficulty was one which resulted from the introduction of the necessity of the question of qualification, and he felt that this difficulty was ten fold enhanced by the present provision. This was no new provision, because it was introduced into every private Act, and he was told that in an Act of Parliament which regarded the local government of the city of Worces ter, the very words proposed were used • such being the case, he thought they were bound to put th is clause into such a state as should carry out his intention with the least possible evil. It had been proposed yesterday to insert the words at the time of making the declaration in reference to the qualification ; if these words were so inserted, then the matter referred to the qualification at the moment of the party establishing it. The clause went on to say that if any person should act in any of the capacities set forth without being- duly qualified, they should, for every such offence, forfeit and pay the sum of 501. Now whether such a proviso were right or wrong, he would not say ; but it appeared to him to comprehend the liability of the par ties to continued offences; because if it were for life, they could only offend once for all. Now an evil complained of was that vexatious suits might be instituted against parties, and that one man might say to another, "Oh, Mr. Smith, you had 1,0001., perhaps, at the time of your taking office; but I suspect you do not possess that now, and therefore you are liable to heavy penalties for every act you have done since you were worth that amount of property as a qualification." Now he (the Solicitor-General) believed that the imagined evil of these vexatious suits was one that did not happen once in 20 years. He proposed at another point of the clause, to insert words to the effect that if a person should be qualified to serve it should be competent for the party against whom proceed ings were threatened to call for, from the party instituting the action, the Judge's order, and that the party should give secu rity fowthe costs ; that he should do so within fourteen days after the notice being given of action ; and that, in the event of a verdict, he should recover costs as between attorney and client. Mr. WARBURTON said this was a security as far as it went, but the suggestion did not go far enough. Now any person might bring a suit under this clause, and he thought that they ought to limit this class of actions against the per sons inculpated. Now if he looked to the Attorney-General or the Solicitor-General, they could not be suspected of im proper bias, if this power were vested in them ; or if' it were _the Hon. and Learned Member for Huntingdon, or the late Solicitor-General (who differed from him widely in politics,) he should, of' course, trust them implicitly; but by this clause any informer might be put forward by a political party. Let the time be limited within which these actions should be brought. Again, if with any other functionaries than the Attorney and Solicitor-General, it would be well, but let them be the only parties to bring these actions. After a few words from Colonel SIBTHORP, Mr. Sergeant WILDE said, sure he was that a bona fide qualification was sought to be secured by the House of Lords. He could not conceive that the House of Lords meant that the qualification to be taken up should cease. The observation of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member. for Tamworth, made on a former evening, was one which was most cogent with re gard to the disqualifying effect of this provision. He could see no serious consequences as likely to arise from the clause as it then stood. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then put the case of a tradesman who, at the time of his taking up his qua lification, was possessed of 1,000/., but who might, perhaps, have calculated even certain debts at 10s. in the pound, which eventually turned out to be not worth ss. His property must be, therefore, deteriorated ; and, in short, the operation of the clause must be to allow or one party harrassing the irriividual to an extent which could hardly be imagined. Again, he thought it would be better to limit the penalties to less than that now proposed—namely, 50/., for every act done when not duly qualified, and that the action should be brought in a shorter period than within three months after the commission of the offence. This enactment might ruin a man. He trusted that a bona fide qualification at the time of taking office would be satisfactory to that House and to the House of Lords. An Hox. Meamen would propose that the party bringing the action should be a burgess of . the town in which the indivi dual resided also who should be charged with having acted without a qualification ; and, also, that notice should be given of such action fourteen days after an action should lie. Mr. WARD thought that all that had occurred must have convinced the House that the qualification clause involved them more and more in difficulty. Let the . House modify it as they would, it would hereafter be necessary to repeal it, Mr. BARRETT LENNARD said, if property was to be the test of qualification, was it not sufficient that the party was possessed of it at the time of taking of f ice ? They ought not to subject men to this inquisitorial inconvenience, and he would be sin party to such proceeding. Was not this,a new princi ple, that a man having once established his qualification should be again compelled to show and prove it? To lay down such a principle as that was intolerable and insulting. He would further propose to strike out that part of the clause which gave one-half of the penalty to the informer. Sir ROBERT PEEL thought, with the Noble Lord, that having consented to the introduction of the principle of qualifi cation, they ought to make it as good as possible ; but he thought that they were making the clause worse than it origi nally was, in consequence of the amendment proposed by the Hon. and Learned Attorney-General. He knew they could not alter their own Bill ; but was it impossible to revise an act of last night ? Now last night the Attorney-General had in troduced a declaration that it should be sufficient that a decla- ration should be made at the time of a party coming to office. Then it became necessary to insert further words, and thus carry the clause further than was intended. Now if the words proposed by the Attorney-General were omitted, the pro position of the Noble Lord was unnecessary with reference to the continuance of the office. He thought the clause was better as it formerly Steed than with this double amendment, and that they had exaggerated the practical difficulty. At the same time he would not say that he did not feel the force of the observations of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. In the first place, then, they found a corresponding provision in many local Acts, and yet no advantage was taken of parties for the purpose of raising vexatious prosecutions. The Hon. and Learned Member for Newark seemed to apprehend the consequences of retaliation in these cases, but he might de pend upon it that this provision would be an effectual check upon it. Now, if a man claimed to be of the Town Council because he was rated at 20/. a-year_(and this showed the ad vantage of a simple qualification), he was not subject to this supposed annoyance; and they narrowed the sphere in which prosecutions could be brought, because every man so qualified would be exempt from such liability. The Hon. Member for Bridport had spoken of political influence ; now he (Sir R. Peel) had objected to the election of officers annually, because such might be the consequence. But was there no danger of occasional qualifications? He thought that they ought not to diminish the penalties, and he contended that the principle of qualification ought to be admitted. If, indeed, they could diminish the chance of malicious prosecutions, so much the better. Again, he thought it would be better to confine the right of prosecution to the burgesses, who must be presumed to be respectable. He wished to see the time within which an action should be brought shortened; but they could not alter their own Bill. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL should be most desirous to waive his amendment if it was the pleasure of the House that be should do so, but he denied that the clause as sent down from the House of Lords would have been less objectionable without it. Mr. C. BULLER was opposed to the odious system of establishing an inquisition into the property of individuals. He thought if the parties were qualified in the first instance that ought to be considered sufficient, and any accident which subsequently occurred ought not to affect the qualification. If a person's house which was rated at 301. were, after his election, burned down, ought that to disqualify him ? He should hereafter propose that the declaration that the party was possessed of the qualification should be made once a year, and that such a declaration should be final and sufficient. Mr. BLACKBURNE had voted for the proposal made by the Attorney-General, on the principle that the possession of a qualification in the first instance would be sufficient. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that the observations which he heard suggested to him, to add to the amended clause a proviso, to the effect that no such action shall be in stituted by any persons other than the burgesses of every such borough, and also that notice shall be served on the de fendant within fourteen days after such offence, of the inten tion to bring such action. The Hon. and Learned Gentle man also proposed that an addition to the effect that if any person shall by reason of not being so qualified in respect of rating or estate, prove not to be qualified to act, &c., should be introduced after the words—" If any Mayor, Alderman, or Councillor shall act without having made the declara tion herein required, or without being duly qualified." Mr. D. W. HARVEY said the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman's amendment was of no value whatever. His object was to protect parties from vexatious prosecutions, by render ing it necessary that the informer shall be a burgess, and that notice shall be given within 14 days after the alleged offence. This would not protect persons from vexatious proceedings, as all such informations would be of a party character, and there. fore there would be no difficulty in getting a burgess to inform. He did expect that the Hon. and Learned Member would, as a greater protection against annoyance, have rendered it impe rative that the informer should within the 14 days give security for costs in the event of the prosecution failing. Mr. SCARLETT saw no difficulty in the amendment. Mr. HAVES-was exceedingly dissatisfied with the qualifi cation altogether. He thought it would give rise to litigation. Mr. BAINES asked the Noble Lord (J. Russell) and the RigLt Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), as regarded the criterion of qualification, whether a man holding a house of the actual value of 901. should be entitled to vote if the house were not rated at 30/. ? In some parishes the houses were rated at their actual value, but in others they were only rated at one-fourth, which would exclude from the right of voting a party in pos session of a house really of the value of treble the amount of qualification. Sir R. PEEL said that the Hon. Member's question ap plied to a principle already decided. The principle of rating was fixed on as the more E implo mode. If the actual value were adopted, a process should - be adopted similar to that which accompanied the Reform Bill. lie admitted that in 60fale parishes, as the lion. netuber,gtateti, the rating may be much too low. He wished that every parish was rated at the actual value. The House then divided, when there appeared For the amendment 155 Against it 56 Majority _99 On re-entering the gallery, we found The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moving an amendment to the effect that parties informing against persons not possessed of a qualification should give security for c o st s , and that all proceedings should be staid until security was given. Agreed to. Some other clauses, after a desultory conversation, were agreed to, with verbal amendments. Lord JOHN RUSSELL recommended that the clause should stand as it was for the present, and that next Session a Bill should be brought in to remedy any real inconvenience that might be proved to have resulted from this enactment. The clause was agreed to. ECCLESIASTICAL PATRONAGE. The House then went into the consideration of clause M. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had pre pared a clause, by way of amendment to the clause before the House, which he thought would meet all the difficulty that suggested itself on a former debate on this subject, as to the Church patronage of these Corporations being at the disposal of any members of the Corporations who were not members of the Church of England, which must inevitably be the case if the clause continued as it was proposed last evening. He would not assert that the amendment he should now propose was positively unobjectionable, but he thought it was likely to smooth away the difficulty which all admitted was found to interpose in the adjustment of this part the Bill to the wishes of all parties concerned. In order to accomplish this object, he should propose that when Corporations were so possessed of such Church patronage appendant to the borough, the in terest shuuld be sold in such Church property, and the pro ceeds vested in the Funds for the use of the borough. He then proposed, that in every case where any body corporate, or governing body of , a corporate character, should be possessed of ecclesiastical patronage in a town or corporation, provided that it was not in the nature of a charitable trust, according to the terms of this Act, such patronage, whether it be an ad vowson or presentation, whether in gross or appendant, every such presentation, advowson, grant, or nomination shall be sold as soon after the passing of this Act as possible, and the pro ceeds of the sale invested in Government securities, in the name of the Treasurer of the Corporation, for the use of the Corporation, and carried to the credit of the funds of such Corporation. In order to meet the objections that might be started by the zealous friends of the Establishment, he should have no objection to place the management of this sale under the controul of the Board of Ecclesiastical Commissioners. He did not anticipate that there would be any serious objection taken to the proposition. After a few observations from Mr. FRESHFIELD and Mr. WYNN, Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that when a great object was to be gained, as in the present instance, he was disposed to overlook the minor difficulties. _ The proposition, he thought, would remove the difficulties which lay in the way, and would smooth the passing of this Bill into a law. Whilst he ex pressed his intention to waive all other objections that might be made to the amendment, for the reason stated, he must say, that the amendment had the concurrence of many of his politi cal friends, who, in common with himself, were of opinion that the transfer of this Church patronage would have a bene ficial effect upon the true interests of the Established Church. It must be obviously advantageous to the dissemination of re ligious instruction, that the appointment of clergymen to these benefices should not be made a matter of canvass or solicita tion ; which, in - such cases, as a choice must take place, was as inevitable as in' the case of an election for a Member of Par liament, or other civil officer. He felt it necessary, at the same time, to observe, that he altogether exonerated those who had shaped the clause now about to be amended, from any intentional jealousy of persons of other religious persua sion, or any desire to invade, upon the ground of religious dis tinctions, the equality of civil rights amongst the voters in these Corporate bodies. Whilst he was upon this subject, he would fain allude, in answer to charges made against certain Hon. Members, of a too eager desire in these cases to guard the in terests of the Established Church, that in 1833, an Act of Parliament had been passed by this House, under the sanc tion of most of the present Administration, for creating a Commission to inquire into the state of the Irish Church, which contained a proviso that the Commissioners should take a positive oath in these words—" I solemnly declare I am a Member of the Church of England, as established in Ireland, so help me God." After what had been said as to a desire havin g been displayed by his f r i en d s i n res p ec t t o t h ese be roughs to build up a wall of intolerance, he had felt it his duty to call the attention of the House to an Act of their own on record, which showed that former Parliaments were not in different to considerations of this nature. He would not pre sume, however, to say, that the duties in both these cases were anomalous. Mr. Sergeant WYLDE argued against the clause as it stood. He considered it was a clause which could not possibly be reduced to practice. The greatest enemy to the Church could not have devised a clause more objectionable, or more injurious to its true interests. For these reasons, he should support the amendment of the Noble Lords; but, whilst he agreed it was expedient that this patronage should be sold, he hoped the clause enforcing the sale would enact that the pro. ceeds should, in the first instance, be applied to the payment of the debts of the Corporation pro rata. Sir NV. FOLLETT perfectly concurred in the expediency of adopting the amendment of the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer under the circumstances in which the Le gislature was now placed with reference to this Bill. He thought it was the best mode of avoiding all the difficulty felt to exist to the passing of this Bill, whether in the conscien tious feelings of individuals, or in the views taken of the Bill in another place. This clause, as it was framed, applied in strictness to ecclesiastical patronage. Now, in his opinion, some:disposition other than that which now existed was ne cessary with respect to that patronage in these Corporations which, though not strictly ecclesiastical, savoured strongly of it. He meant lectureships in chapels, the gift of Corpora tions, which were in value often only 50/. a year, but which the liberality of the inhabitants voluntarily made up generally to about 300/. a-year. To avoid all the inconvenience and odium of exposing these appointments to a canvass, he should suggest that those in future be in the gift of the Bishop of the diocese. After a few words from the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, in reply to Mr. H. HUGITES and Sir F. TRENCII, Mr. LENNA RD hoped that the Representatives of the people would not consent to give the presentation to the Bi shops, but would secure that privilege to the population of the place. Lord J. RUSSELL made some reply in answer to the ob servations of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but his observations were not heard in the gallery. After a few words from Dr. NICHOLL, Mr. EWART, and Mr. ROEBITCK, LUS HINGTON approved of the amendment pro posed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and contended that some delay should take place before advowsons were put up for sale. He recommended that the period of the sale should be fixed by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. He saw no ob jection to vest the patronage in the Crown. Indeed, he thought it would . be more securely vested there than in any other quarter. _ _ _ Colonel SIBTHORP and Mr. BORTHWICK supported the amendment. The question was then put and agreed to. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved as a proviso that all vacancies occurring between the period of sale fixed by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners and the completion of the sale, shall be filled up by the Bishop of the diocese. Mr. WILKS would not oppose the proviso, but at the same time he objected to add in this way to the extensive patronage of the Bishops. After a few words from Lord J. RUSSELL the clause was agreed to. TtIE. SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1835. been frequently introduced into the discussions of this House, though some Noble Lords, it appears, have refrained from in troducing it until it served their own purposes so to do. The remarks of the Noble Lord who has just sat down, I cannot suffer to pass without notice. The Noble Lord, with a great deal of that sarcasm in which he is known to have been so pe culiarly fortunate—( A laugh)—has stated that I owe a tribute of gratitude to Mr. O'Connell for the support which he has afforded to us, and which the Noble Lord is pleased to say protects us against the indignation of the people of England. —(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches, followed by cheers from the Opposition benches.) What, my Lords, is it to be said—am I to understand by those cheers that it is said —that I—that our Government—stands only upon the support of Mr. O'Connell ?—(Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Is it really so, my Lords? Are, then, the Representatives of the English people nothing ?—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Is their support nothing?—( Cheers from the Mi. nisterial benches.) Are the general votes and spirit of the people nothing ?—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Is the apprehension manifested by a great and decided majority of your Lordships—are the measures which out of doors it is proposed to take for our removal—nothing ?—( Loud cheering.) Do you throw these entirely out of your con sideration ? If not, is the Noble Lord justified in declaring that we stand only upon the support of that single indivi dual ? Is the Noble Lord warranted in stating that we owe our seats entirely to the dictation of that Gentleman ? , ( Hear.) Is he justified in attributing to that individual measures introduced by us, and in affirming that we intend to hand over the Government entirely to his guidance and domi nation? I ask Noble Lords whether anything in the course of the Noble Earl's speech, whether any of his objections to the provisions of the Bill, at all bore out the great pomp and high-sounding pretensions of the exordium with which he commenced his address ?—( Cheers.) My Lords, I deny the allegations of the Noble Earl. I deny any co-operation with Mr. O'Connell. I deny any intention to extend the power, the weight, the, influence of that Gentleman, either in Ireland or this country. But, my Lords, when we speak of Eng land, of power, of influence, do we forget what form of Go vernment we live under ?—( Cheers. ) Do we forget that we live in a nation governed by popular assemblies—that we live under a form of Government which has been rendered still more popular by recent measures—by measures which were called for by the•feverish excitement prevailing—not mea sures which, being brought forward, produced that excite ment?—( Cheers.) I say, then, that in the state of things we live under it is impossible that persons of the in fluence and weight which Mr. O'Connell possesses—that the party of which he stands the head in the House of Commons—should be regarded with indifference either by the Governments they. support or the Governments they oppose.—( Cheers.) I have never been desirous to say any thing in the slightest degree disrespectful to the Govern -1 meat we have succeeded : but, my Loids, I must beg leave to remind the Noble Earl that that Government, no matter whe ther he intended to support or oppose it, was by no means averse to the acquisition of support from all parties. I must say that, on their part, I never observed any such indif ference to popular support—any such unwillingness to court popular favour—any such unwillingness to ask for it, and to seek for it, as to mark such conduct on our part with so much singularity.—( Cheers.) I say that the whole object of that Government was to try to manage and cajole the people—(Cheers) —I say that the whole of their mea sures were a series of claptraps—( Cheers)—an attempt to win and to gain the people.—(Cheers.) It is, therefore, not fair on the part of those, who, undoubtedly, pursued that po licy to make such a charge against those who do not pursue it. We deny pursuing that policy. We pursue that policy which we have independently chalked out for ourselves--a series of open and manly measures, which ought not to sub ject us to the imputations which have been cast upon us—im putations which we do not deserve, and which I for one en tirely disallow. I repeat that the Noble Lord has not stated one single fact which bears him out in the assertions he has made." The Noble Viscount, having briefly contended that the provisions for entrusting the registration to other Barris ters, instead of the Assistant Barristers, and for fixing the qualification, were requisite, and improvements upon the pre sent system, proceeded as follows :—" I doubt whether your Lordships, in the course which you are now adopting, act wisely, even according to your own views. I doubt whether this plan of paring down and cutting out the most material parts of the Bills which are sent up from the Commons will be successful. The pretence is always the same. My Lords, you speak in this House as if that party to which allusion has been - made was the only ultra party in the kingdom. That we are led by that party I deny ; that we are guided by them I deny. But Ido know those who are led, guided, and go verned by these ultras.—( Cheers.) I know those who are subject to their domination and guidance, and who in my opi nion adopt the measures they do because they are led by their ultra party—because those measures are forced upon them by men who are more blind, more violent, and more unreflecting than themselves.—( Cheers.) I repeat that the observations of the Noble Lord do not apply to us who sit on this side of the House, but, in my opinion, there is a party—it is true we may be mistaken in judging by what appears on the surface —but, if we judge by what we observe, there is a party led by men more violent than themselves, and which, if left to them selves, would not approve of, and would not adopt a course of proceeding so extreme and so unwise. From the conduct which your Lordships have lately pursued—from the manner in which you have used the power you are invested with—from the violent manner in which you have rejected Bills which everybody admits to be for the benefit and advantage of the country—Bills which I expect, and which I shall not be sur prised to see, proposed from this side of the House by those who are now sitting on the other side—for, my Lords, with regard to the opinions of the ultra party, there is always the consideration, that though so violently expressed they are not so irrevocably fixed.—( A laugh.) I say, my Lords, from the recent proceedings of your Lordships, and the manner in which this party has exercised its power, that it would be far more unfortunate if greater, if Ministerial, influence were de posited in their hands, than it would be if in the hands of any party whose support I am accused of having."—( Cheers. ) The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, I feel called upon to say a few words in consequence of the allusion made to the late Government by the Noble Viscount opposite. My Lords, since I have had the honour to sit in this House invari ably have I avoided anything approaching to personality, and more especially any personal allusion to individuals not present in this House. My Lords, it has never happened to me—at least Ido not recollect that it ever has—to mention by name the particular individual to whom reference has been made by the Noble Viscount. Of that person I entertain my opinion, as well as other Noble Lords. But at the same time it is not my habit to allude in personal terms to that individual, or any other person, when they are not present to defend themselves. (Cheers.) The Noble Viscount has, however, been pleased in plain and unequivocal terms, to compare the violence of that particular party and individual on whose proceedings my Noble Friend" (the Earl of Wicklow) thought proper to animadvert with the violence of another party on which the Noble Lord, I conclude, means to insinuate that other Governments have de pended for support.—( Cheers.) All that I can say upon that subject is this—l never depended for support upon any party, but that of his Majesty's loyal and peaceful subjects.—(Much cheering.) I never depended for support upon any party or upon any individual who had been convicted of misdemeanours.— (Renewed cheers.) I never depended for support upon any individual who, after being convicted of misdemeanours, re ceived a high promotion from the Minister of the Crown.— ( Cheers.) On the subject of this Bill I must say that it is proposed to repeal that which at the time of its enactment in 1832 was generally considered to be a fixed and solemn compact. —(Cheers.) It was thought to be fixed in reference to the particular arrangement then made concerning those individuals of whom the Gentleman already alluded to was supposed to be the head.—( Cheers.) The measures subsequently adopted, in 1832 —measures which I should not have referred to had I not been called upon to do so by the Noble Viscount—placed in the hands of that individual a political power such as was never before possessed —nay, such as was never heard or thought of as being possessed—by any individual, during all the different Ministerial changes which have occurred from the Revolution in 1688, down to the present period. It is notorious that that individual has avowed in another place the possession of power such as was never before known to exist.--(Cheers.) Now, I ask, my Lords, what is the object of this Bill ? What, I ask, will be the inevitable consequences of this Bill which the Noble Lord introduces, and attacks us for opposing ? The cer tain effect of this measure must it not be to increase still further that political power which was centered in one indivi dual by the Reform Bill, that political power which he con tinues to hold and exercise with undiminished force and energy ?—( Cheers.) This is the measure which the Noble Viscount comes down to boast of. This is the measure for opposing which the Noble Lord accuses us of having caught at popularity as the basis of our Government.—( Cheers.) The Noble Viscount affirms that when we were in office we eagerly sought after popular fame. True it certainly is that we proposed several measures which we thought would be sa tisfactory to the country, and would not involve, or tend to in volve, the injury or destruction of its best interests. Some of them undoubtedly were measures growing out of others which had been previously adopted ; but they were not measures against which we had irrevocably fixed ourselves. They were measures, as my Right Hon. Friend stated in the other House when he proposed them, to which he had never offered any op position, and which he had expressed during the preceding sessions of Parliament his willingness to support.—( Loud cheers.) There was not one of those measures to which I was aware that any Noble Lord on this side of the House was opposed.—( Cheers.) They were measures satisfactory to the country as far as they went—( Cheers)—and measures not such we never professed to take into consideration.—(Cheers.) But, my Lords, that was courting popularity, according to the Noble Viscount.—( Cheers.) Such was the charge that came from the Noble Viscount, that Noble Lord having himself neglected to bring forward any one of those measures— ( Cheers)—and having, in the very outset of his Government introduced other measures which tended to increase still fur ther in Ireland the influence of that individual first established by the Noble Lord, and pregnant with danger to the welfare of the kingdom.—(Cheers.) My Lords, I had no intention of interfering in this debate, and I have said no more than I thought necessary as an answer to the attack which the Noble Lord thought proper to make upon me, although, on my part, entirely unprovoked.—( Cheers. ) The Marquis of CL ANRICA RD E said that Noble Lords, in declaring that this ,Bill would be injurious to the country, were not, perhaps, aware of the state of Ireland and its very defective registration. It was stated that the provisions of the Bill broke the compact fixed in 1829 ; but, in his opinion, their only effect was to explain and elucidate the points referred to. Much unnecessary allusion, he considered, had been made to Mr. O'Connell. He thought that any man who possessed the ability, power, and energy, to convey the sentiments of a people, ought and must possess great influence ; but when it was said that the Ministers were giving power tO Mr. O'Connell, he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) would say thaat ho believed those Noble Lords who sat on the other side of the House had been mainly instrumental in giving that Learned person his present power. If Mr. O'Connell's sentiments had not been in unison with the wishes of his fellow-countrymen, neither he nor his followers in the other House could have been elected as the representatives of the people of Ireland. If their Lordships rejected this measure they would be adopting a course which would be extremely prejudicial to that country. Lord FITZGERALD and VESCI said that this Bill, if passed, would be calculated to affect property by limiting the franchise at present enjoyed ; it would, in fact, repeal the pro. visions of that Act which was made an accompaniment to the Catholic Relief Bill, without being actually embodied in it. By the present Bill it was proposed to assimilate the law of Ireland on this subject to the law of England. Ile con tended that there could be no resemblance between the fran chises. He denied that any inconvenience resulted from the present system of registration. By another enactment of the Bill it was proposed to multiply the number of polling places. This would be a most improper and injudicious alteration, in asmuch as it would interfere with the freedom of election. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") During the course of the de bate it had been stated that Noble Lords on his ( Lord Fitz gerald and Vesci's) side of the House had thrown out or post poned many important measures from party motives. The Noble Lord then referred to the case of the Dublin Police Bill arid to the Constabulary Force ( Ireland) Bill. Those Bills had not been opposed from party motives or for party pur poses, and in the case of the latter Bill, as was stated last night, that Bill had been on the office table of a Noble Lord for more than a year previous to its being introduced.---( Hear, hear.) The Noble Viscount when he saw the Noble Duke (Wellington) opposed to him, ought at least to have refrained from attributing any improper motives to that opposition. When a Right Hon. Baronet was charged with having introduced no popular measures during his Administration but as a clap-trap for popularity, he (Lor Fitzgerald and Vesci) thought that the Noble Lord ought to allow the Right Hon. Baronet that degree of credit which he claimed for himself. The Noble Viscount ought to recollect that the majority which placed him in the situation he now filled was not a majority of the Representatives of the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci) was the last man to attempt to analyse the composition of Parliamentary majorities; he knew nothing more dangerous, if not unconstitutional; but he believed that in the division on Lord John Russell's reso lution, a majority of the representatives of England were in the minority. He hoped that the Noble . Viscount would leave office with as much honour and consistency as the Bight Hon. Baronet, whose Administration was called a clap-trap ; and it would be well for the Noble Lord if, in the page of history, his character as a statesman and Minister could bear com parison with that of the Right Hon. Baronet, whose opinions and whose Government had that night been arraigned.— Loud cheers.) Lord \YHA RNCL IFFE thought that if ever there was a measure which was deserving the name of a clap-trap it was the question of the appropriation of the surplus of the Irish Church. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it Majority The Bill i 3 of course lost. •• . •• • ............... •• • ---5-I Lord DENMAN presented a petition signed by one hundred and fifty persons confined in the Fleet Prison for debt. They expressed their regret that the Bill for abolish ing imprisonment for debt had not passed into a law, and prayed that a short Bill might be passed this session to abo lish personal restraint for debt as regarded debtors willing to give up their property to satisfy creditors.—Ordered to lie on the table. A message was brought from the House of Commons, in forming their Lordships that the Commons had passed the Shannon Navigation Improvement Bill. The Bill was read a first time and ordered to be printed. Adjourned at Ten Minutes past Eight. HOUSE OF LORDS-TUESDAY. APPEALS. (Before Lords BROUGHAM, DENMAN, the Earl of DEVON, and others.) SIR W. F. ELLIOTT AND OTHERS V. CLEGHORN AND OTHERS. This was an appeal from the Court of Session, which had been partly argued last year. It involved a cross appeal, in which the appellants and respondents changed places. One Counsel only at each side was appointed to argue the case at present. Dr. Lushington appeared for the appellants, and the Attorney-General for the respondents. Dr. LUSIIINGTON said that when last this case was before the House, Lord Jeffrey appeared as Counsel for the appel lant. It involved many points of great difficulty with respect to the law of Scotland, and he most unfeignedly wished (as far as he was concerned) that Lord Jeffrey had now been re tained at their Lordships' bar to argue it. Lord BROUGHANI-That is very selfish of you, Doctor. Dr. Lt:SIIINGTON-1, admit it, my Lord; but this case is so fraught with difficulty, and contains so many intricate points connected with the law of Scotland, that I feel myself placed in no enviable situation. However, I shill present it to your Lordships in the best manner I can. The Learned Counsel then proceeded to detail the facts of the case. After the case had been argued at considerable length, and brought to a conclusion by the reply of Dr. Lushington, their Lordships postponed judgment, to take time for considera tion, Lord Brougham observing that it was a case of very considerable difficulty with respect to the question of liabilities under the entail—Judgment postponed. JAMES ACKERS V. SOPHIA PIIIPPS, AND S. PHIPPS V. GEORGE II ACKERS. Lord BROUGHAM read his judgment in these two cases from the same paper, both arising out of claims under the will of the late James Ackers, of Laik Hill, Salford, Lancashire.— Judgment reversed in the first case, and postponed in the second. WEDNESDAY. HENRY ALLEN V. TRUSTEES OF R. GLASGOW. Lord BROUGHAM read the judgment in this case, which his Lordship stated had been very ably argued at their bar on the previous day for the appellant by Sir Charles Wetherell, and by the Lord Advocate for the respondents. The question at issue arose out of an action of declaration under the following circumstances :—Mr. Glasgow- possessed an estate in Mont greenan, in Ayrshire, where he built a large mansion, and laid out considerable sums of money in its improvement. He exe cuted a trust deed on a series of heirs, wherein he expressed an intention of enlarging his entailed estate by further pur chases, and in particular by employing monies due to him, together with personal estate, in the purchase of lands in Scotland, to be entailed in the same manner with the estate of Montgreenan ; but the trust deed contained no power of sale or authority to the trustees to sell any part of the heri table estate. After several comments upon the case, his Lord ship concluded by recommending the House to reverse the judgment of the Court below. Judgment reversed accordingly. THE WARDS. Lord J. RUSSELL then called the attention of the House to the Lords' amendments with regard to the schedules distri buting the different towns into wards. The Noble Lord while he did not object altogether to the amendments, should propose that the House do take a middle course as to the amount of population to be divided into wards. His Lordship next pro ceeded to explain the details. He proposed that in towns where the population was under 9,000 there should be no wards. Fixing, then, 9,000 as the minimum, he proposed that where the population amounted to that number, or up to 14,000, there should be t wo war d s , s i x Ald ermen , an d eighteen Councillors. . After enumerating the population of several towns in succession, the Noble Lord said he should propose as the general maximum, that when the population amounted to from 36,000 to 48,000, there should be six wards, twelve Aldermen, and forty-five Councillors. After a prolonged conversation respecting verbal amend ments, the House proceeded to consider the population and local jurisdiction of certain towns included in the Lords' amendments, commencing with Alnwick, in Northumberland. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, it was ordered that Alnwick be restored to the Bill. Mr. FRE S HFIEL D objected to there-insertion of Yeovil in the schedule. Colonel TYNTE said that the town was desirous of being placed under Municipal Government, and that the feeling on that subject was unanimous. Yeovil was then inserted in the schedule. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that a Committee be ap pointed to draw up reasons to be assigned to the Lords in the conference for disagreeing to those amendments of their Lordships to which the House had disagreed. The following Committee was then appointed : • Russell, Loid John Campbell, Sir John Carter, J. B. Rice, T. S Rolfe, It. M. Eerguson, It. C. How►ck. Lord Ebrington, Viscount O'Loghlen, Sergeant Byng, George Smith, R. Vernon SESSIONAL ADDRESSES. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE QUER the House went into Committee on the usual Ses. sional Addresses for remunerating the Chairman of the Com mittees of Supply and Ways and Means, the Chaplain, and the other Officers of the House. After some conversation the resolutions were agreed to, and the House having resumed, the report was received. The report of the Committee on the Tithe Instalment (Ire land) Bill was received, as was also the report of the Com mittee on the Consolidated Fund ( Appropriation) Bill. Mr. WARBURTON asked what was intended to be done with the Instruments of Sasine (Scotland) Bill, which in volved the titles of no less than 20,000 persons ? It was im portant that this measure should pass during the present session. The LORD ADVOCATE said that the Bill could not be proceeded with until the House of Lords had disposed of a ewe on the subject now before them. Lord EBRINGTON moved that the Lords' amendmpnts to the Weights and Measures Act be agreed to. They were very unimportant. Mr. RUTH VEN wished the amendments to be read, for he could not trust the House of Lords. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the Lords in this case had made a very great improvement ; they remedied cases of very great fraud, for he had known many cases where a vendor was unable to recover the value of goods sold by a measure not the standard one, and he was prechided from re covering by action. The amendments were agreed to. On the motion of Captain PE C HEL L, the Lords' amend. ments to the Tithes on Turnips Bill and the Tithes Recovery Bill were agreed to. Mr. Sergeant TA LFOURD moved for leave to bring in a. Bill to amend the Marriage Act Amendment Bill, which was made a law by the Royal Assent on Monday last. His object was to allow all marriages within a certain degree of affinity, which had taken place since the printing of the Bill on the 19th of May, and its becoming law. He believed that some parties had taken advantage of the Bill being before the House to get married secretly, and they were now, according to the Bill, legal marriages, to the great detriment of other parties. The motion was supported by Mr. Sergeant Wilde, Dr. Nichol, and Mr. Freshfield. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said his duty compelled him, most reluctantly, to oppose the motion. After a few words from Mr. Ewart, the Solicitor-General, Mr. Thorne, Mr. Hawes, and Mr. Sergeant Talfourd, The House was cleared for a division, but none took place. The motion was negatived. Mr. WA RBUItTON presented a petition praying the House not to agree to the Lords' Amendments to the Muni cipal Corporations Bill. The petition was agreed to that morning at a large meeting of the inhabitants of Chelsea. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'Clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, SEPTEMBPR 2. Lord DENNIAN took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. MUSIC AND DANCING BILL. Lord KENYON presented a petition against the Bill, and suggested that the Noble and Learned Lord would postpone the second reading of the Bill till to-morrow. The Denmark and Sardinia Slave Trade Bills were seve rally read a third time, and passed. The Earl of WICKLOW presented petitions from Claren don Chapel and Swords; near Dublin, against the Irish Tithe Bill. On the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Abo tion of Capital Punishmenis' Bill being read, Lord BROUGHAM said a Noble Lord opposite had some objections to urge to the Bill, and moved that the third read. ing be deferred to Friday.—Agreed to. On the motion of Lord BROUGHAM the Arrestment of Wages (Scotland) Bill was read a third time. PRISON DISCIPLINE. The Duke of RICHMOND, as chairman of the Committee on Prison Discipline, brought up the fifth Report of the Com mittee. He trusted that many of the evils which at present existed would speedily be remedied by the Secretary of State. In justice to the Committee he would state that they had spared neither time nor trouble in investigating the subject—they had per sonally visited many of the prisons of the Metropolis, and had examined a great deal of evidence. One very great inconve nience to which unfortunate persons were subjected in these pri sons was, that when under sentence of death they could not have a private cell to themselves. This he trusted would be reme died by the Secretary of State, as he would be empowered to do by the late Bill. He begged in conclusion to move that copies of the evidence and report be sent to the Keepers of the various Prisons in the metropolis. The Earl of CARBE RR Y bore testimony to the zeal and industry with which the Noble Duke had discharged his duty as Chairman of that Committee. After a few words from Lord FARNHAM and Viscount DUNCANNON, the Report was ordered to be printed. „ ORANGE LODGES. Lord PLUKETT, seeing an illustrious Duke in his place, begged to allude to a report of a statement attributed to the il lustrious Duke (Cumberland) in a newspaper of yesterday, at an Orange Lodge at which the Illustrious Duke had presided. The statement attributed to the Illustrious Duke was, that he had been subjected to attacks of the most violent and vi rulent character, and that a Noble and Learned Lord, mean ing himself, had taken the liberty on the occasion of a petition having been presented from the University of Dublin to charge him (the Duke of Cumberland) with tampering with the heads of the University, and establishing an Orange lodge therein. The Report further stated that the Illustrious Duke said he should treat such observations with contempt, that the conduct of the Noble and Learned Lord was ungentlemanly, and that he (the Duke of Cumberland) would not submit to be bullied. If such statements were made, he regretted the Noble Duke had not made it before his (Lord P.'s) face in that House, and however great the difference of their respective ranks might be., neither that illustrious Duke, nor any man alive, had a right to state that he had been actuated by violent or malig nant feelings—that his conduct was ungentlemanlike—or that he was authorised to treat him with contempt. The Duke of CUMBERL AND—I never said so.—( Hear, hear.) If the Noble and Learned Lord will allow me I shall state what I did say. Lord PLUNKETT—With the greatest pleasure. The Duke of CUMBERLAND proceeded to state what had occurred on the occasion of his presenting a petition from the University of Dublin (as reported in a former Number of The Sun). He had felt it his duty to tall a meeting of the Grand Orange Lodge a few days ago, and had then alluded to the charge brought against him, of having established an Orange Lodge in the University of Dublin. He stated there might or might not be a Lodge, but he was not aware of it. He then stated, and he appealed to the Noble and Learned Lord if such was not the fact, that he had been most cruelly maligned and attacked. That statement bad been made generally, but without any reference to the Noble and Learned Lord— ( Hear)--and no one could deny that he had not been so abused, because he had adhered to his principles firmly, manfully, and boldly.—( Hear.) He had further said, that no man, whoever he was, should attempt to to bully him (the D. of Cumberland,) That statement had no reference to the Noble and Learned Lord—( Hear, hear)—but it was a general statement with respect to his determined adherence to those principles which he believed to be the salvation of the country and the support of the Protestant religion.—( Hear, hear. ) He had never said anything of any man behind his back that he should not be ready to say to his facc.—( Hear.) Lord PLUNK ETT expressed himself perfectly satisfied with the statement of the illustrious Duke, and should be sorry that an erroneous impression should be abroad of his having made so improper and unjustifiable an attack upon the illustrious Duke. REGISTRATION OF VOTERS (IRELAND.) Viscount DUNCANNON, in bringing up this Bill, en• tered into some details of the measure, which, he observd would tend to assimilate the Irish to the existing Englist system. The Earl of LIMERICK opposed the introduction of the Bill at so late a period of the session. It was full of novel legislation and difficulties, which he feared could not be got over in the short time that remained to their Lordships for the despatch of public business. Lord PLUNKETT observed that it was not the fault of the present Government that great part of session had been consumed before these important Bills had been introduced. In reference to what had been objected against the provisions of the Bill, the case stood thus :—The Emancipation Act of 1829 required that a freeholder should not only swear that his house was worth 10/., but that a solvent person would give him for it 10/. in addition to that sum. Then came the Re form Bill, and, after a long discussion, it was agreed that the voter should only swear as to the value of the house. By some oversight this amendment introduced into the Reform Bill operated only in reference to leaseholders, and not to freeholders. The Noble and Learned Lord then referred to leases made under powers to tenants for life, and stated that, as it was required that oath should be made of the tenement being worth 10/. a year, in addition to the rent, it was impos sible for those who made leases at the full improved yearly value to grant a lease (such having the nature of a freehold), which would give to the tenant for life the political franchise. Such a state of things, the Noble and Learned Lord con tended, should not be allowed to continue longer. The Earl of WICKLOW said that, from the manner in which the Noble Viscount had introduced the subject, and ex plained the provisions of the Bill, it was evident that ho had no expectation of the measure receiving a second reading. A Bill more replete with mischief, more evidently got up at the dictation of individuals whose object it was to hold the Govern ment in their hands, had never been introduced into that House. —(Hear, hear.) The power of a certain individual had been often alluded to. For himself he had abstained as much as pos sible from the introduction of his name, thinking that mention of him in that House would tend only to increase his influ ence ; but now his power had arrived to such a height, that it signified little whether that forbearance was exercised or not. Had the Noble Viscount opposite, in the feeling of gratitnde to that individual, addressed him in the following strain— " Sir, you have been of material support to our Government. To you we owe our places and administration. It is by your power and influence that we are enabled for a moment to stand before the feelings of the people of England, and retain our offices. As an act of gratitude, therefore, I will enable you to draw up such measures as will suit your purpose, and place the Government and all power in Ireland at your com mand"—had the Noble Viscount addressed that individual in such terms, it would have been impossible for him to have drawn out a Bill more calculated than the one before the House for giving to him unlimited influence and weighty power in Ireland. To going into Committee on this Bill he decidedly objected, since it contained those destructive principles to which he could never consent. Some improvements upon the present system there undoubtedly were in the Bill ; but for the sake of those improvements he would not risk the overthrow of principles upon which depended the stability of our connection with Ireland. Though the preamble stated that it was expedient to assimilate the law of the two coun tries, he was unprepared to agree in that dictum, since the registration worked with great effect, and all difficulties in reference to the qualification had been removed by a well consider and unanimous decision of the twelve Judges. To alter the qualification would be to let in every miserable cotter and owner of a hut to the privilege of voting at elections ; and to transfer the registration from the Assistant Barris ters to the nominees of the Government, would be to place very dangerous influence in the bands of the Government. The Noble Lord, after declaring that the effect of the Bill would bo to place the whole political influence of the country in the hands of a mischievous faction, concluded by moving that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. Viscount MELBOURNE then rose, and spoke as follows: —My Lords, I cannot refrain from offering a f ew o b servat i ons in reference to a cert a i n individual whose name has of late POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW STREET. Yesterday a young man named Robert Woolley, alias Nel son, alias Hart, was brought before Mr. HALLS on the charge of robbing Mr. Henry Tyskiewiez, a Russian Gentleman, of a purse containing ten sovereigns and six shillings. The pri soner was attired in a very fanciful style of fashion, and as sumed an air of great nonchalance, but was recognized as ibaving been from a boy a member of the " swell mob." Mr. Tyzkiewiez was walking up Fleet-street that morning with a friend, when he felt a pull at his coat pocket, and was at the same moment informed that he had been robbed, and the person who gave him the information pointed out the prisoner, who was running away very fast, as the man who had picked his pocket. Witness pursued him, and was joined by several persons, who called " stop thief !" and eventually he was secured, but not until he had made a des perate resistance, and had violently assaulted several persons. The prisoner declined saying anything, and was fully com mitted for trial. When the clerk was about to bind the witnesses over, Mr. Tyszkiewiez said he was bound to return to Russia by a parti cular time, or otherwise he should be exposed to th e severity of the Russian law for non-compliance with his engagements. He must therefore decline to prosecute. Mr. HALLS should be very sorry to put the prosecutor to any personal inconvenience ; but whatever the Russian law might be he could not suffer a person like the prisoner to be again let loose to prey upon the - British public. The prosecutor persisting in his refusal to prosecute.... Mr. HALLS ordered him to enter into his own recognizance in 1001., and two sureties in 501. each, to appear at the Old Bailey ; and, in default, said he must send him to prison, till tho trial. The prosecutor was in custody at the closing of the office. MA R Y LEB USE. Yesterday Christopher Banbury, a man about co years of age, carrying on the business of a grocer and the esemonger, at No. 17, Little George-street, Hampstead-road, - was brought before Mr. Snurr. by Franklin, the officer, a;, a warrant charging him with having attempted to kill his wife by admi nistering poison to her. Proarciitrix, who said her name was Esther B; inbury, and seemed deeply affected, had been married to the prisoner 30 years, and lived with him till a few weeks ag , o, when, in consequence of his frequent ill-treatment, she w;.!nt to reside with her son, who occupies the house, No. 20, Devonshire street, Lisson-grove, and carries on the same Pixie of business as the prisoner. Soon after the prisoner fou a d out her re treat, and, coming to the house, insisted uposa passing the night there on leaving business. To this, he h awing promised not to again ill-use her, she consented, and he had till lately slept at the house, occupying the same bed as herself. On Wednesday night, the .sth of August, about eleven o'clock, her son being out, she was sitting in the parlo ex, at the back of the shop, when the prisoner came in, an d, in a few minutes afterwards, went out again to fetch son - t e beer and eggs, the latter of which he bought of her in the f , lop, saying he was going to make some egg-hot. On his veturn with the beer she put some of it into a saucepan, an d then went into the shop again to serve some customers, $ Ind on going back found the egg-hot made, and poured out a cup and glass, the latter being full. The prisoner then des;red ber to drink out of the glass, and, emptying the glass himself, went up to bed. Just then her son came home, and she asked, him to drink a little, which he at first refused, but at last consented, and drank about half a wine glassful. She tlaen too{ ; the re mainder, all but about two table spoonsful, which Elite thought looked rather thick, and, having put a little water in the glass, emptied it into an earthen pan, generally 'ised for slops, but which was quite dry at the time. She 'then went to bed, but about an hour afterwards was taker' P.l by violent vomiting and purging of the bowels, attended with extreme pain, The prisoner being wakened by her ny tans, size ~~ to him, " Oh, God! what can I have taken?" when he ,e" plied, " There's always sornothiwz the matter with you." be lay in the greatest agony till the prisoner went out et' o'clock, when she got up and went down stairs into the pa!'' i lour, where her son slept. On entering the roo m her son said he had been very ill, and had vomited into the earthen Pen' She then looked into the pan, and seeing a white powdery ,0 emptied the fluid very carefully down th e w ater-closet, 8 sent for a surgeon, who told her the pan had contained pio n ' She could not make up her mind to have the prisoner taken up then, but insisted on his keeping away from her altogether. Having, however, since imagined that he might make another attempt upon her life, she on Monday last applied for a warren; for his apprehension. William Thomas Banbury, the son, corroborated what hie mother had stated respecting him. He knew she and the pri soner had grievances between them very frequently. Mr. Henry Edwards, surgeon, No. 54, Crawford-stre et t Bryanston-square, was sent for to attend the prosecutrix on the morning of the 6th of August, and found her exc eeding'', ill, suffering from vi o l en t vom iti ng an d purg i ng . H e looked into the pan, and saw a powder sticking to the sides. H e scraped it off, and subsequently analysed it, and found the chief part consisted of arsenic. The prisoner strongly denied the charge.—Committed. . • BRITISII YACHT CLUB. The first below-bridge match of this Club from its esta-. blishment came off yesterday. The Venus steamer had been engaged to accompany the match, and started at ten o'clock from the Custom-house, filled with elegant company, the ma jority being ladies. She arrived at Greenwich at half-pi t ten, and a few minutes before eleven the yachts were in pos t tion. It was a sweepstak e s o f 11. per ton. A very s piendid cup, said to be worth 501., was the prize. The following yachts were placed at the buoys : Yachts. Tonnage. Owners' Names. Distinguishing Colours. Margaret 8 R. Holliday, Esq.... White with Red Borde r ' Oberon 6 D. Davidson, Esq... Red and White Cross. Gem 9 A. W. Bode, Esq... Blue with White Cross• Selina 9 I S ou th am , E sq .... B la ck an d Whi te Stripes, Vestris 8 I Weston, Esq. ....Red with Yellow Cross . There was a fine breeze a t S. L. The Margaret was sta-. tioned first to windward. Th e vesse l swung round as th e ' clock struck eleven, and th e S e li na was the first under weigh' and, with the Margaret, the Oberon, and the Vestris, ran to the shore in order to board. They were in the bight, but . the Gem stood out in the middle, having the swirl.- oft' the tide, and certainly more wind. She jibbed her sail, and wen t round the point gallantly. Betting at this time was yell brisk. The Margaret and Selina separately were taken for choice against the o th ers . Th e S e li na stoo d w ell over for the reach. A boy they had on board fell over, but was picked up instantly. The Margaret held he r wind wonderfully, and did more with it than the o thers by their board. The Selina h e ld h er p r i or it y to Woolwich' The Vestris was in the second place, but the Margaret ve g beautifully to windward. The Gem was spanking down 1 1 situation in which she must have overhauled the lend in g boat, when a sailing craft (not in the match) ran foul of he r ' and injured her rigging, so th a t s h e was o bli ge d to g o about again. The fouling was certainly very unjustifiable, as the one was on a larboard and the other on a starboard tack. The Selina missed stays, a n d thi s gave t h e ot h ers a d ec ided ad vantage, as she went considerably to leeward. The Gent stood well down for the reach at Woolwich, and saved a board ' where the others had to go a b ou t. Th e V estr i s went by °- first boat to leeward and led the van, but was shortly after wards with the other bo a t s b eca l me d. Th e leading D°4l" however, was splendidly ma n a ge d ; h er owner ran h er into the slack and caught the land b reeze ; s h e an d t h e M argare t wep t about to prevent fouling, and a sudden change of wind occur immediately afterw ar d s th e y b ecame in the same situati o n as before, and the Gem laid well down Woolwich Reach an passed the second boat. The Selina took a reef in off Eri ti l certainly a great improveme n t a t th e ti me . Th e V es tris first rounded the flag-boat at Gravesend ; at eleven minutes t° three; the Gem second, at two minutes after three; 145 r: garet third, at eleven minutes past three, and the Selina It twenty-five minutes past three. Here the sailing was over. was pretty well all running, and they maintained their seer: situations right up. The Vestris came in first, at eightee n minutes to six, the G.em next, at ten minutes to six ; ta ke Selina rounded third, but th e M argare t was neck-and-7,sec with her two minutes after the second boat. The match was a most excellent one, and but for the unfor' tunate foul the Gem would in all probability have won. l', llB Margaret did not appear to b e i n goo d t r i m , an d never did , in any previous match. The Oberon was of no use from ni l to last; nobody expected she would be nearer than she wa d A very excellent pandean band was on board the steamer, s e played some favourite airs during the day. Several members assert at their Clubs that the ter' urination of the duties of this S ess i on w ill ta k e p l ace t hi s wee HORRID DEATH.— Oil Thursday, an accident ( 1 a frightful nature occurred i n B roomwar d Mill , at t h e E a st. " 11 , 1 of Calton. A young female, one o f th e wor k ers i n t he. when making some diversion in the lobby, leaned her bac rooms,the door of one of the rooms, which, being off the lam , b., ' co open, and she fell among some of the machinery, w t r ere met with instant death. H er mu til ate d rema i ns were . gatherf up and placed in a coffin which was immedi a t e ly procur ed ; td, head was severed from the body, and she was otherwise dres fully mangled. —Scots Times. ALARMING FIRE IN ST. GILES. Betl vee f l : eight and 9 o'clock last even i ng t h e ne i g hb ourhood o f t , '7 O part of St. Giles's term e d t h e " R oo k ery " was thrown "eta a state of the greatest con s t erna ti on an d a l arm by the ~au", very of a fire which broke out in a " lodging-house for tied yellers," No. 20, Buckridg e s t ree t. I t was f i rst di sco ver in the first floor, occupied by a mat-maker, whose stock r ,4 trade burnt with great fury, th e w h o l e p l ace b e i ng i n a ; 6 seconds, one mass of fl ame . A t t h at per i o d t h e see 'Ailed all description. Hundreds of the " finest pisautrll.9 of all sexes, ages and sizes, running through the streets, alleyr and courts with which that miserable quarter of the metr ° ,,rge lis abounds, shouting, they sh ou ld b e " b urnt dead," weer others, some twenty houses di s t ant f rom t h e one on fi r e 14 ' 0 . throwing their little all through the windows into the stre, e e Within five minutes after the alarm was given, two eag il b, from the Crown-street st a ti on o f t h e L on d on Fi re Engine ;44 tablishment were drawn by hand to the spot, and there be: 00 fortunately a good supply of wat er , th ey were soon got ' be . operation, and being shortly joined by s i x more cnglitn t iob longing to the s a m e es t a bli s h ment, an d t h ose of the .ul-the and West of England Offices, the flames were confined t ° premises where they commence d. The House belongs ,o Mr. Duggin, residing in King-street, Long-acre, and viatf t e understand, insured in the H an d-i n -H an d Fire Office. ' O 9 the danger was over, the contention between the nual le ed claimants to the articles of f urn i ture , & c., w hi c h were be‘r oc h together in one heterogeneous mass , was tru l y l u di cro ust, e o e demanding the best articles, an d it requ i re d a ll t h e viVl OO , possessed by the numer ous b o dy o f po li ce o f t h e E eliT/Ye from the George -street station-house, to keep order. . are happy to say no lives are lost. ;.. g to (ADVERTISEMENT.)—EIGHT-DAY strike the hours and half hours ; Five Guineas each. TheYj a co , T. " elegant cases, about 7} i nc h es hi g h, su i ta bl e either to stail'ciP bracket or mantel-pi ece , an d are W arranted, at „dos' SAVORY'S, Working Gold sm ith, & c. & c., 4 7 , Cornhill, the N.B. A pamphlet given gratis, con t a i n i ng a d e t a il e d list o prices of Silver Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, &c. &c. BIRTHS. ll' of uie aist ult., at Angleton, near Swansea, the lady Vivian, Esq., M.P., of a son. „ „ of' On the :hi inst., at Upp er Clapton-terrace, Mrs. Nei's'? daughter. of ' On the Ist inst., in Guilford-street, Mrs. Charles Brown, , daughter. On the Ist inst., at Oak Cottage, near Sonth are pton, the lal of fb On the 31st Henry Goode, Esq., of Ryde, Isle of Wight, Barrister-at-Lo v ' daughter. MARRIED. On the Ist inst., at C u lh am , Ma ow Short, E sq , o f 001 Inn and Middle Te m pl e , Barrister-at-Law, .to Sirs. Phit iblis' Culham House, Oxfordshire. itfors." On the 31st ult., at St. A nn ' s Ch urc h , Dublin George ''' - $991 Esq., late of the G rena di er G uar d s, e l dest son of G. morant, of Farnborough Place, Hampshire, to Lydia, youngest daugh te the late Dr. Hemphill, of Castel, in the county of TiPPera r Y . erO lit On the Ist inst., at Oddi ngton, t h e Rev. A l ex . Cal l te, youngest son of the l a t e D ona ld C ameron, E sq., o f Lec i l ie ll 'a Charlotte, eldest daughter o f th e H on. an d V ery R ev . the ve Gl O oucester. n the 31st ult., at G rea t Y armou th, J o h n G oo ldi n g S e Ye o l Ot te Esq., of Bishop's Waltham, banker, to Susanna, widow of Sam. Palmer, Esq., of the former place. On the 31st ult., at Witton Church, Northwich, George -hre, to eldest son (...f George Pollard, Esq., of Stannary-hall, Yor ks : r e - Clara, daughter of James Royds, Esq., of W oo dl an d s , Cies"' OM' On the Ist inst., Mr. Charles Williams, of Brewer-street',lo,lo den-square, to Hannah, on l y d aug h ter o f t h e l ate G e orge '- of the War-olEee. Otte On the Ist inst., at Christchurch, 13lackfriars, Charles Esq., surgeon, of Ch ar l o tt e - s t reet, to L ou i sa, th i r d d au ghter " 0 30' late John Jones Holman, Esq., of Prince's-place, K e nningtTplese On the 24 inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, Joser e doe ton, Esq., of Furnival's Inn, t o Miss Emma Parker, of Glar rarl' er ' place, Egware-road, youngest daughter of the late Henry Esq. igy p. On the 2d inst., at Marviebone Church, Robert H. SparaiS' Esq., of St. John-street, .to Maria, second daughter of I ' r. gender, of Hackney. DIED. On the 31st ult., at G r e a t Bowder , Leicestershire, in hie 8151 rear, Henry Shuttleworth, Esq. AO, On the 2d inst., at Dul w i c h, i n hi s 21 st year, J o h n Wr"" • child of Charles Ranken, Esq., of Gray's Inn. clelt hi Ile On the 30th ult., aged 69, Thomas ilielson Pickering, c and secretary to the East London 'water Works Company was the solicitor when the Act of Proliament was obtainea 'l o ft° the Company was established in 1F307, and held the above' s from that time with high honour and integrity. D i On the Ist inst., at Frognel. Hampstead, John Frame' s • Esq., in his 64th y ear . ee" st' On the 2d inst., at the B runsw i c k H ote l , JerrrAr'str James's, Alexander Rogerson, Esq., late of St. P etersblrederic On the 27th ult., Albert, the youngest sou. of Mr' lie f Smith, Halywell House, Hampstead. re inef On the Ist inst., in Albemarle-street, aged 87, '-'a , nviielcle" „O of the late Jonathan Worrell, Esq., of .b.v.dper Hall, st et Surrey. Savo On the 29th ult., i n Grove-plrAce, Lisson-gree' Coventry, aged 14, second daughter of the late Mr. Thom— gti, of Fleet- street. the On the Bth ult., Mr. Gutzell„. a ge d 23, for several y-- the dd. tachcd and faithf u l secre t ary of 7.111 r. Cobbett. Grie f J.°r o , of his master wa s th e immediate., cause of his dissolution. , dovr of • On the 6th ult., a t W enn, C r timberland, El i aa b 2 th, late Henry Marshall, Esq., agei I 81. (I, 00 London : Print e d an d Published by MURDO -be 4'o 112, Strand, at The S un Oth oe, No. 1114 strand, - of Middlesex. , 1 st re - E whel '°111. 4 Peri ; Part va, r i e and, Plies 1 3 / in be by s Ntra t lir a; aP4ri UN I s gr‘a -- kiit ( 'o ewes -eft c Ito " Most torn, ti le ,. rt loni , rot , 14 4d, S O/3( ' ept. t r epar , no w , Pur g i fil 4e refnl wh en rnil y to ' of l ab o