The Sun. — London, England, 1865-10-06 00:00:00

AMERICA. (h.ont the Times' Correspondent) NEW YORK, Sept. 23. The question whether or not the negro shall be admitted to the suffrage and placed on a footing of political equality with the white race is rapidly becoming one of pressing importance, and the course of events will prevent it going the way of many public questions hi this country, which excite the warmest interest to-day and to-morrow are for gotten. The negro difficulty cannot be so treated. It must be decided, and decided very soon. Every section of political parties perceives the danger of allowing it to remain as a mainspring of confusion and mischief. In one way or the other the issue must be brought to a fair test and determined, or a train will be laid for future troubles scarcely less threatening and perilous than those which grew up arorAnd the institution of slavery. At present the policy which is in contemplation to wards the negro is purely a tentative one, as, in deed, it was all through the war. President Lin coln felt Lis 'way very cautiously in all his dealings with reference to the slaves, and only a few weeks before his Emancipation Proclamation was issued he told a deputation of New Englanders, who were urging him to adopt the measure, that it " would be of no more use than the Pope's bull against the comet." The great impediment to any present action with regard to the negro consists in the fact that no definitive principle of treating him which should be recognised as fair and just has ever yet been laid down. Each State in the Union has its own opinions about the black race, and each State can do as it pleases about admitting them to the franchise ; but the Southern States may probably not be re-admitted into the Union until they hare been compelled to acknowledge the equality of the black man. Presi dent Johnson is very decided in refusing to impose any condition upon them in this respect. The final decision rests with Congress ; it may refuse to allow the delegates of Southern States to sit unless they first recognise the political claims of their former slaves, and hence it is an interesting inquiry to as certain, if possible, in which direction public opinion is turning. It will be well in the first place to go back a little into the history of the subject. The war had not made much progress before it became evident that the negroes, whom each State had hitherto managed in its own way, were to become a serious responsibility to the general Go vernment. The slaves felt sure then, as they do now, that the " Yankees" would do something more for them than to declare them free, or else their liberty was a gift which would embarrass the great mass of them, by depriving them of their regular means of support. Mr. Lincoln had over and over again said, in every variety of form, that his " paramount object" was to save the Union, and in his well-known letter to Horace Greeley he distinctly affirmed that " if he could save the Unio without freeing any slave" he would do it. Expe diency was no less his chief study after lie had conic to the conclusion that he could not save the Union without freeing the slave. lie saw that the negro was still, and would long remain a source of diffi- culty, division, and danger to the country, and his aim was to dispose of him in any way that he judged the best for the mass of the white people, thc‘ negro's own individual welfare being counted of a secondary moment. Among many circum s'Auces which might be cited in proof of this is the reception which Mr. Lincoln gave to a deputation of free negroes who waited upon him at the White !louse on the 14th of August, 1862. He told these ii;;rsons that a sum of money had been placed at his disposal by Congress for forming a colony suitable to the African race, where thy might live apart from the whites. " You and we," he said to them, " are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. . . . It is better for us both therefore to be separated." He further told them :—" There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh as it luay be, for you free coloured people to remain with us." He therefore invited them to persuade their countrymen to emigrate to a colony which he intended to establish in New Granada, Central America. But it was afterwards found that the Government of New Granada objected to receive the blacks, and the project was consequently aban doned. In April, 1663, it was revived, and the Government made an agreement with certain agents to transport such negroes as desired to emigrate to a province in Hayti. This also proved a failure, and the negroes were obliged to be brought back in consequence of the land allotted to them being hopelessly barren. There the schemes of colo nisation ended, and President Lincoln soon after wards found employment for the free negroes by enrolling them in the army. This last step only deferred a settlement of the question, and made its solution more difficult than ever. For the negroes thus enlisted as soldiers fought well and proved faithful, and they thus in creased their claim to the franchise. It is now asked with some force why an intelligent and loyal black soldier is not as worthy of having a vote as a dis loyal white. The very freedom of the negro is held ,not to be secure until he has a voice in the govern ment of the State in which he lives, and, through the delegates of his State, his share of the control ling power in the government of the country. There is now, what there never was before, a feeling of hostility towards the black man in the South. Here tofore he was looked upon as a chattel, and was too insignificant to provoke hatred. Sometimes he was even respected as a good servant. Now that the gulf between him and the white is so abridged, and seems likely to close altogether, the dominant race think him not unworthy of their open enmity. President Johnson's policy is to withdraw the regular troops from all the States, and leave them to keep order with the aid of their own militia. This may satisfy those " constitutionalists" who cry out for the speedy restoration of civil rights as the first and one thing needful; but it does not satisfy those who wish to see accomplished the full emancipation of the negro. What is to prevent any man holding slaves in the interior of the Southern State at this moment? lam not aware of any power competent to do so. In Tennessee, if a negro is arrested for vagrancy and there are plenty of vagrants just now —h e may be sold to the highest bidder to raise money to pay the gaol fees. The Provost's-office, attached to the Freedmen's bureau, where a negro may lodge complaints on account of ill-treatment, is very likely 50 miles away from his abode. He is obliged to submit to any ill-usage, for the means of redress are out of his reach. The other day a man was brought before one of the Provost's officers in Virginia for ill-using a negro, and convicted. The offender became very angry, and said, " If this w a r ain't done let us know it, and we c an b eg i n over. " This is the way in which ill-feelin g on both sides will constantly be provoked until it bursts in a tempest which will be less threatening to the peace of the country than the last only because of the weakness of the South. • If once the Government formally recognises the right of the au negro to exercise a voice in the affair, of the c ountry quarrels as to his position might stand a chanc e of coming to an end. Mr. Chase's proposal of " universal suffrage" is preposterous ; but the question is, whether the Government can with any consistency whatever refuse to recognise as a principle th a t a loyal and intelligent black has as good a right to a vote as a loyal and in telligent white. If he was worth shedding these rivers of blood for, is he n o t worth a vote ? Why should he not have it ? It is too late in is a fatal the day to say that his black skid objection to him. The moderate section of that party which uniformly fights for negro su ff rage _ among whom Mr. Horace Greeley deserves to be included during certain lucid intervals which occur to him—do not ask for a sweeping admission of the negroes to the franchise. Mr. Greeley wrote a day or two ago, " We will gladly agree' that none shall vote but those who can read, or read and write, or who pay taxes, or who follow some useful vocation, or to any other touchstone calculated to confine the right of suffrage to the capable and worthy." In this State of New York a negro is allowed to vote provided that he has lived in the State three years, that he possesses freehold property to the value- of $250 annually, and that he has paid taxes for one year previous to the period of election. lam in- formed there are about 600 blacks thus qualified— chiefly refreshment stall keepers or petty trades people. In Vermont and New Hampshire the negro is entitled to vote without a property qualification. In Connecticut, where at present a property quali fication is required by all voters, the question will be put before the convention next month—" Shall the negro be allowed to vote and be placed on a footing of equality with the white man?" This will serve as a fair test of the feeling of New Englanders to wards the negro, and, without venturing upon any prediction as to the result, I may mention as a mat ter of fact that I have been told on the authority of persons who have canvassed the State in favour of the resolution that there will be a large majority against it. When the present constitution of New York was put to the vote in 1846 a clause was pro posed conferring upon the negro the right to the suffrage without property qualification. Another clause, however, proposing the $250 restriction was carried by a majority of 50,000. The feeling of the people, as I said in a previous letter—and by " the people" I do not mean the in habitants of large cities only, but the rural popula tion—is unmistakably one of aversion and 'dislike towards the negro. Let us now look at the position of political parties in relation to him. The Demo crats, who seem likely to win at the forthcoming elections, were always for keeping the negro a sub ject race, and an abject one too. Hence they were good friends with the South, and will probably be better friends than ever in the course of a few months more. It will fare hardly with the negro if his emancipators cannot fence him round with safe guards now, before the South is back in the Union, and the Democrats have joined hands with them. The trial of the negro by the Democratic party would resemble another well-known cause, in which the wolf sat in judgment upon the lamb. I was assured yesterday by one of the most able and influential leaders of this party—one who is intimately ac quainted with its strength ankits weakness, and all secrets, that " not one Democrat in a thousand, in any part of the country, would vote for negro suf frage." The Republicans are at present equally opposed to it, but they must see the necessity of binding their Radical brethren to them more closely during the coming trials for the party by adopting their views. But the President is distinctly against any course except that of letting each State decide for itself whether it will have negro suffrage or not, and as Republicans and Democrats are running a race to see which can lay secure hold of the President first, the Radicals are likely to stand alone in de manding negro suffrage. The point remaining for consideration is, how strong will this party be in Congress? Party politics are a little uncertain every where, but here they take such sudden and unlooked for revolutions that it would be nonsense to pretend to foretell what will occur from day to day. It is safe, however, to affirm that present appearances are against the success.of the negro suffrage party, and that if they win it will be to the astonish ment of Democrats and Conservative Republicans alike. It all depends on the disposition of the rural classes. I see that at Minnesota the Union Conven tion has passed a resolution affirming that " the measure of a man's political rights shall be neither his religion, his birth-place, his race, his colour, nor any merely physical characteristic ; and that it would be subversive of both the form and spirit of our institutions to permit any portion of our popu lation to remain a degraded and subject caste, taxed to support and compelled to obey a Government in which they have no voice, and whose whole ma chinery may be directed to their destruction." Yet, notwithstanding these fine words, the settlers in Minnesota would be very angry if any one proposed to permit their Indian neighbours to vote with them at the booths. If it be lawful for the negro to vote, why not for the " poor Indian?"--and both, per haps, are as worthy in the main of taking a share in their own government as the ignorant Irishman, whose confused ideas wander vaguely round a two penny conspiracy to abolish the Queen and all her Ministers. Mr. Johnson's resolution to lot the decision rest with the States would be a very serious matter if it did not rest with the Congress to decide whether or not the Southern States shall be admitted back with out giving the negro political rights. In answer to the argument that each State has the right to settle the terms of the franchise for itself, the negro suffrage advocates say, "No ; for Mr. Johnson is deciding every day who shall and who shall not vote, and he has as much right to say that negroes shall vote as that rebel whites shall." They contend also that unless the negro is admitted to this privi lege all the evils peculiar to slavery may be repro duced under another name. A sentence or two from the ablest organ of this party will further make clear their views : " We are but witnessing to-day, in the impression pro duced on Northern opinion by Southern professions, a fresh display of that consummate political ability which, for half a century, laid a large, acute, intelligent, and in dustrious community prostrate at the feet of a few thousand slave-owners, the product of a society on which civilisa tion had only left the faintest traces. And wo run great risk at this moment of being dragged into compromises, the consequences of which our children will rue, as we have rued those of our fathers." In some parts of the South the freedmen are now getting on moderately well. At a recent sale by auction in Georgia more than two-thirds of the per sons present were negroes ; not an unusual propor tion, perhaps, but this time the negroes came as buyers. Some of them were attacked by the whites, but no riot took place. In Florida the number of freedmen who apply for food and relief at the Go vernment Bureau is only half what it was a month ago. There have been many scenes of violence lately in Georgia and South Carolina ; in the former State an officer of the Bureau, Captain Healy, was shot, and his body afterwards cut about arid muti lated with knives. In North Carolina and Virginia the officers of the bureau report no unfavourablein cidents. In Tennessee a school for the freedmen was burnt down recently, and the teacher hunted for his life. In Mississippi Commissioner Thomas states that more whites are drawing rations than blacks. The same is the case in Alabama. In Missouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana occasional conflicts take place, but they are not more numerous than the street fights on a Saturday night in London, and not half so numerous as the murders and assaults committed any night in the streets of this proud and " glori ous" city. I have left myself little space to speak of the re cent conventions of the Republicans and Democrats for this State, but theproceedings may be sufficiently described in a few words. Both parties have nomi nated military men for chief positions in the State, and each has tried to out-shout the other in profes sions of overwhelming attachment to President Johnson and unlimited approval of his policy. This affection of the Democrats is a flower of very sudden groNith ; only the other day they were threatening to impeach him for " murdering" Mrs. Surratt (one of the conspirators in the assassination plot), and vowing vengeance against him for not ordering out Mr. Stanton for instant execution. As I have said, the rapid bounds and gyrations of political parties in this country are not the least astonishing of American inventions. Less than three months ago the President was held up to public view as the modern Dionysius. The " Copperheads" and the rest of them did not know then how much they loved him. Both parties now join in singing his praises with the unanimity of the fair friends of Captain Macheath, and probably with equal since rity. The notable circumstance for English readers is that military men are being nominated to every office—a course which may possibly produce results hereafter not altogether foreseen. The Wirtz trial continues. Some of the papers express the opinion that the prisoner will not live to see its close. Bishop Meade, of Virginia, in his address to the Episcopal Convention of the State now in session at Richmond, h as strongly urged reunion with the N orthern - wing of the Church. The committee appointed to consider the portion of the address referring to this matter presented a report, which was almost unanimously adopted by the Conven tion, commending the conciliatory and fraternal course proposed, and referring the subject to the next General Council. A despatch from Montgomery, Alabama, states that the Convention had passed an ordinadce rati- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVEINING, OCTOBER 6, lqE. quillings, forming flounces. Every here and there upon these is placed a large pouff of white satin ribbon, serving as a nest for a small bright coloured bird. There are six teen of these ornaments. The Alleged Death from Poisoning at Greenwich. Yesterday Mr. C. J. Carttar, coroner for West Kent, resumed tho adjourned inquiry at the Ashburnham Arms, Greenwich, into the circumstances attending tho death of Mrs. Elizabeth Beeves, aged 40, wife of a veterinary sur geon, residing at 54, Ashburnham-grove, Greenwich, who, it was alleged, had died from the administration of veratria, or white hellebore, on the 15th of August last. Mr. Norton, of Clifford's-inn, again attended for the husband of the deceased. Sergeant Digby, 18, 11 division of metropolitan police, gave some recapitulatory evidence. Frederick George Baldwin, a youth, said—My father is an herbalist, carrying on business in Greenwich. We keep veratria, or white hellebore, in our business, but I have only once in my life sold it in powder. The gentleman I sold it to said he wanted it to mix with some lard for his dog, and as he appeared to be acquainted with its properties I sold it him without asking any questions, selling it un reservedly. Mr. Reeves here stood up in the inquest-rdom, but the witness said he could not identify him as the person who had made the purchase. The Coroner said it was to be regretted that, for the sake of society, such a deadly poison should have been sold without the name and address of the individual pur chasing it being ascertained, and an entry made. In answer to a question, the witness said he had been five years an assistant in his father's business, and his father bad been in business 21 years. The Coroner here directed the witness to proceed and bring a specimen of the powder, which he did and handed it to Professor Rodgers, who said it was not of the same description as the powder found in the house, which was of a compound character, but contained the same poison. Professor Rodgers, of the London Hospital, said—l have analysed the powder and wafers handed to me by Sergeant Digby. The wafers contain no poison, but in the powder I found the same alkaloid, containing the same powder as that found in deceased's body. By the Coroner—lt is not suet. a rnwerful poison as strychnine. I have known some who have taken large doses and recovered, and in some cases 20 grains would prove dangerous. William George Reeve, son of deceased, said he was 12 years of age, but before being sworn his intelligence was elicited by his replying to the coroner's question if he knew what was an oath, "It is a religious obligation to tell the truth." He was then sworn, and having explained his mother's illness and death, as already reported, said—Three days before my mother's death she said to me, " George, I shall never get over this confinement." I replied, "Oh yes, ma, yon will; you have often said so before." She said, "It's no use, George, I shall never get over it; but do not tell pa, because he has so much bother and anxiety, it will break his heart." On the Saturday previous to my mother's death she put all her things straight in the drawers, saying, " I shall never want thetp any more." Mr. Reeve here stood up, as if anxious to make a state ment, and was asked by the Coroner if he had anything to volunteer by way of explanation. Mr. Norton—He is here to answer any questions put by the coroner or jury. The Coroner—Then I have no question to ask him. Catherine Webb, widow, deposed to being engaged to attend the deceased in her expected confinement, and said the deceased twice told her she should not get over it, ex pressing a hope that witness would do all she could for Mr. Reeve and the children whilst she was in the house. Mrs. Mender, residing at Bow, was called by Mr. Norton, and said that on July 19 Mrs. Reeve visited her, and said, " It is all over with me ; I shall never get eve! my confine ment. I suppose it will be another great tiresome boy, and I am so sick of children." The Coroner here produced a diary of Mr. Reeve, found by Sergeant Digby on searching the house. It consisted of 30 or 40 closely written pages of foolscap paper, loosely put together. From March 10 to Aug. 13 (two days preceding deceased's death), there was no allusion direct or indirect to Mrs. Reeve. It also appeared the entries were not made on the days they purported to be, but were a record of events entered in some cases a few days after, and not on the day of the occurrence. The entry on Sunday, Aug. 13, states that his wife was as well as usual. On Monday, Aug. 14, it was stated his wife was seized at half-past 2 with fits of unconsciousness, which lasted till the time of her death on the Tuesday morning. After the post mortem exami nation ordered by the coroner was made, everything that had previously occurred was chronicled with the greatest apparent minuteness, the following being the only points of interest. The entry on Aug. 15 was :—" My dear wife died a little after 8 this morning, after a severe powerful attack of convulsions. God receive her soul." On Wednes day Dr. Hope brought the certificate and examined the body, which was coffined On Thursday he nicked a bou quet of tho flowers most loved by his departed wife, and placedthem in her coffin. He also took up his son George and daughter Rosa to take their last look of her in the coffin. On this day Messrs. Child and Lloyd visited him. The latter shocked him by saying, that his wife told Mrs. Lloyd that her 0n,3 7 the st,..th ...a that, if anything happened to her she (Mrs. Lloyd) was to see into it. In referring to the money Mr. Lloyd said, " Not that I know Mrs. Reeve had anything." He was convinced Mr. Lloyd was lying, from the fact of having discussed family matters with him at Norwood, relative to the pro priety of having another trustee appointed under Mrs. Reeve's marriage settlement, on which occasion she told him she had £l,OOO. The diary put the query, "Is it pos sible that if my wife anticipated foul play she (Mrs. Lloyd) would have kept the secret to herself until Tuesday last ?" It then continued—" It is highly improbable. I believe the Lloyds got it up from mere wickedness and spite, with a .view of hurting my feelings." The entry on Friday, Aug. 18, stated that the jury met and viewed the body,and after it was identified adjourned. He then enters at great length into the facts and incidents attending his wife's illness, stating she always had had lingering confinements, and the last time she was more than usually despondent, and dis cussed what wouldbecome of the children if both died. Sho was subject to bilious attacks, for which Dr. Cook was in the habit, of giving her pills, and which used to relieve her. On the Saturday preceding her death she was very cheer ful and musical. On Sunday morning she prepared the breakfast and the dinner. They had tea together that day, and after putting the children to bed and expounding the Scriptures to his 'rife and son George, he and his wife re tired to rest. The entry on Sunday, August 20, stated that he buried his dear wife at Forest-hill Cemetery, in mother's grave. All the children (live) were present, and each threw a bouquet on the coffin. His blessing, his love, his esteem, his all foilowed her to the grave. She was a fond, good, faithful, &voted, and virtuous wife and mother, and he appealed to God that thoy might meet where the spirits of the just are trade perfect. After the reacing of this document, which occupied the learned coroner ipwards of an hour, the inquest room was cleared. The coroner and jury remained a long time in consultation, and on the public being admitted, The Coroner said the jury had determined on the ad advisability of having a still further adjournment for a fortnight, and the recognisances of Mr. Reeve were en larged until that time. The Charge against a Magistrate's Son and his Housekeeper. DOLGELLY, Thursday. Yesterday the inquiry into the cause of the death of a newly-born female, the supposed illegitimate progeny of Mr. George Francis Griffin, draper, of the firm of Griffin and Son, Stafford, and Thyrza Tunstall, his housekeeper, was resumed at do Assize Court by Mr. Griffith Jones Williams, the coroner for Merionethshire. Mr. Motteram, barrister, of the Oxford circuit, instructed by Mr. R. W. Hand, solicitor, of Stafford, appeared to watch the case on behalf of the accused person Griffin ; Mr. D. Pugh, solicitor, of Dolgelly, was present for Thirza Tunstall ; Mr. Wm. Brown, solicitor, of Stafford, repre sented the prosecution. Captain Clough, chief constable of the Maionethshire ; Col. Hogg, chief constable; and Suprintendent Oswell, of the Staffordshire police, were also present, and the court was densely crowded. George Francis Griffin was present in court, and Tkyrza Tunstall vas in an adjacent room, but did not appear. The folowing evidence was taken : Martha:Evans said—l live at Borth. I recollect receiv ing a patel containing a child last Saturday week. A little chill (my daughter) brought it to me. I was in the house wlen she brought it. She put it down near the door. Tie parcel was white, and it looked as if it was in a pillow we. When I first saw it the mouth of the bag was open. There was the body of a female child in the bag, and l put it in a drawer. There was nothing round the child lout the bag when I saw it. There was some paper whirl the child had taken off, and which my hus band wenito fetch. I did not see the paper until my hus band brought it to the house. Captain Clough came to the house, and Edward Barrow afterwards took the bag and the child and the paper away. Ebenezer Evans said—l am the husband of the last wit ness. I recently saw the dead body of a child at my house. Itwas iu a small bag. Edward Harrow put it in a box. Tlere was not any paper in the bag when I first saw it. I aw the paper afterwards, between the house and the river, on the shingle. The tide had been over the place whet° the paper was. I cannot swear that I should know the paper or the words on it. I did not pick up the paper myself, but I know the man who did. The pap was then produced and handed to the witness, who said—This is the paper. It is dated September 12th. 1 see a mote upon it which I saw there when the paper was first shown to me. The Coroner—Do not mention the name. It shall not be disclosed at present. Owen Jens stated—l am a police-sergeant stationed at Dolgelly. I was called to Borth on Saturday week last, Sept. 23. f went to Ebenezer Evans's house and saw the body of a child in a bag in a box there. I also found some pieces of newspapers in the box. I put the body, which was in the bag, and the paper in a basket which I had taken with me, and brought them all to Dolgelly. Edward nar row went with me. It was the body viewed by the jury and yourself, sir. There was a post-mortem examination made by Mr. William Williams and Mr. Edward Jones, surgeons, and I was present. The newspaper produced, with a name and initials written on it in pencil, is the same that was in the box. It is part of the Manchester Examiner and Times of the 12th September. The bag produced is the one I found round the body of the child. I did not observe any marks of blood on the newspaper. Edward Jones said—l am landlord of the Royal Ship Hotel, Dolgelly, and I know a Mr. Griffin. lam not cer tain as to his Christian name. I have known him for some years, as being in the habit of coming to my house. He came there I believe on the night of Friday, the 22d of September. He arrived between half-past 7 and 8. It was not dark. I think he remained until the following Tuesday. Anna Evans was recalled, and said—My little sister picked up a parcel from the Mawddach last Saturday week. I saw the parcel in her possession. I did not take any paper out of the bag. There was a newspaper about the bag. William Williams said—l am a surgeon in practice at Dolgelly. With Mr. Edward Jones I examined a child brought to Dolgelly by Serjeant Jones of the county police. I made a careful post-mortem examination of the body last Monday week. I cannot state the cause of the child's death. I can state that she breathed. There were no signs of blows. The lungs were fully inflated. There were finger marks on the throat just above the collar-bone. The outward marks did not show quite sufficient pressure to cause death. The injury to the head I should say was sufficient to have caused death. Supposing the woman who gave birth to the child was not attended by a medi cal man or a midwife those injuries might have been caused accidentally. At this stage of the proceedings, The Coroner, addressing the jury, said there was another witness, the man Lewis Jones, who knew some thing about the paper, as he was the man who picked it up. If the jury thought it necessary he should be called; but he (the coroner) must remind them that their single duty was to inquire into the cause how the child came by its death, and it would be for them to consider whether, after the medical witnesses, the further evidence as to the paper was necessary. An adjournment of two hours was then determined on, and on the coroner and jury again assembling, Lewis Jones said—l live at Dolgelly, but work at Boulddu as a blacksmith. I recollect seeing a parcel which a child had brought up to the house of Evans where I lodged. I was then having my dinner. The child was in a piece of linen. I cannot say if I should know that piece of linen again if I saw it. Elizabeth Evans pointed out a paper on the shingle. I went there to fetch it to see if there was anything in it. I went to the spot and picked up the paper myself. Ebenezer Evans was with me. The Coroner—You mean you picked up the paper at the side of the river? Witness—Yes. Did you look at the paper—the print ?—Yes. It was a paper of the 12th of last month. I noticed some blacklead pencil marks upon it, but I did not notice any blood upon it. The Coroner, to Mr. Motteram—That is all the evidence that Captain Clough has to offer on the part of the Crown. Will you call any witnesses ? Mr. Motteram—No, sir ; I am quite content to leave the matter to the jury under your directions. The Coroner then proceeded to carefully sum up the evi dence. He said the body had been examined by two medi cal men, who said the child had breathed, but they could not specify the exact cause of death, except that the child might have died from the fracture of the skull, and it might have died from suffocation. The jury would consider in the first place was the child born alive. That was the great question in the case—that is, was it produced into the world as an independent being freed from its mother, and if so, was it destroyed by any and what person. The law required that the proof should be clear and distinct to justify a verdict of murder. The Jury then retired for nearly an hour, and then re turned the following verdict :—•' We find that the body of a child was found dead on the banks of the River Mawd dach, in the parish of Llanabar, but how the said death was occasioned there was not sufficient evidence to show." The verdict having been recorded, Mr. Molten= addressed the Coroner—l may now, sir, that the verdict has been delivered, be perhaps permitted to say that as so much has gone forth in the papers, I should, had it been necessary, have been prepared to prove that my client was absent from home at the time, indeed two or three days before the birth of this child, and that he never heard of the birth of it until at the same instant he was informed of its death. The inquiry then terminated, having lasted nearly six hours. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Lord Brougham has once more surveyed the human race and its doings in his opening ad dress to the Social Science Association. What he says is, as usual, interesting and attractive, and we cannot but congratulate the veteran philosopher and jurist on the health, strength, and unimpaired elas ticity of mind which he displays at his advanced age. To find a man in the evening of life hopeful of the future, and energetic in aiding causes of which the final triumph must still be far distant—. to observe that age does not necessarily bring a de sire to praise the past, nor success and honours produce apathy with regard to the public good—is gratifying, from the rarity of this active and liberal frame of mind. In an age when so many seem to fancy that nothing remains to be done, and so many more that whether anything be done or not it is all the same in the end, the discursive address of the large-minded old man, pointing out so many new fields of exertion, and recounting what has been done in each, gives profitable matter for perusal. We must, indeed, forget, if we can, the name of the association. If the word " science" is to be used in any but the vaguest and loosest sense, the matters which have been touched upon by Lord Brougham, and which will form the subjects of discussion dur ing the proceedings, are in great part not scientific. Of course, there is a sense of the term in which everything that has been said, done, or thought about since the beginning of the world is scientific ; but if we are to give it its more reasonable meaning of the process by which the relations between pheno mena and the laws that govern them are determined, the members of the Social Science Association can hardly be called scientific investigators. Yet they are a most estimable set of inquirers, and the inte rest they feel and are likely to spread concerning many things which the busy and the selfish are apt to forget will, we doubt not, make the associa tion a benefit to the country. . The love of meeting together, of seeing distinguished people in the flesh, of hearing them speak, of talking about things which have become popular, is strong in the , English people, and indeed all over Europ e , a t pre sent. We have our societies and congresses, and the Continentals are equally fond of the pastime, the difference being that they affect rather universal and international gatherings, while we, the Britons, cut off from the whole world, are content with gatherings more exclusively native. The good ten dency of these assemblies cannot be doubted. They give people an interest in their own intellectual or philanthropical work during the rest of the year, and form a kind of annual fair at which the ideas of the interval can be exposed, valued, and bar tered. The assumption of the name and forms of science does no harm, for in public and popular dis cussions it is difficult to prevent even real science from taking the shape of narrative, description, and the mere gossip of adventure, as must be well known to every reader of the proceedings of the British Association. The meeting of the Association at Sheffield gives Lord Brougham the opportunity to speak on a number of topics which, to use the popu lar phrase, are the questions of the day. Naturally, the late general election takes the first place. Eng lishmen are a political race, and yet our chief poli tical act, as a nation, recurs but a few times in a man's life. The choosing of a new House of Com mons is a great event, and the nation looks at the list of names with the interest of a whist-player taking up his cards after a deal. The social inves tigators are first congratulated on the gain of two or three good members, and then condoled with on the loss of two or three others. But a great reason for satisfaction arises, in the opinion of Lord Brougham, from " the fact that there has been a considerable diminution of bribery and corruption." How far this may be the case we are unable to say. The subject is a delicate one, and until the com mittee-rooms are opened next session we would rather not pronounce an opinion on it; but in the observa tion of Lord Brougham that the cost of a seat is still enormous, and that " the expenditure which may still be incurred without any corruption is truly disgraceful," we most cordially join. Whether it would be possible to do away with this evil, and by stringent regulations to put a poor but able man on a level with those who now are able to open public-houses, to give railway passes, to hire flies and cabs by scores, and after election to subscribe to charities and amusements of all kinds, is a ques tion which has engaged the attention of most thoughtful men, and has, we think, been generally answered by them with a reluctant negative. But we commend this part of Lord Brougham's ad dress to the reader, and more especially his remarks on Parliamentary Reform, which, whether his spe cific proposals be sound or not, show that an old and liberal statesman sees the difficulties which must attend any large measure, and advocates gradual and temperat e c h ange . Th e su bject of a joint Committee of the two Houses on Private Bills is one that ought not to be passed over by any body which employs itself in the improvement of the na tional proceedings. The immense development of railways and of other enterprises requiring Parlia mentary sanction makes the private business the most onerous part of a member's duties, while the cumbrous system now prevailing increases the cost of every public work, and so far wastes the money of the nation. A time is coming, we believe, when joint-stock enterprise will devote itself to a great number of works requiring public authorization, such as the pulling down and building up again our hideous metropolis, the thorough and scientific draining of all our towns, the increase of water supplies, and the like. Free association is' as yet in its infancy, and it is easy to foresee that in a few years it will be beyond the powers of either House to regulate its enterprises. Lord Brougham indi cates the subject as one for the consideration of the meeting, and with good reason. The interesting and }'nost important object of co-operation among working men is then touched upon, and afterwards that of the education of women. Leaving these, the noble President passes to matters with which he is well acquainted, and he justly con gratulates the Association on the passing of the County Courts Equitable Jurisdiction Bill, which is probably destined to make a greater change in the legal system of the country than any.measure that has been assented to for years. Lord Brougham regrets, we think with reason, that the late House of Commons received with such incivility Sir Fitzroy Kelly's Bill for further amending the law of evidence by permitting the parties to suits in the Divorce Court and elsewhere to be examined on matters re specting which they must now remain silent; and he is an advocate also for the voluntary examination of defendants in criminal cases. The Partnership Amendment Act and the Prison Act he also notices, and once more urges the digesting and consolida tion of the law. If we might venture to give a word of advice to the Association, it would be to follow the example of their President in making scientific law reform one of the chief objects of their exer tions. There are two departments in which the country requires all the aid that an association of educated and zealous people can give it and, happily for the Association, they may both be spoken of with accuracy as scientific. These are the improve ment of the law, and the investigation of questions relating to public health. We live in a state which is becoming more artificial, physically and morally, every year. A. nation penned up in towns, and maintaining itself by a complicated system of com merce and manufactures, must be more observant of sound principles--must, as it were, take more care of itself--than one which lives a simple and natural agricultural life. The two things neces sary for national prosperity are that these millions of workers should be kept in good health, and that their mutual rights and the industry and enterprise which employ them should be regulated on sound and rational principles. If these things be attended to, party politics become trifling, and electoral ma chinery may be repaired at leisure. HERALD.—The murder of a Princess by a Prime Minister would be a startling event in Europe, and even in the East must be something more than a nine days' wonder. Of the latter fact we have just had experience in a trial at Loodiana, in the Pun jaub, which may fairly be considered a cause celebre. The publicity which the proceedings have obtained, however, is due to the fact that the crime was com mitted upon British territory. For the scandals of native Courts are not usually proclaimed from the house-tops, and the retribution which they bring upon the offenders is as silent as it is sharp and de cisive, besides being usually inflicted by authority beyond the reach of the law. The murdered lady in the present case was the aunt of the Rajah of Nabha, of which state Sirdar Goorbuksh Singh was the Prime Minister. The career of this man had not been of a creditable kind. In 1847, when the deposition of the reigning Rajah placed a boy upon the throne, he had been selected by the British Go vernment as one of a council of regency. For cor rupt abuse of his authority he was dismissed from office and sent into banishment, his estates being confiscated at the same time. In 1857, as a reward for its loyalty during the outbreak, the state was increased in extent, the Rajah being allowed the right of adoption, freedom from tribute, and more independent powers than he had hitherto held. In 1862, just before his death, this Prince, as a further favour, was allowed to receive back the disgraced official, whose brilliant abilities now secured him the highest post in the Administration. The Princess Mehtab Kour, whom he eventually made his victim, was an object of his bitter dislike on more than one ground. A house which had formerly been his pro perty was assigned to her during his dislike, and she did not restore it on his return. His principal griev ance, however, was a claim which she made against him for her jewels which she had lent to his son on the occasion of a wedding, and also for some land belonging to her late husband which the Minister had attached. An opportunity for vengeance soon presented itself. Through his influence the Princess was ordered by the present Rajah to retire to her fam fly estate in the district of Goordaspoor—beyond the boundaries of his territory, and thither she pro ceeded—not alone, as it afterwards appeared in evi dence, for this unhappy lady was as frail in charac ter as she was beautiful in person. The Minister now set to work to accomplish her destruction, and selected as an instrument a man named Mytaba, who was released from prison, where he had been confined for debt, upon condition of his services. The reason which the Minister assigned to his agent for the commission of the deed was, that his in tended victim was a woman who had bewitched and poisoned the lateßajah. AsMytaba was unacquainted with the part of the country where she taken up her residence, his employer gave him a month to find it out, and further furnished him with a description of the lady, saying that she was of fair complexion, with a deep voice, and eyes like a cat. Furnished with this information, and an advance of money, Mytaba, in the assumed character of a sugar mer chant, made his way patiently to the place indicated, and waited about for 15 days, until, by means of cautious inquiries among the villagers, he discovered the Princess's house. For two nights more he watched the dwelling in order to see if there was any guard. Then, lying hidden from observation, he waited two nights more for an opportunity. At last he managed to look into a room where a light was burning, and there he saw a lady with fair complexion and eyes like those of a cat, and knew that he had found his victim—being further assured by the sound of her voice, which he heard through a door. But now that the time had come he felt, as he says, that he could not commit the murder alone. So he returned to Nabha, and received permission from the Minister to engage an assistant, a man named Heera undertaking the work, on condition, among other inducements, that his brother, who was con fined in gaol, should be liberated. Mytaba also obtained from the Minister a sword with which to execute the deed. The conspirators then returned to the Princess's neighbourhood, and at night tried to enter the house where she slept. But none of the doors would open ; so they decided to take an other opportunity and slip in before the place was shut up. There was a barber's house close by, and they agreed to cook their food there, and learn what they could of the Princess's habits from the barber's wife. Pretending ignorance of the place and of the name of the lady, they soon gained the required information. The Princess, they were in formed, took her dinner in one building and then went to another to sleep. Nothing could be better for their purpose, they would attack her when she was retiring to rest. So next evening, on the 4th of January last, they returned to the place and hid themselves in a coach-house, and saw her go into the house where she took her meals, with a female attendant. They did not make the attack then but waited for her to come out. Heera, who had the sword concealed under his arm, said to Mytaba, " Do you kill her." Mytaba replied that he would not. So when she appeared, which she did in com pany with a young man, Heera stepped forward, made several cuts at her with his sword, and so dispatched her. The above facts are drawn from the voluminous evidence taken at the trial, before the Deputy Commissioner at Loodiana. Mytaba had been previously convicted for the murder at the Sessions Court, and sentenced to imprisonment for life—a mitigated penalty consequent upon the dis covery that he had been hired by the Minister to commit the act. Heera also turned Queen's evi dence, and the testimony of these men being sup ported by corroborative facts, their employer was then arrested for instigating and ' abetting the crime. The Rajah had also held, an investigation of the case, and found reasons for suspecting his Minister, which he communicated to Sir Herbert Edwardes, the commissioner of the Cis-Sutlej States. The result is that Goorbuksh Singh has been found guilty, and sentenced to transportation for life. It is seldom, as we have observed , that so cha racteristic a rev elation of the inner life of an Eastern Court is made public in all its particulars. Very few even of the inmates of the palace are aware of a great deal that takes place within its walls, especi ally where women are concerned. The British re presentative may remonstrate against cruelty and injustice perpetrated out of doors, but to take cog nisance of what occurs within the sacred precincts of the Zenana is to run something more than a risk of rupture, and such a step would be adopted only in extreme and notorious cases. Under the late Kings of Oudh there is no reason to doubt that not only was the greatest tyranny exercised over men —torture, for instance, being in constant employ ment—but that the inmates of the Zenana were not unfrequently disposed of by poison, the cord, and by being wall e d up alive. The British Resident might hear of such proceedings, but it was impos sible for him to interpose in particular instances. All he could do was to advise the monarch from time to time to mind his ways, and warn him of the consequences which his general conduct was likely • to entail. The interference of the British Govern ment is necessarily limited to the same extent else- , where; and although we could scarcely point to a Court in the present day so sunk in iniquity as that which was rooted up at Lucknow, there is scarcely a native state in which practices do not prevail or proceedings occasionally take place whit are repug nant to civilised ideas and embarrassing to the maintenance of amicable relations. Only lately the Government of India have had to make remons trances with two native chiefs—in the one case on account of human sacrifices; on the other for in flicting upon offenders the punishment of cutting off their hands and feet—a cruelty which, by the way, the pacificatory party among our own coun trymen in 1857 declared that the murderers of Delhi and Cawnpore were incapable of committing, even in their frenzied outbursts against the Feringhee. How far • the first question has been settled we are not sure ; but in the latter case, the British Government have not found it expedient to do more than deprive the chief of the salute due to his rank whenever he enters British territory—a diplomatic rebuke, however, which would be con sidered of more importance in India than in this country. With regard to the case which suggested these remarks, it was doubtless well for the ends of justice that tie crime was committed upon British territory. The Rajah, with the defective machinery at his command, Would probably not have been able to bring the guilt home to Goorbuksh Singh; and though he would stand on very little ceremony about removing the head of his Minister upon sus picion, that official might have manifested a differ ence of opinion, and a popular commotion been the result. As it is the British power has fortunately been able to step in and bring the question to a fair legal issue, to secure a verdict which no one will venture to dispute, and a sentence which no one will think too severe, but rather to err on the other side, as most of us will consider in this country, where the procurer of a crime is a principal in the eye of the law, and is abhorred even more than the enactor by the honest prejudice of Englishmen. 'IP COUNTRY MARKETS BIRMINGHAM—THuRsDAy. At our corn market to-day we had a fair quantity of wheat on offer. The demand was on the whole healthy, and best sorts of new rather dearer ; coarse and secondary lots of old a shade cheaper. Barley in good supply, and prices a shade easier. Oats held at extreme rates. Beans a slow sale at is per qr. reduction. Peas unaltered. Currencies :—English wheat, white, 45s to 50s ; red, 390 to 48s per 36 stone. Malting barley, 30s to 35s ; grinding, 22s to 25s per qr. Oats, 24s to 30s ; Irish, 21s to 24s per 30 stone. Beans, 42s to 45s ; and peas, 40s to 42s per qr. fying all laws passed by the Legislature during the war not inconsistent with the Constitution of the United States ; and also an ordinance ratifying the present Constitution, except as regards the issuing of Treasury notes and State bonds. The Yellow Fever in Swansea. (From the Swansea Herald.) Under this startling heading several paragraphs have recently appeared in some of the London and other papers which, though founded on fact and correct in the main particulars, still are calculated to excite exaggerated fears and to lead to erroneous conclusions. Under these circumstances, we think it will be well to give a brief summary of the facts and a statement of the steps which have been taken by the authorities of the town in consequence, which may be relied upon as correct, and which will, we think, show that, although the aspect of affairs was at one time alarming, and still continues serious, there is every reason to believe that the worst is past, and that no further considerable extension of the fever which has unfortunately broken out among us need be apprehended. The facts are briefly as follows :—A few weeks since the barque Hecla arrived in this port from Cuba, with a cargo of copper ore for the Cobre Min ing Company. Soon after its arrival it was rumoured that the yellow fever existed on board, and that one man had died (on the day after reaching Swansea) of the disease. Immediately upon hearing the rumour, the mayor took measures for having the matter inquired into, and the result showed that the report was substantially correct. How a vessel so circumstanced was permitted to enter the port we cannot explain ; it certainly would seem that there must have been some serious neglect of duty upon the part of the coastguard. However this may be, it is certain that the responsibility does not in any way attach to any officers of the local board, whose ju risdiction does not extend to the case of vessels en tering the port. Upon being certified that one of the crew of the Hecla had died of fever, the mayor at once exerted to the utmost the powers vested in him by virtue of his office, and even in the opinion of some exceeded those powers, in order, if possible, to prevent the spread of the disease. The vessel was fumigated, the clothes of deceased were burnt, and every possible precaution was taken. It was hoped for some time that no further fatal consequences would result, but about a fortnight ago a death, distinctly traceable to the Hecla, took place, which the medical men of the town agreed in considering to have been the consequence of yellow fever. This was followed by others, and altogether we believe about ten deaths, certified as occasioned by yellow fever, have taken place. Of course, considerable alarm was felt, the matter was anxiously discussed by committees of the Board of Health, and various remedial and preventive measures were adopted. Meanwhile Dr. Paddon, who had taken great inte rest in the matter, communicated with the Privy Council on the subject, and on Thursday the Go vernment sent down Dr. Buchanan, physician to the London Fever Hospital, to inquire into and report upon the facts. Dr. Buchanan met and conferred with the mayor, the medical men of the town, the custom-house officers, and the agent for the Hecla, and subsequently visited several of the houses where fever was said to exist. He expressed his full ap probation of all that had been done, and suggested the removal of the Hecla out of the dock to the end of the East pier, which at the instance of the mayor was at once carried out. On Monday, a special meeting of the local board was held for the purpose of considering the propriety or otherwise of appoint ing a medical officer for the borough, at which, by invitation, Dr. Buchanan was present. The meeting resolved itself into a committee of the whole board, and the question was discussed very fully. Dr. Buchanan expressed very decidedly the opinion that it was quite unnecessary to appoint a medical officer simply for the purpose of dealing with the fever which had broken out ; this, he had no doubt, would be confined within narrow limits, and would speedily be eradicated. But looking at the question broadly, and with a view to the due carrying out of sanitary measures generally, he thought the appointment of such an officer decidedly desirable. Several of the members of the board expressed their perfect willingness to support the appointment upon general grounds, though they would have resisted any motion for appointing an officer to act simply with reference to this isolated event. The members of the Works and Nuisances Removal Committee stated that they often felt the need of such an officer ; and ultimately it was unanimously resolved that a medical officer should be appointed, at a salary of £lOO a year ; and it was arranged that a meeting of the board should be called for Monday next, to receive a report as to the duties he will be required to perform. The opinions expressed by Dr. Buchanan were of a decidedly re-assuring character, and we confidently hope to be able very shortly to report that all trace of the fever has disappeared. The Board of Guardians, at their meeting to-morrow, will consider as to the desirability of taking steps for the establish ment in the town of an hospital for the reception of persons afflicted with contagious diseases. Fashions for October. (From Le Follet.) We have now arrived at the transition state, when we must chronicle fashion as it is and as it will be. Just now, the large collet, with a small straight collar, is the costume par excellence, being more suitable than any other over a light dress ; but, so far as we can judge, for the winter, vestments with sleeves will be the most in favour. Those collets are made in various styles. The most elegant are those of white cachemire, lined with pink or blue plush, and trimmed with Thibet fringe and passementerie. Others are made of a kind of soft flannel, either plain white, or black and white striped—the black stripes of velvet, and bordered round with a thick cord. Simplicity in the trimming of dresses is now very much adopted by ladies of good taste. It is not now as it was last year, when the trimmings cost frequently double the price of the dress ; but, although many moire, taffetas, and even muslin dresses, are made plain, it is by no means a rule without exception. Passementerie will still be a favourite trimming; nor is this surprising, when we see in what beautiful designs it is made. Many ceintures aro made of it ; and the rage for bands of all kinds is quite as great as ever. The Princesse make of robe is much in vogue. It is especially becoming for figures, when made in this mate rial. The chemise russe is very much worn, and it is very frequently made of the same material as the under-skirt. Thus, an under-skirt and chemisette of striped foulard, and the upper skirt of unbleached linen. Of course, these dresses are drawn up by plaques or buttons, and are not intended to be let down ; therefore, they must neither be so long nor so wide as dresses for fuller toilette, which are let down when in the room. The under-skirts must not be very long, and not more than three yards and a half wide. Our readers will find our list of dresses has the charm of variety this month, as we endeavour to cull them from dif ferent sources, so that they may be useful for any weather October brings us. A robe of Lyons poplin, black and white check. The skirt is trimmed with pattes of black velvet, rather more than a quarter of a yard long, and festooned, being caught up by cords and buttons. The under-skirt of white alpaca with medaillons of black guipure. The body is high, and trimmed, like the sleeves, with bands of black velvet. A dinner or soiree dress of gros-grain ; white ground, with turquoise-blue spots. Very long skirt, trimmed round with a blue cord, and above the hem an insertion of black guipure. High body, with round waist, trimmed with guipure. The sleeves to match. Ceinture of blue gros grain, fastened by a gold buckle. A spotted moire antique dress, of a deep shade, quite plain, with a train. The body made with basques, and fastened with steel buttons. A dark drab moire robe, with two skirts : the first skirt plain, the second trimmed with a'wide white Thibet fringe, headed by plaques of rich passementerio carried up each seam. The body is made with basques, forming points in front, and one in the centre of the back. The whole trimmed to match the second skirt. A ceinture of passe menterie. Sleeves tight, with a fringe round the arm-hole. A dress of white alpaca, the skirt trimmed with 15 very narrow bias pieces of sky-blue taffetas, upon which is a Cluny guipure insertion, put on in zig-zags. The casaque of the same, trimmed with nine bias pieces to match. Blue ceinture, covered with guipure, and having at the side a bow of ribbon and guipure. A toilette of maize-coloured foulard, dotted over with black trefoils. It is made with two skirts, the first trimmed round the bottom with three rows of black velvet trefoils of different sizes. The second skirt simply bordered with velvet, and having a flounce of black Chantilly. This is caught up at four different places by large pattes, with velvet trefoils and narrow lace. High body. Ceinture of velvet and lace, and a Prince Imperial scarf fixed upon the shoulder by a velvet trefoil, and also upon the hip; and the ends trimmed round with Chantilly lace. A. ball dress of white tulle, with twenty narrow double MANCHESTER-THURSDAY. There was a tolerably numerous attendance at our mar ket this morning, and, although great firmness was appa rent on the part of holders, yet the amount of business passing was limited. Wheat and flour maintained the full currency of this day se'nnight, oats were the turn dearer, and oatmeal advanced is per load. New beans were 6d to is per qr. higher, and old were steady at late rates. Indian corn was without material change. BURY ST. EDMIIND'S-WEDN'ESDAY. There was a good supply of wheat at market to-day, which met a firm_sale at last week's prices. The qualities of barley offering were various ; prices must be quoted in favour of the buyer. Oats, beans, and peas a dull sale. Talavera wheat, 45s to 50s; red ditto, 38s to 425; barley, 30s to 328 ; secondary ditto, 27s to 29s per qr. Averages :—Wheat, 1,1441 qrs, 378 2id ; barley, 528 qrs., 28s I.oid ; oats, qrs, Od. EDINBURGH-WEDNESDAY. At to-day's market the supplies of grain were small, and sold at fully is advance on last week's prices. Average prices. Wheat, 44s 5d I Oats, 25s 4d Barley, 29s lld 1 Beans ...42s ld Wheat on the top, 2s Od up.... ....... average, 2s 2d up. Barley on the top, 1s Od up averago, 3s Od up. Oats on the top, Os 3d up average, Os 8d up. Beans on the top, 2s Od down average, Os 7d down. Total supply and sales. Wheat 560 qrs sold 425 Barley 1459 qrs sold 918 Oats 978 qrs .sold 909 Beans 219 qrs sold 12 Town-made flour sells as follows:—White, 39s 6d; superfine, 37s 6d; superfine, 35s 6d; fine, 33s 6d. GLASGOW-WEDNESDAY. During the week wheat met a fair consumptive demand at rather over late rates, but at the market me t little in quiry, and closed quiet, though firm, at about Wednesday's rates. Barley and oats in holders' favour. Beans sold slowly at is per qr. decline. Flour was steady. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Oct. 19. Ditto, via Marseilles Oct. 13. Brazil and Cape Verde. by British pao.et ...... Nov. 5. Ditto, by French packet Oct. 22. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Oct. 22. China. Penang. and Singvore, via Son.hampton Oct. 13. Ditto, via Karseilles Oct. —. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... Oct. 13. Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bumbay), via Southampton ... Oct. 11. Ditto, via q arse': les Mauritius, via Southampton Oct. ,1. Ditto, via Mareeil e.... Oct. 5. Newfoundland ... Oct. 25. Portugal...... Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. ...... tinted states and British North America, by Bri- tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp tcn • ..... Ditto, via Cor k Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry.. Oct. 6. *West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe .. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba, and Mexico Oct. 14. Bahamas, via New 'Y ork. Oct. 19 Bermuda, ditto Oct. 25. Cuba and Mexico Oct. 30. LOCKING-UP AND ASSAULT OF A BRIDEGROOM BY HIS FATHER.—At the Wednesbury petty sessions on Tuesday, Mr. Rose, of Moxley, was charged with the commission of an assault of a very brutal character on his_ son, David Rose ; and Henry Rose, another son, was also charged with assaulting his brother. It appeared from the evidence that the complainant, David Rose, on Aug. 10 last, married a young girl in the service of his father. As soon as the marriage had been peformed, the defendant, Rose sen., locked up the complainant in a room against his will and would not let him go to his wife. Sarah Langford, who was in the service of David Rose, deposed that on Friday, Sept. 27, the complainant being then in the house, she heard the defendant say to the complainant " We want you to go to sea. You must go, and we will make you go.'t The complainant replied "I love the girl (meaning his wife), and I shall not go." His mother, sister, and aunt then brought his clothes downstairs in a box. There were at the time two dogtraps at the door waiting. Wane sti heard the defendant Henry Rose say to the complainant " Now; David, we are ready ; get your hat on, you must go." The complainant said "I am not going." His aunt then, said " I always thought that you had been brought into this, but it appears you are not ; you are so stupid! The defendant Henry Rose then went upstairs to his father, and said, " This villain (meaning the complainant) won't go." His father then came down, and said to the complainant, " It's no use yoti saying you won't go ; we will make you go." The defendant, David Rose, then took hold of his head, and Henry Rose took his leg, and dragged the complainant across the room. The complainant then took hold of a piece of furniture and held it fast. They tried to make him loose it, but he would not. The defend ant, David Rose, then kicked the complainant and punched him. Witness also saw the defendant, Henry Rose, kick him several times. The complainant was then lying down, but still had hold of the furniture. The defendant, David Rose, said to him, " You rascal, if you don't loose it, I will kill you dead on the spot." They continued to kick him, when the defendant, Henry Rose, said, "Take him upstairs, strip him, and skin him—the rogue, the rascal, the villain !" The complainant then appeared quite exhausted, which the defendant, David Rose, seeing, shouted out, "It's his rougishness, the rascal." They then took him upstairs. When they had got him up there, witness heard blows struck. The defendant, David Rose, and his wife were up there, and she (witness) heard the complainant groaning. They locked him in a room, stripped him, and took all his clothes from him. They kert him locked in the room from Monday night until Tuesday night. Witness said tha she saw him on that day, when he asked her to go to hi wife. The case was adjourned for a week. • Births. KINGDON.—On the sth inst., at 29, Marlborough-hill, the wife of Paul A. Kingdon, Esq., barrister-at-law, of a daughter. REA.—On the 4th inst., at Kensington, the wife of Win. Rea, Esq., of a daughter. WATSON.—On the 4th inst., at Waverley, Hartlebury, the wife of John Watson, Esq., of a daughter. ra AD lie Marriages. CORNFORD—CoPE.—On the 4th inst., at St. Mary Abbott's, Kensington, the Rev. James Cornford, of Horsell, near Woking, to Emily, the eldest daughter of Charles West Cope, RA. DENNISON—KENYON.—On the sth inst., at St. John's, Hol loway, John William Dennison, of King-street, city, and East Ham, Essex, to Julia Georgians, second daughter . of Robert Kenyon, Esq., of Belgrave House, Holloway. Deaths. HOBBS.—On the 4th inst., at 1, Foulis-terrace, Onslow square, the Rev. Charles Parson Hobbs, Chaplain of Bethlehem Hospital, aged 45. SIMONDS.—On the 4th inst., at his residence, 39, Fitzroy square, Lieut.-Colonel William Simonds, Bengal Army unattached, aged 79. TEALBY.-011 the 3d inst., at Biggleswade, Mrs. Tealby, lately of Victoria-road, Holloway. WOOD.—On the 4th inst., at Rugby, Alfred W. Wood, of 55, New Bond-street, aged 30. • London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tilz Sur( Ofnce, No. Mr Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middlesex..--Friday, October 03, HO&