The Sun. — London, England, 1866-08-02 00:00:00

MINIS TERIAL BANQUET AT THE MANSION-HOUSE. Last evening Lord Derby, as First Lord of the Treasury, and the rest of her Majesty's Ministers, dined with the Lord Mayor and Lady Mayoress. It is a time-honoured custom in the City of London for the Chief Magistrate to entertain the members of the Government for the time being, during his year of office, regardless of all party or political con siderations ; and the honour devolved upon the Lord Mayor last evening of offering to the Ministers of the Crown the hospitalities of the Mansion-house. The invited guests were about 200 in number, and included not only the Cabinet Ministers, but all the rest of the more conspicuous members of the Con servative party in both Houses of Parliament. There were.present, besides the Earl and Countess of Derby, the Lord Chancellor and Lady Chelms ford, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mrs. Disraeli, the Danish Minister and Madame de Bulow, General Negrete, Minister from the Re public of Salvador ; Lord Stanley, General and Lady Alice Peel, Viscount and Viscountess Cran borne, Sir John Pakington, the Duke and Duchess of Buckingham and Chandos, the Earl of Malmes bury, the Earl of Devon and the Lady Agnes Courte nay, Lord and Lady John Manners, Mr. and Mrs. Gathorne Hardy, Sir Stafford Northcote, &c. On the removal of the cloth grace was sung, and the Lord Mayor drank to the company in a loving cup. When the loving cup had gone round, TheLoRD MAYOR rose and said—My lords, ladies, and gentlemen, I give you the health of " Her Ma jesty the Queen." It is the good fortune of the people of this country to .be governed by a Sove reign whose devotion for her subjects, whose love for the principles of the Constitution, and whose attachment to those principles, whose many virtues and noble qualities have rendered her beloved by her subjects, and made her a bright example, en deared by her people by the tenderest ties of loyalty and affection. (Cheers.) The LORD MAYOR--I have now the honour to propose the health of the Prince of Wales. His Royal Highness, by the suavity of his manner, by his devotion to the best interests of the people, by his attachment to our institutions, has won the de votion of his country. My lords, ladies, and gen tlemen, I have great pleasure in proposing " The health of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the Princess of Wales, and the other members of the Royal family." The LORD MAYoft—l have now to ask you to drink the toast of " The Navy, the Army, and the Volunteers." In common with my countrymen, I do sincerely and earnestlyhope that we are approach ing a time when the peace of Europe will be esta blished upon a solid and a lasting basis. (Hear.) We are not, strictly speaking, a military nation, but, addressing this assembly in the presence of the Minister of War and the Minister of Marine, I hope I may be permitted to express what I believe to be the sentiment and the feeling of the people of Eng land, that these two glorious branches of our service may be maintained in an entire state of efficiency. (Cheers.) We present this singular anomaly, that, while science and peace are struggling how to de vise means to prolong life, the science of war is endeavouring to invent the most deadly machines by which to destroy life. I have great pleasure in pro posing the " Health of the Navy, Army, and Vo lunteers," coupling with the toast the names of Gen. Peel, Sir John Pakington, and Lord Colville. (Cheers.) General PEEL—Having been called upon, as Se cretary for War, to return thanks for the army, I have the greatest pleasure in doing so, although in the presence of many hon. and gallant gentlemen, whose distinguished services fully entitle them to all the compliments you have just paid to them. I beg also to return thanks on the part of the Royal Militia, a service the sterling qualities and merits of which I am sure you will duly appreciate, and who in this country, and in this country alone, voluntarily discharge those duties which do so much credit to themselves, and, I believe, obtain for them the ap probation of their fellow citizens. A very short time ago it was matter for speculation whether those great armies which had been gathered to gether in different parts of the European continent would or would not come into collision. It was impossible to foresee the great events which have since astonished the world, and to predict that that which I trust will be the greatest campaign of mo dern times should have ended in so short a space. Surely, however, there is something to be learnt from what has taken place. These great victories have been obtained not by any superiority in point courage or of physical power, but entirely, as I believe, by the superior organisation and equipment and the superior arms possessed by one of the bel ligerents. (Hear.) The result has only confirmed an opinion which I have always entertained, and have often expressed in the House of Commons, that it is the duty of this country in times of the profoundest peace, and indeed for the purpose of maintaining peace—for which nobody can be more anxious than I am—to maintain our army and navy, and our defences generally, in a state of the greatest efficiency. (Hear.) Now, in consequence of the exertions of my predecessors in office, and in consequence also of the exertions of his Royal Highness Field-Marshal the Duke of Cambridge, I have reason to believe that when the British troops are armed with the breech-loader, which is now being prepared for them, they will be equal in equipment and in arms to any troops in the world. (Cheers.) I found that belief upon reports received from those military officers who are officially at tached to the armies which have been engaged in the late war. As we all know, in point of discip line and courage, the British soldier is at present inferior to none, and I think I may congratulate this assembly that in equipment he will soon be not inferior either. (Cheers.) Sir J. PAKINGTON, in responding to the toast of the navy, said he had entered so recently upon the duties of the high off ice w hi c h he had the honour to fill, that it would be presumption on his part to at tempt to speak with authority ; but he might be allowed to express his deep anxiety that in filling that difficult and arduous post no part of the efficiency of that great service with which it was connected might be impaired, so long as he had the honour to occupy his present position. The public had been told that there had been great extravagance on the part of the Admiralty, and that much of the money so liberally voted by Parliament bad been wastefully expended. Ile expressed no opinion, he should not be justified in expressing any, upon the truth or otherwise of that allegation ; but for his part, he would take care, as far as in him lay, that the sums so liberally voted by Parliament were laid out with the greatest economy. If those allegations were made, the truth of them must be investigated. (Hear.) The necessity for economy was the more imperative, seeing that otherwise it was absolutely impossible for England to maintain her re nown as the greatest maritime Power in the civilised world. Sin ce h e had last the honour of acknowledging the toast of the navy in that hall seven years had passed a way. During thatled time the science of war, as it had been called had , to great and extensive changesnot only i n the h construction t of ships but even more in the constr uc ti on of car ried. He hoped the anticipatioens guns f which they othe Lord Mayor would prove correct, th a t, having regard to the pre sent state of Europe, we might l o ward to a state of peace ; but it should never be forgotten that Eng land had to protect an extended empire anda vast commerce; and so long as the creation of our D avy was confined within the limits of prudence and good jud g _ ment he did not believe that Parliament or the people would be unwilling to contribute whatever sums might be necessary for that purpose. (llear, hear.) Lord Co Lvf LLE, of Culross, returned thanks for the Volunteers. The LORD MAYOR— My lords, ladies, and gentle men, —Among the time-honoured customs of this an cient municipality it is one of the happy privileges of the Chief Magistrate to receive as his guests eminent statesmen, representatives of art, science, and litera ture, and other distinguished personages, who, by their learning, their talents, and their genius shed a lustre on the history of our country. We are honoured to night bythe presence of a body of noblemen and gen tlemen to whom we owe scarcely less fealty than to the Crown itself—(cheers) —and every true-born, ear nest-thinking Englishman must feel that the Govern ment of his country demands the utmost c deration and respect. (Cheers.) Anima.ted by these sentiments, it iemy duty to offer to her Majesty's Ministers that cordial and respectful welcome which the Govern ment for the time being have been accustomed to receive within these walls. My lords, it is impossible to approach the noble lord at the head of her Ma jesty's Government—(loud cheers)—without feeling that no ordinary representative man graces our board to-night. (Cheers.) The noble earl is dis tinguished by many and varied attainments of the highest order. During a long Parliamentary and political career he has charmed his hearers, inte rested and instructed his countrymen by the powers of his most remarkable and felicitous eloquence—. (cheers)—and I cannot omit to mention on this occasion that when a dire calamity befel his country —(hear, hear)—more especially his county, some time since, with what promptitude, earnestness, and success he placed himself at the head of a committee, and by his generosity, his counsel, and his unwearied attention how greatly he contributed to alleviate the miseries of those unhappy operatives on whom fell with such severity the stroke of this affliction. (Loud cheers.) Nor can we forget with what admiration and gratitude the public welcomed from the pen of the noble lord that brilliant translation of the poem of the ancient bard which has added one of the noblest and purest works to the literature of our times. (Cheers.) My lords, ladies, and gentlemen, the ancient philosophers held that there were four car dinal virtues which made up the character of the perfectly virtuous man—wisdom, temperance, justice and fortitude. I may say that I think the noble earl may fairly claim a large share of each of them. (Hear, hear.) May he be long spared to exercise those virtues, to be the centre of his home, his family, and his friends, and may health and happi ness sustain him. (Cheers.) My lords and gentle men, I invite you to drink to the healths of her Majesty's Ministers, to Lord Derby, and in the language of the noble earl's favourite poet I ask you now to listen to— " The smooth-tongued chief (a laugh), From whose persuasive lips, Sweeter than honey, flow'd The stream of speech." (Loud cheers.) The Earl of DERBY (who was enthusiastically received) said—l rise for the purpose of expressing, however feebly, on the part of myself and my col leagues, the sentiments of deep gratitude which we entertain for the honour you have paid us by your invitation to this splendid banquet, for the flattering language in which you, my lord, have proposed our healths, and for the gratifying manner in which that health has been received by this distinguished as sembly. I rose to thank you on behalf of my col leagues. But it is impossible for me to pass over the personal allusion which has been made by you to the humble part which I have taken in the per sonal service of my fellow-countrymen, and also to those claims which you have been pleased to say I possess to a place in the field of literature. In re gard to the first of those subjects, I can only say that it was impossible for any one having the ordi nary feelings of humanity to see without the deepest interest the unmerited and well-born sufferings of his fellow-countrymen. And, although I did for a certain time give my attention, or rather my attend ance, to the committee which was enlisted in this charitable work, much more merit has been claimed for me and attributed to me than I have any title to, because mine was merely a personal attendance for a short period in each week, whereas there are many who, unnoticed and unremarked, have given their time, their money, and their labour, which they could ill afford to bestow, upon the very same ser vice in which I was perhaps a prominent, but by no means the hardest worker. Upon the literary ques tion to which your lordship has referred I will not venture to say anything, except that the compliment you have paid to me as " the smooth-tongued chief" is to a certain degree qualified by that which is the reverse of a compliment, but which I cannot with truth deny, namely, that I am approaching the age of Nestor. (Laughter.) I have not yet, it is true, seen three generations of men ; at the same time, if I am not " the smooth-tongued chief,"l am address ing you here as the venerable Signor. (Laughter.) But I would rather turn from personal compli ments to that which is of greater importance at the present time—the compliment you have been pleased to pay to the Government which I have been charged with the duty of forming. 1 do not pretend for a moment to assume that the honour you have conferred upon us is an indication of political feel ing ; on the contrary, I contend that, upon occasions like the present, the voice and the language of party are and ought to be altogether silent. (Hear, hear.) Nay, more, I say that gatherings of this kind have their peculiar happiness in being the means of sooth ing and abating the acrimonious feelings of political warfare. They are the means, the happy means, of bringing together men in different stations of life, occupying different political situations, and holding varying political opinions ; and such men are led, I hope, by the interchange of social amenities, to entertain a more friendly and a more kindly opinion of each other than can be nourished amid the acri monies of party warfare. It has been a time-hon oured custom with your predecessors to invite to this hospitable board, whatever their own political opinions might be, the members of her Majesty's Government. And your lordship has only followed, but that most ably, the steps of your predecessors in welcoming here in cordial terms, which I shall ever gratefully remember, members of an Administration whose political opinions, I fear, are considerably at variance with your own. What, then, is the object of these meetings ? Why, it is this—that you, the representatives of the greatest corporation in this kingdom, you, the inhabitants of the greatest city in the world, meet together, whatever your politics may be, to express your sympathy with men who, from a sense of public duty, who have taken upon themselves an arduous and thankless office, to wel come them as fellow-labourers with yourselves in the public service, and encourage them to prove themselves worthy of the confidence which has been placed in them by their Sovereign. (Cheers.) If any Administration has cause to be gratified and encou raged by such a welcome—and every Administration must—especially does this apply to a Government which has taken office, or rather has had thrust upon it the responsibilities of office, under circumstances like those which brought my colleagues and myself into power. We have been called upon to undertake official duties at a period of the session when we were naturally looking for the ordinary retirement and relaxation from business—at a time when we have no opportunity of showing by our acts whether or no we deserve in our collective ca pacity the confidence and approval of the Sovereign. (Hear, hear.) We have been called upon to under take a duty for which we were wholly unprepared, and, moreover, at a time when the general course of prosperity of this great country is subjected to no inconsiderable drawbacks. At this moment we have pressing upon us a heavy monetary difficulty which weighs down the commercial classes. We have had, and still have to a certain extent, though now in a somewhat mitigated form, a pestilence among our herds and flocks which h . a s sN i V e C ts lghed w heav h i i l e y h up h o a n s many of our agricultural ditr , and produced an injurious effect upontheitchu beenonsume the so e f meat in the increased prices of which necessary consequence. We have also, st Ig dangerous rieveto say, unmistakable signs of that most disease, the Asiatic cholera, which, after lingering a considerable time abroad, and when we had hoped it would abstain from approaching our shores, has suddenly invaded us, and is calling for the most vigilant and careful precautions. I do not wish to draw a dark picture of the position of this country. As against what I have said upon the monetary pressure, I believe that our commerce is extending itself rapidly fe d s l a ya l n y d widely, and, what i s o f mor e con sequence,also—(hear, hear)—that it is find ing varied and multiplying channels for its develop ment, and is year by year extending itself and en larging the re sources and increasing the opulence of , this great town. (Hear.) A never was a ti me when labour reaped Aga in, I abmelioervee ample e reward, and when the working classes, with some exceptions no doubt, obtained a larger and a fairer remuneration in return for their toil than they do at present. (Hear, hear.) We may also look forward, under the blessing of Provid ence , to an early and an abundant harvest. (Hear.) And, chief blessing of all, we have by God's providence been exempted from that great scourge of nations, the war which for the last two months has been desolating the fairest portion of Europe. (Hear, hear.) With re gard to that war I will say nothing more than this. While we look with deep anxiety upon the changes whicfi it may bring about in the state of Europe, I believe that the course which the Government have pursued will be generally approved by the country. We have abstained from taking an active part in fa vour of or against any of the belligerents. If we saw the slightest prospect of procuring by our mediation and good offices the inestimable blessing of peace, we might be tempted to intervene, if asked to do so. But we have not thought that it was our duty to obtrude our advice, our counsel, or our good offices, and to interfere with matters which, although in their ultimate results they may touch remotely the inte rests of this country, do not at the present moment appear either to affect our honour or our interests. (Hear.) It is with the greatest satisfaction we hear that preliminaries have been already agreed upon be tween the belligerents which may have the effect of restoring to Europe the peace of which it stands so much in need ; and no country in Europe, no coun try in the world, will so much rejoice in the restoration of peace as England, the primary object of whose Ministers, to whatever party they belong, must be the maintenance of the tranquillity which is essential to the development of the extended trade of this great commercial empire. (Cheers.) But, my lords, peace has its triumphs as well as war, and no greater triumph, I think, can have been achieved than that which has been accomplished within the last few days in the renewed success of the attempt to bind by the electric telegraph the two great continents of Europe and America, and more especially to unite this country with the great Ame rican republic, with which we have so many ties in common—community of language, community of origin, and community, if not of institutions, at least of the principles upon which those institutions are founded. (Cheers.) Every reason of interest and attachment leads us to desire that between ourselves and America there should be an intimate and per manent union. Now, I received to-day at hall-past 1 o'clock a telegram dated from New York this morn ing, informing me, among other things, of the arri val of a British vessel at New York yesterday even ing. I ask those who are connected with the com merce of this country and with its great trading interests whether, looking forward, they can imagine or conceive the effect which may be accomplished by this great undertaking when London and New York are thus brought, not within weeks or days or even hours, but almost within minutes of each other? Is there any limit to the consequences which maybe anticipated from so close a union of two such coun tries ? It is impossible that on such an occasion as this I should not bear my testimony, and I am sure the same will be borne by all present, to the energy, and perseverance, and indomitable spirit shown, amid thegreatest difficulties and dissouragements, by those who have for a second time brought this en terprise to a satisfactory conclusion. (Cheers.) May . God grant that this link, now safely established be tween this country and America, may long continue to unite the two kindred peoples in a bond of har mony and of friendship. (Cheers.) My lords, I have said that this was no occasion for entering upon any political topics, and therefore I will abstain from saying a single word, although I am returning thanks for her Majesty's Ministers, as to the cir cumstances which have placed them in their present position ; but this I will say with regard to reform —and in this I am sure I shall have the concur rence of every man of right feeling attached to the institutions of his country, be he Reformer or anti- Reformer—the question is one which ought to be approached with the greatest deliberation and calmness, and treated in the most dispassionate and impartial manner. Let me add, and here also I believe I shall meet with general concurrence, that no cause, however good and however much it may commend itself to the reason of the country, is ever otherwise than injured in public opinion and in the opinion of the Legislature if attempted to be sup pressed by anything which bears the appearance of intimidation or violence. (Loud cheers.) As I said, we have been too short a time in office to vindicate our claim by any measures of our own to the confi dence of the country. And the circumstances of the present session, interrupting as they have done the course of business, have, no doubt, impeded Par liament in the promotion of many useful and valu able measures. Nevertheless, although I do not take any credit to the present Government for them, there are two measures which I hope even during the short space allotted to the term of the present Parliament we may still be able to carry. They are not of a brilliant, but they are of a most practical and useful character. The one secures from fur ther pollution and improves the navigation of our noble river, the Thames—a measure which comes home to the feelings of every man who lives upon the borders or is connected with the neighbourhood of the river. The other is a measure relating to the public health, which at the present moment is an object of more than usual interest and importance. I trust that during the short remainder of the ses sion we shall be able to pass a bill which will have the best possible effect upon the sanitary condition of the country, and which will enable and compel the local authorities to apply the best means at their disposal for the purpose of securing immunity as far as possible from the scourge of that pestilen tial disease—the cholera. (Hear, hear.) Speaking in this assembly, I do not doubt that the corpora tion of London will use all the power intrusted to them for such a purpose. But Ido think it is im portant to impress upon all the local authorities throughout this country how greatly the mortality or health of the people depends upon the active and vigi lant exercise by them of the duties imposed upon them by the Legislature. (Hear.) The remedies are plain and simple ; the danger is imminent. You cannot, perhaps, always obviate the difficulties which arise from overcrowding ; but you can neutralise them by enforcing strict attention, as far as you are able, to personal and local cleanliness, and by giv ing to the medical officers the largest possible powers, that they may use their best efforts for the relief of those classes who are most exposed to the dangers of the cholera, and who are least able, and perhaps least willing, to provide against those dangers. (Hem; hear.) I will not venture to tres pass upon the time of the assembly by dwelling upon any other question which it may be the duty of the Government to consider before the beginning of the next session. There are many subjects closely and intimately connected with the moral, the social, and the physical condition of the people of this country with the commercial, the labouring, and the artisan classes—to all of which the attention of Parliament may be wisely and usefully devoted. And when we meet Parliament again, I trust we shall be able to say that the recess has not been wasted, that we have not been idling away our time, but have been spending it in completing and maturing these mea sures which, at the opening of Parliament, we may sateimzbtlo(yctfhhoeerectr (Cheers.) .ne)fi patiencerrd e h n a cneionf Thanking your Parliament present as a testimony of the work w e have done, and o a f n d t the i c a s o u a e s n l which lordshipayno and have heard this somewhat lengthened address, I have only to add_ an appeal, which I am sure I shall not make in vain. Among the various institutions of this country there arc none which • exercise so power ful an influence as our municipal bodies. They are an institution almost peculiar to this country. They y. have intrusted to them an enormous portion of the administration of the country in local matters, and they are schools in which the whole population is trained to the system of local government. At the head of these municipal institutionsstandsthe city of Lon don. I should be ungrateful for the cordial reception we have had at the hands of the chief magistrate of the largest and most important city in the civilised world if I did not ask you to allow me to propose his health. I have no doubt that the duties which devolve upon the present Lord Mayor will be ably discharged, and I may express an earnest belief that he will retire from office not only with that which is the highest reward any public man can obtain— the approval of his own conscience — but also with the unanimous approval of his fellow citizens. (Cheers.) The LORD MAYOR, in acknowledging the compli ment which had been paid him, jocosely alluded to THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 2, 1860. that part that remained for him to play when " a well graced actor quits the stage." He could only say that, as far as he was personally concerned, he should ever have a grateful recollection of his lord ship's courtesy. He had not ventured to offer a single allusion to politics, conceiving it to be his duty as Lord Mayor to observe a perfect neu trality ; and he was gratified to think that so good a custom as that of receiving her Majesty's Minis ters within those walls had not been omitted in his year of office. He concluded by proposing as a toast " The House of Lords," coupling with it the name of the Lord Chancellor. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, from the office he now held, and to which he had been rather unex pectedly and suddenly raised for the second time, it became his duty to speak on that occasion. It might have been more suitable that the hereditay branch of the Legislature should be represented by one of his noble friends, who traced his descent through a long line of illustrious ancestors ; but perhaps, as the Lord Mayor had suggested, he (the Lord Chan cellor) was the more fitting representative, because he in himself offered an example of that which was the peculiar characteristic of that assembly—the facility with which it opened its doors to receive within its walls those who were not nobly born. The nobility of this country was unlike that of other countries. It was not a privileged, exclusive class ; it was not separated from the nation by any eminence on which it was placed, nor hemmed in by the possession of any exclusive privileges. It was recruited from the people and still mingled with the people. He had been often amused at hear ing persons, who were more addicted to assertion than proof, declaim against what they called the privileges of the House of Lords. He should be thankful to such declaimers if they would tell what those privileges were, and he should be happy to enter into their practical enjoyment, or be comforted with the assurance that he possessed them. It had been frequently made a reproach to their house by those who sought to disparage them that their sit tings were so short, that they did so little business, and that they never entered into such animated and interesting discussions as often took place in the House of Commons. Those objectors could not have reflected upon the peculiar part which the House of Lords had to play in our happily balanced constitu tion. It was for the security of our liberties that, while the great affairs of the nation should be ma naged in the House of Commons, the House of Peers should be a power in reserve. It might be compared to a counteracting check on machinery, which came into operation when the wheels were going too rapidly, and he thought it would be ad mitted that the House of Lords had always exercised that reserved power with judgment and moderation. (Cheers.) The House of Commons, closely in contact with the people, was sometimes urged on with too much impetuosity, and it was well that it met with an occasional barrier, by which it was induced to pause and reflect in its career. That might lead to disappointment sometimes, but Englishmen were generous, and when they had time to cool for reflec tion they were generally disposed to appreciate the motives which had induced a particular course of action. In the various points which the House of Lords touched the people they might be always sure of its sympathy. They would be sure of attention to their interests and their reasonable demands ; but being warned by history how often nations sank "by darling schemes oppressed" that house would resist to the utmost every attempt to sap the foun. dations of our institutions, and would vindicate its proper place in the Constitution of the country. (Cheers.) The LORD MAYOR proposed " The House of Com mods," coupling with the toast the name of a most distinguished member of that house, the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Loud cheers) They were all accustomed to read with great interest the remark able speeches of the right hon. gentleman, and it formed part of what was called a polite education to be familiar with his admirable productions in litera ture. It was to be hoped that in dealing with the finances of the country the right hon. gentleman might be as successful with facts as he had hitherto been with fiction. (Cheers and laughter.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in rising to speak, was greeted with enthusiastic cheers. He said—My Lord Mayor, this is not the first time I have had the honour to return thanks in this hall for the House of Commons, and as, judging from your lordship's speech, candour and frankness are not without charms in this hall, I will admit I care occasion from oeyrsonthae same privilege. l (Laughter.) I am sure you not how often and how longg ylouernpj re vealing to you my future Budget— alw w l ill sioenx,c u i s f e I me, re f r a n i o n t notwithstanding t a h s t t h a i n s d (a laugh)— but I will submit to the classic taunt which you have addressed to me without attempting in any way to vindicate my right to the views which I at present hold by communicating to you results which I have no doubt would be interesting to the city of London. (A laugh.) On the part of the House of Commons I may remind you that their labours will in a few days cease. This has been an eventful and troubled Session. There are many who say—l think without due reflection—that the Session has been fruitless. My noble friend the Chief Minister has already referred to one branch of our labours, which I certainly think is not entitled to that epithet. I hope that when the summary of our achievements is made in a few days by the Speaker he will be able to announce that some laws have been passed which will improve the health and advance the education avid moral training of the neglected classes of this country. (Hear, hear.) And if that were alone all we had accomplished, I think we should not have laboured in vain. But, my Lord, I think that there is some little mistake as to the character of the Session that is about to close. It is very true that a considerable portion of it has been employed . in protracted discussions, but the subject of those dis cussions has been the most important that can interest a free people, and, though they have ter minated - ,vithout any legislative result, I venture to think that they have not been in vain. (Hear.) All impartial persons will, I believe, admit that when at the beginning of this year the House of Commons was called upon to consider that great subject which absorbed so much of its attention, the country did not possess adequate and accurate infor mation respecting it, and that the conclusions which were recommended to us did not exhibit that matu rity, and were not suf f iciently considered to justify their adoption by the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) I trust, however, that candid observers will be of opinion that the time occupied in our discus sions has not been wasted. I cannot but believe that these discussions have enlarged and enlightened public opinion upon one of the most important sub jects that can engage the attention of the country— namely, the principles upon which power should be distributed among a free people. (Hear, hear.) That is a subject which demands the calmest con sideration, and upon which no measures should be taken except such as are founded upon ample know ledge, and brought forward after due deliberation. (Hear, hear.) My Lord Mayor, you have alluded to the connexion between the House of Commons and this corporation, a connexion which has so of ten been referred to and so long been cherished. I trust that the sympathy and the confidence which have always existed between the House of Commons and the city of London may ever be maintained. Through memorable times that feeling has been cherished, and I believe it has been always favour able to the national welfare and the public liberty. (Cheers.) After the toasts of the City Magistrates and the Sheriffs of London, to which Mr. Alderman Cope land and Mr. Sheriff Figgins respectively responded, Lord STANLEY presented himself to speak, and re ceived a most cordial welcome. He said he had not asked the permission of the Lord Mayor to propose the toast he was about to give, nor was he going to make a speech at that time of night. They were all grateful to the Lord Mayor for his splendid hospital ity that evening, but even that hospitality would have lost the greater part of its charm if it had not been for the presence of the Lady Mayoress and of the other ladies by which the occasion had been graced. He asked them to drink " The health of the Lady Mayoress." The toast was received with acclamation, and the company soon afterwards separated. The Right Hon. Spencer H. Walpole and Mrs. Walpole were prevented from dining with the Lord Mayor by the unexpected death of a near relative. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. METROPOLITAN. The half-yearly meeting of this company was held yesterday at the London Tavern ; Mr. J. Par son in the chair. The report, an abstract of which has appeared in The Sun, was taken as read. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report and statements of accounts, said he would make a few explanations with regard to the ac counts. On the 23d of December last the narrow gauge rails of the Metropolitan line were extended to Moorgate-street ; and on the Ist of March the broad gauge lines were opened to Aldersgate, and on the Ist of July to Moorgate-street. They might so far consider that the Finsbury Extension was practically completed, although at some future period they intended to provide a large station for the accommodation at Moorgate-street of the Great Western, the Great Northern, the Midland, and London, Chatham, and Dover Companies. In the present unfinished state of the line the gross traffic receipts for the past half-year on the Metropolitan amounted to £102,947, and the corresponding half of 1865 to £69,072, showing an increase of £33,875, or 49 per cent. He had told them on the last occa sion that he anticipated they would have an increase in the gross receipts of 50 per cent., so that he was not far out in his estimate. (Hear, hear.) The working expenses were £39,710, or 38k- per cent., for the past half-year, against £27,914, or 40.4 per cent., for the corresponding half of 1865 ; they had thus reduced the percentage of working expenses. They had only an additional length of three-fourths of a mile as compared with the corresponding period. The mileage run by the trains in the past half-year was 265,024 miles, and in the corresponding half of 1865, 166,290 miles, showing an increase of 98,734 train miles during the past half year. They were now gradually taking up the old permanent way and putting down steel rails. The average mileage run by the trains over every mile of these rails during the half-year was 50,000, so that the wear and tear of the rails were very con siderable. The repairs were done at night, and it was necessary to keep the line in first-rate condition. He wished the shareholders to be as well satisfied with the future prospects of the undertaking as the directors were. The directors were confident that they would not only be able to maintain the present dividend of 7 per cent. per annum, but to increase it. (Hear, hear.) Mr. SHERRIFF, M.P., seconded the motion for the adoption of the report, which was carried unani mously. Dividends at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum on the preference stock, and at the rate of 7 per cent. per annum on the ordinary stock and on the new ordinary shares for the past half-year, were de clared payable on and after the 9th inst. The meeting was then made special to consider the terms for leasing the Hammersmith and City line jointly with the Great Western Company. The ordinary capital of that undertaking amounted to £lBO,OOO, upon which they were to guarantee dividends of 5 per cent., rising in four years to 5i per cent. in perpetuity ; 5 per cent. on £60,000 preference stock ; interest on £60,000 debentures, and 5 per cent. on an additional capital of £lOO,OOO, making together £400,000, the rental being, say 5 per cent. on the whole, or about £20,000 or guineas a year. The gross traffic on the Hammersmith line had increased from £22,857 in 1865 to £36,564 in 1866, being an increase of 63k- per cent. The deeds for the lease and transfer of the line were not yet fully prepared; and as he had now explained the terms, he wished their approval of them ; but it would be necessary to adjourn the meeting to the 29th inst. at the offices of the company for the for mal approval of those documents. This was agreed to ; and the proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the chairman and directors. LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE. The report of the directors states that the amount of capital on the 30th of June on which dividend or interest was paid out of revenue, exclusive of the leased lines, was £21,173,800 ; the expenditure charged to capital for the past half-year for enlarge ment of stations and rolling stock, £184,326, and on 12 new lines was £167,790, together £352,116. The revenue account for the half-year ending the 30th of June showed that £1,157,358 had been re ceived, against £1,012,344 in the corresponding half of last year, showing an increase of £145,014. The disbursement amounted to £481,167, against £432,731, showing an increase of £48,436. The balance of revenue applicable to dividend on the ordinary stock of the company was £421,566, and out of this amount the directors recommended the proprietors to declare a dividend at the rate of 61 per cent. per annum, less income-tax, payable on the Ist of September next, and to carry forward a balance of £13,407. The antici pations expressed by the directors in the last report respecting the traffic of the half-year had been more than realised, the gross increase having amounted to the large sum of £145,014. The estimated require ments of the company for the enlargement of sta tions and for rolling stock up to December 31 next amounted to £200,000. The increase in the work ing expenses arose to a considerable extent from the enhanced price of labour and materials largely used in the working of the railway. The directors had concurred with the board of the London and North- Western Company in purchasing, on joint account, the undertaking of the Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Railway Company, which consisted of a railway from Preston to Longridge, with large station accommodation in the town of Preston. The two companies had agreed to pay the sum of £105,664 in equal portions as purchase-money for this line, being £8 per every £l2 per share fully paid up, besides assuming the mortgage debt. LLANELLY. The half-yearly general meeting of this company was held on Tuesday, at Radley's Hotel, Black friars ; Mr. C. Fowler in the chair. The ieport stated that the earnings of the under taking for the half-year ending June 30 last were £17,978, and the working expense; including hire and purchase of waggons, £10,058, leaving a profit of £7,920. To this was added £347 the last account, making £8,267. After paying interest on debentures and rent of the Vale of Towy Railway, together £3,208, there remained a surplus for divi dends of £5,059. The interest on the A preference stock and B preference shares amounted to £2,522, leaving £2,537; out of which the directors recom mended a dividend at the rate of 2i per cent. per annum, carrying forward £74. The expenditure on capital account during the half-year was principally in the purchase of locomotive engines and rolling stock. The earnings of the Carmarthen undertaking during the half-year amounted to £2,718, and the working expenses and tolls payable to the Carmar then and Cadogan Railway Company to £2,468, including a considerable amount charged for loco motive expenses not incurred in the half-year. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, said it was not so favourable as they could wish, but under the difficulties they had to contend with the disadvantages were less than might have been expected. When those difficulties passed away they looked forward to a much better state of things. Mr. SMALE seconded the motion, which was car ried unanimously. A dividend at the rate of 21 per cent. per annum for the past half-year on the ordinary stock of the company was declared, payable on Sept. Ist next. The meeting was then made special, and the directors were authorised to raise additional capital by the issue of B preference shares to the amount of £50,000 to be entitled to a rate of interest not ex ceeding 6 per cent. per annum. It was also agreed that any of the moneys not required for the purposes of the original undertaking might be applied to those of the Swansea and Carmarthen undertakings at a rate of interest not exceeding 10 percent. per annum. A meeting of shareholders in the Swansea lines undertaking was then held, and the directors were authorised to borrow £40,000 on mortgage on such terms as the directors from time to time might think fit. The proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the chairman. LONDON, CHATHAM, AND DOVER, AND GREAT NORTHERN. By an arrangement between these two campanies through trains commenced to run yesterday between Herne-hill on the London, Chatham, and Dover Railway, and King's-cross, Holloway, Seven Sisters road, Hornsey, Wood-green, Colney Hatch, Bar net, Potters'-bar, and Hatfield, on the Great Northern Railway. This service is intended to pre vent the delays and inconvenience heretofore expe rienced in changing carriages at Ludgate-hill, Far ringdon-street, or King's-cross. The Great Northern and the London, Chatham, and Dover trains run the whole distance between Hatfield and Herne-hill. There will be 15 trains daily from Hatfield to Herne hill, and 14 from Herne-hill to Hatfield, stopping at all the intermediate stations. BELFAST AND NORTHERN COUNTIES. The report of the directors of this company states that the traffic receipts for the past half year amounted to £51,043, against £48,647 for the cor responding half of 1865, showing an increase of £9,396, a result which the directors' consider satis factory. The working expenses, exclusive of the amounts received for working the Londonderry and Coleraine and the Carrickfergus and Lame lines, were higher than formerly ; but this was fully ac counted for by the advance in all classes of wages, the increased price of the principal materials used, and the extra business in that department. The balance of revenue was £21,773, out of which was deducted £4,756 for renewals, leaving £17,017, out of which the directors recommend a dividend at the rate of 4 per cent. per annum, being an increase of one-half per cent., as compared with the corres ponding half of 1865, on the original shares, which would amount to £11,158 ; and the dividend on the preference shares to £4,856, leaving a balance of £1,002. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—We could wish Ireland had made a better appearance at the close of this session than in a measure of " coercion" and a preposterous scheme ; but the measure is a matter of course, and cannot be helped ? and the scheme is one of those earth bubbles seen only by Celtic eyes. On the whole, we have reason to congratulate ourselves on the state of the island. A year ago Fenianism was preventing the growth of that confidence be tween classes and interests which is not indigenous in Ireland, and can only be accomplished by time. Mysterious as it was, incredible as it might be, people knew not what to say to a country in which it was boasted that large bodies of men met every night for drill, and had a complete American as well as Irish organisation. The gentry flocked to Dublin or to this island, Irish investments lost fa vour, and even the hardy tourist was frightened away. The truth is, England has a great horror of Irish rebellions. There was at least the possibility of one, for where there is smoke there may be flame. But the intervening twelvemonth has wit nessed a marvel in Irish history. The threatened rebellion, which claimed the entire Celtic population for its ranks, has collapsed. At home nothing is left of it but a few men undergoing the usual pe nalty of crime, and a few more held in custody for the sake of public peace. Some have been released, if they were not too proud to make the requisite renunciations and pledges. But when a man avows himself a rebel, and is known to be only waiting the opportunity that will never come, it is difficult to know how to deal with him. The wildest Irish pa triot cannot honestly say that he should be set at liberty. There is no choice but to continue the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act for a while, and so suffer a national reproach, out of all propor tiona to its actual inconvenience. For the b ene fi t of foreigners, we may as well say that a man e m ve i r g y ht p live rt, months in Ireland, and travel through without a suspicion that the liberty of the subject had been abridged by one iota, or that an Irishman was not absolutely as free as an Englishman. The other reminder of Ireland we have just had is a pretty little suggestion by Mr. O'Beirne, that her Majesty should adopt for his co un t ry t h e functions of a freehold land society, or rather of the speculator called, in the English land market, an " estate butcher." The enterprise is carried on in this country under many different conditions, and with varied success. It is conducted sometimes on purely mercantile principles, sometimes with politi cal views for the creation of votes, and sometimes with a view to that social elevation which is sup posed to go with the possession of land. It is vain to quarrel with a practice combining at once the most sordid gain and the noblest aspirations and the purest philanthropy ; but we may as well observe that there is hardly a landed gentleman in England who does not know of several personages and seve ral associations prepared to extort a high price from his fears by buying every bit of land commanding his property, and threatening to " resell" it, as Mr. O'Beirne says, " in small lots." The process is so thoroughly understood in this country as to become a profession, which, under dexterous management, may be exceedingly profitable. The question vir tually asked by Mr. O'Beirne last night was, " Why should not this be applied to Ireland ?" The true answer to this question is another—Why is not this practice applied to Ireland ? No doubt it is ap plied in those parts of Ireland which approach to this country in their social circumstances, in com mercial activity, and in the diffusion of capital. But, whether in Ireland or in England, the practice is entirely innocent of _agricultural intentions. The man who buys a " small lot" may intend to build a cottage, to grow his own vegetables, to make a flower-garden, and possibly to have a paddock for a pony or cow ; but he looks to spending his money there, not to getting it. The place is for his resi dence, rhis amusement, his health, but not for his living, or with the slightest hope of pecuniary profit. As a general and almost universal rule it is found impossible to live here on a small lot of land. The reasons are unnecessary when the fact is notorious and indisputable. The small people of our manufacturin g towns love to have little gardens in the suburbs, where they spend many hours with the best results to health both of mind and body; but they would not dream of living by their small lots were they ten times as large. They stick to the main chance, which is some regu lar industry—at the mill or the workshop. The garden is an amusement, and nothing more. In deed, when they happen to have too many peas and potatoes, they do not know what to do with them. The proposal may be as simply benevolent as the poet's dream of the time when every rood of land maintained its man, and when it is to be presumed a man required rather more than a goose and rather less than a pig or a sheep. But it is not without regret we see such impossible yet fascinating images flickered before the eyes of a people generally incap able of estimating their practical worth. Most people would like a little bit of land. It is a most natural instinct. This earth is a beautiful place. These isles, to do them justice, are fair spots. It is something to call a portion of this wondrous crea tion absolutely's one's own, and one's self the lord of it. The sentiment lies at the very basis of our social fabric, and is the key of our greatest and most distinctive institutions. Everything about us fasters this love of the soil, and the craving for land, which brought our ancestors here, and made the British Constitution. The Irish variety of the all-absorbing passion is somewhat different from the English, having a tribal origin. But substantially and practically it is the same. The Irishman, like the Englishman, wants a bit of land that he may really call his own, and off which he may warn every intruder. But if the appeal to such a senti ment is so easy, and works its way at once to the dullest fancy and the most sluggish affections, it ought not to be made without the most careful con sideration. Mr. O'Beirne has not thought it neces sary to ascertain the working of his scheme, and how far it would really benefit any considerable number of his countrymen. If they are in a condi tion to purchase " small lots" of land at the prices of the open market, we must tell them plainly that they could do much better with their money, and that any attempt to cultivate a " small lot" with profit will certainly end in the loss of the last farthing. We advise them to keep out of it, and this advice is far kinder, because wiser, than Mr. O'Beirne's, though, like medicine, it may not be quite so palatable. POST.—The correspondence relative to the Extra dition Treaty beween this country and France, which has just been made public, will, it is to be ex pected, afford such support to the bill which has been introduced as will enable the Government to carry it through the House of Commons with as little difficulty as it met with in the Lords. It has never, that we know of, been denied that the Ex tradition Treaty is most desirable not only in its direct tendency, but in the many indirect effects it produces. The fact, however, remains, that from the time it was signed, in February,. 1843, up to the present day, one of the contracting Powers has utterly failed to secure that extradition of its crimi nals, which it was intended to effect, and the circum stance that it is France who has been in this position should make us all the more ready to consider the steps necessary to put the treaty into working. order. Now, as the convention was of the nature of a bar gain, by which certain advantages were to be con ceded by both sides, it is impossible to deny that if, for any reason whatever, one of the two contracting parties failed from first to last to reap the advan tages contemplated, while the other enjoyed them throughout, the failure amply justified the Power which derived no benefit from the treaty to exer else its power of putting an end to it, and it is equallY clear that, if the causes which led to the failure were removable, they should be removed by those who for so long had got everything for nothing. What these causes are the present c o rres p on d enc e makes quite cleat. The first, as th e y are s t a t e d i n the Prince De la Tour d'Auvergne' s l e tt er o f D ec . 4, 1865, is that the English Gove rnmen t d oes no t con sider itself authorised to deliver up co n d emne d persons,. and that because the treaty o n ly p rov id es f or the delivery of persons " accused" o f th e cr i mes th ere in specified. The consequences of this, si nce it a pplies the rule. to those who are only p r e sume d t o b e guilty, an a . , withholds it from these wno have been actually, an d by judicial procedure, pro v ed to b e g uilty, are, a! the French Ambassador remarks, "peu logiques but with much moderation the French Government appear to have forborne to press their wish that this point, reposing as it does upon the treaty itself, should be amended, and to have limited their de mands to such an alteration of the procedure unde r the treaty, as it exists, as will afford a reasonable chance of rendering it operative on the English side cf the Channel for the future. This brings us to the second reason which has operated against our fulfil ment of our part of the bargain. It is, to quote the Prince De la Tour d'Auvergne again, that, as inter preted in England, the treaty would appear to re solve itself into the obligation of in some degree judging the case in England, by requiring, in addl tion to the mandat d'arret forwarded to this coun try with the request for extradition, copies of the depositions attested on oath by the person producing them, for which it has been held to be necessary tha t that person shall have seen the original depositions and shall have compared the two. Now, it is to be remembered that the copies are in the first instance certified under the hand and seal of the Juge d'ln struction before whom they have been made, and the effect of the rule therefore is that the person produc ing them, who is usually of necessity a common policeman, is required to certify that the Juge d'ln struction has certified what is true. This the French Government naturally enough consider to be an indignity offered to their judges, and it is, in fact, here that the .main difficulty occurs. Th e English magistrates, backed, it is true, by the Law Officers of the Crown, have obstinately adhered to the interpretation ; the French G overnmen t have maintained their objection, and a dead-lock has thus subsisted from 1843 up to the present time. It is worthy of remark that, even in a country so jealous of personal liberty as the United States, there has been found but little difficulty in carrying into effect a convention precisely similar in principle and almost identical in terms with that between France and England, and it appears as a fact that, ont of ten demands for extradition made under the Franco - American treaty, five, as a rule, are successful ; whereas there is not a single successful instance under the Anglo-French treaty to be pointed to. A reference to the American practice, made by . M Drouyn de Lhuys, procured a reference to the United States from the English Government, the reply to which was that there it is held that the evidence requisite for extradition " may consist of parole testimony, or copies of the depositions and other papers upon which an original warrant may have been granted in France, legally authenticated, so as to enable them to be received for similar purposes in that country." Thus it appeared that the French asked absolutely no more from us than they actually received from the Americans in the way of con struction as to the procedure under the treaty, and Lord Clarendon, while still in office, in view of al' these facts, had a bill prepared, the whole and sole effect of which is to enable magistrates to receive as evidence copies of depositions when certified by the Judge d'lnstruction and further authenticated by the signature and seal of the Minister of Justice, without requiring, as at present, that they should be still further authenticated by the testimony o .f, an inferior person. That bill it is which has passed through the House of Lords under the auspices of the present Lord Chancellor, and which has now come down to the House of Commons. As it bas the distinct adhesion of both the past and the pre sent Governments, it is not to be expected that it will meet with serious opposition, and indeed the correspondence now published shows conclusively i that it has every principle of fairness and justice n its favour. It is a matter for consideration whe ther the list of crimes for which extradition alone can be claimed, and which at present only includes murder, attempt to murder, forgery, and fraudulent bankruptcy, should not, as suggested by the French Government, be extended to other crimes equallY heinous. It seems absurd, for instance, to deliver up a criminal accused of forgery, and to refuse 1 1 1 extradition when accused of the far graver and more odious crime of rape ; but, at any rate, as the treaty now stands, it is important—not less to our interest than to our honour—that means should be adopted which will afford a probability of its provi sions being carried out. COUNTRY MARKETS. NEWCAS TLE- ON-TYNE—TUESDAY. At our market there has been a fair supply of wheat from the coast, with a moderate arrival from abroad• Prices were from 6d to is higher than last week, but the demand was not so brisk as last Saturday, and only s limited business was done. Peas and barley had more in' quiry, at late rates. Malt was dull. Beans and peas wer e unchanged in value, but the latter were very dull. Flour moved off freely at previous rates. The average price of wheat has been 50s 3d per qr. MONMOUTHSHIRE-TUESDAY. At the markets of the county there was a moderate at tendance of farmers and dealers, but very little business was done, with prices generally ruling downwards. The following aro the average quotations : The following aro the average quotations:—Wheat, real 5s 6d to 6s 3d per bushel; inferior ditto, 5s 3d to Os. Ocij white, Os to Gs 6d ; malting barley, 36s to 40s per qr ; grin"; ing ditto, 29s to 30s; beans, 445; white oats, 25s 6d to 2 7 51 black ditto, 24s 6d to 25s 6d. LYNN-TUESDAY. A short supply to-day of wheat, and fresh samples made is to 2s more money. New wheat, 54s to 56s ; new red, 48s to 50s ; old whit e ! —s to —s ; old red, 49s to 151 s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 32s to 348 ; secondary, 28s to 30s. Oats, new', 24s to 28s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 47s to 50s. F O A 36s to 40s per 28 stone. SALISBURY.—TUESDAY. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised froni, 48s to 58s ; barl e y, 30 s t o 40 s ; oa t s , 24 s t o 32s ; beans, 41 , 3 , to 545; and peas, 42s to 50s per qr. Tares, from Gs to 5 6d per bushel ; Best bread, 13d ; household ditto, 12(1 ' per Blb loaf. Flour, 38s to 42s per sack. HULL.—TUESDAY. English old whito wheat, 54s to 555; old red, 49s to 500. Barley, English, —s to --s ; grinding, Mediterran(: ol, 31s to 31s 6d. Oats, new English, 27s to 28s ; Russian , 26s to 275. Beans, old English, 50s to 51s ; foreign, 458 to 475. Peas, English blue, 40s to 41s Od ; f ore i g n w hite, 38s to 40s ; grinding, 36s to 37s Od per qr. GAINSBOROUGH—TUESDAY. With a rather short supply of wheat, trade ruled du ll ' Last week's prices about supported. White wheat, 549 to 58s ; red and mixed, b2s to 55s per qr. Beans were sold at full prices. Oats scarce, and late rates were supported• In other grain no change. WHOLESALE INFANTICIDE—" Those crying Dui' sauces," said a sanitary refor m er, "at a ti me lik e this °ugh', to be abated." " Then," observed a horrid old single gel' tloman " we shall have to kill all the babies."—Punch. [ADVERTISEMENT. j—liolloway's Ointment and Pills.l Notable Facts.—lntense heat augments the annoyances skin diseases and encourages the d e v e l o p m ent of febril disorders, wherefore they should, as they can, be remove, by these detergent and purifying preparations. In s tomach complaints, liver affections, pains and spasms of the bowe l° Holloway's unguent well rubbed over the affected part inn; mediately gives tho greatest ease, prevents congestion an inflammation, checks the threatening diarrhoea, and aver° incipient cholera. The poorer inhabitants of large citie_ B will find these remedies to be their best f r i en d s w hen any pestilence rages, or when from unknown causes eruption*, boils, abscesses, or ulcerati ons p o i n t ou t th e prese nce 0 : taints or impurities w ithi n th e sys t em, an d ca ll f or install' and effective curative measures. Births. DANVERS—On the 31st ult., at Caterham, Surrey, the Wi f° of Juland Danvers, Esq., of a daughter. ELLIOTT—On the 29th inst., at Sittingbourne, the wile of George George E. Elliott, Esq., of a son. of Musno—On the 31st ult., at 22, Cadogan-place, the wile Campbell Munro, Esq., of a son. RIVERS—On the 30th ult., at Harlow, Essex, the wife of F. Rivers, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. HART—LEWIS —On tho 31st ult., at St. Bride's Church, Fleet-street, Thomas Wm. Hart, jun., of South 1-Ineltua' to Harriett Jane Lewis, youngest daughter of the late Alex. Lewis, Esq., R.N. MUSSENDEN—BOYNTON—On the 31st ult., at Burton Agues Yorkshire, Wm. Mussenden, Esq., Captain in the °`'., Hussars, to Katherina Maud, only daughter of Sir lieniJ Boynton, Bart. _ Deaths. CAPEL—On tho 30th tilt. in London, Dame Harriet Cat e rine, widow of the late Admiral the Hon. Sir Bladee Cape], K.C.B. GRUGEON—On tho 3th ult., at Winchmore-hill, Middles James J. Grugeon, Esq., of the Stock Exchange, age d 4 ' . GUEST—On the 31st ult., at Clifton, Henry Guest, Bs co aged 63. of Hose—On the 31st ult., Col. Charles R. Hogg, forme rl Y the Royal Bombay Fusiliers, son of the late Lieut.-U°'' Hogg, of Wimbledon. Of lIUTCIIINSON—On the Ist inst., Mr. Wm. Hutchinso n, the Brewery, Eltham, Kent, aged 63. HONEY—On the 29th ult., at Peckham, Wm. Iron* Esga late of the Stock Exchange, aged 63. HASTINGS—On the 30th ult., at Barnard's-green ll ( n is°l near Malvern, Sir C. Hastings, M.D., D.C.L., aged 7 3 . _ MENZIES—On the 31st ult., Egbertha Menzies, relict of the late Major Menzies, of Cheshill, Perthshire, aged 9°' London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM A.NDB -1 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUN SUN Office, N. 7 4 Strand, in the Precinct of; the Savoy, in the Coung Middleies—Thursday, August 2,1888. 1.4 Ev) -__ 10\1 ©rte a la