The Sun. — London, England, 1866-05-18 00:00:00

IMP 3R PARLIAMEN HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. RITUAL OBSERVANCES. Lord PORTMAN presented a petition against the con tinuance of ritual ceremonies in the Church of England. The Archbishop of YORK expressed the opinion of himself and his brother prelates, which was in acccordance with the spirit of the petitions. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Suther land Walker's Estate, Buchanan's Estate, Newchurch Parish Division, M erry b ent and Darlington Railway, British Gas Company (Staffordshire Potteries), Nelson Local Board, and Slough Gas. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Amicable Life Assurance, Bury Gas, Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (extension of time, &c.), Alfin Valley Railway, New River Company, and Cambridge University and Town Water, PRIVATE BILLS. Lord REDESDALE moved that the standing orders be suspended in order that the time for depositing petitions praying to be heard against private bills, which would otherwise expire during the adjournment of the house, be extended to the 28th instant. THE COLLECTION OF PAINTINGS AT BUR LINGTON HOUSE. Lord OVERS TONE drew attention to a statement which had appeared in a morning paper, to the effect that the collection of paintings at Burlington House was to be removed. He thought that time should be afforded to Parliament and the country to ex press their opinion on this subject. Earl GRANVILLE said that the Government felt that they should be bound by a decision of the House of Com mons in giving the National Gallery, the trustees of which had funds at their disposal, the means of selecting a site for the erection of a building for their purposes. He believed that while the site of Burlington House had been origi nally selected there was some doubt on the part of the trus tees of the National Gallery as to whether it was the most eligible. After a few words from Lord OVER.STON; the subject dropped. The following bills were read a second time :—Eccle siastical Leases (Isle of Man), Drainage Maintenance (Ire land), Land Drainage Supplemental, and Cattle Assurance. The Attorneys and Solicitors (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and passed. SELLING AND HAWKING ON SUNDAYS BILL. Lord HOUGHTON appealed to the noble and learned lord (Chelmsford) not to press this bill in the face of the opposition to its provisions that were expressed against it. He referred to the amendment proposed by Lord Teynham, and to th e genera l di ssat i sfaction exhibited at revious attempts to legislate on this subject. Lord CHELMSFORD repeated the objections ho made to the course pursued in opposing the bill after its having passed a second reading, by which its principle was ap proved. He h a d un d er t a k en t h e d uty o f i n troducing this measure very reluctantly, but he did so in compliance with petitions from thousands and tens of thousands tradesmen, and from which it appeared that there were no less than 60,000 tradesmen, with their employ6s, who were reluc tantly compelled to trade on Sundays. •Lord REDESDALE then moved a series am endments, the amendm nts, the object of which was to confine the action of the bill to the closing of shops, except for the sale of medicines during the hours of Divine service. Lord TAUNTON thought that if the bill were ever to become law it would be inoperative, owing to the difficulty of enforcing its provisions. Earl RUSSELL was of opinion that Sunday trading had increased very much in the metropolis during the last 30 years, and that the bill, if amended, as suggested by Lord Redesdale, would prove a boon to the working classes, by giving them a real day of rest. Lord CHELMSFORD objected to accept the amend ments, on the ground that. they were fatal to the principle of the measure, and intimated that if they were carried he would withdraw the bill. After some remarks from Lords PORTMAN and HAR ROWBY7 The Earl of ELLENBOROUH, though approving of the principle of the bill, apprehended that if passed into law it would create a standing feud between the lower classes and the police. He believed, moreover, that the measure would be rejected by the House of Commons in a manner that would be an affront to their lordships. He should therefore vote against the bill. Earl GREY supported the bill, and argued, that if passed its provisions ought to be enforced by the police, and not by common informers. On a division the amendments of Lord Redesdale were agreed to by 54 to 41. Lord CHELMSFORD thereupon said he would not with draw the bill, but that he declined to take further charge of it. Lord TAUNTON then gave notice that on the motion for the third reading of the bill he would move its rejec tion. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS The following bills were read a second time and passed : Abercarn Roads ; Aberdeen County and Municipal Build ings ; Belfast Burial Ground ; Bridport, Lyme, and South Coast Railway ; Combmartin and Ilfracombe Road ; Dublin and Kingstown Railway (Lease); Glasgow City improve ments, &c. ; Kilmarnock Water ; London and South Western Railway (Additional Powers) ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Additional Powers); Manchester Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (New Lines); Mersey Docks and Harbour Board (Outer Works Alteration); Mersey Pneumatic Railway ; Metropolitan Rail way (Additional Powers) ; North Walsham and Dilham Canal ; Salisbury and Yeovil Railway (Capital) ; Ventnor Gas ; and "il , alker and Wallsend Union Gas. THAMES AND SEVERN CANAL NAVIGATION BILL. The adjourned debate on this bill was resumed. It was intimated that the promoters were quite pre pared to certain amendments. The motion for the read ing of tho bill that day six months was withdrawn. REDISTRIBUTION OF SEATS BILL. Mr. CROSSLAND gave notice that, in committee on this bill, he should move that an additional member be given to Huddersfield. EAST INDIA—THE DECCAN. Sir F. KELLY moved for a copy of all treaties and en gagements subsisting between his Highness the Nizam of the Deccan and the British Government, and of all corre spondence between the two Governments relative to the districts assigned by his highness for the maintenance of " The Hyderabad Contingent," together with an account of the income and expenditure of the above districts, and of the cost of the contingent. The return was ordered. EDUCATION. ... _ Sir J. C. JERVOISE asked the Vice-Pr9sident of the Committee of Council on Education, when the copy pre sented on the origin, propagation, &c., of the Cattle Plague, 27th and 28th April, 186 6, would be in the hands of mem bers? Mr. BRUCE said it had been ordered that a copy of the document be furnished to ev a eZ w in d ember, and he hoped the order would be executed in GUNPOWDER IN EDINBURGH. Mr. W. MILLER asked the Secretaryl3" G S Tl tz:te for War of f iv e e e a favourable whether he expected soon to be able to reply to the various memorials which had been sent to the War-office during the last two or three years n at the the removal of the gunpowder stored at Leith prayingo andfofor Edinburgh Castle, the quantity in the magazine formerplace being said to amount to 130,0001b5. weight. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said he had received representations from Edinburgh with respect to the store ing of gunpowder in Edinburgh Castle, and the quantity had been greatly reduced in consequence. With respect to that in Leith Fort, it was not practicable to reduce that for the present. Inquiries were going on with respect to Mr. Gale's plan for securing stored gunpowder, and if that should not tur n ou t sa ti s f ac tory, next year he s hould take Steps for erecting a new storage instead of Leith Fort. THE ELECTORAL RETURNS. Mr . SC HREIBER asked the President of the Poor - la w Board when the returns would be presented of the number of male betwueep i r 41 . n o Wales the cities and bo roug hs of England and ENFIELD £2O. Viscount portion of the return D said he h a d j us t presen t e d a great and he hop e d t o b e a bl e t o p ro duce the rest soon aft er v`;'. THE LATE3.PANIC. Capt. GRIDLEY askedthe C hancello r o f th e E xc h equer if he was aware that the directors of the Bank of England the lodgment of Govern realised bad declined to make advangrounpdont consider e d they ought meat securities on the directors had realised ; and, whether he of bank they, on to be complied with the expressed understaistinsudtienLge bank notes, getting permission to increase the were to afford accommodation to bankers° and mer chants ? Mr. WELD said he also had a question on the subj t, but he would vary it by askin g the Cha ncellor of ' the Exchequer whether ho considered the Bank had fairly carried out the directions of the Government. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had not received any representations in the way of complaint of the manner in which the Bank of England had acted during the late panic. There were, however, certain rumours abroad, and they had reached him, and he did not think it could be said the Bank had refused accommodation. In support of that he thought the best answer would be the actual amount of the advances made by the Bank on Government security. In the seven days, including the day of the panic, the Bank had advanced no less than £2,874,000 on Government securities, and with respect to the accommodation afforded to commerce in general the figures themselves would be the best answer to any complaints. In the five days the Bank had granted discounts on bills to theam mat of X 9,880,000; making together advances and discounts no less a sum than £12,225,000. He could not b e lieve that the house would think that the figures showed any disinclination on the part of the Bank to give its assistance. The Ban k autho rities had acted quite up to the intentio ns of the Govern ment they in had preference proceeded to giving on the everything prudent rules thatofthe ; establishment, everybody asked. With respect to the refusal with re ference to Government Securities the Bank authoriti es suggested on the Monday morning when they were broughta had that the parties should try the open market as the grea tly ceased. At the same tim e it was inti mated' that where sales could not be effected without great and serious loss, then the Bank would be quite ready to meet the wants of those requiring assistance. The refusal of the Bank directors was given to applicants for an un limited amount of discount, and he thought they were right in such a determination. TENURE AND IMPROVEMENT OF LAND (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for the second reading of the Tenure and Improvement of Land (Ireland) Bill, Lord NAAS moved, as an amendment, the following re solution: -" That this house, although desirous of simpli fying the method of securing to tenants compensation for outlay made in permanent improvements, is of opinion that in any measure relating to the tenure and improvement of land in Ireland it is expedient to maintain the principle affirmed by the Act of 1860, namely, that compensation to tenants should be secured in respect of those improvements only which are made with the consent of the landlord. That, in the opinion of this house, the provisions as to the improvement of land in Ireland contained in the measure of her Majesty's Government would operate injuriously on the position of holders of small farms in that country." The noble lord complained that the Government had taken up the views of those who were agitating this question, not merely with the object of securing compensation to the tenant, but to obtain a fixity of tenure—the lowest rent with immovability from their farms. He freely admitted that it was right to secure to the tenant a fair compensation for improvements effected by him, but complained that the Government had departed from the principle which had hitherto been maintained, that these improvements should be made with the know ledge and consent of the landlord; and this provision, whilst it would not only be most unjust and unfair to the landlords, would also lead to attempts at imposition which it would be very difficult to meet. He also complained of the manner in which the bill was drawn, and insisted that the provision with respect to agreements would throw an unfair odium on the landlord if he tried to protect his rights, and create more dissatisfaction than existed already. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for Ireland contended that the bill had been prepared with great care and mature consideration, and the more the necessity for it was consi dered the more would the bill commend itself to the ap proval of the house. The subject was one full of difficul ties. It was impossible to meet the views of all parties, but the bill had been framed in a spirit of concession and compromise, and he trusted that the house would find that the bill carried out the objects in view in this spirit and with this intention. In conclusion, the Attorney -General contended that the bill was framed to meet the natural justice of the case, and confer great benefits upon the whole community. Mr. LOWE was astonished to hear it declared that the bill now introduced was in accordance with the Act of 1860. The 38th and 40th clauses of that bill provided that compensation was only to be given to tenants where the improvements had been carried out with the consent of the landlord ; but the present bill repealed those clauses. (Hear, hear.) Not only so ; but the Chief Secretary for Ireland, in introducing the bill, said in sub stance that it was contrary to natural right and justice to enact that the landlord should be told of improvements and should be required to sanction them before the tenant could get compensation. The right hon. gentleman also said in effect that although the Legislature expressly withh e ld _ _ _ _ from the landlord all knowledge of the improvements as provided for in the Act of 1860, yet he was to strive to gain the information which was studiously withheld from him. These were strange principles of right and justice. If it were just that the landlord should only be charged with the expense of these improvements when he had knowledge of them, was not that an unjust law which pro vided, as far as possible, that he should not have that knowledge? (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman the Chief Secretary for Ireland insisted that this bill rested upon the principles •of natural justice. At present the landlords of England, Ireland, and Scotland enjoyed equally the right of only being charged with such im provements as they consented to, provided no specification to the contrary existed in the contract. Now, the bill proposed to take away this privilege from the landlords of Ireland, but to continue it to the landlords of England and Scotland. It became, therefore, important to ascer tain upon what principle such a change was advocated. If it were contended for on any ground peculiar to Ireland he could understand it. If, however, it were put upon the ground of natural justice and right it was not peculiar to one country or the other, but was equally applicable to both. He himself had always understood that natural justice between landlord and tenant consisted in the obser vance on both sides of the contract which brought them into mutual relationship. It was a retrograde policy to pass laws limiting the power of free contract between parties. Re held that the introduction of compulsory terms into voluntary contracts was a blunder and a solecism in juris prudence. When compulsory terms were introduced into such documents either both parties knew or did not know of their employment. If they knew of their introduction, and if provision were made for them in the contract, the provision became nugatory; but if they did not know of their ;ntroduction a fraud was committed. The principle, therefore, sought to be embodied in the bill was unsound. ' The matter under discussion was what moralists would call one of imperfect obligation. They were seeking to en force by law a thing springing out of a contract, which should be left to be determined by contract, and with which positive law had nothing to do. The tenant took his land for a specific purpose, and contracted to have certain rights and powers in connection with it. If he wont beyond these —if he dealt with the property as though he were its law ful and permanent owner—if he built houses on it without consulting his landlord, he was clearly going beyond his province, doing what he had no right to do under the con tract, and had undoubtedly no claim to compensation. They were about to apply principles to Ireland which it was admitted ought not to be applied to England or Scot- land, and the only reasons given in favour of so great a change in the law were drawn from the report of the Devon Commission, whose investigations were conducted over 23 years ago. The Government had not shown any practical grievance in the matter, no more than had been shown before the select committee of last session. Why, the only two witnesses before the committee that had any practical acquaintance with land—namely, Mr. Cur ling and Lord Dufferin—were both opposed to the prin ciple of this bill. To him it appeared that if they took away the dominion of a man over his property, they did just the same as if they deprived him of the soil itself. And when they once began upon such crude suggestions to tamper with landlords' rights, where, let him ask, was that sort of thing to stop ? Nor did he believe there was any serious demand on the part of the Irish tenantry for such a measure. (Hear, hear.) No doubt there was in Ireland a very great wish to maintain the occupation of the land in its present undivided state ; and it seemed to him that the object of a law like this was not so much to protect the tenant against his landlord, but to render difficult that aggregation of farms which was essential for the good cultivation of the soil of Ireland. No doubt, too, there was a great wish on the part of a very powerful body—the Roman Catholic priesthood—to Frevent the aggregation of farms. He did not blame them for it ; they had to get their living out of the benevolence of their congregations, and they were much more interested in the people being nume rous than in their being wealthy. But why was it that the tenant did not make terms with his landlord on his entry into the land ? Why, because the demand for land was so great that the tenant was unwilling to peril his chance of getting a farm by demanding conditions from the land lord. But it was that very matter of supply and demand which legislation could not deal with ; it must be operated upon hde b o y ei r an o gi t g h ar e aw r t i c ios a i r tvt ehhsi thing egha in forcing a i a t no was being so ope ra t e d upon wtathkeisnegcponlatcrea.ctNs Now, n w t e h r e e ' landlord ? Surely it would be a most unpopular thing in Ireland for a landlord to enter into a written contract with his tenant, circumscribin g the right of the latter to engage in the work of improving his land. What a stimulous would be given to evictions by such a provision ! If a landlord saw that he must give offence he would come to the conclusion that he might as well get rid of his tenant altogether. Again the inevitable result of abolishing the law of distress must be to hurry on the process of eviction ; landlords would at once set to work to turn o ut every tenant who could not be trusted as a d e b tor. They knew, too, that in Ireland there were dreamsextend ing far beyond the matter of compensation—they t. kn t e h w e that people there would say e pa t hi a n. them e s d e p v ns e i , l e t l ti w o a n, a s s u a i n t w e s s e i tt mockery o w e a o s o o a o g c l o c v r o a e m g w rig it h h t fi to xi d ty em o a f n te d n c u o r m e. vailed in (Alter parts of the ki n g dreams by breaking down , t w hos i e lo r m ule ? s ( o i f ie l a a: ., v h w ea h i i . c .) h pre perfectly u e p ls o e n it i was i necessary- that Ireland more than for any their legislation should proceedwhere plain and defensible. (Hear, hear.) If he had to descri be there, he would say the policy which s h o uld be followed it must be one of patience, forbearance, calmness, and im partiality. (Cheers.) Mr. J. S. MILL said it was an auspicious day for Ireland, w hich formed so i ntegral a part of the B r i t i s h em pire, when the G overnment consented to introduce so im ,rtant a measur e . H e ventured to express the op i n i on that no bill ever introduced or carried by any Govern ment, not even t h e Catholic Emancipation Act itself, allowed a more just appreciation of the needs of Ireland, or went m ore straight to th in fulfil by the Cha nce ll or of the Exchequerem e h n e ta rof the ehae t rhl promise r t oi nmcountry,oe heldsession, othanu this one, br oug h t int that it was the intention of the Government to legislate for Ireland according to Irish exigenc)ies, Th at:d not accord s t t a o nne English n f the problem routine. before (Hear, htehaerm. when'they came to was still th e legislate on this subj ec t ; I re l and was not a substance dependency; she was a part of our own Government. He would not go into the question of the difference of race, but he would ask the house to consider the difference in the history of the two countries, and to trace the effactsof that difference on the Irish character. It had been said that what would do for England might do for Ireland ; and it might be asked why had not we been able to apply in that country the sciences and arts which in this had led to national pro sperity ? In this application of the same laws to England and Ireland, they showed that double ignorance which was older than the time of Socrates, and they were disre garding that precept which was inscribed on the temple of Delphi ; they not only did not know the people of whom they were talking, but they did not know themselves. The fact was that Ireland was not an exceptional country, but England was. (Hear, hear.) It was England that was exceptional. Was there any other country on the face of the earth where, as a general rule, the land was held in large patches, and was farmed by a capitalist at a rent fixed by contract, while the mass of the people were en tirely detached from it, and simply received their day's wages ? (Hear, hear.) In all countries where the culti vators of the soil emerged. from the condition of slavery, or from that modified form of slavery called serfdom, the tillers of the laid held that land direct from the landlord. There did not exist—or there existed only as a middle class—the capitalist farmer. In this respect, therefore, Ireland resembled the rest of the world. It was England that was peculiar. Was it, therefore, right to look to England's experience to meet Ireland's exceptional case ? They ought rather to look to Continental experiences, for it was there where the similarity to Ireland would be found to exist. What did Continental experience tell them as a matter of historical fact ? It told them that wherever a system of agricultural economy like that in Ireland had been found consistent with the good cultiva tion of the land and the good condition of its peasants, rents had not been as in Ireland fixed by contract, but the occupier had had the protection of fixed usage —(hear) —the custom of the country, and had secured to him per manence of tenure so long as he pleased to possess it. The peasant system never had succeeded without tenant right and fixity of tenure. Was he going to ask them to give fixity of tenure and tenant right ? Perhaps it might be sufficient to say that he knew they would not give those things. (A laugh.) How, then, was this to be brought about ? This was not the first time a problem of this sort had been proposed. The French economists of the 18th century tried to deal with a state of things very similar to that which the Government had now to deal with, and they wanted to do exactly what the Government wanted to do. They had a wretched, (lov/11-trodden, half-starved class of cultivators, and they wanted to have the capitalists instead of these. A considerable number tried this, but nothing came of it, and the reform of agriculture in France had to wait for the Revolution. To what did they ascribe their failure ? They attempted to put farmers over the peasants when they ought to have elevated the peasants into far mers. If England wished to succeed where France failed, it would be accomplished by avoiding what they did. It was not by elevating the peasants over the heads of the tenants, but they must take the peasants and elevate them. (Hear.) Suppose matters could be smothered by putting in a special class of peasant tenantry : were they going to ex patriate a whole people, were they going to put such a strain on the rights of property as no nationality ever seen could bear and not snap? How, then, were the Irish peasant farmers to be organised ? There was one way, and it was the way this bill ought to take : Give them what you can of the blessed effects of ownership—(hear, hear) —make them feel secure that they themselves shall enjoy the benefits of their labours. Make the benefits be for their own use, and not for the use exclusively of the land- lord. (Hear, hear.) The English system worked well, and was at any rate compatible with improvements. In England and Scotland time was given the farmer to reap the benefit of the improvements he had made, and they frequently made improvements in consequence of that general agreement. There was at any rate never any ap prehension that the landlord would take advantage of them. What did they find in Ireland ? The contrary in every respect. (No, no, and hear, hear.) There the land lord made no improvement. (No, no.) He knew there were some who did. Mr. MAGUIRE—As a rule they do not. Mr. MlLL—There is no confidence whatever, as a rule, between landlord and tenant. Lord NAAS—No, no. Mr. MILL—The consequence of that is, that the tenants are afraid to trust their landlord, or if they do so, they do not trust the heir or the stranger who may purchase the property. To such a pitch was this distrust carried, that the farmers invested their money not in improvements on their farms, but in English banks and securities. This, however, showed that a large proportion of the landlords were not grasping, and did not exact the last farthing, because it showed that, in spite of the evils, the sum which the tenant by the forbearance of the landlord had been enabled to accumulate had been carried away and devoted to a purpose other than the natural one of improvement of the soil. Were they going to let this state of things con tinue ? They ought to bo ashamed of it ; and there was but one way of getting rid of it. Let the tenant have com pensation adjudged by an impartial tribunal for the in creased value which he had given, and only that which he . had given, to the land. This bill provided such a tribunal, which would, he believed, possess the confidence of the country. An hon. gentleman opposite had said it was not compensation the landlords objected to; what they objected to was improvements for which their consent had not been obtained. Now, this was the real question, and experience had shown that where there was no confidence between landlord and tenant improvements were not made. The tenant was afraid to serve a notice on his landlord, he was afraid to announce beforehand that he was in a con dition to perform improvements lest he should be raised to a higher rent ; he might also have an opinion that the landlord disliked improvements altogether, from a mere desire to keep his tenantry in a state of dependence. What would the landlord lose by this arrangement ? He would still retain the power to restrain improvements, and for buildings which were not improvements the tenant would i receive c t e h i v . e i u n c o r e c a o s n e l a p e v n a s l a u t e i o o n f . the ll s e oi w i o ; ü b l u d t h b a y ve thi t s he bil a l d t v h a e n o t n ag u e s would be thrown upon him of prohibiting a public benefit. The right of the improver of land to the value of his im provements, so far from being in antagonism to the rights of landed property, was a right of the same description, and rested on the same terms. What were the rights of pro -1 perty ? Perhaps hon. members thought he was going to talk heresy on this point, and to say that there was no right to property because no man made the land. If no man made the land, did any man obtain the right by grant or purchase from the maker of it ? His answer was this. Though no man made the land, man by his industry made it become useful and valuable. But was this right to be strictly confined to the original improver of the land ? He did not contend that another should oust him, but he did contend that the first man had not an indefeasible right to prevent another improving it. The first had no right ex cept a moral right to improve it, and unless they recog -1 nised that right, they abandoned that moral foundation on which property rested, and indeed all except that of actual possession, a view which led to most monstrous evils. No doubt there were thoughtful Conservatives, and he could not believe they were all on that side of the house (the Liberal side). A most eminent Conservative—Mr. Cole ridge—in his second "Lay Sermon," had, indeed, laid down a theory as to property in land, compared with which any thing he (Mr. Mill) had attempted was mere milk and water. It appeared to him that the retention of property of this kind could only be justified after the well-being of the inhabitants had been completely fulfilled. All he asked, however, was that improvements should be considered in a light not inconsistent with the true nature of property. This house had now a golden opportunity. He had heard it said by members of that house—men commonly stated as of extreme opinions —men who were of the Irish, Irish, and who had the full confidence of what was called the national party—that by what had hitherto been done for Ireland the people had scarcely been touched, but when they were their nature would be assimilated to ours—they would bo converted to our views. If then by so moderate a concession as was given in this bill so groat a benefit could be achieved, let them not re fuse it. This measure was not so fearful and dangerous a thing that they should decline to give it to a nation to whom so great a debt of reparation was due that she ought , to be regarded as a spoiled child of this country, an d t o b e treated not merely with justice, but with generous indul gence. He was present when that affecting speech on the Reform Bill was delivered by the hon. member for Tralee (the O'Donoghue), when he held out his hand and declared that even if any one party could show they felt Irishmen to be their fellow-countrymen, the Irishmen were willing to be so, to labour by their side, and to have the same objects with them. Many a man must have felt as he did when he listened to the eloquent remarks of the hon. mem ber, that his speech was the beginning of a new era. Lot it not be said that, with the best possible intentions to wards Ireland, no length of time or abundance of experi ence could teach them to understand her—whether it was insular narrowness made them incapable of imagining that Ireland's exigencies could be in any way different from England's, or because the religious respect they cherished for everything that had the smallest savour of right of property had degenerated —as was sometimes with other religions—into superstition. No. Let them rather show that their principles of government were not mere genera lities from English facts—that in acting and legislating for Ireland they could give due consideration to the circum stances of Ireland, and that their care for landed property was an intelligent regard for its essential uses and for the purposes it fulfilled, and not a slavish prostration before its mere name. (Cheers.) Mr. Druox and Mr. Pim supported the bill, which, they contended, would do much to put an en d to the agitation which prevailed in Ireland in reference to th e unsat i sfac tory relations between landlord and tenant. Mr. READ, speaking as a tenant farmer himself, was o f opinion that if a tenant enjoyed the land long enough to reimburse the capital he had expended on it, the landlord was entitled to come into full possession of his property. A 21 years' lease would, he thought, be ample for the protec tion of the tenant. As the bill proposed to introduce an entirely new and dangerous principle, ho would be obliged to give a reluctant vote against it. Mr. WHITESIDE contended that the bill was not re- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1868. .quired by the tenantry of Ireland, and that, so far as the province of Ulster was concerned, the farmers would be indignant at having it thrust upon them in lieu of the custom of tenant-right. The bill was, he believed, one of the three measures indicated by Mr. Bright in his letter to the Lord Mayor of Dublin, which were to receive the sup port of the English Liberals in return for Irish votes in favour of the Reform Bill. The three measures were the alteration of the National System of Education, the demoli tion of the Irish Church, and the introduction of Tenant Right. Mr. SANDERSON was prepared to vote for the second reading, but indicated certain amendments, of which ho considered the bill susceptible, in committee. Mr. SYNAN accepted the measure as a fair settlement of the question, which would bind the two countries toge ther by the strongest ties of mutual interest. Sir F. HEYGATE believed that the first effect of the measure, if passed into law, would be to deter landlords from the improvement of their property, and that it would produce no real benefit to the country. After some observations from Mr. ESMONDE, delivered amid indications of general impatience, Mr. BAGWELL moved the adjournment of the :debate, which, on a division, was carried by 167 to 154. Monday was then fixed for the resumption of the discussion. A subsequent attempt was made to adjourn the debate on the motion for the second reading of the Customs In land Revenue Bill, which was defeated by 120 to 101. Mr. DISRAELI took exception to the manner in which the public business was conducted, and complained that a measure of such importance as the Customs and inland Revenue Bill should be forced on at nearly one o'clock in the morning. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER ultimately gave way, and the second reading was fixed for this day. The Labouring Classes Dwellings (Ireland) Bill was passed through committee. _ A number of other bills were advanced a stage, and the house adjourned at 15 minutes past one o'clock. IRELAND. tween the retainers of the two rival proprietors, which last Sunday week was to have decided their respective rights more Hibernico, but which the police had the bad taste to prevent, was the subject of investigation at Murree petty sessions yesterday. The case had been laid before the law adviser to the Castle, who recommended. that the leaders of the opposing forces, Messrs. Charles and Richard Lloyd, sons of Mrs. Lloyd, and Mr. Cor bett, agent to Sir Richard de Burgho, should be sent for trial to quarter sessions on a charge of riotous assembling. The presiding magistrates, however, of ter a long discussion, refused to adopt this extreme course, and only held them to bail in their own re cognisances of £lOO each. A gratifying proof that manufacturing enterprise is making steady progress in this country is fur nished by the Clonmel Chronicle, which states that a new foundry of spacious extent has been con structed at Mayfield Factory, Portlaw, and is now at full work, turning out 10 tons of castings every week, as large, if not a larger quantity than at any manufacturing establishment in the three kingdoms. British Home for Incurables. The fifth annual general meeting of the governors and members of this society was held in the London Tavern yesterday. Mr. Charles Hood, in the absence of Viscount Holmesdale, the chairman, pre sided. There was a numerous attendance, consist ing principally of ladies. Mr. E. Weaver, the secre tary, read the report, from which it appeared that, since the British Home for Incurables was first established, 93 patients had been elected to the benefits of the charity. Of these 40 have been elected inmates of the home, and 53 have been elected to the out pension. Some few have also been ad mitted on payment, and there are at present residing in the home 35 patients. Although nearly every form of suffering existed in the institution the general cheerfulness of the inmates and the almost universal appearance of comfort and happiness which prevailed were features which struck every visitor. The board had the pleasure to announce that they had lately received a second liberal donation from the Princess of Wales, the patroness of the institution. The friends of the British Home would be glad to learn that the Marquis Townshend had presented the magnificent sum of £l,OOO to found a perpetual maintenance for one in-patient, in memory of his lordship's father, the late Marquis Townshend, the first president of the institution. This amount, as well as a similar endowment from another kind bene factor mentioned in the last report, had been invested. The account of receipts and expenditure from Ist April, 1865, to 31st March, 1866, showed that the annual subscriptions and donations in that period amounted to £6,959 4s. 7d. ; that the sum of £3,570 had been invested in approved securities ; and that the balance in the hands of the treasurers amounted to £438 19s. 10d. The total amount now invested is £13,286 3s. 4d. The chairman, in addressing the meeting, said the home was rapidly filling up, and he believed that in two years it would be quite full. It was therefore necessary that they should take into consideration the advi sability of providing additional accommodation by erecting a new home. For this purpose increased support was requested from the friends of the insti tution, and, believing that a visit to the home would be the best means of interesting them in the matter, the directors had resolved to invite the subscribers to a reunion to be held in the institution next month. He concluded by moving the adoption of the report, which was agreed to. Office-bearers were elected for the ensuing year, and eight indoor and an equa l num b er of outdoor patients were elected. This terminated the proceedings. CIRCASSIAN BRIGANDAGE IN THE DOBILITDJA. ARNA, May 4. A cowardly and murderous attack was recently made by a party of Circassian settlers on one of the sub contractors for the Varna and Rustchuk Railway. The victim, Mr. Martin, was returning from England, via the Danube, in company with another sub-contractor, named Fathers, and whilst crossing the country from Rustchuk in a country araba the party was attacked about three hours on the Varna side of Rasgrad, and shortly after leaving the main road, by a party of eight Circassians, who had been lying in wait near the junction, for the purpose of pillaging any unwary travellers who might fall into their hands. It was about 9 p.m. on a bright moonlight night, and at about two miles from their destination, that the men were stopped. At that time Martin was on foot, about 100 yards in front, looking for the track. Fathers remaining inside the araba, which was driven by a Turkish driver from Rasgrad. At first the Cireassians kept at a respectful distance, andcontented themselves with demanding money, until, finding that no firearms were presented; they took courage, and commenced plundering the araba, dragging the contents out into the road, to which Fathers from within offered all the resistance in his power by striking and kicking those who came within reach. Whilst thus engaged the robbers were disturbed by Mar tin, who, on hearing the row behind him, turned back, and rushing towards the araba called loudly on them to desist, whereupon they quitted the araba and rushed upon him in a body, the leader firing a pistol without effect as he approached. Martin turned to fly, but was immediately overtaken and cut down by a blow from a sword, which severed one ear and inflicted a frightful gash on his head. Despite this, being a man of great muscular power, he re gained his feet, and was happily able to ward off with his left arm a second blow aimed at his head ; as it was, the elbow was cut off, and this was immediately followed up by a sweeping blow under the arm, penetrating through the muscles, and completely laying the chest open. Mean while the araba driver, taking advantage of the diversion, turned his horses short round, and flogging them into a gallop escaped down the hill in the direction of the nearest village, where he and Fathers took refuge, and whence they obtained assistance and protection in the search which they subsequently made for Martin. The Circassians, thus left alone with Martin—whom they believed to be dead, and who did all in his power to favour that belief—proceeded to cut out his pockets and rifle him, and collect the goods strewn in the path ; having done which they took themselves off, after their leader had bidden one of the gang to desist from trying to pull off their victim's lace-up boots. On their depar ture, fearing lest they should return, and, finding him alive, complete their work, Martin succeeded in crawling to a considerable distance from the spot, until, overcome by loss of blood, he became insensible, and in this state he was found next morning. Information of the outrage having been communicated by the vice consuls to the Governor-General at Rustchuk, and the Governors of Varna and Schurnla, every effort was at once made to discover and arrest the offenders. The suspicions of the inhabitants of the village, Yeni-keui, in which Martin lived, pointed to the in habitants of a Circassian hamlet about three miles off, whose predatory habits had already inflicted serious losses on the neighbourhood. On this hint the zapties acted ; and having first interrogated the chief, and received an earnest denial of any knowledge of the affair, proceeded to arrest him. This had the desired effect, and so led to the arrest on the following day of the majority of the gang, and the recovery of the whole of the goods stolen. These ruffians are now waiting their trial at Rustchuk, but have already confessed, without any reservation, their guilt. It is now said that the two men who actually inflicted the wounds are Rus sians. Poor Martin is now, it is hoped, out of danger. his sufferings, however, have been very great, and his life was long despaired of ; at the best he will be deprived of the use of one arm for life. The consolatory feature connected with the affair is the prompt and energetic conduct of the local authorities, all of whom, from the Governor-General downwards, showed a most earnest desire to bring the offenders to justice, whilst the neighbouring villagers displayed much sym pathy and good feeling.—Levant _Herald. The Return from the Derby. SEVERAL SERIOUS ACCIDENTS. In the return home on Wednesday several accidents of a very serious character took place. In the New Kent-road, shortly after 11 o'clock, a throe-horse van, laden with per sons, in turning the corner, swayed and turned over with a loud crash. It was found necessary to remove the follow ing to St. Thomas's Hospital :—Wm. Crocker, 24, of 107, Stamford-street, engine -fitter, fractured ribs and a severe injury to the scalp. Robert Baker, 51, of 14, East-street, Walworth, coach-smith, fracture of both bones of the right leg. Chas. Jenkins, 36, of 7, Ann's-place, Walworth, frac tured right leg. Frederick Unman, 32, plasterer, fractured wrist; and Win. Simes, injured hand. All the above-men tioned cases were found to be very serious, and at once re ceived the attention of Mr. Aveling, house surgeon, and the medical staff. Near Kennington Church a gentleman on horseback rode down a lad, named William Sweeney, aged seventeen years, and on his removal to St. Thomas's Hospital it was found that his skull was fractured. —ln Walworth-road, a collision occurred between a cab and a horse and cart, the occupants of the latter, four in number, being all thrown ont. They were taken to St. Thomas's Hospital, their injuries being—to James Harris, fracture of right leg ; Prudence Rose, fractured ribs ; Amelia Wright, injured right arm; and Richard Griffin, a crushed right arm. Several persons were also attended at the hospital suffering severe injuries to tho eyes from the effect of flour, lime, and sand thrown at them. DUBLIN, Thursday morning. The agricultural community in the north of Ire land are beginning to breathe freely again ; no new cases of the cattle plague have been reported even in the area round which the cordon was drawn by the Government inspector. The Northern Whig says :—" We are able to state that the outbreak of the cattle plague in Ireland has not, so far as we have been able to ascertain, as yet extended beyond the district of Drennan ; neither have there been any new cases of that disease in that district. On Monday evening Mr. Henry Fraser, assistant county surveyor, marked out the cordon, the extent of which is two miles and 240 perches, and inside of which no animal will be allowed to enter, or any one to leave. Mr. Martin, of Baillie's Mill, has generously offered accommodation to the constabu lary who have been sent on duty to the district, and number in all about 140. The High Sheriff of the county of Antrim, in pursuance of a requisition ad dressed to him, has convened a meeting to be held in Ballymena Court-house on Saturday next, 19th inst., at 12 o'clock, for the purpose of devising the best means to be adopted in the event of the cattle plague breaking out in the county. The requisition would have been much more numerously signed than it is had time permitted ; but the influence of the names already attached to it, and the imminence of the danger, amply warrant the sheriff in comply ing with the request. Mr. Lyons, who indeed has always shown a readiness to lend his services when the public necessities called for them, deserves credit for the promptitude with which he has convened the meeting. We trust that it will be largely attended by both the owners and the occupiers of the soil, and that each will come prepared to offer practical sug gestions for providing against the threatened danger. We think it would be very advisable that informa tion in a concise form should be circulated among the farmers for their guidance during the present crisis. Especial pains should be taken to point out to them that, in the event of the disease seizing their stocks, it will be for their interest to lose no time in reporting the fact to the constabulary, as, in the event of their cattle dying, they will not receive one farthing compensation ; while, for all cattle slaughtered by order of the authorities constituted for that purpose, they will be entitled to compensa tion accordingto the value of the animals up to £20." Within the area to which the disease was restricted there are now no cattle, those which did not die of the plague having been slaughtered by order of the inspectors. The stock in the remainder of the tract of country now surrounded by the cordon were ex amined on Tuesday by Professor Ferguson and Surgeon Jinks, who concurred in pronouncing them perfectly healthy. The result of this examination was at once telegraphed to Dublin Castle. The people of the district exhibit a desire to aid the authorities, but at the same time they think that the illness which has appeared among the cattle is only an aggrauated form of the lung disease. No person is allowed to pass the cordon without being disinfected, and all dogs found within it are shot. The Lisburn fair was held on Tuesday as usual, the Government proclamation forbidding all collec tions of animals not having then arrived. It was, however, very thinly attended by purchasers, and very few cattle were exposed for sale. The busi ness ;done was little more than nominal. In the evening copies of the pi oclamation were posted throughout a wide district prohibiting the holding of the Hillsborough, Saintfield, Ballynahinch, and other fairs, and the exposure of cattle at any of the markets. Should the disease unfortunately make any pro gress in this country it will be necessary to sacrifice a much larger proportion of sound animals than was requisite in England, because the difficulty of pre venting communication with infected beasts is much greater. Farms are so intertwined with each other in Ireland, that in nine cases out of ten a man can not drive his beasts from one of his own fields to another without skirting or crossing some of his neighbour's land. This peculiar distribution of the land obviously renders perfect isolation almost im possible. The following official memorandum was issued last night : " Veterinary Department of the Privy Council Office, Dublin Castle, May 16. " No fresh case of cattle plague or any other dis ease in the infected district of Drennan, county Down. A census and valuation of all the cattle within it have been taken. Number of cattle, 125 ; value, £913. An official cattle plague report will be published each day during the closure of and restrictions on the proclaimed district, that infor mation may be obtained without the trouble of per sonal inquiry. (Signed) " HUGH FERGUSON, H.M.V.S." The Royal Agricultural and Royal Dublin So cieties held meetings yesterday, and sent deputa tions to Sir Thomas Larcom on this important subject. Mr. Edward Purdon, of the Farmers' Gazette, who devoted so much of his time as honor ary secretary to the Cattle Plague Committee, has left Dublin for the ceene of the reported outbreak, with the view of obtaining accurate and detailed information. It is not unlikely that Government will order post-mortem examinations to be made of some of the cattle that have been buried. The public interest in the Fenian conspiracy, of which nothing has been said or heard here since the murder of poor O'Neill —whose assassin his com rades have not yet succeeded in capturing—will be revived by an incident which occurred yesterday in Drogheda. It appears by an account furnished to the Daily Express that in that town there were three persons standing out on bail, two of whom—John Henry M'Cabe, a reporter, and John Nugent, a carpenter, the authorities deemed it prudent to re mit to custody, and the lord lieutenant's warrants for their arrest under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act were sent down to the sub-inspector of constabulary, Mr. Gardiner. Mr. M'Cabe was ar rested without any difficulty ; but on the police entering the place where Nugent was at work, he leaped through a w i n d ow i n t o a backyard _ fall of ten or twelve feet. He immediately locked the back entrance to the yard, and escaped at the rear of some of the houses. The yard into which he leaped is bounded on the north by the premises of the Sienna Convent, on the south by houses in West-street, and on the east by the parish church of St. Peter. The constabulary made a general search in all these premises without dis covering the fugitive. He must have received a hurt from the leap, as the stones underneath the window of the workshop had a quantity of blood upon them. The pitched battle on the bog of Cappamore, be- SPIRIT OF TILE PUBLIC iCilidikii: - - TimES.—The universal sound of warlike prepara tion has been singularly interrupted by one of those episodes by which war itself is occasionally and quaintly relieved. The provost-marshal, the scout, the sutler, the peasant, and the cantiniere furnish some of that comedy which the masters of fiction find it necessary to intermix with their most tragic stories. We can scarcely regard in a more serious light the treatment which the sober and substantial old element of public opinion is now receiving at the hands of two very different personages—treatment not quite identical, but only varied to the circum stances. The King of Prussia, not finding it very easy to obtain the required flavour of Liberalism for his Government by the infusion of a statesman or two with a bias that way, and despairing of coun tenance from the more educated classes, is bethink ing himself of the last political discovery of the age —a Monarchy founded on universal suffrage. The immediate difficulty in the way is that even with the most summary methods for obtaining a repre sentation on this deep and extended basis, the King would certainly find himself far advanced in the Dog-days before he could have the moral support and the intellectual aid he looks for from the Parliament of the People. At the present rapid pace of preparation that body would find they had little to do but to vote supplies and sanction taxes. But as time is so precious, and the war so imminent, his Majesty has had further recourse to a species of extempore and sup plementary Parliament, just to fill up the gap in Prussian politics. The rural police, who may, or may not, have more knowledge and tact than our own, have been commissioned to pick out, every one of them, two labourers and working men, and form an assemblage direct from the very nursery of Dame Nature, hitherto uncontaminated by class influences and party views. His Majesty proposes an interview with these legislative lambs, in which he will put straight to them the question of peace or war, ex plaining, of course, the objects for which that war is to be waged, the sacrifices it will entail, and the possibility that the persons themselves, their bro thers and sons, may have to give the strongest prac tical proof of the sincerity of their opinion. It is in the villages and the lanes that the King hopes to find that pure German nationality which is pre sumed in these great controversies, but which is found rather intractable in closer contact, possibly because alloyed with baser metal. But if the King of Prussia cannot find that pure element in his existing Chamber, and will not even discover it in the Diet, no wonder he should go out into the fields and collect it as he would a bouquet of wild flowers or a handful of simples. The difficulty is that all must depend on the police, and we sus pect the Prussian police are rather apt to take in structions and follow them with praiseworthy exact ness. Our neighbour across the Channel, it must be said, has no occasion to go to the villages and lanes, or auy part of the population especially under the eyes of the police, for the simple reason that this is the very quarter from which he comes by the happy and aboriginal mode of his election. He has no need to go back again or ask on a question of the day the unbiassed opinion of the sons of the soil. He is, in fact, their special representative, and fully authorised to speak for them. What he has to do, and who occasionally gives him and his friends a little work for their pens and their authority, is to reduce within proper limits the opinions of the educated classes. In France, as in some other countries, the possessors of land, and money, and education, and social influence, and professional positions, and mercantile interests, forget that they are a minority of the people, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, are not the sovereign power. Through this oversight they are led into the indiscretion of pre suming to insinuate what the nation should do, and what, by consequence, they should not do, or the Emperor should do, or his allies should do, for all positive advice must have a negative side to it. The Emperor lately availed himself of what would be called here a visit to his constituents of Auxerre, to express his feelings about the Treaties of 1815, and add a few words which were interpreted into a politic resignation to the worst that should come, on the philosophic ground that good would come out. of it. Though, of course, from different points of view, there appears to have been a marvellous agreement in the French Press as to the meaning of the Imperial declaration. It has been hailed by one half of the Press, and somewhat sharply criticised by the other half, as an appeal from the enlightened classes to those who make up for their want of artificial illumination by the purity of their natural tastes and the simplicity of their patriotic instincts. The educated very naturally think they know a little more about politics than the peasants do, and the Emperor evidently thinks they know rather too much for him, and that what he wants is not advice, but moral and, above all, numerical support. A well-known member of the Parisian press replies in behalf of the class, and the interest, and the cause, which certainly have been challenged, and had a right to reply. Ile observes that the Treaties of Paris happen not to be exclu sively, or even principally or primarily, in question. The Treaty immediately menaced is that of Zurich, by which France herself secured Venetia to Austria; and the entire face of Europe is covered by arrange ments in which France has taken a part, but which overlay and even abrogate, in some instances, the Treaties of Paris. What the Emperor would really have to dispose of before he cceild do anything for the advantage of France is the map of Europe alto gether as an arrangement binding on the common conscience of nations. The writer had put it a little more cautiously than this, but he protested decidedly and argued conclusively a ga i nst anyth i ng l i ke co operation with Prussia, and against a way of speak ing which tended to put Crowns at the head of the multitude, and annihilated the great interests and just influences between those two extremes. Even were the design praiseworthy, it is still a speculation, for nobody can say how the Throne would find itself when surrounded by an armed mob, or how the people would find themselves under the guid ance of one sovereign will. Fortunately for the ar gument, perhaps unfortunat e ly for the writer, it is on record that Napoleon 1., though carried away, in the days of his power, by popular flattery and subservience, found out too late that he had better have listened to the prudent misgivings of the prosaic middle class, or any class with leisure to think, and something to think for. Had he lent a more willing ear to the timely warnings from this quarter, the Treaties of 1815 would not even have existed to deserve the hatred of t his successor. criticisms I this country we see nothing in n these ex cept that freedom of disussion which we hold a ne cessity of political existence, and from which no sub ject is spared. We certainly should despair of our country, and follow our fathers to New England, or further, if we found ourselves forbidd en to make remarks on a document which amounts to a declara tion of war against half Europe, and a denunciation of the middle and upper classes of one's own coun try. It would seem, hon ever, on tha legal maxim that a libel is all the worse for being true, this cri ticism was all the more criminal bemuse sound. The journal containing it has received a second warning, and may now be considered as trembling for its existence and half blighted by the breath of Impe rial displeasure. The writer certainly had put an adverse, but very natural, construction on a speech which denounced Europe as it is politically divided, and France as it is socially constituted, and which invoked the aid of a multitude to its reparation. He had, however, something to speak for when he defended at once Europe and France, order, pro perty, education, and law. If he had only tripped, or exceeded the limits of just criticism, he might have been answered, in behalf of nations and the people of France. They, too, are something to speak for. But why should M. Prevost-Paradol be silenced, and his arguments left without reply ? All the reply we find in the official organs is that the Em peror maintains a strict neutrality, in order that he may mediate, and that this mediation, when it comes, is to be, in fact, nothing less than a European redis tribution, not merely for the restoration of p eace and the abatement of grievances, but for the re establishment of a state of tjungs older and more desirable than that founded by the Treaty of Paris. We cannot see how this mends matters, and if this be all the explanation the Emperor will vouchsafe we can easily understand why he w ou ld rat h er have to deal with the simple and loyal peasantry of Auxerre than with an educ a t e d cap i ta l . Even as a prophecy, here is something t o g i ve us all uneasi ness. War is to raze the surface of Europe to a dead political level—a mere crowd of nations and battle-field of armies. Frontiers are to be swept away by the incessant passage of armed myriads. Napoleon is to look o n . At l engt h suffering hu manity will raise toileaven oue great, simultaneous cry. Napoleon 111. will then present himself, lik e Achilles from his long retirement. He will appear and set things to rights. He will restore the Golden Age, of what date we are not told. We are only told emphatically that it is to be one innocent of the Treaty of 1815. POST. —Since th e d ay w h en t h e b att l e of Solferino decided against Austrian usurpation in the Italian Peninsula, King Victor Emmanuel and his advisers have never known anything like repose from the most anxious State labours and a variety of com plications, domestic and foreign, demanding an amount of political wisdom and forethought which has made the death of Cavour to be felt by every Italian patriot as a national calamity impossible to repair. It is well known that Aust r i a , t h e exiled Sovereigns, and the Court of Rome have never ceased to intrigue against the constitutional king dom of King Victor Emmanuel, aided by the Ultramontane. faction of all Europ e . Th e domestic difficulty has never ceased. The party of action, including the extreme partleane of A t amsini,tsT4 constantly hampered the Government by urging . 14 line of policy towards Ro me an d Venetia whic h would have offended France and brought destruc tion on the newly-formed unity of Italy. Another great difficulty which the Government had to , contend with was that of na ti on al finance. 111( . 3 , debts of the various St a t es h a d t o be amalgamated and provision mad e f or an en dl ess nu mber of mili tary and civil officers, whom it was thought prudent to place on the retired list. Then, again, in order to amalgamate the Italian people from the foot of the Alps to Sicily, it was deemed a supreme necessity to form an army which should make the people of one State familiar with the peasantry of another ; this had a political as well as a military meaning, an d It resulted from this the best soldie r s of the Italian Peninsula, viz., those of Piedmont, found themselves amongst Sicilians, Tuscans, Neapolitans, Romans/ men of Parma and Modena ; in fact, recruits from every quarter of the Italian Peninsula ruled over by the head of the House of Savoy. The patriotism of Italy responded to the will of the Government, a patriotism which was cemented and strengthened by the ardent and universal desire that this military force should one day be employed to incorporate Venetia and become the guardian of the temporal interests of the Papacy. No disturbing cause oc curred to thwart either the domestic or foreign policy of the Italian Government until the Emperor Napo leon had decided on withdrawing the French flag from the States of the Church. Previous to that de cision the Court of Rome and the exiled princes had confined their hostile intrigues to organising bri gand bands, who we employed in making depreda tions in the rural districts of the Neapolitan States. But of late the conspiracy against the Kingdom of Italy became more widespread abroad, and there is every reason to believe that the exiled princes, since the commencement of the Austro-Prussian dispute, have conceived plans in anticipation of a European war in which it was calculated that Italy would of necessity take part. The Italian Government, aware of this conspiracy, had taken precautions against a domestic revolt to be set on foot by the priest party, when suddenly the dispute between Austria and Prussia assumed a gravity and importance which the statesmen of Italy had not originally anticipated. There is every reason to suppose that Count von Bismarck soli cited Italy to commit herself to that ambitious pro gramme, the main object of which is to break up the Austrian empire. The ready ear of Italy could scarcely expect to be found indifferent to the Siren like invitations of a great Power, who asked her co operation in the destruction of an enemy. Disre garding the counsels of the Emperor of the French, and urged to excitement by her long-cherished hopes, the King and his Cabinet have roused the national aspirations to a state of enthusiasm, which animates Italy at the present moment to a frenzy of patriotism exceedingly difficult to control in a Southern race. The King and his sons are ready to jump into the war-saddle. The public roads are swarming with troops, the " Garibaldian Hymn" 13 heard on the mountains of Calabria, in the Pontine marshes, in Florence, and in all the maritime town?, of the Mediterranean. Th e war - cry i s un i versa l, an foreign complications are for go tt en , an d th e h e art or the nation pants for battle. At such a supreme mo ment diplomacy unexpectedly steps in, and the Em peror Napoleon, who has hitherto observed a sullen neutrality towards Germany, whilst counselling Italy to be cautious, and rather expectant than ac tive, suddenly assumes a marked and decided desire to prevent European complications, which for the last month have been gathering thick and fast upon the political horizon. Negotiations for a Congress are now actively in progress, and Prussia is under stood, on account of the hostility of the German people towards her Court and military policy, to be contemplating the overthrow of the Bismarekian programme. Italy, therefore, finds herself arrnedfor war purposes, with a whole nation expecting a grea t struggle for freeing the whole Italian soil from the occupation of the stranger, whilst there springs LIP a powerful peace movement which would leave her alone with the sword drawn. In a few days W must expect to witness a solution of one of the most complicated webs of political a n d m ilit ar y combi nations which has ever been witnessed since the days when Napoleon 1. made it i m p oss ibl e for the politician to anticipate the events of the future. COUNTRY MARKETS. MANCHESTER-THURSDAY. Our market this morning was only slenderly attended II buyers. In wheat and flour the business passing 0 ' 3 , 6 and we repeal the curr e n c y o f thi s d a y s o'nuigh' Oats were ld. per 451 b. and oatmeal 6d. per load dearer. Beans and peas again advanced 6d. per qr. In Indian corn no change was observable. BIRMINGHAM —THURSDAY. We had rather more wheat showing at our market to day, the demand for which was slow, but rather more money was obtained. Barley very scarce and fully as dear. The demand for oats was active, at fid. per qr. advance• Beans in request, and rather better sale. Peas firm, at late terms. BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WEDNESDAY. Notwithstanding the monetary crisis, and a good suPP I9 of wheat on offer here to-day, millers were obliged t. o .. accede to an advance of ls. p er qr., at wh i ch rates a fair clearance was made. B ar l ey was sought after, an d quite as dear. Oats and beans fully maintained late rates. White wheat, 56s to 595; old red, 49s to 51s; new red , 44s to 48s , grinding barley, 35s to 388 ; Page's prolito bar ley, 39s to 40s per qr. 22 .iverages :—Whe a t, 7601 qrs, at 43s 9d ; barley, 1 qrs., at 35s 6d ; oats, 25 qrs, at 27s Od. ED INBURGH —WEDNESDAY. Wheat on the top, is 6d down average, Os 6d dol . . Barley on the t op, i s Od down average, Os 8d doW Oats on the top, is 6d down average, Os 24 up. Beans on the top, is 6d down average, i s 3d up. -.-- Total supply and sales. 493 Wheat ...................... 1774 qrs 119 Sold Barley ...................... 168 qrs sold Oats ......................... 1922 qrs sold d d 84 5 t Bean s 7l qrs Average prices. Wheat, 48s 8d I Oats, 3os ld Barley, 37s 9d Beans 49s 3d Town -made flour sells as follows :—White, 40s Od ; airs superfine, 38s Od ; superfine, 36s 6d; fine, 35s Od. GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY. ®A fair attendance to-day, with a slow business dolog' Wheat firm, and fine qualities realised the prices of last week. Flour was also firm at recent rates. Barley 1 Gd per q r hi g h er . B eans, peas, and oats were in favo ur 0 sellers. • Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. - - Australia and New Zealand,via Southampton. 20 Mai Ditto, via Marseilles J u ne II Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet ...... June 4 ' Ditto. by French packet _;ape of Good Elope, Ascension, and St. Helena— MaY 'Li-. China, China, Penang. and Sing a p ore . v i a Southampton MaY 4 " . Ditto, via Marseilles . May 23 " Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton vr a y 20. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton—. MaY V Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Alay 29 Ditto, via tiarseiiles . g a y 23 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton may 20. Ditto, via Marseilles slay 2/ Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseil:e 4, ewtoundland Portugal • • Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon. . . Cu,ted t,tates and British North America, by Bri tish packet.. Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via C.}rk •••• Ditto. oy Canadian packet, via Londonderry .. May 8 ' West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and T ,, neriEfe June 18 ' west Indies and Pacific (except Bahawas and Honduras) Cuba and M xico ..... May 22 ' Bahamas, via New 1' (irk. ... may 31 . Bermuda. via Halifax ... 9. May Births. Wire BERKELEY —At the Vi carage, M ore b ath, D evon , the - of the Rev. S. H. Berkeley, of a daughter. a ids - SMITH—On the 17th i ns t., at 33, Clifton-gardens, -;aids' vale, W., the wif e o f H. C. Smith, Esq. , of a deug h ' ea ' te SKELMERSDALE —On the 15th i ns t., a t 11, Prinne ffr g a Lady Skelmersdale, of a daughter. Col. SHUTE—On the 14th inst at Templemore, the wife °a f Neville Shute, o f a daughter.i wee Of UNWIN—On the 16th i ns t., at M erton, Surrey, the TV''' Captain Unwin, of a daughter Marriages. "rob, D ANIEL — WING—On the 17th i ns t., at the paris h c— ber- Melton M ow b ray, Ch arles Daniel, of Derriston e. A-- 0 1 gavenny, to Mary, daughter of Thomas N. W il * . ' Melton Mowbray. s Go ' rf ORDAuNT—CO — On the 15th inst., at St. r, 013 3,1 o Hanover-square, John M. Mordaunt, Elizabeth sewn" Evelyn' the late Sir John Mordaunt,Tart., to B third daughter of Mr. and Lady Louisa Cotes. Deaths. PEEL—On the 14th i us t ,at 4, St. James'-road, Liverpool, Lawrence P ee l , Esq. • rerjo'i.. in' N O STR - G—On the 16th i ns t., at Thorpe Hall, near i borough, th e R ev. Wm.L EN Strong, M.A., Chapla in in O nary to th e Q ueen, age d 77. e Dr*- ST • • • A ENS—On the 16th iust• ,at 26, Bloomsbury-squat 1 ° James Stevens, aged 47. ct 111 WOLLOCONIBER— On the 15th inst., a t Stowford R e- Devon, the R ev . J o h n Wollocomber, aged 91 . A ra tO, WATTS—On the 15th inst., at Holloway, Mr. John AVM late of the Legacy Duty Office, aged 94. ......-- London : Printed and Published by WIL LIAM A /2, ot No. 112, Strand, re Piinter, at 'fru. SUN Oilide , ift Strand, in the Pcinct of the Savoy, in the C°ll2-- Middlaiear-Friday, May 18,1866.