The Sun. — London, England, 1866-07-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 12, 1866. ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. KING'S LYNN. The election of a member to serve in Parliament for Lynn Regis, in order, in the language of the writ, that the borough might not be deprived of the ser vices of one of its burgesses owing to the acceptance of the office of one of her Majesty's Principal Secre taries of State by Edward Stanley, commonly called Lord Stanley, took place yesterday at the Town Hall, before Mr. J. 0. Smethen, the mayor, and a considerable gathering of the inhabitants. Mr. LIONEL SELF proposed the re-election of Lord Stanley. (Loud applause.) Mr. R. BAGGE seconded the nomination. No other candidate being proposed, Th e MAYOR declared Lord Stanley to be duly electod. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) Lora STANLEY rose, and was received with a volley o f applause. He said—Mr. Mayor, electors, and non-electors of Lynn, I have come before you after an interval of exactly twelve months since the last general election to ask once more—and now, I think, for the eighth time—a renewal of that trust which you first reposed in me unknown and untried as I was in political life, nearly 18 years ago—a trust which ever since that time I have endeavoured to the best of my ability to discharge—a trust which I have ever held it a high honour to be permitted to discharge, and a trust of the continuance of which I hope I have done nothing and said nothing which should render me now unworthy. (Applause.) Gen tlemen, with that trust you have invested me again ; and for that I heartily thank you. The actual state of affairs, the position in which I stand here as a mem ber of a Cabinet which has only once been called toge ther, is not a position favourable to much speaking. With regard to the future, and especially with regard to that great department with which it is my fortune to be now connected, I am compelled to observe a greater degree of reticence and of reserve than in the position of a private member would be either necessary or desirable. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the past, retrospective criticisms are, as we all know, of very little use. We can all of us be wise after the event. What is done is done with. The difficulties and mistakes of one year are not those of the next. Old quarrels are better forgotten. Old interests give place to others newer and fresher. (Hear.) Still, some words of explanation are due from me here. When standing in a position which twelve months ago I never dreamed of occupying, which has come to me unsolicited, unsought, and even undesired, because although it is a position which brings with it honour enough to satisfy a far more aspiring ambition than mine, i t is also a position which in the present state of the world brings withit enough of difficulty, enough of anxiety, and enough of re sponsibility to try the finest courage and to damp the most overweening self-confidence. (Hear, hear.) Practically, since the last election, the time of Parlia ment has been occupied with only one subject. With the exception of a few days at the beginning of the session devoted to the cattle plague ; with the excep tion of a single and short discussion upon European affairs, and with the exception also of the necessary routine business, the only question dealt with in the session has been that of Parliamentary Reform. Now many of you, no doubt, have followed the debates which have takan place on that subject, and all of you know the result. (Laughter.) To what is that result due ? That is a question which I shall endea vour to meet as calmly and as impartially as if it were what indeed iu some sense it already is, a matter of merely historical interest. Now, in the first place, I hold it absolutely certain that the measure pro posed by the late Government went further as regards the franchise. (Cries of " No, no," answered by " Yes, yes.") Do not you think you had better hear the end of my sentence—(bravo)—before you know whether you agree with me or not ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) say that measure went further than the majority of the House of Commons were pre pared to follow. (Laughter and cheers.) That house was elected to support Lord Palmerston ; and although Lord Palmerston had given his assent to several Reform Bills, and had even as First Minister of the Crown introduced one, it was nevertheless thought, whether rightly or wrongly does not now much matter, but I believe rightly, it was neverthe less thought that he was not very eager to deal with that question, and that indeed he rather looked upon it with dislike than otherwise (" Like you," followed by laughter). Consequently the nominal Liberals, or perhaps I should say the Palmerstonian majority of 70 (" Adullamites") with which the session com menced by no means exclusively represented those who were favourable to a large extension of the fran chise. Still I believe that with some modifications the bill of the late Government might have been passed, but for the declaration made by them early in the session, and often repeated by them in the course of it, that they would listen to no proposal of compromise that in any way affected the numbers who were pro posed to be admitted to the franchise. (" No more they ought.") If we had been assured that the late cabinet would have accepted a £2O rentalin the coun ties and an £8 rental in the boroughs, supposing these figures to have been carried by way of amend ment, I make no doubt whatever that a compromise of that kind would have been accepted, I do not say by the whole, but by a very large majority of the Conservative members. (Hear, hear, and a cry of " That is higher than Lord Derby's bill "). But, gentlemen, it very soon became obvious that nothing of that kind was possible, and those who thought that in many respects the bill might be amended, and those who upon other grounds thought it was a hasty and ill-considered proposition, had no practical alternative offered to them except to accept it as it stood, or else to oppose it altogether.:(Hear.) But there were some other minor causes of misunderstanding. The plan with which the late ministry started, of keeping back one-half of theirproposition until another session, and BO of not allowing us to see what were to be the results of that which we were about to do, was, from the first, unpopular in the house, and I need not tell you how late and how reluctantly that method of proceeding was abandoned. Ido not wish to dwell on personal matters. I have always spoken, and I always shall speak, of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer with that respect which is due to splendid ability and to eloquence which has seldom been sur passed in Parliament. (Cheers.) But, neverthe- less, must add that, as leader of the House of Com- inons, he does not appear to me to have been alto- gether fortunate. He seemed to feel from the first that the House of Commons was not favourable to the proposition he was about to submit. He made that feeling apparent. He seemed desirous of bring ing popular prebsure to bear on our deliberations ; and it is an invariable rule that when a Minister, and especially a Minister who is in the position of a leader of the House of Commons, shows his dis- trust of that body, the House of Commons will re turn the compliment and show distrust of him. I do not refer to a few unlucky phrases that he used, b ecause it is inevitable that in a 10n0.r., and animated dimiss i - on, running over a period of three months, something will be said that had better have remained unsaid ; nor shall 1 argue the question whether it was wise to abandon a measure of so much import ance on a p o i nt so comparatively indifferent as that of rental or ratingl shall not argue that, because ' I look on that defence as being rather the excuse than the reason for the withdrawal of the measure. By that time the latepp t Cabinet had perceived that w hich had become aa reu to every one else, that i Success as they desired it—that s ! success in carry ing their plan whole and ok the unmodified —was no t at tainable. And that being so they t oppor tunity, fairly enough in that point of o I think not wisely as regards political tactics, alth oug h actics, they took the opportunity of cutting the knot, and of 43 escaping by the shortest route from a position w hich had become untenable. (Hear, hear.) matters stand ; and there the Reform question will. remain till the next Session, when I do not doubt that whatever may be the course of the Government, after all that has been sail and done of late, you will find members of the House of Commons ready to take it up again. (Hear, hear.) It is not a ques tion that is likely to be allowed to go to sleep— (" That it won't and no mistake") —and that fact may carry some consolation to those who were so entirely dissatisfied with the result of the present session. There I shall leave the subject. But I have understood, since I came down here, from one or two personal f;iends, who are also my political opponents—a' ad lam happy to say that is a combi nation not ye' ty rare in England —I have heard that here, as else - where, a motion which was made by me in Parliame) at some six or seven weeks ago has been the subject of some misunderstanding and some misrepresentation, and therefore I think it due to you and to myself to state simply how the facts stand. (Hear, hear.) I have been myself charged by a portion of the Liberal press, and the charge has been copied into the journals that circulate here with having tried to carry an amendment by a sur prise, by a trick, by taking the opposite party un prepared. Now, I meet that charge very simply. I give it a distinct denial. (Hear, hear.) It would have been an unfair thing to do; and whatever may have been the defects of my political life I do not think that any one has ever charged me with having been led into extreme courses by an exaggerated feeling of partisanship. (Cheers.) It would have been not only unfair but silly and unmeaning, be cause a majority obtained by surprise could carry with it no moral weight, and a decision so obtained would have been liable to be reversed by a more deliberate vote. .(Hear, hear.) The simple fact of the case is, that when I made that motion I made it in [the full belief that the late Government knew as well as I did what we were about to propose, and I do not know that I was ever more astonished than when I was informed by the Government that they considered that sufficent notice had not been given. As to the amendment itself—as to the part I took on the motion of Lord Grosvenor at an early period of the session, and generally as to the course I have followed in the reform debates—l am perfectly ready to answer any questions that may be put and to give any explanation that may be de sired ; but as I have several other things to say you will perhaps kindly allow those answers and that explanation to remain till the questions have been put. Well, now comes the question, why have the Cabinet of Lord Derby accepted office without pos sessing an assured majority of the House of Com mons? To that my answer is twofold. In the first place, it is very hard to say, in the actual state of things, that any interest or any Government pos sesses any assured majority in the present House of Commons. (Hear.) In the next place, we thought that, in honour and in duty, no other course was open to us than that which we took. If we had shrunk from the task, if we had allowed the late Cabinet to come back to the positions which they have just vacated, they would have come back, as it seemed to us, with a moral right to call upon the house to reverse its deliberate decision. They would have said—" We come back as the only possible Ministry. If you take us you must take us on our own terms ; you must take our bill with us; you must surrender your right of criticism, because if you don't take that bill as it stands, we shall resign, and the whole business of the country will be at a standstill." We thought that was not a position in which the house ought to be placed. (Hear.) We have not desired to form our Administration on any purely party basis. There are many of the Whig party -whose sympathies are well known to be with us, whose support in debates and in divisions we have no doubt of receiving, and whose official co-operation, when asked, has been withheld, not on account of any real or wide difference of political opinion, but rather from that natural and honour able scruple which makes men shrink from an ap pearance of changing their party, or " walking," as the phrase is, " across the floor of the house" under circumstances where they may appear to be gainers by the change. As to the future, he would be a bold man who would undertake to prophesy. Next year is a long way off—(hear, hear, and a laugh)—and for the rest of the session I do not think you will hear of any exciting debates. For myself, I think the _ . in-coming Government will not be able to do more than wind up the course of routine. If any mem ber of the house of Commons thinks we are where we ought not to be, there is a simple mode of bring ing on the issue. Let him move a want of confi dence. That is a fair and constitutional proceeding. Whether it succeeds or whether it fails we shall equally know where we stand. And if no such vote is moved we have a fair right to assume that a ma- jority of the House of Commons, although they may not be absolutely pledged to support either the Ministry or the measures which we bring forward, are nevertheless satisfied that ours is the Govern- ment which ought at the present time to be i power. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, Ido not know that I should have troubled you further, if it had not been for that old charge alluded to two days ago by Lord Derby in the House of Lords—a charge utterly abandoned but perpetually reproduced— that a Conservative Government is disposed to in volve England in war. I have never understood on what historical basis the assertion rests—(a cry of "America"). Very well ; we will come to America presently. Only one European war has taken place in the last 50 years in which England has taken an part. That is the war against Russia; and that war was made and carried on, not by a Conservative Ministry, but by two successive Liberal Administra tions. It is going back a very long way to refer to the wars of Pitt in 1792. (Loud laughter.) I have heard it said that if Lord Derby had continued in power in 1859, at the time the Italian war broke out, you would have been involved in a war with France. I was a member of the Government of Lord Derby, and I can say with perfect confidence that the very last idea that entered into the mind of the cabinet was the idea of a quarrel or misunderstan ding with France. (Hear, hear.) Again, I have heard it said by im patient, friends down there—(laughter)—that the Conservatives dislike the United States, that they dislike republicaninstitutions, that they sympathised with the Confederates against the Northern States, and that if they had been in power during the Ame rican civil war they would have recognised the South and encouraged them entirely in their quarrel. I do not stand here to deny that a great many very foolish things have been said in the house and out of the house relative to that civil war—but un luckily, as many of these foolish remarks have been made by distinguished Liberals as by their oppo nents. When Lord Russell, at the time Foreign Secretary, told the country that the North were lighting for empire and the South for independence; and when Mr. Gladstone, then the leader of the House of Commons, used the celebrated phrase about the Southern President having not only created an army and .a navy, but created a nation ; when, on the other hand, you recollect that neither the leader of the Conservative party in the House of Commons nor I myself have ever used one phrase showing a feeling in favour of either side in that quarrel over the other, because we thought it incon sistent with our duty so to do—l say, when you bear those facts in mind, it seems to me a little cool, to use no stronger term, to assume that Liberals alone were capable of conducting affairs with the American Government at that crisis, and that adiffe rent and less prudent course would have been taken by the Conservative party had they been in power. In point of fact, I have no doubt whatever that if any proposal for the recognition of the South in the quarrel had been made in Parliament that proposal would have been rejected, not merely by an immense majority of the House of Commons but by a largo majority of the Conservative party itself. (Cheers.) Indeed, if the matter required serious argument one might ask, what can the landed and wealthy classes of this country to gain by a war? (Hear.) Is it their interest that the national debt should be in.. creased ? (Hear.) Is it theirinterest that the taxes should be heavier ? (Hear.) Is it their interest that the demands of war should increase, and that labour should become dearer ? h t s e a r. ) successes I V ;and a r a has its chances, its failures, as w (h 'l e l a a r ; failure abroad almost inevitably involves political discontent, if not political disturbance, at home. (Hear, hear.) If at any time we are to be involved in the risk of war I am convinced that the risk would arise more from the prevalence of democratic and revolutionary sympathy than from Conserva tive prejudice. But I do not speak of that as a present danger, because if there is any one point on which all parties are agreed it is on the duty of keeping out of these continental quarrels. I do not deny that there are within the range of possibility exceptional cases, where the solemn faith of the country has been pledged to ti particular course of action, but those cases are few and well defined— they are beforehand—and the i mprobability of their arising is so extreme that I should not have referred to them at all, but that I would not seem to deny or ignore their existence. (Hear, hear.) I have often spoke of these subjects before, and I have nothing to modify or disturb. But there is a misunderstand ing in the public mind as to what is the proper policy of non-intervention. It is spoken of as a purely selfish policy, as if it meant that we were to sit wrapped up in the contemplation of our own happiness and our own privileges, quite indifferent to the sufferings of the rest of mankind. Now, if that were the view I took of it, it is a policy with which I would have nothing to do. Mere selfish ness does not pay. (Hear, hear.) We shall find that out sooner or later. And selfishness does not alter its character, whether it relates to a nation or whether it relates to an individual. The subject of non-interference in continental disputes lies deeper. It lies partly in our vast Indian and colonial interests making up the British empire, and throwing upon us duties and responsibilities with which continen tal states have nothing to do, and which are in themselves a burden heavy enough for one nation to discharge. It lies partly in the duty we owe to our poorer classes at home, for whom we are trustees, upon whom an increase of debt, and consequently of taxation, must fall with crushing weight. It lies partly in the con viction we entertain that example is worth more than precept, and that by simply existing as we do as a free self-governed nation, we are doing more than could be doneby a thousand despatches or any combinations we might put in practice against both the policy of despotism and the policy of revolution. (Loud cheering.) It lies also in our experience and recollection of past mistakes, in the lessons which our own history teaches, how often in former days we have fought for objects which after all we did not secure, or, if we did secure them, were not worth the price we paid for them. (Hear, hear.) A man may feel deeply interested in European affairs, and yet may reasonably doubt whether hasty sym pathies and imperfect knowledge are the best quali fications for dealing wisely with such complicated matters. (Hear, hear.) But th© result which Eng land expects her Ministry to work out is not of easy accomplishment. We object to take action in con tinental quarrels ; but we object also to see our moral influence lost or greatly lessened. How to satisfy these apparently conflicting claims is the problem we have to solve. That advice, or, if needs be, mediation, should not be refused when asked for and likely to succeed, and yet that it should never be offensively obtruded ; that neutrality should be maintained without a cynical affectation of indifference; that, making peace at home our first object, we should seek the peace of Europe—these are rules easy to lay down ; the difficulty is to ap ply them in practice. (Hear.) To that end my efforts shall be applied. Less than that I cannot promise ; more than that those who can appreciate the difficulties will say I ought not to promise. (Hear.) It is the wish of England to live in harmony with all her neighbours. (Hear, hear.) But there are two powers which, by their greatness andposition, affect us more peculiarly than the rest. One of these powers is France, our nearest neighbour, formerly our rival in arms, now our friendly competitor for the first r place in the civilisation of the world. (Hear.) When we speak of France with relation to public affairs we necessarily speak of the Government of France, and whatever judgment any individual may be dis posed to pass on the internal or general policy of the Emperor of the French, a question with which we have nothing to do, and which history alone can de cide in a satisfactory manner, no man can reason ably deny that to England he has been a firm and a faithful ally. (Hear.) lam not aware that in 16 agitated years we have ever had occasion toreproach him with a single hostile word or for a single un friendly act. (Cheers.) The respective lines of policy of the two countries has not always been the same France is continental; we are insular. But I say for the future, as I say for the past, the least appre hension which ought to disturb the mind of a rea sonable man is that of a quarrel with France. (Hear.) The other country is the United States, which, by its extent, by its population, by its rapid increase, by the energy and intelligence of its people, and lastly, by its display of naval and military strength, has come to rank among the foremost nations in the world. I look on a proper and friendly understand ing with the United States as almost the first requi- site of English diplomacy. (Hear.) No one power except France can do us so much harm. No other power, not even France, is so closely bound to us by tics of public interest. (Hear.) It would be idle to deny, after the late war, that there was some portion, perhaps there is still a portion, of the American people that bears no good will to this country. But I believe that portion to be utterly inconsiderable —inconsiderable in point of numbers, inconsiderable in point of power. (Hear.) No doubt during the war there may have been some unplea sant feeling, and in our hasty and positive way of judging our neighbours' affairs, I am not surprised of that ill-feeling. (Hear.) But there has been time for that feeling to have subsided. I believe it has sub- sided, and if we look at the last action of the United States Executive in the Fenian attack on Canada, I think we must acknowledge that it has acted, I will not say a friendly part towards England, but that it has acted on a law-abiding and a law-re specting principle. (Hear, hear.) We have just witnessed a new spectacle of a war being decided, if it be decided, in a ten days' campaign. I do not know what the settlement may be; but this we know, that our whole interest lies in the return of peace ; not of a mere truce, but the establishment of peace on a lasting basis, and the comparative disarmament of Europe. (Cheers, and hear, hear.) Ido not know that I have more topics on which to detain you now. Schemes of domestic legislation you can hardly ex pect at a time when the session is about to close, and from a member of an Administration which has hardly yet had time to consult together. The only , promise I can give you, because it is one I can be sure to keep, is the promise of sincere gratitude for your past and present kindness, and the assurance of my earnest endeavour to play a part in your and the public service which, whether it be or be not what the world calls distinguished, which I care very little about, shall at least be sincere and useful. (Cheers.) An ELECTOR (Mr. Trenoworth) said the noble lord had addressed the electors and non-electors— would his lordship say what extension of the fran chise he would advocate ? Lord STANLEY—My friend here asks me to pro pose a Reform Bill on my own account, at a very short notice. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) A mem- ber of an Administration which can only act collec tively is not justified in giving, apart from his col- Leagues, a pledge as to what he will do in a future session. (Laughter.) The ELECTOR—I think I heard you say, on a former occasion, that you would support a compre hensive measure of reform. Is that so ? Lord STANLEY—Whether I would support a com prehensive measure or not depends on what that comprehensive measure is. (Laughter.) The ELECTOR—Have you made up your mind to what extent you would give the franchise? Lord STANLEY—I am asked what are the provi sions of a Reform bill which I might hereafter sup port. Ido not think lamin a position in which I can fairly answer that question. (Hear, hear.) I have no objection to say this, that I have always held that it was for the interest of the public gene rally, and I think more especially for the interest of the Conservative party, if it can be done by a fair and reasonable compromise, that the question should be settled. (Cheers.) " Three cheers for Stanley," given most enthusi astically, were followed by " Three cheers for Glad stone," with about the same degree of energy. The meeting then dispersed. ITUNTINGDON In pursuance of the writ directed to the Mayor of the borough of Huntingdon (Mr. Cooch), a meeting was held in the Court-hall yesterday morn ing with a view of electing a burgess to serve in Parliament for the said borough in the room of General Peel, late one of the members, who has accepted the office of her Majesty's Secretary for War. Inasmuch, however, as it was known that no actual opposition would be offered to the re-elec tion of the gallant general, the meeting was literally one of his friends, amongst whom may be numbered men of all shades of opinion in the borough he has so long represented, and, more notably still, the ladies, a bevy of whom crowded the grand jury gallery. The MAYOR presided, and, after the usual forma lities, called for the proposition of candidates, whereupon Mr. DENNIS HERBERT proposed General Peel. Mr. FREDERICK Howson seconded the nomination. After having replied to some questions respecting the franchise and other matters, the Mayor, no other candidate being proposed, declared _General Peel duly elected. General PEEL, on rising to return thanks, was re ceived with renewed cheers. He said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, electors of the boroughs of Hunting don and Godmanchester,—lt is now exactly 40 years last month since I was first returned a member of Parliament, and 35 of those years have been passed in your service. (Cheers.) There are doubt less members—some 12 or 13, perhaps—who have sat in Parliament longer than I have done, and some, perhaps, have served the same constituency longer than I, but I think there are few of them who have had the necessity to present themselves on extra occasions such as this for re-election ; but of this I am certain—that none have received greater kind ness than I have done, and I beg to thank you for the honour you have done in returning me once more:as your representative to Parliament. (Cheers.) I beg to thank those gentlemen who are opposed to me for the way they have received me during my canvass. I think every man is entitled to hold his own opinions upon political matters—(hear, hear, and applause)—and I am also much obliged to Mr. Herbert and Mr. Howson for the very kind manner in which they have proposed me. I little thought last year that I should so soon have to present my self before you for re-election, still less upon the occasion of having accepted office as a Minister of the Crown. At the last election the Conservative party were in a majority of 70—(A voice, "A minority of 70," and laughter)-..1 mean in a minority of 70. I allude to this matter to show that majorities are often dangerous to the parties possessing them. Experi ence proves this, in fact, that the Government possessing such majorities are often defeated by them. In 1832 there was a large majority, but in 1835 that majority defeated the Government, and brought Sir Robert Peel into office. Sir Robert Peel retired, and returned again with a majority of 90, and that very majority turned Sir Robert Peel out. Again, when Lord Palmerston dissolved Par liament on the question of the war in China he was returned by an overwhelming majority, who ulti mately turned him out. Now, it is not the case that Lord Derby's Government has an overwhelm ing majority—there appears to be danger in such a state of things, but we need not be apprehensive on that ground—(laughter)—but I trust the measures we shall propose will be of such a character that we shall gain general support without having to guard against any such contingency. (Cheers.) What those measures are to be an infant Government can not of course proclaim ; and I may say at once that no Ministry can be held responsible for any obser vations I may make upon such an occasion as this. What the principles are upon which Lord Derby's Government is formed may be gathered from the admirable statement made by him in the House of Lords on Monday last. I may say that I entirely agree with that statement. I don't think there is anybody who has so frequently maintained the doc trine of non-interference with the affairs of other nations as I have clone. I have always beenthe ad vocate of maintaining peaceful relations with them, without mixing up in their affairs—(applause) —at the same time offering, when it is asked for, our own best advice and mediation to maintain peace amongst all nations. But the only plan by which we can main tain a dignified neutrality—that we can make our selves respected—is to keep our own forces in a state of efficiency; and, as Secretary for War, I will take care that the army is maintained in such a state. (Cheers.) Now, lam very glad that Lord Derby has not fettered himself by a pledge on the subject of reform. I quite agree with him that the only chance of passing a Reform Bill is to be found in some mutual understanding between the two great par ties in the State, and Lord Derby has shown his desire for that agreement by endeavouring to form his Government on a broad basis, and to do away with the line which really was perfectly nominal. Lord Palmerston sat on one side of the house, the Conservatives on the other, a n d th ere rea ll y was nothing on earth t o p r event us joining e ac h o th er. (Cheers.) I will read to you the very words which I made use of before the election of nuntingdon in July last—" If the mere popularity of a Prime Minister were sufficient to secure support to a Go vernment, he would himself, perhaps, be a supporter of the Government of Lorl Palmerston. Nay, he would go further, and say that if he were certain Lord Palmerston would always carry out his own opinions, he should probably be a supporter of his Government, because he believed those opinions to be perfectly Conservative. But, unfortunately, it was notorious that upon some important questions Lord Palmerston was overruled by his colleagues, and in some of those colleagues he, for one, had no confidence whatever." (Ilear,hear.) The result was what I foresaw would take place immediately on Lord Palmerston's death, and I could not have joined that party. I could join no Government of which they formed a part. I think that the fact of Lord Derby having appealed to the Liberals to join him only shows his desire to bring forward popular measures. I can fully bear out what Lord Derby said about the unanimity of the Conservative party in sacrificing all personal considerations, in waiving all private interests, and their readiness to make any sacrifice in order to enable him to form a Govern ment on the basis he had laid down, and that we would support such Government whether we were in or out of offi?e. I not only agree with Lord Derby's resolution not to bring in a Reform Bill, but also with the opinion he expressed on the matter. I say there are many not at present in possession of the franchise who might be safely entrusted with it; but with regard to the bill lately before Parliament, there were no figures agreed upon. The house passed without a division the second reading of the Fran chise and the Redistribution of Seats Bill, thus ad mitting the principle ; but when the bills got into committee, it was decided that the franchise should be founded upon rating, and not upon rental, by a majority of 11. But there were no figures whatever adopted. It was perfectly competent for the Govern- ment to lower the rating from £7 to £5. The divi- sion was upon rating versus rental, and the mem bers of the House of Commons were as good judges as the Ministry upon that subject. I could not see that the Government were justified in resigning upon it. We must recollect, too, that what we were passing was an English Reform Bill, and from first to last, at every division, a majority of the English members were against the Government. I do not deny the right of the Irish and Scotch members to vote on the question, but it is at least fair to say that Englishmen have at least the best right to ex- press the opinion as to what will best suit their own country. (Cheers.) Now, I have been called an ultra Tory. If the late Sir R. Peel was an ultra-Tory, I am not only an ultra-Tory, but I glory in the title. (Loud cheers.) I held office under him. I perfectly coincided in his political principles, and supported all his measures. In truth, I was on the most inti mate and affectionate terms with him, and I know his earnest desire was to maintain the dignity of the Crown, the priTileges of the House of Lords, the purity and high character of the house of Commons, and the honour and welfare of this country. (Loud and long-continued cheers.) Now, during the course of my visit to the electors, there was a gentleman whom I waited on who was a gieat admirer of the Morning Star. (Cheers and laughter.) He said he took his politics from it, and told me he would not vote for me because I did not vote for Mr. Bright's Reform Bill. It was because it was Mr. Bright's Re- form Bill of 1866, arid the p r ecursor of Mr. Bright's Reform Bill of 1868, th a t I vo t e d against it. lam not going to say o ne wor d aga i ns t Mr. Bright : I have a high respect for him. (Hear, hear.) But the hon. gentleman himself said that he accepted the bill of the Government as a lever whereby he should be able to carry out his own purposes. It has been said that the figures 14 and 7 could not be altered, because the alteration would break the engagement made between the Government and the extreme party on the left. I could never learn what that engagement was. I never heard that the party on the left had pledged themselves not to go any further, and I will venture to say that if Mr. Bright was to be asked the question to-morrow, he would say he was not pledged to the maintenance of the permanency of the measure. A great deal has been said during the arguments upon reform about the working men. I defy any man to say that I have ever said a word in disparagement of working men. (Cheers.) There is no family more indebted to the working men than mine. Before the Reform Bill I represented the working men of Norwich, and ex cellent men they were. They never changed their colours, and if a freeman was asked, he would re ply, he was " born purple and orange," or " blue and white," and though, of course, there was a floating balance—some who were not perfectly pure yet, if you will look to the last election you will find that it was not freemen or the lower order of voters alone who were subject to improper influ ences. (Cheers.) Another point. I will never agree to the disfranchisement of a small borough simply because it is a small borough. My first act of disfranchisement would be to take away the power of voting from any town where corruption prevailed, be it large or small, but not at once, not until a com mission had proved corruption prevailed. I would rather disfranchise such a borough as that than yours which has, since 1290, I believe, returned two members to Parliament, and has never been sub j ect even to the breath of insinuation of bribery. I can only say that since I have represented it I have never spent a shilling in bribery; but more, that I have never been asked for it. The bill introduced by the late Government was marked by anomalies worth notice. The proposals as to the redistribution of seats were perfectly astounding. For instance, Tamworth, with a population of 10,000 and 500 voters, was to retain two members, while Lichfield, a cathedral town, with 750 electors, was to have its political power partially taken away from it by the loss of one. Well, we are either the representatives of the electors or we represent the whole popula tion, and the population and number of electors of both these places considered, what becomes of the argument that the working men are not repre sented ? It is clear we represent the electors, and therefore we were bound to act in the manner best calculated to conserve their interests. I promised at your late wool fair dinner to tell you what had been done with the view of giving the army breech-load ing rifles, and I repeat what I said then, that owing to the discoveries of science matters are now deter mined, not so much by the numbers, skill, or bravery of the troops engaged, as by the efficiency of the arm employed, and I say we should have every ad vantage we cau attain towards saving our brave soldiers' lives. Experience has proved that even a very bad, or at least an indifferent breech loader, is better than the best muzzle loader ; so it would be unwise to delay for a single day to place breech load ing arms in the hands of our troops. Fortunately, no thing has to be done upon the spur of the moment, my predecessors, I am happy to say, having paid at tention to this subject. (Cheers.) They had already made arrangements for converting 40,000 Enfield muzzle loading rifles into breech loaders, and I am perfectly certain those weapons as altered will be superior to the " needle gun." (Loud cheers.) I have made arrangements that that number shall be increased from 40,000 to 100,000, to be delivered from our o xn factories, and, as will be seen by this day's papers, I have already with a view of giving further effect to these arrangements, asked for ten ders from the trade. I am perfectly satisfied to carry out the good work begun by my predecessors, and which I am persuaded they would have done had they remained in office. (Cheers.) I claim no merit to myself in this respect. (Renewed cheers.) I don't know that it is necessary I should detain you one moment longer. lam perfectly aware of the difficulties of the task that lies before us. The principles of Lord Derby are to maintain peace, but at the same time the prestige, the power, and hon our of this country. Having your approbation to day, I shall go back, determined to do my best to carry out such measures as will, in my humble judgment, most tend to the furtherance of the in terests of this country. (Loud cheers.) The usual complimentary votes followed, and the meeting broke up amid ringing cheers for "The Ladies," proposed, as usual, by the gallant general. DROIT W ICH. The election for this borough, consequent on the appointment of Sir J. Pakington as First Lord of the Admiralty, took place yesterday. There was no opposition to Sir John's re-election, and the pro ceedings were conducted very quietly. After the reading of the writ the mayor made the usual affirmation—he being a member of the Society of Friends--and called upon the electors to nomi nate their member. Mr. E. BEARCROFT, of Mere Hall, then proposed he re-election of the Right Hon. Sir J. S. Paking- Mr. J. H. BRADLEY seconded the nomination. No other candidate appearing, the mayor declared Sir John Pakington to be duly elected. (Cheers.) Sir J. S. PAKINGTON said this was the tenth occa sion on which they had done him the honour of elect ing him without a contest to the House of Commons, and those 10 elections had extended over a period of almost 30 years. He found it impossible to ex press his deep sense of gratitude for the kindness, the respect, and the good feeling with w hi c h h e h a d been constantly received during that period, not only by men of all classes, but of every political opinion, in the borough. He much missed those social ga therings which formerly accompanied elections, but he had been advised that in the face of recent acts of Parliament he could not entertain his friends as he desired. There was no act of Parliament, how ever, to prevent his helping the poor, and he proposed to place £5O in the hands of the mayor, to expend it for the benefit of the poor of all parties andcreeds in the borough. (Cheers.) In allusion to the rumour that he was about to be raised to the peerage, Sir John begged to state distinctly that not only was there no foundation, but that there had been no foundation for the report. He was by no means in sensible of the honour of the peerage, but they had all a right to indulge in their own personal views, and he begged distinctly to state that he had not, and never had, the least desire to be raised to the peerage. He was perfectly contented with the position in life which he occupied, and he desired for the remainder of his life to enjoy nothing more than the support of the constituency of the borough of Droitwich. (Cheers.) He acknowledged the kind feeling which had been shown in the language of the address issued by their neighbour, Mr. Corbett, who being under the impression that he (Sir J. Pakington) was going to the House of Lords, had offered himself as a can didate contingent on his retirement. Turning next to the high and laborious office which he had now the honour to fill, he must say that he had undertaken that office with a very deep sense of its extreme importance and responsibility ; and his sense of its importance and responsibility was not diminished by the fact that he had had some experience in it already. Ile had had the honour of holding the office for a year and a half; and he could say that it was a time of great anxiety, responsi bility, and laborious exertion. He undertook the office with great diffidence, because at the time when he held the office before, and still more so now, the navy of England—that great power to which they all looked with so much pride—was and is in a state of transition_a state of transition which made any decision of the minister at the head of the department a matter of great consequence and responsibility. In 1859, when he was at the head of this department of the Government, he ordered the construction of two great iron-clad ships of war, the Warrior and the Black Prince. He ordered their construction, knowing at the time that they could not be built under the enormous expense of between £300,000 and £400,000 for each ship. He much doubted whether there was anv single naval officer in her Majesty's service who felt with any degree of cer tainty as to the result of that experiment, and they might judge therefore of the degree of anxiety and responsibility - which he felt when he found it his duty to give the order, and with which he watched the progress of the experiment. That experiment they now knew had proved a successful one. The question at the time was whether they could clothe ships with a weight of 1,200 tons of iron armour, and still leave them fit for service at sea. These doubts had been successfully solved, and these ships had become powerful men of war. France, too, had been engaged in similar experiments, and seven years having passed away England had now, by the active exertions of his (Sir J. Pakington's) imme diate predecessors, became in possession of a power ful fleet of these armour-clad ships, and not only England, but every maritime Power of Europe and the United States were in possession of fleets of armour-clad men of war. But although this was the case, still our navy was, as he had already said, more than ever in a state of transition. It was still uncertain what ought to be the size of the ship ; it was still uncertain what ought to be the strength of her armour plates, and also whether the arms of such ships should be placed in turrets or used in the old-fashioned way of broadsides. These were questions which required the anxious conside ration of the great department to which he had just succeeded, and he spoke the language of his heart when he said that he undertook the office with great diffidence and anxiety. But it was not only our ships, for our guns were also equally in a state of transition. When he left the administration in 1859 the most powerful gun in use was the 68- pounder. Four years had passed away, and now England was in possession of a considerable number of 300-pounders, and it was believed that guns of 600 pounds would be available in turret ships. Per haps there might be a limit to the weight of guns on ships, but in regard to shore batteries those who had studied the question could see hardly any limit to the power and magnitude of guns that might be safely used. They would see that England had under these circumstances entered upon a most costly race, but it was a race in which England could not afford to be beaten, and it was a race which at all hazards England must win. He hoped this country would never see an Administra tion that would dare to allow the naval power and supremacy of England to be diminished or im paired ; and he thought it due to them thus to state the opinions on which he should conduct the duties of the arduous office which had been entrusted to his care. (Hear.) It was hardly necessary to detain them at any length in referring to the circumstances which had led to a change of Government. It was nearly a year to the very day since he stood before them for election. At the general election the Con servative party had been sanguine that they should have gained a considerable number of seats and thus be placed in a majority ; but it so happened that, instead of gaining, they had lost a consider able number of seats. (Laughter.) It was not for him to have expected that the majority of the Libe-. ral party should in twelve months have vanished into thin air ; but it sometimes happened that the heir of a most healthy man might suddenly find himself possessed of the property of that healthy man who had taken it into his head to commit sui cide. In his opinion the course taken by the Libe ral Government had simply amounted to political suicide. He believed that it was the wish of all parties, and of the country generally, that this troublesome question of Reform should be settled, and he believed there was no one, either in or out of Parliament, that was not willing to support a fair and moderate measure in order to get the question settled, having a due regard on the one hand to the rights of the people, and on the other hand to the maintenance of a due balance of power. There were three conditions to the success of a measure of Parliamentary Reform—first, that the measure should be deliberately prepared ; secondly, that it should be perfect in itself ; and thirdly, that it should carry on the face of it proof that it had b een con ceived in a patriotic spirit. Now, in his (Sir J. Pakington's) opinion, the measure brought forward by the late Government failed in all these conditions. Instead of having been deliberately prepared, it had been hastily and precipitately prepared ; instead of being perfect in itself, it was incomplete and care lessly done ; and instead of carrying on the face of it proof that it had been concocted in a patriotic spirit, it was impossible to resist the Conclusion that her Majesty's Government had prepared the mea sure, in a large degree at least, with the object of getting a little fleeting popularity for itself. The result was that the House of Commons showed their disapprobation of the measure, and at last the Go vernment was defeated on a point which they con ceived essential, and the task now devolved on the party of which he had the honour to be one of as suming the reins of Government. They (the present Government) desired to approach the question of reform in a temperate and fair spirit. They were not unwilling to consent to a considerable extension of the franchise ; but, on the other hand, they were not prepared to make the Government of England democratic. He might say, as the Earl of Derby had said in the House of Lords the other night, that under the circumstances of the case, and being as yet scarcely in possession of their offices, they must reserve to themselves a complete discretion in regard to the time and manner when and in what they thought their duty to deal with the important ques tion of reform. They trusted to the good feeling of Parliament and the public. Their offices had been thrust on them. They did not expect it ; they had not courted it. If the late Government had only played their cards with good sense it would have been impossible for the Conservatives to have taken their places. There were two points on which he must confess the new Government had great advantages. First, that there was every reason to hope that after a very short and san guinary campaign the war which a few week ago threatened to disturb the peace of Europe was now virtua!ly over. He thought they had reason to hope now, that by the mediation of neutral cowers, including England, they should see not only a re storation of peace, but the removal of the causes of dissension in Europe. The other point on which they were fortunate was, that he was sanguine enough to believe that we had no cause for anxiety from any part of the great American continent. They had all observed the struggle that had been caused in Canada by the wicked irruption of Fenians from the United States, and they must all have observed the noble spirit with which our Canadian fellow-subjects rose in arms, and how the volunteers drove back the invaders; and while they felt pride in those acts of their fellow-citizens, they must frankly acknowledge the honourable, loyal, and faithful spirit in which the Government of the United States assisted us. (Applause.) He hoped and believed that such honourable and loyal con. duct on their part would have the effect of cement. ing and rendering permanent that nod feeling which ought to exist between the two Governments. (Hear, hear.) He begged to thank them for the patience with which in that sultry atmosphere they had listened to his remarks. The new Government which had just entered office must be judged by the measures which they introduced. He was sanguine enough to hope and believe that their measures would be such as would deserve the confidence of the country ; and whatever might be their tenure of office he hoped and trusted that, when the time for their retirement arrived, they would leave office with this feeling on the part of the people of Eug- land, that there was no reason for regretting the hour when power had been placed in their hands. In conclusion, the right hon. baronet referred to some remarks about the scarcity of foxes at West wood, and said that on that subject he was one of the best-abused men in the country. He was for- merly a foxhunter himself, but latterly had discon- tinued following the hounds ; but he had always given orders to his keepers to protect foxes, not withstanding the fact that, when the hounds came to Westwood, the huntsman could not find the ^" varmint" at home. Thanks to the Mayor closed the proceedings. GUILDFORD. The nomination took place yesterday to fill the vacancy in the representation of this borough occasioned by the acceptance by Mr. Bovill of the office of Solicitor-General under Lord Derby's Government. Great excitement prevailed, but no serious breach of the peace occurred. The usual formalities having been gone through, the Solicitor-General was nominated by Mr. Elki ns and seconded by Mr. Hoyden. Mr. Brookes nominated and Mr. Billings se conded Mr. Long. The candidates then severally addressed the elec. tors, and the show of hands wag declared to be in favour of the Solicitor-General. A poll was demanded for Mr. Long. The proceedings were, on the whole, orderly and comparatively quiet. Shortly after five o'clock in the afternoon the committees of Mr. Long, the Liberal candidate, de termined on withdrawing from the contest, the result of the canvass not affording a reasonable warrant of success. Mr. Bovill may therefore be considered re-elected. BRIDGWATER. Tho nomination of candidates for this borough took place yesterday. Mr. Patton, the new Lord Advocate for Scotland, offered himself for re-election. He was opposed by Mr. Vanderbyl. The show of hands was declared to be in favour of Mr. Vanderbyl. A poll was demanded on behalf of Mr. Patten, and fixed for to-day (Thursday). CAMBRIDGESHIRE. It has bean announced, on behalf of the Liberal pelf that they do not intend to offer any further opposition to the return of Lord Royston for Cambridgeshire. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY. In congregation summoned specially for the purP° sB ' yesterday morning, Mr. Vico-Chancellor, the Rev. Dr' Cartonell, Master of Christ's College, presiding, the Bight Hon. Spencer Horatio Walpole, of Trinity College, one of her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, was re-elected one of the members of Cambridge University without opposition. COOKERMOUTH. Lord Naas, the new Chief Secretary for Ireland, w 5O yesterday re-elected for this borough without opposition• In addressing the constituents he said the reform question would never be settled without a mutual agreement of moderate Tories and moderate Whigs. DURHAM. Yesterday morning the Hon. J. R. Mowbray, the noil Judge-Advocate-General, was re-elected, in the Town Hall, member for this city. There was no opposition, and the proceedings were very quiet. COUNTRY MARKETS. NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE—TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a fair supply of wll O9l from the growers and the coast, but a small arrival from abroad. The trade ruled dull, and although holders would have submitted to a decline of 3s on English and 2s to 30 on foreign, almost no business was done. Barley and 0 0 6d lower, malt and beans unchanged, peas is cheaper, floe 2s per sack lower. MONMOUTHSHIRE —TUESDAY. The various markets have been tolerably well attended, , while there has been a fair s u p p l y o f most descriptions grain. The demand for home-grown wheat was active n`' from is 6d to 2s per qr. less money. Foreign also loWnr; Barley firmly supported current rates. Beans advanr 4 " is to 2s per qr. over last week. The following are the average quotations:—Wheat, red, 5s 6d to 6s 3d per bu s h e l ; i n f er i or ditto, 5s 3d to Os. On; white, 6s to 6s 6d ; malti ng b ar l ey, 36 s to 40s per qr ; grind ing ditto, 29s to 30s; beans, 44s ; white oats, 25s 6d to 270; black ditto, 24s 6d to 25s 6d. LYNN—TUESDAY. At to-day's market there was a tolerable show of wheat offering, which sold at 2s to 3s below last week's pric e ,,,,' But little barley shown, and pri ces fi rm. O ats an d b e w scarce, and about realised late values. New wheat, 54s to 56s • new red, 50s to 535 ; old white' —s to —s ; old red, 50s to 53s per 36 stone. Barley l er malting, 32s to 34s ; secondary, 28s to 30s. Oats, 1 25/v ; 24s to 28s per 24 ston e . B eans, sma ll , 47s to 50s. Fee" 36s to 40s per 28 stone. SALISBURY.—TUESDAY. The supply of wheat o ff ere d a t thi s market to-clay 01 ‘ 5 t moderate, but of good quality, and prices declined as P e qr. Little barley in the market, but oats, beans and pel wore an average, and quite as d ear . A moderate dencatu for flour. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised fron t 48s to 58s ; barley, 30s t o 40 s ; oats, 24s to 32s ; beans, 4°, to 545; and peas, 42 s t o 50 s per qr. Tares, from 6s to 1a 6d per bushel ; B es t b rea d , 13d ; household ditto, 12';. per 81b loaf. Flour, 38s to 42s per sack. HULL.—TUESDAY. of At our market to-d a y th ere was a tolerable show wheat, and samples s o ld s l ow l y a t 3 s to 4s per quarter los e money. English barley nil. O a t s commanded late rates. Beans very firm, and maintained their former value. English old white wheat, 57 s t o 60s ; old red, 53s to 51 ' „ ' Barley, English, —s to — s; grinding, Mediterranea n ' 31s to 31s 6d. Oats, n ew E ng li s h , 27s to 28s; Russi3L„l 26s to 275. Beans, o ld E ng li s h , 50s to 51s; foreign, A to 475. Peas, English blue, 40, to 41s Od; foreign whin e ' 38s to 40s; grinding, 36s to 37s Od per qr. GAINSBOROUGH—TUESDAY. Rather more wheat on offer ; the demand was lang il .,t ia at quite 3s per qr. reduction.—new white, 60s to 62s ;w; and mixed, 57s to 59s per 36 stone. For barley late pric ( ' t were quoted. Other kinds of grain met a fair inquiry, extreme prices. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. s. d. 5. a. H 9 etton Lyons ... ... 17 9 T uns t a ll Walls End Hetton ... 20 6 W a ll s End Haswell 320 Heugh Hall l9 6 Hastings Hartley...... 17 9 Hartlepool Kelloe East Hartlepool 6 South Hai depool l9 9 Tanfield Moor Butes 14 6 Braddyell's Iletton l9 9 South Kelloe Holywell Main l6 9 O r i g i nal Hartlepool .. 20 3 CTlasgow Hard Steam 16 6 Ships at market, 35; sold, 35. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton July 25 ' Ditto, via Marseilles July 11 Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet ...... Aug• 5 ' Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena July China, Penang, and Sin ga p ore, v i a Southampton July 2°. Ditto, via Marseilles July 14 ' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton July 21 ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton July 20 ' Ditto, via Marseilles ......... .. ....July 1 1. India (Bombay), via Southampton. July 13. Ditto, via Marseilles July 22 ' Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton July 13 ' Ditto, via Marseilles 3 July 14 ' Mauritius, via Southampton July 1 Ditto, via Marseilles. July 13 ' Newfoundland Portugal ~ ....Aug 5 • Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. ... United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet .. July 15 Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry ...July 20 * West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe .. ••• 1 WY . 11. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Honduras) ' (Tub' 14 ;, Cuba and Mexico •• July "' Bahamas, via New York. July 26 ' Bermuda, via Halifax ..... Aug. i• LADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills.—For Indigestit' Stomach, and Liv er C omp l a i nts.—Persons suffering f-r°:f any derangement of th e li ver, s t omach, or the organ digestion should have recourse to Holloway's pills, as the is no medicine k n o wn th a t ac t s on these pat ticular n°l3l plaints with such cert a i n success. Its peculiar proPert.leo strengthen the tone of the stomach, increase the appetite and purify the liver. For bowel complaints it is admirA ble ' as it removes ev er y p r i mary cause, thereby restoring tilo patient to the soundest h ea lth an d s t rength. N e i -yea o r sick headaches and lowness of spirit may be nure clb a d taking these pill s . Th ey are a l so con fid ently recomme nds as restoratives of constit u ti ons s h a tt ere d and broken 1.113i,bc, j excessive mental labour, i n t emperance, inordinate i n d gence, or other hardships. Births. GRENFELL—On the 10th inst., at Bognor, the of Pascoe Du P re G ren f el l , of a son. LAY —On the 9th inst., at 89, Gloucester-terrace, the W ii° of H. N. Lay, C. 8., of a son. LONG —On th e 9th i ns t., a t N orwoo d; the wife o f 1 r• Long, Esq., M.P., of a daughter. Sison—On the 10th inst., her Highness the 3faharalleg Duleep Singh, of a son. Marriages. HA RRIS — ARNOLD—On the 11th inst., at St. J u d e 's, v, -- te o f chapel, Ebenezor Harris, eldest son of R. Harris, 8 54 ,1b0 Croydon, to Mary W ren A rno ld , only daughter 0+ late H. Arnold, Esq., of Spitalfields. s o, PARRY—BONHAM—On the 10th inst., at Malley, Su J s Nicholas Parry, Esq., of Littl e H a dh am, Herts, to u, Adelaide, youngest daught er o f th e lato H. B o u r rv i 4, Esq., M.P., formerly of P or tl an d -place and Titneself6 Berks. Deaths. KINGSLEY -On the Bth inst., at Wootton-under - V i qt Glouccstershire,Eugene A. Kingsley, M.R.C.S., Youvereeit son of the l a t e Lt.-C o l . Kingsley, of Peckham, 1 . 11. " aged 33. t'e • KELLY —On the 9th inst., at 6, Ulster-terrace, Iteg -il park, Wm. S. Kelly, Esq. • 1 MACKINLAY —On the Bth inst., at Isleworth, J. Mack in ley' M.D., form er l y S urgeon aged 62. Mona T, WirrsoN—On the 9th inst., at Sandf or d H ou se, —e ham, Kent, William Morrison, Esq., aged 68. rel SHALCROSS —On the 10th inst., at 41, P a ki ng ton-s Islington, Mr. Josiah Shalcross, aged 67. F. g.S~ TOYNBEE—On the 7th inst., Joseph Toynbee, ESql &c., of Beech Holme, Wimbledon, aged 59. vole& WILSON—On the Bth inst., at 3, B runsw i c k -p l ace , - sor, Rear-Admiral George K. Wil son, R . N ., age d 63. 00 YARBOROUGH—On the Bth inst., at Cleethorpes, t he Erocklesb7 Park, Maud El eanor, secon d d aug ht e r °` Earl and Countess of Yarborough, aged 18 months. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM A ND- irk of No. 112, Strand, Pf inter. at Tart: SUN Othee, 14°. Strand, in the Precinct of: the S avoy, 4 i n t h e Col°ty Ididdlesm—Thursday, July 12, 1E66. I(' ° T hi I) nbli some. Sol, by ti whol( It g ln Isl 14, dl Pro tree 0 I E I held 1 Lona wick The 1 In th Pol , Jai 11 11c1 uard, Ti one T' 2d Arti( ZlOl2 the am e ., and 1 the 3r, Arti, be, a gniii stree COUr beat ate` Co rn -___, STI Stoc An Cler shot - 1 -410 Pius Year ERT TU] PlcK fair of Lop con chil CO and litre --.. 1 , 1 ( CL