The Sun. — London, England, 1848-04-12 00:00:00

IMPE RIA L PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 11. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool st4Ck at Five o'clock. NEW PEER. • Lord AciazseN, who was introduced to the House for the first time by Lor d Milford and Lord Sudeley, took the oaths and his seat. ODD FELLOWS' SOCIETIES. Lord BEAUMONT presented petitions from several Odd Fellows ,lodges, praying that they should be en titled to the same legal privileges as other benefit societies. The Duke of BEAUFORT and Lord LITTELTON pre sented similar petitions ELECTION RECOGNIZANCES BILL. Lord CAMPBELL resented petitions against the Election Reco,enizances Bill. Lord MONTEAGLE requested their Lordships to keep their minds perfectly free from any bias with re spect to the merits of this Bill, which might be pro duced by the address of his Noble Friend, as he himself would be obliged to support the petition which had been entrusted to him to present to the House. DESTITUTE FOREIGNERS. The Duke of BEAUFORT had received information that destitute foreigners had arrived in this country in considerable numbers from Italy, Germany, and the other states in which changes had been lately made; and he wished to know whether any changes had been made in the alien laws, by which the conduct of these foreigners may be regulated in accordance with the pro visions of British law? Lord LANSDOWNE said that in answer to the ques- Wu of the Noble Lord, it would be his duty to place on the table of the House that night, if their Lordships would allow him to do so, a Bill fur the purpose of meet ing and obviating the objections of the Noble Lord. Her Majesty's Government were aware many foreigners were in the habit of asking to:partake of the:security of' this country for the ostensible purpose of having the guarantee of the security of this country, bat in reality that they might be empowered to aid in the disaffections that ueiortunately prevailed in one portion of this country. He was aware that not less than 40,000 or 0,000 persons were prepared to aid these disaffections, and he would therefore ask their Lordship to allow the Bill to be introduced for the first time this evening, and to be taken on its further progress on Thursday next. Lord MALMESBURY quoted from the speech of Mr. Julian Harney, to show that there were one hundred thousand who were ready to march with the Chartists; but he (Lord Malmesbury) believed that there were very many foreigners who were anxious for the protection of foreigners, and he would quote two, namely, Prince Louis Napoleon and M. Gaudin, who were desirous of preserving the peace of this country. SARDINIA. Lord BROUGHAM, in moving for correspond ence between the British Minister at Turin and the Government of Sardinia, said that he hoped that the present unsettled state of Europe would never recur again in his experience. The peace of the continent and of Europe was exposed to perils which had not disturbed their peace during more than a quarter of a century, and from nowhere did he expect e greater perils th an th at C ourt t o w hi c h he ref "erred in the notice now before the House. The treaty of Vienna had granted G e n oa t o th e kingdom of Sardinia —she, ilia —she, one of the great r ep u bli c s of the world, hS stripped of her power and annexed as a subsidiary to the kingdom which o wned the sway o Charley Albert. The Noble Lord deprecated the course put sued by the King of Sardinia in holding out a promise of assistan c e to the Milanese, a promise fully borne out—one of the few promises ever fulfilled by that admirable Monarch.—(Laughter.) He questioned if a parallel could be found in history of such bad faith being exhibited as had been exhibited by the King of Sardinia. He never heard a more monstrous doctrine than that which had been proclaimed ley the King of Sardinia—viz., that when the people of a neighbouring sovereign, whose throne was more ancient, and was confirmed by the same treaty as that of Sardinia itself, chose to express discontent, the sovereign of Sardinia was entitled to step in and appr,,pri• ate to himself that portion of the territory ofhis neighbour which expressed discontent. Venice has declared her independence, but it does not necessarily follow—he could—he would predict that it would never recover its liberty ; for liberty was one of those delicate plants that had never yet flourished in a republic. The Noble Lord then reviewed the past transactions of Italy, and instanced the actions of C ar les Albert's life in 1820, '2l, and '23, as affording no ground for hope to the Milanese, that in 1848 he would be more resolved than he was in those years. He believed that if that monarch believed that he could get the Genoese to preserve their integrity when he himself- was trying to subvert authority in Milan and Northern Italy, then he (Lord Brougham) thought he was much mistaken and he would venture to prophecy, without much risk of being held an untrue seer, that the G enoese w i t hi n nine months wou ld de scend a separation from the thraldom of Sardinia. Unhappily, revolutions were of almost daily occurrence throughout Europe ; and if the people of France, or a small part of France, preferred self-government to any other, that was no affair of ours ; but that advantage should be taken of the state of affairs in France by the King of Sardinia to invade the Austrian dominions, in violation of the rights of nations, and of a specific corn pact, was a matter that called for the serious attention of the British Government and the British Parliament. The Austrian Government had always been remarkable for its mildness, and it had bestowed many blessings on the Milanese, who he believed were most desirous of continuing under a constitutional monarchy.—(Hear, hear.) He must express his regret that the head of liecti'teT6rt'tne - Wey'fith mover in all the convulsiuns which at present shook Italy and the northern states of Europe, and which he greatly feared would shake the peace of the world. The Pope was placed in a highly responsible situation as the head of the Church of that religion which of all others was the religion of peace ; and before he entered such a field of action he ought to have remembered the insurmountable difficulties in which he had been pleased to place himself. It ap peared that he established a college of cardinals to sit as another House of Legislature, and yet, appearing to be acting upon the responsibility of advisers, he claimed the privilege of infallibility. It' be could by the aid of inspiration overcome difficulties which appeared almost insurmountable, well and good ; but he (Lord Brougham) thought that the Sovereign Pontiff would have acted more wisely if he had, six or seven months ago, taken and acted upon the advice which was then offered to him. The course he had pursued, however, aided Charles Albert in his aggressive policy. He (Lewd Br ,tig harn) had no doubt of the ability of our Minister at Turin, and he believed that remonstrances were duly made upon the occasion of an Austrian fort being cap tured by the Sardinian and Italian troops; but an event of such importance, involving as it did the violation of a treaty to which this country was a party, called for more speciel notice. It was far, be it observed, from his wish to interfere with the desire and the right of nations to make reforms or to place themselves under a new go vernment, but these results should not be sought be the Bviolation of a solemn treaty. The Crowns of Great ritain and Sardinia had long been bound together by ties of faithful and intersatio al alliance, and Great Britain could not theretosz overlook . n this conduct of her ally. The acts of his Sardinian ilium Majesty not only in volved an infraction ufevpublic peace, but also an infraction of the treaty and, by th e such Englishcir c c u i na o stances must be viewed with alt:l ns vernment and the English that we had a united pelloPle. He thanked God ; he thanked Heaven that the experienciengd:fc° events during the last three or four daeos,,,v,gtaavme „abundant proof of the powers of the preserve the peace of the ceuntry, "lined understood that certain foreign people to obey the law. te parties had recently attempted to exact a pro foreign Government, or eomething which r ra e l se e f b ro°l a Government, of assist owe in the cause of Ireland, an d a he was happy to see that the fulsome language 1,1 atnhde addresses of some Irish clubs—language used in the name of parties without their authority, was properly and judiciously treated. The Previsional Secretary for Foreign Affairs in France had given the Irish deputation a plain, but rough rebuke for their impertinence.—(Hear, hear.) They conceived that the French people and the French Government would sympathise in their extra ordinary efforts. The deputation were received, but hav ing received them, the next best thing ef. Lamartine could have done was to have asked them, " Do you come from the British embassy," and if they answered in the negative, to say, " Good morning to you. I can only know you through the British embassy; pray go back to Ire land!" He did not blame M. Lamartine for the course he had taken, and for this reason, that he could not help himself. It was God's mercy that he was not pushed further; if the interview had taken place with another man, wnom he would not name, it would have been a different thing. M. Lamartine and all the other members of the Provisional Government were in the hands of the multitude; and if any one asked him (Lord Brougham) if he had A ra g „,any confidence in such men as M. armer Pages, and M. Dupont he would as in them. (de l'Eure), mfr he had the most entire confidence had observed, N . • e howeve r , be truly said, as Denton publicans." The have onpublic, but we have no re• tinue for any , would inevitabl time, would dition of Paris, if it con- that glorious country. - • y effect the ruin of handful of the mob o v „ Ta Ts r governs France, and a that they would live te a is ' tbitettetrerinaties. He He hoped and trusted hoped that what they now s.a See —the general want of credi ' t Ar Passin before their egos commerce going on,the compdltehreuinoftrad possibility of pteoliewtilatit.hhaerecPrcvi and great towns, the ex th sional Government finds i P ts e elf eat ; ein the capital day by day to perpetuate its e c° ephemeral being lat—on e dee xtil?nce, assess tax:rise v e banks of deposit to the robber stopping the supplies of the rictYl,iii-ja tray, deo, for the purpos e of thew—(liesr, hear and tanghter)2: their tn 'r'") froe . , the ground tfi.it the town w a -larder s, 11 `nut lcbt. fna'‘Un-s.ettlFeiri" hoped, he said that they would soon state of things give way to a more firm see e A vernment. He knew some of those individualsorna of "- severely suffered by thAe circumstancea uevho ho severely laughter) —hut he should inform their Lordships t r h' a" was not here present.—(Continued lauehter.)Alth4otu,i;e it was a pity to spoil their merriment, be yet rseiljaodici-edh in being able to show them that there was not a of foundation for the report which had been circulatewd respecting himself ; when he came to the barrier, te e circumstanc e occurred which had no doubt given rise to the story. He was told that he should stop in order that his baggage might be examined. On requiring further explanation for this conduct, he was in'ormed that the inquiry was sought for for the purpose of seeing whether he had any money—(Renewed laughter). Ile had heard a great deal respecting the misgovernment of former rulers, but he had never heard before of such step as this being tolerated. He know one person from THE whom they took 200,000 francs, giving him bank paper instead. The state of trade in that country was dread ful, the funds falling suddenly from 70 to 32; the bank stepping, notwithstanding the order for the suspension of cash payments ; th e ta ki ng possess i on o f one o f the railways, with the proceeds, amounting to about 8,0001. a week, which were put into Louis Blanc's pocket to be dispensed again according to his peculiar theory. In the same way, it was said the Provisional Government intended to act with all the other rail. ways. They had, no doubt, a right to do all this, if they pleased and also, as it was rumoured they intended to du, to seize the bank, and to issue a paper currency to a very large amount. He only hoped that at the meeting of the National Assembly they would open their eyes to the necessity of taking such steps as to prevent that mischief to which such experiments as these were likely to lead.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the certain result of such a Government would be this—that they would be stricken down with imbecility, and would become too weak to perform the ordinary functions of a government. They might struggle on for a time, until some military commander would arise and destroy the republic, and perhaps plant in its place a military despotism, which was one of the worst de scription. At this moment he was of opinion that any one general, with ten thousand men, marching into Paris, would have the effect of at once putting an end to the republic. No man could doubt it. The Belgian Ambassador the other day had applied to M. Lamartine for protection ; the latter said in reply, he admitted the full right of the am bassador to such protection, but he bad nut really three men at his disposal. The people in Paris were as un easy as any persons could be at this state of things, but they have made up their minds to the fact that this experiment of a republic must be tried ; so that France must remain a republic for some time, whether it be for her advantage or not. When Louis XVIII. was re stored by the allied army, in 1815, commanded by his Illustrious Friend the Gallant Duke now at their Lord ships' table, it was the second time he performed the office for that Monarch; for he restored him first in 1814, when he was called " Louis Desirk" Instead of that title, his Illustrious Friend, on restoring him in 1815, designated him " Louis l'lnevitable," as it ap peared absolutely inevitable that he should rule. Having said so much of France, he wished he could view what we: passing in the north of Italy with half as little dread. Ile regarded England as absolutely and perpetually safe against any such convulsions as they had reeently seen take place in other countries. He knew upon what foundation the security of this country rested. The constitution of this country was safe in the affections of the people—affections which they could only gain by constant good offices, and which they could arms keep by entire good faith-- Non a " n i eque thesauri regui prmsidia sunt, verum amici." Such they would have all over the empire —such they would have amongst the Orangemen of Ireland, and even amongst the Catholics with the exception of a dis• contented tew. lle felt that he should not be discharging his duty if he did not allude to many of the unfounded reports that were now in circulation. Some of these reports spoke of the danger which surrounded the English residents in France, and the attempts which were said to have been made to expel them. These were all to his own knowledge utterly and absolutely 'startle. He should say that au Englishman was as safe now in Paris a, iu any part or the kingdom. The Noble wet Learned Lord concluded by moving for copies or •xtruCts of the correspondence that had taken place be tweet' the British Government and the Government of Sardinia, having relation to the recent events that had taken place in the north of Italy. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, who was scarcely heard in the gallery, was understood to say that he ab etained from going into the details referred to by the Noble and Learned Lord, or from giving any opinion as to what the duty of the Government was under such cir cumstances. He was fully conscious of the falsehood of meny of the reports that had been put recently into eir eulation. Even this day he saw a paragraph in the peblic pipers stating that his Noble and Learned Friend nad applied to the French Government to be naturalised —(Laughter)—and that such an example was likely to induce a great many other members of this House to settle in France.—(Contieued laughter.) The speech which they had heard this night from the Noble and Learned Lord was, however, of itself sufficient to remove ell apprehensions of this sort from the minds of the British public. He fully agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend that the steps taken by the King of Sardinia, in invading the Austrian dominions, were contrary to the terms of the treaty. He could assure the House that these measures of the King of Sardinia had not been contemplated with indifference by the British Government. He was not, however, prepared ;o pronounce an opinion in respect to the peculiar circumstances which might have influenced that country, with which we maintain relations of amity, or to express himself in so unqualified a manner as the Noble and Learned Lord had done, in respect to recent events in that part of the world. Before those events had taken place, their Minister at Turin was directed to express the unfavourable opinion of this country to such a proceeding, and our wish that the King of Sardinia should observe a perfect neutrality. He was not pre pared to say that the British Government were called upon to repel that intervention. Although the advice given by the British Government to the King of sar dinia was unsuccessful, he believed it was somewhat effective in delaying that intervention to a later period than it otherwise would have taken place. He should have no objection to lay upon the table of the Huse such copies or extracts from the correspondence, the production of which would not have the effect of incon """i"VMAFC Y3I.*LIVESS - Ul PARLIAMENT. Lord STANLEY gave notice of his intention, on Friday next, to call treir Lordships' attention to the tie,de in which public business was transacted in this arid the other House of Parliament, and he would beg their Lordships' attendance on that occasion. He would et the same time, lay upon the table a Bill upon the subject. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF CO-51.NONS, April 11. PROTECTION OF THE CROWN AND GOVERN- MENT BILL (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) On clause 2, which extended the operation of the Bill to Ireland, Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to move that the Bill be amended by striking the clause out of it altogether, and also that portion of the preamble which related to it. He believed there was no necessity for this Bill in Ireland; but if there was, it would be brought out on the trial that would shortly take place in Ireland. the Goverronent insisted that the clause should remain part of the Bill he should divide the House against it. Sir G. GREY did not see why that which was treason in England should nut be equally so in Ireland, and he must, f the Billtherefore, persevere in retainin g thi s c l ause as part Mr. F. O'CONNOR objected to the Bill, because ac cording to its provisions one witness could prove the treason, whereas in England it required two. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that after the passing of the Act it would require two witnesses to prove the treason in Ireland the same as in this country. Arer a few observations from Mr. IlumE and Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, clause 2 was ordered to stand part of the Bill without a division. On clause 3, which takes away the punishment of death for treason and substitutes that of transportation, Sir G. GREY said that in this clause it had been thought necessary to ask increased powers with respect to those who made speeches ea tell listed to endanger the Crown. He admitted that this was a great alteration of the law, and he was to b guided by the wishes of the House with respect to the enactment. He, however, thought that ,oree provision was necessary in order to prevent and put a stop to speeches that were calculated to effect in calculable mischief. He was willing to adopt the pro vi.oof th e statute of Anne, but he could not con.;ent to take , r a , vay th e prov i s i on that made the offence felony. an T h'aPdi se::fiC,OreNaNuOnßdesraitdhe pherheasdenretpleaawt:dad h ly n bee e n e tr e i e e l (l d , easessAuesr:teetfrhsseedlifeitowiuese that it was amply sufficient to meet all words n. from Sir GEORGE GREY, Mr. AGLIONBY wished to have the opinion of the Attorney-General urn the construction of the that all parties who shoculadurompaasss third clause. The it or advisestoo d t proddedh e de ro. sition of the Queen, of her royal name, or the rights of her royal Crown, eithe r in the United Kingdo m or any of her colonies, or dominions, should be liable to trans portation. Any person, therefore, ho should advocate telsought such a law the separation of a colony from the w e s I ngdoms would upon it. be alldhaaid the clause would subject to transportation as The that ATTORNEY would be most GENERAL unfair, not bear the construction the Hon. Member The clause provided simply that those whopuattl force of arms that the Queen should be deprivedvisr by of her rights should be liable to be transported. (714% Mr. AGLIONBY said the explanation of —the liorr;- and Learned Gentleman was as intelligible as the Claus. itself, itself, and he should move, as an amendment, that the wording of the clause should be simply that any person who proposed to depose her Majesty should be liable to transportation. Mr. OSBORNE asked if the Right Hon. Baronet who had charge of the Bill would consent to the admission of the word " forcibly," so that the clause should pro- vide for the transportation of those pFrsons who should advise the forcible deposition of her Majesty. Sir G. GREY declined to accede to the proposition. Mr. MARTIN gave it as his opinion that, if the ood, it would be f e l on y clausetto advocate w e re t p h a e s passed :al s it f w Mr. ANSTEY said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman o n the union. st was mistaken. PA LIiER, ------ Mr. R. - -----; - the After a few words from were legislating under ou c Mr MOWAT 1 . said they w th e Hou,e never c li :4 t 1,4 tic,- ot panic and fear, or - lie therefore think ot pa,ing such a d it. Calitl.l upon the Government to amend the clause as it Mx. G. THOMPSON protested t uncertain, and al clause as ,tood was, no doubt, dangerous and it ~.. n this. though the Atto rney -General might construe .:"a: inuiner favourable to the views of the House, y e ' id that Hon. and Learned Gentleman's opinion h "mold not prevail in a court of law, the clause ought to rendered intelligibl, to the meanest capacity. After some turther discussion, Mr. AGLIONBY said he would not press his amend ment to a division. The CHAIRMAN sai clearl y over. d he would now read the clause Thi. clause having been read, Mr. AGLIONBY should b e omitted. prop osed that the word "utter" The ATTORNEY-G E NERA.L laid he could not consent to th e om i ss i on.- Mr. F. O'CONNOR hoped the HOU. Member for a Coekermouth 'would take the sense of the House on his propostil. After a few words from Sir W. CLAY, Mr. AGLLON.BY saia he would not divide. After a short discussion Sir G. GREY moved—" That the Chairman do re tort progress, and ark leave to sit again to-morrow." The motion was agreed co. The House having resumed, the CLIAIRMAN reported accordingly. The House then adjourned till Fire o'clock. The SPEARER resumed the Chair at Five o'clock. ALTENATION IN THE LAW OF DEBTOR AND CREDITOR. Mr. Sheriff Hill appeared at the bar in his robes of office, and presented a petition from the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, in Common Council aAsembled, praying for an alteration in the law of debtor and creditor. KINSALE ELECTION. The SPEAKER stated that he had been informed by the examiner of recognizances that the proposed sureties, with respect to the petition against the return for the borough of Kinsale, were unobjectionable. REPEAL OF THE UNION. Mr. J. O'CONNELL presented three hundred peti tions from various towns in Ireland, and one from Glasgow, praying for a repeal of the Legislative Union in Ireland. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME. Mr. COWAN presented a petition from the Inverness Presbytery of the Free Church of Scotland against the Bill for establishing diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome. GLASGOW WATERWORKS BILL. Mr. M•GREGOR moved that a petition of the chair man of a meeting of Lndowners and house factors of Glasgow and its suburbs, against the Glasgow Water works Acts Amendment Bill (presented 11th February), should be referred to the Committee on the Bill. After a few words from :sir W. HEATHCO PE, who opposed it, the motion was withdrawn. SECURITY TO THE CROWN AND GOVERN MENT. Mr. WOOD gave notice that he should propose, as an amendment to the 31 clause of this Bill, the insertion of the following words: —" It such public speaking should occur within two years after the passing of the Act." SMALL DEBTS. Mr. B. COCIIRANE gave notice that he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the Small Debts Act. BEWDLEY. Captain RUSHOU I' moved tnat the Speaker do issue his warrant to the Clerk of the Crown to make out a new writ for the election of a burgess to serve in this; present Parliament for the borough of Bewdley, in the room of Thomas James Ireland, Est, whose election has been declared void. Sir J. HANDIER moved, as an amendment, that the return for Bewdley having been declared void fur bri bery and corrupt treating, and other corrupt practices, stated to have prevailed there, it is necessary to consider the condition of the elective franchise in that place, with a view to its reform, and in the mean time to suspend the writ. He said that the Legislature, after what had taken place at some of the elections, ought to adopt some c.nirse by which corruption might be obviated, as such proceedings breueht the House into contempt and dis satisfied the peopi-, as they were led to conceive, with some show ut truth, that they were not fairly represented. lie did not wish to eseptive the House of its discretion, but he was anxious that the House should be compelled to act according to its discretion. He thought that some steps ought to be teken before they issued a new writ for &eelley in order to see if something could nut be done to place the constituency of that borough upon a more sound and honest foundation. It was seldom that these cases of bribery were properly sifted to the bottom, for it invariably happened, that when enough had been proved to unseat the sitting Member, the agent abandoned the further prosecution of the inquiry. With regard, however, to treating, he thought the Ilouse was rather too prudish upon that point. Members ought to be unseated tor simply exercising the ordinary customs of hospitality. In this case, however, a bad practice existed of treat* the voters to un extravagant extent, and con sidering the limited number of the constituency of the bereugh of Bewdley they could not well look over these abuses.—(llear, hear.) He moved this amend ment from no party motives whatever, but from a desire to have the evils which existed in the borough of Bewdley remedied. His motion did not specify any plan by welch that end could be aCCOM - puished, but simply proposed that the writ should be de layed till some improvement could be made in the fran chise of Bewdley. Mr. HUME seconded the motion. He had upon a previous occasion brought forward a motion having for its object the delay of the issue of all new writs in cases where the Members had been unseated for bribery or corruption until a general committee had been appointed to inquire into the circumstances connected with the cases ut every such city, borough, or county. With respect to the borough of Bewdley, it appeared to him that a most serious amount of demoralisation had taken place, end he should, therefore, give his most cordial support to the amendment of his Right Hon. Friend. He hoped that the Noble Lord at the head or the Government, who pr posed to bring in a Bill with respect to the borough of Horsham, would include the borough of Bewdley in the same measure. Mr. BLACKS PONE said, as the House had con sented to issue a new writ for Harwieh, after the bri bery that had been proved to have been practised at the last election, he saw no reason why they should not accede to the motion j! ,.. ) , r y, i , L1M . 2. a n&u., Mr. C. W YNN was understood to support the suspen sion of the writ fir a short time. Mr. EWAR theuelit if any step were taken that it should eat:olive from the Government. Lord CASTLEREAG II said, as he was the only member of the Cemtnittee who underwent the penance of sitting fourteen days upon the inquiry, he would merely state that, as evidence of bribery and treating at the last election had been ad duced before them, the representation of that borough should be placed upon an improved footing. He thought that strong ground had been brougnt for ward for the House to consider well before they issued a new writ for the borough of Bewdley. He thought, however, the same measure of justice should be meted out to Bewdley that had been granted to Harwich. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For issuing the writ Against it Majority in favour of issuing the writ —42 The writ was, therefere, ordered to issue. REPEAL OF THE UNION. Mr. J. O'CONNELL after presenting a petition from a place in Roscommon, praying for a repeal of the legis- I hive union, moved that it should be read by the Clerk at the table. This being done, the Hon. Member said the petition contained the whole case for the repeal of the union. Its statements bad often been put forward by the Irish people, and they were convincing reasons why the House ought to take the subject into considera tion. Ile was aware the subject presented itself under great difficulties; the House was already exhausted with the discussion of the new Coercion Bill; but he felt bound to proceed with his motion. Other diffieultiee were, the teebleness of the advocate, the prepossession of many Huu. Members against the motion, the love of domination, and the feeling of self-interest. He would not attribute all the opposition to the motion to the two latter feelings; the probability was that its oppo nents were actuated by a fear of injuring the welfare of the United Kingdom by any change. Self•interest doubt less actuated many, who feared that their particular in terests might be weakened. Recent proceedings in Ireland had strengthened the aversion of the House to consider this matter, and no one deplored, on this ac count, more than himself the wild language and dange• roils doctrines which had been promulgated in Ireland. Ile had always told the people that their appeal ought gghti promptly r e o rro i thornitotain Inmnht:t epeutettrdti questioncy to he to this House. and was now prepared to lay their claims before it. He wag convinced that repeal would riot only benefit Ireland but England also, otherwise he would not support it. Many Hon. Members, he under stood, were more disposed to entertain this subject than they were a year ago; and he hoped the recent proceed. ings in Ireland would not deprive him of the support of these Members. While deprecating the menaces that had been thrown out, he could not but feel that if be were prevented from simply bringing in this Bill, with the view to its further consideration after Easter, the effect would be most disastrous; the minds of the people would be inflamed, and the influence of those who roughs to keep them peaceable would be greatly diminished. He trusted he was not Mistaken in hoping that he should be allowed to introduce the Bill. That repeal was the demand of the people of Ireland themselves, few persons would be disposed to deny. Even when battling for Catholic Emancipation, the late Mr. O'Connell had been frequently urged to postpone that question to that of an Irish Parliament; but he thought that, until an equality cf civil rights was gained, there was little chance of ob taining a repeal of the union. When emancipation was he could not forego the struggle for repeal, abandoning his duty and his appointed mission on vu oo r l t h wt . oityh l iio l ,u a let d nhti h ,r i e :cione so, the people would have a tn u d res o . the E r ar le ly ad i e n rs lB m 3 i 3 g , h t t h h e av a e gi l tea d . an independent legislature had attained such a rest by as to attract the notice of the Ministers of the f .forwardcuoline justice,i n i nit This es rpledge). other Legislature;hapda all ltbli particular eahre forces Crown. In 1834. Mr. O'Connell had brought the a pledge, that though repeal could not be h h a o d u o l should be t' a e b n n e Act of the Legislature, for it was concurred in by both Houses and by the Monarch on the throne. Accord ingly, f or s i x years, the agitation ceased, at consider able sa cr ifi ce of confidence in Mr. O'Connell, which a ffe agitationet ed him v,,,a s t o r e t n h e e wed last.... renewed—fn u l r Br,i o is,3 f et h ,rn i td s ihsto,hd l se ie e t td h. sublime hbr l el n i dmwe l oet S red 4 l rde o i n, m , i ano t n h na d e .. t s i t i r u a s t i t o h n e s p vi e /e : e imad e, rre e r ''' s i h b i l " : - t.on to have repeal. Th..ugh circtunstances, including the awful calamit) of last year, had delayed its triumph, the feelings of the people W.L3 43 powerful now in fa vour of repeal as in 1843.—(11,tar, hear.) Their de termination was not to be repressed by any means ; it displayed itself in the petitions he had that night presented. The Bill he now proposed to introduce was one " the better to enable her Majesty to summon her Parliament in Ireland," which had been prepared by the late Mr. O'Connell. The pre am bl e asserted the necessity of repeal of the union, on account of its injurious effects. The first clause enacted the repeal; the second secured the succession ; the third related to the regency; the fourth to the House of Lord s; and the remaining clauses allocated the 300 representa districts. This was in substance the whole of the mea rives t o b e g i ven t o Ireland to the different towns and sure. He was aware that technical objections might be raised as to the relative contributions of the two cottn- tries to the expenses of the state, the terms of commercial r SUN, LONDON, _WEDNESDAY EVENING, intercourse, and so ou ; but these were all matters which might be settled independently of the Bill, either bet', re or after it was passed. As, at: the union, the articles were embodied in a separate treaty, so the articles of toe repeal might be separately agreed on. In his view the Irish Parliament ought to be constituted before these terms and treaties could be fairly entered into. But if it were held that the treaties should first be settled, some such Bill as this would be necessary as a groundwork. Therefore no technical objections of this kind ought to avail. In support of the demand of Ireland for a separate legisla ture, he had to arraign the union, which now existed for forty-eight yearseas unjust, injurious, and unwise. It began in injustice because Ireland was no consenting party to the union. It protested against that Act. He had the authority of Lord Plunket and the late Earl Grey for that statement. There were 707,000 petitioners against the union, and only 3,000 in favour of it. That measure was passed by mesas of the greatest correp• tion and intimidation. There were forty peers, twelve bishops, and nine judges made with a view of carrying it. One person had 8,0001. for his vote, and some be• sides the money had got other substantial advantages. lie would not allude to the rebellion of 1798, although there was abundant evidence to prove that the Govern ment connived at and encouraged that rebellion, in order to effect the union. —(Hear.) But he denied that the Parliament oof voting the union. It was m missioned, in the wor d s of Lord Plunket, to o bad the capacity make laws, and not to supersede constitutions. There was no doubt that the union was commenced in injustice, arid that it was continued in injustice.—(Hear, hear.) Even at the time of the union Lord Castlereagh declared that Ireland was entitled to 108 Members, but there they were, even with the Reform Bill, with three Members short of that number.—(Hear, hear.) The truth was, the Irish Members had /to power in the House. All other interests were attended to in it. The West India interest had lately had a Committee granted to inquire into their grievances; but there was no hope of a Com mittee to inquire into the grievances of Ireland. Another great disadvantage was, that the seat of Legislature was too distant from Ireland. Public opinion in Ireland had too far to travel before it reached that House, and it was utterly weak when it had to contend with English pre possessions. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, and the Noble Lord, both declared that Ire land should be placed on a footing of equality with this country. He believed that they were both sincere in that declaration, but the fact was, that they could not carry out their intentions in consequence of the difficulty of getting English Members to give their attention to the case of Ireland. They were too much afraid of an Eng lish majority to be able to do substantial justice to his country. Ireland was still subject to numerous anoma lies, electoral and municipal. And it, the poorest coun try in the world, was saddled with a rich church to which the great body of the people did not belong. If, accord ing to the maxim of the constitution, representation was to be based on taxation and population, Ireland was at least entitled to 230 Members, while England would be entitled to 419. The Act of Union had, more over, inflicted on Ireland the greatest financial in justice . The whele expenditure of the government of Ireland had been defrayed since the Union from the revenues of Ireland, and a balance of 20,000,0001. had been moreover remitted to thin country. He admitted that Ireland ought to pay her share of the Imperial burdens, besides her own expen diture for local purposes, but she ought, also, to partici pate in the benefits arising from Imperial expenditure. That was not the case however. He thought lie had shown that the union had been productive of continued injustice to Ireland. He would now come to the next point, and would show that the union had been injurious to Ireland. He would first produce testimony of the state of Ireland before the union and after the union. The Hon. Gentleman then read statements of the late Lord Clare, the chief artificer of the union, and Lord Plunket, which represented the progress of Ireland in material prosperity before the union as unprecedented and astonishing. The Honourable Gentleman then quoted the evidence taken before va rious Committees of that House, showing the misery which existed in Ireland since the union. She was never in so distressed a state as at the present mo merit. Last year there were 4,000,000 of persons re ceiving alms; 1,000,000 had perished from the face of the earth; a quarter of a million had emigrated, and of these 30,000 had died. He hoped, therefore, that he would hear no more of the argument that the union had been productive of benefit to Ireland. He was prepared to show that the union was the cause of the wretched condition of that country, because it drained away its money which was the sinew and life-blood of the body politic. It deprived her of trade and commerce, and left her population totally dependent on the land—the competition for which was one of the greatest evils of Ireland. Her outgoings in the shape of absentee rents, payments for manufactured goods, &c., amounted to 17,750,0001, whilst the value of corn, linen. manufactures, and cattle exports did not amount to more than 12,500,0001., 1 caving a balance against the country of more than 5,000,000/. He contended that the union had occasioned the drain from Ireland of her corn) and other articles of consumption, year after year, and this at times when in Ireland herself' the people were famishing for want of the very food thus taken from her, The union, too, had occasioned the curse of absenteeism, which had inflicted such evils upon Ireland. He complained that Ireland was most unfair') taxed towards the expenses of the empire, considering the limited character of her resources, as compared with those of England. Since the union the Imperial Parlia ment had relieved England of taxation to the extent of 51,230,0001., but Ireland only to the extent of 2,900.0001.; while during the same period the revenue _ • • •....eu irons oraeßeouve to 54.000,00 a, that of Ireland had only increases from 3,700,0001. to 4,600.0001. He admitted that England paid 12.000,0001. per annum of separate taxation, but this was less than the amount which, even at the rime of the union, its advocates declared that Eng hind should fairly pay in the way of separate taxation. He contended that it the union were repealed the effect would be so great upon the condition of Ireland, her prosperity would so speedily and so largely be raised, that she would be able ere long to contribute a far greater amount of taxation to the resources of the empire than she ever would while she remained united. He was convinced that she would be able to contribute full) 7,000,000 to the general exchequer, and thus relieve the liight Hon. Gentleman opposite from any necessity for new taxes. The fact wit% that Ireland was impoverished from having every acre of her land mortgaged for the enormous debt of Great Brim* which weighed down her energies like art incubus. In calculating the impo siticn of taxes, it had been the custom of the Imperial Government to estimate the pr o p ort i on o f I re l an d at one ninth of the whole, wher eas, d i d the prosperity of Ire land, as it should do, equal the prosperity of England, her proportion should be that of her population, one third. He contended, in the third place, that the union injuri ous to b ot h part i es, b ut of excitement measure which kept Ireland ip w no a l siat constantpolitically l y o nl y unwise,n s a t t a i t o a a e n nationally excitement and discontent, and rendered her a constant source o f anx i e ty an d a l arm to this country. He would admit hi s b e li e f t h at t h e Go vernment would be able to put d own t h e ex i st i ng ag i ta Lion, which injudicious or m i sc hi evous men were creating, or rather fomenting; b u t h e wou ld put it t o t h e Government well to weigh the i mmense expen di ture , not simply:of blood, but of hard cas h, w hi c h t h ey must inevitably incur in the struegl e . H ow i n fi n i te l y b etter, by the just claims, to av e rt thi s a rful crisis, ever the affections of the Irish people. That people had no d es i re to eva d e t h e contribution of their fair shar e o f t h e b ur d ens o f t h e fearful timely and for o f empire; all they asked in this respect was to be enabled to provide the means out of their own soil. He urged that England should take timely measures to se cure Ireland from throwing herself in her des peration into the arms of a foreign power. Such a course on her part—which might God avert — would, no doubt, prove her rain; but it would also be a most destructive blow to England. He con tended that Ireland had a clear statutory right to de wand an independent Parliament. As to the argumen: that the restoration of the Irish Parliament would bs an injury to the Irish people, from the corruption which past experience had shown to pervade an Irish Parlia meat—this, at all events, was a matter for the election of the Irish people, and they all preferred a Parliament of their Own, even were it a corrupt and boroughmongering one, such as that of former periods—which need not at all be the case—to an Imperial one, which paid no heed whatever to the natiomal interests of Ireland. As a Catholic, he would Peen add, that he would prefer the revival of the penal laws to the permanence of a system which forbade Ireland to legislate for her own affairs. It had been very unfairly urged that the Irish Parlia meet had always been a truckling Parliament to the English Legislature. True, it had been so; but never theless it had always protected the purses of the people, and had prevented the finances of Ire land from being unjustly burdened. In 1724 there Parliament, fearing a surplus revenue , and the Irish fearing that th e E ng li s h Minister would seize on it for the purpos e s of E ng land, resolved to prevent this by expending it on wor k s executed for the sole This benefit of Ireland, in c a n a l s , b r id ges , and p u blic buildings. had been the cause of the charge brought against the memory of the Irish Parliament, that it bad been corupt and extravagant in the disposal of the public money; but even admitting th a t such was the case , which he would not deny, still th e csuse arose out of good me lives. Besides, if the old Parliament of Ireland_ had been ever so cor r upt, w hy should it continue to be Why could it net be reformed? Was reform t h o be b con fined fined to the present House? Notwithstanding, willing to have that its corruptness, he repeated he was . that Parliament again, rather than contin h ue to . submit Parliament, to the united legislation, The old Iris . besides, rendered two of the greatest services that could be offered to the British empire,—that, namely, of repelling the French invasion of Hoche, and of putting down the Irish rebellion of 1798. Those were services never to be forgotten. He thought he had estab lished the strong claims of that Parliament, corrupt as it was, to be re-established as a Legislature in Ireland. There 710;v only remained the second objection to be disposed of' namely, that urged on the supposition that future disagreements would take place between England and Ireland in case repeal were granted and carried into effect. As far as the most recent events which preceded the union could show how little such a fear ought to prevail, ho might refer to the regency question on the occasion of George lIL, when the Irish Parliament took the constitutional course of vesting the powers of the Crown in the next heir, rather-than in the hands of the Ministry; and thi s f act s h owe d t h a t no apprehen sion of jealousy or dissension on questions of real mo ment to the empire could be fairly entertained. What were the real points of jealousy and mutual distrust be tween England and Ireland? Chiefly commercial and manufacturing questions. In these matters, whenever there had arisen differences between the two c • ountries, they arose out of the conduct of England, who shut Ireland oat of her colonial and carrying trade, as well as the trade between England and Ireland. But in 1792 colonial free trade was granted to.lrri.and, although the duties imposed" on the admission of Irish produce and manufactures into England were maintained for many Years afterwards. The next point on which objection to repeal had been raised was that of war; and on this he must say that he thought an Irish Parliament ought not to be bound to appro►e of a war with any foreign state, unless it was of (pinion that such was just; but this could never con stitute a subject of difference. He now came to the con sideration of the money contribution which Ireland ought in fairness to be called upon to make towards the expenditure of the empire. The same arrangements might be adopted in this respect that had been enforced in the fiscal contribution settled between the two coun tries. The policy of England in this, as in other re spects, had been distrust of Ireland. The enormous re sources of that country were not known to England. The resources of Ireland had been on the constant in crease during the last forty-five years; and the increased prosperity which would flow from the development of the resources of 'relent], and the awakening of her internal riches. and the industry and mann rectures of his country, would soon enable her to contribute in a much larger measure than at present to the wants of the Im• perial Government. Many of the most eminent states men of England had scoured the idea that Erreland could legislate better for Ireland than she could for herself. At a meeting of the Whig Club, May 7, 1800, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in London, Mr. Fox in the chair, supported by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Holland. Sec , &e., Mr. Fox said—" The whole scheme (union) went upon that false and abominable presumption, that we could legislate better for the Irish than they could do for themselves—a principle founded upo❑ the most arrogant despotism and tyranny. There was not a more clear ax►om in the science of politics than that man was his own natural governor, and that he ought to legislate for himself. No other being could enter into his feelings, or have anything common in sympathy with his nature; and therefore the legislature of a people eimt flow out of, and he identified with, the people themselves. It was idle to talk to Ireland of the word union, since there could he no such thing as a real union, on en equal footing, between countries sodisproportionate and unequal. Could the Irish believe that in this connexion they were to have an equal and availing voice in legislating for England, as the English were in legislating for Ireland? There was no maxim more true in philosophy or in polities than the great moral doctrine, 'Do as you would be done by.' Examine the measure by that rule. Can the Irish bring themselves to believe that they will have any share or influence in legislating for England? Take it on the other side. What Englishman would submit to s e his destiny regulated and his affairs conducted by persons chosen for Bt Vast or Limerick? He believed that even in the present temper of the people of England they would not submit to the project of the union, if :hey thought that the Irish Members were to have any influence on the British Legislature. What, then, we could not suffer we ought not to impose. We ought not to presume to legislate for a nation in whose feelings and affections, wants and interests, opinions and pr. judices. ►vo have no sympa'hy. It can only be attempted on the principle of the most arrogant despotism. It was an attack on the pride of a gallant nation, and was calculated to reduce them to the state, as many of their own patriots had said, of a dependent province; and it was, in his opinion, a most audacious attempt. after all that appeared in that country, since it was adding insult to injury to call it a measure in which the Irish acquiesced." That great man's speech deserved to be written in letters of gold. Now, truly, had not the result of forty-eight years' experience of the legislative union proved Mr. Fox's prediction to be strictly and literally correct ? Ireland under hor own Parliament had been prosperous and happy, and under the legislative union had offered the world an example of misrule and misery heretofore never witnessed among civilised nations. If the Parlia ment of England refused to restore her rights to Ire land, that country would shortly exhibit a scene of con fusion and anarchy unparalleled; whole armies would not suffice to restrain her within the bounds of moderation; and the consequences, if timely concession was not made, would be frightful in the extreme. The people of Ireland felt they were called upon to obey la% s which they had no hand in making, and which were odious to them. Ireland was as dear to Irishmen as England was to her own sons. The repeal party was anxious and willing to come to any arrangement that did not involve the continuance of the present system. Any concession would now he taken as a grace, and would for ever conciliate the people of Ireland. He conjured them to be wise in time, to be just in time, and not alienate from them men who had as strong an interest in the welfare of the United Kingdom as themselves. Then they might use with truth those lines from the Latin poet which had been quoted in mockery at the period of the union— Paribus se legibus arebx Invictat gentes xterna in fcedera mittant." The Hon. Member concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and to enable her Majesty to summon her Parliament of Ireland. Mr. S. O'BRIEN seconded the motion. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said he rose with consider able regret to oppose the motion of his lion. Friend who had .iust sat down, because it was one which he felt con vinced had largely engaged the sympathies of the Irish people.—(Hear.) This was not the time to conceal facts, and therefore he freely and at once confessed that the question of the legislative union was one which largely engaged the sympathies of the people of Ireland. He was himself a living instance of the truth or that asser. tion, for he believed that if it were not for the feelings of personal regard and affection entertained for him by his constituents, he would not at that moment have the honour of a seat in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) But he knis uousuiaLiou iu pursuing the course wiitun he felt it his duty to puisue, chat it was a c , turse which he had always followed. He had always opp,sed any motion for dissolving the union between England alio Ireland, not from his interest in the Imperial Lecis later., but because he believed that repeal would be most detrimental to the interests of Ireland. It was not his intention to dwell upon, or to follow, the long array of facts and figures which his Hon. Friend had introduced, neither should he discuss the means I.y which the union had been carried. He believed that the people of Ireland, if happy and prosperous, would never have wasted a thought upon those subjects; but being dissatisfied and unhappy, they readily laid the blame on bygone acts, which they were told had deprived them of their prosperity. Now, here be thought was the fallacy under which the Irish people laboured; and it was that part of the statement of his. lion. Friend, which he had listened to with the greatest surprise. His Hon. Friend had detailed the condition of the people of Ireland pre vious to the union, describing them as happy and con tented, with no poor, their commerce flourishing, their artisans employed—in short, a perfect picture of national prosperity. Mr. J. O'CONNELL—I said they were progressing towards those results. Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE was sorry if he had misrepresented his Honourable Friend; but he thought a greater fallacy was never pronounced than the assertion that the people of Ireland were con tented and happy previous to the union. —(Hear, hear.) He regretted deeply the state of poverty in which that people were sunk at the present moment ; but he believed that, leaving out the famine years, their condition had been worse before the union than ever it was since. Ile would read to the house a few instances of the condition of the artisans and labourers of Ireland previous to the union, and let it be remem bered that all his proofs were drawn from the period between 1780 and 1800, which his Honourable Friend had quoted as being the period of Ireland's growing prosperity. In 1781 a petition was presented from Cork representing the artisans of that :city to be in the deepest distress, and immediately atter a similar petition from Wexford. In 1783, the lord mayor and corporation of Dublin petiiioned for restric tions on imports, to revive the drooping manufacture. of the city. In 1796, Mr. Edwards of Old Court peti tioned for Parliiamentary aid to enable him to bring over weavers to make finest cloth, and petitions of a similar nature were continuously presented between 1782 and 1800, with reference to the woollen, linen, and silk trades, all representing the ruined credit and impoverished condition of the parties concerned Search through the whole records of the Irish Parliament and the same picture would be found.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps Hon. Members who advocated the repeal of the Union would think it hardly fair to go farther back than the period he had indicated ; but he believed that the report of Lord Devon's Commission would be equally applicable, whatever period of Irish history was selected. He would further say, that if there was any thing for which the independent Parliament was espe cially to blame, it was the utter neglect with which the) bad treated the Irish poor.—(Hear, hear.) From that neglect they were now suffering, and would continue to suffer for many years. He blamed them on that account, teeause he held it, that the true mode of governing an) c untry was to provide for the prosperity and comforts of the poor, and in that material point both the inde pendent and united Parliaments had been lamentably deficient.—(Hear, hear.) It was not until within the last few years that this truth began to be impressed on the minds of gentlemen in that House, and it was only during the last year that any remedy for the national distress had been tried. He opposed the motion, be cause he thought it would be politically and socially detrimental to Ireland. His H .n. Friend had asserted that the union had reduced Ireland to the condition 01 a province. His (Sir W. Somerville's) notion was, that it you repealed the union, he, as an Irishman, would at once become provincial.—(Eleur, hear.) His Hon. Friend had said that every I. -jinn -lan came into that House as a slave, and in uttering that sentiment had put hims 4 forward as the representative of the Irish people. H e had said " we," as if those who differed from him had no right to have the feelings or the pride of an Irishman. He did not feel himself a serf; he looked upon himself as being a Member as independent as any Englishman pre sent.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, his notion was, that if you repealed the legislative union, you would transform him from a Member of the Imperial Legislatio❑ into an Hon. Member of an Irish provincial parliament.—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend had s lid that an Irish w win not he an independent parliament, and in that assertion his Hon. Friend was correct. Up to 1782, what with the help of Poyning's law, and other contrivances, the machine was somehow made to work, but after that it was no longer an independent machine, but one kept moving by the grossest and most extensive corruption. That being the case, provincialism would soon become intolerable. They must either take steps to become re-united, or they would be forced in justice to themselves, and in order to fulfil their own prophe cies, to attempt complete independenc , ,.—(Hear, hear.) The same arguments now brought forward for repeal would then be urged with equal energy for separation. —(Hear, hear.) A fresh career of agitation would be commenced, disappointment would add fresh venom to that agitation, and the prosperity and tranquillity of the country would be indefinitely postponed. He felt that these statements would be unpalatable in many parts of his country, but standing there in the position he did, he felt bound openly and honestly to state his sentiments. APRIL 12, 1848. These were the salient points of objection; but further he would ask, would Ireland, if independent to-morrow, be able to stand alone?—(`• Hear, hear," from Mr. S. O'Brien.) Could she undertake the functions of Govern ment, the maintenance of an army, or the payment of h r share of the debt now chargeable on the consolidated funds—(" Hear," from S. O'Brien.) They had been told of what had been done, and what had been left undone, by the Imperial Parliament during the previous year, but he asked confidently, could an Irish Parliament have done half as much ?.—(Hear, hear.) What had they done in the terrible famine of 1745. when so many of the people perished ? They passed an Act for the more speedy recovery of rents.—(Hear, hear.) He eaid, then, that to bring about so vital a change at such a mo ment as the present, would be only to aggravate the miseries which even now oppressed the country. Not withstanding what had been said by his Hon. Friend, he believed Ireland had made rapid strides towards prosperity, until the occurrence of the late famine. It any class were exempted from that prosperity it was the labouring class, and it was the discomfort of that unfortunate class which had always been the great difficulty of Ireland—it had been the difficulty of former Goverments as it had been of the present. Complaints had been made that remedial measures had not been introduced. He did not undervalue that. A Bill had been introduced by his Hon. Friend the Member for Rochdale, to extend the tenant right of Ulster ; that the Government had thought it its duty to oppose. They were, however, in no wise disposed to interfere with the tenant-right of Ulster, and he wished this to be distinctly understeed; that they believed that my en deavour to legalize that right would not be to confer a benefit on the country generally. The Hon. and Learned Member tMr. O'Connell) had said that the course of Government in this respect had irdisposed the people of Ulster to the continuation of the union: he (Sir W. Somerville) did not believe one word of it. Then the Hon. Member referred to the evils of absenteeism; but it was scarcely to be expected that men would remain in a country in which neither their properties nor their lives were safe; and it spoke but little for the sincerity of those who made this complaint, that the Hon. Member for Kerry, one of the most determined denouncers of absenteeism, at the late election, had brought down to oppose him (Sir %V. Somerville), who spent the greater part of his time on his property, a gentleman whose only recommendation was that he was an absentee.--(Hear.) Mr. M. O'CONNELL--I own the soft impeach ment.—(A laugh.) Sir W. 'SOMERVILT.E had .only referred to this to show that this was not a very practical mode of carrying out the denunciations which the Hon. Gentleman and others had indulged in against absenteeism. They had heard of the possibility —ot the alternative should repeal be refused—of a Republic being established in Ireland. There was no country in the world to which republicanism was so ill suited as Ireland.— (Hear, hear.) His belief was that ere long the pre sent storm would blow over. He believed there was more loyalty and a greater determivatien to uphold the Constitution and the connexion between the two coun tries in Ireland than was generally supposed.—(Hear.) He relied much on the exert i on o f t h e R oman Catholi c clergy--(Bear)—who had always been the advocates of peace, that they would be the mediators on the present occasion between the Government and the ex cited passions of the people —(Hear.) His Hon. Friend (Mr. O'Brien) had held out a threat that the property of all Irish proprietors who did not join the repeal move ment might be confiscated.—(Hear, hear.) Was not that threat made ? Was ho to understand that if he should think it more advantageous for Ireland herself that the union should be maintained than that it should degenerate into a province, that therefore his property was in danger of confiscation ? Did his Hon. Friend consider the mischief and alarm that such threats occa sioned ?—(Hear.) Notwithstandin g these threats he should continue to devote his exertions to the welfare of his tenants, and he had the gratification to believe that should those threats even be carried into effect his tenants would not thank the lion. Gentleman for the change of masters.—(Hear.) He had at all times been the advocate of an extension of the liberties and fran chise of the Irish people, and had ever used his best efforts to place them on an equal foisting with the people of England—(Hear)--and he was still prepared to use Isis beet exertions to obtain for Irishmen every privi lege which Englishmen enjoyed. Further than that he could not go. He could not on the part of Ireland, after she had assisted England to attain the height of pros perity, consent to forego the advantage which she was entitled to, and which through the union only could she obtain.—(Hear.) With these feelings he could not con sent to any proposition for repealing tne legisleeive union between the two countries, nor to permit the questi ,n to be tampered and coquetted with by consenting to the in troduction of a Bill for that purpose. He must, there fore, oppose the motion. Major BLACKALL thought that in the present feel ing of Ireland it would not be sate to pass a Bill for re pealing the union of the two countries at this moment. At the same time it could not be denied that from the ignorance of the Imperial Parliament of the circum stances and wants of Ireland, laws were passed which did not tend tee the prosperity of that country. This evil would be obviated if the Parliament met uccasion aly in Ireland. England derived some advantage from the presence of Irish Members in London during Parlia ment, and it was only reasonable that Ireland should be similarly benefited by the money which would be spent in Dublin were the Parliament occasionally held there. l'he reasons advanced by the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary for Ireland against the motion of the Honourable Member for Limerick did not apply to the Proposition whu.h uo-,s- sot tied to Ihe House in the shape of an amendment, namely, that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying tier to convene the Imperial Parliament in future for a certain number of months in each year in Dublin for the dispatch of Irish business. Mr. M. O'CONNELL opposed the amendment and "aoporred the original motion. In reference to whet had been stated by the Right lion. Baronet the Sscre ary for Ireland respecting his election for Drogheda, he explained that he had introduced Mr. L. Murray not 1,3 a stranger or absentee, but as a repealer, in corupli slice with a request from the people of Drogheda, whose suffrages he had himself Solicited 15 years ago. Upon the main question he contended that Ireland had gained eothing from her connexion with this country, and that instead of being a source of strength to her, she was an ,yesore and a weakness. The Right Hull. Baronet had talked of the degradation of Ireland being a province, but what signified a name if the people were contented and happy, which they never had been since the union, and which he believed they never would be until their legislative independence was restored to them. He con• tended that Englishmen were not fit to legislate for Ire lat.d, and cited in proof the fact that a Noble Lord to whom he had spoken that evening did not know of the existence of such a place in Ireland as Bandonbridge. (Cheers and Laughter.) He besought the House to consider the present condition of Ireland: the people there had made this ap peal to Parliament, and they were preparing another in the shape of an address to her Majesty. The Go vernment of Lord Clarendon, so much lauded here, had alienated the Irish people from this country. Fresh adhesions to repeal were continually pouring in; and if the moment for conciliation was not seized, the conse quences might be perilous to Ireland, mei perpetually detrimental to the welfare of this great empire. He said this not as a threat, but as a warning; and he hoped the House would give the Irish people some ground to hope that their appeal would be listened to. The dis closures with reference to the pike manufacture had created an immense sensation in Ireland, and had made many converts to repeal. A large force was concen trated in Dublin; regiments were marched in, and marched out again after a few days; and it was ru moured the reason was that repeal had found its way into the army. lie had left Dublin the preceding night, and had been informed by a gentleman just before leaving that on Sunday evening last the troops were fighting amongst themselves in the yard of the Linen Hall—repealers against anti-repealers. On the same night a battle of the same kind took place between the troops on the quay, and some of the combatants were flung into the river. Let this be a warning to those who would not listen to the request', of the Irish people, who blindly and madly refused all concessions. Viscount MORPETH said, the long period during which he had filled the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland, the deep interest he felt in its welfare, and the strong gratitude he bore to it, induced him him to offer a few remarks on this question. He should deeply de plore the repeal of the legislative union, from the con sequences it would entail on Great Britain and the empire at large, as substituting for the present daily and hourly intercourse and interchance or commodities the establishment of jealous regulations, perhaps hostile tariffs, total prohibitions, or even hostile aggressions, between the two sister nations—perhaps, indeed, as had been hinted last eight, a hostile republic on either side of us. Disastrous as would be such a separation to the unity, tranquillity, and safety of the glorious country to which we belonged, yet did he believe the repeal of the Union would be beneficial to Ireland itself, abate tha fearful sufferings which there prevailed, or give any security for rest and contentment, he could hardly stand there and express his opinion, and give his vote, for a forced continuance of the legislative union. lie believed that a repeal of that union would be most disastrous to the best interests of Ire land.—(Hear.) Two of the darkest features in that country's history were the sufferings of her poor, and the contentions of her inhabitants. Every one who had known Ireland must be thoroughly conversant with the sufferings of the p oor . Al wa y s great in degree and wide in extent, that distress had been seriously increased by the famine or dearth of the last two years. Withou raising the question how that distress had been relieved, and whether the Exchequer of England might not have done more—or complaining of the want of gratitude with which the assistance had been received—he still recognised facte of that pounds from h a d th b e een l o p n e t r r i i a b l: e x d c Exchequer some ten millions in 3 •ears for the relief of Irish suffering.—(clear, he a r.) T o what other country could Ireland look in similar circum stances for the pitying look or the helping hand? If she established herself as a sore in our vitals, ehe could not expect either the same disposition or the same means of relief to exist here. Would she look to France, whence it was said 50,000 men were to come to the assistance of Ireland? He thought it would have been extremely difficult to obtain from that country 50,000/.—(Hear, hear.) And he much doubted whether the million of dollars said to be promised from the United States would be readil) forthcoming.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The lion. Member for Limerick alluded tothecoctnapseltoef, Sicily, but he did not think t h e analogy was because in Sicily there were but little or no diversities of race, and there were no distinctions of creeds. The re volutions whicb were now taking place on the ecntinent were of a social rather than of a political character. He would not take upon himself the task of criticising. the landlords of Ireland. They had inherited great difficul ties, and had to cope with many disadvantages,—(Hear, hear.) Amongst them were to be found many of the brightest as well as of the worst of their class; but when they looked to the spirit that was rising there, and when_ they were told th a t on th e awn i ng s t r uggle property would be utterly powerless, it sho u ld be recollected tha t, if the English power were swept away, the wildest and_ the most subversive schemes would prevail, and peeer t would be left a wreck amidst the heaving billows around. it.—(Hear, hear.) During his political career he had always supported the rights of Ireland, and be had been a party with his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn to the schem e f or p l ac i ng t h e great trun k railways of Ireland. under Government superintendenc e. (Hear, hear.) He thought much still remained to be done for that cottntry—(Hear, bear)—and he would be always ready to promote those measures which he con sidered had beeh left imperfect and incomplete.—(gent, hear.) He w as rea d y to cons id er the quest i o n of len lord and tenant, the sale of encumbered estates, and eel practical amendment o f t h e p oor l aw th a t co uld be seg, gested. He knew that his Nobl e F r i e nd at the head et the Government would bef ere that debate closed state the, views he e n t er t a i ne d respect i ng t h e f uture couree, policy towards Ireland, and o f th e man y q uestions which pressed with so mu c h we i g h t an d care on his attentio n ' there were none which he was so unw ill i ng to peatP°he as those which related to Ireland.—(Hear.) Bu t e agreed with the views w hi c h h a d b een ex prez.sed a; article in the Journal des Daa:, that it was not repeal. or revolution that Ireland wanted, but regeneratio n.--- (Hear, hear.) The people o f th at coun t r y possess ed many at , ractive and brilliant qualitie s ; and he wo uld again repeat what had pro c ur e d censure f or him befor e e in Yorkshire, that h e b e li eve d t h ere was to be loupe. a greater absence of theft amongs t th e ma l es , and 1 1 1: chastity amongst the females, o f I re l an d than ibis country.—(Hear, hear.) There was `eereat amongst them one towards the other. But while he P', l o what was but a just t r ib u t e t o t h e i r many virtues, went d could not shut his eyes to th e ir f a ili ngs; an d they wee the patient and persevering industry of the Saxons' (hear, hear.) He had heard it said in America that an Irishman, when placed between a Scotchman and Yankee, was the perfection of a settler, because on the one side he learned from the sobriety and industry of th e Scotchman, and on the other he was incited to activiti, by the go-a-head e d nes o f t h e Y an k ee. —(L au ghtere! He believed much the same thing would take place by cordial union between the three countries.—(Hear, He need not remind the House that in every field where glory and credit were obtained for this country, Ir l . s ' * men contributed a more th an p ro p ort i onate contr ibutta• He need not mention the names of Burke, Sheridan' Grattan, Plunket, an d O'C onne l l—the laurel of ton and the lyre of Moore. But the Hon. Member NI . Limerick told them that if they embarked in a c ontest with Ireland, and denied the repeal of the union, l b : would b e successful. A m id st the shock of states ethi c " was going on around them tar be it from him to calms' late to which side success would incline. The arbitration rested with him who sat in the circle of the heave"' But though the line of success might not be clearly marked, that of duty generally was.—(Cheers.) But when those men in Ireland who were desirous of mate' taming British connexion, and who asked this country for its countenance, guidance, and protection—when he felt penhaded that their cause was the cause of truth and right, and the cause which he believed to be essential not only to the permanent greatness of England, but to the real happin e ss o f I re l an d—h e f e lt th a t it was one which they could not and would not abandon.—(Cheers') Mr. REYNOLDS moved the adjournment of the debate tiil Thursday, which was agreed to. SITES FOR CHURCHES IN SCOTLAND—FREE DOM FROM ARREST OF MEMBERS. —HOB . SHAM ELECTION. Leave was given to introduce the following Bile 00 these subjects:— Bill to enable Religious Congregations to obtain Sites for Churches in Scotland. Bill to enforce and render more effectual the Laws re' lating to the qualification of Members to sit in the House of Commons, and to provide for the exclusion therefrom of persons who shall be proved to be ulleb i° or unwilling to satisfy their just debts. Bill to promote further inquiry into Bribery and Cot" ruption alleged to prevail in the borough of Horsham. The House then adjourned at Twenty minutes to Otle o'clock. PARLIAMEN TARY DIVISIONS• ( From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Conini ol °' ) TUESDAY, APZIL 11. CRO iv N AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL: Order for Committee read; Motion made, and Citestios put, " That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair." T he House divided : MAJORITY-AYES, 321. MINORITY—NOES, 19. Blewitt, Reginsdd Meagher, Thomas Thompson, Colonel Callagham, 1). O'Brlon, W. S. Thompson, Georg. Devereux, J. T. O'Connell, John IValinsley, Sir J. Fagan, William Osborne, Ralph Fox, R. M. Reynolds, John TLLLYIJ. Gardner, Richard Scholefield, William Crawford, W. 6. Grattan, Henry Scully, Francis o Connor, nuag" Greene, John Sullivan, Michael BEWDLEY WRIT. 31 ,, ti0n made, and Question proposed, " That Mr. Speake t . do issue hi s W arrant to t h e C lerk of the Crown to make out a New Writ for the electing of a Burgess to serve in thli present Parli ament f or the Borough of Bewdlev, i n the room of Thomas James Ireland, E-quire, whose election hat been determined to be void"—Amendment proposed, to leave cut from the word " That" to the end of the Question, in order to add the words " the Return for Bewdley having been declared void for bribery and corrupt treating, ea!' other corrupt practics stated to have prevailed there, it I _ l necessary to consider th e con di t i on of the Elective Franchise in that place, with a view to its reform, and in the mean time to suspend the Writ," instead thereof .—Question put, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." The House divided : MAJORITY-AYES, 80. Alexander, N. Farrer, James Morpeth, Viscount liagge, W. FeHowes, E. Neeld, John liagot, Ilon.W. Floyer, John Neeld, Joseph Bailey, J., jun. Forbes, W. Newdegate. N. , :aldock, K. H. Forester, G. C. Pugh, David Benbow, John - Fuller, A. E. Repton, G. W. J. Richards. Richard 1 1 e Rennet, resro rdl:liilii William Goring,Godson C H. karles Russell, Lord John Bernard, Viscount Graham, Sir James Rutherford, A. Blackall, S. W. Grey, Ralph W. Seaham, Viscount Blackstone, W. S. Gwyn, ilowel Seyiner, 11. K. Bolder°, H. G. Hall, Colonel Shelburne, Earl of Bourke, It. S. Halsey, T. P. Smyth, John G. Brooke, Lord Hamilton, G. A. Somerset, Captain Buck, L. W. Hawes, Benjamin Somerville, Sir W. Bunbury, W. Henley, J. W. Spo o ner. Richard Cas tlereagh, Vise, Hudson, G. Stuart, J. ChristChopher, It. Ingestre. Viscount T en i son, E. K. Coc ks, T. S. Junes, Captai n Thesiger, Sir F. rington, Sir W. Keogh, William Thompson, Alderman Cotton, W. 11. Knight, F. W. Troßope, Sir J. Cripps, William Lygou, General Tynts, Colonel ; Dick, Quintin Mackenzie, W. F. Vyse, H. Drummond, Henry Mackinnon, W. Willoughby, Sir 11. Dr mm A. Magan, W 11. Duncombe, O. Manners,l . Lord G. Dundas, George March, Earl of Elliot, J. E. Miles, William TILLIRS. Rushout, Captain Stafford, Augustus MINORITY—NOES, 38. Gaines, M. T. Lacy, H. C. Sandars, George Barnard, E. G. Lushington, C. Seymour, SirrH. H. Clifford, Henry M. Macnamara, Major Tennent, .J. Cobden, Richard Meagher, Thomiu Thompson, Colonel Cochrane, A. Martin, J. I irumlanrig, Vie. M onsen Thornely, T. , William Duncint, John Williams, John Morris, Dav i d Wilson, Matthew Dwarf, William O'Connell, J ohn Wynn, C. W. Fagan,askell, J William O'Coanor, Feargua Wyvill, Marmadake Greene, Jo G. M. Pinney, W. Yorke, H. R. hst H. Plowden, W. Good, Sir A . Power, Dr. TEL 1,13.11. Hutt, Willia m Raphael. Alexander H ume, Joseph Kershaw, James Robartes, T. J. Hannaer, Sir J. 1 1 SHOT AND SHELLS FROM RUSSIA.—A vessel, arrived from the Russian port Odessa, has brought the large quan;ily of 55! tons weight of shot and shells, consigned to order. Although similar importations from the same port have token place, the arrival 4.f so large quantity of these articles from Russia is remarkable. [ADVERTISEMENT.)—TRE VISITOR OF HOLLOWAY'. OINTMENT ♦ND PILLS 114111.1 r ESTEJIMED TIIIILOIIVIOCT INDIA.—The Editor of the " Benares Recorder," publishes the following extrace dinury cure:—lleerah Loll, a cloth merchant, residing at Nagpore. had suffered for more than eighteen months with dreadful ulcerous 'ores all over his legs and body, totally disabling hint Irem business. he had expended large sums in medicine from the Hakeems, with out relief; when an European gentleman, who had proved the all cacy of Holloway's Ointment and Pill's, recommended their use, which advice he followed, and in the course of twenty days be was perfectly restored to health, from a disease which had brought Was down to death's door. Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Hal% loway's establishment, 244, Strand, London. &RMS. On the Bth inst., i n Park-place, West, Regent's-park, Mrs. George Alexander Osborne, of a daughter. On the Bth inst., at Clifton, Annette, the wife of the Rev. Arthur It. Ludlow, of a (laughter. On the Bth inst., at • Galen Rectory, Surrey, the wife the Rev. W. O. Raffles Flint, of a daughter. On the 9th inst., in the College, Doctors'- commons, the wits ot the Rev. W. Calvert, B. A., blertsharn, Surrey, of a son On the 9th inst., at the Parsonage, Amptield, Hants, the wife of the Rev. Robert Francis I'Vilson, of a um On the 10th inst., at Eaton square, the wife of Ormua BiAdulph, Esq., of a daughter. On the 6th inst., Ellen H., wife of Richard D. Thurgood. Esq., jun., Saffron Walden, E ssex, of a daughter. On the 6th inst., at Clifton, the lady of the Hon. Bryan Robinson, Q. C., of a son. Ott the Gin inst., at Firby Hall, Whitwell Yorkshire, the wile of George Towhee Gordon, E sq., of a son and heir. On the ith inst., at Park-lace, St. Jam es ' s, L ady Geor• giana Codrington, of a daughtper. Ott the 26th ult., at Berlin, the lady of Henry Howard, Rs+, Secretary to her Britannic iiajesty's Legation, of a eon. On the 21th ult., at Chapel-street, Bedford-row, the wife at the Rev. William Stow, one of the Curates of Sherbornee Dorset, of a daughter. On the sth inst., at St. Nichol as , B r i ghton, Mr. James Rice, of Islington, to Mary. Anna Maria, y ounges t d aug h ter of Mrs. Harr ison , B r i ghton On the 6th inst., at Gorleston, Suffolk, Frederick John Turner, Esq., barrister -at-law, to Caroline Grace, fourth daughter of John Sayers Bell, Es q., of Gorleston. Oa the Gzh St. Peter', Walwerth, Mr. F. liastin of Reading, to Miss Mecham, of Camberwell. On the 6th inst. , DIEB. Wincheste r Leonard Leigh, Esq., of St. Cross, near ag. On the 6 thinst ed . 74 at Birch Rectory, Essex, the Rev. R. Waller, 53 years Rector of that parish. aged 78. On the 7th inst., Anne Elizabeth, wile of the Rev. Frede rick Bevan, of Carleton Rode. On the 3d inst., at Rodney Villa, Cheltenham, Ann, the Wife of J. J. Durbin, Esq. On the 4th inst., at Gaston House, near Bishop's Stortford, Henrietta, dau..;liter of the Rev. Francis Pelly, late Rector of Si,ton, aged 24. On the 4th inst., at Highcliffe, near Christchurch, James Greville, the infant son of the lion. Colonel and Lady Sarah Lindsay, aged 14 months. -- - - ondon : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, at No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tlss Sim Office, No. 11*, Strand, in th e Precinct o f P the Savoy, in the county of kiddleeex, Wednesday, April 12, Md.