The Sun. — London, England, 1866-02-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAsT EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock, but some time elapsed before any business was transacted in consequence of the limited attendance of peers. The following bills were read a second time :—Alder shot Gas, Metropolitan Sewage and Essex Reclamation, New River Company, Equitable Gas Company, and Whit marsh Disabilities. THE CATTLE PLAGUE. The Earl of SHREWSBURY presented a petition pray ing for the adoption of active stops on the part of the Go vernment to arrest the cattle epidemic. The Earl of DERBY asked the Lord President of the Council if the Government proposed to take charge of the Cattle Plague Bill when it came from the other house, and if they were prepared to promote its speedy progress through the house ? Earl GRANVILLE said that Government would not throw any impediment in the passing of the bill, but they would not take charge of the meacure. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CLERGY IN IRELAND. Viscount LIFFORD postponed till Monday next the following, which stood for this evening, viz., to call the attention of the house to the causes of the present condi tion of Ireland, and to ask of her Majesty's Government whether it was their intention to introduce any measure into Parliament providing for the support of the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland, independent of the contributions of the people. ART BILL. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY brought up the re port of amendments to tbis bill, which was agreed to. ILLEGAL REMOVAL OF CATTLE. Lord WHARNCLIFFE asked the Lord President whether the local authority in England would apply to the county rate to the payment of rewards offered for informa tion as to alleged removal of cattle? He said that an at tempt had been made by private gentlemen in Yorkshire to adopt measures for getting that information. The noble lord made some other obseivations, but they were inaudible in the reporters' gallery. The Earl of AIRLIE contended that it was desirable the Government should take prompt action with regard to the cattle disease. Lord KINNAIRD said that if the wholesale slaughter of cattle proposed by the Cattle Disease Bill were at tempted it would not be successful, and he for one would endeavour to evade it. Earl GRANVILLE, in explanation, repeated the sub stance of what he had stated on a previous occasion. The house after some conversation then adjourned. ROUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENINO. Tho SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. GREENWICH AND WOOLWICH LOWER ROAD BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mr. LOCKE opposed the motion. After a short discussion, the suggestion of Mr. Dodson was adopted, that a continuance bill should be brought in for the present year. The motion for the second reading was postponed for a week. PUBLIC SCHOOLS. Mr. G. DUFF asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was intended to introduce, during the course of the present session, any measure with reference to the public schools ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he be lieved it was the intention of the Earl of Clarendon to introduce a bill in the other house with respect to public schools. THE SLAVE TRADE. Mr. BAXTER asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if any communications had taken place between her Ma jesty's Government and the Government of the United States regarding the propriety of sending:a joint squad ron to the coast of Cuba, for the purpose of preventing the importation of slaves into that island ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there had been no communication between the Government of her Majesty and the Government of the United States re lative to sending a small squadron to Cuba. There had been certain propositions made in 1864 with respect to send ing a small American squadron to the coast of Africa, and on that point both Governments were agreed. It was, however, laid down that the vessels were to be confined exclusively to suppressing the slave trade, but on this paint a difference sprung up, and no measure was prac tically adjusted. SEIZURE OF ENGLISH TRAVELLERS. Lord A. HERVEY asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he was aware that the De march of Astako reported to the superior authorities that the three English travellers who were seized by b►igands near Dragomestre, on the Bth Dec., 1865, had been pre viously warned by him of their danger; whether he was aware that that report was completely untrue ; and, if so, whether the Foreign-office had urged or intends to urge upon the Greek Government the dismissal of that func tionary ? Mr. LAYARD said he could not say positively whether they had been warned or not; but Mr. Erskine had been directed to make inquiries into the matter. It would be very desirable for parties travelling in Greece to put them selves in communication with the authorities there before commencing their journey. DISEASE AMONGST SWINE. Sir J. WALSH asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the attention of her Majesty's Government had been drawn to the appearance of a new disease affect ing swine in parts of the continent of Europe, and not only destroying the animals, but render ing the flesh poisonous and dangerous to human life ; and whether they bad instituted any inquiries by compe tent medical and scientific authorities, with a view to ascertain the nature, extent, and progress of this disease ? Mr. BRUCE said the attention of-the Government had been directed to the matter. In 1862 Professor Gamgee was directed to make a report, and a very eminent foreign gentleman was also directed to make a study of the mat ter. The reports of these gentlemen would be found in the last volume of the reports of the Privy Council, which gave the fullest information on this and every other matter. THE LETTER CARRIERS AND THE POLICE. Mr. FAWCETT asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he thought the Postmaster-General had come to a just and wise decision in refusing the application which the letter carriers made for an advance in their wages in consequence of the rise in house rent end in the price of provisions ; and whether these same considerations had not induced the magistrates of many counties to raise the salaries of the police ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was of opinion that the decision of the Postmaster-General was judicious, because it had not been arrived at without the fullest inquiry. With respect to the magistrates and the police, he did not think that it showed any conclusive I evidence as to the course the Government ought to take with respect to the letter carriers. MINES IN GREAT BRITAIN. Mr. CLIVE asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the Government was about to bring in any measure with reference to those mines in Great Britain to which the Act 23 and 24 Vic. c. 151, does not apply? Sir G. GREY said it was the intention of the Govern ment to bring in such a measure. DUTY ON COFFEE. Mr. MARSH asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was his intention to reduce the duty on coffee in the same proportion as the duty on tea had been re duced ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said his office was to decline answering questions where the Go vernment had not done certain acts. He did not think there were at present any grounds for the rumour relative to the reduction of the duty on coffee in the same propor tion as tea. He thought the duty on tea and coffee as nearly equal as it was possible to make them. AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS. In reply to Mr. READ, Mr. GIBSOIC said with respect to the agricultural sta tistics the schedule would be prepared by the Board of Trade, the Post -office would deliver them, the offi cers of the Island Revenue would sum them up, and the aggregate return would be made by the Board of Trade. Sir R. PQEUEELEeII'aS i?OLLEGE (IRELAND.) evening for a n addreses had a motion on the paper that praying her Maj es t y T ' o be presented to her Majesty, from any change sh e ma "AY to withhold her consent Lbe th advised to make in the charter and constituti on Ireland the Queen's University and its oranitilat house had had an Queen's colleges in whether such change opportunity of expressing was desirable to be made. It stood iri: should rather late in the wish of ihe ou b only be ouse if h e list of motions , and he thought ac ting in accordance with t he as ked its permissio n to ask the right hen. gentleman whether it was not a fact that the Government had deter mined not to obtain the si g n manual of the Sovereign t any alteration i n the charter of the colleges before the house had had an opportunity of expressing its opinion on the advice the Government intended to offer to the Crown ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there was no change in the intention of the Government with respect to this matter. The Government would tender certain advice to the Crown, but the house would have the opportunity of challenging the conduct of the Govern ment before the Crown was committed by any formal act. Mr. LOWE said he was very anxious there should be no mistake in the matter, and he should likelto knoV whether the house would have a full opportunity of con sidering this matter. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the house would have a full opportunity :of discuss in g the matter before any formal act of the Sovereign took place. (Hear, h ear . ) TR AVELLING ON RAILWAYS. In reply t o Sir W. GALWET 31 . GIBSQ sai • d the Board of Trade were very desirous that there should be a communication on railways between passenger and guard and guard and amine driver. He had seen the chairmen of some of the lar,re ailways, and had impressed on them the necessity o! uch an ar rangement. Ho could not give an assu .ar ce that the Government would bring in a bill with n spect to tho matter. DEEP SEA FISHERY. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. S. CAVE rose to call attention to the report of the Deep Sea Fishery Commission, and asked the President of the Board of Trade whether her Majesty's Government intended to carry into effect the recommendation thereof respecting the deep sea oyster fishery. Par. DU CANE said the subject was one of great import ance, and he hoped the Government would give a satisfac tory answer to the question. Mr. D. GRIFFITH inquired whether the Chancellor of the Exchequer was aware that certain railways had com menced carrying newspapers along the whole of their lines by means of an adhesive stamp of the price of a half penny for each transmission ; and if so, whether it would not be expedient that the charge on such arricles by the Post-office should be reduced to the same amount. Mr. GATHORNE HARDY drew notice to a recent de cision of the House of Lords on the rating of the Mersey Docks, and asked the President of the Poor-law Board questions as to the conduct of the Board in consequence of that decision ; and also as to the intention of the Govern ment with respect to the law of rating generally, and espe cially as it affected charitable institution; such as schools, hospitals, &c. Mr. VILLIERS, in reply, justified the decision of the law lords, which was, he said, strictly in accordance with the provisions of the statute. The Government were not prepared to bring forward any fresh legislation on the sub ject; and if relief was required in individual cases, it must be sought in other ways. Mr. LABOUCHERE called attention to the inadequacy of our neutrality law to enable England to fulfil its inter national obligations towards foreign countries, andpointed out cases in which inconvenience had arisen from the pre sent state of things. Mr. ROEBUCK controverted the positions take up by the last speaker, and urged that from the manner in which the ships that had been used in the service of belligerents towards whom England stood in the position of a neutral had been fitted out, piece -meal, it was absolutely impos sible to bring them within the power of the law. The case of America had been alluded to as one in which this country had done much injury owing to the de fects of the law. Ho would only at once avow that all his own sympathies were with the Southern States in heir noble struggle. The Northern Power had conquered. He wished them joy of their conquest. He begged, how ever, to say that tho Americans were not yet a united people, and for his own part he hoped they never would be so. Mr. LAING having made a few remarks, was followed by Mr. SANDFORD and Mr. LEFEVRE. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the present topic was one of an equally important and dif f icult cha racter. He reminded the house that some years ago the British Government suggested to the Cabinet of the United States that it might be advisable mutually to revise their Foreign Enlistment Acts; but the latter threw cold water on the idea, considering that their own enactment required no alteration, since it was quite adequate to meet every occasion. He maintained that the British law, as it now stood, was equal in all its provisions to that of the United States, and argued from that fact that there was no neces sity for any alteration at present. He could not help thinking that, when all the heat and irritation of the late struggle should have subsided, the United States Govern ment, and the people of that country generally, would see in the conduct of England an earnest and an honest in tention to maintain her neutrality. The topic then dropped. General DUNNE briefly referred to the report of the committee on Irish taxation. Lord STANLEY said he had been struck with the enormous number of projected metropolitan railway schemes for the present session, which involved a capital of no less than £20,000,000, Now it was impossible that any committee could do justice to so vast a number of lines. He therefore thought that there ought to be instituted, as in a previous year, some preliminary inquiry into the sub ject. Tho list could then be weeded, those which were the most urgent and important being selected, and the rest could stand over to another session. Mr. M. GIBSON saw no reason for any exceptional course being pursued this session. The circumstances of the period referred to when the list was weeded were different to those which prevailed at present. Taking into account the vast increase of the trade of the mighty me tropolis, and the number of persons absolutely driven out of the City to live in the suburbs, no oue could be asto nished at the number of projectors who came forward ask ing not money from the State, but permission to invest their own capital in what it was conceived would turn out remunerative enterprises. lie would, however, be only too happy to confer with Lord Stanley in seeing how much could be done for the public good. Reverting to the ques tion of Mr. Cave, in the early part of the evening, the right hon. gentleman complimented the Commissioners on their Deep Sea Fishery Report. That document was now under careful consideration, and in all probability some measure would be introduced founded upon it. It had been forwarded to the French Government, but it would require careful deliberation before giving an opinion as to the expediency of dissolving tho Convention now existing with that power. In reference to the statement which had gone forth that the supply of fish was rapidly decreasing, the labours of the Commission had brought out the fact that no human ingenuity was able to produce any appre ciable effect on the treasures of the deep for purposes of food. Mr. AYRTON having alluded to the now railway schemes. The SPEAKER suggested that it would be for the convenience of the house if hon. members would debate one of the topics before the house at a time. Mr. 11. LEWIS desiderated the rejection of all schemes which were only designed for the benefit of promoters and capitalists, and the passing of all which were really designed for the public benefit. After a few words f rom Mr. - WHALLEY, the topic dropped. Mr. WATKIN as k e d if any and what representations had been made by her Majesty's Government to the Go vernment of the United Stat es i n re f erence t o t h e Fenian organisation in America ; and more especially as to the employment of United States officers, the issue of bonds of the so-called Irish Republic, and the threats made to levy war upon the dominions of her Majesty by that orga nisation ; and moved for copies of all papers relating to the subject. The hon. gentleman quoted from documents published in New York and in this country to prove the terms of his question. Ho then went on to say that Fenianism had no root in the British possessions, and that it was largely owing to the proceedings in America that any sympathy with the cause had been aroused in Ireland. What he wanted to know was whether such conduct was in accordance with the law of the United States. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—After having, in reply to previous questions, stated that railway companies conveying newspapers in the manner mentioned by the hon. member for Devizes had not the expenses of collection and distribution; and with regard to Irish rail ways, where a small amount of capital was invested, the English standard would not apply—proceeded to remark upon the question submitted by the hon. member for Stock port. He said, as far as we are concerned, there are few papers on this subject that could be produced. My hon. friend, anticipating that a reason would be asked of him for the discussion he introduced, stated as his reason that the people of the United States were an outspoken people, and that we were an outspoken people also. I entirely concur with my hon. friend, and I think that ulti mate publicity and free discussion, whether in this house or elsewhere in the country, form the most characteristic and also the most valuable and important feature of our habits. At the same time it does appear to me that con siderations of time and of place, and of the order of pro ceeding and considerations of prudence and of policy, bear very strongly not only against the general principle an nounced by my hon. friend, but on the question whether a particular thing should or should not be said at a particular time and place ; and I confess that if I were asked what useful object my right hon. friend anticipates from com mencing the discussion of this subject at tho present mo ment, I should feel it difficult to give an answer. I would ask my hon. friend to recollect, considering the tone of his remarks, the position which England usually and habitually stands in the eyes of foreign countries—that the proceed ings of English citizens are constantly the subject of com plaint abroad, that imputations are constantly thrown upon the English Government of a disinclination to interfere with these proceedings, and that we plead against these imputations the freedom of our laws and our habits, and the extreme inexpediency and imprudence of attempts on the part of the Government at measures of repression en behalf and in the interest of any foreign Government, un less those measures of repression are founded upon facts of a w t h h a a su c c t e e e r s s p . e r fle am c t bo n u o t o n d r i t o o u s s c ay I d e o li n l o i a t t t h e in b k e th a e tte re n w de a d s in the speed of my hon. friend a sufficient amount of allowance for those considerations on the part of the Go vernment of the U n it e d S tates. D i d my hon. friend really suppose that, making these statements from newspapers for the first time to the public and in this house w ith ou t an y previous communication to the Gove rnmen t, it wou ld b e in my power to follow him to identify the sources from which he drew them, which i degree, n various insta nces h e did nation of each o f t h ese cases, th not state, and t o show in what upon careful exami eyo the could or could not be t made matters o f representation UniteU nite d llr Go vernmentoSttatemse,efr, iar appear p f e thaif w e are ? to I maintain ara bound thefull h g to sa y d i it s e does uta l internation a l duties affecting not the Government alone, o but l se who fill public situations in a n y civilised country, t r t h d o if there are statements to be made apparently i m plicating a the good faith of a foreign Government, it i s h ardly too much to ask that these statements should first be placed in the hands of the representatives of our own Government, in order that they may be made the subjects of communica tion between the two Governments, and that either one _ _ _ may be made responsible for declining to act upon them, or that the Cloyenunent of which complaint is made may THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1866. be made responsible for declining to act on the remon strance. The hon gentleman has made statements which are in a great measure vague as regards the point at issue. It may be true, and is unhappily too true, that Fenianism in the main, and as to the means by which it is supported, is a thing imported from America. About that there can be no doubt ; but that is not all which should be shown to the American Government in asking them either to put down Fenianism, or show why they do not put it down. In his admirable speech in respect to tho demand that we should submit the case of the Alabama to arbitration, the Attorney-General said we were requested to hold that the Government were responsible for putting down or prevent ing that which they cannot always put down and prevent. There are, however, two things in the main which we have a right to expect from theAmericanGovernment. One is, that when American laws have been broken they should promptly vindicate those laws on behalf of England. Tho lion. gentleman points out that those laws were promptly vindicated in the ease of Spain. But that was the case of the purchase and equipment of one or more ships for an expedition, and was a thing above board, lying on the sur face of affairs and in the light of day. It is not enough for my hon. friend to say that the Fenians held a congress in Philadelphia, and collected so much money in so many years, in order to raise the presumption that the Ame rican Government has neglected its duties. He ought to show that such proceedings have been notorious—(hear, hear)—not notorious in the way 'things depending on public rumour are notorious, but notorious in the way and in such a shape as can be made the subject of judicial investigation. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend has stated no facts of that kind. I have heard nothing from him of any acts done in America, and in the face of American law, which it was the duty of the American Government to have repressed. My hon. friend speaks of an interview he had with President Johnson, but I do not apprehend he raises from that an inference adverse to the United States, for he paid a high and just compliment, if I may presume to say so, to President Johnson, as a man anxious to do all in his power to maintain friendly relations and the obligations of international law. I stated that there were two cases in which we might expect the United States Government to act—the one where an offence had been committed against the American law. Well, no proof has been advanced that any such offence has been committed, and therefore we have no ground of complaint under that head. The other case is that in the event of an attempt on the part of those misguided men against any portion of the Queen's dominions we have a right to expect that the Government of the United States will put down any such attempt. But no such case happened ; and, therefore, upon that ground too, we have no right to action on the part of the American Government. However, there is also the case of persons in the public employment. The hon. member says that 10 American officers were members of the Fenian Congress ; but we do not know what was done, and we have no knowledge of any dealings in which those officers took part. The hon. member admits that General Sweeney has been dismissed from the service of the United States, and therefore, so far as General Sweeney is con cerned, there is no title to complain of the United States Government. I have no more to say of the particular allegations of my hon. friend beyond this, that where they are vague they had much better not have been pro duced; where they are definite they ought first to have been placed in the hands of the responsible Minister of the Crown. It is obviously impossible that on being intro duced into this house without notice they can be properly and satisfactorily dealt with. With regard to the question what representations had been made on the subject to the Government of the United States, I have to answer that we have not made any such representations. We have seen cause to deplore much that is taking place in Ame rica, but we have had no cause that would have justified our making representations to the Government of the country on the subject. My hon. friend says it is in vain to act in Ireland unless we deal with the evil at its source. These are very big words; to deal with an evil at its source in the dominions of a foreign power, perhaps involving measures for the ascertainment of the facts which we would not for one moment tolerate or hear of in our coun try. (Hear, hear.) Sir, we have confidence in the govern ment of the United States. We believe it will fulfil its in ternational obligations to the best of its power. We have confidence further in the public opinion of America, and as far as we are informed the public opinion of America, like the public opinion of England and Ireland, condemns the Fenian proceedings. (Cheers.) Let us have some trust and reliance in the power which the country possesses to preserve order in every portion of her Majesty's dominions —in the dignity and character which never reach a point until they are joined with patience and endurance, uncon nected with the suspicion of weakness, and, on the con trary, impressed firmly with a consciousness of strength. That is the course which I trust we may be permitted to take. Do not let us needlessly or prematurely sow the seeds of mistrust. We do not for one moment concealthat the seed of this mischief lies in America, and that the ac tive agency has come from there ; but, though it is still in America, we do not believe it to be of America. It is not toe genuine fruit of American sentiment, or a general re presentation of the American mind. We believe it to be condemned there as here, and, believing that in the total absence of all evidence to the contrary, let us trust to a friendly Government, which has not as yet failed in its duty, and which we feel will not fail. The right bon gentleman then resumed his seat, and Mr. Oliphant was about to address the house when— The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER again rose and said—l must frankly own that Ido believe it is for the public interest that the handling of this subject—and it has been deeply in our minds—should be loft entirely with the executive Government. Mr. OT WAY insisted that the facts of Fenian progress in New York wero patent to every one, and maintained that the Government had abundnt means on which to remon strate with that of America. Sir L. OLIPHANT deprecated any interference by way of remonstrance as calculated to do more harm than good. It was worth remembering that " people in glass houses should not throw stones." England must first show a clean bill of health in such matters as those referred to be fore she attempted to teach others. Mr. YORKE made a few brief observations. Mr. WALPOLE trusted with the Chancellor of the Exchequer that this conversation would not be allowed to go further. The question was one of the most grave, diffi cult, and embarrassing character, and whatever opinions they might form of Irish affairs as connected with Ame rica the present was not the period for opening up the dis cussion. Mr. T. HUGHES alluded to the great soreness which existed in tho United States towards England, and which he attributed to the fact that somehow the English Go vernment had allowed vessels to get clear from their coasts to prey on American commerce, and also to the subsequent refusal of the British Government to submit the whole question to an impartial tribunal. Mr. WATKIN withdrew his motion, and the subject dropped. The house then went into Committee of Supply. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that the sum of £30,000 be granted to' her Majesty for the mar riage portion of her Royal Highness the Princess Helena Augusta Victoria. The vote was agreed to, and the house resumed. The Public Offices (Site) Bill was read a second time. The Cattle Plague Bill as amended was considered. The house then adjourned. CUBAN AND BRAZILIAN SLAVERY.—The New York, Times, alluding to the influence of the pro gress of freedom in America, says :—The bar baric institution has a very feeble hold of life in Cuba. In the mother country there is an agita tion for its abolition, and many of the foremost men of the island, and not a few of its planters, are in favour of free labour. The pro-slavery leaders there, however, use the same arguments against emancipation formerly so pogerful in this country —that the negroes would not work—that all labour would be disorganised—that the plantations would go to ruin, and that Cuba would descend from its position as a rich and productive isle to that of a decayed and bankrupt country. The same argu ments are used in Brazil ; and indeed they have served their purpose in defence of slavery and serf dom throughout the different countries of the world for thousands of years. They continually need new and practical refutation ; and this country, we trust, will furnish their latest refutation. We may be sure that slavery will not last in Cuba two years, nor in Brazil five, after our late Southern slaves shall have shown that negro industry is not incom patible with negro freedom. 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Anniversary of Washington's Birthday. The one hundred and thirty-fourth anniversary of the birthday of Washington was celebrated on Thursday evening last, by the American residents of Great Britain, who gave a public dinner at - Willis's Rooms in honour of the occasion. The beautiful and spacious hall was appropriately deco rated by a very grand and imposing array of flags, banners, festoons of roses, portraits, etc. The table was handsomely ornamented with fruits and flowers; the decorations were particularly remarkable for the manner in which they exemplified the unity of Ame rica and England—the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack intertwining their folds in all directions. The company assembled to do honour to the memory of Washington numbered about two hun dred persons, comprising nearly all the more distin guished Americans in England, several English guests, and seventy or eighty ladies, who, instead of retiring according to English fashion after the cloth was removed, set an example which we should be glad to see generally followed, and remained till the close of the entertainment. The Hon. Freeman H. Morse, United States Consul at London, presided. On the Chairman's right sat his Excellency the American Minister at the Court of St. James, and on his left Professor Goldwin Smith. The company took their seats at half-past seven o'clock. The Rev. C. W. DENISON, chairman of the committee of management, after the cloth was removed, read letters ex pressing regret at being unable to attend from several noblemen and gentlemen. Mr. BRIGHT wrote as follows : "4, Hanover-street, Feb. 20. "Dear Sir,—l thank your committee for their kind in vitation to the dinner on Thursday. Unfortunately lam so much engaged this week that I am afraid I shall not be able to avail myself of it. Tho occasion this year will be of unusual interest, and although not present I shall rejoice with your friends and countrymen in the great triumph which they witnessed and accomplished during the past year. With many thanks for your kind remembrance of me, I am, with great respect, yours very truly, JOHN BRIGHT." " Blackheath Park, Feb. 16, 1866. " Sir,—lu returning my sincere thanks for the invita tion I have been honoured with to the dinner to be given in commemoration of the illustrious man who took so leading a part in the liberation cf the American colonies, and in the foundation of the American Republic, I regret that the great pressure of Parliamentary business compels me to decline for the present all other evening engage ments, public as well as private.—l have the honour to be your obedient servant, J. S. MILL." The CHAIRMAN, in giving "The Memory of Tv ashing ton," congratulated his countrymen on the fact that they met that night under very different circumstances from those under which they met there ono year ago. (Ap plause.) There was a great struggle going on at that time at the other side of the Atlantic, but now they assembled together with the recollection of the agreeable fact that their country was at peace with all the world, and was completing peace with itself. Their country was now engaged in the work of reconstruction, and of laying, in some respects perhaps renewing, the foundation of the liberties of that great country. They found that their country was now the country of freedom indeed. (Hear, hear, and applause.) The shackles of four millions of slaves had fallen from their limbs—(immense cheering)—and he rejoiced to say that their country was now without a slave. (Renewed cheers.) That, he thought, was something to boast of. (Hear, hear.) Their glorious banner would never more be sneered at as the protector of slavery. They met there that night as the representatives of a people completely free—(cheers)—to commemorate the birth of Washington. (Cheers.) The private and public history of Washington was so well known that it was not necessary for him to sketch it. He was the man of the age in which he lived. For wisdom which made no mistakes—for calm, unbiassed judgment— for pure love of country—for patriotism void of selfish ness—in short, for all those traits which go to make up a good and a great man—the ages which had since rolled away had not presented a superior to Washington. (Cheers.) The toast was drunk standing and in silence, the band of the Coldstream Guards playing "Washington's March." The CHAIRMAN next gave " The Memory of Abraham Lincoln." In all probability, he said, future generations will give to the name of Lincoln a place side by side with that of Washington himself, and it was meet and proper that Americans should cherish his memory along with that of " The Father of his Country." This toast was drunk standing and in silence, the whole assembly seeming deeply impressed with the solemnity of the occasion. The CHAIRMAN next gave "The President of the United States," and called upon Col. Griffin, of Chicago, to re spond. The speaker on rising was cordially received, and, after a happy introduction, said that he had bad the honour of the personal acquaintance of Mr. JOHNSON for several years past, and felt it to be a pleasure to bear his testimony to the high and noble qualities of the Pre sident. He dwelt forcibly on the condition of the country, and felt assured that under the present Government the best interests of the United States would be promoted. (Cheers.) Mr. MASON JONES was called on to second this toast, and in a forcible and eloquent speech descanted at great length on the personal and political merits of the Presi dent, with whom he had the honour of acquaintance, and enlarged upon the merits of the Constitution of the United States, the results of the war, the high character of the American Minister, and all the other topics of the even ing. Mr. Jones's speech was well received. Ho was frequently interrupted in the earlier portions of his ad dress with applause. The CHAIRMAN then gave "Our Guest, the American Minister at the Court of St. James." The harmony which at present exists between England and America he attri buted in a great degree to the fact of Mr. Adams being the representative of the United States in this country. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) During the last four years Mr. Adams had a difficult task to perform, and it was well known that he had acquitted himself to the credit, hon our, and advantage of his country. Tho toast was honoured with the utmost enthusiasm, the whole assembly rising to their feet and giving three times three for Mr. Adams. Mr. ADAMS, on rising to respond, was received with loud cheers. He said—l thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, from my heart, for the great kindness with which you have received the extraor dinary expression of goodwill and of good opinion which have been uttered by the chairman and the gentlemen on the other side of the table. I also thank the committee for the kindness which they have displayed in associating my name with this toast, because it enables me to carry out the resolution that I had made not to talk upon the subject which the chairman referred to. The subject, however much I may admire it, is not a very suitable one for me to discuss in a mixed assembly. I would rather pre fer, on a day of this sort, to recur to the associations in all our minds connected with the event of this celebration. And on this occasion, more than all others, have we some cause to congratulate ourselves in recollecting the last greatest injunction of the great man, "that we should bear in mind at all times, and in the future, to maintain the preservation of our Union." (Cheers.) We have been for the last four years undergoing a great trial ; and, after hours of vicissitudes which have tried all our hearts, we can meet each other on this occasion and say —" To the great injunction of the chief of the country we have been true." I would, therefore, in connection with that idea, simply propose to you a sentiment, and it is this, the last charge of Washington—" The preservation of the Union ; may the restoration be prompt and complete -the true foundation of happiness at home and of respect abrold." (Cheers.) THE CHAIRMAN next proposed the sixth toast of the evening, " Oar Whole Country." Rev. CHARLES W. DENIsoN, who was received with hearty cheers, on rising to respond to this toast expressed his heartfelt pleasure in being honoured with the invita tion to speak for his country on such an occasion. There was not an American or a citizen of any friendly Power present but would join him in paying a tribute to the nation we all loved so woll. (Cheers.) The pre sent time was peculiarly a fit one for doing honour to America, and, throughher, to the me mory of the great and good man whose anniversary we were met to celebrate. We could speak now for our whole country, as we could never speak before, and commemo rate with new devotion the principles that governed the illustrious Washington. Henceforth we, as Americans, have one country—from the North to the South, from the East to the West —oceans and lakes, rivers and mountains, plains and valleys, unite us all together in bonds of strength and amity, that shall never be dissolved. We could now lay just claim to a common constitution, the great Magna Charta of our national rights, that had just stricken the chains from four millions of bondmen. Thank God, an American sun could no more rise or set on an American slave! (Loud cheers.) The historical fact is established that our Union is that of an independent nation. We are no longer to be regarded as a confederation of republics, a series of sovereign states, bound togetherby a mere treaty of alliance and friendship, a firm of business partners, liable to dissolu tion at any moment. No ! We are now a distinct and consolidated nation, with one form of government, one flag, one body of the representatives of all the people at home and abroad, one currency, and one army and navy— a nation "Distinct as the billows, yet one as the sea"— the Republic of the United States of North America. (Ap plause.) It was for the establishment of such a nation as this that the early settlers of America landed on those distant shores. Mere words failed to do full justice to a country so favoured of Heaven. The events of the time were speaking for America what human language could never speak. (Applause.) In passing through the Cathedral of St. Paul's you would =tie° heueath the bunt of Sir Christopher Wren, the architect of the building, the words : " Inquirendo monumenturn? Circuntspice !" " Would you inquire for his monument ? Look around you !" In the decorations of this hall, as well as in the progress of our country, one has much to remind us of the unity of America,. The names of all the States are around these walls. There floats above us the national standard —not one star is wanting from its loyal field of blue; not one stripo is missing from its folds of white and red. On the right that flag hung in front of the ensign of England. It was a flag of an honoured history, for it had been pre sented by his Royal Highness, the late Prince Consort, to the American packet-ship Prince Albert, and,; on the loss of that vessel, had been kindly loaned for this banquet by Captain Davis, of the Yorktown. (Applause.) Our country had received a new bond of unity in the sacrifices of the last four years. Wo wore now bound together as we had never been before, by the heart's-blood of patriots, hallowing more than a thousand battle-fields. Viewing America as she is, and as she promises to bo, he was surd the toast proposed would be the aspiration ,of every loyal heart. (Prolonged applause.) The seventh toast of the evening was "Our Fallen Heroes." This was drunk in silence, while the band played a dirge. The CHAIRMAN then gave the eighthtoast, "The United States and Great Britain." Professor GOLDWIN SMITH, in response to the senti ment, met with a most cordial reception. He said that the character of Washington was not only historical, but in many respects it illustrated some of the best points of English history. The principles of English liberty led him to fight English soldiers who opposed them. He was sure the real lovers of liberty, in every part of Great Britain, would rejoice more and more in the spread of liberal prin ciples in America. In times past this had been the case, and he thought it would be still more so in the future. The English constitution was capable of great expansion in diffusing a right basis of government ; and while Eng land had early stamped a portion of a free policy on Ame rica, wo must expect the reflex influence to return to us across the Atlantic. America has been fortunate in having at the Court of St. James a man of such skill in states manship, coupled with so much of caution and wisdom, as the present Minister. It is certain that his correspon dence will bear a favourable comparison with that of any statesmen of modern times. He indulged the hope that events would prove the honour and glory of the United States to be coeval with those of Great Britain. Mr. Thos. WALKER seconded Professor Smith in a few pointed and forcible remarks. He was sure that the utter ance of the noble and manly sentiments of this occasion would exert a favourable influence in England. It was by such national gatherings as these that the citizens of the two countries learned to know each other better and re spect each other more. With much pleasure ho supported the principles implied in the toast before them. The ninth toast of the evening was " The Constitution of the United States, the Charter of American Liberty: it is now crowned with a new glory by the extinction of American slavery." The Hon. Mr. FoLsom, late U.S. Minister at the Hague, was received with applause, and responded to the toast with much spirit. His experience of the value of the Con stitution had been an agreeable one at home, and he had learned to prize the great instrument of popular rights while abroad. It was perfectly clear from the history of America that the framers of the Constitution originally expected that it would eventually be the means of remov ing the political evils of the country. Whatever differ ence of opinion there may have been as to the best manner of exercising the power of the Constitution on mooted questions, it is settled now that it has secured the perma nent removal of the great evil of slavery. As a source and guarantee of American law, the Constitution of the United States was the just pride of every loyal American citizen, in whatever quarter of the world his lot might be cast. He had much pleasure in commending the toast to the as sembly. J. H. ESTCOURT, Esq., lately of Manchester, rose to se cond the(response that had just been made by the hon. gentleman. He had had occasion to study the Constitu tion of the United States as affecting, in its action, the progress of events in America, and the more he studied the more he admired it. He was prepared to stand by the Constitution, because it stood by the Union, and ho had learned by experience the wisdom and justice as well as the policy of going for Union and Emancipation at ono and the same time. His conviction of the importance of the United States Constitution went beyond America. He regarded it as a great bill of rights for all mankind. " The Ladies." Music—" Home, sweet home." Mr. EDWARD CURTISS, of the University of the City of New York, responded in a few well-chosen and felicitous remarks. Ho spoke not only of the charms of American women, comparable with those of any in the world, but of the noble efforts they had put forth during the war for the Union, in arousing and keeping alive the patriotic en thusiasm of the country, providing for the wants of the soldiers and seamen who were fighting for their country, in her defence, and with sweet charities helping the sterner sex to succour the sick and wounded, to solace the dying, and bury the dead. (Applause.) The company then separated. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—As long as maritime nations make war there will be questions concerning neutrality at sea. The sea can be traversed for such various purposes, warlike and peaceful—there is such small original difference between the swifter class of merchant vessels and vessels of war—it is so hard to draw the line between weapons and munitions of war, the ex portation of which, according to our present code of practice, no State is bound to prevent, and ves sels which may afterwards be armed with those very weapons and stores,—that we may fairly expect neutrals to be always overstepping the bounds which belligerents are disposed to allow them. Last night the House of Commons was led by Mr. Labouchere into a discussion of this important question. Every one can feel that there is something wrong, and can in a rough way point out the distinction between a ship and a case of rifles or a barrel of powder— that the one gives standing room to the combatant, and may therefore be considered as an ad addition to the territory of the belligerent to whom it is fur nished, while the arms and ammunition must be delivered at the ports or to the cruisers of the belligerent before they can be used for any hostile purpose. But for the amendment of the law recourse must be had to lawyers, who are likely to consider more fully than laymen the distinctions w hi c h can be made and the regulations which can be enforced. Hr. Labouchere was therefore perfectly right in confining his speech to the ea sy t as k of pointing out the deficiencies for the existing law, w ith ou t venturing to bring forward a more per fect measure. He declares with truth that the statute is so framed as to invite evasion, and that it involves such questions a s " Wh at is fitting out?" and " What are vessels of war ?" Those diffi culties which divided the Court of Exchequer will, we may presume, remain until they are removed by some astute and subtle provisions in a new Act of Parliament. To f rame suc h an Act is beyond the power of all but the most practised minds. We, however, agree with Mr. Labouchere that the time has come when the Act of George 111. and the statutes . or decisions w hi c h gu id e th e Govern ment its conduct towards belligerents ought to be examined and revised. W e are now i n a t i me o f comparative quiet. True, Peru has joined Chili in a war against Spain, and the two republics being, like the Confederate States, deficient in naval force, are likely to have recourse to foreign building yards. The Queen has issued her proclamation as at the beginning of the American Civil War, and it may be that the Government will have to look closely after a steamer or two if the war lasts. But no one can suppose that the anger or remonstrances of Spain are likely to make England swerve from the path which she may consider just. We may, then, without the slightest fear of misrepresentation, re view the law which at present governs neutral duties. That law is at present so doubtful that the judges of the court before which the case of the Alexandra was brought differed in opinion, and the ultimate decision, attained only by the withdrawal of the judgment of the junior Baron, was opposed to the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown. Of course the judgments did not denote any great divergence in principle among the judges, but arose from differences of opinion as to the construction of an ill-conceived and ill-worded act of Parliament. The opinion of the judges, like those of men of sense throughout the country, would no doubt be that though it is difficult to draw the line between ships and other implements of war, it is necessary to draw it, and that the distinction must be expressed in plain and intelligible language before the country can be said to have a safe neutrality law. Probably a very few sections added to the present act would accomplish all that is required, but they must be well adapted to the purpose, and must probably confer on the Government greater powers of eliciting informa tion beforehand and of punishing manifest fraud after wards. It must be made clear that the Government has a right to inquire into the destination of suspicious craft, and to detain them if they seem likely to be used against a friendly Power. The sale of ready built ships to persons who, within the knowledge of the seller, are about to use them as vessels of war against a friendly Power might be made punishable, and, a fortiori, the building and sending forth of vessels to receive their armaments at sea or in a foreign port. When that is done, all will, we think, have been done which a free country can accom plish or demand. We cannot believe that the de struction of merchant vessels by cruisers which have escaped from neutral ports, or have been fitted up in them, can ever be wholly prevented. Not only the United States and Spain, but England and France, if ever they go to war, must to a certain extent suffer from such evasions of the law. The only complete remedy would be to make the property of merchants at sea inviolable, a measure which is little likely to be assented to either by the nations which possess large navies or those which can equip swift privateers. While it must be admitted that our own law leaves room for improvement, we have no desire to join Mr. Labouchere and one or two enthusiasts in their opinions of the superiority of the American Act. Nothing could be better timed than the speech of the Attorney-General on this subject. He informed the House that at the be ginning of the American Civil War the British Go vernment made a proposal to that of Washington for a common revision of their Foreign Enlistment Acts. This was declined by the American Govern ment, which held that its own act was sufficient for all purposes whatever. In the opinion of the At torney-General the American act is no more perfect than our own, and whatever difficulties have beset the British Government would equally affect the American authorities if they wished to enforce their neutrality. Every one will join in the desire expressed by the Attorney-General that the American Govern ment may be disposed to unite with this country in establishing a stricter and more efficient system. It may be that, as Americans feel the same difficulties as ourselves in dealing with those who sympa thise with Peru and Chili in their resistance to Spain, they will now be less unwilling to agree upon some code of neutrality which may become a stan dard and example to other nations. The British Government has the better right to entertain this expectation since the American Government must by this time be convinced that the accusations so freely brought against this country with respect to the Confederate cruisers during the war are without foundation. The last despatch of Lord Clarendon, dated the 2d of December last, sums up the discus sion between the two nations in terms which admit of no reply. He states with perfect accuracy that " no armed vessel departed during the war from a British port to cruise against the commerce of the United States," and that all through the late civil war " the British Government have steadily and honestly discharged all the duties incumbent on them as a neutral Power." This declaration was substantially repeated by the Attorney-General last night. In truth, the only vessel for the escape of which the Government is in the smallest degree re sponsible is 'the Alabama, and, as is well known, that vessel got out unarmed, without the knowledge and against the will of the Government. The Alexandra and the two rams were seized, the Shen andoah was bought from under our flag and equipped beyond our jurisdiction. Yet, if th events of the war have shown the weakness of the present neu trality laws, there will be no objection on either side of the house to amend them. We cannot, how ever, suppose that in a free country the machina tions of partisans can ever be entirely provided against. The liberty which Fenianism enjoys in the States shows how little American institutions are able to protect the interests of foreign nations. We care little because we are able to take care of ourselves ; but, if we were not, Ireland and Canada might be revolutionised by armies raised, armed, and officered in the United States in spite of United States' laws. What damage done by the escape of a single steamer can be compared with the miseries which might be inflicted on the United Kingdom by a treasonable conspiracy openly carried on in every chief town of the Union ? The law of the United States is, we believe, powerless to prevent such measures, and we approve the discretion of our Government in refraining from protests against them ; but it is too much to claim for American law a superiority to our own, when it is unable to pre vent proceedings so manifestly contrary to the comity of friendly nations. " THE ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES" ON THE SOUTH ERN STATES.—The new Governor of the State of Alabama uses the following language in his Mes sage :—" Very gratifying information has reached this department from different parts of the State in relation to the disposition of the freedmen. Every where they seem to be entering into contracts for the present year, and cheerfully and faithfully en tering upon the discharge of the obligations con tracted. This strengthens the opinion which I have heretofore entertained that the common law rule in reference to contracts is amply suffi cient for the mutual rights and obligations of whites and freedmen. The evidence, I think, is already sufficient to prove that we have more to hope for from that simple common law rule than is likely to be accomplished by special or class legislation. Surely no good law-abiding citizen will desire laws for the government of the intelli gent negro which he himself is not willing to abide by. No good to the country can result from having one code of laws for the whites and another for the blacks in their new relation, so far as concerns the rights of persons and property." That is excellent testimony in favour of the coloured men. It is also very wise in the Governor to discourage class legislation. We know that it must be very difficult for the Southerners to rise at once above all their old customs, laws, and pre judices, so as to appreciate the full result of the emancipation of the slave. It is hard for them to feel that he is now in truth a free man, entitled to all the immunities, privileges, and rights of a citizen of the Republic. It is impossible for some of them to comprehend that he does not require special supervision and special punishments—a whole code, in fact, specially for him. Such a code was necessary, when slavery existed. But it was needed, not because the slave was a black man, but just because he was a slave. The moment he ceased to be a slave, the demand for that special legislation ended, except in so far as it was neces sary to guard him against the oppression of the whites. The Southern legislators have been puz zling their brains to know what laws they ought to pass to subserve the best interests of the two races. They framed codes with the greatest labour and ingenuity, overlooking the fact that the simplest solution of the problem consisted in having little or no special legislation. Governor Patton, of Ala bama, sees that this is true with respect to persons and property, and thus shows that he takes a states manlike view of the real wants of his State and of the South. We believe that the other Southern States will also come to take this view. They certainly have been far enough from it. South Carolina has a code which is highly objectionable. Virginia has on her statute-book a vagrant law which may be made a slave law, and which General Terry has been constrained to override with military power. It defines as a vagrant a man out of employment, and remands such an one to virtual slavery. We are glad to see, as we have before announced, that a repeal of the black codes is proposed and warmly advocated in the Virginia Legislature. Slowly, but surely, we believe, the legislation of the South will be modified until it shall be in substantial harmony with the ideas which Governor Patton has enunciated in his Message. Semmes, the pirate captain of the Alabama, informs the President of the United States, in a letter, that since he has given up sea robbery and arsoh, and also the anomalous horse marine position which he held toward the end of the war, in the land service of the rebels, he had become " an officer of the law," having established himself "as an attorney." For want of other clients he has undertaken his own cause, and be favours President Johnson with a legal argument to prove that he has been unjustly arrested, and ought to be set free at once, to go back again to North Carolina and practise law once more. The strong point of the argument of Semmes in his own behalf is, that he was an officer of General Johnston's army at the time of the sur render; that he gave his parole " not to take up arms against the Government of the United States until properly released from the obliga tion." Having done so, he insists that he was per mitted to return to his home, " not to be disturbed by the United States as long as he observed :his obligation and the laws in force where he resided." Now as Semmes was not arrested for anything done in a military capacity, but for a violation of his formal surrender as a naval officer, the weak point of his case is that there is no intention to break the agreement entered into between Sherman :and Johnston. The United States, in the case of Wirz, assumed the position that the parole would release all soldiers who had acted during the Rebellion in a military capacity, according to the laws of war, but not for acts which were contrary to those laws, as they are observed among civilised nations. Wirz having starved and murdered Union prisoners of war was convicted of that offence, notwithstanding his parole, and he was very justly executed. ° General Mercer, who was recently arrested at Sa vannah, and tried upon an allegation that he had hung Union prisoners, was acquitted, because there was no evidence against him. He claimed the benefit of the parole also, but the latter was adjudged not to be a shield. Semmes is charged with a breach of the laws of war long before he became in any way connected with the rebel army. It is declared by the United States that he could not legally become an officer of that army, and was bound all the time after his surrender near Cherbourg to render himself up as a prisoner. In other words, he had no right to go into the rebel army, and the parole only applies to military officers and soldiers commissioned and enlisted for the land service and under no previous disability. He has forfeited his honour, and if he can take advantage of the accident of his afterwards getting into the land service, then the parole is an extinguisher of all crime for which the parties who nianaged to participate in the parole ought to be answerable. The argument of lawyer pirate Semmes, therefore, amounts to nothing, and the President will not regard it. Many of the acts of Semmes on shipboard were against the laws of nations, even allowing that he can plead successfully that his vessel was a regular cruiser. Business in New York. The New York Times says that the great business houses and manufactories of that city are making the most active and extensive preparations for the spring trade, and canvassing its prospects with the greatest eagerness. Within ten days or a fortnight the wholesale trade in nearly all lines of goods ought to be very brisk in the ordinary course of things, for the merchants of the West and South require to have their new stocks on hand by the month of March. Up to within the last five years the course of this erade was pretty uniform and certain ; though, of course, with each successive year it increased largely in magnitude and scope. But since the late war opened, it has been uncertain each spring and every season ; and business and financial affairs are still in such a condition as to give rise and plausibility to the most contradictory speculation s on the part of those immediately interest. 01 course the speculation and the variation of opinion relate mainly to the Southern trade and the Western trade. What are the necessities and wha t the demands of the Southern States ? What Is their competency to pay on the business terms new current in New York and throughout the commer cial centres in the North in general? What means are at the command of Southern merchants ? What money is in the hands of Southern planters and people at large ? What about the price and pros pects of cotton ? Looking southward it would seem pretty certain that a very large breadth of cotton will be planted. In all the States a great propor tion of the negroes will resume work upon the old plantations and at the old industries. They hav e had now nearly a year's actual experience of free dom in its fullest sense, and have by this time come to a realisation of what are its absolute necessities. If they ever fancied that liberty meant idleness and " pumpkins," hard experience have already taught them otherwise. The agents of the Freedmen ° Bureau have also done, and are still doing, an excel lent work in inducing the blacks to resume their labours to which they have been reared, and 111 which they can succeed to the best advantage ; an d on the whole "the shovel and the hoe" will be plied by at least a half of those accustomed to their use' We hear also that many of the white people of the South, who in other days have been engaged in other persuits, have gone to the business of cotton planting, because of the unprecedented profits it promises. As to the relation of the finances and the currency of the spring trade, it is quite certain that there will be no such violent changes in the poheY or action of the Secretary of the Treasury, and no such legislation by Congress as will violently affe ct the present state of things. There can be no such contraction of the currency as some business men fear ; but whatever is done by Secretary McCulloch will be of that cautious and conservative character which he has frequently set forth as essential to the business interest of the co un t r y. *Whatever Is in his power to aid the prosperity and productie ll i and trade of the nation will be performed, an whatever would by its action have an advers e tendency will be avoided. And all these, with other considerations, lead our contemporary to look for; ward to an active and profitable spring trade, an d justify the preparations of our houses for its speedy commencement. COUNTRY MARKETS. L IVERP 0 OL.—PRIDAY. a To-day's market was only moderately attended, au,. there was a fair consumptive d eman d f o r wheat at th ; currencies of this day week. Flour rather dull, but pric e unchanged. Indian corn declined 3d per qr. Oatmeal 1 111 " changed. Irish grinding barley slow. Beans and peas 1111. changed. DERBY=FRIDAY. 16 New white wheat, 53s to 57s ; old red, 50s to 52s Pe r ; stone. Barley for malting, 36s to 40s per qr. ; 27s to 29s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 22s to 28s ; old, 28s t„,° 32s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 47s to 50s; new, 448 to per 38 stone. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. Wheat trade slow at last Friday's prices. Barley ill fa ir demand at late rates. Beans and oats unaltered. Averages, February 17—Wheat, 1,567 qrs, at 48s 5 1"' barley, 1,322 at 39s 8d ; oats, 58, at 22s 84d. STAMF ORD.—FRIDAY. 36 New white wheat, 49s to 52s ; r e d d o ., 45 s t o 48s per stone. Barley, malting, 34s to 38s; grinding, 28s to 324 per qr. Oats, new, 24s to 28s ; old, 25s to 27s per 24 stone Beans, 44s to 50s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. LINCOLN.—FRIDAY. New white wheat, Ms to 56s'; new red, 43s to 47s per 3 6 stone. Barley for malting, 34s to 42s per qr ; griudlor, 31s to 33s per 30 stone. Oats, 24s to 325. Beans, 43s lv Ms per 38 stone. BRISTOL SUGAR.--FRIDAY. and 6 The demand has some w h a t improved this week, , tico fair business has been done at f u ll prices. Refiners proa sells steadily at late rates. Rum—no sales to report. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. d, s. d. 6. 0 Hetton . 15 18 0 Tanfield Moor Butes 9 Shaw's Hartley lB 6 Hetton Lyons ........•• 1 5 9 Hartlepool 1, Walls End Haswell lB 0 South Kelloe ..... . 4 .. 3 . N.Staffordshire 17 0 Hough Hall ............ " Wylam l6 3 Ships at market, 57 ; sold, 37. Foreign Mail Packet List MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton... • ,O Ditto, via Marseilles Ma r ' g Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet mar. 6' 23. Ditto, by French packet „ Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St:* Helena.. • 6, China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton ga r. ' Ditto, via Marseilles .. , Feb Falkland Islands . Fe b ' °. Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... M ar ' 1 Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. F eb " * 0 ;0; India (Bombay), via Southampton lO Ditto, via Silarseines . 1 6 Mauritius, via Southampton gar n Ditto, via Marseil e 3 oar . i v Newfoundland Portugal Ditto, by private ship t o Li s b on.. United States and Briti s h North America,.l3.: . y .... 6: .. 1; ' 0; fish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton...... Ditto, via Cork 2 , Ditto, by Canadi an packet, v i a L on d on d err y. • " ,,,r 10, West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe ...... gar' West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas, Cuba 2 8 • • and Mexico F•b• . . gar. 20. Cuba and Mexico .. . . Feb' Bahamas, via New York. :4 us,r• Bermuda, ditto • - 11/ (ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills.—WintenY D I 7 it p• backs.—Whence fogs spring or whither they ret il : ° „t ou t not our present purpose to explain ; we desire to Pni-titts' how their ill effects on the human frame can be n e r poll lised. The blood must be freed from superfluous cn tiol" and mephitic taints by some purifying medicine like c ir loway's pills, which not only thoroughly cleanse t be o sed culation, but adjust in every organ the defects in 3 ,Pok: upon it by that fluid when it has become foul or sl i t, be , These pills prevent stagnation, congestion, and are regulators and preservatives against internal inn.t o rbl' tions, irritations, and ulcerations, while, expell en tl9 from the system they cool it by their gen" ritive action and strengthen it by their tonic virtt Births. 1 0 1 0' BAGNALL. —On the 18th inst., at Snoaton Castle , the wife of Charles Bagnall, Esq., M.P., of a sou' 00 BOORD.—On the 22d inst., at 68, L an caster-V ie ' wife of Joseph Boord, Esq., of a son. of t ` O'SHEE —On the 22d inst., Lady Gwendoline daughter. RUSSELL —On the 21st inst., at 1, Hamilton-place, --e ya dl Katharine Hamilton Russell, of a daughter. Marriages. tur d, HOGG —JOSLAND —On the 22d inst , at St. Mark 's C h urgl i : Tollington-park, James Hogg, jun , of Meck len n'oe . square, and St. Bride's-av e nu e , to . Frances, Y" daughter of Richard Josland, Esq., lionaseY• buret LAWRENCE WALE—On the 22d inst., at the par ts Brighton, the Rev. Charles Lawrence, second s urv re ace' son of Walter Lawrence, Esq., Lisreaghan, liter 0; ''4 tD° town, county Galway, to Cecilyoungest daughsbie. late Gen. Sir C. Wale, K.C.8., Shelford, Cambridge Deaths. VS4 A 4 BRIDGES.—On the 21st inst., John William Bridgf," agv of Tavistock-squaro, London, and Birch, _ss 71. L ere e Or° " LITTLEDALE.— On the 20th inst., at Edge-lan e ' Edward Littledale, Esq. t oo NictroLsoN.—On the 21st inst., 16, Lowe r Nicho l ' street, Lieut.-Colonel Christopher Hampden 1 late of the Grenadier Guards. D 15° PRESTON.—On the 18th inst., at Great Yarraout 'cool Preston, Esq., a magistrate and dep.-lieut. of ul e of Norfolk, aged 92. 011 031 ' SAMSON.—On the 19th inst., at York Cottage/ Charles Samson, Esq., aged 49. gara en6 THomrsoN.—On the 20th inst., at 9, Vicar s NZ Kensington, W., John Thompson, E s q., ag e d - - gE London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.g AN No. 1- o t of No. 112, Strand, Printe r , a t TH.L" SuN c holla Strand, in the Precinct o f th e S a voy. In t he Middleiez.—Saturday, February 24,1866. t43f o f e lls Nr Pr o , alteze Th Th Th, 4..e E b .E 4Les. _~