The Sun. — London, England, 1866-12-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LON tiON, FRIDAY EVEMNG, DECEMBER 14, 1866. COURT OF COMMON CO NCIL. Yesterday a meeting of the Common Council was held at Guildhall for the despatch of business— the Lord Mayor presiding. A communication was read from the directors of the Albert Orphan Asylum, thanking the Court for the loan of the Guildhall for holding a bazaar, and stating that the net profits to the institution from the bazaar had amounted to £1,400. THE CITY OF LONDON SCHOOL. On the motion of Mr. Alderman HALE, chairman of the City of London School Committee, the sala ries of 1G of the under-masters of the school were raised by stubs varying from £3O to £lO a year each. NEW CENSUS OF THE CITY. Mr. LAWLEY. chairman of the Local Government and Taxation Committee, presented a report on a census which had been obtained in reference to the city, from which it appeared that the night popula tion of the city and liberties, consisting chiefly of " care-takers" of property and the humbler classes, numbered 113,387 ; the mercantile and commercial population engaged in the city daily, but not in cluded in the last-mentioned number, amounted to 170,133 ; the total day population residing in the city to 283,520 ; and the number of persons resort ing to the city daily, in 16 hours, not included in the above, being customers, clients, and others, to 509,611. The persons frequenting the city daily in 12 hours, from 6 a.m. to 9 p.m., were 549,613; in 16 hours, from 5 a.m. to 9p.m., they were 679,744, and in 24 hours they were 728,986. Mr. Lawley stated, in reply to Mr. Dresser Rogers, that the committee had not received any :official communi cation from parties now engaged in the movement for creating metropolitan municipalities, but that movement had his entire sympathy. A HISTORICAL PICTURE. Mr. J. E. SAUNDERS, chairman of the City Lands Committee, brought up a report from that body, recommending that the picture painted by Mr. Alexander Melville, representing ;the ceremony of the presentation of the freedom of the city to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, should be purchased by the corporation for a sum not exceed ing £5,000. The report stated that the picture was 15ft. long and about 10ft. high, and covered 150 superficial feet of canvass ; that it represented 582 figures, of which 482 were absolute portraits, in ' eluding those of many members of the Royal family, and of about 80 members of the nobility. Mr. Saunders, in moving the adoption of the report, said in effect that the late Prince Consort was a steady patron of the painter, Mr. Melville, and that the latter had painted as many as 20 portraits of the Queen. He read a letter addressed to the painter by Sir F. Grant, President of the Royal Academy, in which the writer stated that the picture was care fully and well executed, and that all the portraits bore the stamp of individuality, which would lead him to suppose they were faithful representations. He likewise read a letter from Mr. Frith, R.A., to much the same effect, and adding that the painter deserved credit for the industry and perseverance with which he had carried out a most laborious work. Mr. Saunders caused some amusement by stating incidentally that no member of the committee or of the corporation had been asked his opinion as to his own likeness in the picture, though in his opinion, when members of that Court had assumed a con spicuous position in its proceedings their heads be came public property. He argued as a whole, from his own knowledge, that the picture was historically correct, but he admitted in one or two cases that persons were represented in it who were not then members of the Common Council, though they were members now. He stated, in reply to Mr. R. P. Taylor, that the painting was not undertaken in any wayat the request of the corporation. He moved, in conclusion, the adoption of the report, and that it be referred back to the committee for execution. There were 41 members of the committee recom mending the purchase of the picture, and it was stated by the Town Clerk, in reply to a question, that their report was signed by seven of them. Mr. JOHNSON ridiculed the notion of its historical accuracy, and contended that it was a fancy picture. Mr. D. ROGERS moved, as an amendment, that the report b.; referred back to the committee for then to consider whether the picture was historically correct, but it fell to the ground for want of a se conder. Mr. FP.ICKER then moved an amendment that the report lie on the table, that being the usual means of avoiding a decision on the merits of a question under consideration. Deputy BURNELL, having asked whether it was delicate iu them as a public body to sit in judgment upon a picture composed for the most part of like nesses of themselves, contended that no one would venture to say that to give £5,000 for it as a work of art would be a proper disposition of public money, and money, too, muck needed for urgent purposes. Mr. R. P. TAYLOR opposed the purchase of the picture, and created some laughter by saying, on the point of historical accuracy, that his friend Mr. D. Rogers was represented in it, and in uniform too, though not at that time a member of the Com mon Council. Mr. BEDFORD took the same side, contending that it was not worthy their consideration as a work of art, and that if the corporation purchased it they would be guilty of an immense wast e of public money. As to its historical accuracy, be put it t o the Court whether—pointing to the painting in the Council Chamber representing the siege of Gibral tar---if the figure of General Abercrombie were de capitated and the head of Mr. D. Roger substkuted, it would be any longer a historical picture. (Laughter.) He did not recognize in Mr. Mel ville's picture a single portrait to which the epithet " speaking" could be applied. Likenesses there were, but there was no mind, no soul in any of them. (A laugh.) It was chiefly made up of like nesses of Common. Councilmen with the Prince of Wales in the background. (A laugh.) Mr. Deputy DE JERSEY urged that the artist was never in any way commissioned to paint the pic ture, and said he should b. ashamed of being a party to spending public money for their own self glorification. Mr. C. REED argued, on the other hand, that the occasion represented by the, picture was one of the greatest events of recent times, and one upon which the corporation spent a large sum of mo ney at the time, and was, therefore, worthy of commemoration. It would have been desirable, he said, for the cor poration originally to have given a proper commis- Sion for such a work, but having let the opportunity go by it was desirable for them to possess them selves of the work of Mr. Melville, who had laboured at it continuously for three years. Deputy ELmorr held that they, as trustees of public money, were bound to spend it for municipal purposes, of which this was not one, and suggested that every member of the Co►nmon Council who was represented in the picture should subscribe from his own pocket £lO to compensate the artist for his labour and skill. He bitterly regretted, he said, having been caught in a weak moment to sit for his Portrait on the occasion —(a laugh)--but he should be Willing to atone for that by entering into an ar rangement such as he had suggested. Dr. Saunders and Deputy Fry strongly urged the claim of Mr. Melville upon the consideration of the Common Council, and that the occasion was every way worthy commemoration. Mr. Ellis, Deputy Jo nes , and other members spoke on the same side. The TowN-CiLt rsK stated, in reply to a question, that the painting belonginc, to the corporation, and representing the presentation of their address to the late King Louis Philippe at Windsor Castle, was painted by a famous French artist, at the desire and expense of the late King, and given to the corpora tion. Eventually, on a division, the amendment reject ing the purchase of the picture was carried by a ma jority of 33 in a court of 151 members. Mr. Sheriff WATERLOW then moved a fresh amendment to the effect that the Court grant £5OO to Mr. and Mrs. Melville to requite them for the time, trouble, and great labour they had bestowed on the pictu r e. H e explained that, while wishing the Court to grant that sum, he did not absolve him self as an individual or other members of the corpo rationif they the duty o f s ub scr ibi ng privately in addi tion, they chose so to remunerate the artist. The amendment was pronounced to be out of order for want of previous notice, inasmuch as it dealt with funds of the corporation. Mr. 11. L. TAYLOR, as a means of g t!'ng out of the difficulty, moved the committee be empowered to confer with the artist and•ascertai.i from him the minimum price at which the corporation might pos sess themselves of the picture when finished to their entire satisfaction. The amendment was negatived, on a division, by 12. Mr. C. REED then moved to refer the matter back to the committee to take professional advice as to the merits of the picture, tut that also was lost on a show of hands. In the end the Court adjourned without coming to a definitive decision. Mr. Doulton, M.P., and his Constituents. -4... Last night Mr. Doulton, M.P. for Lambeth, met his constituents at the Walworth Institution, with a view to explain to them his conduct with refer ence to the Reform question in the last session of Parliament. The hon. member's invitation was ad dressed to " the electors and the non-electors," both of whom attended in as great numbers as the ball, which is not of very large dimensions, would per mit. Seven o'clock was the time fixed for commenc ing the proceedings, but nearly an hour before that the platform and about half the body of the ball were filled by persons admitted chiefly at the side entrance, the rest of the building being speedily _ _ _ . _ occupied after the doors were opened. The audience, one, of course, of a somewhat mixed character, in chided a considerable proportion of "roughs," who, though scattered here and there in different other parts of the assemblage, had most thickly con gregated in the gallery. When Mr. Doulton presented himself on the platform, accompanied by some of his principal supporters, his appearance was the signal for vehement and apparently very general cheering, with the waving of hats and handkerchiefs, interspersed, however, with groans and hisses, which, beginning low, gradually swelled into a louder and still louder chorus, until the conflicting manifestations, which lasted several minutes, grew almost deafening. Amid the din Mr. T. P. Alder took the chair, and essayed to open the business, but the tumult drowned every syllable that fell from him. Mr. DOULTON then stood forward to claim a hear ing, and was again greeted with mingled cheers and yells, the uproar apparently proceeding chiefly from the roughs and costermonger lads posted in the gallery. The hon. member's friends gathered round him as if to hold a consultation upon what was to be done to allay, or at least to meet, the rising storm, and several gentlemen in succession beckoned was ateckoned earnestly for silence, but in vain. There length a momentary lull, which was seized by a Mr. Weston, as we understood, who announced that he had an amendment to move to whatever resolution might be proposed to the meeting. His amend ment, he said, would be to this effect That this meeting, having heard Mr. Doulton's so called explanation of his recent conduct in Parliament, hereby declare that they have no confidence in him, and that he no longer represents the borough of Lambeth iu the House of Commons." This amendment, however, rather prematurely assumed one condition to have been fulfilled, which was more than its author could guarantee—namely, that Mr. Doulton should first receive a hearing. This the hon. member now tried again, if possible, to secure ; but he was assailed with another wild out burst of clamour ; and, utterly despairing of being able to make himself audible to any considerable sec tion of the meeting he advanced to the very edge of the platform, and addressed himself exclusively to the representatives of the press who sat immediately below. Although he bent his head low towards the reporters, and strained his voice to its utmost pitch, it was with extreme difficulty that they could catch a few fragmentary and disjointed sentences of his speech. The hon. gentleman courageously perse vered in the face of the most incessant and discor dant interruptions, his indomitable persistence, while drawing repeated rounds of cheering from his sup porters, who seemed to form the great bulk of the assemblage, especially in the front sections of the hall, apparently served only still further to in furiate his opponents. Amid a scene which wholly defies description, Mr. DOULTON was understood to say that, in ac cordance with his usual custom, which he conceived to be a good one, he had convened that meeting, and in doing so he needed no other promptings than those which he had always felt since he had had the honour of representing that borough. Ile was quite aware that on that occasion he would meet with those who were opposed to the course he had felt it his duty to take ; but, nevertheless, he saw no rea son why he should depart from the rule which he had heretofore observed, or • refrain from coming there, as he had done that night, to offer them such explanations as might seem to be necessary with re ference, to the line he had adopted during the last Session of Parliament. It would be useless for him then to attempt anything like a review of the pro ceedings of the last Session. Suffice it .Co say, that upon the Reform measure submitted to the House by the late Government, he felt it to be his duty to vote in opposition to those with whom he had pre viously been politically associated. In his place he had stated at length the grounds upon which he had done so. It was, therefore, now only necessary for him to say that the main grounds of his opposition to Mr. Gladstone's Franchise Bill were these—first, that it was an incomplete Bill ; next, that it pro posed a uniformloweringof the franchise ; and next, that the Redistribution Bill, which was afterwards co nnected with the F ranc hi se Bill, wou ld i ncrease the su d.l ffearneonalies and b ev il s un d er w hi c h th ey now A uniform franchise, lowering the ' suffrage alike in all cities and boroughs, was a principle that would not stand the test of examina tion. That might be proved by one or two striking illustrations. Th ere as at present on the part of some a dem and for household wouldgi t e n ;ot wouldnbdu dt while household suffrage in Lambeth more than 50 voters t o the constituency, add something like 2,000,000 voters to the entire electoral list of the country. Aft er referring to the case of Preston, and asserting th a t i n some boroughs a £6 franchise would not be more than equal to a £lO franchise in others, the hon. gentleman ad verted to the agitation which had recently taken place in the metropolis and the provinces. If, he suffrage.said, there was any sig nificance at a l l in that agita tion, it had been in favour not of the bill introdu ce d by the late Government, bu t o f univer sal suffrage. It was well, therefore, that they shoul d ask them selves selves what universal suffrage meant. It did not mean simply the admission of the industrious and intelligent portion of the working classes to elec toral rights; it meant also the admission to political power of that class which the secretary of the Re form League described in the public journals of the previous day as " roughs and thieves of the lowest order." Sometimes America was held out to them as an example, and sometimes France, -where uni versal suffrage prevailed ; but God forbid that free England should be reduced to either the political debasement and corruption of the one, or the cen tralised despotism of the other. What was the complaint at present of our working classes ? Why, that in the existing House of Commons their order was not truly represented. He did not for one mo ment deny that. lie yielded to no man in his desire to see the working classes of this country fully and freely represented. But he asked the working classes, who were now complaining, what would be the state of things if to the million or so of existing voters I four millions more were added ? If he understood the principle of representation at all, it was that they should give a full, fair, and free represen tation to all classes of the community, but that neither one class nor another should gain such a supremacy as to be able to overbear all the rest. That was the principle which had been laid down by M r . Gl a d stone, an d a d vocated b y Lor d Russell. He might be told that his argument against universal suffrage did not really apply toMr. Bright, the leader of the present movement, because that gentleman was not in favour of universal suffrage. h H o i n s e r s e t p y l reply with the giftswas whichthe pity God o f d o r h tl d r . endowedß r igit t 's more him, he encouraged an agitation from the results of which he shrank, and laboured for the triumph of principles in which he did not agree, in order to - ex cite an antagonism against the middle classes, and against those who felt it their duty to oppose the Reform Bill of last session. At almost every meet ing he had lately addressed Mr. Bright had urged the working classes to hang up in their workshops certain expressions alleged to have been used in the House of Commons, charging those classes as a body with ignorance, venality, and drunkenness. Now, he was not there to apologise for what had been said in that way; but when he found Mr. Bright so con tinually reiterating such advice he could not help entertaining a wish that, side by side with those ex pressions there should be placed extracts from what had very lately been uttered by the ultra-Radical leaders and their newspapers with regard to the House of Commons, and what were called the ruling classes. And, to surmount the whole, there ought t be a statement of those measures proposed during the last 10 or 15 years to the House of Commons for the amelioration of the socipl condition of the working classes which Mr. Bright had in any way supported. Whether those measures related to the abridgment of the hours of labour in factories, to the regulation of the labour of women and children in mines, or to any other question affecting the social or domestic condition of the working classes, not one of them had Mr. Bright assisted to pass. Therefore, when members of the House of Commons were accused—lustly or unjustly he did not say—of expressing sentiments de rogatory to the character of the working men, he ventured to assert that the language used at the Reform meeting held at Beaufort-house last Mon day week towards the House of Commons was in finitely more reprehensible. Hitherto Mr. Doulton's remarks had been not so much " interrupted" as overpowered by one con tinuous accompaniment of deafening clamour, an swered now and again by loud cheers and waving of hats on the part of his sympathisers ; but at this point increased confusion arose from an" ugly rush" towards the platform by some turbulent spirits in the body of the hall. The pressure from this cause soon became so great as to drive the reporters from their seats, and force them to take refuge as best how ever, l l might maintained upon hs platform. greund, Mr. an D d osutrletovne to ,ho w re sume the thread of his discourse, some of his stalwart s still friends forming a circle round him, and acting as a sort of breakwater against the angry living sea which threatened to sweep all before it. The hon. gentle man, continuing his observations to his immediate entourage amid the same, or, if possible, a louder and fiercer din than before, said, that if anything were needed to show the tyranny of those who pro fessed at the present moment to be the peoples' leaders, and to show how they would exercise their influence, he thought it would be found in the infuriated at tempts which had been made by a portion of the press during the last few weeks to render that meeting of his impossible. To some extent, undoubtedly, those attempts had succeeded, but he thought it would be apparent to those around him that night that five sixths of those whom he had the honour of address ing were prepared, if not to agree with all the sen timents he might have uttered, at least to give to him that which every accused man had a right to expect—a fair hearing to vindicate his character. He did not regret the agitation which had occurred in this country for the last few weeks—he did not re gret the attempt made that night to stifle his voice, and prevent him from defending the course which he had pursued. It had taught him, and also, he be lieved, the great bulk of the middle class, what they were to expect if those who were at the bottom of interruptions of that kind once obtained a position that would give them power. To adopt a phrase very often used during the last session of Parlia ment by Mr. Gladstone, " they now knew with whom they had to deal ;" and he would be much surprised if the middle classes of England did not resent as one man the attempts that were being made to suppress that free discussion which they had been accustomed to regard as the birthright of English men. It needed but a glance at those who were then disturbing that meeting to see that they were not the working men who walked in order and pro priety last Monday week from the park to Beaufort house. Yet they were those who would inevitably be enfranchised by the adoption of the principles advocated by the Reform League. His life had been spent among the working men ; and amid all that clamour he challenged any person to lay his finger ou any act of his which could be fairly construed into an attempt to deprive them of their liberty. One word more and he had done. It was impossible for him then to go into the statement which he had in tended to make ; but this he wished to say, that he felt more than ever assured since he entered that room that the great body of the electors of Lambeth, though many of them might not approve every in - dividual vote which he had given, would in the main endorse the policy he had pursued in reference to the recent Reform Bill. Yet, if that were not so, if through the line that he had taken on that ques tion the connexion which had long subsisted between him and that borough were to be dissolved, even that were better far than that he should retain his position by the sacrifice of his own individual con victions, and endorse a policy which in his conscience he believed would not serve the interests of his con stituents, and which would be fatal to the well-being of the community at large. Loud cheers and renewed uproar greeted Mr. Doulton's conclusion, and while the confusion was at its height the form, if not the farce, was gone through of proposing, seconding, and declaring unanimously carried a resolution to this effect : ,‘ That this meeting, having heard Mr. Doulton's expo sition of his political views, desires to express its entire and hearty concurrence in his Parliamentary conduct, and its admiration of his manly and straightforward vindica tion of the principle of independent political action." Mr. 11. Hunt and Mr. J. Alderson were given as the names of the mover and seconder of this reso lution. Another resolution, moved amid similar difficul ties by Mr. GEORGE TAYLOR, and seconded by Mr. STANTON, was declared to have been passed with equal unanimity—viz., " That with a view of securing.the return of Mr. Doul ton at any future election committees be forthwith organ ised for tho division of the borough into districts, and for the effective canvass of the individual electors." The amendment of which Mr. Weston had pre viously given notice was, therefore, understood to have been declared rejected. Mr. DOULTON, in responding, promised that I whenever the time came for another election for I Lambeth to be held he would do his part if they would do theirs. (Cheers and uproar.) He was satisfied that the course he had adopted was approved by the great body of his constituents, and he should be ashamed of himself if he did not stand and afford to every elector an opportunity of expressing his views. (Great confusion.) He was not to be de terred redduftry by attemptsomthatwhich he believed as eillevedthtoosebeinhaisdebotrat night. He had too much confidence in the fairness of Englishmen to believe they would allow that , system of intimidation to prevail at public meetings. He wished them adieu, and would meet them again at Philippi. (Cheers, laughter, and renewed uproar.) Mr. Doulton then withdrew, escorted by a sort of body guard of his supporters, whereupon the dis turbing element took possession of the platform, and held a counter - demonstration, in which the gs was almostete masters previous course of proceedings reversed, with the exception that th e opponents of the hon. member, being now nearly e9mo of the situation, were enable to go through their part of the farce with comparatively little let or hindrance. Mr. Leicester, glassblower, 111 r. Odgers, and other persons, addressed the assemblage, which agreed with fully as much unanimity as had been displayed a brief half hour or so before in proposals of quite an opposite character to resolutions de claring in effect that Mr. Doulton had forfeited the confidence of his constituents, that Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Bright, Mr. Mill, and Mr. Hughes deserved the confidence of Reformer:4, and that manhood suffrage, protected by the ballot, is the only sound basis of a satisfactory representative system. • The strange and almost unprecedented scene then terminated. BYRON AND BURNS.—,Mr. Bruce, M.P., at Liver pool, said, the other day, he remembered the witty retort made in reply to the argument used by a champion of pub lic schools, that Byron was a /farrow boy. "Se was ; and Burns was a ploughboy." The Members for Finsbury and their Constituents. Mr. Torrens, M.P., and Alderman Lusk, M.P., met their constituents last evening in the theatre of the London Mechanics' Institution, to deliver ad dresses upon the last Session of Parliament, accord ing to a promise given by them at their election. Mr. R. Willshere, of Islington, was voted to the chair. The hon. members were loudly cheered when they entered the room. After a few remarks from the chairman, Mr. TORRENS, M.P., addressed the meeting. He said since he last met his constituents events had taken place that had materially changed the aspect of political affairs both abroad and at home. Many of the States of Europe that then existed existed no longer ; they had been incorporated into one great monarchy, and another vast mili tary power had arisen to add to the chances of war, and it remained to be seen whether it might not also add to the embarrassments of other contingen states. Austria had lost her old position, and, it was stated, was setting her house in order. And she had need to do so, for her very existence was in peril. The Greeks were once more endeavouring to liberate themselves from a barbarous yoke. (Hear, hear.) Russia, wisely biding her time, with English gold and skill, was making vast military railroads, the use of which, when she was asked, she did not hesitate to avow was to try and do better next time. (Laughter.) France, nettled by the failure of her attempt to found a new empire in Mexico, and by the sudden uprising of Prussia, announced that less than 800,000 regu lar troops would not suffice for her future dignity, besides 300,000 home guards, making a t o t a l o f 1,100,000 men. Spain lay garrotted by h er own police. (Cheers.) Belgium sat trembling and smiling, afraid of being asked whether she suspected anyone of wishing to do her foul play. And where was England ? He trusted the answer in every heart would be a consciousness of the security that a great nation could only justly feel when she wished no ill to her neighbours, and had put away that am bition that weighed upon the national heart, of in termeddling in the quarrels of other people. (Cheers.) All that had happened in Europe had a direct influence upon us. On either hand there were whisperings and . bustlings of preparations for future fight, and there had always unhappily been men amongst the ruling classes who fancied that, because others were armed we should be armed, too, notwithstanding their knowledge that those who were armed were powerless to pay without new taxes or ißcreased debt. He feared that before next session was over, the Government would have to be asked to give a firm and decided negative to the proposal that England should again commit the folly of our fathers. They sinned and were not, and we bore their iniquities. We had eight hundred millions of reasons why we should not vote another shilling for further army estimates. (Cheers.) He trusted that the present administra- tion would not commit that fault. We were told that we wanted more moneyand men to defend our shores. Last year 25 millions of money were voted for ordnance, navy, and regular troops, and now we were told by people who loved warfare and soldier ing that this was not enough, and that the country was not safe notwithstanding that great expendi ture. If that were so, the sole impression upon his mind was, that we should cut down the army esti mates and save the money. (Cheers.) But he be lieved there was no truth whatever in the fear of any power being developed in Europe that ought to make us afraid. If reform in the army were neces sary, more shame for those who bad had the expen diture of such sums of money as Lord Grey, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Melbourne, and the late Sir Robert Peel never thought of asking from Par liament. If we were to have an army reform let us have it in treating soldiers as we would other men. (Cheers.) There was mental pluck and physical pluck, which we were told must be stimulated upon twopence a day more pension, and two extra ounces of beef, hone included, for the soldier on duty. Let the ►node of recruiting be changed by desisting from catching the runaway and scapegrace, and from buying the recruit drunk and beating him into dis cipline. (Cheers.) There was grief in the work ing man's family and sorrow around his hearth whenever it was whispered the son had ab sconded to enlist. The very idea of enlistment was a reproach, and was synonymous with the confession that a man was good for nothing better, and would settle down to nothing useful. What was wanted wits to see the army representa tive of every class in the nation, and not collected from the scum and refuse of society, and to have it looked upon as a profession in which the pride of a man's heart might exult, in which the hope of a youth might have its legitimate ambition, and in which the virtues, self-denial, order, and dignity that befitted a free man might be exercised.. Give up the lash, abandon degrading punishments, break down promotion by purchase--(cheers)—and let the man know that the career is open to him, and that he who shed his blood for the state was its honoured child, and that he who had the merit to command the troops of the state should have the command. (Cheers.) It was said something more than regular troops were wanted, and while not dis puting that he looked to the true reserve forces of the country in the reorganisation upon old consti tutional principles of the militia. They should not be raised by ballot or compulsory enlistment; but by a system that would enable a man to go out for a few days' drill Near his home, and return to his family with that pride which the volunteer felt when called out to parade. Then we should have without expense and demoralisation a militia com posed of men of all ranks to be a reserved power, that would render us secure against possible attack or insult. No doubt it was true what the Horse- Guards and IV ar-office asserted, that what with re- lief for Canada and India, it was no longer easy to find men enough for the regular troops to keep up the rotation of regiments the service required. This was an excellent reason for abandoning the extra vagant and ill-advised attempt to hold down 150 millions of people in India by British youth and vigour. If we could not govern India more cheaply —that was more justly and more wiseli—that was more economically; if India c ou ld no t b e governed by the Indian people, we confessed we were mere usurpers in the country—(cheers)—and sooner or later the empire would crumble to dust. As for Canada, the day had gone by when we could afford to affect to garrison that colony by English troops. The best thing we could do for Canada was to assure her of our neutrality, enabling, en titling, and binding us to withdraw those small garrisons that, not enough for practical defence, were just sufficient to provoke and tantalise a neigh bour. There was another use of our army which unhappily could not in the present hour be omitted. Our camps, arsenals, and garrisons in England were being denuded of troops, not because we had found it necessary to send them against a threaten ing foreign foe, not as reliefs to a conquered land like India, not for a distant colony like Canada, but it was grievous to know that they were being borne across the Channel to hold down by force an apprehended rising in a portion of the United King dom with which we had been associated for 600 years. (Cheers.) Many of the rumours of the last three weeks were probably due to panic and mis taken fears. He knew something of the Irish people. He had read their history, and had lived amongst them, and in acknowledging the great discontent that existed in Ireland he could not forget the fatal, blind, arrogant, and cruel policy which had con verted the country for generations into a condition which every hour might make a field of blood. Let no man go away with the impression he was parly ing with sedition. The duty of our executive was to keep the peace ; and he thought the greatest kindness they could exercise towards a susceptible, excitable, and irritable population was to keep them back from the brink towards which they were struggling. But while hoping the Govern ment would perform its duty vigilantly and suc cessfully, he could not help looking forward to a time when an account must be called for of what had been done, and when the executive—Whig or Tory —must be asked, " How long halt ye between two opinions ? If Ireland be part of the United Kingdom why do you not govern her in a way to coutent her ? If she be not part of the United Kingdom, wipe out the hypocrisy—the lie of the thing you call an Act of Union, and tell Europe, if you dare, that you do not know how to govern a country within four hours' sail of your shores, speaking your own language, subjected to your own laws for generations, and represented in your House of Commons." (Loud cheers.) Do not tell him that the masses of an intelligent and educated popu lation, numbering millions in the ranks of the dis affected, had become disaffected without a cause. Was there not a cause ? (Cheers.) Did ever the world see a people living from father to son for generations hesitating between the pains of exile and the perils of sedition without reason. Twenty three years ago he sat under the gallery of the House of Commons in an hour of anxiety like the present. Ireland was said to be ou the 'brink of revolt. A Conservative Governmmt was then in power, and lie heard the great head of the Whig party tell the executive they ought to be ashamed of the existing state of things in Ireland, and that Ireland was oc cupied, not governed. At the present time Ireland was occupied—was she governed? (No, no.) Why not, then ? The first vote asked of the House of Commons last session was to suspend the habeas corpus ; and its last act was to renew the suspen sion. The late Mr. Cobden said, " Judging of the Irish by ourselves, Englishmen, peace and prosperity never should be hoped for, and never ought to be hoped for in Ireland, while the present system of law remains unaltered." (Cheers.) The late Viceroy of Ireland, Lord Kimberley, declared in the House of Lords that danger and trouble would never abate in Ireland until the essential laws of land and creed were fundamentally settled. (Hear.) If these things were to be trusted, the electors of Finsbury would authorise their members to go back to the House of Commons, not to grant favours or gratui ties, or to do anything for Ireland but what they would wish Ireland to do for us if she were the stronger country—namely, justice. (Cheers.) The hon. member then reviewed the business of the last session, commenting upon the questions of interna tional law and extradition treaties, arguing respect ing the latter that the action taken by himself and others when the matter came before the house, although reproached at the time, was justified within six weeks by the well-known case of Lamirande. Referring to his bill to improve the dwellings of the working classes, Mr. Torrens entreated the electors to give their support to that measure, the third read ing of which he feared would not be passed without a struggle. He was surprised to find that at the Man chester Social Science Congress it was argued that the promoters of the bill had no right to ask the Treasury for money at 3f per cent. to rebuild the homes of the working classes. Those classes had, by their savings up to the end of' the past year, banked with the Treasury no less than £47,000,000, and out of those balances the Chancellor of the Exchequer had granted thousands and tens of thou sands of pounds to the country gentlemen to drain their estates. (Shame.) In applying for loans at 3f per cent., the working classes were only asking for their own. The question of the day was Parliamen tary Reform. (Cheers.) In former Parliaments he had under all circumstances voted for household suffrage. He believed a rate-paying suffrage might be made almost co-equal with household suffrage, but the latter would be simpler and more just. At present 200 shillings rent entitled a man to vote, and the best mechanic that ever lived was disfranchised if he only paid 195 shillings of rent, whereas the most disreputable beer-seller in Totnes, if he paid the 200 shillings, had a vote to sell. (Laughter and cheers.) The fate of Mr. Gladstone's bill was well known. They now wanted to see what the new Go vernment would do. (Hisses.) It was said that they were about to propose a measure more liberal than their predecessors. (" Walker," and laughter.) He sincerely hoped it might turn out so. He should take it for what it was worth. If it enfranchised any great class of the community without taking away with the other hand, he should think it a pleasure and duty to support it ; if, on the other hand, it should turn out to be what the opponents of the present Government suspected, it was probable that the ad judication of the affair would be thrown back to the electors. For himself he believed nothing short of household suffrage would be satisfactory to the com 7 umuity. (Loud cheers.) The lion. gentleman, after a few more remarks, thanking the electors for their kindness, and assuring them of his attention to their interests in the future, resumed his seat amidst loud applause. Alderman LUSK, M.P., next addressel the meet- ing. Before their seats in the Howie of Commons were warm the members, he said, were occupied with the interminable subject of the cattle plague, and night after night they heard of nothing but hides, horns, and hoofs. (Laughter.) The end of it was the house legislated upon the subject in a panic, and the Government were left by the country gentlemen in a minority. This was his first experience of the landed interest, and it convinced him that a preponderance of that class was not desirable. (Cheers.) As to the Irish ques tion, there was one irritating sore that ought to be cured at once—viz., the Irish Church. Mr. White's motion on the reduction of expenditure, though very important, fell on the house flat, stale, and unpro fitable, and nobody seemed to care anything about expenditure, which was one of those matters to which members should pay special attention. Legislation should IJok after the outgoings as well as the incom ings. (Cheers.) On the principle that a felony ought not to be compounded, the attempted compromise on church rates met with his strenuous opposition. It was absolutely necessary, now that Churchmen were teaching things popular in the dark ages, and making our salvation depend on rihands, that the power held by the country over the Church should not be given up. (Cheers.) If Church cler gymen, who were in the pay of the State, and there fore of the people, wished to act contrary to law and custom, they must leave the Church. (Cheers.) A great deal of good was done by the discussions on reform, in bringing to the surface principles and facts not before popularly known. The Liberals in the late reform debates failed a little perhaps in over estimating their own strength, and underrating that of their opponents; in fact they were rather " bump tious." (Laughter.) The loss of the bill was not so great as it was considered to be at the time, because probably a little more would be asked for now. (Cheers.)' A lesson should be learnt from the past, and au additional pressure should at once be put upon the constituencies to send right men to Parlia ment. Believing that men grew more by industry than violence, he had given particular attention to questions affecting trade and commerce. Our bank ruptcy laws were a disgrace to the country, and en couraged fraud. (Hear, hear.) He took considerable interest in the bill respecting reformatory and in dustrial schools, his wish being to get children tent to school before committting crime, instead of afterwards. Tne religious element in the house was very troublesome, and the passing of the measure was much hindered by sectarianism. He, with his hon. colleague, voted for the ballot, although, owing to a variety of circumstances, they were beaten. After referring to the supply of gas and water in the metropolis, the hon. member in sisted that the first question to be considered next session was reform, and he was ready to support a reform bill, as he did last session. A VOICE —How far will you go ? Alderman LUSK—Oh, as far as you like, pretty well. (Loud laughter and cheers.) He then pro mised to oppose a large expenditure, to promote a compulsory system of education, and to do all he could to improve our good institutions and destroy the bad. Speeches were then made by Dr. Bruce, Mr. An son, Mr. A. Walker, Mr. R. N. Philips, Mr. J. Baxter Langley, Mr. G. Brook, and others. A resolution was then unanimously passed ex pressing entire approval of and confidence in the hon. members. A second was submitted, assert ing that our representative system imperatively demanded the immediate action of Parliament, and hoping that a measure would be passed in the en suing session that would meet the just expectations of the people. To this motion an amendment was proposed, urging manhood suffrage and the ballot. The amendment was carried by a large majority. After Messrs. Torrens and Lusk had acknowledged the vote of thanks the business terminated with for mal votes of thanks. The meeting separated after 11 o'clock. SPIRI r OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—If we have lately in these columns some what shunned the subject of the re-organisation of the Austrian empire, it is not because we deemed it at any time destitute of interest, or because it did not earnestly, and we may almost say painfully, engage our attention. It is only because we saw no appa rent progress in the question—none, at least, which we could feel justified in confidently reporting. There are threads in the web of human affairs which all our boasted foresight, as grounded on experience, will hardly enable us to unravel ; changes which it is as difficult to trace to their first causes as to follow up to their ultimate effects. It is not enough in some cases that " Providence should shape our ends ;" the mere task of " rough-hewing" them is above our powers. It may not be difficult, for instance, to dive boldly into the future so far as the West of Europe is concerned. Happen what may, we need not anti cipate any material alterations in the present inter national ari angements. The Gaul and the Teuton, the Latin, the Iberian, and the Briton, will, in all probability, within a century be found within their present territories. Some trifling squabbles about border lines, the extinction of minor Stotes, much as such events ought to be deprecated, would not per manently disturb the balance which makes the west ern nations all so many members of one family. But foreknowledge is at fault when We turn our eyes to the East. It is difficult to look forward to the inde finite continuance of the Turkish empire, nor can one be free from misgiving about the stability of the Austrian monarchy. How those two States may stand or fall, and, in the latter event, what new edifices may be reared in their stead, are the pro blems of the age—problems for which there is not even any attempt to volunteer a solution. To limit our remarks to that part of the subject from which we took our start, on what policy, home or foreign, is Austria about to settle after the disas trous struggle which shut her out both of Italy and Germany ? Some of the German Austrians seem indisposed to acquiesce in the disposition of the Treaty of Prague, and to look upon their es trangement from the Fatherland as, at the ut most, a temporary arrangement. For what concerns the German provinces the existence of the Empire must be based on that supremacy of their own race over the other nationalities on which it has ever stood. They have in their favour the seat of govern ment, the military and bureaucratic organization of the Monarchy, a superior culture, powers of combi nation, gregarious instincts. They will be sure to do stout battle for their precedence, but were they worsted, they would always have their brethren of North or South Germany to fall back upon. In antagonism with the Germans the Magyars aspire to absolute independence of their kingdom on the footing of mere personal union, failing in which, they threaten a dissolution of the Empire, with some vague prospects of the formation of an Eastern State, with its centre at Pesth. They have on their side the old traditions of their kingdom, their signal services performed in behalf of the Hapsburgs, their high metal and dash in battle, and a certain apti tude for political broil and intrigue. The Magyars, however, can do more than demolish. Did they even succeed in cutting Vienna and all the German Pro vinces adrift, and in making Pesth the seat of em pire, they could not by their numbers, by their wis dom and real valour, govern all the non-German Austrian Provinces, or even the old dependencies of their own kingdom. The first law of the Empire is existence, and this must needs be bound up with that capital and those German Provinces with which the Monarchy h as a l wa y s b e en identified. The Magyars could at the utmost only reproduce 1848, and that year, if it had not ended with their subju gation, would have led to the dismemberment no less of their kingdom than of the whole Austrian Empire. The Magyars seem to be aware of this fact and the moderate party, headed by Beak, have just put forth a draught of an address which they would fain represent as conciliatory. The main point in dispute is, however, of the simplest. These so called Moderate Magyars demand the immediate re-establishment of their Constitution, the con tinuity of their right as claimed in 1848, the sanction by a constituted Government of con cessions wrested from a Government overthrown by revolution. Such demands may well be grounded on old rights and privileges ; but the practical question is, are they compatible with the existence of the Austrian monarchy ? The Magyars are so convinced of the difficulty of recon ciling their own with the common Imperial interests that they profess themselves ready to enter into all desirable compromises. But they must have their demands admitted to the full in the meanwhile; future arrangements are left for negotiation and discussion, which may as easily lead to nothing as anything. Should this draught of the address be voted by the Chamber; should the terms be ac cepted by the Emperor, the Magyars would have all they ask for, and their Sovereign would get back only what they, in their magnanimity, Lel inclined to give up. The admission of the Magyar claims, as at present preferred, would lead to a dualism, reducing Austria to the condition of Sweden and Norway; with this difference, how ever, that the two Scandinavian kingdoms consist of two compact and homogeneous nations, while in Austria each of the clniponent parts would be an aggregate of hostile races which either- sheer force or mutual jealousy has hitherto kept together, and which would be amenable to no other cohesive policy. General events may, indeed, sweep on with such irresistible strength as either to crumble Austria or to give her a decisive bias eastward ; but even if, either under the Hapsburgs or under any other dynasty, the Empire were to look for a new centre in the Lower Danube, it would hardly gravitate upon Pesth, or ground its power on Magyar supremacy. The German element being eliminated from the Austrian community, there would be a struggle among the other races, which, however it might begin, would scarcely terminate in favour of the Magyar. The new agglo meration of races on the Lower Austrian Danube could hardly take place without a simultaneous stir among the other tribes further down on the banks of the same stream. The Austrian atoms would come into collision with the Turkish atoms, and some new birth would struggle into existence, of which it would be difficult to pre-conceive the na ture, but in which a: Roman, and not a Magyar, element would in all probability preponderate. There is nothing that we are less disposed to indulge in than any idle speculation on remote contingent ies. We deem it more profitable to deal with Austria and Turkey as they are than to cast about for what may happen when they cease to be. From any im mediate apprehension of danger fr om a b roa d we believe both those empires perfectly free. Austria's policy at the present moment should not look be yond the limits of her own territo ry. H er d i spute just now is not with Prussia or Russia, nor should her hope rest on France. The great point is the settlement of the Magyar claims. Concession or resistance may be equally fraught with peril ; but no sacredness of Magyar rights should prevail upon Austria to cut her own throat. No fair words of M. Deak and his colleagues should induce the Em peror to put hinaself at th e i r di scret i on. Restore, the Constitution of 1848, an d you pu ll d own Aus tria without building up Hungary. So long as Austria is what she is, her real element of strength lies in her Germ an prov i nces. It is in that element that, in extreme cases, she must seek her salvation. POST.—The education of the people is a matter of the greatest importance at all times, but in these days, when a general demand is being made for their admission to a larger, and even to the largest, share of power in the State, and when there seems so much probability of at least a part of the demand being conceded, it is of the first importance that attention should be drawn to the means of fitting them, so far as can be done by education, for the discharge of political duties and the comprehension of political responsibility. It is unquestionable that our present system—that is to say, what there is of a system----of national education is so deplo rably defective that the mental state of our lower classes is a reproach to us among the nations of Europe. The recruiting returns for the year 1864, which have just been issued, show that in that year one man out of every three who pres en t e d them selves to the recruiting officer was unable to read or to write, while one out of every five was unable to do more than read. Considering the classes from which recruits are drawn, they may be taken not unfairly to represent what are called " the masses," and, considering that the recruits do not include women, who are generally worse instructed than the other sex, it is probable that it would be' understating the case to say that of the lower classes only two out of three are able both to read and to write. Such a state of things is hardly creditable to our state of civilisation, and the disgrace of it has long been recognised by all who have thought upon the question ; indeed, the whole history of it is a record of the independent, and often misdi rected, efforts of private individuals to accomplish what is properly the business of the State, but what the State has hitherto failed to do. The personal opinions and religious tendencies of those who thus have from time to time come forward to promote education have naturally been very apparent in what they have done, and the presence of so many anta gonistic elements has indeed always been one of the greatest sources of difficulty in bringing the power of the State into beneficent action upon the question. If it were a question of funds supplied by the State alone, it would not be difficult to devise a plan of general education 7 but, under the present s y s t em , the principle followed is to acquire a certain control over the expenditure of money provided by private persons, in consideration of a smaller sum provided by the State ; and even this has awakened much jealousy and distrust, and given rise to the most interminable disputes. The difficulties of carrying out such a system to the extent requisite to make it available for the education of the entire population would be increased a thousandfold, and it is obvious that, if a complete national system is to be devised, it must be upon some other basis, including some further elements, than that now iu existence. An attempt to sketch out a system which would sup plement and harmonise with the present was made on Monday last at a meeting in Manchester, where the matter seems to have attracted much attention. The chief feature of the proposal is that the matter should be left to the management of the local authorities and be supported by local rates. There are, however, some objections to this plan, and one of them is that as long as it is held that secular education should be connected with religi ous instruction there would always be great difli culty in inducing ratepayers to tax themselves P! the support of a school, as to the merits of which ne two of them would be agreed, and the result would very probably be rather more quarrelling and no more education than is produced from the present system. Another feature of the plan is that power should be given to enforce attendance at school of all children within the jurisdiction of the local autho rities referred to. For this part, if it were dis severed from, and could be carried out without, the other, there is undoubtedly a great deal to be said. In Mr. Kennedy's report to the Educational Depart ment for 1865 is this passage :—" Amongst the many defects connected with the education of the poor which come under my observation in the large towns which I visit, the most sad is that such large numbers of children are still receiving either uo schooling at all, or se little as to be worthless ;" and he goes on to say that the resu lt o f a house-to-house visitation in Manchester, in November, 1865, was to show that " out of fifteen c hild ren between the ages of three and twelve, one was at work, six at school, and the remaining eight totally neglected as regards education." " Two main causes of this evil," he says, as regards the parents of the chil dren, are poverty and carelessness." Such is the strength of the latter cause, indeed, that positively nothing short of actual compulsion will induce many parents to send their children to school. There is, it is true, a great dislike of the word i; compul sion," especially with regard to education, which it is truly said should be looked upon as a blessing conferred and not as a duty imposed. But, as Mr. Bennett remarked at the meeting referred to, " We are all being compelled every day of our lives in one way or other," and if ever there were a case for the interference of authority it is that of parents who, either through apathy and carelessness, or positive brutality, refuse to allow their children to obtain the educational advantages within their reach. Besides, the principle has al ready been recognised and enforced in the Factory Act, which absolutely does make it compulsory to give every child employed for wages at least as many hours of instruction as are employed in work. Whatever reasons can be advanced for this regula tion are equally strong in favour of its further ex tension. It is, unhappily, but too clear that poveiti and ignorance react upon this question to such an extent that nothing short of a system of compulsory attendance at school will ever be effectual to pro duce general education. And as the importance of it becomes every day greater, it is to be hoped that those who take an interest in this question will not let it rest till either by this or by some other means provision has been made for the elementary instruc tion of every child throughout the kingdom. COUNTRY MARKETS. BIRMINGHAM—MuRsDAy. During the present week wheat has been firmly held for last week's rates, with which buyers would not coroPlY" Barley tending downwards, also beans and peas. Oats fully as dear. At this day's market there was a fair supply cf English whdat, which was cleared off at an advance of is per qr. Barley is per qr. lower. Oats firmly held for quito as much money. Beans and peas are offering cheaper. BRIS T OL—THUnSDAY. English wheat was in short supply, and sold at about last week's prices. Foreign hold for 6d to is per qr. ad vance. Malting barley plentiful, and is per qr. lower• For oats a limited demand, at a reduction of 6d per qr. For Indian corn scarcely any inquiry. BURY ST. EDMUNDS-WEDNESDAY. There was only a limited supply of wheat here to -day , which was freely taken by millers, at an advance of is per qr. The supply of b ar l e y was not l arge, and t h e tr=ue commenced slowly, at a reduction of fully is to 2s per ( 1 1. * on all qualities. EDINBURGH--WEDNESDAY. Wheat on the top, 2s Od down average, Os 10d doWn• Barley on the top, 7s Od down average, Os 5d up. Oats on the top, Os 6d down werage, Os 10e1 down. Beans on the top, 6s Od down average, 9s 2d down. ___ _ Total supply and sales. Wheat 722 qrs sold 604 Barley 2091 qrs sold 1641 Oats 2191 qrs sold 1126 Beans 96 qrs sold 55 Average prices. Wheat, 59s 4d I Oats, 27s 4l Barley, 39s ld 1 Beans 42s 10d Town-made Hour sells as follows :—White, 538 6d; extra superfine, 52s Od ; superfine, 50s 6d ; fine, 498 Ud. GLASG 0 AV-WEDNESDAY. This day's market was fairly attended. An active in quiry for wheat at about previous rates. Maize receded 6 0 ' and barley is per qr. Oats declined about 6d and beans IS to 2s per qr. Fore,ign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Dac. 20. Ditto, via Marseilles, Dec. It Brazil and Capa Verds. by British packet. ..... —Jam 4 ' Ditto, by French packet . Dec. 24 ' Cape or Good Hope, Ascension, and at. Helena.... Dec. 26. China. Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton.. Dec 2/ Ditto, Via Marseilles ..Dec. II Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton D e c, 14. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Dec. 2 ' ) . Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Ditto, via ..iarseilles ... Dee. 23 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Dec. 14 * Ditto, via Marseilles Dec. 14 ' Mauritius, via Southampton Dec. 23 Ditto, via Marseil,es Newfoundland Poring& Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... United htatee and British North America, by Bri tish packet. _ _ Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, oy Canadian packet, via Londonderry „Dec. 14. West Coat , t oi Africa, Hadeira, and Teuerilre ....Dec. ,0 * West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Ilondurat) Dcc 14 Baliam.„4, via New York. Jan 19 * Cuba al d Mexico Bermuda, via Halifax Dee. 19 . PLYMOUTH, Thursday.—The sch ooner Carolin e Goodyear, Captain Rice, nine days from St. Michael's, with a cargo of oranges f or L on d on, was 10 m il es south-east °f the Eddystone at 10 o' c l oc k y es t er d ay morn i ng; south-east—a fresh breeze. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Ointment and rills! Additional Testimony.—For the cure of coughs, COlds, 13t, sweats, and incipient con sum pti on , thi s exce ll ent o i n tnle rubbed upon the back an d c h es t, a id e d b y t h e internal usj. of Holloway's purifying pill s , s t an d s unr i va ll e d . Leonard, of Benbulben Grange, Sli go, wr i tes :—" Sc"l.: sorry, I am I did not use y our o i n t men t an d p ill s in "-; nuary last. The wondrous ch ange th ey e ff ec t e d on me after one week's trial astoni s h es everyone, an d enc ourage : , me to proceed till they have entirely cured my divas% This plainly expresses the po wer possessed by Hollowtl remedies in checking the course of th ose chest disorderu which, when slighted or improperly treated, entail rou e suffering, and end unfavourably. Births. ROBINSON —On the Gth ult., at the Governor's Cot t % Nuwera Ellya, Ceylon, the Hon. L a d y R o bi n son, ° son. SHEE—On the 12th inst., at 20, Prince's-square, ICen, sil l: ton-gardens, W., the wife of R. J. Shee, E sq ., barns — at-law, of a son. SALMON—On the 12th inst., a t. We st bro ok H ouse , 1 1 11 5- ; . 7 Dorset, the wife of Capt a i n N. S a l mon, V . O ° daughter. the THURSBY - On the 12th inst., at l'2, Hyde-park-place , wife of Major J. H. Thursby, of a daughter. Marriages. bnrell COURTHOPE—CooxEs—On the 11th i ns t. , a t Ch r i s t Brixton-road, Charles Frederick, son of the late • • to Courthope, Esq., of Albert-s quare, Cl ap h arn -roa Sarah Anne, widow of the late J as . C oo k s, o f Liven"' hill, Surrey. WELLS—DARTNELL—On the 12th inst. at at Irenl e Yl; Arden, Lieut.-Colonel F. W e ll s, t h e R o y a l . Regimen' , Georgina Mary, third daughter of G. R. Dartuellf of Arden Heise, Warwickshire. Deaths. f 3 BUSHBY—On the 12th i ns t., J osep h B us hby, Beg" ° Halkin-street, Grosvenor-place, aged 82. olici DIGBY—On the 12th inst., a t-Tittl es h a ll R ec t o ry. Nort Caroline, wife of the Hon. and Rev. Kenelm Pig aged 57. GOLDSMID—On the 10th inst., at King-street, Porttuau square, L. P. Goldsmid e llsq., aged 69. IsTet° rice—On the 12th inst., Si r C. H. J. Ri c h, Bart., of tingham-place, Regent's-park, aged 54. SAMSON-011 the 9th inst., Madame Samson aged 66. QUEADE—On the 12th i ns t., a t 6. B e l gmvo -road, June tio road, Highgate-hill, Ch ar l es Queade, Esq., aged 84. .1 ' WYLIE—On the Bth inst., at 7, Crown-circus, Dovia n-1111 Glasgow, Robert Wyli e , E sq ., l a t e of Messrs. Wyli e Lochhead. London. : Printed and Published by Wth LIAM A.NDE -111, of No. 112, strand, Puinter at Tun Sim Odloo, NO . Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the cothar 0 December 14, 1866. V hin, o -111, o Lill, 0 Lill 0 hill 0 hill, 0 I ~~ N F /4 — i d 0 6 -1 Rate_ \' / 3 L---- 11' ~3t~, O` g Rat e _ /r 3 • Rl\ O~ Ratp 1 41 d 01; Rat e ikte Ov Rai," 6-11 kat, l 01 7 N., o \7 l bi„ e 6t u Dri ce ' 141)04