The Sun. — London, England, 1865-12-15 00:00:00

Liberal Demonstration at Dewsbury. - _ Wednesday a demonstration took place at Dews bury in celebration of the return:of Viscount Milton and Mr. H. F. Beaumont as representatives of the southern division of the West Riding of Yorkshire. A cold collation was served in the Wesleyan Sunday school, to which about 300 gentlemen sat down. The Mayor of Dewsbury (R. H. Ellis, Esq.) presided, and was supported by Earl Fitzwilliam, Earl De Grey and Ripon, the Marquis of Sligo, Lord Hough ton ; Viscount Milton, M.P. ; Lord F. C. Cavendish, M.P. ; the Hon. C. W. W. Fitzwilliam, M.P. ; Sir F. Crossley, Bart., M.P. ; Mr. W. B. Beaumont, M.P. ; Mr. W. H. Leatham, M.P. ; Mr. F. J. S. Foljambe, M.P. ; and the Right Hon. J. Parker. After the repast, the usual loyal toasts were duly honoured, after which Mr. Foljambe, M.P. , proposed " The Army, Navy, and Volunteers," to which Capt. Beaumont, of the Royal Engineers, responded. "The Bishop and Clergy of the Diocese and the Ministers of all Denominations" having been pro- posed, the Chairman read several letters of apology from gentlemen who were not able to attend.—Mr. IL F. Beaumont, M.P., wrote to say that he was ' imperatively forbidden by his surgeon to move from his sofa under the penalty of being unfit for his duties at the meeting of Parliament. His disappoint ment was very great, because he felt deeply, not only the honour done to himself and his colleague by their friends and supporters, but also because that dinner was the celebration of the triumph of the Liberal cause in South Yorkshire. Mr. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., wrote that he viewed the return of Lord Milton and Mr. Beaumont as a most signal triumph, indicating alike the energy and judgment of those who achieved it—(applause) ; but connected as he now was with a district of large population, and with many public calls upon him, he had no hopes of being able, especially at present, to accept any engagement for such a celebration elsewhere.—The Chairman afterwards proposed the toast of the evening, which was received with en thusiasm.—Viscount Milton, in responding to the toast, said that he had the most perfect confidence in the Government. They had at the head of it a nobleman who was foremost as a reformer.--(Hear, hear.) He bad many years rested from his reform labours, and, doubtless, felt thankful for the rest he had enjoyed. (Laughter.) He had now come back to the work in which he had so much experience, and had already taken a leading part with renewed strength and vigour. (Hear, and applause.) —Mr. S. Beaumont returned thanks on behalf of his cousin. —Sir F. Crossley, in a long speech, proposed " Her Majesty's Ministers." (Applause.) _ _ _ Earl DE GREY and 111101, in responding to the toast, said he regretted that it had fallen into his hands, in consequence of the forced absence of his right hon. friend Sir C. Wood. (Hear, hear.) They all knew the deep interest which the right hon. baronet felt in everything which concerned the wel fare of the Liberal party in the West Riding, and that nothing but an imperative necessity would have kept him from being present that day. (Ap plause.) He rejoiced to think that they might all hope that the forced inaction of the last few weeks would rapidly pass away, and that in a short time his right hon. friend would be restored to them in good health and fit for work again. (Applause.) There were many circumstances which brought back to him (Lord De Grey), in responding to this toast, forcibly and at once, the recollection of the great loss which the Government, the Liberal party, and the country had recently sus tained. (Hear, hear.) It was difficult for him to speak in terms which would adequately represent his own feeling of the magnitude of that loss. To those who had been the colleagues of Lord 'Palmer ston, and had had the benefit in their councils, upon great and difficult questions, of his guidance, cf the result of his long and stored experience, of his singular tact and knowledge of political affairs, of his thoroughly English spirit—the loss could not be measured or described in words. Ile, however, believed it bad been felt throughout the country as the common loss of men of all parties and all sec tions, and that when Lord Palmerston passed away from them, from one end of the country to the other it was felt that England had lost one of her foremost sons. (Applause.) With such a loss, and with so many important and difficult questions with which the Government of this country must deal in the new Parliament, they would well believe that the task before the Government was felt by them to be one of great magnitude and difficulty. But he believed there was none in the Liberal party, he thought there were but few in the country, who did not agree in thinking that the choice which was made by Her Majesty in the exercise of her preroga tive, when she called upon Earl Russell to take the place of Lord Palmerston, was the best that could h ave been made under the circumstances. (Applause.) Neither did he think they would be inclined to contest that Earl Russell was right in turning to Mr. Glad stone and asking him to take the lead in the house of Commons. (Applause.) Those who had pre ceded him that evening had spoken in terms of just eulogy of the long political career of Earl Russell. They had reminded the meeting how from those early days, before the happy time of Parliamentary reform, he was the foremost one of a small but persevering minority of Liberals, he had steadily pursued a uniform course, and had been the con sistent and unflinching advocate of freedom and reform. (Hear, hear.). When Sir F. Crossley spoke of him as the father of the Reform Bill of 1832, the thought passed through his (Earl De Grey's) mind that many a man who had taken a leading part in carrying that measure might be in - - dined to think that he had done enough by taking part in that great work, and might be inclined to view his political child grown up to manhood, and having worked since his birth so many great and important results, as a child so fair and so perfect that it was treason to say that any improvement could be made. (Hear, hear.) But they knew from his past career that Earl Russell was not the man to take that view of public questions. They knew that Earl Russell was awake to the require ments of the time, and that he was ever prepared to give his early and full consideration, his advocacy and support, to those successive Liberal measures of advance and progress which the advancing times might require. (Hear, hear.) He could not help fancying in some of the remarks which had been made that some of the speakers were inclined to treat him as a large trout, and to throw a fly over him, in the hope that he might rise at it, a n d might make some gushing disclosures of the in tentions of her Majesty's Government. (Laughter 1 and applause.) But he was too , old a trout to be caught with that fly. Her Majesty's Government would be prepared to answer any in quiries which Lord Milton might address to them in the House of Commons, but until he arrived upon that floor, and had gone through the ceremony of completing his position as a member of Parliament by taking the oaths, he (Lord De Grey) must de cline to reply to any inquiries which their noble re presentative might make. But for all that he was inclined to think that her Majesty's Government, as now constituted, might be allowed to ask for con tdeuce and consideration at the hands of the great Liberal party. (Applause.) He did not believe that a m an of any party would be inclined to refuse the Government that fair trial for which Earl Russell had asked. But if he had not misinterpreted the remarks which had been made that evenin g , he ven tured to hope that they were inclined to regard the i\iin i stry (at all events until they saw the course which the Ministry was about to pursue) not with a cold and criticising eye, but with a spirit of confi dence, and a belief that they would act up to the principles which they had all prof esse d . (Cheers.) They did not claim that that confidence should be extended to them if their acts were not consistent with their principles—(hear, hear)—or if they chi' not uphold those great • I iberal principles which d of which th ey ought their party together, a • but. they did ask • ought to be the representatives , that the country should accord t o them that mea- sure of confidence which, in respect of those who were their leaders in either house of Parliament, they thought they had a right to ask. (Applause.) Sir F. Crossley having cast vainly his large fly, put on a small one, and tried to tickle him (Lord Be Grey) upon a subject on which he must be peculiarly sensitive—namely, the question of expenditure. (Laughter.) Theyknew he was one of those expend ing monsters. He spent more than anybody else in the country. It was his misfortune to be obliged, for the maintenance of the services which were re quired for the defence of the country and for the maintenance of our possessions, to ask for large esti mates from the House of Commons. He had per fect confidence that the house would always vote whatever might be really needed for the defence of the country and for the maintenance of our honour, but he could make no pledges for the future. As with regard to reform, so with regard to expendi ture, he could only ask them to look at the past acts and professions of the Government, and, until they could belie those acts and were false to their profes sions, to give the Government their confidence. On this matter of expenditure he would remind them that during the last three years the army estimates had been steadily reduced, and that during those three years no less a sum than £1,700,000 had been taken from them. (Hear, hear.) If his duty forbade him to enter upon those general political topics which it would have been his business to discuss if he had been as formerly their representative, it would at least be his duty to carry back to his colleagues and make known to them the spirit by which that great meeting was animated—(applause)—the views which they had received with favour, the reasonable, the moderate, and thoroughly Liberal opinions by which they appeared to be animated. (Applause.) In reply to the toast of " The House of Lords," Lord Houghton said he believed there was no thing in this country on which the opinion of the House of Lords really differed from the opinion of the country. A great number of the peers had passed much of their lives in the House of Commons, and had daily experience in that school of political wisdom, which he believed was a better education for high office and for public life than any functional administration whatever. He could conceive no reason why there should be any diffe rence between the House of Lords and the rest of the country upon any great political question. (Hear, hear.) A number of other toasts followed. Opening of the Glasgow Industrial Exhibition. The inaugural meeting was held in the City-hall, which was filled with a large audience. Mr. Wm. Melvin, president of the Exhibition, occupied the chair, and was supported on the platform by the Duke of Argyll ; the Marquis of Lorn ; Captain Spiers, M.P. ; Mr. 11. E. Crum-Ewing, IMP. ; Duncan M'Laren, BI.P. ; Mr. W. Graham, M.P. ; Lord Provost Blackie ; Sir Archibald Alison, Bart. ; Mr. Ramsay, of Kidalton, and most of the gentlemen who were present at . the opening of the Exhibition. The Duchess of Argyll and a party of ladies occupied a front seat in the gallery to the right of the platform. While the audience was assembling, Mr. Lambeth played a selection of popular music on the grand organ. At eight o'clock the President took the chair, amid loud applause. An inaugural hymn, written by Mr. George Roy, having been sung, The CHAIRMAN introduced the Duke of Argyll to the meeting. The Duke of ARGYLL, who was received with great applause, which was several times renewed, said—The first duty which I feel under on the present occasion is to congratulate the working men of Glasgow, and I do it most heartily, on the very large measure of success which has attended the exhibition which was opened by them and for them here to-day. (Cheers.) Although I have had a comparatively cursory glance /of the Ex hibition, I can say that it contains a very much larger and fuller collection of objects of ingenuity, of beauty, and of art than I for one was at all prepared to see upon this occasion. And I re joice especially to be assured from the figures which have been given to me by your Chair man, that it is not mbrely an Industrial Ex hibition, open for the benefit of the club con nected with the working classes in Glasgow, but that it is a bona fide exhibition, in which the greater part of the objects are contributed and are made by working men. (Cheers.) lam told that out of 500 total exhibitors, there are upwards of I 400 who belong to the working class. (Cheers.) sow, I need hardly say that in some points of view it may be said that the whole 'exhibition has come from the hatids of working men. In a certain sense ill that we have and all that we enjoy is the product of labour—the houses which shelter us, the raiment that covers us, the railways by which we travel, the ships which convey our commerce—almost all the objects, in short, of luxury or of art—all that dig nifies and adorns our life comes through the hands of working men. (Cheers.) But this is in a some what lower and more mechanical sense. These ob jects which have been brought forward and made by the hands of working men in this exhibition are theirs in a much higher sense than this, because they not simply come from the ' , hands of working men, but they come from their heads also. Theirs are not only the hands that made them, ut theirs are also the minds that have conceived them—that have invented them ; and every one of the objects which have been - exhibited there to-day combine both the work of the heads and of the hands of working-men. (Cheers.) They there- fore, in a higher sense than the other objects to which I have referred, may be said to belong to the working men, and to have come from them. I could not help being struck by the large comparative de velopment which is given in the exhibition to two great branches of human inquiry. The first is natural science, and the second is those abstract sciences which are applied principally to mechanical inven tion. Those I think are undoubtedly more fully represented than any other things in the Exhibition which we have opened to-day, and I can understand how these two great departments of inquiry should have had special attractions for the working men. As regards the natural sciences, I think it is im possible not to feel that in the hurry and bustle of our daily life it is an immense refreshment to have our minds brought face to face with the light of nature. There is something in the science, and in the sweetness, and in the secrecy of her processes, something also in the grandeur and magnificence of her, results which constitute an abiding refreshment to the human mind. It may be true, as it has been said on very high autho rity, that even the face of nature reflects something of the unhappiness which has been cast upon our race, but I think it is true that in the main the face of nature is a face of happiness and of peace. (Cheers.) And I conceive that Wordsworth has really touched in a single line upon the real secret of the power which is exerted over us by the natu tural sciences, when he has referred to nature as " Abodes in which self-disturbance bath no part." (Applause.) But then, gentlemen; with regard to the i great departme n t, w hi c h i s so well—l might so magnifice n tl y, as it is --exhibited, I itother say mean the department of mechanical invention—that a lso is one of the greatest and most fruitful depart ments of Why, th e wor ld i s one great storehouse inquiry. mechanical inve n ti on. O ur of verybodi natural bodies—these frames, of which it is said they are fearfully and wonderfully made—th e y are speci mens of supreme mechanical invention. (Cheers.) And I think that the study of mechanical invention has a great charm in this respect also that it gives us an immense sense of power, and yet a sense of power which, in my opinon, can never tend to pride ; but should always be, and very generally, is con nected with true humility of mind ; because we feel on the one hand the inexorable natural laws which we have to deal with—we feel, on the other hand, that by skill, by steady and by careful fitting of means to ends, we can make those very laws, ap parently so involved and so inexorable, the subtle instruments of our own purposes and of our own iiltent i io o l i l i the s.(Cheers.) It is not, however, my inten tion ivpresentoccasion to follow out this train of thought. It is one, indeed, on which volumes might be spoken and volumes might be written ; but l of acul-Ln:kwinleddge that, after all, the proper study is man ; and I trust I shall not be thought to be wasting the time of this great meeting if I direct your attention rather to some of those great social questions which are so deeply interest ing to us all, on which we have all so much to learn, and in which I believe we have all much to THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 15, 1865. do. (Cheers.) And what is the great social question whichafter all is at the root of all these assemblies and of all these industrial exhibitions which have been held over the different cities of the country —of .so many of the questions political, social, and religious which are being discussed at the present time ? Is it not mainly the condition of the labouring classes, their present condition, their past history, and the future prospects of human labour. (Cheers.) I desire to direct your attention to-night to a few of the great agencies which have been and are being brought to bear upon the condition of labour in this country, and, namely, these four—first, the agency of legisla tion ; next, the agency of voluntary combination among the working classes themselves ; thirdly, the agency of municipal government ; and last, but not least, the agency of individual thought and action. (Cheers.) Now, with regard to legislation, I often hear it said, " Oh, how can you make men moral by Act of Parliament ?" which, indeed, is perfectly true. Neither can you make men rich by Act of Parlia- ment—neither can you make men industrious by Act of Parliament, or wealthy, or anything else, by mere force of law. That is true. But I take it to be a truth which entirely depends upon the purpose for which it is brought forward, and the particular use which is made of the argument or assertion. If it be meant that positive institutions have had no effect upon the progress of mankind, then I hold it to be the greatest of all possible fallacies. It is uuques- tionable that positive law and institutions have had the most powerful effect upon the moral character and upon the social condition of masses of the human race ; and I think no better example can be given of that than the history of our own legisla tion, during little more than half a century. If we look back to a.period which is comparatively recent, we shall find that not only in this country, but over almost the whole of Europe, there was one universal system of restriction, both upon the products of labour, and upon labour directly itself. lam not going to say anything to-night of the process by which the restriction has been relaxed, as regards the products of labour, in the final establishment of what has been called free trade. That subject has been pretty freely handled and pretty fully deve loped. You heard but a very few weeks ago, from this platform, that subject discussed in a most mas terly manner by one who of all others was most entitled to address you upon it—l mean my right hon. friend and colleague Mr. Gladstone. (Loud cheers.) But I think less attention has been paid and less notice has been taken of the processes by which restrictions upon labour itself, not upon the products of labour, have been brought about in the history of the legislation of this country, and to that I wish to address myself upon the present occasion. If we go - back to a period which is comparatively recent, we shall find that labour was restricted mainly in two ways—first, by a law which was called the law of apprentice ships, passed in the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; and, secondly, by the monopoly of corporate bodies. The Act of Apprenticeships, as many of you may probably remember, although it has perhaps passed out of the memory of the present generation,was a law which enacted that no man should labour at any bade to which he had not served a full seven years' apprenticeship. The law of corporate mon opoly was one which prevented any person from trading in a particular town unless he was born a freeman of the town, or had had the freedom of that town given to him. These two laws taken together, or rather the system represented by these laws, restricted labour in two ways. First, they restricted a man from passing from one trade to another when he wished to do so—when, for example, his own trade failed, and another was prosperous. The other restricted a man from passing from one place to another even in his own trade —two direct re strictions upon the freedom of human labour. It may remind you of one branch at least of the sys tem of restriction when I recall to you the ceremony performed on this platform not many weeks ago. Upon that occasion, as you will still remember, your Lord Provost had the honour to present the freedom of the city as a compliment to my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Perhaps few of you recollected then the original meaning of that ceremony. It was the giving of that freedom which alone enabled a man to be a citizen of the city and to exercise any trade within it, so that, in fact., the privilege given to Mr. Gladstone on that occasion was in its original meaning a privilege to set up a shop in the Trongate. (Laughter.) I have no doubt that if other trades fail, and if it comes to that, my right hon. friend will make a very large fortune indeed. (Laughter and cheers.) It is a very curious illustration of the restrictions that sys tem put upon labour what I am going to tell you. I happened to be looking at the interesting life of the celebrated James Watt, just published by Mr. Smiles, the historian of the engineers. When James Watt removed from Greenock and came to this city, he was not allowed to set up a shop in Glasgow be cause he was not a freeman, and he was compelled to come in by a side-wind. The professors of the University had peculiar privileges at that time, and they gave to James Watt the liberty which the magistracy and the workmen—for not merely the magistracy, but the workmen, kept up the restriction —that liberty which was denied him by others, and it was through the licence given by the professors that James Watt was enabled to set up shop and conduct business in Glasgow, where he conducted those experiments which led to the invention of the condensing steam engine. (Cheers.) But this is to be said in regard to the law of apprenticeships, that the spirit of English and of Scotch legislation was in the main against restrictions upon human labour. By the common law of this country a man might labour at what he liked, and it was only the peculiar statute of Queen Elizabeth that was an impediment in his way. The con sequence was that whenever a case came before the courts, that statute was very narrowly con structed, as is the case with all statutes of a penal kind. It was held that the law of apprenticeships applied to no trade which did not exist at the time of Queen Elizabeth; and secondly, not to any labour which was not conducted in towns and cities. Such was the state of the law when there came that great press of mechanical invention in the latter quarter of the eighteenth century, which gave its origin to what is called the factory system. There is nothing more curious in the history of mankind than the way in which long centuries of silence and apparent total inaction are brought to a close and broken up as it were by periods of extraordinary, it may almost be said of preternatural, activity. Such in respect to general knowledge was the period which is called the revival of learning—such in respect to general religious knowledge was the.period of the Reforma tion—such in respect to abstract science was the wonderful period of Tycho Brahe, Kepler, Galileo, going on to our own Sir Isaac Newton. Such in regard to mechanical invention was the short period between the years about 1767 and 1787, a period of not more than twenty years. Really it is won derful to remember that at that time there were living together, not only as contemporary men living at the same time, but working together—without the knowledge of each other's work, yet directly these men ta w nad t has n e contemporaries—allogdievrefnulrisemt acnoeury these men were working a l mos t d ur i ng the same years at different partsi b o l e f , h Now, it is v ery cur i ous to observe the whiche parallel factory s y rendered s mt course e possible, of invention and legislation in regard to restrictions on human labour which was the consequence of these inventions. Thefirstcottonmills erectedbyArkwright were erected before James Watt had completed his mechanical invention of the steam engine. And what was the consequence of that? Why, that all the first factories were moved by water power and not by steam power. Another consequence of that was this, that the first factories were not erected in towns and cities, but were erected along the course of mountain streams, in the hills of Lancashire and Yorkshire, and in some parts of W ales. What was the consequence of that again ? The mills were erected away from the centres of population ; 2dly, away from the constant and uniform supply of labour. The consequence of that was that the mill owners employed, not free labour, as it was called, but apprentices. They collected a great number of young persons, women and children, from where they could, and brought them to their mills. They lodged in the mills, and worked the whole time it was necessary to make up for the occasional loss of water from dry weather, and from other interrup tions which might take place in their machinery. This was abottt-the year 1787. Now so early as the year 1796 or 1797, public attention was called, in consequence of the beginning of the factory system, to the tremendous consequences which were arising from unrestricted competition in human labour. It was brought before Parliament some years later by the first Sir R. Peel, who, though himself a manufac turer, and deeply interested in the success of mills, came forward to declare in Parliament that the effects of the factory system, from the long hours to which young persons and children were subjected, was becoming an intolerable evil, and desired Parliament to interfere to regulate and limit the hours of labour. (Cheers.) That was in the year 1802. That occasioned very considerable debate. It is a curious example how slowly the English Parliament and English people proceed in matters of this kind—how careful they are not so much to act upon abstract principle as upon prece dent ; for the Act of 1802 was granted mainly on the ground that it referred to apprentices, and not to what was called free labour. They said, and said very naturally, " We have no right to interfere with free labour, with free artisans or their wives or children ; but apprentices are already under the guardianship and protection of the law—therefore, if it is proved that they are working for excessive hours, we stand to them in some degree in loco parentis, and have a right to interfere with their labour, and are willing to restrict the hours of their labour, and accordingly the first of the Fac tory Acts was passed in 1802, upon the ground I have mentioned, and at the instance of the first Sir Robert Peel. (Cheers.) Now, observe the effect which was produced by the change in the form of labour, which was caused by the progress of inven tion. James Watt's inventions, upon the steam engine were nearly completed in the year 1785, and I believe most of his patterns bad been taken out at that time, but it was some time before steam super seded water power. It was, however, found cheaper, and not subject to interruption ; and in the course of a considerable number of years the mills began to be built, so to speak, in the great centres of population, where they had ready access to free labour, and where they had a cheaper supply also of fuel. Now came the proof of the results which might be brought about by unrestricted competition in human labour. Fifteen or sixteen years after Sir R. Peel had got the act of 1802, he was obliged to come back and state, " You have granted me this act, you have allowed that apprentices shall be limited in the factories, but I am now to tell you that that act has become use less ; the mills are no longer in the country, they are no longer worked by apprentices at all, no longer worked by water ; they are worked by steam in the great centres of our population, by free ar tisans, by women and children whose labour is not under the law of apprenticeship, and, notwithstand ing, the evils are worse than before. The overwork of the women and children is dreadful." So Sir 11. Peel came in 1816 and distinctly said, although he was himself a manufacturer, " It is a question whe ther the invention of machinery shall be a curse or a blessing to this country. If you do not put some restriction upon this competition in human labour, the consequences will be that all these magnificent mechanical inventions of Hargreaves, Arkwright, and Watt, will rather be curses than blessings to the people." It was several years before Parliament would venture upon the step of interfering with what was called free labour. They said, " Oh, we have given you a statute to regulate the labour of apprentices, and we are not willing to interfere with the labour of free men. They are the best judges of the number of hours their women and children can work ; we do not mean to interfere." It was not until 1819 that the first Sir R. Peel procured an act of Parliament which limited the hours of labour in factories to young persons whether apprentices or not. That was really the first of the true Factory Acts—the first of Factory Acts which involved the principle of placing by legislation a restriction upon the labours of the children and wives of free artisans. The truth was that although the principle was now assented to by Parliament, the act which - was passed in 1819 became also practi cally useless from defect in the machinery of the act. Several Subsequent endeavours were made to amend that act, but it was not until the subject was taken fte n sb ob u l r e n fr t i h ei a l t d, t t h h e en pr L in o c rc i l ple As ll l , l a l e s y, , r e n a T l v y up p ord S by y la ily i l adopted by Parliament in an effective way. Lord Ashley took it up in that spirit of philanthropy which belongs to his noble heart, and I believe that no man with a heart less warm, and no man with a disposition more inclined to see difficulties in the way of a right and just course, would have brought that to a successful termination ; but by his exer tions mainly, not only was the principle a d o pt e d, but adopted in a really stringent and effective act of Parliament, which was enacted that the women and children of this country, under the pressure of competition should not be allowed, even if willing, to act beyond a certain number of hours per day, and not at all at night, on the ground that such work was injurious to the welfare of the community at large. (Cheers.) Several statutes have been passed since that time, carrying further the same principle, until at last, in 1844, Parliament for the first time interfered not only with the labour of children and young persons, but also with the labour of adult women ; and as you are aware, the Factory Acts now apply not only to children, but limit the hours of labour also of the women of the artisan class. Now, what is the light in which we are to regard these statutes? This I may say I think without fear of contradiction, that it is quite certain that the prin ciple of these statutes will yet have to be applied to other kinds of labour which are at present exempt from its restrictions. (Cheers.) It is impossible to read the evidence which has lately been produced by parliamentary inquiry into the labour of women, chil dren, and young persons in the trades which are still unrestricted, without seeing that all the evils from un restricted competition which arose in factories in 1833 are rife at the present moment, and are inflicting the most grievous evils upon society. (Cheers.) What, then, is the light in which we ought to regard these statutes ? I have often heard them spoken of as exceptions to all rule, as violations--necessary, per haps, but to be regretted—as violations of all natural law and of all rightful principle. Now, I frankly confess I look upon that from a very different point of view. I look upon the Factory Acts as marking as great an epoch in the history of our legislation, as regards artisans, as any of those that marked the history of Free-trade. I look upon it as a discovery and an acknowledgment of a great fact and of a great principle. The fact is this, that whilst unre stricted competition in the products of labour has conferred nothing but blessings on the community, unrestricted competition in human labour may pro duce, and has frequently produced, most frightful evils. And the principle is, that these evils come within the legitimate scope of positive institutions, and of enactments of Parliamentary law. (Cheers.) Now, as regards the fact. I have already referred to the evidence given it blue-books recently as to the prevalence of similar evils in trades which are at the present moment unrestricted. I will read a short extract from the last report of the Factory Inspector —that especially of Mr. Baker, one of the oldest and most experienced of the factory inspectors. He says—" Free labour, even in this country, re quires the strong arm of the law to protect it from the cupidity and ignortnce of parents." He further says— , .' Most of the workshops of this great manu facturing country arc sound to have fallen into the inevitable trap of competitive industry when unre stricted by law—namdy, to cheapen prices by the employment of women and children in the first instance, and then to increase production by pro tracted hours of work ; without much regard to age, sex, physical capability, or even of social require ments." And as regarls the principle, I never could understand how it is that man could toil so that these tremendous evil: are the result of natural law. Our efforts to put al end to these evils are in no respect contrary to ltw. It is, indeed, true that we are all naturally inclined to be selfish and iguo rant of that which we ought to know, and careless about that which ought to give us the greatest pos sible concern ; but then it is also natural that, when by the natural law of God we have experienced the terrible effects of these evils, we should take mea sures to put them right and remedy them, and that, I apprehend, is the higher law itself. It is the law of conscience and reason asserting itself over the lower instincts of our nature. At the same time, Ido not mean for a moment to deny that, as regards the effect of legislation upon industry in this country, there are certain limits beyond which it certainly ought never to go, and probably never will go. I think the country will be jealous of any law which would interfere with the labour of adult men. They are able for the most part to protect themselves, al though we must always remember that there always is a great fallacy in what is called free labour, be cause after all in a certain sense the labour of these women and children was perfectly free—that is to say, it was unrestrained by any positive statute. But then it was placed under restrictions, under such overpowering motives, that practically it was not easy for those parents who wished to see after the education and improvement of their children, and who would have been willing to sacrifice a large por tion of their children's time to prevent their being overworked, to carry out their desires. These parents were dragged down to the level of the selfish and improvident, because if they refused to allow their children to work on these conditions, they would have been dismissed from labour, and probably have been reduced to starvation. Though practically by law they were free, yet by the force of overwhelm ing circumstances they were placed under such in ducements that practically they were not free. And now I pass from this topic, which brings me natu rally tothe second question I proposed to consider— viz., the effect of combinations among workmen themselves. The D UKE mentioned a number of cases in which combinations among workmen without strikes had done good, as among bakers in Glasgow and Edin burgh, who had succeeded in getting their hours of labour reduced. He had no doubt that unions often attempted that which was impossible. He had no general rule or advice •to give, except that those who entered a combination should be sure that the objects aimed at were in themselves just, and pur sued by just means, not by intimidation, but by force of that moral opinion which was most power ful among all combinations of men, and which he believed would always be found adequate to pro duce just and reasonable results. The remainder of the address was of a local character. A vote of thanks to the Duke, moved by Captain Speirs, M.P., was passed with loud cheers. Railway and other Companies. CRYSTAL PALACE. The ordinary general meeting of this company was held on Wednesday, at the London Tavern ; Mr. T. N. Farquhar in the chair. • The report, au abstract of which has appeared in The Sun, was taken as read. The CHAIRMAN, in moving its adoption, said the directors considered the report as one of the most satisfactory that they had ever been able to present to the shareholders. The total amount of receipts for the past year, excluding those from the Handel Festival, came as near as possible to the amount of the previous year. They were £121,452, or about £2OO in excess of those from the ordinary sources of revenue in the preceding year. The receipts from season tickets showed an increase of £3,500, which he thought very satisfactory. The receipts of the preceding year had been augmented by the Garibaldi Festival, which during two days resulted in the attendance of a large number of persons and a highly remunerative return to the company. In the comparison they had excluded the Handel Festival days from the past year's account, which, if included, would have furtherincreased the receipts. The charge for maintenance and repairs was £2OO in excess this year over the charge for last year, but the pro perty was improved by the outlay. There was a large increase in the rates and taxes this year, but that was a matter not within the control of the di rectors. There has been considerable outlay on the two principal dining-rooms in the refreshment de partment, which was absolutely necessary. The result of the Handel Festival had been, on the whcle, satisfactory, although it did not come up to the ex pectations of the directors. The 21 per cent. divi dend which the directors recommended shouldbe de clared for the past year bad been honestly earned out of the year's operations. They had made no ad- I dition to the capital account during the past year, and he had always maintained that the only safety for the company was to use the utmost caution in regard to adding to the capital. He congratulated the shareholders that the debenture debt of the com pany had been extinguished, and that everything now stood on a firm and sure basis. The property of the Rockhills had reverted to the company by the lamented death of their esteemed friend Sir Joseph Paxton. The cost of the repairs and improvements of that property had been limited to £2,500, and the valuers, Mr. Norton and Mr. Hunt, had met to determine what amount the company would have to pay on that account. The directors had offers for that property, but he thought the wisest coursewould be to let the house on the best terms they could for a period of five or seven years to a highly respectable tenant, and allow him to keep it in repair. The com pany had years ago expended about £12,000 on stables for the accommodation of the public, but it was the worst speculation they ever embarked in, the return being only about £145 a year. The high level station had been. opened for traffic, but it had not been available to any great extentin consequence of the access to it from the city being as yet totally unavailable. The Brighton Company proposed to erect a high level station close to the present station, and the Loudon, Chatham, and Dover Company proposed to extend their line to Croydon, which would be very important to the Crystal Palace Com pany. Dr. Read seconded the motion for the adoption of the report. After various suggestions for the improvement of the accommodation in the Palace by Mr. Billings, Mr. Ellis, Mr. Haythorne, Mr. Puncher, and other shareholders, the report was adopted, and the divi dend declared. The motion of Lieutenant-Colonel Young, for the discontinuance of the gratuitous admission of shareholders to the Palace on Sundays,was rejected by the adoption of an amendment by Mr. Hay thorne, requesting the directors to adopt such mea sures as would have the effect of repealing the special enactment that closed the Crystal Palace on Sundays. The proceedings concluded with a vote 01 thanks to the chairman and directors. RAILWAY BENEVOLENT INSTITUTION. The half-yearly meeting of the members was held yesterday at the King's-cross Station, Mr. H. Oak ley in the chair. Mr. Mills, the secretary, read the report, which stated that the institution continued to progress satisfactorily. About 500 new members had joined the association during the year. The subscriptions for the year 1865 amounted to £1,222, against £998 in 1364 ; and the invested fund, which amounted to £B,BOO at the end of 1864, was now increased to £11,500. The casualty fund, estab lished last year, had proved both popular and use ful. All railway employe's contributing not less than Is., upon next New Year's-day, will be entitled, in the event of their being disabled, or their wives, in the event of their death, to participate in a share of this fund. The operations of the society now ex tended to all railway servants. The payments made to widows, members, and children during the past half-year had been £245 6s. The Chairman, in moving the adoption of the report, referredlas an instance of the usefulness of the society, to the two widows who were to be elected to pensions that day. Both their husbands had joined the society in February, 1864, and were killed in the performance of their duty in May, 1865.. These widows would now receive £lO per year for the re mainder of their lives. Mr. BROOKES seconded the resolution, which was agreed to. The widow of a station-master on the North Staffordshire Railway, and the widow of - an employ on the Great Western Railway, were then elected to pensions of £lO per annum. A vote of thanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.-A great orator is, by the necessity of his position, almost obliged to speak without provisoes or limitations, and a thousand errors have arisen from forgetting this self-evident fact. When Mr. Bright or any other popular speaker is addressing a crowd of four or five thousand persons, assembled for the single purpose of hearing him speak, he must trust to the simplest agencies for pro ducing his effects ; refined argument or delicate satire would be lost upon such an audience ' • and the distinctions and differences which the thinker insists upon in his closet must be dismissed, as sure to be misunderstood, if understood at all. The orator is like a scene-painter, bound to pro duce an effect upon a multitude able to appre ciate broad masses of light and shade, but un able to examine in detail the elements which make up the picture •, his drawing may be all wrong, his colouring forced and crude, his painting may be done with a mop instead of a paintbrush ; it is enough if at last something is produced which strikes the popular imagination, and raises it, if for a brief space, out of the slough of contentment in which it is generally willing to abide. This is the explana tion of much that is otherwise unintelligible in the speech which Mr. Bright delivered at Birmingham on Wednesday. It was primarily intended to be heard at Birmingham. Itsimmediate effect was very properly the first thing attended to by the speaker. Regarded as a political essay, the man who quietly takes it up after breakfast in London cannot help noticing the defects of its structure and the flaws in its argument. What, for example, is the meaning of that long digression about Mr. Adderley, and Sir J. Pakington ? These Conservative members are doubtless of some importance in the neighbourhood of Birmingham, and they are presentable officials of the second rank anywhere ; but it is at first sight strange that Mr. Bright should devote an hour to exposing their errors and deficiencies. There are some thin g s which may be taken for granted, and we should, instead of dwelling upon them, pass by to matters of more importance. Mr. Bright, how ever, attacked Sir J. Pakington's harmless sugges tion of a coalition between the Opposition and the more moderate members of the Liberal party as if he were actually afraid it was going to happen. We should be at a loss to understand this, did not the real cause presently appear. Sir J. Pakington, mis led like so many of his countrymen by the strong expressions which Mr. Bright is forced to use, had alluded to him and his immediate followers as mem bers of a Republican party. This was the secret of Mr. Bright's indignation. It is true that he has said many things which might give some reason for the epithet ; it is true that in the speech at Birming ham itself Mr. Bright described the Government of the United States as " the freest and most powerful in the world," thereby impliedly preferring it to the one under which he lives. But all these statements are to be understood with reference to the exigencies of an orator. All that Mr. Bright meant was that the Federal Government is very free and powerful ; his own principles are strictly monarchical. Indeed, the views which he expressed at Birmingham of the functions of the Sovereign are almost alarming to moderate Constitutionalists, from the excessive power which he attributed to thellead of the Legis lature ; and in the matter of the House of Peers Mr. Bright professes the old Tory notion that a re striction might beneficially be put upon its numbers. Mr. Bright's speech is, however, something more than an idle criticism of Sir John Pakington and Mr. Adderley. He deserves credit for having stated with considerable plainness his wishes and his hopes on the subject of Reform. There are, in fact, two classes of Reformers between whom it is necessary to distinguish, and Mr. Bright helps us to divide them. Both agree in regretting the exclusion of so many Englishmen from the franchise, and both would admit a certain portion of the excluded with in the electoral body. 'There their agreement stops. The one party is content with altering the electoral machinery ; the other desires an alteration in the members elected. The one is satisfied with our existing Legislature, and deprecates any consider able change in its character ' • the other has a long string of measures ready to be passed, and a list of institutions waiting to be abolished. It is almost unnecessary to add that Mr. Bright casts in his lot with the second party. A mere alteration in the electors, without a corresponding alteration in the Legislature and in the Statute Book, he denounces beforehand as a juggle, and he sketches with his accustomed vigour the work which a reformed House of Commons might accomplish. The repeal of the Game Laws, a system for the education of the children of the poor at the national expense, the abolition of the Irish Church, some undescribed legislation in favour of the tenant against landlords, an the extinction of pauperism, are a few of the things which might be at once set about. Reform, if it comes at all, is merely a means to these ends. It is in order that such things may be done that a million voters should be added to those already on the register, and it would seem that were it not for the accomplish ment of objects like these, Mr. Bright would regard the complaint against the narrowness of the electoral body as a sentimental grievance unworthy of serious consideration. We do not imagine that any pro posal will be made, much less carried, which will put a million of new voters on the register ; but even if it were done, it would be doubtful whether it would pro duce an alteration in the Legislature sufficient to pass the measure Mr. Bright desires ; and it is certain that the measures themselves, if passed into law, could not bring about the social consequences he longs for. There is an English society the Conser vatism of a thousand years, which has gradually ac cumulated, just as the heat of distant ages has been stored up in our coalfields. The national equilibrium is so stable that a movement almost revolutionary in its character would almost be followed a slight temporary rocking, soon to be succeeded by the re establishment of the old equilibrium. This is what happened after the bill of 1832, and, if Mr. Bright's Reform Bill became law, it would happen in a snore marked degree after the milder measure. The same governing classes would be found wielding the same power and enacting much the same laws as before. But, in truth, no Legislature could fulfil Mr. Bright's desire. In an eloquent peroration, which had the single defect that it was thoroughly un practical, Mr. Bright dwelt on the hopeless toil of the millions at the base of English society, which he appeared to think new laws could cure. A hapless Dorsetshire labourer working for eight shillings a week, who on the strength of that income had mar ried and begotten seven children, but after twenty four years' labour had been convicted of stealing a wooden hurdle of the value of sixpence,was the text of his discourse. It is no doubt that the Dorset shire labourers receive other wages besides wages in money ; but, allowing this correction it is not easy to see what the Birmingham audience found laughable in the narrative. Even Mr. Bright must know that the existence of such wages depends ultimately on the fact that Dorsetshire labourers can and do marry and rear families of seven children upon them. Legislation cannot pre vent a scandal which has its origin in the degrada tion of human nature. As long as men are content to live upon such terms, public help and private bene volence are alike vain ; for the objects of bounty, national or domestic, will reproduce and perpetuate the evils which others are struggling to remove. All that can be done is to put before the labourer a standard of existence higher than his own, to instil in him a desire to attain it, to lead him to feel new wants, and to undergo abstinence and privation in order that they may be satisfied. If this, which is in truth the ultimate end of education, be in some measure attained, and the labourer be free to carry his labour to any market, he must for the rest be left to himself. The result may seem harsh, if not hopeless, to those who would by a clause in the Statute Book suddenly raise the poor out of the mire; but it is the only way of accomplishing the object which can be followed without fear of disap pointment. POST.—When railways were first inaugurated, their lines concentrating on London stopped short at the outskirts of the City. We do not mean the City in any Lord Mayor's sense, but we would be understood to refer to the great aggregate of dwel lings which in the two counties of Middlesex and Surrey give shelter to almost three millions of in habitants. The case is very different now. There has been a civic invasion of railroads. Onward and inward they go indomitably, irrepressibly. Local difficulties of site are overcome by engineering skill. Vested rights of place and occupation are set aside by Act of Parliament, the assumption being that the property'of every individual disturbed is to be made good by the award of a jury, if arbitration should fail. Thus far in theory ; but in practice there are many conditions under which the good intent fails, and amongst these two especially manifest themselves. It is unfortunately a principle of business action that people shall stand up for their own interests, defending them before the tribunals of public appeal, the bestowers yielding as little as they can, the receivers obtaining no more than they can claim by award. To put the matter much shorter, and even, more clearly, the principle that rules is identical with that enunciated by Rob Roy, and by him and his caterans scrupu lously followed out— " The good old rule, the simple plan, That those should take who have the power, And those should keep who can." • Subjected to the ruling of this principle, andunder City railroad administration, two classes of persons are especial sufferers—small tradesmen who hold premises without leases, but on the verbal promise of landlords whose word carries all the authority of a lease, and artisans locally employed. We recognise the hardships to which individuals of both these classes are subjected • but wishing to be practical, as is our desire in making these remarks, we dismiss the first class from consideration at once, after this mere passing reference. We really do not know what can be done for such people in regard to circum stances as they are. In future the necessity will be made apparent for the granting of leases in cases wherein that form of tenure has not been hitherto adopted. The second case—that of artisans—is one which to a considerable extent admits of remedy. If an invading railroad only disturbs this community, driving them from the unhealthy and incommodious premises which they have been too wont to occupy, to the suburbs, there to find healthier and cheaper homes, at a price, railway conveyance included, as cheap, or even cheaper, than the premises they .oc cupy at present, then the change will be a blessing. If, however, the artisan classes are to be disturbed, driven from the homes which they have found to be most convenient, and no provision made, no recom pense offered, then a monstrws injustice will have been done. Coming to practical conclusions, ii will be seen that, in order to effectuate this blessing, one thing only is needed—viz., that railway conveyance should be placed at the disposal of the disturbed and exiled people. at a cost compatible with their wages. This agreed upon, the questions remain whether rail road boards can be either induced to do it, or obliged to do it. As regards the power of inducement—or rather the various influences which constitute in ducement—let us see what they are. If it could be shown that cheap passenger fares would prove re munerative, that of course would be an inducement ; self-interest being in all matters of business the strongest of all agencies. Having mentioned self interest, we believe the sum total of business in ducement will have been enumerated. Philanthropy might be adverted to, but not by any one who knows what business organisation is. There is a good deal of philanthropy in the world, but the very warmest philanthropist merges that feeling so so on as he enters into a business speculation. Philanthropy is a private luxury : one that does not comport with business, which looks only to dividends from cash invested. Personally, we are far from regretting this result, seeing that without business unsympathy —call it, those who prefer, heartlessness—and busi ness close calculation, the means of private philan thropy would be largely curtailed. It is at least pleasing to believe iu such a harmony and fitness of things as that according to which it is assumed that the greatest measure of comfort accrues froni the best applied principles of social economy. In ac cordance with this belief the hope must frequently have dawned that railway boards might ultimately find their interest consist in a lowering of fares of special trains, to suit the wants of artisans living out of town. Mr. David Jones, a Welsh civil engi neer of some experience, stands forward as the ad vocate of a remunerative cheap railway traffic ; and his proposition, if sound at foundation, has the ad ditional merit of solving the problem in respect to existing lines. His scheme contemplates the esta blishment of branch or lateral lines, which, instead of costing some £35,000 the mile—the average cost of British railways now constructed—should only cost £4,000 per mile. If this idea could be carried out, then it follows that fares might be proportion ately less than they are ; still leaving an equal, or even a better, dividend. The difference between the past and the proposed cost is enormous ; but Mr. Jones goes into explanations that tend to convince any unprejudiced person. On his branch lines he would do away with express speed ; and in abolish ing this an amount of saving would accrue that only those who have studied the subject can appreciate. First, the branch roads may attack ascents and descents more boldly than existing lines, whereon high speed is attained. There need be fewer tunnels; fewer viaducts. Dead level or approach to a dead level, now so indispensable, to favour existing speeds, would be no longer necessary. With dimi nution of speed would follow diminution of weal . and tear of rolling stock ; in short, on examination, it would be found that the supposed necessity of high speed has entailed on existing railway lines the major part of their expenses. If the cheapening of railway traffic can be effected on existing lines, the force of competition will take effect in establish ing a corresponding economy on lines to be created. Thus in the end, it may be expected that full subur ban accommodation may be acquired for the metro politan industrial classes needing it. We have treated hitherto of amelioration through naturally arising influences ; and in the operation of these re poses the best hope of those who wish to see the pressure removed to which we have adverted. A good deal of stress has been laid on compulsory clauses in any future railway bills. Now un til it can be shown that the average railway dividends of Britain are more than four per cent., it is clear that the holders of shares cannot be accused of realising inordinate profits. The case is to be feared that the imposition of compulsory clauses would only have the effect of soliciting a false economy—a cut ting down which would eventuate in danger. Far better, it seems to us, to rely on such an extension of cheap branch lines as would co-ordinate lower • fares with higher profits. COUNTRY MARKETS BRISTOL—THURSDAY. On our market to-day thero was a small supply of Eng lish wheat, for which last week's prices were realised, but the demand was not brisk. BIRMINGHAM—TuunspAy. At this day's market there was more wheat offering than for some time, and the trade was slow, but no reduction submitted to on any descriptions. Oats andbarley 6d Per qr. dearer. Beans and peas in limited request. Currencies :—English wheat, white, 45s to 50s ; red, 30s to 48s per 36 stone. Malting barley, 30s to 35s ; grinding , 22s to 25s per qr. Oats, 24s to 30s ; Irish, 21s to 24s per 30 stone. Beans, 42s to 45s ; and peas, 40s to 42s per qr. MANCHESTER-THURSDAY. At our market this morning there was only a moderate demand for wheat, and no change was observable. Flour unchanged; oats ruled firm, but oatmeal was 6d to is par load cheaper ; beans 6d to is per qr. dearer. BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WED:gzsDAy. There was a large supply of wheat which realised fully late rates. Prime sorts of barley quite as dear, secondary is per qr. cheaper. Beans, peas, and oats in favour of the seller. Talavera wheat, 57s to 595; red ditto, 45s to 475; barley, 37s to 40s; secondary ditto, 30s to 32s per qr. Averages :—Wheat, 1,374 qrs, 438 61d ; barley, 2,942 qrs., 328 51d ; oats, 5 qrs, 22s Od. EDINBURGH-WEDNESDAY. At to-day's market there was a good supply of couutri wheat, which sold slowly at late prices. Town-made flour sells as follows:—White, 42s Od; extra' superfine, 40s Od ; superfine, 38s Od ; fine, 36s Od. Average prices. Wheat, 49s 3d I Oats, 25s 9d Barley, 32s lld 1 Beans 44s 6d Wheat on the top, 38 Od down average, is 5d doWU• Barley on the top, Os 3d down average, Os 3d down• Oats on the top, Os 6d up.... ....... average, Os 1d down• Beans on the top, is Od up average, Os lld up. Total supply and sales. Wheat 899 qrs sold 519 Barley 2078 qrs sold 1475 Oats '2045 qrs sold 1527 Beans B4 qrs sold 80 GL AS G OW—WEDNESDAY. This day's market was well attended. Wheat and floor slow, and 6d to is lower per qr. and sack. Barley an d beans steady. Oats, oatmeal, peas, and Indian corn ilia turn in buyers' favour. A frightful attack of neuralgia in the face an d mouth cured by a tew doses of Monrsoi(a PILLS, the ve°e • table universal medicine of the British College of Heals% Euston-road, Lonuon, after other means had sailed. Sold by the hygeian agents and all medicine vendors. Births. GREra. 7 on the 12th inst., at Richmond, Surrey, the vt:fe of J. W. Greig, Esq., of 'a son. Low.—On the 9th inst., at Aldershot, the wife of Captain Low, 74th Highlanders, of a son. TAGART.—On the 13th inst., at 31, Craven-hill-gard ens ' Hyde-park, the wife of Francis Tagart, Esq., of a son• Marriages. JERVIS—PROLE.—On the 14th inst., at Trinity Chure. l3 :„ Marylebone, Lieut.-Colonel William Jervis, of LOK I ', park, Sydenham, to Harriet, widow of the late g al W. S. Prole. SELBY—JONES.--On the 14th inst., at St. Clement Dane.f., Strand, John Caleb. Selby, of Furnival's-inn, and Coe.'of street, solicitor, to Eliza Lucy Alicia, eldest daughte l G. W. Jones, Esq., of Essex-street, Strand. Deaths. . ANDREWS.- 7 011 the 13th inst., at Dulwich-common, Silt- rey. H. W. Andrews, Esq , aged 43. CAY.—On the 13th inst., at Edinburgh, John Cay, e ' 4l. ' advocate, sheriff of the county of Linlithgow. DEW.—On the 14th inst., at 94, Denbigh-street, n• De 'sr ' Esq., late of H.M.'s Customs, aged 76. GURNEY.—On the 14th inst., at 61, Baker-street, Mr, 21 10s ' Gurney, aged 67. Charles GRANT.—On the 12th inst., at Notting - hill, Capt. C.. 111 Grant, late of the 23d R. W. Fusiliers, aged 69. I%V -yr . GRELLET.—On the 13th inst., at 7, Lloyd-street , v , •-', H. R. Grellet, aged 69. SHEPHERD.—On the 12th inst., at Abington, Barks, G C°. Shepherd, aged 69. e WILLIAMS.—On the 12th inst., at 88 , Nels on-terrac Williams, Esq., of the firm of Williams an d 31urim Blackfriars-road. London : Printed and Published by WIL LIAM AN of No. 112, strand, Piinter, at T I N : SUN 4411 , 3 e, NO. Y 1"„; Strand, in the. Precinct of the Savoy. in the NO. biitilesex,—Friday, December 15,1585. OND Roc EVA.Ns' KIN, A Trap ce:c Prize lied, It i+ Yuc iold in t the AZent' 8, (1-R. Observe - Kinahan VI UTI L (1 14 , RUSSf A.I)VAN Freehold fee, or an , three year; , discounted blade towa 15 Years e..velope. T H Bou opposite tl Has bee rooms, pric to %Off% ; a , 30 0 persont uttmers at rooms, as °olln with Bon a, a m , Yellers wit end omnib aPe , k all 11 uloderrt biost Tashi , lion o f trai Indepem bil , ere has 00 the Bou land MI private re: the utmost CHAR Establis the liabilit of the Shi With the I land and I Dailies esti Capital, each, £1 to be six month call is mac First is Privately E OHM John Enw F. R Prance. liarvey Li tr. H. Bo the Pari B Hen kr. E. C. nal of C Air. B d A ir. A. Gai Bit John C Georg e Pa Co.). Uessrs. VI George- The Natio The Lond The Loud The Natio liesers. Cl L l eSSrs. J. M essrs. DE E dward F, r. CharlE y i I. 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