The Sun. — London, England, 1865-05-16 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PMILWaNT Court at Leeds, on or :about the 24th Feb. last, and state to officials that he was appointed registrar ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said Mr. Wilde had not been called upon to resign, but had been ca led upon, in consequence of the report of Mr. Commissioaer Ayrton, to account for certain irregularities in his office. Those an swers had not been deemed satisfactory, and Mr. Wilde HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD °summon took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE EDMUNDS SCANDAL. The Earl of WICKLOW drew the attention of their lordships to the circumstances connected with the inquiry instituted into the alleged defalcations of Mr. Edmunds, and said that, there being no check on the Clerk of Patents was a very defective state of the law, and required amend ment. He wished to ask the noble and learned lord, the Lord Chancellor, if it was intended to introduce any bill to meet that grievance. Earl GRANVLLLE said that steps had been taken to remedy the defect, and the subject was receiving the con sideration of Government. PRIVATE BUSINESS. pleaded ill health. He was then informed by the chief registrar that, as ill health was the cause, he could present a petition praying to be allowed to retire, in accordance with the provisions of the act of 1861. A petition was presented, which was verified by affidavit, and also by a very eminent medical practitioner, that Mr. Wilde was suffering from total loss of sight, and upon that he was allowed to retire upon a pension of £6OO per annum. It was not arranged beforehand that Mr. Wilde was to be succeeded by Mr. Welsh, but that gentleman had been re commended for promotionlong before that of the lateSirW. Atherton. The Lord Chancellor, however, had never The Duke of Bridgewater's Estate Bill; the Binning ham Water Bill ; and Buckfarthing, Totnes, and South Devon Railway Bill ; the Bristol, Exeter, and Devon and Somerset Railways Bill ; and the Rhyl and District Water Bill were severally read a second time. The following were also read a third time, and passed :—Dublin, Wicklow, and Wexford Railway Bill, with amendments ; Edinburgh Merchant Com pany Bill;; Ham Oyster Fishery Bill ; Bristol Port, Railway, and Pier Bill ; Llanelly Railway and Dock Bill ; Ventnor Railway Bill ; Isle of Wight Railway (Steamboats) Bill ; Isle of Wight Railway Bill ; Cork and Limerick Direct Railway Bill ; Lancashire and Yorkshire, and Lancashire Union Railways Companies Bill ; the Preston and Wyre Railway ; Harbour and Dock Bill ; the Laiddenden Valley Railway Bill ; the Runcorn, Weston, and Haltin . Waterßill; and Stafford and Uttoxeter Railway Bill. ALLEGED GRIEVANCES OF INDIAN OFFICERS. Lord D0N06613108E presented a petition from Brevet-Major Piers, praying for redress of the grievances of which the Indian officers complain. He said that this subject had been before Parliament, having been ven tilated in the other house, and having been also lately brought under the consideration of their lordships, by petitions having been presented from time to time praying for redress of grievances of a very serious character, which, he contended, should have been investi gated. He drew attention to the fact that the Indian offi cers were not satisfied with the manner in which they had been treated by the Secretary of State for India, and he thought they were entitled to have their case fully in quired into. They complained that the recom mendation of the Royal Commission appointed to in q uire into their case had been rendered a nullity. He contended that it was a great hardship on an officer of the Indian army to have him deprived of the opportunity of promotion for two years, as was the case in regard to the petitioners, and other persons who were similarly situated, some of whom had served her Majesty for nearly 40 years. Lord DIIFFERIN, speaking on behalf of the Indian Go vernment, contended that if any grievances had ever existed they had not only been removed by the arrange ments recently made, but the position of these officers was better now than before. He intimated, however, that a commission would be issued for an inquiry as to how far the recommendations of the previous commission had been carried out. Lord LYVEDEN expressed an opinion that the Indian GoTernment had treated the officers of the Indian army in a shabby and ungenerous spirit, for from the first, so far from attending to their complaint; they had declined to carry out the recommendations of a royal commission. Instead of suspending the matter by commission after com mission it would be much better to meet their complaints in a wise and liberal spirit. Lord llouoirres warmly supported the claims of tho petitioners, which were disputed by the Duke of ARGYLL. Lord CRAN WORTH made some observations in expla nation of the proceedings of the last commission ; and The Earl of. DONOUGHMORE, in replying, ridiculed the appointment of another commission. The Married Women's Property (Ireland) Bill passed through committee. The Earl of WICKLOW called attention to the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer before the Edmunds committee, to the effect that the Treasury had no check upon the payments of money by officers in the public de partments. He inquired whether the Government con templated the introduction of any measure to correct so serious a defect. Earl GRANVILLE replied that steps had been taken to enforce punctuality in the payments of the Clerk of Patents, and that the whole subject was under the consideration of the Government. THE CONFEDERATE STATES. seen Mr. Welch before the appointment, so that no ar- rangement was made with him respecting his retirement, andfno proposal was made to him to that effect. Mr. R. Bethell was never appointed a Registrar in the Leeds Dis trict Bankruptcy Court., and if he attended and stated that ho was so appointed, he did it without the sanction or knowledge of the Lord Chancellor. COMPETITIVE EXAMINATIONS IN INDIA. Mr. TORRENS asked the Secretary of State for India when it was intended that the new rule for competitive examinations for the Civil Service in India, fixing the maximum limit of age at 21 years, was to have effect ; and whether there would be any objection to postpone its ope ration until such time that it cannot injuriously affect per sons who had studied for the examinations under the belief that the old rule, making the maximum limit 22 years, would not be altered ; and, also, what publicity had been given to the new rule ; whether its publication by the Civil Service Commissioners or the Secretary of State had been confined to the note at the foot of the printed " Regulations for the open competition of 1865," or had it been published in the English, Irish, Scotch, Colonial, or Indian official Gazettes, as well as in some of the London and provincial newspapers. Sir C. WOOD said the alteration would take effect in the year 1866. The utmost publicity had been given to the arrangement, as it had been sent for publication to nearly every known channel of information. Lord HOUGHTON asked the Secretary for Foreign affairs whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Go vernment, after the events which had lately occurred in the United States of North America, to withdraw the admis sion of belligerent rights conceded to the so-called Confe derate States? The question was principally of importance with regard to naval operations, and it appeared to him that, although the blockade of the Confederate ports had not been raised, yet that, as those ports had been closed by the supreme authority of the United States Government, the war might be considered at an end, and that belligerent rights should, therefore, be withdrawn from the Confede rate States. Earl RUSSELL regretted the terms in which the motion was couched, and also that it shoul4, have been put at the present time. We did not concede belligerent rights to the Confederate States. We simply recognised a state of war which existed beyond any doubt between the Federal and the (so-called) Confederate States. The United States Go vernment, in fact, itself recognised the existence of such a war by the proclamation which the President issued in March, 1861, under which he declared the ports of the Con federate States under blockade. As soon as that proclama tion was issued the English Government had only the al ternative, either to acknowledge the belligerent rights of the North, and on the other hand of the South, or to refuse to acknowledge the blockade. The English Government took the former course, which followed inevitably upon their ac knowledgment of the rights of blockade claimed by the - United States. That war had now been carried on for four years, and the present question was asked at a most unfortunate time, for it was very difficult to say what was the state of facts at the present moment. His noble friend said that the Government of the United States had closed the Southern ports. Well, they might exercise that authority over ports which were in their possession or occupation. But the port of Galveston, in Texas, was still in the pos session of the Confederates, and therefore the only power which the United States could exercise in respect of it was that of blockade. We did not know whether the United States intended to give up the further exercise of the belli gerent right of search on the high seas. Of course, it was impossible for us to allow the exercise of such a right in time of peace. What the Government were anxious to as certain, and what they had asked of the Government of the United States, was, what was the present state of things. They had already told the United States Government that it was not necessary to maintain any restrictions upon the resort of their vessels or to their stay in British ports. But they could not go further until they knew whether the United States intended to give up the further exercise of the belligerent right of search on the high seas. The Government would rejoice sincerely at the termination of the civil war which had so long been going on in America. In answer to Lord HOUGHTON, Earl RUSSELL said that, if the United States Govern ment declared the war at an end, it would become his duty to take the opinion of the law officers as to the course which the Government ought to pursue. The Married Women's Property (Ireland) Bill passed through committee. The District Church Tithes Bill was road a third time and passed. The Isle of Man (Disafforestation) Compensation Bill passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS —LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Barnstaple Roads; Bishop's Castle Railway (Extensions to Craven Arms, cte.); Burnham Tidal Harbour ; Ex mouth Gas ; Heysham Pier ; London, Chatham, and Dover Rail wa y (No 1;) Northampton and Banbury June ton Rail way (E x t ens i ons ) ; T e i gn V a ll e y R a ilway ; and rr t ottenha m and Hampstead Junction Railway (Deviation.) THE MALT DUTY—THE BUD-GET. T he CHANCELLOR of tho EXCHEQUER gave notice that °ll all early day he should move a resolution, prepara tory to the introduction of a bill to allow the duty to be collected by weight instead of, as at present, by measure. ST. PAUL'S CHURCH, BRIGHTON. Mr. WHALLEY gave notice that on an early day he should call attention to the manner the service was per formed in St. Paul's Church, Brighton. (Hear, hear, and laughter). FOREIGN SALT. Mr. J. TOLLEMACHE asked the President of the Board of Trade the cause of so long a delay in the settle ment of the question as to the terms upon which English salt was to be admitted into France, under the reciprocity treaty between the two countries, and what was the present state of the negotiations thereon ? M. GIBSON said he believed the salt duty would soon be the subject of legislation in France. THE RESIGNATION OF MR. WILDE. Mr. FERRAND a sked the Attorney-General w hether it was true that Mr. Henry Sed g wick Wilde, when registr ar of the Court of Bankruptcy at Leeds, was called upon b y one of the bankruptcy officials, by authority, to resign hi s office, and that he refused to do so; whether Mr. Wilde was then informed that if he would resign at once and ob tain a medical certificate he should have a pension of £6OO a year, although he was then in a good state of health; whether he did obtain such medical certificate and resign, and was the pension so promised granted or sanctioned by the Lord Chancellor ; was Mr. Wilde, on his resignation, succeeded byMr.Welch, who was then in a precarious state of health ; arranged that Mr. Welch should hold the office un twilas th it e reversal of the outlawry of the Hon. R. Bethell ; and was Mr. R. Bothell's appointment made out after his out lawry was reversed, and did he attend the Bankruptcy committee. ment would give a pledge that the grave questions raised in the course of the debate by the opponents of the bill would be taken into their serious consideration. Mr. CAVE saw no use in sending the bill to a select committee, but if it became law there was no doubt that they must have a redistribution of the unions. and that the bill must be supplemented by other measures to redress existing inequalities. Mr. SCHNEIDERy alluding to the general principle of the bill, said that no measure could be introduced that would do more justice between parish and priest, tend more to ameliorate the condition of the poor, or give greater satisfaction to the country. Sir J. TROLLOPE denied the accuracy of the state ments contained in the commissioner's report. The question at issue concerned the honour and humanity of English gentlemen, and imperatively demanded inquiry. Other grounds for referring the bill to a select committee were that the new union assessment valuations were net yet completed, that the bill tended directly to break the connection between the employers of labour and the em ployed, and would ultimately lead to a national rate. Mr. KENDALL hoped the Government would intro duce a bill admitting the principle of rating mines and plan tations, in order that it might be considered by a select Lord J. MANNERS believed that his hon. friends would find themselves greatly disappointed if they expected that the Government would ever follow the bill with any mea- sures that would render it just and fair. The noble lord stated that he, too, had instituted an examination of the returns of the commissioner, and found that of 821 parishes where it was represented the amount of cottage accommo dation had decreased, there were not less than 290 in which it had either increased or not diminished, whilst in those 290 parishes the number of houses had actually in creased by 1,439. After that he felt he had a right to de mand a full investigation of every figure and fact alleged in the report. Mr. VILLIERS said that if he could admit the premises of the noble lord he might consent to abandon the bill, or what would come to the same thing refer it at this period of the session to a select committee. The noble lord, like the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Henley) saw the difficulty of his case. He saw this was no ordinary question. He per ceived that the bill was one brought in upon information of a very extended character, and supported by evidence of no ordinary kind. (Laughter.) The noble lord and his friends saw, therefore, that they must by some means change the issue—that they must shuffle the pack—(oh, oh)—and di vert attention from the bill ; and therefore they fixed upon some statistics which he (Mr. Villiers) had incidentally re ferred to—(laughter)—and they asserted, though they did not prove—(oh, oh)—perhaps they were disposed to inter rupt the proceedings as they had done the other night. (Oh.) They asserted that the bill was based upon imperfect and de fective information. There was, however, no ground for such a statement. The bill was passed upon the recom mendation of a committee which had sat for three years upon the subject, which had made the fullest inquiry into the working of the poor law, and in that most important matter—the rating of property for the purposes of that law. The question before the house was no novel one. The noble lord and the right hon. gentleman knew perfectly well that it had been before the house for one and thirty years, and now the right hon. gentleman who opposed the bill admitted that he was the owner of a close parish. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman was one of those who had resisted this measure for 31 years, but who now felt that their interests could no longer be protected against those of the community. (Cheers.) He (Mr. Villiers) must repeat that this measure was proposed by the ori ginal projectors of the new poor law, and that those gentlemen had never had the smallest doubt that it was essential to the success of their measure. It was supported, moreover, by the authority of the most revered statesman that ever sat in the House of Commons had been made out for further inquiry. Since this bill had been introduced the Hon. and Rev. Mr. Talbot (the chairman of the Staffordshire Quarter Sessions) presented to him an address, in which he said that as a ratepayer in a rural parish, where there was not a single pauper, he would have if the measure passed to pay a large sum for the relief of the rest of the union, but he felt it his duty to look at the matter from a wider point of view than that of personal interest—(cheers) —and he would support the bill, believing thoroughly that it would have the effect of encouraging landowners and farmers to build cottages for their workpeople near to the place of their employment. (Cheers.) This gentleman went on to say he had frequently observed that where a man had lived near his work he was still active at 50 or 60 years of age, whereas the labourer who had to walk two or three miles to and from his work every day was worn out when he reached that age.; and he added that he sincerely believed the proposed change would be beneficial to the poor. (Hear, hear.) The late Mr. Ker Seymer, one of those country gentlemen who filled them with hope that the party to which he belonged would keep pace with the progress of the country—(hear, hear) — a liberal-minded man, who had the courage to express his views, in speaking on Mr. Baines's bill, which embraced some of the principles of the present measure, said that the parochial system might be valuable for church purposes ; but it did not follow that it was good for the relief of the poor ; and he said also that its tendency was to pervert the best feelings of nature. It was the opinion of Mr. Ker Seymer that, under the present law, for one man who left his settlement and returned a pauper one hundred were prevented from seeking employment ; that the effect of this alteration of the law would be to make all board of guardians more careful with respect to the relief of the poor, and that there was no reason why an alteration in the present law should lead to a national rate. Therefore he (Mr. K. Seymer) should give the Government measure his hearty support. But returns had been obtained from the Registrar-General showing the condition of the agricultural labourer under the circumstances. ',They were remarkable, and, indeed, rather striking. The returns of mortality among the different classes of people in the unions had been furnished from two unions. It was stated in those returns that any advantages which might be derived from good drainage were counter acted by overcrowding in cottages ; that the ratio of deaths from zymotic diseases was double among the labourers as compared with the upper classes ; and that the deaths in the Reading district showed 17 among the labouring class, as against 9of the upper class. There seemed a concur rence of testimony that deaths resulted from labourers being unable to procure residences in close villages, and being driven into the open villages. It was for the consi deration of those who had influence in these matters to say whether this system should continue or not. He was very sorry to hear the decision of the right hon. member for Oxfordshire, who thought there was nothing at all the matter, and believed the people were not crowded together. Mr. HENLEY—I never said they were not crowded. I spoke strongly to the contrary. Mr. VILLIERS said he believed the right hon. gentle man spoke of the cock-and-bull story about the people being crowded. Mr. HENLEY—I said a cock-and-bull story about houses being demolished. (Hear, hear.) Mr. VILLIERS—WeII, what was the fact? Did the houses keep up with the population, or did they not ? if they inquired into the matter fully—(Opposition cheers) — they would have to inquire in another tribunal. (Oh.) But let not this be thought a party matter. (Hear, hear.) It had been imputed that there was something like an election purpose in this measure—(cheers) —something like a desire to influence the towns. (Hear, hear.) He could not do better than refer to an extract from an organ of the right hon. gentleman's own views—a purely Conservative journal (cries of " Name ")—the Lancashire Courier. That journal stated that in hundreds of parishes all over the country the same cry of insufficient accommodation was raised, that from this cause the labouring classes suffered morally as well as physically, and that the evils arising out of over-crowding struck at the root of morality and religion —that over-crowded cottages were nests of disease, that fever was spreading on the continent, and that if it came here it was impossible to see the final result. It was urged also that unless immediate steps were taken in the face of such danger the working classes would be decimated. Tho right hon. gentleman had referred to the prize essays of the Royal Agricultural Society as to the condition of the labourers. He (Mr. Villiers) had looked over those refer ences made by Dr. Hunter, or rather Dr. Simon. Those prize essays said on the subject of cottage property, with respect to Somersetshire, that out of 500 parishes there were upwards of 300 where the houses had decreased and the population increased. In Northamptonshire a system of de population had been systematically carried on for a consi derable length of time, and more cottages were sadly wanted. In Buckinghamshire there was insufficiency of cottage room ; in Devonshire tho small number and untenable con dition of the cottages obliged many of the labourers to re side in town ; in Bedfordshire and Warwickshire the want of comfortable cottages was a crying evil in many parishes; and in Norfolk perhaps the worst cases of all were to be found—(hear, hear)—the houses being small and dear. In Oxfordshire the cottages must not be supposed to be nearly as perfect as they ought to be. (Hear.) In every case where the discussion arose between parish and parish the result was an evident desire to get rid of the poor. This mea sure was founded upon right principles and upon the evi dence taken by their committees which had sat upon the subject of poor removal, and it was founded upon evidence of very high authority. All the evidence was in favour of such a measure. Now, during the next session, the act would expire which provided for the rating of stock-in rade to the relief of the poor, and it would be for the —by Sir James Graham, and by Sir George Lewis, as well as by Sir George Nicoll, and the com mittee of 1847• After all, what did the noble lord's objec tion eome to ? Out of 820 parishes, in which it was stated that the population had increased and the houses diminished the noble lord said that in 290 the population had indeed increased,but that the houses had also increased, though not in the same proportion. (Hear, hear.) He (the right hon. gentleman) would appeal to hon. members whether they could have any doubt as to the real object of the amend ment—namely, that it was intended simply to defeat the bill ? (Hear, hear.) He had heard that an hon. member had been told that he had better support the bill, because the country wished it, and that if it was thrown out this year it would be brought in again next ; but his reply was that he did not see it, that they had got rid of Baines's bill ten years ago, and by throwing out this to-night they would get rid of it for ten years. Well, all he could say to that was, that it seemed to a man who had had all the troubleand bother of framing and introducing a bill of this character that it was only reasonable that he should have ton years rest before he attempted it again. (Laughter.) The bon. member who proposed the committee wanted it for the purpose of inquiring into the incidence of the tax ; whether, in fact, it could not be properly transferred to the consolidated fund, or at least a portion of it; and the hon. member who seconded the motion wanted it for the purpose of showing that there was an extraordinary maladministra tion of the poor-law, and great waste of means in the north of England. Then the hon. member wanted it for the pur pose of showing that the promoters of the measure were mis taken in respect to the area of chargeability, while another hon. member wanted it for the purpose of enlarging the area of natural charity, which was certainly a novel purpose, and one not likely to be inquired into under the parochial system at least. (Laughter.) A good deal had been said. against Dr. Hunter's statistics with respect to how many houses had been pulled down since 1851, but the only straightforward motion which had been made was that made by the hon. member for Northamptonshire, which was that they should not consider it this year at all. That sugges tion could not be accepted by the house, but it had at least the merit, which the others had not, of being a straight forward attempt to get rid of the bill. This was in fact the old story of whether they should or not continue the parochial system. They did not want Dr. Hunter's statistics for the purpose of proving .that the labourers were crowded under that system into cottages too small for them, nor did the hon. member for Oxford attempt to deny that there was such a thing as driving the poor out of the parish under the parochial system. [Mr. HENLEY—" I did say so."] Then he was very sorry the hon. gentleman was in a position to say it. (Laughter.) How was it that the hon. gentleman, whom he always looked upon as the farmers' representative, had in his speech studiously omit ted to give the house any opinion from that body ? He was a great authority upon all matters in which the farmers were interested, and therefore he (Mr. Villiers) listened with interest to hear what the farmer said about this mat ter, but no, not a word fell from the right hon. gentleman with regard to the manner in wbich the farmers regarded the bill. Was not the inference irresistible that they were against it ? (No, no.) However, he thought he should be able to supply the omission from some good authority, and he would take that of the Farmers' Club, at which it ap peared this matter had been frequently discussed, and at which the decision had been invariably one way, namely, against the parochial system which the right hon. gentle man and his friends wished to preserve. He proceeded to quote the opinions of the farmers as expressed in resolu tions passed at their club from 1847 to the present time, all of which were in favour of an enlarged area of rating and of doing away with the parochial system, observing that they were obliged to employ people whom they did not want, and that if this measure were passed they would be enabled, as other persons were, to employ the best men. The hon. member for Leicester, in fact, let the cat out of the bag when he told them that he had two interests, ono in which the proposed change would be advantageous, and one in which it would be disadvantageous. No doubt he struck a balance in his own mind before he determined whether he would support or oppose the bill. (Laughter.) In case the authority of the Farmers' Club should be dis puted he would quote another, which could not well be dis regarded. A few years ago this matter was inquired into by the House of Lords, and they examined men who were most certainly the best representatives of the farmers, but they were all in the same story, and all against the con tinuance of the parochial system, quite concurring in the opinion that it led to the unprofitable employment of labour and added materially to the burdens of the ratepayers. A gentleman who was sent up to represent the West of Eng , land was of opinion that the present law led to the crowd ing of labourers in particular parishes to the exoneration of other parishes, and the Rev. Mr. Huxtabld, the rector of Sutton, in Dorsetshire, in his evidence said that the exist ing system operated to the disadvantage of the good labourer. (Hear.) If the right hon. gentleman the mem ber for Oxfordshire, and others who thought with him, would only refer to the evidence taken before the House of Lords they would see what the farmers thought of the pre sent system of parochial settlement, and that there was evidence sufficient already to remove any grounds in this case for disposing of a useful measure by proposing to refer it to a select committee. He did not distrust this report of Dr. Hunter; on the contrary, he believed it to be a very valuable one. It had not, he thought, been shaken very much. (" Oh, oh," laughter, and cheers.) There had been an attempt to shake it in a few cases, but his belief was that Dr. Hunter had rather understated than overstated the case. (" Oh, oh," and cheers.) He stated it again whether right hon. gentlemen and noble lords believed it or not that he never heard of the report till after his measure had been prepared, and that it was only a day or so before its introduction that he heard of the document. The instant he received that report he directed it to be sent to the in spectors of all the districts, requesting them to see whether its statements were correct, and the replies so far as he had received them went to show that though there might be some inconveniences, substantially the case was stronger even than Dr. Hunter had stated. Mr. Wigram, of Biggles wade, in Bedfordshire, said that the result of his inspection in different parts of the union proved that the report was not at all exaggerated ; and he was enabled; with the assist ance of Sir John Burgoyne, to verify the statements of Dr. Hunter with respect to the overcrowding of cottages in Sutton. If other landed proprietors as candid as Sir John Burgoyne could be found he had no doubt that similar accounts would be received from other districts. They were asked now in the middle of May to appoint a committee, the effect of which must be to throw over the measure altogether for the present, but no ground legislature to decide whether the act should be continued or not, and if it were proposed to inquire into the question whether mines and other things should be assessed which were now exempted he would support such an inquiry. (Hear, hear.) The present measure had been recommended by many select committees of that house, and it seemed to him to be a safe and proper and legitimate pro posal for the house to adopt. It was well known that in dealing with the subject and it arose chiefly in con sequence had be s d e i t ffi tle c m ul e ty nt, of a want of uniformity of assessment of the pro perty in unions. A measure was submitted with a view of carrying out a better system of assessment, and it was adopted, and now greater uniformity prevailed everywhere. A nearer value of the property in every parish had been arrived at since the chance in the law of assessment was made, and a further change in the law was made in this respect, that no person after living three years in a parish could be removed at all. The house allowed an act to be passed in 1861 which empowered parishes to throw charges upon a common fund, and the hon. member for Worcester shire saw that a measure of the present nature could not be long resisted—he saw that it was to be the next step— that there must be union rating. It was clear that they must go forward or backward, for the question could not remain where it was now placed. (Hear, hear.) He hoped after the full explanation which had been given that his hon. friend the member for Whitby would not press his amendment, but that he would allow the bill to go into committee. (Hear, hear.) Earl PERCY was understood to say that his principal object in rising was to express an opinion: that the right hon. gentleman had been wrongly informed when he stated that the farmers were in favour of this measure, for he had received remonstrance after remonstrance from farmers against the bill. (Hear, hear.) Mr: THOMPSON said that after the appeal which had been made to him by the right hon. gentleman, and seeing that a dissolution was expected in July, he would not press his amendment, but ask leave to withdraw it. (No, no.) The house then divided, when there appeared— For going into committee upon the bill 266 Against 93-173 Upon the question that the house should go into com mittee, Mr. HENLEY explained that he had not in his speech said he was satisfied with the dwellings of the labouring poor. On the contrary, ho said he was not satisfied with hem, and he thought much remained to be done to im prove them. He was, therefore, anxious to relieve himself from the charge which the right hon. the President of the Poor-law Board attempted to cast upon him. (Hear, hear.) He wished to add that his opinions with regard to the law of settlement were perfectly well known, and he trusted the right hon. gentleman would support the amendments of which he had given notice, for doing away with all settlements whatever. (Hear, hear.) He had no objection, as far as ho was concerned, to the house going into com mittee, but he hoped it would be understood that the chair man should at once report progress, as it was quite impos sible to proceed with the clauses at that hour. (Hear.) The house then went into committee upon the bill pro forma. It was ordered that the committee should sit again on Thursday. The Salmon' Fishery Act, 1861, Amendment Bill, and the Exchequer Bonds (X 1,000,000) Bill, were read a second time. The Customs and Inland Revenue Bill, and the Prisons (Scotland) Act Amendment Bill, were read a third time and passed. Other bills were advanced a stage, and the house ad journed at one o'clock. --um••••11MIE ABERDEEN.-RESPITE OF STEPHEN, THE MUR DERER.—On Saturday a communication was received by the Lord Provost of Aberdeen from Secretary Sir George Grey, granting a respite to George Stephen, under sentence of death here for murder, during her Majesty's pleasure. This decision, it is understood, proceeds upon a certificate by medical men that the prisoner is in an insane condition. On the intelligence being communicated to him Stephen betrayed no emotion. The result gives general satisfaction in the town. ADVERTISEMENTa—HoIIoway's Pills.—These pills are better for strengthening a debilitated constitution than any other medicine in the world. Persons of a nervous habit of body, and all who are suffering from weak digestive organs,- or whose health has become deranged by bilious affections, disordered stomach, or liver complaints, should lose no time in giving these admirable pills a fair trial. Coughs, colds, asthma, or shortness of breath are also within the range of the sanitive powers of this remarkable medicine. The cures effected by these pills are not super ficial nor temporary, but complete and permanent. They are as mild as they are efficacious, and may be given with confidence to delicate females and young children. ME SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 16, 1865. CHINA. (From the Times Correspondent.) SHANGHAI, March 25. During the past week a large body of troops, destined to reinforce the Imperialist army in Foh- kien, have marched into Shanghai from the interior. They arrived on the 15th, and encamped outside the south gate of the city until the steamers chartered to convey them were ready for their reception. The Chinese state their number at 20,000, but, judging from the size of the camps, I should think barely 10,000 can at present be assembled. Possibly, more may be on their way. They are divided into several camps, each surrounded by earthworks, with a broad road running through the middle, on either side of which are pitched regular rows of tents. A three- Indians, and when the returns from the French set tlement are added, the 121,498 which a late census has shown to be the total population of the island, including Chinese, will be effectually eclipsed. Be sides all this, the native city of Shanghai and its suburbs must contain a population considerably larger than the three foreign settlements together. Business at Shanghai has reached that point at which it is said things must mend. A telegram which has reached us, conveying a rumour of a fall of 3d. or 4d. a pound in cotton, is one of the prin cipal causes of the extreme depression ; and the next mail is anxiously looked for, to confirm or dispel the report. Exchange closes at 6s. 34d. for bank bills, and 6s. 41d. for private paper. The silk season may be held fairly over. cornered flag is stuck in the ground alongside of each tent, the colour varying in each camp. That in the principal one is white, with indented red border ; that in the second 'has broad alternate stripes of yellow and green, which look especially gaudy ; while in the third a three-cornered piece of white cloth rejoices in a black edging. Opposite the tent of the principal officer of each camp is planted a large square flag, remarkable by this variety in shape but for little else. Most of the men appear to possess muskets and bayonets, as these arms, orna mented with large patches of rust, are piled in an eccentric manner outside many of the tents. The greater part are the old Tower musket, and, judging from their appearance, they are rapidly deteriorating to a state in which they will be more dangerous to their owners than to the enemy: Notwithstanding, however, the conviction which oppresses me that the muskets are as likely to go off sideways as forwards, and that their owners would run away on the slightest possible persuasion, it is impossible not to concede a regularity greater than I should have thought the Chinese capable of displaying, which gives a kind of military appearance to the scene. The varied colours of the flags which flutter in the wind, to the number of several hundreds, combine with the scarlet, orange, black, and other unforms of the soldiers to produce a more quaintly picturesque effect than is afforded even by the gorgeous trappings of some European troops. Our Volunteer corps, to the number of 26 cavalry and 114 infantry, marched out a few days ago to visit the new arrivals, and were received by the Chinese General in full official costume. The troops turned out in thousands to gaze at them, wondering, no doubt, inwardly at the eccentricity which could prompt gentlemen to undergo the fatigues of soldiering. Their own countrymen are troubled by no such martial ardour, and need no means to work off their superfluous energy. True disciples of Epicurus, they believe in extracting as much placid enjoyment as possible from a quiet life, but lack altogether the impulse which prompts their European brethren to fight for the sake of preserving the necessary means of enjoyment. The object of a Chinaman's life is chow-chow. The poor man works to obtain sensual luxuries. The necessity for obtain ing food prompts the poor to enlist as soldiers ; but the fact of having food deters those well to do in the world from risking the loss of the opportunity of eating it by entering on a career in which there is danger to life and limb. The Mandarins, how ever, seem to have appreciated the honour of the visit, as Kwo-sun-ling with several retainersreturned it on the following day, by appearing on the Volun teer parade ground at the accustomed drill hour of the corps. It is needless to say that they were re ceived with all due honour, and expressed the highest gratification. I hear that a battery of artillery, under the com mand of a Major Bailey, which was formerly at tached to Ching's force, but has since that leader's death been maintained by the Futai, is also to go southwards. If so, it will prove a far more efficient aid than the troops whom his Excellency has been induced to send. Gordon's disciplined force would have been of little use to him :without cannon, and to the Fohkien officials, who have neither troops nor guns, a battery commanded and officered by Euro peans will be invaluable. The Imperialist forces at present in that province appear quite unable to make head against the large number opposed to them, and are in imminent danger of 'being enclosed within a semicircle with their backs on the sea. The capture of two cities, which the Tszewang is now besieging, is alone necessary to perfect this arrangement. The arrival of heavy guns on the scene may alter the as pect of affairs, but the rebels are reported, on their side, to be energetically casting shot and shell at Changchow. They, too, have many foreigners in their ranks well capable of roughly organising and disciplining a body of men on European principles. Many of Gordon's old officers have found their way down there, together with rowdies of every nation under the sun. English, Americans, French, Ger mans, Italians, Greek, Manilese, and Dutch all meet a ready welcome from the Tszewang, who has ap pointed a man named Rhode, formerly a major in Gordon's force, to be their leader. Arms and ammu nition appear to reach them from Amoy without difficulty, though how they contrive to get past the Imperialists lines is a mystery. Several foreigners who had reached Changchow with cargoes of this description attempted to take advantage of a skir mish, not long since, to slip past in the confusion. The Imperialists, however, poured so heavy a fire of musketry into their boats that they retired promptly behind the forces of their rebel friends. The next day they made their appearance at Amoy safe and unhurt, having made a detour into the country, and so turned the flank of the Imperialist outposts. The skirmish I have just mentioned was one of the very few, if not the only one, in which the Imperialists have been able to boast the advantage. They caught an unfortunate body of rebels on a foraging excursion, attacked and compelled them to retreat to the bank of a large creek, without making much impression on their ranks. Unfortunately, however, the tide was high, and when the Imperial ists, gaining confidence from their numbers, fell on their adversaries, the latter were equally unable to defend themselves against the former's superior forces, or to retreat. The consequence was a com plete rout, in which the Imperialists claim to have slaughtered 1,000 rebels, with the loss of only 30 wounded on their own side. Pekin Gazettes lately received contain little news regarding the disturbances in the provinces. The Governor of Kweichow reports the recapture of a small city which had been held during the past four months by the Mahomedan rebels ; but the Gover nor-General of Kwantung and Kwangsi expresses apprehension from a coalescence between the long haired rebels and a body of brigands known as the Ke-fei. It appears doubtful whether the 67th will get away before the summer ; but the prospect of being left unprotected is giving a great impetus to the volunteer movement here. Every effort is being made by the officers to gain. new recruits and to organise satisfactorily the existing force. At pre sent there are about 300 men on the rolls, but by the addition of an artillery corps of 70 men, an engi neer corps of 25, and an increase to existing com panies, it is hoped that a force 450 strong may be raised. In addition to this we have about 120 policemen;armed with musket, bayonet, and sword, nearly all time-expired men of the 31st, and with this force we feel tolerably confident of being able to hold the settlement against rebels or Imperialists, as necessity may arise, until help can be obtained from Hongkong or Yokohama. An attempt has just been made to take a census of the foreign and native population in the English, American and French settlements, but I suspect only approximate results have been obtained. Ac cording to these, the English and American settle mets contain 2,024 Europeans, of whom the large proportion of 150 are women, and 91 children. The native population of these two settlements has not yet been accurately ascertained, but I believe it will prove nearly 100,000. Almost every race under the sun has a representative here. Russia, Austria, and Prussia ; Italy, Greece, and Spain ; Switzer land, Belgium, and Holland ; England, France, and the Hanse Towns ; Canada, the United States, and Mexico ; Java, Manilla, and Macao, each and all can boast of having contributed at least one unit to the total. A few years ago Hongkong would have waxed indignant at the bare suggestion that Shang hai could one day rival it. Now it is deposed ; the English and American settlements boast 80 more foreign residents than the entire island, excluding THE CONFEDERATE STATES. Mr. J. WHITE asked the Frst Lord of the Treasury whether the Government had determined to withdraw its recognition•of the belligerent rights of the (so-called) Con federate States of America. Lord PALMERSTON (who, on rising, was received with loud cheers) said the President of the United States had determined to blockade the Southern States in ac cordance with the law of nations. The British Govern ment could have refused to assent to that arrange ment, but as it had been acknowledged, both parties were considered to possess belligerent rights. When that blockade was raised by the Government of the United States, of course there would be no acknowledgment of belligerent rights either on one side or the other. PROMOTIONS IN INDIA. Mr. HEYGATE asked the Secretary of State for India whether any return had been furnished by the Madras au thorities in India, showing the effect of the staff corps pro motions on the lieutenant-colonels of the local service in that presidency. What had been the effect on these lieut.- colonels by the brevet promotions, which were to remedy the supersession caused by the staff corps warrant ; and, if he would lay upon the table of the house copies of any re presentations from the Government of India, Madras, or Bombay, and from the commanders in chief of the presi dencies respecting army arrangements ordered by the Sec retary of State for India in 1861. Sir C. WOOD said a commission had been appointed to inquire into the whole matter, and he thought it would be better to let the subject remain for the present. THE BUDGET. Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked the Frst Lord of the Treasury whether, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer had exone rated the officers of the civil service from having divulged his intention as to the budget on a late occasion, such in formation might not have been supplied from some higher source, and if so whether the noble lord could afford any indication of the quarter from which such a communica tion had proceeded. Lord PALMERSTON said he begged to disclaim all responsibility with respect to newspaper prophecies. They lived upon the future as well as the past. If they made guesses which turned out right, why they 'got all the credit, but when they were wrong, they were soon forgotten. (Laughter.) When the time came round for his right hon. friend to make his financial statement the contents of it were as freely known by the world at large as his W right hon. friend. (Laughter.) Any ono of natural sagacity would at once see that with re spect to the fire insurance the Government would have to attend to the determination of the house in this matter. They would also know that, with such a surplus, some portion of it would be devoted to the reduction of direct and in direct taxation, and ho did not think much of the sagacity of the Times newspaper in coming to such a con clusion. (Laughter.) There could not be any very great credit in anticipating that which was very generally known, as it was quite obvious that the income tax and tea duty would be dealt with. (Hear, and laughter.) Ile was quite sure no person in the Government had committed a breach of trust. . THE UNION CHARGEABILITY BILL. The adjourned debate on this bill was resumed by Mr. HENLEY, who indignantly repudiated the charge brought against the Opposition by the President of the Poor-law Board, on Thursday, of throwing unnecessary obstructions in the way of the bill. In the teeth of the fact that the report of the commissioner upon which the right hon. gentleman relied for arguments in support of his proposal, was not at the time in the hands of members, this was a most monstrous assertion. He argued that if the power with which the Poor-law Board asked to be in vested for altering the limits of the unions was absolutely necessary, it ought to be so fenced about and guarded by just provisions as to prevent the Ministerfrom being forced into the perpetration of jobs. It should be observed, moreover, that the motion for referring the bill to a select committee did not emanate with his side of the house, but with a follower of the Government themselves ; and the various cases which had been mentioned in the course of the debate were, he contended,. legitimate subjects for in. quiry. He admitted that no man could go among the habitations of the poor, whether in towns or villages, without seeing much that he could wish to have mended ; an enormous amount of distress which he was unable to relieve, and many things which, if put upon paper, would shock every humane feeling. But the question was whether that regretful state of things was in any way caused or aggravated, not by the omission to build cottages, but their unsparing demolition by the landed proprietors. Passing, then, to the consideration of the report of Dr. Hunter, the Royal commissioner, the right hon. gentleman criticised its statements as to the condition of cottage ac commodation at considerable length, and described it as resting upon assertions that were either unsupported or untrue. In short, if the report had been prepared to order with the sole object of bolstering up this Government bill, it could not have been more highly coloured. It was argued that the measure would be advantageous to the poor ; but he had read through the report with the greatest care, and he came to a totally opposite conclusion. Without inquiry and the collection of additional information on the sub ject, the bill ought not to pass into a law. He should therefore give his vote for referring it to a select committee. Mr. H. BRUCE remarked that the bill was brought for ward upon the recommendation of a committee as fairly constituted as any committee that had ever been appointed by the house. But its principle did not rest upon their recommendation alone ; for it was well known that it had been recommended by nearly every thoughtful writer and statesman during the last hundred years. The bill was supported not only by a majority of the house, but its pass ing was looked for with great interest by the country. Mr. PEACOCKE enumerated several inaccuracies in Dr. Hunter's report relative to the cottage accommodation in Berks, Cambridge, and Cornwall. In the first two pages only there were no less than 29 errors, and at the same rate for the whole 22 pages there must be a total of 319. Such a fact as this was the strongest argument in favour of the amendment. Mr. WATKIN spoke in support of the bill, as a measure of justice to the labourers, and as calculated to give great satisfaction to the country. Mr. PACKE condemned the bill as the most thoroughly unjust, dishonest, and tyrannical measure towards the agricultural interest that had ever been introduced into Parliament. It was legislation for the towns at the expense of the country ; the towns being the wolves, the rural parishes the lambs. Lord HENLEY regarded the motion for further inquiry as absolutely hostile to the bill. To every such motion, therefore, he should give a negative. The bill was a very good one, and he was anxious to see it pass into law with as little delay as possible. When that had been done, however, the question of a redistribution of the unions would present itself, raid he hoped the poor-law authorities would take it into their consideration. They must either make towns above a certain size unions in themselves, or so constitute the unions to which they belonged that all the circumjacent parishes should bear their share of the gene ral burden. Sir B. LEIGHTON did not believe that the bill would make the slightest difference to the poor, or that any land lord would build a single cottage more or pull down one less in consequence of its becoming law, whilst it most certainly would inflict great hardship upon the ratepayers in the rural districts. • Mr. WHALLEY opposed the amendment. Mr. LIDDELL did not look upon the question as one between town and country, but rather as a question be tween real and other descriptions of property. That lay at the root of the matter. It was that which had given rise to the impression that there was a feeling on the part of the borough members antagonistic to the country; and twranhesnfear of measureburd en t such o r r a e s o t this i inequality a proposed ratingto it effect m us a t create serious dissatisfaction. The arguments against the bill were, however, exaggerated, and, thinking that the tendency of the amendment was to hang up the measure for the remainder of the session, he should vote for the house going into committee; but he hoped the Govern.. ;,'~ SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMES.—After a sufficient interval to restore its judgment and good humour the House of Com- mons returned fast night to the discussion of the Union Chargeability Bill. The tone of the debate was improved by the conviction that it is a subject in which the country is interested, and about which the Government is in earnest. It is not an argu ment against the measure that it has originated in the recommendations of economists and philanthro pists rather than from any outcry of the labouring class itself. There are, unfortunately, in every country those who suffer in silence through sheer ignorance and helplessness. They have never ac quired the mental activity to agitate or petition, they look upon their fate as the natural order of things, and have never conceived it to be capable of change. The pale denizens of a London court, with the effects of a fetid atmosphere visible in their face and form of gait, very often do not k now th a t th ere is anything the matter with them. But the edu cated observer is aware that they and thousands like them are in a state of permanent depression, and that the existence of the places• which produce such a class is a national misfortune. So reflecting men have come to the conclusion that parochial rat ing has brought, and , is still bringing, remediable evils on the agricultural labourer. He, poor fellow, does not complain of his long walks to and from work, or of the damp and unhealthy tenement, run up by some speculative builder, in which he lives. He is glad enough to get his week's wages anyhow, and as to the place he lives in, he has never known a better, and he takes its shortcomings as defects inci dental to all human habitations. But when the re sults of such a system are considered by men free from local prejudices or interests, there can be but one conclusion. Both humanity and patriotism suggest that a practice which tends directly to the destruction of the homes of the agricultural poor, and to " divorcing them from the land" in the sense of keeping them at a distance from the fields on which they must do their daily work, ought to be abandoned. In our day this conviction has always been entertained by the foremost econemists of the country, and it is now almost twenty years since the principle of the measure now before the House was received with approbation in Parliament. When a measure has been so long discussed it is almost useless, although it may show considerable confidence and ingenuity, to deny the facts upon which it rests. The speech of Mr. fienley last night was an instance of this unsuccessful boldness. He boldly denied the facts which have furnished a ground of complaint to a whole generation of politicians. Taking as his text a return which we are not at all concerned to defend, Mr. Henley alleged that the statements of Drs. Hunter and Simon were inaccu rate, and their iemarks calumnious. It had been said that the population in certain parishes did not increase at its natural rate ; that the house accom modation of the labourers was in some places deplo rable ; that the poor man could not find house room on the land which he was to till ; that where he did get a shelter it was one which would not allow decency to his family ; and that these evils were in a great measure attributable to the principle of pap chial rating, which led to the neglect of cottages, and sometimes even to their demolition. Mr. Henley went on to show that in the inculpated parishes of Oxfordshire and the adjacent counties, there had been an actual increase in the number of houses, and he argues from this that the report is untrustworthy, and that the Government is consequently without a justification for its measure. We are unable to judge how far Mr. Henley has refuted the particular 'cases given in this report ; but we must remind our readers that facts so notorious as the hardships and evils which spring from the present law do not depend for their authority on the accuracy of this report. The two gentlemen who have conducted the inquiry will, we hope, be able to make a satisfactory defence, but the grounds on which the bill is supported are perfectly established and irrefutable without their authority. The decisive vote by which the House has refused to refer the bill to a select committee is a proof that the elaborate statistics of Mr. Henley did not carry con viction to his audience. Yet in complaining that the present was a bill for favouring the towns at the expense of the country the Opposition had, no doubt, a good many members on their side. The position of a close parish in the neighbourhood of a populous town is calculated to provoke irritability in a pro prietor. He has always enjoyed the benefit of being near a large seat of population without any of its corresponding burdens, and the alteration will come severely on him at first. But such a shifting of bur dens is only what follows after every political or financial change, and in this case those who suffer have the consolationof knowing that they have here tofore possessed an undeserved immunity. We be lieve that in a year or two all classes will acquiesce in this change. The extravagant anticipations which are represented by the assertion of Lord John Ma nners that this is " a social revolution" seems to us to have no foundation of reality. This is essentially a measure of which the benefits will be out of all proportion with the inconveniences which it may produce. As it is more than half the sum raised for the relief of the poor—that is, 51 per cent.—is already paid out of the common funds of the Union, and it is only with respect to the other 49 per cent., which is levied on the parishes separately, that any question can arise. This whole sum does not amount to more than two millions and a half, and it is the mere displacing of the incidence of a portion of this amount which Lord John Manners describes as a revolution, We may now hope that the further pro gress of the bill will not be stayed. It is founded on the unanswerable principle that the area of rating should be the same as the area of management. It is indeed strange that when the new poor law was passed, 30 years ago, this system was not at once adopted. To leave the parishes to provide for their own settled poor, while the union has the manage ment of every detail, and can grant or withhold re lief to every individual, was p. compromise between the old and new systems, and is as injurious as it illogical. 'Where there is the right of interference there should be the duty of contribution. Mr. Vil liers tells us that this was the opinion of the framers of the new poor law, who looked upon the substitu tion of union for parish rating as essential to the success of their scheme. At last the principle is likely to be adopted, and by taking this course Par liament will add to the security and wellbeing of a large class. Although the grievances complained of may be diminishing in some places through the good sense and right feeling of the owners of pro perty, yet we cannot doubt there is much that at this time requires such a remedy as this bill will supply. The House of Commons has clearly ex pressed its opinion, and we trust that the policy of obstruction will now be abandoned. HERALD.—Hostilities in China and Japan being suspended for the moment, the British Government, in the length and breadth of the vast regions which it affects to control, has at present only two little wars left on its hands. Her Majesty is just now at peace with all the world, excepting only the wild tribes of Bhootan and New Zealand. And yet there is enough in these petty conflicts to keep us in a constant state of irritation and annoyance. How many noble lives may be sacrificed, how much trea sure expended, how many failures and humiliating checks may have to be encountered, before the moun tain fastnesses in that border land of India can be reduced and held, and before the obstinate tribes on those islands of the Southern sea can be impressed with a proper respect for our arms and our autho rity, it is impossible to foretell, for either of these wars may last for years to come. Whether it is mostly the fault of the savage peoples who will not live at peace with us, and give up their lands and possessions to our covetous colonists, or whether it is that a cruel and inevitable destiny is driving us on against our will to fresh conquest and continual aggression, it seems pretty clear that our eager white race will never consent to rest quiet, perhaps will never be suffered to rest quiet, while there is a single black man, red man, or brown man left wan dering free on the face of God's earth. We have subdued a great many of them ; with the rest we are perpetually fighting. The mission of the Roman was " to curb peoples with his empire." The mission of the Englishman seems to be either to enslave or to destroy all inferior races with which he comes in contact. Charlemagne gave the Germans the choice between the Cross and the sword. England, wherever she goes, puts a similar question to the hapless na tive tribes with which successively she comes in contact. Civilisation, constitutional government, and submission to England, if they will. The alternative is extermination. The natives of India have chosen the better part. The Indians of North America and the blacks of Australia, who cannot obey, and who will not be civi lised, are disappearing off the face of the earth. A similar fate seems in store for the un once called 4‘ of the fortunate tribes in those isles, blest," which dot the Pacific with Elysian oases of verdure. The native who first saw the white man in his white-winged barque, hailed him as a God, but found him a destroying angel. The Englishman, in an evil hour for the inhabitants, planted his foot on the fair islands of New Zealand, and the tribes of tattooed warriors have waned in his presence. In a few years more the noble Maori will be a thing of the past. His numbers are rapidly diminishing. In the southern island he has already accepted his fate. In a few districts of the northern island he is still fighting a desperate fight for inde pendence and supremacy. The news just received from New Zealand is exceedingly disheartening, as showing the utter futility of the truce concluded last year by Governor Grey with the insurgent na tives. The tribe •of the Wakaito are still in arms in the hill country of the Upper Wanganui. The heathens of Tauranga on the eastern coast are waging a desultory war with more ferocity and less respect for civilized usage than the Christian natives of the west, In both districts certain advantages have been gained by the loyal side, but the details are such as to convince us that the conflict, so far from being at an end, is likely enough to continue for years to come. Itis not enough for the poor Maories that they have the English against them. The hor rors of civil war are added to those of foreign ag gression. There are tribes of what are called " friendly natives," which make war in the name of the Queen upon the other tribes. To pit the New Zealanders against each other may be the readiest and most politic, but is certanely not the most humane, mode of stifling their hostility. Not the least unpromising feature in the news is, that Wil liam Thompson, the able and intelligent native who originated the " King" movement, so far from having giving in his submission, as was lately asserted, is still actively aiding and abetting the tribes of the Waikato now in arms for their inde pendence. " Make roads," was the curt but preg nant advice of the late Duke of Wellington to General Cathcart when departing on his mission of subduing the Kaffirs of South Africa. We are glad to learn that General Cameron, in New Zealand, is acting on this advice, instead of prose cuting difficult and dangerous enterprises in the interior. From the Patea river, in the district of Taranaki, the westernmost point of the north island, he is driving a military road towards the mouth of the Wanganui, twenty miles to the south. The road is ruin to the native wherever it runs. It deprives him of the shelter of the bush, and gives his more civilised opponent an easy base of opera tions, a means of communication for offensive or defensive purposes. With his base at Taranaki General Cameron will reach the lower waters of th t e Wanganui river, and push his advantage along tha stream to the northward into the very heart of the insurgent country. In his successful operations last year along the valleys of the Waikato and the Thames he asserted the authority of the Govern ment up to the sources of those rivers, th e moun tainous and wooded country which is th e centre of the northern island, the watershed between the rise of these streams, which run to the northwards, and that of the affluents of the Wanganui, which rill! southwards. This country of the Upper Wangan ui includes the highlands of New Zealand. To t he north of it is the volcanic Mount Bidwell, 10,000 feet high ; to the south is Ruapaho, with its caP ping of eternal snow, This is the upper end of the Waikato tribal district—the last refuge of the poo r hunted Maori. A victory of the friendly chiefs over, the insurgents is reported in the neighbourhoo d : and where the native allies pave the way General Cameron can follow. On the opposite side of t he island to Taranaki, on the north-eastern coast, there is a long district of disturbed country between the Port of Tauranga and the mouth of the ris er Opotiki. Here, too, there has been.a battle betwe en the friendly tribes and the rebels, the latter belong: ing to a sect of heathens known as the Pai Mari °. fanatics. One of the chiefs of these people been taken prisoner, and the high priest of the see has been captured and led away. That they a r .? desperate and sanguinary ruffians, with whont,,i; must be difficult or impossible to remain on go od terms, is proved by a horrible story which rear At us from Sydney of a late exploit of theirs. 1 1 Opotiki they circumvented and captured a Britis h schooner, taking prisoners several missional clergymen. One of these, the Rev. Mr. Volko er, was beheaded by these barbarians, some of 10 1 ° 11/ afterwards made a cannibal feast on his remaint It is to be hoped that thiS outrage will be promptly and signally avenged. The natives of the east die: serve far less consideration at our hands than Christian tribes of the west and the centre, o' arms for what they believe to be a patriotic cause' and waging war, to their credit be it said, w ith due regard to the usages which prevail amongs t civilised nations. COUNTRY MARKETS NORTHAMPTON.—MAY 13. New white wheat, 38s to 43s ; new red, 38s to 40s ; of white, 39s to 44s ; old red, 38s to 41s per 36 stone. 1 3, In e ji) for malting, 31s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 26s to 31s P er o . stone. Oats, old, 25s to 26s ; new, 18s to 24s per 24 sto c _ Beans, old, 36s to 40s ; new, 35s to 38s per 38 stone. P 33s to 38s per 36 stone. COLCHESTER—MAY 13. A liberal supply of wheat, the trade firm, and is per ~,,,c lr, ; dearer for fine quality. Beans is per qr. dearer; the Ss'''" remark applies to peas. Q q g 3 6 ° Wheat. white 42s 4es Beans, Mazgran.. ! •••- -- 400 red 3's 42s Middle and small. 3 50 3 10 Barley .. •Ss 36s Peas, white .........,.30.. 3 5 0 3Bs Oati ...20s 25s grey GRANTHAM—MAY 13. BOld white wheat, 41s to 465; old red, 37s to 42 5; -1" white, 40s to 44s •, new red, 37s to 40s per 36 stone. .„„r ley for malting, 29s to 33s per qr. ; grinding, 2 4 s to 26s ri 2 30 stone. Oats, old, 25s to 27s ; new, 22s to 24s per e . stone. Beans, old, 39s to 41s ; new, 36s to 38s per 38 stun Peas, 34s to 36s per 36 stone. CHELMSFORD—MAY 12. A alic i This being fair day the market was thinly attende,” ,„, trade was slow at last week's prices. Spring corn a te 38 9 Wheat, old white....4ls 418 Peas, Partridge ...... 3 61 30 new .4ls 48s White . ..3 0 4 20 old red. 408 42s Bbiling ... 3 80 358 new. 38s 42s Dun.... .• . 30 , --0 Barley... 2ss 32s dit o, new...'' ; „. ...0 Chevalier 26s 53s Beans, Tick, 01d..... • 310 ... 0 Grind ng Os .8s new. ••• -13 ...-0 Malt.. 61s 67s Harrow ticks.3s6 ..0 Chevalier 64s 68s new. • • . - 2 3- 8 Oats ABERDEEN—MAY 12. witr el° ' The tendency of the market is decidedly down sup-- though as yet the reduction is not very great. TilesioesS .plies were about an average, and a middling 1 ; 41 doing. White wheat 35s Od to 38s Od Red wheat ....34s Od to 36s Od Potato oats 20s Od to 21s Oct Common oats 19s Od to 20s Od Bere 21s Od to 228 Od Barley 21s Od to 22s 6d Oatmeal 15s 6d to 16s 6d Flour, fine 31s Od to 32s Od 621 b V blisilel. 40th V busbel. 53/b bu s „, 40Y. , va boll of 1 ob. - 33 3 sack of 28 KIRKCALDY—MAY 13. Ss iegg Small supply of barley, good of wheat and oats. slow at 6d to is per qr. down on all kinds. Wheat. Barley. Oats. 85s Od 24s Od 218 6d won d 38s Od 208 Od 2JB Od Third..... 406 Od 27s Od 23s Cd COAL MARKET. Trice per ton at the close of the market• s. d. 16 0 Hetton South Kelloe Heugh Hall l l B7 0 0 mrTuannsstaEllnd.was...w..o.ll.. ...... 17 0 Byass's Bebside West 1 6 9 Hartlepool East Hartlepool Hetton Lyons l5 9 South letton ......... _ Holywell Main l7 6 Cowpen Hartley ...... Walls End Byron 15 9 Wylam .................. Hastings Hartley l6 9 _ _ _ Ships at market, 56 ; sold, 30. Births. ' . g ,,, , ,..=, Faz-CLARENcE.--On the Bth inst., at Bishopsco urt, the Lady Maria Fitz-Clarence, of twin sons. 13erim i e r JOHNSON.—On the 13th inst., at John-stree t, so • SOY . square, the Hon. Mrs. Vaughan Johnson, a a 8 , 7• 13 0.- KINGSCOTE.—On the 13th inst., at 34, Charles -stre e t' keley-square, Lady Emily Kingscote, of a son- t C. TATE.—On the 15th inst., at Brentford, Mrs. Deber Tate, of a son. Marriages. 1 o bo l3° POWELL--BADMEDE.—On the 13th inst., at 31311 Aib - at t' ` 4l Church, James Powell, Esq., of Waterside, _.St*:`,..,. IP'll - Mary Ann, eldest daughter of the lat blei''''' mede, Esq., of Elstree, Herts. ..f {. tile ' l TANNER—SHARP.—On the 13th inst., at St- i . " -3- S. '. Oakley-square, Edwin Somerset, youngest son of w est Tanner, Esq., Cheltenham, to Elizabeth, the Y° ve tt daughter of Mr. G. J. Sharp, of 91, Great TO and Camden-road-villas. Deaths. cre #l3l CRAVEN.—On the 13th inst., at Notting-hill, J °llll Esq., aged 56. sbi re ' DAVIES.—On the 12th inst., at Cowley-hill, - 1 - 43„o " - .X. James Davies, Esq., aged 37. ,„i n , T. 9 ' FORTESCUE.—On the 10th inst., at Malta, C a p 44. ..,1 Fortescue, Commanding H.M.S. Phoebe, uge u L Giftt p ` .1 GIFFARD.—On the 13th inst., at Sunbury, L au ," Ll'''''' widow of Sir Ambrose Hardinge Giffard, 8 31 ''' 1 aged 79. ' ~..c SO ° HARRISON:On the 13th inst ,at Plaistow , ESS- ' of Harrison, Esq., aged 83. . litt e s bend . ? SHELLEY.—On the 14th inst. Harry Bytiin , tho 31st Regt. M.L.1., aged 26. _.,-m-cr eSeliti SEGUIN.—On the 12th inst., at 15, Morning's of Arthur Seguin, Esq., aged 84. .... w id o W STONE.—On the 10th inst., at Leicester, !iattY„,'d 94. the late Samuel Stone, Esq., of Knighton, age _......e . --- - --- 4 ° ' .------ v olt, 1 . London : Printed and Published by VVIL L4O l ~: A . S i•lo l' a t of No. 112,: Strand, Philter, at Tile SUN Oeer' e au v Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, ill tile -° Middlesex.—Tueaday, May 16. 1865. >-, - :r. - A