The Sun. — London, England, 1835-06-15 00:00:00

credulous and uneasy multitude, for purposes which those I:etrayers of the ignorant may not yet think it fe to avow. It is, filially, the sort cf collateral uarar.t.:e thus provided, that, let the poor of Ireland I,e over so cruelly ground down by selfish and half reasoning rapacitT,and exposed in consequence to ever : •ich teriible visitations of disease or hunger, the pro ] rietary classes of the Iri.h shall still remain shielded snd impregnable against the recoil of their own habi tual indifference towards human suffering upon their own fortunes, and therefore be exempted from any need to reform their system of domestic policy. Such arc among the real grounds of the condemnation which ought in our minds to be directed against the practice of granting wholesale alms from the pockets of the people of England for the temporary removal of Irish famine, to often as that calamity shall occur. There weie numberless instances about the year 1822 of the ow n rs of Irish estates upon the spot contributing in the i:'ost niggardly and penurious manner—nay, refusing to come forward with a single shilling, while the Eng lish nation was subscribing its hundreds of thousands. although the parties in Ireland who thus berbarously held back might he considered as among the most active causes of the distress which prayed upon their misera ble peasantry by the cruel rackrents which they levied, and which, even in the most productive years, left the occupiers of the soil without a penny of surplus to lay by for a season of scarcity. Of any grant, therefore on the present occasion by Parliament, from those taxes which press upon the empire generally, we trust that the whole people of Great Britain will rise in loud and unarimous reprobation. Such a misdirection of the national resources woule be for the benefit of the Irish landlord, rather than of the poor. It would be a premium upon the perpetuity of the existing oppression. It would be a bounty on the resistance to Poor Laws the one legi timate, powerful, the safe and infallible engine, for en forcing a reasonable reduction of rents, and for raising g radually the condition of a prostrate race of men. But as the preparation and enactment of a Poor Law for Ireland, were it even to pass through Parliament with slender opposition, which is more than we could hope from the temper already shown by the landed interest of that country, must be too slow in the earlier stages of its action for an emergency so urgent as that which has now arisen, it becomes the immediate business of all those whom Providence has placed above absolute want in the counties now suffering under destitution to come down at once with the funds necessary to alleviate it, and save themselves the dis grace, as well as England the unjust burden, which each has suffered from the mode pursued under former exigen cies. We see, with more disgust than astonishment, that Dr. M'Hale cannot deliver himself even upon a ques tion of relieving human want without committing the grossest outrage upon truth and Christian charity. This artful, ambitious, and spiteful priest, cannot state plainly the affecting fact that the peasants of Achill nre distressed for provisions and in extreme misers', but must travel out of his way to abuse the Protestant faith and its Ministers, because these missio nar i e s o f the Reformed Church are sent through the remote districts of that province, which Popery, combined with other forms of oppression, has kept for ages un ites the yoke of helpless barbarism, to circulate the gospel of Christ, and open its benign doctrines to the ears and hearts of the poor. The worthy organ of Maynooth College, in his fraternizing letter to the organ of the Whig-O'Connell Ministry, write as follows ;-- " In Achill, those who had no cattle to sell, and of that class there is a vast number, are bringing to market their own wretched raiment, in order to pawn them for potatoes, which sate in that remote district at 7d. a stone, where there are Lundreds; and if Is. could purchase a ton of potatoes, it was proved on oath they could not command it. " And yet, my lord, it is in that island the demon of fana ticism and religious rancour has fixed, as if -his last resting. place, driven from the interior of the country, through the wise forbearance of its inhabitants, who are resolved at last to laugh at itinerant readers, and not lend themselves to schemes of delusion, in order to protract the lingering dominion of a falling establishment that was so long the bane of the country takes up its citadel in the island of Achill, ere it utterly disnppears from the land. The people are crying out for bread; and money is sent from England by the credulous dupes of imposture to enlighten their benighted souls." The irrevcrend writer boasts that the inhabitants of the interior of Connaught laugh at time preachers of the Protestant faith, and reproaches the English Pro testants for sending money to aid the propagation of the Gospel, " when the people are crying out for bread." Unquestionably the moment of. extreme bodily anguish is not the most favourable for addressing the mind of man upon any topics not immediately con nected with his relief from suffering, nor has it been so selected by the Protestant missionaries. It is of the habit, the standing practice, of encouraging such ministers of religion that the Maynooth priest complains ; and we may depend upon it that if . their success were a thing to be " laughed at," the self-styled Archbishop of Tuam would have better kept his temper in describing it. But why is the Bible sent . from Protestant England to the remote parts of Connaught, and by her own messengers ? For no rea son but because the Ministers of Popery rffitse their congregations all access to that sacred book, and d rea d its workings upon even their scanty intelligence, as the death-blow to Popery and her dominion. But why, again, is it that the spurious Archbishop M'Hale connects this revengeful attack upon Protestantism with a communication which professes to be upon a totally separate subject—viz., the advent of a state of famine ? Is it that he desires to withdraw public at tention from the natural means of dealing with the miseries of the hungry poor ? Is it that he would divert men - from asking, " Why do not the wealthier Papists in his own neighbourhood, and under his own spirited controul, send in their subscriptions for the purchase and distribution of potatoes ? Why do not you yourself, Dr. give largely from your large diocesan income, whicn you have first extracted from that very people ? - Why does not the agitator O'Connell, who was last year paid nearly 16,000/. out of the pinchings of their wrctchod families—why does not he disgorge at least half of that which he ex torted from them as his wages for the creation of need less disturbance, and for the production of artificial mi sery, instead of meanly and impudently calling upon England, which is the hourly object of his slander and defamation, to take upon herself his duties with those of his satellite priests, and to pay the price while she repairs the consequences of crimes in which she has pensation should be made to the person so deprived of his property or lawful rights. By laz9ful rights we here mean strictly such rights as have originated in, or have been expressly sanctioned by, legislative enactments ; not at all including all the privileges and usages which may have crept into existence in certain cities and boroughs, and which, in too many instances, are mere usurpations upon the rights of the inhabitants. One of provisions of the Bill above alluded to is that by which all ex clusive rights of trading vested in the member of cer tain guilds, &c. are to be forthwith abolished. Now it cannot be forgotten that for the enjoyment of these exclusive rights, expressly sanctioned and recognized by law, large sums of money have in many instances been paid, and that, on the faith of the continuance of such rights, their possessors may at this moment have expended a large capital, or have invested their whole properties. What we would ask is, have such persons no claim to some notice of such a sweeping change being about to be effected, or at any rate to come com pensation for being thus deprived of their rested rights? We are aware of the fallacious use of the terms vested rights and vested interests ; but we think the rights here alluded to come within their most strict and correct meaning. On the meaning of vested rights we cannot, we think, do better than quote the following passage from Mr. G. C. Lewis's work on " The use and abuse Of Political Terms." Mr. Lewis observes, " When a Legislature passes a law not for any temporary pur poses, nor limited as to the time of its operation, and which may therefore reasonably be expected to be per manent, and persons confiding in its permanen c y, em bark th e i r cap i ta l , bestow their labour, or shape the course of their life so that their only hope of success is founded on the existence of the law, the rights which they have a cqu i re d i n t h e rel i ance upon its continuance are termed vested rights ; and persons in this situation are considered as having a moral claim on the Legisla ture for the maintenance of the law, or at least for a sufficient time to iithdraw their investments, and to take the measures' necessary for guarding against the loss consequent upon so large a change." * * * .And afterwards added by the same author, " A vestal g-igh(_ip , a7, :therefore;:•be de'scrihed as a righ 'of investment ; giving to its possessor a moral claim upon the Lcgislature for the permanency or tirdy abolition of the law, which he has gamed by employing his capital or labour in adven tures only compatible with the existence of the law." Do not the rights here thus summa rily threatened with destruction come within the above most correct definition ? If it should be said that these are privileges which could not he reasonas bly be expected to be allowed long to exist, we can only say that, without entering into the question of their expediency or inexpediency, we find no word in the Commissioners' Report condemnatory of such rights, and no evidence, as far as we have been able to discover in the separate statements and col lections of facts of the Commissioners, showing that such rights were prejudicial to the public. AVe may, however, be prepared to admit that such exclusive pri vileges may he en evil, but their abolition in such a way we consider an injury of a tenfold more serious description. By another clause of tl is s line Bill all persons are prevented becoming fret me 1, &c., after the passing of the Act, excepting under the pro visions therein stated. Now in many cities and towns the freedom of the city, to which attaches very valuable rights, is obtained by servitude or a seven year's apprenticeship to a freemen of the place. Now it happens that many persons who have paid large premiums with their indentures, or may have em barked their all in this way, will by the end of tho year, have completed their seven years' servitude. It is right, it is expedient, if that be a more forcible term in these days, that such persons should thus be wholly deprived of all the benefits and advantages ex pected to have been derived from this outlay of their time and money ? We are by no means anxious to press to tts extreme limits the doctrine of vested rights, as there is scarcely a right on which sonic expectations are not founded ; but we think the two eases here alluded to are such as at any rate call for some consi deration. The right of property is one of those vested rigats, which a wise and prudent Legislature will always. be most cautious in interfering with ; that it has the power so to do no one can for an instant deny ; but we need !lordly attempt to describe the lamentable state to which every country must be reduced, when every thing is in such a state of uncertainty, when the possessors of property cannot feel secure of their pos sessions for a day, and when the sound and wise po licy of not disappointing tue legitimate expectations and calculations of such proprietor shall have yielded to the dangerous principle of public expediency.— Morning Herald. We are pleased to hear that the electors of Hull have invited Colonel Thomson, the editor of the Westminster Review, to represent them in Parliament, and that Mr. Tates has withdrawn in his favour. The electors of Hull have long been known to the country as the unflinching friend to that cause which lies deep at the heart of every Englishman who wishes well to his country, who would support the institutions of his country by reforming their abuses. We would not, however, in speaking thus of a particular constitu ency, throw the slightest shade over either the purity or the intelligence of others ; for we are well assured that in those places where the people are now represented by those who oppose the welfare of the state, in the garb of patriotism, men of honest motives and liberal sentiment will soon be hailed by a people liberated from the chains of an overbearing municipal authority. May all constituencies be represented by 'such men as Colonel Thomson ! This gentleman has long been known to the world as one of the best writers on political economy, and on all the stirring questions of politics which have agitated the country for the last few years. Colonel Thomson is an advocate for uni versal suffrage, annual Parliaments, the ballot, the opening of the Universities, and the utter destruction of all sinecure places. Such a man is well suited to represent the opinions of the electors of Hull ; and has a further claim, founded on the circumstance that he is a man of intellect and of religious consistency.— Morning Advertiser. A correspondent, under his proper signature if " a General Officer," has made some sensible and humane observations on the imperfect manner in which the duties of the civil and military power in cases of riot are at present regulated. Nothing can be more true or reasonable than that a soldier, like every other sub ject, should have a right to defend himself when wan tonly attacked, and to repel violence by force. The practical exercise of such a right ought nevertheless to be strictly attended to. A soldier is assaulted by sticks or stones, and if he repels the aggression, it must be by the use of weapons, the employment of which, when resorted to at all, it is extremely difficult for the highest degree of skill or temper to reconcile with the pre,serva tion of human life. On one side, therefore, the troops, if forbidden to defend themselves, may be murdered— on the other, if that prohibition be removed, the power of life and death over their fellow-subjects is placed in the hands of ignorant and excitable men, unused on other, or almost any, occasions, to act for themselves, or to exert the slightest atom of free agency in the most trifling instance. While the army • remains the only power in this country which can be relied upon for the suppression of tumult, there is but one approximation towards a cure for the above em barrassing dilemma—that is, a return to the whole some practice of the old English magistrates, who were used invariably to put themselves at the head of the troops, to share whatever risks and injuries the latter were exposed to—to issue their orders to the officers commanding—at what moment to employ actual force against a mob—how far to continue it, and when to desist ; thus limiting the exercise of discretionary power to those in whom the law reposed its con fidence—to wit, the civil magistracy of the reahn. The magistrate, as is justly observed by our gal lant old correspondent, ought not to content him self with ordering military execution from the balcony or the hall door of an inn ; he ought to be upon the spot where the military were assembled, to pre vent, at the peril of all transgressors, any recourse - to fire-arms or sabre but on his own express and, ftill authority—to treat the soldiers as his instruments, and to take upon himself the whole responsibility of the acts which lie enjoined, and of their consequences. It is barbarous, as well towards the troops as towards the community,. to invest them with a discretionary power for which they are unfit, and then, as mostly happens, to raisc, a clamour against them for using it to the best of their judgment. In the recent case of Wolverhampton, it appears from all the evidence which has yet transpired, that the Dragoon Guards were more sinned against then sinning ; and what ever may be thought of the previous want of prepa ration on the part of the Magistrates, or the not more blameable than contemptible want of an efficient con stabulary force within the town, before the riots had advanced to the point at which a recourse to the troops became indispensable, the conduct of both officers and men, when they did act, was marked by a temper and forbearance the most honourable, under the most savage provocation. Upon a matter in some respects, though not very closely, connected with this of the employment of the troops against the multitude, we have, with ail deference to the higher military authori ties, and with a fall persuasion of their habitual soli citude for the public satisfaction and comfort—we have to suggest that such of the Guards, Cavalry and Infantry, as are accustomed to walk about the streets of the metropolis with side-arms, should, when off duty, be ordered to leave them in their barracks. The Coldstream Guards, we are told (but without vouching for the fact), have already, by command of their Colonel, adopted the better practice of moving about town unarmed, and we arc convinced. that an extension of that rule to the entire army, while it ren dered the troops less objects of invidious remark, would neither tend to relax their discipline, nor (still less) to endanger their safety. If it did either, we should be the last to recommend it. But to return to the subject with which we started—namely, the suppression of riotous mobs—it appears to us, that in order to im prove the respect of the populace for the civil power, an efficient police ought everywhere throughout the United Kingdom to be established, on principles as nearly as might be similar to those on which the or ganization and direction of the Metropolitan Police west of Temple Bar have been framed. The outcry raised against Sir R. Pool's Police Bill by the patrons of our " ancient and reverend watchmen," afforded strong circumstantial tlidencer in favour of the Right smpurrtitall intim r IMPJUIti certalruy i buu vutur, no wouLa alum; a rnouun to taw, VIE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 15, 1835. Hon. Baronet's proposal ; and every day's experience since has confirmed the most favourable anticipations of its value as a protection to individual life and pro perty, and to.the public peace. The army need, then, in scarcely a single instance be brought into collision with the people.—Thnes. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,—The Bristol riots, which must be fresh in the recol lection of every individual, bear a similarity to those which have lately occurred at Wolverhampton. At the former period I wrote some remarks for the public prints on the situation of the military using their own discretion—soldiers acting on their own judgment, without the direction of civil peover, and from the extraordinary proceedings at that time, with a combination of opinion of civil and military authority. I ever said it would prove the example for future trouble and the expence of public inquiry. '1 he law was laid down at Bristol by one of our first magistrates, the Lord Chief Justice, affirming that the soldier had the right, in common with every other citizen, to use his own discretion, and it was his duty to do so in all tumults, and subdue the same without the immediate directions of the civil authority. The general officer ccrnminding, agreeing in the same opi nion, gave his orders accordingly ; and we have now before us the consequences of such a measure, the discretion then given being now complained of as indiscretion, and thus the soldier is placed in a situation to expose him to censure and pu nishment. Authority is given him which he has not discri mination to exercise, and he naturally feels a sanguine spi rit in the execution of his duty, which leads him to excess. In the former observations I offered for insertion in your valuable paper, as coming from an old officer of rank and long experience in such important duties, the variety of circum stances under my notice as to the movements of the troops under my command, and the fulfilment of the orders of the civil power. The riots in London, in the year 1780, gave me in the first instance an insight into those essential duties. In those tumults a soldier was never allowed to use his sword or fire his carbine without the positive directions of the magis trate then present, and who at that period was mounted on horseback, wherever his presence was required, attended by the military officer commanding, ready to receive and enforce his orders. At every other tumult 1 have been present at in various parts of the kingdom, and of the most alarming and serious nature, I have witnessed the same regulations with regard to the civil power, and its good example producing, the most salutary effects. But when we find magistrates standing in balconies and at windows reading the Riot Act, and not attending the troops in person at the moment to give the directions to use their arms, and following them in the pursuit, how can that magistrate judge of the proper time for the soldier to desist from the execution of his duty, when out of his reach and sight ? The cessation of firing and sheathing the sword is the important moment of discretionary power, and who can be so proper a judge as the person in whose hands the authority is placed? Having so far ventured my sentiments on the military duties, I shall make some re marks on what I conceive necessary for the suppression of tumults before the troops are called on for their assistance, which should never take place but in the last extremity. That the civil power should put in force such arrangements of em bodying well-selected citizens as constables who can be de pended on, and in number according to the appearance of the mob assembled or likely to assemble (for I must here observe there never was a riot contemplated) unknown to the civil. authorities ; and from that circumstance there can be no ex cuse for the want of preparation to check it. The Mayor of the town where the disturbance takes place must necessarily convene a meeting of magistrates for the arrangements of this measure, their respective duties being pointed out to the police, and also their disposal in different parties or divisions. This being similar to military organization, it would be attended with tenfold effect to that of the loose and deranged manner, as is generally the case ; it would also show the assembling tribe what they have to expect if a breach of the peace was to take place. Ninety and nine times out of a hundred it would de ter the people from excess, and crush the evil in the bud. In the riots at Nottingham, and in all the disturbed districts in that neighbourhood, at the memorable period of the Luddites in the year 1812, the foregoing arrangements were so admirably ob served under the directions of his Grace the Duke of New castle, the Lord-Lieutenant of the county, and so ably put into execution by every magistrate under him, that though a strong military force was at hand, they were never called on to act but in cases of extreme violence. Such was the unre mitting vigilance of their efforts as to break up an organized system of destruction in the country, which never showed itself on any former occasion, and which meritorious exertions should remain an example for future events of the same de scription to be guided by. A GENERAL OFFICER. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. THE PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The Speaker took the chair at three o'clock. Mr. E NIE RSON TENNANT presented a petition from the inhabitants and landholders of Belfast against the Belfast and Cam-hill ltail-road. dual of the name of Alexander Hoffentide, who had formerly conducted two public journals in Jamaica. In 1831, an insur rection having arisen amongst the slaves of that island, it was imputed to this gentleman that the general tendency of his writings had the effect of exciting this insurrection, and the consequence was that this gentleman was imprisoned without any legal process, or specific charge being made against him. Notwithstanding this, this gentleman had been altogether un able to obtain redress, and the public feelings had been so much excited by his imprisonment, that this gentleman had been unable to continue in his profession. He had, consequently, returned to England, and applied for the situation of stipen diary magistrate, for which, by his residence in the island, he was well qualified. Ile recommended the case to the consi deration of the House. STATE OF SHIPPING. The Hon. MEMBER then presented a petition from the seamen of South Shields, complaining of the state in which ships were sometimes sent to sea, and ►n very many instances persons were sent in command of them who were unskilful, and unable to manage the vessels in strong weather. . Mr. ING RAM supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. BUCKING 11 ANI presented five similar petitions from Clonmel, Belfast, and other places, to the same effect. Mr. INGRAM presented similar petitions from Newcastle upon-Tyne. Alao, a petition from South Shields, in favour of some alteration in the Impressment Act. SMALL DEBTS. _ Mr. C. FERGUSSON presented a petition from a person named Robert Stirling, praying for some alteration in the law with respect to the recovery of small debts in Scotland. The Right lion. Gentleman trusted that in the course of the pre sent session, or in the next, means would be taken for the better administration of justice in the Sheriff's Court. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS presented a petition from the shopkeepers of Manchester, praying fora change in the law of Debtor and Creditor, and for an increese of the number of Local Courts. Major BE AUCLERK pesented a petition to the same effect from a place we could not hear. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL stated that in the Bill, , as it now stood, a clause had been introduced, providing that where debts had been improvidently contracted, the party oontracting them should receive imprisonment. Mr. M. PHILLIPS, seeing the Attorney-general in his place, wished to know when it was his intention to bring the further discussion upon the Bill before the House. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that he had been most anxious to put the subject into the paper for discussion on Wednesday next, on which day he trusted it would be brought forward; if, however, anything occurred to prevent it he would bring it on that day se'nnight. MR. CHILD'S CASE. _ _ Mr. M. PHILLIPS presented a petition from the Dis senters of Manchester, referring to the case of 111 r. Childs, and praying for an alteration in the law of the Ecclesiastica' Courts. Also a petition from the same place for a genera] Registration. CORPORATIONS. Sir F. GOODRICKE presented a petition from the Al dermen of Stafford, against the Corporation Bill. DUTY ON NEWSPAPERS. Mr. LOWTHER presented a petition from the printers of York, against the repeal of the duty on newspapers. Mr. ROEBUCK said the petitions were extremely incon sistent. They talked of the high standing of the public press ; now, the writers of the newspaper press were hired assassins, who stabbed at reputation in the dark, and dared not to put their names to their productions. The removal of the Stamp Duties would have the effect of destroying the pre sent monopoly of the press.—( Hear.) Mr. LOWTHER said, that although in regard to the press in general he had suffered like many other individuals in some respects, he should be sorry to express himself in the manner that the Honourable Member had done.—(Hear. ) Mr. HUME said that though the Hon. Member had so characterized some portion of the press—( Cries of " All, all,") .—he was not disposed to join with him in those remarks as applicable to the whole, because some portion of it was con ducted with as much honour as other portions of it were with disgrace.—( Hear.) He was not, therefore, disposed to join in such a sweeping censure, though the condemnation might well apply to some of the conductors of the newspaper press. He hailed many of them as the benefactors of the human race, and the protectors of liberty and freedom, but the majority of them had come forward to defend the people's rights, and to oppose corruption, But he wished this House to observe, that this was a petition for the benefit of the few, because they were engaged in a monopoly which the repeal of the stamp duties would destroy. The petitioners objected to competition, which they alleged to be ruinous, but which had always been beneficial to the public—nor did he conceive it likely to be productive of injury in the present case.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He held that if the press was once opened and freed from the_present tax, there would bean opportunity of meeting slanderous accusations, which could not now be done. He therefore thought that the prayer of this petition was not deserving of the attention of the House. Capt. PE C HELL wished to correct a misrepresentation that had appeared in the public prints respecting himself, namely, that he had expressed himself opposed to the motion of the Honourable Member for Marylebone. Now he, for one, did not consider that the division on that motion expressed the sense of the House any more than the opinions of the Hon. Member for Marylebone were those of the majority of the electors of the United Kingdom. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member could not be permitted to proceed in making a personal accusation. The Hon. Member sat down. Mr. J. MA XWE LL presented a number of petitions from parishes in Lanarkshire, praying for a further endowment of Churches in Scotland. Mr. DOBBIN moved for papers connected with some pro ceedings before the Magistrates of Armagh. He said he had communicated with the Government, and they had no opposi- tion to offer to the motion.—Ordered. The Hos. GENTLEMAN then presented a petition from Ar magh, p.aying the House to take some measures in order to stop the Orange processions on the 12th of July, or there would be much bloodshed. The petition was read at length by the clerk, during which Mr. ROBINSON rose, and asked whether the petition was read by order of the House. If there was any thing peculiar in the petition to give it such importance, let it be understood, and attention paid to it. The were only wasting the time of the House, for not six members could hear it. Mr. FINN said he did not wish to raise a long discussion on the present occasion, but he could not let the opportunity pass, without expressing the alarm he felt at the statement put forth. They were told there were 250,000 armed men belonging to these societies, over which the Government had no control. If that was true, he must call upon the Ministry to do all in their power to protect the persons and property of the inhabitants of Ireland ; for if these proeesssions were allowed in the present excited state of feeling_.._ Mr. HUME rose to order. There was not a Minister present—therefore the Hon. Member was only wasting time— he had better give a notice upon the subject for to-morrow. Mr. FINN would adopt the course pointed out by the Hon. Member, and he would to-morrow put a question to the Go vernment upon the subject. He would move the adjournment of the debate till to-morrow —( Cries of " No, no.") After a few words from Mr. R UTH YEN, the petition was laid on the table. IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. Mr. WALLACE presented a petition from Greenock, signed by the five magistrates arid all the council, and very numerously by the bankers, merchants, and others of the town, against the Bill introduced by the Right Hon. Bart. the Member for Cumberland legalizing the impressment of seamen. Also one from the Chamber of Commerce to the like e'ect. TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. The HONOURABLE MEMBER then presented a petition from the Mechanics' Institution of Greenock—from the operative stone-masons of Greenock—the operative blacksmiths and others, praying for the repeal of the taxes on news papers. They stated, that the law would not be so often transgressed, but for the ignorance in which the people were kept. They further stated, that they, in their humble station, were willing to be taxed to the same extent in any other way. so that these taxes were repealed.— ( Cheers.) Also, one from the same parties, in favour of the Bill introduced by the Honourable Member for Sheffield, for the building of halls for public instruction in the various towns of the kingdom—(hear) ; and one from the Unitarians of Greenock, against any grant of money for the further endowment of churches in Scotland ; These petitioners stated three very singular facts. They said Greenock was divided into five parishes, and yet there was hut one parish school in the whole town--(Hear, hear) — that the minister of one of the parishes only was paid by en d o wment, the others being paid from other funds, and that that clergyman of the largest endowment of any in Scot land, having in fact as much as would decently endow three churches. Mr. BRODIE presented a petition from 435 inhabitants of t co mplaining of the manner in which slaves w e re treated c u i r i p n a , t t i l o ie n A C c o t l , o n t i b e e s . a ppn t Notwithstandingices were flogged ed passing and of treated re in the most cruel and oppressive manner. TITHES (IRELAND.) Sir R. BATE SON presented a petition from tha Lord- Lieutenant, and a large body of the landed proprietors of the county of Londonderry, on the subject of tithes. He regret ted that he could not see on the opposite benches any Member of his Majesty's Government connected with Ireland; he would be satisfied if he could only see the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin, who he believed was one of the most influential of the Irish Ministers.—(Hear, and a laugh.) lie saw only some of the the followers of the lion. and Learned Member— M r , O'DWYERrose to order. He complained of the word " follower s " being applied to Members of that House. The SPEAKER made a few observations, which were quite inaudible. Sir R. BATE SON did not think the word so very objec tionable. Ile had heard the word " tail" mentioned . in that House with impunity, over and over again. And he ( Sir R. Bateson) had selected the most harmless word he could use, without meaning any personal offence. But, as it appeared to offend the se nsitive feelings of the Hon. Member for Drogheda, lie i should not use it again. He had given notice of this peti tion, and re gretted that none of his Majesty's Ministers were present. The petitioners stated, that after the Tithe Bill of 1832, they had entered into a compact. with their tenants to pay the tithes for them, some of the landlords had not done so , and as it was understood that the balance of the million fund would be applied to the payment of arrears, which would be nothing less than a bounty in agitation, it was hoped that if A ny portion ot the arrears of tithes for 1834 were paid, thog uho had secured the quiet and tranquillity would have • CORK ELECTION. Dr. BALDWlN.presented a petition from the freeholders and inhabitants of Cork, praying for a legislative enactment to prevent bribery and corruption at future elections of that city. The Hon. Member observed that it was well known that the Conservative Society of Dublin, of which he believed the Hon. Member for Sligo (Col. Perceval) was a member, had sent down money for the purpose of bribin g the freeholders and freemen at the late election, and that an office was opened in George's-street to distribute the money, which was done in the most unblushing manner. He was glad to see the Noble Lord in his place, whose father had introduced the Reform Bill, and he trusted that he and the other members of his Majesty's Government would see the necessity of introducing some measure which would pre vent these mal-practices—which would prevent the city being put to the expense of petitioning that House, and would Save Committees of that House the trouble of turning out obtru sive Members from the seats they had usurped. The petitioners suggested that candidates should be required to take the same oaths against bribery, as was required to be taken by the electors at present. None of the evils which it was supposed by some would result from the adoption of the Ballot, could ensue from such a course. It was well known that the system of the Ballot had been found to work well in the election of Directors of the East India Company, which legislated for 120 millions of persons, and he (Dr. B.) was a decided advocate for it. The Hon. Member begged that the petition be referred to the Select Committee on Bribery at Elections. Colonel PE RCE VAL regretted that the late Members for the City of Cork were not in that House, that they might have an opportunity of replying to the very serious charg es of bribery and corruption which had been brought against t hem by the Learned Doctor. He was satisfied that his H on. Friends, Colonel Chattcrton and Mr. Leycester, the unse ated Members, were not taxable with such offences.—(H ear.) He was perfectly satisfied that if none but those who posse ssed a bona fide franchise were allowed to vote, the result of th e late Cork City election would have been very different ; but the Committee had refused to go into the qualification of 1,080 persons objectqd to. lie greatly regretted that in almost every case of Irish-election petitions, justice had not been done, in consequence of this scrutiny not having been entered upon. The only remedy for this w ould would - be, a revision of the freeholders' list, as the Courts of justice were at present closed against any persons petitioning against freeholders whose title was good for eight years. He (Col. P.) would not have risen if the Learned Doctor had not alluded to him as being a member of the imaginary society in Dublin, which had sent down money to defray the expenses of the Conservative candidates. So far as regarded that part of the Learned Doctor's statement, he (Col. P') b-need to deny the charge. He believed there was at pre sent a 13111 before the House, for the prevention of Bribery at Elections, which included a provision for candidates taking the same oaths as the freeholders. Mr. O'D \V YER denied that there were too many facili ties to the registering of freeholds in Ireland. There was scarcely any impediment in England, while in Ireland they had to appear before the Registering Barrister, and undergo a severe cross-examination from any person who pleased. Many of those Conservatives who were most violent in their opposi tion to the people had no money of their own, and therefore must have been supported and returned by the friends of the Conservative body. IRISH CORPORATION REFORM. Dr. BALD WIN presented a petition from Cork, com plaining of the present state of Municipal Corporations in Irelar.d, and of that of the city of Cork in particular. Ile regretted that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland was not in his place, as he was sure that Noble Lord would gratify the citizens of Cork, and of every other city in Ireland, by announcing the intention of his Majesty's Government to in trcduce a measure of complete Municipal Corporation Reform in Ireland. Mr. FLEETWOOD presented a petition from Preston in support of the measure of Corporation Reform. The petitions were ordered to lie on the table. ABOLITION OF TITHES. Dr. BA then presented a petition from the Trades' Association of Cork, praying for the total abolition of Tithes, and the establishment ofPOOR the voluntary S. principle. The HoN. MEMBER then presented a petition from the same place, praying for the introdu ction of Poor Laws into Ireland. He thought it the duty of the House and the Go vernment to provide means of support for the unfortunate la bouring classes of Ireland. DUTY UPON GLASS. The same HON. MEMBgli also presented a petition from the Trades' Association of Cork, praying the Government and the House to remove the duty upon glass. He could not conscien tiously press for the reduction of any tax at present, as he be lieved the present Government was disposed to reduce every tax they possibly could, consistent with the support of the State. HAND-LOOM WEAVERS. Mr. GILLON presented petitions from the hand-loom weavers of Kilbride and Duneath in Scotland, praying for re lief. The lion. Member also presented a petition from Leith and Newhaven, complaining of the tithes collected upon fish, and praying for the introd4ction of a Bill to remove the bur den. As he had given notice of such a Bill, he should not cletitin the House at present. Mr ; 'OLT C KIN GHA M presented a petition from an indlvi- ._..,~ the benefit of it. The petitioners prayed that in any Bill which might be introduced on the subject of tithes, their case would be taken into consideration, and even-handed justice be thus dispensed to all classes of his Majesty's subjects. Many of these petitioners had paid the tithes of the year 1834, and they were deserving of the consideration of the .Legislature. Mr. O'DW YER.did not see any thing in the petition to render it necessary for the Hon. Member to use such abusive language as he had thought proper to indulge in. He had never heard such language in that House. He was one of the Members of that House who supported the' Honourable and Learned Member for. Dublin. He would say that he did so- as strongly, as zealously, and as independently as any other Honourable Member in tt!at House. The Hon. Member had: stated that the Government was under the tutelage of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. The policy of this statement was apparent; it was intended to deter the Government from doing justice, or from introduc ing any measure in which the Learned Member for Dublin should concur. All that he (Mr. O'Connell) and those who acted with him required was, that justice should be done to their country, and he trusted that the present Govern ment had virtue sufficient to resist those ininuations which were intended to mislead and deceive them. Sir R. BATE SON explained. He had not intended any offence. He considered that it was rather complimentary to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin to possess such talent and ability as to enable him to sway the Government. Such a statement had been frequently made, and why such sensitive delicacy should now be felt he could not understand. Lord MORPETH regretted that the Hon. Bart. did not inform him that he intended to bring forward this petition, or otherwise he should have felt it his duty to attend—at the same time he would only then state that he would take an opportunity of bringing forward the Irish Tithe Bill, to refer to the matter of this petition. Mr. SHAW did not think that his Hon. Friend, Sir R. Bateson, deserved the censure of the Hon. and Learned Member for Drogheda.—( Hear.) With respect to what had fallen from that Honourable and Learned Member, viz., that they who called themselves .the friends of the Church were the means of throwing out a Bill which would have done justice to the Clergy of Ireland—( Hear, hear) the real fact was, that they had supported the Bill brought forward by the then Honourable Secretary for Ire land (Lord Hatherton); but when that Bill was changed— when it was totally altered (he would not say why, 'or under whose influence), they had felt it their duty to oppose it. Lord MORPETH, in answer to a question -from the Hon. and Learned Member for the University of Dublin (Mr. Shaw), said he would bring forward his motion respecting Irish Tithes on the 26th of June; any further information respect ing it he could not give.--(Loud cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) Mr. S HEIL was willing to make allowance for the Honourable Baronet, but there were others for whom the same plea did not exist, and for whom, therefore, the same allowance Could not be made. He (Mr. Sheil) believed that the expressions used by the Honourable Baronet were not intended in the slightest degree to give offence to any Honourable Member of that House—it was merely a specimen of the high power of sarcasm for which the Hon. Bart. was celebrated.—( Great laughter.) Sir R. BATE SON presented another petition, - very nu merously signed, from Ballymena, in Antrim, to the same effect. The HON. BARONET also presented a petition from Castle bar in favour of the repeal of the Act for the Better Regulation of the Linen Manufactures of Ireland. Mr. O'CONNELL supported the petition. CORPORATION REFORM. Mr. E WART presented a petition from Liverpool in favour of Corporation Reform. Mr. ROBINSON presented a similar petition from Wor cester, numerously signed. The petitioners expressed their hearty concurrence in the measure ; and the Hon. Member said he should give it all his support.—( Hear.) IPSWICH ELECTION. The SPEAKER called upon the Sergeant-at-Arms to bring the persons in his cbstody to the bar of the House. Sir G. CLERK presented petitions from. John Pilgrim, Arthur Bott Cooke, and Robert Merchant Clamp, three of the parties in custody, admitting the truth of the charge against them, expressing their regret, and pleading ignorance of being guilty, or of having any intention to commit any breach of the privileges of the Howe. An HON. MEMBER bore testimony to the respectability of Mr. Clamp, one of the petitioners. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON presented a petition from Peter Frederick O'Malley, Esq., in which he stated that he had no connection with the Ipswich election, until three or four days before the Committee was appointed, when he was requested to act as Counsel. He had had only one inter view with Pilgrim, who informed him that he came from Uxbridge, to consult him' upon some business—( Hear) — and that the conversation which passed between them had reference only to a matter between himself and his employer, and that he did not either directly or in directly, advise this man to abscond, nor had he any idea of being a party to any breach of privilege. The petitioner further stated that he was in a very delicate state of health, being unable to practice at the bar, except at long intervals, and upon these grounds he threw himself upon the clemency of the House. On a petition being presented by an HON. MEMBER from Joseph Sparrow, solicitor, Mr. GISBORNE objected to these petitions being read at length. The House could not act upon them until they were printed, as Hon. Members had neither heard the obser vations of those Honourable Members by whom they were presented, nor had they heard the petitions when read, by the Clerk.—(Cries of " Hear," and a laugh.) It was only taking up the time of the House to read any more of these pe titions, as he was sure none of the Hon. Members below him had heard one word of the petitions. Mr. C. W. WYNN would have agreed in the observatiqn of the Honourable Member, if those individuals had not been in custody, and that heir presentation was to be followed by a motion either for their remaining in custody or for their being discharged.—( Hear, hear.) But the House was sitting there in a judicial capacity, and as they were to determine the guilt or innocence of those in custody, it would not be correct to decide that these petitions should not be heard. If the Hon. Member had not heard the petitions, it was a good reason why they should be read again. Ile thought that the strictest order and silence should be en.- forced while the petitions were reading. After some time had elapsed, during which there were loud cries of " Bar," for the purpose of compelling the knot of Members there assembled to take their scats, the petition of Joseph Sparrow, solicitor of Ipswich, was read at length by the Clerk. Another petition from John B. Dasent was then presented, which concluded by praying the House " to relieve him from his present most unpleasant position."—( Laughter.) Mr. R. CAMPBELL said that he had received a letter from the petitioner, stating that he had used terms that might tend to implicate other parties, namely, that he had acted under the guidance of Mr. Kelly.—( Hear.) Such, he stated was not the fact, and he (Mr. C.) was bound to believe his assertion. He thought that the petitioner had acted in a strictly honourable and chivalrous manner, although, peahaps, with imprudence. The petitioner was now to be brought before the House, not for any bribery that he had committed but for absenting himself from the Speaker's warrant; he had now, however, come forward, and having done so lie (Mr. C.) thought that the petitioner was entitled to more lenient treatment than any of the other persons who had been summoned to appear at the bar of that House. He trusted, therefore, the House would summon him to the bar, and, as lie had already been incarcerated, would reprimand and discharge him. Sir H. HARDINGE wished to know from tke Hon. Umber who had just sat down, whether it did not appear in evidence before the Committee, that the petitioner declared that Mr. Kelly had no knowledge of any bribery. Mr. CAMPBELL said that the petitioner did state that although he had been found guilty of bribery, it was without the knowledge of Mr. Kelly. Lord EBRINGTON presented a petition from Mr. John Clipperton, solicitor, declaring that he had acted en tirely through an error in judgment, and not from any dis respect towards the Hon. House. Mr. GISBORNE said, as the seven individuals whom the House ordered to be taken into consideration on Friday last, bad been apprehended by the Sergeant-at-Arms, it became hi's duty to proceed, to call on the House to dispose of their cases. He had stated that the House could assume but one course—it must therefore either act upon the report of the Committee, and consider the parties to be guilty, or they must be called to the Bar of the House, and a regular trial must be gone through, to establish their gulit. From the year 1791; to the present time, only two cases occurred in which the parties were brought to the bar for the purposes of an enquiry ; but in all the other cases the reports of the respec tive Committees were acted upon. (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord DEN MAY took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock SPAIN. The Duke of WELLINGTON withdrew the motion o' which he had given notice, for a copy of the Proclamation re• lative to British soldiers enlisting in the Spanish army. HIGHWAY BILL. The Duke of SUTHERLAND, in the absence of the Duke of Richmond, postponed the motion for the second read ing of this Bill, which stood for this evening. UNIVERSITY OATH ABOLITION BILL. At the request of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Earl of Radnor postponed his motion fur the second reading of this Bill till Wednesday the 24th. NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. The Earl of ROSSLYN laid on the table the Report of the Committee relative to the building of the new House of Lords. The Earl of MALMESBURY wished to make a few ob servations on the resolutions come to by the Committee. According to those resolutions the House was to be capable of holding 300 Peers on the floor, allowing two feet to each Peer. He was glad that it was not intended to have any galleries, but he thought, especially in weather like the present, in a full House. so small a space as was allotted to each Peer would be found yery inconvenient. He thought, therefore, some little additional space should be given, It was true that 'seldom, if ever, so large a number of Peers were present, but Noble Lords must remember that at the Reform Bill, perhaps the greatest division that ever took place, no less than 278 Peers were present, and considering the addition that had been made to the Peerage it might be rationally expected that upon some important occasion 300 Peers might be present. He should, therefore, move as an amendment, that to feet three inches might be 'al lowed for every Peer. Another point was, with respect to the space below the Bar and the Throne. It would he . in the recollection of their Lordships, that ia the old House of Lords the gangways were found to be exceedingly inconvenient, in consequence of the great number of person.; that were present in both places, such an inconvenience should be avoided in future. He trusted, therefere, that more space would be allowed. The Ei:l of ROSSLYN lamented that the Noble Lord had not been a member of the Committee. He had no ob jection to the increase of the size of the House if it was the pleasure of their Lordships. , The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it would be much better to put up with the inconvenience of a crowded House for a night .or two on particular occasions, than have a House of such large dimensions as to render it impossible to hear a word. Although the Committee had not thought it right to ix either a maximum or a minimum of expense, yet that subject had not escaped their attention, and he trusted that any architect who sent in plans would consider and bear in mind that expense would be a great governing principle in the decision of the House. The Earl of MA L M ESBURY said he should like to sec more space allowed below the Throne for the accommoda tinn of their Lordships' sons. Lord BROUGHAM quite agreed with his Noble Friend (the Marquis of Lansdowne) that it would not be convenient to enlarge the space, as it was very seldom that their Lordships had a very full attendance.- - A large- room would, no doubt, look very splendid,. but it would - be very inconvenient—they must remember that that House was net merely a Court of Parliament, but that it was al so a Court of Law, and a large house would be very inconvenien t. He trusted that the architects who turned their atten tion to the subject would study economy as much ;Is possible, but yet lie trusted that they would not spoil e ll by trying to please the eye, and at the same time to spar e the pocket—he would much rather have a plain House, bu t solid, than a gaudy House, with a great deal of tawdiness, and no solidity.—( Hear, hear.) He saw that there were to be from 110 to 120 rooms.—( Hear, hear.) Now, hO thought that was rather too many. He had never ex perienced any inconvenience from having only one room; and ho thought that many who were to have two, might do very well with one. If the other House, which had maul officers should require as many rooms, the building would be like a town. _ _ Lord ROSSLYN said a few words, but in such a low tone of voice as to be inaudible in the Gallery. Lord MAL ME SBURY l wished:that there should be sub - . cient space left near the throne to accommodate not 014, the eldest soils of their Lordships, but also distinguishe d foreigners. The Earl of WICKLOW said if he understood the report the objection woutd be remedied by the galleries which were recommended in the report. The reason v4hy the space was supposed not to be sufficient was that so much of it would be recommended by the Members of the House of Commons ; but according to the Report, it was proposed to build a gallery capable of containing 100 Members, of the House of Commons, which would leave a sufficient space for the accommodation of such distinguished foreigners as should wish to attend. Lord KENNY() N recommended that the matter should be referred back for the consideration of the Committee specially appointed, as he thought it would be the most correct mode of proceeding. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE concurred in the recom mendation of the Noble Lords. After a few words from Lord MALMESBURY, Lord DEN' MAX, and the Duke of WELLINGTON, the amendment Was pressed by a Noble Lord to a division, and strangers being ordered to withdraw, the House divided, when there appeared— For the Amendment Against it Majority On our re-admission to the Gallery we found The Earl of WICKLOW on his legs, suggesting that some other place might be found for their Lordship! to meet in before the commencement of next session. In% s had not yet found much inconvenience, yet in that so', room, but now that the dog days were approaching he was afr al " some of their Lordships would find it exceedingly inconvenien t. The Marquis of WESTMEATH suggested that more win" dows were necessary for the purpose of ventilating the House than at present. The Report was then agreed to, and ordered to be eorauld nicated to his Majesty. FOREIGN RELATIONS. - The Marquis of LONDONDERRY wished to say a fes' words respecting the Orders in Council. Though the Nevi ,,° Duke had withdrawn his motion no doubt from some PO' dential motive. As the question was one of much import ance, he trusted some Noble Lord would bring on O r discussion. He wished to ask the Noble Viscount (M g ' bourne) who had come down to their Lordships' tieul prepared for the discussion, whether these orders in C owie' were the result of an application from the Spanish Am' bassador--( Hear, hear)—and, secondly, whether the perS o , e ° 9 who might embark under these orders would have IP benefit of the Convention entered into by Lord Elliott. Viscount MELBOURNE then answered that they were issued in consequence of some applications from Spain, and he thought the person who might enter into the OW test under the orders in Council, would, as a matter of courget have the benefit of the Convention. Lord BROUGHAM hoped, if the Government interfered at all, it would be in conjunction with the allies of France , so that those contests between the old and new world would be put an end to. Lord MELBOURNE said that he believed it had been the wish and desire of every Government by every means in their power to bring about the arrangement to which his Noble Friend had adverted, and such was the desire of the present Government, and on such principles it would act. The House then adjourned. LIST OF THE MINORITY Of 25 (Teller included).who voted against the payment of 7,600 1 for finishing and altering the Military Chapel in Whitehall. Bowring, Dr. Ciisborne, T. Thornley, Thomas Buckingham, J. S. Gully, J. Trelawney, Sir W. Buller, C. Hindley C. Tulk , Char les A. Crawford, W. S. Maxwell ' , J. Wakley, Thomas Dillwyn, L. W. Oliphant, L. %Villains, W. Elphinstone, Howard Pease, J. Wood. Alderman Ewart, W. Potter, It. Fielden, J. Sheldon, E. It. C. TELLER. Finn, W. F. Spiers, A. G. Warburton, H. CORONER'S INQUESTS. HYDROPIIOBIA.—An inquest was held on Saturday at th• London Hospital on the body of William Bennet. H. appear ed that the deceased was smoking his pipe in a parlour at Step ney, when a strange dog ran into the room. Some Of company were alarmed, but the deceased stooped down to Po him from under the bench, when the dog bit him in the n 7.1, Caustic was instantly applied to the wound ; but on the.. l# lowing day the deceased complained of illness, and o ecas,.°_,. t i f made a noise like the barking of a dog. He was Perredip. sensible, but did not appear aware of the nature of his 0 . order. One of his neighbours, to try him, poured a te as e% ful of water out of a jug, which stood upon the table, u eft the ground, at which the deceased expressed the grestri, horror. He at length consented to be taken to the hesPdt, where he became delirious as the disorder increased , and " died on Friday. Verdict—" Accidental death." BIRTHS. On the 4th inst., at St. Mary's-house, near Dundee, the bidy of David Laird, Esq., of Strathmartine, of a daughter. On the 12th inst., Mrs. John Kent, of Craven-street, of a son• On the Bth inst., in Blomfield-street, Finsbury, Mrs. George' Wyatt, of a son. MARRIED. Ref. On the 13th inst., at St. George's, Bloomsbury, the Ernest Hawkins, Mr. Henry Rawes Whitten, of Mydde by lton-strce _ Clerkenwell, surgeon, to Mrs. Rosanna Goddard, of th e Londo Spa, Exmouth-street, Clerkenwell, licensed victualler. On the 6th inst., at St. James's Church, Captain Thomas M r of strong, late of the 16th Lancers, to Mary Ann, only ds u g htc John Slater, Esq., Margate. a°' On the Otll inst., Jas. Dennis Wright, Esq., Grenadier G oat to Louisa, second aughter of James ltamsbottom, Esq. On the 12th inst., at Hascomb, Surrey, by the Rob Pr. Mackenzie, the Rev. Henry Wellesley, to Miss DIED. On the 12th inst., at 136, Fleet-street, Edward Troughton, ftq' F.R.S., L. and E., &c. &c., aged 81. On the 14th inst., at the house of Thos. Russell , Esq. , Croydo°nr(i the Hon. George Anderson Pelham, aged 49 , only brot her of I' Yarborough. On the 11th inst., at Clapham, aged 14 months, Matthew flentl' the On oungest son of s John Troughton Esq. y the 11th inst., E in c h is 31st year, the ' Rev. Geo. Gray St uart ; seventh and youngest son of the late Hon. Archibald S tuart, _ Balmerino and Coupar Angus, North Britain and of Blandf°{ Dorsetshire, and nephew of Francis Earl of Moray, K. T., Vies Milbourn "St. Andrew and Dalish, Dorset, Domestic ChaplanL,. ° 6 the Right Hon. Lord Gray of Gray and Kinfauns, and late Guns of Heckmondwicke, Yorkshire. On the 11th inst., at Kingston-cn-Tharnes, aged 92, Ann, r e//44 of the late George Roots, Esq. On the 9th inst., in Bedford-square, Brighton, John Jonkits °ll Lanyon, Esq., East Bourn,. Sussex, aged 63. On the sth inst., at Gerard's-cross, Mrs. Cannon , lat e of Big' field, Bthrke es. • jon On Bth inst., aged seven years (the third daughter) , an, the 12th, George, aged 2 years, youngest son of M r. BonJa`"" Dixon,theLimehouse. On 11th inst., Mr. Thomas Ireland, of Bridge-street, West' minster, aged 66. On the 9th inst., Thomas Rheam, of Abbey-street, Berm an- 15cl ' aged 34. of On the 10th inst., in Isis 4th year, Edmund , youngest son William Norris Franklyn, Esq., of Barnet, Herts. On the 11th inst., at Lancaster, Joseph Todd, Esq., aged 68 • /e . On the 11th inst., at Shepherds'-bush, in his 55 th veal, ' I Francis Thompson, many years in the correspondence departo'c'' of the Hon. Board of Excise. he On the 11th inst., aged 87, at the house of her son-in-law,• the Rev. Josiah Pratt, in Finsbury-circus, Mrs. Jowett , widow of t sq. late John Jwett, Eof Newington, Surrey. •( of On the 9th inst., at 111orden College, Blackheath, Marc , wl ' e Hen OnSmith Esq. the Bth , inst., in St. Martin's bedehouse, Stamford, StePh'n Budd, aged 85. e ar, Lately, at Llwynwecws, near Twyn-Merioneth, in his 83'3 Y. Mr. David Davies, formerly of Ysguborwen, Towvn--.llerioneth• 5, On the 15th u:t., aged 85, Eleanor, wire of Mr. John Jon farmer, Crynllwyn, near Towyn-Merioncth. " Ow i mi Ei ned ar wely." On the Bth inst., aged my 77, i Mrs gel . Matthews, sister to CaP tili° Matthew, of Rose Villa, near Tewkesbury. On th© 6th inst., aged 81, Mr. 'Thomas Rage, tanner, Tewkesbury. On the 2d inst., aged 90, John Myers, Esq., of Wayertrec. London: Printed and Publi s hed lay 4 14° MURDO YOUNG, Ow/ 112, Strand, at Pc Suit titiiitt s No, 11% F.:t7andt in t h e c of Middlesex. T" FUN FORTY-Sl celebrated ir When hig society sill Right non. Lord Albert Thomas Am John BarrOV Arthur Blac Edward Chu Alexander E G. P. R. Jt Roderick Imj P.R. S. Tickets, 2 tat the Chain' fields ; and a ENJ 43 TEN roared from 1 WARK. foo The Nobi HENjAMIT STOCK of Horticultural Cricket Club effectually re: otay be had c A Paviliot of dining 100 Marquees, New and Sec Fruit Trees; Rotes, Tarps Flogs and ttooms decor: Orders, pe] A stand on 20 8, Piccadir LIVE] arriving in a . Ireland. HOIYHE Evening. LEEDS(] .4oneaster, ar BIRMINC Morning at Pendent Tall itncl the Erner MANCHE tluxton, tray Morning at S EDINBUI Coaches, ever antes passeng their convenii SHREWS ton and Wary Evening- at a NOTTIN( r educed fares, every Afterna BATH and BRIGHT( S outhampton, CHELTEI Norwich, Bu Ppingham, It ''et all parts c ROYAL 2 Beref or d, Car S tafford, and Th e Public fr omthe GC B LUE BOA] [NN, Wood-s itnveyed from and Idly, is PARI SILLY , FI LLING oI D 'i N CORROD „'gh and ex t ei i g Pir professio ropol respe general, that t w ith their eel( recom nu ?Pcrs.tio n of !be slightest ru t N tioLE or ~CORIIOD wire or other A rticulating a: - The Facult result of the 11 0 32, T G R R: 9 H ' er o r1:-? r 181 nrerlv With t ir ßti'd' e thf;teoB:r g ozee . n ree: e rpeen n .r:c d It A a ) 4 , - ; We have ftY's advert ►dlitz and 9nality-71 :1)E t ;:th e His t k I a 7-Publishi kti c t, 4 'lliar corn , %sect ch N 4 ex atise on / to t ., rt 'oster-r o s rice rragium VI tWO 1111g1lt 1111.erleru re lilt 4tii; ricvra Y 1 U.,..